1577.THE Firſte volu …

1577.

THE Firste volume of the Chronicles of England, Scot­lande, and Irelande.

CONTEYNING,

  • The description and Chronicles of England, from the first inhabiting vpon the conquest.
  • The description and Chronicles of Scotland, from the first origi [...] of [...] [...]tes [...], till the yeare of our Lorde 1571.
  • The descript [...] [...] [...]nicles of Yrelande, likewise from the fir [...] [...] of that Nation, vntill the yeare. 1547.

Faithfully gathered and set forth, by Raphaell Holinshed.

AT LONDON, Imprinted for Iohn Hunne.

God saue the Queene.

[blazon or coat of arms]

❧TO THE RIGHT Honorable and his singular good Lorde, Sir VVilliam Cecill, Baron of Burghleygh, Knight of the most noble order of the Garter, Lord high Treasou­rer of England, Maister of the Courtes of Wardes and Lyueries, and one of the Queenes Maiesties priuie Counsell.

COnsidering with my selfe, right Honorable and my sin­gular good Lorde, how ready (no doubt) many wil be to ac­cuse me of vayne presumptiō, for enterprising to deale in this so weighty a worke, and so farre aboue my reache to ac­complish: I haue thought good to aduertise your Honour, by what occasion I was first induced to vndertake the same, al­though the cause that moued mee thereto, hath (in parte) ere this, bene signified vnto your good Lordshippe.

Where as therfore, that worthie Citizen Reginald VVolfe late Printer to the Queenes Maiestie, a man well knowen and beholden to your Honour, meant in his life time to publish an v­niuersall Cosmographie of the whole worlde, and therewith also certaine perticular Histories of euery knowen nation, amongst other whome he purposed to vse for performance of his entent in that behalfe, he procured me to take in hande the collection of those Histories, and hauing proceeded so far in the same, as lit­tle wanted to the accomplishment of that long promised worke, it pleased God to call him to his mercie, after .xxv. yeares trauell spent therein, so that by his vntimely deceasse, no hope remayned to see that performed, whiche we had so long trauayled aboute: those yet whome be left in trust to dispose his things after his [Page] departure hence, wishing to the benefite of others, that some fruite might follow of that whereabout he had imployed so long time, willed me to continue mine endeuour for their furtherance in the same, whiche although I was ready to do, so farre as mine abilitie would reach, and the rather to answere that trust which the deceassed reposed in me, to see it brought to some perfection: yet when the volume grewe so great, as they that were to defray the charges for the Impression, were not willing to go through with the whole, they resolued first to publishe the Histories of Englande, Scotlande, and Irelande, with their descriptions, whiche descriptions, bycause they were not in such readinesse, as those of forreyn countreys,William Ha­rison, and Ri­chard Sta [...]y­burst. they were enforced to vse the helpe of other better able to do it than I.

Moreouer, the Chartes wherein Maister VVolfe spent a greate parte of his time, were not founde so complete as wee wished: and againe, vnderstanding of the great charges and notable enterprice of that worthie Gentleman maister Tho­mas Sackeforde in procuring the Chartes of the seuerall pro­uinces of this Realme to be sette forth, wee are in hope that in tyme he will deliniate this whole lande so perfectly, as shal be comparable or beyonde any deliniation heretofore made of any other region, and therefore leaue that to his well deserued prayse. If any well willer will imitate him in so prayse wor­thie a worke for the two other regions, we will be gladde to fur­ther his endeuour with all the helpes we may.

The Histories I haue gathered according to my skill, and conferred the greatest parte with Maister VVolfe in his life time, to his liking, who procured me so many helpes to the fur­therance thereof, that I was lothe to omit any thing that might encreace the Readers knowledge, whiche causeth the booke to grow so great. But receyuing them by partes, and at seuerall times (as I might get them) it may be, that hauing had more regard to the mater than to the apt penning, J haue not so or­derly disposed them, as otherwise I ought, choosing rather to [Page] want order, than to defraude the Reader of that whiche for his further vnderstanding might seeme to satisfie his expe­ctation. I therefore moste humbly beseeche your Honour to ac­cept these Chronicles of Englande vnder your protection, and according to your wisedome and accustomed benignitie to beare with my faultes, the rather bicause you were euer so especiall good Lord to Maister VVolfe, to whome I was singularly be­holden, and in whose name I humbly presente this rude worke vnto you, beseeching God, that as he hath made you an instru­ment to aduaunce his truth, so it may please him to increace his good giftes in you to his glorie, the furtheraunce of the Queenes Maiesties seruice, and comforte of all hir faithfull and louing subiectes.

Your honours most humble to commaunde, RAPHAEL HOLINSHED.

THE PREFACE to the Reader.

IT is dangerous (gētle Reader) to range in so large a fielde as I haue here vnderta­ken, vvhile so many sundry men in diuers things may be able to controll mee, and ma­ny excellent vvittes of our countrey (as vvell or better occupied I hope) are able herein to surpasse me: but se­ing the beste able do seeme to neglect it, let me (though least able) craue pardon to put thē in minde not to forget their natiue coūtreis praise (vvhich is theyr dutie) the encourage­ment of theyr vvorthie coun­trie men, by elders aduaunce­ments and the dauntyng of the vicious, by foure penall examples, to vvhiche ende I take Chronicles and Histo­ries ought chiefly to be vvritten. My labour may shevv mine vttermost good vvill, of the more learned I require their further enlargement, and of faultfinders dispensatiō till they be more fully enfourmed. It is too commō that the least able are readiest to finde fault in maters of least vveight, and therfore I esteeme the lesse of their carping, but humbly beseech the skilfull to supplie my vvant, and to haue care of their dutie: and eyther to amend that vvherin I haue fayled, or be content vvith this mine ende­uour. For it may please them to consider, that no one can be eye vvitnesse to all that is vvritten vvithin our time, much lesse to those things vvhiche happened in former times, and therefore must be content vvith reportes of others. Therein I haue bene so careful, that I haue spared no paynes or helpe of frendes to search out either vvrit­ten or printed auncient Authours, or to enquire of moderne eye vvitnesses, for the true setting dovvne of that vvhiche I haue here deliuered: but I finde such vvant in vvriters for the necessary knovvledge of things done in times past, and lacke of meane to obtayne sufficient instructions by reporters of the time present, and herevvith the vvorthie exploytes of our countrey men so many, that it greeueth me I coulde not leaue the same to posteritie (as I vvished) to their vvel deserued praise. But I haue here imperted vvhat I could learne, and craue that it may be takē in good part. My speech is playne, vvithout any Rethoricall shevve of Eloquence, hauing rather a regarde to simple truth, than to decking vvordes. I vvishe I had bene furnished vvith so perfect instructions, and so many good gifts, that I might haue pleased all kindes of men, but that same being so rare a thing in any one of the best, I beseech thee (gentle Rea­der) not to looke for it in me the meanest.

But novv for thy further instruction to vnderstand the course of these my labors. First cōcerning the Historie of Englād, as I haue collected the same out of many and sundry Authours, in vvhome vvhat contrarietie, negligence, and rashnesse, somtime is founde in their reportes, I leaue to the discretion of those that haue perused theyr [Page] vvorkes: for my parte, I haue in things doubtfull rather chosen to shevve the diuer­sitie of their vvritings, than by ouer ruling them, and vsing a peremptory censure, to frame them to agree to my liking: leauing it neuerthelesse to eche mans iudgement, to controlle thē as he seeth cause. If some vvhere I shevv my fancie vvhat I thinke, and that the same dislyke them, I craue pardon, specially if by probable reasons or playner matter to be produced, they can shevv mine errour, vpō knovvledge vvher­of I shalbe ready to reforme it accordingly. VVhere I do beginne the Historie from the first inhabitation of this Isle, I looke not to content eche mans opinion concer­ning the originall of them that first peopled it, and no maruell: for in matters so vn­certayne, if I can not sufficiently content my selfe (as in deede I cannot) I knovve not hovv I should satisfie others. That vvhiche seemeth to me most likely, I haue no­ted, beseeching the learned (as I trust they vvill) in such pointes of doubtfull antiqui­ties to beare vvith my skill. Sith for ought I knovv, the matter is not yet decided a­mong the learned, but still they are in controuersie about it: Et adhuc sub iudice lis est. VVell hovv soeuer it came first to be inhabited, likely it is that at the first the vvhole Isle vvas vnder one Prince and Gouernour, though aftervvardes, and long perad­uenture before the Romaines set any foote vvithin it, the Monarchie thereof vvas broken, euen vvhen the multitude of the inhabitants grevv to bee great, and ambi­tion entred amongst them, vvhich hath brought so many good policies and states to ruyne and decay.

The Romaines hauing ones got possession of the continent that faceth this Isle, coulde not rest (as it appeareth) till they had brought the same also vnder theyr sub­iection: and the sooner doubtlesse, by reason of the factions amongst the Princes of the lande, vvhiche the Romaynes (through their accustomed skill) coulde turne very vvell to their moste aduauntage. They possessed it almoste fiue hundreth yeares, and longer might haue done, if eyther their insufferable tiranny had not ta­ken avvay from them the loue of the people, asvvell here as elsvvhere, either that their ciuill discorde aboute the chopping and chaunging of their Emperours, had not so vveakened the forces of their Empire, that they vvere not able to defende the same against the impression of barbarous nations. But as vvee may coniecture by that vvhiche is founde in Histories, aboute that tyme, in vvhiche the Romaine Em­pire beganne to decline, this lande stoode in very vveake state: being spoyled of the more parte of all hir able menne, vvhiche vvere ledde avvay into forreine regions, to supplie the Romayne armies: and likevvise perhaps of all necessarie armour, vvea­pon, and treasure: vvhiche being perceyued of the Saxons, after they vvere recei­ued into the Ile to ayde the Britons against the Scottes and Pictes, then inuading the same, ministred to them occasion to attempt the seconde conquest, vvhiche at length they brought to passe, to the ouerthrovv not onely of the Brittish dominion, but also to the subuersion of the Christian religion, here in this lande: vvhiche chanced as appeareth by Gildas, for the vvicked sinnes and vnthankefulnesse of the inhabitants tovvardes God, the chiefe occasions and causes of the transmutations of kingdomes, Nam propter peccata, regna transmutantur à gente in gentem. The Saxons obteyning possession of the lande, gouerned the same being deuided into sundry kingdomes, and hauing once subdued the Brytons, or at the leastvvise remoued them out of the most parte of the Isle into odde corners and mountaynes, fell at diuision among themselues, and oftentimes vvith vvarre pursued eche other, so as no perfect order of gouernement could be framed, nor the Kings grovv to any great puissance, eyther to moue vvarres abroade, or sufficiently to defende themselues against forreyne forces at home: as ma­nifestly vvas perceyued, vvhen the Danes and other the Northeasterne people, being then of great puyssance by sea, beganne miserably to afflict this lande: at the first in­uading as it vvere but onely the coastes and countreys lying neare to the sea, but af­tervvardes vvith mayne armies, they entred into the middle partes of the lande: and although the Englishe people at length came vnder one King, and by that meanes [Page] vvere the better able to resist the enimies, yet at length those Danes subdued the vvhole, and had possessiō thereof for a time, although not long, but that the crovvne returned againe to those of the Saxon line: till shortly after by the insolent dealings of the gouernours, a deuision vvas made betvvixt the King and his people, through iuste punishmente decreed by the prouidence of the Almightie, determining for their sinnes and contempt of his lavves, to deliuer them into the handes of a stran­ger, and therevpon vvhen spite and enuie had brought the title in doubte, to vvhom the right in succession apperteyned, the Conquerour entred, and they remayned a pray to him and his: vvho plucked all the heades and chiefe in authoritie, so cleare­ly vp by the rootes, as fevve or none of them in the ende vvas lefte to stande vp a­gainst him. And herevvith altering the vvhole state, hee planted lavves and ordi­naunces as stoode moste for his auayle and suretie, vvhich being after qualified vvith more milde and gentle lavves, tooke suche effect, that the state hath euer sithence continued vvhole and vnbroken by vvise and politike gouernement, although dis­quieted, sometime by ciuill dissention, to the ruyne commonly of the firste mouers, as by the sequele of the historie ye may see.

For the Historie of Scotlande, I haue for the more parte follovved Hector Boete, Iohannes Maior, and Iouan, Ferreri Piemontese, so farre as they haue continued it, interlaced sometimes vvith other Authours, as Houeden, Fourdon and such like, al­though not often, bicause I meante rather to deliuer vvhat I founde in their ovvne Histories extant, than to correct them by others, leauing that enterprice to their ovvne countrey men: so that vvhat soeuer ye reade in the same, consider that a Scot­tishman vvritte it, and an English man hath but onely translated it into our language, referring the Reader to the English Historie, in all maters betvvixte vs and them, to be confronted therevvith as he seeth cause. For the continuation thereof I vsed the like order, in suche copies and notes as Maister VVolfe in his life time procured me, sauing that in these laste yeares I haue inserted some notes, as concerned matters of vvarre betvvixte vs and the Scottes, bicause I gotte them not till that parte of the En­glish Historie vvas paste the presse.

For Irelande I haue shevved in mine Epistle Dedicatorie in vvhat sorte, and by vvhat helpes I haue proceeded therein, onely this I forgotte, to signifie that Giraldus Cambrensis, and Flatsbury, I had not till that parte of the Booke vvas vnder the presse, and so being constreyned to make poste haste, coulde not exemplifie out of them all that I vvished, neither yet dispose it so orderly as had bene conuenient, nor penne it vvith so apte vvordes as might satisfie either my selfe, or those to vvhose vevve it is novv like to come. And by reason of the like haste made in the Impres­sion, vvhere I vvas determined to haue transposed the moste parte of that vvhiche in the Englishe Historie I had noted, concerning the Conqueste of Irelande by Henry the seconde out of Houeden and others, I had not time thereto, and so haue lefte it there remayning, vvhere I firste noted it, before I determined to make any particular collection of the Irishe Histories, bicause the same commeth there vvell inough in place, as to those that shall vouchsafe to turne the Booke it may appeare.

For the computation of the yeares of the vvorlde, I hadde by Maister VVoulfes aduise follovved Functius, but after his deceasse Maister VVilliam Harison made mee partaker of a Chronologie, vvhiche hee had gathered and compiled vvith moste exquisite diligence, follovvyng Gerardus Mercator, and other late Chronologers, and his ovvne obseruations, according to the vvhiche I haue reformed the same. As for the yeares of our Lorde, and the Kings, I haue sette them dovvne accordyng to suche Authours as seeme to bee of beste [Page] credite in that behalfe, as I doubte not but to the learned and skilfull in Histories, it shal appeare▪ Moreouer, this the Reader hath to consider, that I do beginne the yeare at the natiuitie of our Lorde, vvhiche is the surest order in my fantasie that can bee follovved.

For the names of persons, tovvnes and places, as I haue bene diligent to reforme the errours of other (vvhich are to be ascribed more to the imperfect copies thā to the Authours) so may it be that I haue somevvhere committed the like faultes, either by negligence or vvant of skill to restore them to their full integritie as I vvished, but vvhat I haue performed asvvell in that behalfe, as others, the skilful Reader shall ea­sily perceyue, and vvithal cōsider (I trust) vvhat trauel I haue bestovved to his behofe in these tvvo volumes, crauing onely, that in recompence thereof, he vvill iudge the best, and to make a frendly cōstruction of my meanings, vvhere ought may seeme to haue escaped, either my penne or the Printers presse, othervvise than vve could haue vvished for his better satisfaction. Many things being taken out as they lie in Au­thours may be thought to giue offence in time present, vvhiche referred to the time past vvhen the Authour vvritte, are not onely tollerable but also allovvable. There­fore good Reader I beseech thee to vvay the causes and circumstances of such faultes and imperfections, and consider that the like may creepe into a far lesse volume than this, and shevv me so much fauour as hath bene shevved to others in like causes: and sithēce I haue done my good vvil, accept the same, as I vvith a free and thākful minde do offer it thee, so shall I thinke my labour vvell bestovved. For the other Histories vvhiche are already collected, if it please God to giue abilitie, shall in time come to light, vvith some such briefe descriptions of the forreyn regions, vvhere­of they treate, as may the better suffise to the Readers contentation, and vnderstanding of the maters conteyned in the same Histories, reduced into abridgements out of their great volumes. And thus I ceasse further to trouble thy pacience, vvish­ing to thee (gentle Reader) so much profite, as by reading may be had, and as great cō ­fort as Goddes holy spirite may endue thee vvith.

FINIS.

¶The names of the Authours from whome this Historie of England is collected.

A.
  • AElius Spartianus.
  • Aelius Lampridius.
  • Asserius Meneuensis.
  • Alfridus Beuerlacensis.
  • Aeneas Siluius Senensis.
  • Auentinus.
  • Adam Merimowth, with additions.
  • Antoninus Archiepiscopus Florentinus.
  • Albertus Crantz.
  • Alexander Neuill.
  • Arnoldus Ferronius.
  • Annius Viterbiensis.
  • Amianus Marcellinus.
  • Alliances genealogiques des Roys & Princes de France.
  • Annales D Aquitaine per Iean Bouchet.
  • Annales de Bourgoigne per Guilaume Paradin.
  • Annales de France per Nicol Giles.
  • Annales rerum Flandricarū per Iacobum Meir.
  • Antonius Sabellicus.
  • Antonius Nebricensis.
  • Aurea Historia.
B.
  • BIblia Sacra.
  • Beda venerabilis.
  • Berosus.
  • Brian Tuke knight.
  • Blondus Forliuiensis.
  • Berdmondsey, a Regester booke belonging to that house.
C.
  • CAesars Commentaries.
  • Cornelius Tacitus.
  • Chronica Chronicarum.
  • Chronica de Dunstable, a booke of Annales belōg­ing to the Abbey there.
  • Chronicon Io. Tilij.
  • Chronica de Eyton, an historie belonging to that colledge, although compiled by some Northern­man, as some suppose named Otherborne.
  • Chronicles of S. Albon.
  • Chronica de Abingdon, a booke of Annales be­longyng to that house.
  • Chronica de Teukesbury.
  • Claudianus.
  • Chronicon Genebrard.
  • Chroniques de Normandie.
  • Chroniques de Britaine.
  • Chronique de Flandres, published by Denis Sa­uage.
  • Continuation de Historie & Chronique de Flan­dres, by the same Sauage.
  • Couper.
  • Cuspinianus.
  • Chronica Sancti Albani.
  • Caxtons Chronicles.
  • Carion with additions.
  • Crockesden a register booke belonging to a house of that name in Staffordshire.
D.
  • DIodorus Siculus.
  • Dion Cassius.
  • Dominicus Marius Niger.
E.
  • EDmerus.
  • Eusebius.
  • Eutropius.
  • Encomium Emmae, an old Pamphlet written to hir conteyning much good matter for the vnder­standing of the state of this realme in hir time, wherein hir prayse is not pretermitted, and so hath obteyned by reason thereof that title.
  • Enguerant de Monstrellet.
  • Eulogium.
  • Edmond Campion.
F.
  • FAbian.
  • Froissart.
  • Franciscus Tarapha.
  • Franciscus Petrarcha.
  • Flauius Vopiscus Siracusanus.
  • Floriacensis Vigorinensis.
G.
  • GViciardini Francisco. Guiciardini Ludouico.
  • Gildas Sapiens.
  • Galfridus Monemutensis, aliàs Geffrey of Mon­mouth.
  • Giraldus Cambrensis.
  • Guilielmus Malmesburiensis.
  • Galfridus Vinsauf.
  • Guilielmus Nouoburgensis.
  • Guilielmus Thorne.
  • Gualterus Hemmingford, aliàs Gisburnensis.
  • Geruasius Dorobernensis.
  • Geruasius Tilberiensis.
  • Guilielmus Gemeticensis de ducibus Normaniae.
  • Guilielmus Rishanger.
  • Guilielmus Lambert.
  • Georgius Lillie.
  • [Page]Guilamme Paradin.
H.
  • HIginus.
  • Henricus Huntingtonensis.
  • Humfrey Lhuyd.
  • Henricus Leicestrensis.
  • Hector Boece.
  • Historie Daniou.
  • Histoira Ecclesiastica Magdeburgensis.
  • Henricus Mutius.
  • Historia quadripartita seu quadrilogium.
  • Hardings Chronicle.
  • Halles Chronicles.
  • Henricus Bradshaw.
  • Henricus Marleburgensis.
  • Herodianus.
I.
  • IOhannes Bale.
  • Iohannes Leland.
  • Iacobus Philippus Bergomas.
  • Iulius Capitolinus.
  • Iulius Solinus.
  • Iohannes Pike with additions.
  • Iohannes Functius.
  • Iohn Price, knight.
  • Iohannes Textor.
  • Iohannes Bodinus.
  • Iohannes Sleidan.
  • Iohannes Euersden a Monke of Bury.
  • Iohannes or rather Giouan villani a Florentine.
  • Iohannes Baptista Egnatius.
  • Iohānes Capgraue.
  • Iohannes Fourden.
  • Iohannes Caius.
  • Iacob de Voragine Bishop of Nebio.
  • Iean de Bauge a Frenchman wrote a Pamphlet of the warres in Scotlande, during the time that Monsieur de Desse remayned there.
  • Iohn Foxe.
  • Iohannes Maior.
  • Iohn Stow, by whose diligent collected summarie, I haue ben not only ayded, but also by diuers rare monuments, ancient wryters, and necessarie re­gister Bookes of his, which he hath lente me out of his owne Librarie.
  • Iosephus.
L.
  • LIber constitutionum London.
  • Lucan.
  • Lelius Giraldus.
M.
  • MArianus Scotus.
  • Matheus Paris.
  • Matheus VVestmonaster aliàs Flores historiarum.
  • Martin du Bellay, aliàs Monsieur de Langey.
  • Mamertinus in Panagericis.
  • Memoires de la Marche.
N.
  • NIcepherus.
  • Nennius.
  • Nicholaus Treuet with additions.
O.
  • ORosius Dorobernensis.
  • Osbernus Dorobernensis.
  • Otho Phrisingensis.
P.
  • PAusanias.
  • Paulus Diaconus.
  • Paulus Aemilius.
  • Ponticus Virunnius.
  • Pomponius Laetus.
  • Philippe de Cumeins, aliàs Mōsieur de Argent [...]n.
  • Polidor Vergil.
  • Paulus Iouius.
  • Platina.
  • Philippe Melancton.
  • Peucerus.
  • Pomponius Mela.
R.
  • ROgerus Houeden.
  • Ranulfus Higeden, aliàs Cestrensis the author of Polichronicon.
  • Radulfus niger.
  • Radulfus Cogheshall.
  • Register of the Garter.
  • Recordes of Battell Abbey.
  • Richardus Southwell.
  • Robert Greene.
  • Radulfus de Diceto.
  • Robert Gaguin.
  • Rodericus Archiepiscopus Toletanus.
  • Recordes and rolles diuers.
S.
  • STrabo.
  • Suetonius.
  • Sigebertus Gemblacensis.
  • Sidon Apollinaris.
  • Simon Dunelmensis.
  • Sextus Aurelius Victor.
T.
  • TRebellius Pollio.
  • Thomas More knight.
  • Thomas Spotte.
  • Thomas VValsingham.
  • Titus Liuius Patauiensis.
  • Titus Liuius de Foroliuisijs de vita Henrici. 5.
  • Thomas Lanquet.
  • Thomas Couper.
  • Taxtor a Monke of Berry.
  • Theuet.
  • Thomas de la More.
  • Tripartita Historia.
V.
  • VVlcatius Gallicanus.
  • Volfgangus Lazius.
VV.
  • VVHethamsteed, a learned man, sometime Abbot of S. Albons, a Chronicler.
  • VVilliam Harrison.
  • VVilliā Patten of the expeditiō into Scotlād. 1574.
  • VVilliam Procter of VViattes rebellion.

Besides these diuers other Bookes and Treatises of Historicall mater I haue seene and perused, the names of the Authours beyng vtterly vnknowen.

FINIS.

❧AN HISTORICALL DE­scription of the Islande of Britayne, with a briefe re­hearsall of the nature and qualities of the people of Englande, and of all such com­modities as are to be founde in the same.

❧ In the first Booke of the Description of Britayne, these Chapters are contayned that ensue.
  • 1. Of the scituation and quantitie of the Isle of Britayne.
  • 2. Of the auncient names of this Islande.
  • 3. What sundry nations haue dwelled in this countrey.
  • 4. Whether it be likely that euer there were any Gyants inhabiting in this Islande.
  • 5. Of the generall language vsed sometime in Brytaine.
  • 6. Into howe many kingdomes at once this Isle hath bene deuided.
  • 7. Of the auncient religion vsed in Brytaine, from the first comming of Samothes, before the conuersion of the same vnto the faith of Christ.
  • 8. Of the number and names of such Salt Islandes as lye dispersed rounde about vpon the coast of Brytaine.
  • 9. Of the rysing and falles of such ryuers and streames as descende into the sea, without alteration of their names, & first of those that lye betweene the Thames and the Sauerne.
  • 10. Of the Sauerne streame, and such falles of ryuers as go into the Sea betweene it and the Humber.
  • 11. Of such riuers as fall into the sea, betwene Humber & the Thames.
  • 12. Of the fower high waies sometime made in Brytaine by the Prin­ces of this lande.
  • 13. Of the ayre and soyle of the country.
  • 14. Of the generall constitution of the bodies of the Brytons.
  • 15. How Brytaine grew at the first to be deuided into three porcions.
  • 16. That notwithstanding the former particion made by Brute, vnto his children, the souereinety of the whole Islande, remained styll to the Prince of Lhoegres and his posteritie after him.
  • 17. Of the Wall sometime builded for a particion betweene Englande and the Pictes.

❧To the Right Honorable, and his singular good Lord and maister, S. William Brooke Knight, Lord warden of the cinque Portes, and Baron of Cobham, all increase of the feare and knowledge of God, firme obedience towarde his Prince, infallible loue to the common wealth, and commen­dable renowne here in this wo [...]lde, and in the worlde to come, lyfe euerlasting.

HAVING had iust occasion, Right Honourable, to remayne in Lon­don, during the tyme of Midsomer terme last passed, and being earnest­lye required of diuers my friends, to set downe some briefe discourse of parcell of those thinges, which I had obserued in the reading of such ma­nifold antiquities as I had perused toward the furniture of a Chronolo­gie, which I had then in hande, I was at the first very loth to yeelde to their desires: first, for that I thought my selfe vnable for want of witte and iudgement, so sodainly and with such speede to take such a charge vppon me: secondly, by­cause the dealing therin might prooue an impechement vnto mine owne Treatize: and final­lye for that I had giuen ouer all study of hystories, as iudging the tyme spent about the same, to be an hinderaunce vnto my more necessarie dealings in that vocation & function whereun­to I am called in the mynistery. But when they were so importunate with me, that no reasona­ble excuse coulde serue to put by this trauaile, I condescended at the length vnto their yrke­some sute, promising that I woulde spende such voyde time as I had to spare, whylest I shoulde be inforced to tarie in the citie, vpon some thing or other that shoulde stande in lieu of a de­scription of my Country. For their partes also they assured me of such helpes as they coulde pur­chase, and thus with hope of good although no gaie successe, I went in hande withall, then al­most as one leaning altogither vnto memorie, sith my bookes and I were parted by fourtie myles in sonder. In this order also I spent a part of Michaelmas and Hillarie termes insuing, being inforced thereto I say by other businesses which compelled me to keepe in the citie, and absent my selfe from my charge, though in the meane season I had some repaire vnto my libra­rie, but not so great as the dignitie of the matter required, & yet farre greater then the Prin­ters haste woulde suffer. One helpe, and none of the smallest that I obtayned herein was by such commentaries as Leland had collected sometime of the state of Britaine, bookes vtterly man­gled, defaced with wet, and weather, and finally imperfite through want of sundrie volumes secondly, I gate some knowledge of things by letters and pamphlettes, from sundrie places and shires of Englande, but so discordaunt nowe and then amongest themselues, especially in the names and courses of riuers and scituation of townes, that I had oft greater trouble to recon­cile them, then to penne the whole discourse of such pointes as they contayned▪ the thirde ayde did grow by conference with diuers, eyther at the table or secretly alone, wherein I marked in what things the talkers did agree, and wherein they impugned eche other, choosing in the end the former, and reiecting the later, as one desirous to set forth the truth absolutely, or such things in deede as were most likely to be true. The last comfort arose by mine owne reading of such writers as haue heretofore made mention of the condition of our country, in speaking whereof, yf I shoulde make account of the successe, and extraordinary comming by sundrie treatizes not supposed to be extaunt, I shoulde but seeme to pronounce more then may well be sayde with modestie, and say farder of myselfe then this Treatize can beare witnesse of. How­beit, I referre not this successe wholly vnto my purpose in this Description, but rather giue no­tice thereof to come to passe in the penning of my Chronologie, whose cromes as it were fell out very well in the framing of this Pamphlete. In the processe therefore of this Booke, if your Ho­nour regarde the substaunce of that which is here declared, I must needes confesse that it is none of mine: but if your Lordshippe haue consideration of the barbarous composition shewed [Page] herein, that I may boldely clayme and chalenge for myne owne, sith there is no man of any so slender skill, that will defraude me of that reproche, which is due vnto me, for the meere negli­gence, disorder, and euill disposition of matter, comprehended in the same. Certes I protest be­fore God and your Honour, that I neuer made any choise of stile, or picked wordes, neither re­garded to handle this Treatize in such precise order and methode as many other woulde: thin­king it sufficient, truely & plainly to set forth such things as I minded to intreate of, rather then with vaine affectation of eloquence to paint out a rotten sepulchre, neither cōmendable in a writer nor profitable to the reader. How other affayres troubled me in the writing hereof many know, & peraduenture the slackenesse shewed herein can better testifie: but howsoeuer it be done, & whatsoeuer I haue done, I haue had an especiall eye vnto the truth of things, & for the reast, I hope that this foule frizeled Treatize of mine, will prooue a spurre to others, better learned in more skilfull maner to handle the selfe same argument. As for faultes escaped here­in as there are diuers, I must needes confesse, both in the penning and printing, so I haue to craue pardon of your Honour, & of all the learned readers. For such was my shortnesse of time allowed in the writing, & so great the speede made in the Printing, that I could seldome with any deliberation peruse, or almost with any iudgement deliberate exactly vpon such notes as were to be inserted. Sometimes in deede their leysure gaue me libertie, but that I applyed in following my vocation, many times their expedition abridged my perusall, and by this later it came to passe, that most of this booke was no sooner penned then printed, neither well concey­ued before it came to writing. But it is now to late to excuse the maner of doing. It is possible that your Honour will mistyke hereof, for that I haue not by myne owne trauaile and eyesight viewed such thinges, as I doe here intreate of. In deede I must needes confesse that except it were from the parish where I dwell, vnto your Honour in Kent, or out of London where I was borne, vnto Oxforde and Cambridge where I haue beene brought vp, I neuer trauailed 40 miles in all my lyfe, neuerthelesse in my report of these thinges, I vse their authorities, who haue performed in their persons whatsoeuer is wanting in mine. It may be in like sort that your Honour will take offence at my rashe and rechlesse behauiour vsed in the composition of this volume, and much more that being scambled vp after this maner, I dare presume to make ten­doure of the protection thereof vnto your Lordships handes. But when I consider the singular affectiō that your Ho. doth beare to those that in any wise will trauaile to set forth such things as lye hidden of their countries, without regarde of fine & eloquent handling, & therinto do weigh on mine owne behalfe my bounden duetie and gratefull minde to such a one as hath so many and sundrie wayes profited and preferred me, that otherwise can make no recompence, I can not but cut of all such occasion of doubt, and therevpon exhibite it such as it is, and so pen­ned as it is vnto your Lordships tuition, vnto whome if it may seeme in any wyse acceptable, I haue my whole desire. And as I am the first that (notwithstanding the great repugnauncie to be seene among our writers) hath taken vpon him so particularly to describe this Isle of Bri­taine, so I hope the learned and godly will beare withall and reforme with charity where I do treade amisse. As for the curious, & such as can rather euill fauouredly espy then skilfully cor­rect an errour, & sooner carpe at another mans doings then publish any thing of their owne, keping themselues close with an obscure admiration of learning & knowledge among the cō ­mon sort) I force not what they say hereof, for whether it doe please or dispease them, all is one to me, sith I referre my whole trauaile in the gratification of your Honour, & such as are of experience to consider of my trauaile, and the large scope of things purposed in this Treatize, of whome my seruice in this behalfe may be taken in good part, that I will repute for my full re­compence, & large guerdon of my labours. The Almighty God preserue your Lordship in cō ­tinuall health, wealth, and prosperitie, with my good Lady your wyfe, your Honours children, whome God hath indued with a singular towardnesse vnto all vertue & learning, and the rest of reformed familie vnto whome I wish farder increase of his holy spirit, vnderstanding of his worde, augmentation of honour, & finally an earnest zeale to follow his commaundements.

Your Lordships humble seruant, and houshold Chaplein. W. H.

The description of Britaine.
¶Of the scituation and quantitie of the Isle of Britayne. Cap. 1.

How Bri­taine lyeth from the [...]ayne. BRITANIA, or Britaine as we nowe terme it in our En­glishe tongue, is an Isle lying in the Ocean sea, directly a­gainst that part of Fraunce, which conteyneth Picardie, Normandie, and therto the greatest part of little Britaine, cal­led in time past Armorica of the scituation thereof vpon the sea coast, and before such time as a companie of Britons (eyther led o­uer by some of the Romayne Emperours, or flying thither from the tyrannie of such as op­pressed them here in this Islande) did settle themselues there, & called it Britaine, after the name of their owne country, from whence they aduentured thither. It hath Irelande vp­on the West side, on the North the mayne sea, euen vnto Thule and the Hyperboreans, and on the East side also the Germaine Ocean, by which we passe daily thorowe by the trade of merchandise, not only into ye low countries of Belgie, but also into Germanie, Frizelande, Denmarke, and Norway, carying from hence thither, and bringing from thence hither, all such necessarie commodities as the seuerall Countries doe yéelde: thorow which meanes, and besides common amitie cōserued, traffike is maintayned, and the necessitie of eche party abundantly relieued.

The lon­gitude and latitude of this Isle.It contayneth in longitude taken by the middest of the Region 19. degrées exactly: and in latitude 53. degrées, and 30. min. after the o­pinions of those that haue diligently obserued the same in our dayes, and the faithfull report of such writers as haue left notice therof vnto vs, in their learned treatises to be perpetually remembred. Howbeit wheras some in setting downe of these two lines, haue séemed to vary about the placing of the same, eche of them di­uersly remembring the names of sundrie Ci­ties and townes, wheerby they affirme thē to haue their seueral courses: for my part I haue thought good to procéede somewhat after ano­ther sort, that is, by deuiding the latest and best Cardes eche way into two equall partes, (so neare as I can possibly bring the same to passe) whereby for the middle of latitude, I product Caerloil and Newcastell vpon Tyne (whose lōgest day consisteth of 16. houres,Longest day. 48. minuts) & for the longitude, Newbery, War­wicke, Sheffeld, Skiptō, &c. which dealing in mine opinion, is most easie & indifferent, and lykeliest meane to come by the certayne stan­ding and scituation of our Islande.

Inlyke maner it hath in breadth from the Piere or poynt of Douer,The com­passe of Britaine. vnto the farthest part of Cornewall westwardes 320. myles: from thence agayne vnto the poynt of Cath­nesse by the Irishe sea, 800. Whereby Poli­dore and other doe gather that the circuite of the whole Islande of Britaine is 1720. myles, which is full 280. lesse than Caesar doth sette downe, except there be some difference be­twéene the Romaine and Britishe myles, whereof heafter I maye make some farther conference.

The forme and facion of this Isle is lyke vnto a Triangle, Bastarde sworde, Wedge,The forme or Partesant, being broadest in the South part, and gathering still narrower and nar­rower, till it come to the farthest poynt of Cathnesse Northwarde where it is narrowest of all, and there endeth in maner of a Promon­torie, which is not aboue 30. myles ouer, as dayly experience doth confirme.

The shortest & most vsuall [...]ut that we haue out of our Island to the maine,The di­stance frō the mayne. is from Douer (the farthest part of Kent eastward) vnto Ca­lice in Picardie, where the breath of the sea is not aboue 30. myles. Which course as it is now frequented and vsed for the most cōmon & safe passage of such as come into our coūtrie out of Fraunce and diuers other Realmes, so it hath not bene vnknowne of olde time vnto the Romaynes, who for the most part vsed these two hauens for their passage and repas­sage to and fro, although we finde that nowe and then, diuers of them came also from Bul­len and landed at Sandwiche, or some other places of the coast, as to anoyde the force of the wynde and weather, that often molested them in these narrowe seas, best liked for their safegardes. Betwéene the part of Hollande also, which lyeth nere the mouth of the Rhene, and this our Islande, are 900. furlonges, as Sosimus sayeth, beside diuers other writers,Lib. 4. which being conuerted into Englishe myles, doe yéelde one hundred and twelue, and foure odde furlongs, whereby the iust distaunce of Britayne from that part of the mayne also, doth certainly appeare to be much lesse than the common Mappes of our Countrie haue hitherto set downe.

Of the auncient names of this Islande. Cap. 2.

IN the diligent perusal of their treatises that haue written of the state of this our Islande, I finde that at the first it séemed to be a percel of the Celtike kingdome,Dis, Samo­thes. whereof Dis other­wyse called Samothes, one of the sonnes of Ia­phet [Page] was the Saturne or originall beginner, and of him thenceforth for a long time called Samothea. Afterwarde in processe of tyme when as desire of rule began to take holde in the myndes of men, & ech Prince endeuored to enlarge his owne dominiōs:Neptunus. Amphitrite Albion. Albion the sonne of Neptune surnamed Mareoticus (whose mo­ther also was called Amphitrite) hearing of the commodities of the Countrie, and plenti­fulnesse of soyle here, made a voyage ouer, & finding the thing not onely correspondent vn­to,The first conquest of Britaine. but also farre surmounting the report that went of this Islande, it was not long after ere he inuaded ye same by force of armes, brought it to his subiection, and finally chaunged the name therof into Albion, whereby the former denomination after Samothes did fall into vtter forgetfulnesse. And thus was this Island bereft at one time both of hir auncient name, and also of hir lawfull succession of Princes descended of the lyne of Iaphet,Britaine vnder the Celts 341. yeares. vnder whome it had continued by the space of 341. yeres and ix. Princes, as by the Historie folowing shall easily appeare.

To speake somewhat also of Neptune, (sith I haue made mention of him in this place) it shall not be impertinent. You shal vnderstand therefore that for his excellent knowledge in the Arte of Nauigation, he was reputed the most skilful Prince that liued in his time.Neptune God of the sea. And therefore, and likewyse for his courage and boldnesse in aduenturing to and fro, he was after his decease honoured as a god, and the protection of such as trauayled by sea commit­ted to his charge.The man­ner of dres­singe of shippes in olde time. So rude also was ye making of shippes wherewith to sayle in his tyme, that for lacke of better experience to calke and trimme the same after they were builded, they vsed to nayle them ouer with rawe hydes, and with such a kinde of Nauie: first Samothes, and then Albion arriued in this Islande.

But to procéede, when the sayde Albion had gouerned here in this Countrie by the space of vij. yeares, it came to passe that both he and his brother Bergion were killed by Hercules at the mouth of Rhodanus, as the sayd Hercu­les passed out of Spaine by the Celtes to go o­uer into Italy, and vpō this occasion (as I ga­ther amōg the writers) not vnworthy to be re­membred.Lestrigo. It happened in tyme of Lucus king of the Celtes, that Lestrigo and his issue (whō Osyris his grandfather had placed ouer the Ianigenes) dyd exercise great tyrannie, not onely ouer his owne kingdome, but also in mo­lestation of such Princes as inhabited rounde about him in most intollerable maner. Moreo­uer he was not a little incouraged in these his dooinges by Neptune his father,Neptune had xxxiij. sonnes. who trusted greatly to leaue his xxxiij. sonnes settled in the mightiest kingdomes of the worlde, as men of whom he had already conceyued this opinion, that if they had once gotten foote into any Re­gion whatsoeuer, it woulde not be long ere they did by some meanes or other,Ianige [...] the po [...] ­ty of [...] lying in Italy. not onelye establishe their seates, but also increase their limites to the better maintenance of themsel­ues and their posteritie for euermore. To be short therefore, after the Gyantes, and great Princes, or mightie men of the world had con­spired and slaine the aforesayd Osyris: Hercu­les his sonne, surnamed Libius, in the reuenge of his fathers death, proclaymed open warres agaynst them all, and going from place to place, he ceased not to spoyle their kingdomes, and therewithall to kill them that fell into his handes. Finally, hauing among other ouer­come the Lomnimi or Geriones in Spayne,Lomnimi Geriones and vnderstanding that Lestrigo & his sonnes did yet remayne in Italie, he directed his voy­age into those parts, and taking the kingdome of the Celtes in his waye, he remayned for a season with Lucus the king of that Countrie, where he also maried his daughter Galathea, Galathea. and beg at a sonne by hir, calling him after his moothers name Galates, Galates. of whome in my Chronologie I haue spoken more at large. In the meane time Albion vnderstanding howe Hercules intended to make warres agaynst his brother Lestrigo, he thought it good to stop him that tyde, and therefore sending for hys brother Bergion, Bergion. out of the Orchades (where he also reygned as supreme Lorde and gouer­nour) they ioyned their powers,Pomponi­us Laetus. & sayled ouer into Fraunce. Being arriued there, it was not long ere they met with Hercules and his ar­mie, neare vnto the mouth of the riuer called Rhodanus, where happened a cruell conflicte betwéene them, in which Hercules and hys men were lyke to haue lost the daye, for that they were in maner weryed with lōg warres, and their munition sore wasted in the last voi­age that he had made for Spaine. Herevppon Hercules perceyuing the courages of his soul­diours somewhat to abate, & séeing the want of munition likely to be the cause of his fatall day and present ouerthrowe at hande, it came sodenly into his mynde to will eche of them to defende himselfe by throwing of stones at hys enimie, wherof there lay great store then scat­tered in the place. The policie was no sooner published than put in execution, whereby they so preuayled in thende, that Hercules wan the fielde, their enemies were put to flight, and Albion and his brother both slayne,Albion slayne. and buried in that plot. Thus was Britaine ridde of a ty­rant, Lucus king of the Celtes deliuered frō an vsurper (that daily incroched vpon him also euen in his owne kingdome on that side) and [Page 2] Lestrigo greatly weakened by the slaughter of his brethren. Of this inuention of Hercu­les in lyke sort it commeth, that Iupiter fa­ther vnto Hercules (who in déede was none other but Osyris) is feygned to throw downe stones from heauen vpon Albion and Bergi­on,It rayned [...]ones. in the defence of Hercules his son: which came so thick vpon them as if great drops of raine or hayle should haue descended from aboue, no man well knowing which waye to turne him from their violence, they came so fast and with so great a strength.

But to go forwarde, albeit that Albion and his power were thus discomfited and slayne, yet the name that he gaue vnto thys Islande dyed not, but still remained vnto the time of Brute, who arriuing here in the 1127, before Christ, and 2840. after the creation, not onely chaunged it into Britayne (after it had bene called Albion, by the space of 595. yeares) but to declare his souereigntie ouer the reast of the Islandes also that are about the same, he called them all after the same maner, so that Albion was sayde in tyme to be Britanniarum insula maxima, that is, the greatest of those Isles that bare the name of Britayne.

It is altogither impertinent to discusse whether Hercules came into thys Islande after the death of Albion,Hercules [...]n Bri­tayne. or not, althoughe that by an auncient monument séene of late, and the Cape of Hartland in the West coun­trie,Promonto­rium Her­culis. called Promontorium Herculis in olde tyme, diuers of our Brytishe wryters doe gather great likelyhoode that he shoulde also be here. But syth hys presence or absence maketh nothing wyth the alteration of the name of this our Region and Countrie, I passe it ouer as not incident to my purpose. Neyther will I spend any time in the deter­mination, [...]o. Marius Niger, cō ­ment. de Britannia. Cap. 2. whether Brittayne hath bene sometyme a percell of the mayne, althoughe it shoulde well séeme so to haue bene, by­cause that before the generall floudde of Noah, we doe [...]t [...]eade of Islandes. As for the spéedie and timely inhabitation thereof, this is myne opinion, that it was inhabited shortly after the diuision of the earth: For I reade that when ech Captayne and his com­pany had their portions assigned vnto them by Noah in the partition that he made of the whole earth among hys posteritie,Theophi­lus Antio­thenus ad Antolicum. they neuer ceased to trauayle and search out the vtter most boundes of the same, vntill they founde out their parts allotted, and had séene and vewed the limites thereof, euen vnto the very pooles. It shall suffice therefore only to haue touched these things in this manner a farre of, and in returning to our purpose, to procéede with the reast concerning the deno­mination of our Island, which was knowen vnto most of the Gréekes for a long time, by none other name than Albion, and to say the truth, euen vnto Alexanders daies: notwith­standing that Brute, as I haue sayde, had chaunged the same into Britayne, manye hundred yeares before.

After Brutus I doe not find that any man attempted to chaunge it agayne, vntill the tyme that one Valentinus a rebell,Valentia. in the dayes of Valentinianus and Valens endeuo­red to reygne there,In supple­mento, Eusebij. lib 28. and therevppon as Ie­rome sayth, procured it to be called Valen­tia. The lyke also dyd Theodosius in the re­membraunce of the two aforesayde Empe­rours, as Marcellinus saith, but as neyther of these tooke anye holde among the common sort, so it retayned stil the name of Britaine, vntill the reygne of Echert, who about the 800. yeare of grace, gaue forth an especiall Edict, dated at Wynchester, that it shoulde be called Angles land, or Angellandt,Angellādt or Angles land. for which in our time we doe pronounce it Eng­land. And this is all, right Honourable, that I haue to say, touching the seuerall names of this Islande, vtterly mislyking in the meane season their deuises, which make Hengist the only parent of the later denomination, wher­as Echert, bicause his auncestours descended from the Angles (one of the seauen Nations that came wyth the Saxons into Britayne, for they were not all of one, but of diuers countries, as Angles, Saxons, Germaynes,Only Sa­xons arri­ued here at the first with Hen­gist. Switchers, Norwegiens, &c. and all com­prehended vnder ye name of Saxons, bicause of Hengist the Saxon & his cōpany that first aryued here before any of the other) and ther­to hauing now the monarchie & preheminēce in manner of this whole Islande, called the same after the name of his Countrie from whence his originall came, neyther Hengist, neyther any Quéene named Angla, neyther whatsoeuer deriuation ab angulo, as from a corner of the worlde bearing swaye, or ha­uing ought to doe at all in that behalfe.

What sundry Nations haue inhabited in this Islande. Cap. 3.

AS fewe or no Nations can iustly boaste themselues to haue continued sithence their countrie was first replenished;No Nati­on voide of myxture, more or lesse. wythout any myxture, more or lesse, wyth other peo­ple, no more can this our Islande, whose ma­nifolde commodities haue oft allured sundry Princes and famous captaynes of the world to conquere and subdue the same vnto theyr owne subiection. Many sorts of people there­fore [Page] haue comen hither and settled thēselues here in thys Isle, and first of all other a per­cell of the image and posteritie of Iapheth, brought in by Samothes in the 1910.Samothe­ans. after the creation of Adam. Howbeit in processe of tyme, and after they had indifferently reple­nyshed and furnyshed this Islande with peo­ple (which was done in the space of 335. yea­res) Albion the Gyaunt afore mencioned re­payred hither with a companye of his owne race procéeding from Cham, Chemmi­nites. and not onely subued the same to his owne dominion, but brought all such in lyke sort as he found here of the lyne of Iaphet, into miserable serui­tude and thraldome. After hym also, and wythin lesse than sixe hundred yeares came Brute with a great traine of the posteritie of the dispersed Troianes in 324.Britaines shyppes: who rendring the lyke curtesie vnto the Chemmi­nites as they had done before vnto the séede of Iaphet, brought them also wholye vnder his rule and gouernaunce, and diuided the whole lande among such Princes and Cap­taynes as he in his arriuall here had led out of Grecia with him.

Romaines.From henceforth I doe not finde any sound report of other natiō, whatsoeuer that shuld aduenture hither to dwell, vntill the Romane Emperours subdued it to their dominion, sa­uing of a fewe Galles; (and those peraduen­ture of Belgie) who first comming ouer to robbe and pilfer vpon the coastes, did after­warde plant themselues for altogither neare vnto the sea, and there buylded sundry cities and townes which they named after those of the maine, from whence they came vnto vs. But after the comming of the Romaynes, it is harde to say with how many sortes of peo­ple we were dayly pestered, almost in euery stéede. For as they planted their forworne Legions in the most fertile places of the Realme, and where they might best lye for the safegarde of their conquestes: so their ar­mies did commonly consist of many sorts of people, and were as I may call them, a con­fused mixture of all other coūtries. Howbeit, I thinke it best, bicause they did all beare the tytle of Romaynes, to retayne onely that name for them all, albeit they were wofull guestes to this our Islande: sith that wyth them came in all maner of vice and vicious liuing, all ryot and excesse of behauior, which their Legions brought hyther from eche cor­ner of their dominions, for there was no pro­uince vnder them from whence they had not seruitours.

Scottes Pictes.How and when the Scottes should arriue here out of Irelande, and from whence the Pictes shoulde come vnto vs, as yet it is vn­certaine. For although their histories doe ca­rie great countenance of their antiquitie and continuance in this Islande: yet (to say fréely what I thinke) I iudge them rather to haue stollē in hither, not much before the Saxons, than that they should haue bene so long here, as from the one hundreth yeare after Christ. Reynulph Higden is of the opinion that the Pictes did come into this Island in the days of Seuerus, and that Fulgentius their cap­tayne was brother to Martia, the mother of Bassianus. He addeth furthermore howe the Pictes forsooke Bassianus, Li. 4. ca. [...] and held with Carausius, who gaue thē a portion of Scot­lande to inhabite, and thus wryteth he. But if Herodian be well reade, you shal find that ye Pictes were settled in thys Isle, before the time of Seuerus, & yet not so soone as that Ta­cicus can make any mention of thē in the cō ­quest that Agricola his father in law made of ye North parts of this Island. Neyther doe I reade of the Scots or Pictes before the time of Antoninus Verus, in the begynning of whose thirde yere (which concurred with the xvij. of Lucius king of Britaine) they inuaded thys South part of the Isle, and were redu­ced to obedience by Trebellius the Legate. Certes the tyme of Samothes and Albion haue some likely limitation, and so we maye gather of the cōming in of Brute. The voy­age that Caesar made likewyse is certainely knowne to fall out in the 54. before the birth of Christ. In lyke sort that the Saxons arry­ued here in the 449. The Danes, and with them the Gothes, Vandales, Norwegians, &c. in the 791. Finally the Normans in 1066. And Flemminges in the tyme of Henry the first (although they came not in by conquest, but vppon their humble sute had a place in Wales assigned them to inhabite in, by king Henry then reigning, after the drowning of their countrie) it is easie to be prooued.

But when the Pictes and Scottes should enter, neither doe our hystories make any re­port, neyther their owne agrée among thē ­selues by manye hundreth yeares. Where­fore as the tyme of their arriuall here is not to be founde out, so it shall suffice to gyue notice that they are but strangers, and such as by obscure inuasion haue nestled in thys Islande.

The Saxons became first acquainted with thys Isle,Saxons by meanes of the pyracie which they daily practised vpon our coastes (after they had once begunne to aduenture themsel­ues also vpon the seas, thereby to séeke out more wealth then was nowe to begotten in these west partes of the mayne, which they & their neighbors had alreadie spoyled in most [Page 3] lamentable and barbarous maner) howbeit they neuer durst presume to inhabite in this Island, vntill they were sent for by Vortiger to serue him in his warres agaynst ye Pictes & Scottes, after that the Romaines had gi­uen vs ouer, & left vs wholy to our owne de­fence & regiment. Being therefore comen in thrée bottomes or kéeles, & in short time espi­ing the ydle & negligent behauiour of ye Bry­tons and fertilitie of our soyle, they were not a little inflamed to make a full conquest of such as they came to ayde and succour. Here­vpon also they fell by little and little to the winding in of greater nūbers of their coun­trymen with their wyues and children into this region, so that within a whyle they be­gan to molest the homelings (for so I finde ye word Indigena, to be englished in an old booke that I haue, wherin Aduena is translated al­so an homeling) and ceased not from time to time to cōtinue their purpose, vntill they had gotten possession of the whole, or at the least­wise the greatest part of our coūtry, the Bri­tons in the meane season being driuen eyther into Wales & Cornewall, [...]n altogither out of the Islande to séeke newe inhabitations.

Danes.In like maner the Danes (the next nation that succéeded) came at the first onely to pil­fer & robbe vpon the frontiers of our Island, till that in the end being let in by the Welch­men or Brytons to reuenge them vpon the Saxons, they no lesse plagued the one then the other, their friendes, then their aduersa­ries, séeking by all meanes possible, to esta­blish themselues in the sure possessiō of Bry­tayne. But such was their successe, that they prospered not long in their deuise, for so great was their lordlinesse, their crueltie, and insa­tiable desire of riches, beside their detestable abusing of chast matrones, & young virgines (whose husbandes and parentes were daily inforced to become their drudges and slaues whylest they sate at home and fed like Drone bées of the swéet of their trauayle & labours) that God I say would not suffer thē to con­tinue any while ouer vs, but when he saw his time he remooued their yoke, and gaue vs li­bertie, as it were to breath vs, thereby to sée whether this his sharpe scourge coulde haue mooued vs to repentaunce and amendement of our lewde and sinnefull liues, or not. But whē no signe therof appeared in our hearts, he called in an other nation to vexe vs [...] meane the Normans,The Nor­mans. a people of whom it is woorthily doubted, whether they were more harde and cruell to our countrymen then the Danes, or more heauye and intollerable to our Islande then the▪ Saxons or Romaynes, yet such was our lotte, in these dayes by the deuine appointed order, that we must néedes obey, such as the Lorde dyd set ouer vs, & so much the rather, for that all power to resiste was vtterly taken from vs, and our armes made so weake and féeble, that they were not now able to remooue the importable loade of the Normanes from our surburdened shoul­ders: And this onely I say agayne, bycause we refused grace offred in time and woulde not heare when God by his Preachers did call vs so fauourably vnto him.

Thus we sée howe from time to time this Islande hath not onely bene a praye, but as it were a common receptacle for straungers, the naturall homelinges being still cut shor­ter and shorter, as I sayde before, till in the ende they came not onely to be driuen into a corner of this region, but in tyme also verie like vtterly to haue ben extinguished. For had not king Edward surnamed the sainct in his time after grieuous warres, made vppon them (wherein Earle Harald, sonne to Good­wine & after king of Englande was his ge­nerall) permitted the remnaunt of their wo­men to ioyne in maryage with the English­men (when the most part of their husbandes & male children were slayne with the sworde) it coulde not haue bene otherwyse chosen, but their whole race must néedes haue sustayned the vttermost confusion, and thereby the me­morie of the Britons vtterly haue perished.

Whether it be likely that there were euer any Gyaunts inhabiting in this Isle or not. Cap. 4.

BEsides these aforesayde nations, which haue crept as you haue hearde into our Islande, we reade of sundry Gyaunts that shoulde inhabite here, which report as it is not altogither incredible, sith the posterities of diuers▪ princes were called by ye name: so vnto some mens eares it séemeth so straunge a rehearsall, that for the same onely they su­spect the credite of our whole hystorie and reiect it as a fable, vnwoorthy to be read. For this cause therefore I haue nowe taken vpon me to make thys briefe discourse insuing, therby to prooue, that the opiniō of Gyaunts is not altogether grounded vpon vayne & fa­bulous narrations, inuented only to delite the eates of the hearer [...] with the report of mar­veilous things. But that there haue bene such men in déede, as for their hugenesse of person haue resembled ratherEsay. 30. vers. 25. highe towers then [...]etall men, although their posterities are now consumed, and their monstruous races vtterly worne out of knowledge.

A doe not meane herin to dispute, whether [Page] this name was giuen vnto them, rather for their tyrannie and oppression of the people, then for their greatenesse of bodie, or whe­ther the worde Gygas dooeth onelye signifie Indigenas, or homelinges, borne in the lande or not, neyther whether all men were of like quantitie in stature and farre more greater in olde tyme then at this present they be, and yet absolutely I denie neyther of these, sith very probable reasons may be brought for eche of thē, but especially the last rehearsed, whose confirmation dependeth vpon the au­thorityes of sundrie auncient writers, who make diuers of Noble race, equall to the Gyauntes in strength, and manhoode, and yet doe not gyue the same name vnto them, by­cause their quarels were iust, and commonly taken in hande, for defence of the oppressed. Example hereof, also we may take of Hercu­les and Antheus, Antheus. whose wrestling declareth that they were equall in stature & stomacke, such also was the courage of Antheus, that being often ouercome, and as it were vtter­ly vanquished by the sayde Hercules, yet if he did eftsoones returne agayne into his king­dome, he furthwt recouered his force, retur­ned & helde Hercules tacke, till he gate at the last betwéene him & home, so cutting of the farder hope of the restoring of his army, and killing finally his aduersarie in the field. The like doe our histories report of Corineus and Gomagot, Corineus. Gomagot. who fought a combate hande to hande, till one of them was slayne, & yet for all this no man reputeth Corineus for a Gy­aunt. But sith I saye it is not my purpose to stande vppon these pointes, I passe ouer to speake any more of them, and where as also I might haue procéeded in such order, that I shoulde first set downe by many circumstan­ces, whether any Gyauntes were, then whe­ther they were of such huge & incredible sta­ture, as the authours doe remember, and fi­nally whether any of them haue béene in this our ylande or not, I protest playnly that my minde is not nowe bent to deale in any such maner, but rather generally to confirme and by sufficient authoritie that there haue bene mightye men of stature, and some of them also in Britaine, as by particular examples shalbe manifestly confirmed without ye obser­uation of any methode, or such diuisiō in the rehearsal hereof as sound order doth require.

Moses the Prophet of the Lord, writing of the state of things before the flood hath these wordes in his booke of generations.Cap. 6. ver. 4. In these daies saith he, there were Giaūts vpō ye erth, Berosus, Antidi. 1. also the Chalde, writeth that néere vnto Libanus there was a city called Denon (which I take to be Henoch, builded somtime by Cham) wherein Gyauntes dyd inhabit, who trusting to the strength and hugenesse of their bodies, dyd verye great oppression and mischiefe in the worlde. The Hebrues called them generally by the name of Enach per­aduenture of Henoch the sonne of Cain, frō whom that pestilēt race at the first descēded.

And of these mōsters also some families re­mained vnto the time of Moses, in compari­son of whom the children of Israell confessed themselues to be but Grashoppers,Nu. cap▪ vers. 3 [...] 34. which is one noble testimonie that the word Gygas or Enach is so well taken for a man of huge stature, as for an homeborne childe, wicked tyraunt, and oppressour of the people.

Furthermore, there is mention made also of Og, sometyme king of Basan,Deut. 3 [...] vers. [...] Og [...] Basa [...]. who was the last of the race of the Gyaunts, that was left in the lande of promise to be ouercome by the Israelites, whose bedde was afterwarde shewed for a woonder at Rabbath (a citie of the Ammonites) and conteyned 9. cubites in length and 4. in bredth, which cubites I take to be geometricall, that is, eache one sixe of the smaller▪ as dyd those also whereof the Arke was made, as our Diuines affirme.

In the first of Samuell you shall reade of Goliath a philistine,Cap. [...] ver. 4.5▪ Goliath▪ the weight of whose Ta­berde or iacke was of fiue hundreth sicles, or so many ounces, that is, 312. pounde after the rate of a sicle to an ounce, his speare was like a weauers beame, the onelye head whereof weighed 600. ounces of yron, or 37. pounde and a halfe english, his height also was mea­sured at 6. cubites and an hande bredth, all which do importe that he was a notable Gy­aunt, and a man of great strength to weare such an armour & beweld so heauy a launce.

In the second of Samuell,Cap. 21. ver. 16.17. &c. I finde report of 4. Gyaunts borne in Geth, of which the third was like vnto Goliath, & the fourth had 24. fingers and toes, whereby it is euident, that the generation of Gyaunts were not extin­guished in Palestine, vntill the tyme of Da­uid, which was 2890. after the floude, nor vt­terly consumed in Og, as some of our exposi­tours woulde haue it.

Now to come vnto our christen writers, for although the authorities already alleged out of the worde, are sufficient to confirme my purpose at the full, yet will I not let to set downe such other notes as experience hath reuealed, onelye to the ende that the reader shall not thinke the name of Gyaunts, with their quantities, and other circumstaunces, mentioned in the scriptures, rather to haue some misticall interpretation, depending vp­pon them, then that the sence of the text in this behalfe is to be taken simple as it lyeth [Page 4] S. Augustine noteth how he saw the tooth of a man, [...]e ciuitate [...]i lib. 15. p. 9. wherof he tooke good aduisement & pro­nounced in the ende that it would haue made 100. of his owne, or any other mans that ly­ued in his tyme. The like hereof also doeth Iohn Bocase set downe, [...]hannes [...]ccatius. in the 48. Chapter of his fift booke, saying that in ye caue of a moū ­tayne, not farre from Drepanum, (a towne of Sicilia) the body of an excéeding high Gyaunt was discouered, thrée of whose téeth did weigh 100. ounces, which being conuerted into En­glish poise, doth yéelde 8. pounde and 4. oun­ces, after twelue ounces to the pounde.

[...]at. West­on.The bodye of Pallas was founde in Italy, in the yeare of grace. 1038. and being mea­sured it conteined 20. foote in lēgth, this Pallas was cōpanion with Aeneas. There was a car­case also laid bare in England vpō the shore, [...]hannes [...]land. [...]asseus. [...]. (where the beating of the sea had washed a­way ye yearth from the stone wherein it lay) & when it was taken vp, it conteined, 50. foote in measure, as our histories doe reporte. The lyke was séene in Wales, in the yeare. 1087. of 14. foote. I [...] Perth moreouer a village in Scotlande another was taken vp, which to this day they shewe in a Church, vnder the name of little Iohn, being also 14. foote in length as diuers doe affirme which haue be­holden the same. In the yeare of grace. 1475. the bodye of Tulliola daughter vnto Cicero, was taken vp and found higher by not a fewe féete then the common sorte of women liuing in those dayes. Geruasius Tilberiensis, hedde Marshall to the King of Arles writeth,Geruasius Tilberien­sis. in his Chronicle dedicated to Otho. 4. howe that at Isoretum, in the suburbes of Paris, he sawe the bodye of a man that was twentye foote long, beside the heade and necke, which was missing and not founde, the owner ha­uing peraduenture bene beheadded for some notable trespasse committed in times past.

Thomas [...]liot.A carkasse was taken vp at Iuye Church nere Salisburye but of late to speake of, al­most 14 foote long.

[...]eland.In Gillesland in Come Whitton paroche not far from the chappell of the Moore, sixe miles by East from Carleill, a coffin of stone was founde, and therein the bones of a man, of more then incredible greatnes.

Richarde Grafton, in his Manuell telleth of one whose shinne bone conteined sixe foote,Richard Grafton. &. his scul so great that it was able to receiue 5. pe [...]kes of wheate, wherefore by coniecturall symmetrye of these partes, his bodye must néedes be of 28. foote, or rather more, if it were diligently discussed.

[...]iluester [...]yraldus.The body of king Arthur being found in the yere 1189. was two foote higher than any man that came to behold ye same, finally the carcas of William conquerour was séene not many yeares since, in the Citie of Cane,Constans fama Ga­lorum. twelue yn­ches longer, by ye iudgment of such as saw it, thā any man which dwelled in the countrey, all which testimonies I note togither bicause they procéede from Christian writers, from whome nothing shoulde bée farther or more distant, then of set purpose to lie, & féede the world with Fables. Nowe it resteth further­more yt I set downe, what I haue read therof in Pagane writers, who had alwayes great regarde of their credit, and so ought all men that dedicate any thing vnto posteritie, least in going about otherwise to reape renowme and praise, they doe procure vnto themselues in the ende nothing else but méere contempt and infamy: for my part I will touch rare thinges, and such as to my selfe doe séeme almost incredible: howbeitas I find them, so I note them, requiring your Honour in rea­ding hereof, to let euerye Author beare hys owne burden, and euery Oxe his bundle.

Plutarche telleth howe Sertorius being in Libia, néere vnto the stréetes of Maroco, In vita Ser­torij de Antheo. cau­sed the Sepulchre of Antheus, afore remem­bred to be opened, for heareing by cōmon re­port that the saide Gyaunt lay buryed there, whose corps was 50. cubits long at the least, he was so far of frō crediting the same, that he would not beleue it, vntil he saw the coffin o­pen wherein the bones of the aforesaid prince did rest. To be short therefore, he caused his souldiers to cast downe the hil made somtime ouer the tombe, and finding the bodie in the bottome, after the measure thereof taken, he sawe it manifestly, to be 60. cubits in length, which were ten more then the people made accompt of.

Philostrate in Heroices sayth,Philostrate how he sawe the body of a Gyant 30. cubits in length, also the carkasse of another of 22. and the thirde, of 12.

Plinie telleth of an Earthquake at Creta, Lib. 7. which discouered the body of a Gyant, which was 46. cubits in length after the Romaine standerde, and by dyuers supposed to be the bodye of Orion or Aetion.

Trallianus writeth howe the Athenienses digging on a time in the grounde to laye the foundatiō of their new walles in the dayes of an Emperour, Trallianus. did finde the bones of Macro­syris in a coffin of harde stone, of 10. cubites in length after the accompt of the Romaine cubite, which was then a foote and an halfe & not much diffrence from halfe a yarde of our measure nowe in Englande. In the time of Hadriane themperour the body of a Gyaunt was take vp at Messana conteining 20. foote in length, & hauing a double row of téeth, yet [Page] standing whole in his chaps, In Dalmatia, manye graues were shaken open with an earthquake, in one of which aboue the rest, a carcasse was found whose ribbe conteined 16. elles, after the Romaine measure, whereby ye whole body was iudged to be 64. sith ye lōgest rib is cōmonly about ye fourth part of a man, as some Simmetriciēs affirme, Arrhianꝰ saith that in the time of Alexander the bodies of ye Asianes were generally of huge stature, and commonly of 5. cubits, such was the height of Porus of Inde, whome Alexander vanqui­shed and ouerthrew in battaile. Sudas spea­keth in like maner of Ganges, killed likewise by the sayd prince, who farre excéeded Porus for he was 10. cubits lōg. But of al these this one example shall passe, which I doe reade also in Trallianus & he setteth downe in forme and manner following.

I mouth of 16. foote wide.In the daies of Tiberius themperor saith he a corps was left bare or layde open after an erthquake of which eche tooth cōteined 12. yn­ches ouer at ye lest, now forasmuch as in such as bée full mouthed eche chap hath 16. teeth at the least, which is 32. in ye whole, néedes must the wydenesse of this mannes chappes be sixetéene foote, and the opening of his lippes 10. A large mouth in mine opinion and not to féede with Ladies of my time, besides that if occasion serued, it was able to receiue the whole bodye of a man, I meane of such as flourish in our daies. Whē this careasse was thus founde, euery man marueyled at it and good cause why, a messenger also was sente vnto Tiberius themperour to know his plea­sure,A coūter­feete made of a mon­strous car­casse by one tooth taken out of ye head. whether he wold haue the same brought euer vnto Rome or not, but he forbade them, willing his Legate not to remooue the deade out of his resting place, but rather to sende him a tooth out of his head, which being done, he gaue the same to a cunning workeman, commanding him to shape a carcasse of light matter, after the proporcion of the tooth, that at the least by such meanes he might satisfie his curious minde, and the fantasies of such as are delited with newes.

This man was more fauorable to this mō ­ster then our pa­pists were to the bo­dies of the dead who tare them in péeces to make mo­ney of thē.To be short whē the ymage was once made and set vp an end, it appeared rather an huge collossy then the true representation of the carcasse of a man, and when it had stande in Rome vntill the people were wearye of it and thorowly satisfied with the sight thereof, he caused it to bée broken all to péeces, and the tooth sent againe to the carcasse from whence it came, willing them moreouer to couer it diligently, & in any wise not to dismē ­ber the corps, nor from thencefoorth to bée so hardie as to open the sepulchre any more. I could rehearse many mo examples of the bo­dies of such men, out of Solinus, Sabellicus Cooper, and other, but these here shall suffise to prooue my purpose with all. I might tell you in like sorts of the stone which Turnus threwe at Aeneas, which was such as that 12. chosen and picked men ‘(Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus. Vis vnit [...] fortior est eadem di [...] persa.)’ were not able to sturre and remooue out of the place, but I passe it ouer, & diuers of the like, concluding that these huge blockes were ordeined and created by God: first for a testi­monie vnto vs, of his power and myght, se­condly for a confirmation that hugenesse of bodye is not to be accompted, of as a part of our felicitie, sith they which possessed ye same, were not onely tyrauntes, doltysh, and euyll men, but also oftentimes ouercome euen by the weake and féeble. Finally they were such in déede as in whome the Lorde delited not, according to the saying of the Prophet Ba­ruch.

Ibi fuerunt gigantes nominati, illi qui ab ini­tio fuerunt statura magna, scientes bellum,Cap. 3. [...]hos non elegit dominus, neque illis viam disciplinae dedit, propterea perierunt, & quoniam nō ha­buerunt sapientiam, interierunt propter suam insipientiam. &c.

There were the Gyants, famous from the beginning, that were of so great stature & so expert in warre. Those did not the Lorde choose neither gaue he the way of knowledge vnto them. But they were destroied, because they had no wisedome, and perished through their owne foolishnesse.

Of the generall Language vsed from time to time in Britaine. Chap. 5.

WHat language came first wyth Sa­mothes & afterwarde with Albion,Bryttish. & the Gyants of his cōpanie,Small difference betwene brittish & Celtike languag [...] it is hearde for me to determine, sith nothing of sound credit re­mayneth in writing which maye resolus vs in the truth hereof, yet of so much are we cer­teine, that the speach of ye auncient Britons, and of the Celtes had great affinitie one with another, so that they were either all one, or at the leastwyse such as eyther nation wyth smal helpe of interpreters might vnderstand other, and readily discerne what the speaker did meane.

The Brittish tongue doth yet remayne in that part of the Islande,Brittish corrupted by the Latine and Saxon speaches. which is nowe cal­led Wales, whether the Britons were driuē after the Saxons had made a full conquest of the other, which we nowe call Englande, al­though the pristinate integritie therof be not [Page 5] a little diminished by mixture of the Latine & Saxon speaches, howbeit, many poesies and writings, (in making whereof that nation hath euermore excelled) are yet extant in my time, whereby some difference betwéene the aunciēt & present language, may easily be dis­cerned, notwithstanding that amōg all these there is nothing to be founde, which can set downe any sounde testimonie of their owne originall, in remembraunce whereof, their Bardes & cunning men haue bene most slacke and negligent. It is a speache in mine opiniō much sauouring of that, which was some­time vsed in Grecia, and learned by the re­liques of the Troyanes, whylest they were captiue there, but how soeuer the matter standeth, after it came once ouer into this I­slande, sure it is, that it could neuer be extin­guished for all the attēpts that the Romains, Saxons, Normans, and Englishmen coulde make against that nation, in any maner of wyse.

The Bri­ [...]ons deli­ [...]ent in pe­ [...]grées.Petigrées & genealogies also the Welche Brytons haue plentie in their owne tongue, insomuch that many of them can readily de­riue the same, eyther from Brute or some of his bande, euen vnto Aeneas and other of the Troyanes, and so forth vnto Noah without any maner of stoppe, but as I know not what credite is to be giuen vnto them in this be­halfe, so I dare not absolutely impugne their assertions, sith that in times past all nations (learning it no dout of the Hebrues) did very solemnely preserue the Cataloges of their discent, thereby eyther to shew themselues of auncient and noble race, or else to be discen­ded from some one of the goddes.

[...]atine.Next vnto the Brittishe speache, the latine tongue was brought in by the Romaines, whereof I will not say much, bycause there are few which be not skilfull in ye same. How­beit as the speache it selfe is easie and delecta­ble, so hath it peruerted the names of the auncient ryuers, regions, and cities of Bri­tayne in such wyse, that in these our dayes their olde Brittish denominations are quite growen out of memorie, and those of the new latine, left as most incertayne. This remay­neth also vnto my tyme, borowed from the Romaynes that all our déedes, euidences, charters, and writinges of recorde, are set downe in the latine tongue, and therevnto the copies and courtrolles, and processes of courtes and leetes registred in the same.

The Sa­ [...]on tong.The thirde language apparauntly knowen is the Scythian or highe Dutche, brought in at the first by the Saxons, an hard and rough kinde of speach god wotte, when our nation was brought first into acquaintance withall, but now chaunged with vs into a farre more fine and easie kind of vtteraunce, and so poli­shed and helped with new and milder wordes that it is to be aduouched howe there is no one speache vnder the sonne spoken in our time, that hath or can haue more varietie of words, copie of phrases, or figures or floures of eloquence, thē hath our Englishe tongue, although some haue affirmed vs rather to barke as dogs, then talke like men, because the most of our wordes (as they doe in déede) incline vnto one syllable.

After the Saxon tongue came the Normā or Frenche language,The Frē ­che tong. ouer into our countrey and therein were our lawes written for a lōg tyme, our children also were by an especiall decrée taught first to speake the same, and all to exile the Englishe and Brittishe speaches out of the coūtry, but in vaine, for in the time of king Edwarde the first, and towarde the latter ende of his reigne, the Frenche it selfe ceased to be spoken generally, and then be­ganne the Englishe to recouer and growe in more estimation then before, notwithstāding that amōg our artificers, ye most part of their implements & tooles reteine stil their French denominatiōs to these our daies, as the lan­guage it self, is vsed likewise in sūdry courts, bookes and matters of law, wherof here is no place to make any farder rehearsall. After­ward also, by the diligent trauelle of Geffray Chauser, and Iohn Gowre in the time of Ri­chard the second, & after thē of Iohn Scogā, & Iohn Lydgate monke of Berry, our tong was brought to an excellent passe, notwith­standing that it neuer came, vnto the typpe of perfection, vntill the time of Quéene Eliza­beth, wherein many excellent writers haue fully accomplished the ornature of the same, to their great prayse and immortall commē ­dation. But as this excellencie of the English tongue is founde in one, and the south part of this Islande, so in Wales the greatest nō ­ber as I sayde retayne still their owne aun­cient language, that of the North part of the sayd countrey, being lesse corrupted then the other, and therefore reputed for the better in their owne estimation and iudgement.

The Cornish and Deuonshire men,The Cor­nish tōgue. haue a speach in like sorte of their owne, and such as hath in déede more affinity with the Armori­cane tongue, then I can well discusse of, yet in mine opiniō they are both but a corrupted kinde of Brittish, albeit so farre degenera­ting in these dayes, that if eyther of them do méete wyth a Welch man, they are not able at the first to vnderstand one another, except here and therein some odde wordes, without the helpe of interpretours. And no marueile [Page] in mine opinion that the Brittish of Corne­wall is thus corrupted, sith the Welch tong that is spoken in the north and south part of Wales, doth differ so much in it selfe as the English vsed in Scotlande, doth from that which is spoken among vs here in this side of the Islande, as I haue saide already.

Scottishe english.The Scottish englishe is much broader and lesse pleasaunt in vtterance, then ours, because that nation hath not hitherto inde­uoured to bring the same to any perfit order, and yet it is such in maner, as Englishmen themselues doe speake, for the most part be­yonde the Trent, whether the aforesayde a­mendement of our language, hath not as yet very much extended it selfe.

Thus we sée how that vnder the domini­on of the kinge of Englande, and in the south partes of the realme, we haue thrée seuerall tongues, that is to say, English, Bryttish, & Cornish, and euen so many are in Scotland, if you accompt the Englishe speach for one: notwithstanding that for bredth and quanti­tie of the Region, it be somewhat lesse to sée to then the other. For in the North part of the Region,The wilde Scottes. where the wilde Scottes, other­wyse called the Redshankes, or Rough footed Scottes (bycause they go bare footed & clad in mantels ouer their saffron shirtes after the Irishe maner) doe inhabite,Redshāks. Rough foo­ted Scots. they speake good Irishe,Irish spe­che. whereby they shew their origi­nall to haue in times past bene fetched out of Irelande.

In the Isles of the Orcades, or Orkeney, as they now call them, and such coastes of Bri­taine as doe abutte vpon the same, the Got­tish or Dainsh speach is altogither in vse, by reason as I take it, that the princes of Nor­way helde those Islandes so long vnder their subiection, albeit they were otherwyse re­puted, rather to belong vnto Irelande, by­cause that the very soyle of them is enemie to poyson, as some write, although for my part I had neuer experience of the truth her­of. And thus much haue I thought good to speake of these fiue languages nowe vsually spoken within the limites of our Islande.

Into how many kingdomes the Isle of Bri­taine hath bene deuided at once in olde time. Cap. 6.

Britaine at the first one entier kingdome.IT is not to be doubted, but that at the first the whole Islande was ruled by one onely prince, and so continued from time to time, vntill ciuile discorde, grounded vpon ambi­tions desire to reigne, caused the same to be gouerned by diuers. And this I meane so wel of the time before the comming of Brute, as after the extinction of his whole race and po­sterity. Howbeit as it is incerteine, into how many regions it was seuered after the first particion, so it is most sure that this latter disturbed estate of regiment, continued in the same, not onely vntill the time of Caesar, but also in maner vnto the dayes of Lucius, with whome the whole race of the Britons had an ende, and the Romaynes full possessiō of this Islande, who gouerned it by Legates after the maner of a prouince. It should seme also yt within a whyle after the time of Dun­wallon (who rather brought those 4. Prin­ces that vsurped in his tyme to obedience, then extinguished their titles, and such parti­tion as they had made of the Islande among thēselues) eche great citie had hir fréedome and seuerall kinde of regiment, proper vnto hir selfe, beside a large circuite of the country appertinent vnto the same, wherin were sun­drye other cities also of lesse name, which ought homage & all subiection vnto the grea­ter sorte. And to say truth hereof, it came to passe, that eache region, whereinto this I­slande was than deuided, tooke his name of some one of these as many appeare by that of the Trinobantes, which was so called of Trinobantum the chiefe citie of that portion, whose Territories, contayned all Essex, Middlesex, and part of Hertforde shire, euen as the iurisdictiō of the Bishop of London is now extēded, for the ouersight of such things as belong vnto the Church. Eche of the go­uernours also of these regions, called them­selues kings, and therevnto eyther of them dayly made warre vpon other, for the inlar­ging of their limites. But forasmuch as I am not able to saye howe many dyd chalenge this authoritie at once, and howe long they reigned ouer their seuerall portions, I will passe ouer these auncient times, and come néerer vnto our owne, I meane the 600. yere of Christ, wherof we haue more certayne no­tice, & at which season there is euident proofe, that there were 12. or 13. kinges reigning in this Islande.

We finde therefore for the first,Wales d [...] uided [...] thrée kingdomes. howe that Wales had hir thrée seuerall kingdomes, al­though that portion of the Islande extended in those dayes no farder thē about 200. miles in length, & one hundred in bredth, and was cut from Lhoegres by the riuers Sauerne & Dée, of which two streames this doth fall in­to the Irish sea at Chester, the other into the mayne Oceane, betwixt Somersetshire and Southwales, as their seuerall courses doe witnesse more at large.

In the beginning it was deuided into two kingdomes onely, that is to say, Venedotia, [Page 6] Gwinhed, Gwinhed. and Demetia, for which we now vse most commonlye the names of South and North Wales, but in processe of tyme a thirde sprange vp in the verye middest be­twéene them both, which from thenceforth was called Powysy, as shalbe shewed here­after.

The first of these thrée, being called as I sayd Northwales or Venedotia (or as Paulus, Venedotia. Iouius saith Malfabrene, for he deuideth wales also into thrée regions, of whiche he calleth ye first Dumbera, the seconde Berfrona, & the third Malfabrene) lyeth directly ouer against ye Isle of Anglesey.Anglesey. It containeth 4. regions, of which the sayde Island is the first, & wher­of in the chapter insuing I wil intreate more at large.Arfon. The seconde is called Arfon, and si­tuate betwéene two ryuers, the Segwy & the Conwy:Merio­neth. The thirde is Merioneth, & as it is seuered from Arfon by the Conwy, so is it se­parated from Tegenia, (otherwyse called Stradcluyd & Igenia the fourth regiō) by the riuer Cluda.Strad­cluyd or Tegenia. Finally the limits also of thys latter: are extended also, euen vnto the Dée it selfe, and of these 4. Regions, consisteth the kingdome of Venedotia, wherof in times past the region of the Canges was not the smal­lest portion.

Powisy.The kingdome of Powisy, last of all erec­ted, as I sayde, hath on the north side Gwin­hed on the East (from Chester to Hereforde, or rather the Deane forest) Englande: on the south and west the ryuer Wy, and very highe hilles, whereby it is notablye seuered from Southwales, the chiefe citie thereof being Shropshyre, that nowe is inhabited with méere English, and where, in olde time the kinges of Powysy dyd dwell and holde their pallaces. Vpon the limits of this king­dome, and not farre from Holt castell, vpon eache side of the riuer, as the chanell nowe runneth, stoode sometime the famous Mona­stery of Bāgor,Bangor. whylest the abated glory of the Britons, yet remayned vnextinguished, & herin were 2100. monkes, of which, the lear­ned sort dyd preache the Gospell, and the vn­learned laboured with their hands, therby to mainteyne themselues, and to sustaine their preachers. This Region was in lyke sort de­uided afterward in twaine, of which, the one was called Mailor or Mailrosse, the other re­tayned still hir olde denomination, & of these the first lay by south, and the latter by north of the Sauerne, whereof let this suffice, sith mine intent is not as nowe to make any pre­cise descriptiō, of the particulars of Wales, but onely to shewe, howe those regions laye, which sometime were knowen to be gouer­ned in that countrey.

The third kingdome is Demetia, Demetia. or South­wales, sometime knowen for the region of the Syllures, wherevnto I also am perswa­ded, that the Ordolukes lay in the East part thereof, and extended their region, euen vnto the Sauerne: but howsoeuer that matter fal­leth out, Demetia hath the Sauerne on hir south, the Irish sea on hir west partes, on the east the Sauerne only, and by North the land of Powysy, whereof I spake of late.

Of this region also Caermarden, which the olde writers call Maridunum, was the chiefe pallace, vntill at the last thorowe forren and ciuill inuasions of enimies, that the Princes thereof were constrayned to remooue theyr courts to Dinefar (which is in Cantermawr, and situate neuerthelesse vppon the same ry­uer Tewye whereon Cairmarden stand­eth) where it is farre better defended with high hilles, thicke wooddes, craggy rockes, and déepe marises. In this region also lyeth Pembroke shyre, whose fawcons haue bene in olde time very much regarded, and there in likewyse is Milforde hauen, whereof the Welch wyfards doe dreame straunge toyes, which they beléeue, shall one daye come to passe.

That Scotlande had in these dayes two Kingdomes,Pictland. Scotland. Pictes. Scottes. (besides that of the Orchades) wherof the one consisted of the Pictes, & was called Pightland or Pictlande, the other of the Scottish race, & named Scotland: I hope no wise man will readily denie. The whole regiō or portion of the Isle beyonde the Scot­tish sea also was so diuided that ye Pictes lay on the East side, and the Scots, on the West, eche of them being seuered from other, eyther by huge hilles or great lakes and riuers, that ran out of the South into the north betwéene them: Wherefore the case being so playne, I will say no more of these twoo but procéede in order wyth the rehearsall of the rest of the particular kingdoms of this our south part of ye Ile, limiting out ye same by shyres as they now lye, so nere as I cā, for otherwise it shal­be impossible for me to leaue certaine notice of the likeliest quantities of these their seue­rall portions.

The first of these kingdomes therfore was begonne in Kent by Henghist in the 456.Kēt Hen­ghist. of Christ, and thereof called the kingdome of Kent: and as the limites thereof extended it self no farther then the sayde countie (ye chiefe Citie whereof was Dorobernia or Canter­bury) so it endured well nere by the space of 400. yeares, before it was made an Earle­dome, and vnited by Inas vnto that of the West Saxons, Athelstane his sonne, being ye first Earle or heretoche of the same. Maister [Page] Lambert in his hystorie of Kent doth gather, by very probable coniectures, that this part of the Islande was first inhabited, by Samo­thes, and afterwarde by Albion: but howsoe­uer that case standeth, sure it is that it hath bene the onely doore, whereby the Romaines and Saxons made their entrie vnto the con­quest of the region. And as this cannot be denyed, so it was the onelye place by which the knowledge of Christ was first brought ouer vnto vs, whereby we became partakers of saluation, and from the darknesse of misty errour, true conuerts vnto the light, & bright beames of the shining truth, to our eternall benefit, and endlesse comforts hereafter.

Southsax. Ella.The second Kingdome conteined only Sus­sex & a part of Surrey, which Ella the Saxon first helde: who also erected his chiefe pallace at Chichester, whē he had destroied Andreds­walde in the 492. of Christ, and after it had continued by the space of 232. yeares, it ceased being the very beast Kingdome of all the rest, which were founded in this yle after the com­ming of the Saxons.

Estsax. Erken­w [...]jn.The third regiment was of the East Sax­ons, or Trinobātes. This kingdome began vn­der Erkenwijne, whose chiefe seate was in Londō (or Colchester) & cōteined whole Essex, & part of Herfordshyre. It indured also much about the pricke of 303. yeres, & was diuided frō that of the East angles onely by the riuer Stour, as Houeden & other doe report, & so it continueth seperated from Suffolke euen vnto our times, although the sayde riuer be growne very small, and not of such greatnes as it hath bene in times past, by reason that our Country men make small accompt of ri­uers, thinking carriage made by horse & cart to be the lesse chargeable waye. But herein how far they are deceyued, I will elsewhere make manifest declaration.

Westsax.The fourth kingdome was of ye West Sax­ons, and so called bycause it lay in the West part of the realme, as that of Essex did in the East, of Sussex and South. It began in the yeare of grace 549.Cerdijc. vnder Cerdijc, & indured vntil the comming of ye Normanes, including Willshyre, Barkeshyre, Dorset, Southamp­ton, Sūmersetshyre Glostershyre, some part of Deuonshyre (which the Brytons occupied not) Cornewal and the rest of Surrey, as the best authours do set downe. The chiefe Citie of this Kingdome also was Winchester, ex­cept my memory doe fayle me.

Br [...] ̄nicia, alias Nor­thumber­land, Ida.The fift Kingdome beganne vnder Ida, in the 548. of Christ being called now Northū ­berland because it laye by North of the riuer Humber, it conteined all that region which as it shoulde séeme, was in time past eyther wholly apperteining to ye Brigants, or where­of of the sayde Brigants, did possesse the greater part. The chiefe Citie of the same in like ma­ner was Yorke, as Leyland and other doe set downe, who adde thereto that it extended frō the humber vnto the Scottish sea.

Afterwarde in the yeare of grace 560.Deira, Ella. it was parted in twaine, vnder Adda, that yéel­ded vp all hys portion, which laye betwéene humber and the Line vnto his Brother Ella (according to their Fathers appointment) who called it Deira, or Southumberlande, but reteyning the rest stil vnto his owne vse, he diminished not his title, but wrote himself as before king of al Northumberland. How­beit after 91. yeres, it was reunited againe, & so continued vntill Alfrede vnited the whole to his kingdome, in the 331. after Ida, or 878. after the birth of Iesus Christ our Sauiour.

The 7. kingdome,Eastangle Offa, a [...] offelings. called of the Eastangles began at Norwitch in the 561. after Christ, vnder Offa, of whom they were lōg time af­ter called Offelings. This included all Nor­folke, Suffolke, Cābridgeshyre, & Ely, & cō ­tinuing 228. yeres it flourished only 35. yeres in perfite estate of Liberte, the reast being consumed vnder the trybute and vassallage of the merciās, who had ye souereigntye ther­of, & helde it with great honour. Some take this region to be all one with that of the Ice­nes, but as yet for my part I cannot yéelde to their assertions, I meane it of Lelande, him­selfe, whose helpe I vse altogither in these collections, albeit in this behalfe I am not re­solued, that he doth iudge aright.

The 8. and last was that of Mercia,Mertia. Creodda. which indured 291. yeares, and for greatnesse of cir­cuit, excéeded all the reast. It tooke the name eyther of Mearc the Saxon word, because the limits of most of the other kingdomes abut­ted vpō the same, or else for that the lawes of Mercia, were first vsed in that part of the I­lande. But as the later is but a méere coniec­ture of some, so it began vnder Creodda, in ye 585. and indured well nere 300. yeres, before it was vnited to that of the West Saxons by Alfrede, then reigning in the kingdome. Be­fore him the Danes had gotten holde thereof, and placed one Ceolulphe an Ideote in the same, but as he was sone reiected for his folly, so it was not long after ere the sayde Alfrede annexed it to his kingdome.

The limites of the Mertian dominiōs,Limits o [...] Mercia. con­teined Lincolne, Northamptō, Chester, Dar­by, Nottingham, Stafford, Huntington Rut­lande, Oxforde, Buckingham, Worcester, Bedforde shyres, and the greatest part of Shropshyre (which the Welch occupied not) Lancaster, Glocester, Hereford (alias Hurch­forde) [Page 7] Warwijc and Hertforde shyres, the rest of whose territories were holden by such princes of other kingdomes thorow force [...] bordered vpō the same. And thus much haue I thought good to leaue in memorye of the a­foresaid kingdomes, not omitting in ye meane time somewhat here to remember of the di­uision of the Island also into Prouinces, as the Romaines seuered it whiles they remay­ned in these parts. Which being done, I hope that I haue fullye discharged whatsoeuer is promised in the title of this Chapter.

The Romaines therefore hauing obteined the possession of this Island, deuided the same at ye last into fiue Prouinces. The first wher­of was named Britānia prima, [...]itannia [...]ma. & conteined the east part of England (as some doe gather) frō ye Trent vnto ye Twede. The second was cal­led Valentia, [...]lentia. & included the West side as they note it, frō Lirpole vnto Cokermouth. The thirde hight Britannia secunda, [...]itannia [...]cunda. and was that portion of the Ile which laye Southwardes, betwéene the Trent and the Thames. The fourth was surnamed Flauia Cesariensis: [...]auia Ce­ [...]iensis. and contayned all the countrey which remayned betwéene Douer & the Sauerne, I meane by south of the Thames, and wherevnto in lyke sort, Cornewall and Wales were orderly as­signed. The fift and last part was then named Maxima Cesariensis, [...]axima [...]esarien­ [...]. now Scotland. The most barren of all the reast, & yet not vnsought out of the Romaines, bicause of the great plentie of fishe and foule, fine Alabastar and harde Marble, that are ingendred and to be had in the same, for furniture of housholde and curious buylding, wherein they much deli­ted.

Of the auncient Religion vsed in this Island, from the comming of Samothes vnto the conuersion of the same vn­to the faith of Christ. Cap. 8.

IT is not to be doubted, but at the first and so long as the posteritie of Iaphet onelye, reigned in this Islande, that the true know­ledge and forme of religion brought in by Sa­mothes, [...]amothes. was exercised among the Britains. And although peraduenture in processe of time, either thorow curiositie, or negligence (ye onely corrupters of true pietie and godly­nesse) it might a little decay, yet when it was at the woorst, it farre excéeded the best of that which afterwarde came in with Albion, and his Chemminites, as maye be gathered by vewe of the supersticious rites, which Cham and hys successours dyd plant in other coun­tries, yet to be found in Authors.

What other learning Magus the sonne of Samothes taught after his fathers death whē he also came to the kingdome,Magus. beside thys which concerned the true honoring of God, I can not easily saye, but that it shoulde bée naturall Philosophie, and Astrology (wherby his disciples, gathered a kinde of foreknow­ledge of thinges to come) the verye vse of the worde Magus, among the Persians doth yéeld no incerteine testimony.

In lyke maner,Sarron. it shoulde séeme that Sar­ron sonne vnto the sayde Magus, diligentlye followed the steppes of hys father, & thereto opened Schooles of learning in sundrie pla­ces, both among the Celtes and Britaines, whereby such as were his Auditours, grewe to be called Sarronides, notwithstanding,Samothei. Semnothei. that aswell the Sarronides as the Magi, (otherwise called Magusei) & Druiydes, were generally called Samothei, or Semmothei, of Samo­thies stil among the Grecians, as Aristotle in his de magia, doth confesse, and calling them Galles, hée addeth thereunto that they first brought the knowledge of Letters, and good learning vnto the Gréekes.

Druiyus the sonne of Sarron (as a scholler of his fathers owne teaching) séemed to be exquisite in all thinges,Druiyus, that pertayned vnto the deuine or humaine knowledge: and ther­fore I may safely pronounce, that he excelled not onely in the skill of Philosophie: and the Quadriuialles, but also in the true Theolo­gie, whereby the right seruice of God was kept & preserued in puritie. He wrote more­ouer sundry precepts, and rules of religious doctrine, which among the Celtes were re­serued very religiously, and had in great esti­mation among such as sought vnto them.

Howe and in what order this Prince left the state of religiō,Corrup­ters of re­ligion. I meane for those publike orders in administration of particular rites and ceremonies, as yet I do not reade: how­beit this is most certayne that after he dyed, the purity of his doctrine began somewhat to decaye, for such is the nature of man that it wil not suffer any good thing long to remaine as it is left, but (either by additiō or substrac­tion of this or that, to or from the same) so to chop & chaunge withal frō time to time, that there is nothing of more difficulty, for such as doe come after thē, then to find out the pu­ritie of the originall and restore the same a­gaine vnto hir former perfection.

In the beginning this Druiyus did preach vnto his bearers,Caesar. that the soule of man is im­mortall, that God is omnipotent, mercyfull as a father in shewing fauor vnto the godly, and iust as an vpright Iudge, in punishing of the wicked. That the secrets of mans hart [Page] are not vnknowen, and only knowen to him, and that as the worlde and all that is there­in had their beginning by him, at his owne will, so shall all things likewise haue an end, when he shal sée his time. He taught them al­so howe to obserue the courses of ye heauens,Strabo. li. 4. Socton. lib. success. Cicero di­uinat. 1. and motions of the planetes, to finde out the true quantities of the celestiall bodyes, and thereto the compasse of the earth, and hid­den natures of thinges contayned in the same. But alas this integritie continued not long among his successours, for vnto the im­mortality of the soule, they added, that after death it went in to another bodye, the se­conde or succedent, being alwayes, eyther more noble, or more vile than the former, as the partie deserued by his merites, whylest he liued here on earth.Plinius. lib. 16. cap. vlti­mo. For said they (of whō Pythagoras also had, and taught this errour,) if the soule appertayned at ye first to a king, & he in this estate did not leade his lyfe woor­thie of this calling, it should after his decease be shut vp in ye bodie of a slaue, begger, cocke, Owle, Dogge, Ape, Horse, Asse, Worme, or Monster, there to remaine as in a place of purgation & punishmēt, for a certaine periode of time. Beside this, it should peraduēture su­staine often translation from one bodie vnto another, according to the quantitie and quali­tie of his dooinges here on earth, till it should finally be purified, and restored againe to all other humaine bodie, wherein if it behaued it selfe more orderly then at the first: after the next death, it shoulde be preferred, eyther to the bodie of a king, or other great estate. And thus they made a perpetuall circulation, or reuolution of our soules, much like vnto the continuall motion of the heauens, which ne­uer stande stil, nor long yeeld one representa­tiō and figure. They brought in also the woor­shipping of many goddes, and their seuerall sacrifices,Oke hono­red wher­on mistle did grow, & so doe our sorcerers e­uen to this day think­ing some spirits to deale a­bout the same for hidden tre­sure. they honoured likewyse the Oke, wheron the Mistle groweth, and daily deui­sed infinitie other toyes, (for errour is neuer assured of hir owne dooinges) wherof neyther Samothes, nor Sarron, Magus, nor Druiyus did leaue them any prescription.

These things are partly touched by Cicero, Strabo, Plinie, Sotion, Laertius, Theophrast, A­ristotle, and partly also by Caesar, and other authours of later time, who for the most part do cōfesse, yt the chiefe schoole of the Druiydes was holden here in Britaine, whether the Druiydes also themselues, that dwelt amōg the Galles, woulde often resorte to come by the more skill, and sure vnderstanding of the misteries of that doctrine.

Estimati­on of the Druiy [...] or Dr [...] priest [...]Furthermore, in Britaine, and among the Galles, and to saye the truth, generally in all places where the Druiysh religion was fre­quented, such was thestimatiō of the Priestes of this profession, that there was little or no­thing done without their skilfull aduise, no not in ciuill causes, pertayning to the regi­ment of the common wealth and countrey. They had the charge also of all sacrifices, pu­blicke and priuate, they interpreted Oracles, preached of religion, and were neuer without great numbers of yoong men, that hearde thē with great diligence, as they taught, frō time to time.

Touching their persons also,Immu [...] ty of the clergy [...] ter vnd [...] Idola [...] then vn­der the gospell. they were ex­empt from all temporal seruices, impositiōs, tributes, and exercise of the warres, which immunitie caused the greater companies of Schollers to flocke vnto thē, from all places & learne their trades. Of these likewise, some remayned with them seuen, eyght, tenne, or twelue yeares, still learning the secretes of those vnwritten mysteries by heart, which were to be had amongst them, and common­ly pronounced in verses. And this policie, as I take it, they vsed onely to preserue their religion from contempt, where into it might easye haue fallen, if any bookes thereof had happened into the hands of the commō sorte. It helped also not a little in ye exercise of their memories, where vnto bookes are vtter ene­mies, insomuch as he that was skillfull in the Druiysh religion, would not let readily to re­hearse many hundredes of verses, and not to fayle in one tytle, in the whole processe of this his laborious repetition. But as they dealt in this order for matters of their religiō, so in ciuill affaires, historical Treatises, & setting downe of lawes, they vsed like order and let­ters almost with the Grecians, wherby it is easy to be séene, that they retayned this kinde of writing frō Druiyus (the originall foun­der of their religion) and that this yland hath not béene voyde of letters and learned men, euen sith it was first inhabited.

After the death of Druiyus,Bardus. Bardus his sonne, and fift king of the Celtes succéeded not onely ouer the sayde kingdome, but also in his fathers vertues, whereby if is very likely, that the winding and wrapping vp of the sayde Religion, after the afore remem­bred sorte into Verse, was first deuysed by hym, for he was an excellent Poet, and no lesse indued with a singular skill in the prac­tise and speculatiō of Musicke, of which twoo many suppose him to be the very author and beginner, although vniustly, sith both Poetry & Song, was in vse before the floude,Gene. 4. vers. 21. as was also the Harpe and Pype, which Iubal in­uented and coulde neuer be performed with­out great skil in musicke. But to procéede, as [Page 8] the chiefe estimation of the Druiydes remai­ned in the ende among the Britons only, for their knowledge in religion, so dye the same of the Bardos for their excellēt skill in musike, and Heroicall kind of song, which at the first contayned only the high misteries of their re­ligion. There was little difference also be­twéene them and the Druiydes, [...]he Bar­ [...] dege­ [...]rate. till they so farre degenerated from their first institutiō, that they became to be minstrels at feastes, droncken meetings, and abhominable sacri­fices of the Idols: where they sang most com­monly no diuinitie as before, but the noble actes of valiaunt princes and fabulous nar­ratiōs, of the adulteries of the gods. Certes in my tyme this fonde vsage, and therto the very name of the Bardes, are not yet extin­guished amōg the Britons of Wales, where they call their Poetes & Musici [...]ns Barthes, as they doe also in Irelande. There is more­ouer an Islande appertinent to the region of Venedotia, wherinto the Bardes of old time vsed to resorte, as out of the waye into a soli­tarie place, there to write and learne their songes by hearte, and meditate vppon such matters, as belonged to their practises. And of these Lucane in his first booke writeth thus, among other the like sayinges well towarde the latter ende also saying.

[...]cane. [...]. 1.
Vos quo (que) qui fortes animas, bello (que) peremptat
Laudibus in longum vates dimittitis euum.
Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi.
Et vos barbaricos ritus, morem (que) sinistrum
Sacrorum Druiydae, positis re (que) pistis ab armis.
Solis nosse Deos, & coeli numina vobis,
Aut solis nescire datum: nemora alta remotis
Incolitis lucis. Vobis authoribus, vmbrae
Non tacit as erebi sedes, ditis (que) profundi
Pallida regna petunt, regit idem spiritus artus
Orbe alio. Longae, canitis si cognita, vitae
Mors media est certe populi, quos despicit arctos,
Foelices errore suo, quos ille timorum
Maximus haud vrget leti metus: inde ruendi
In ferrum mens prona viris, animae (que) capaces
Mortis & ignuum est redituirae parcere vitae.

Thus we see as in a glasse the state of re­ligion, for a tyme after the first inhabita­cion of this Islande, but howe long it conti­nued in such soundnesse, as the originall au­thors left it, in good sooth I cā not say, yet this is most certaine, that after a time when Al­bion arriued here, the religion earst imbra­ced, fell into great decaye, for wheras Iaphet and Samothes with their childrē taught no­thing else then such doctrine as they had lear­ned of Noah: so Cham the great grandfather of this our Albion, and his disciples vtterly renouncing to followe their steps, gaue their mindes wholly to seduce, and leade their hea­rers hedlong vnto all error. Wherby his po­steritie not only corrupted this our Islande, with most filthie trades and practises, but also all mankinde, generally where they be­came with vicious life, and most vngodly be­hauiour.

For from Cham and his successours, pro­céeded at the first all sorcery, witchcraft,what doc­trine Chā and his disciples taught. and the execution of vnlawfull lust, without re­spect of Sexe, age, consanguinitie, or kinde: as braunches from an odious & abhominable roote, or streames deriued from most filthye and stinking puddles. Howbeit, and notwith­standing all these his manifolde lewdnesses, such was the folly of his Egiptians (where he first reigned and taught) that whilest he ly­ned they alone had him in great estimation, (whereas other Nations contemned and ab­horred him for his wickednesse,Cheme­senua. Chemmyn. Chā made a god. calling hym Chemesenua, that is, the impudent, infamous and wicked Cham) and not onely builded a Citie vnto him which they called Chem Min, but also after his deth reputed him for a god, calling the highest of the seuen Planets after his name, as they dyd the next beneath it af­ter Osyris hys sonne, whome they likewise honored vnder the name of Iupiter.

Certes it was a custome in Egypt of olde time,Transla­tiō of mor­tall men, men into heauē how it began. & generally in vse, (whē any of their fa­mous worthy Princes dyed) to ascrybe some forme or other of the starres vnto his persō, to thend his name might neuer weare out of memory. And this they called their translati­on in heauen, so that he which had any starres or forme of starres, dedicated vnto him, was properlye sayde to haue place amonge the goddes. A toye much lyke to the Catalogue of Romishe saintes, (although the one was written in the celestiall orbes, the other in sheepe skinnes, and verye brickle paper) but yet so esteemed that euery Prince woulde oft hazard & attempt the vttermost aduentures, thereby to winne such fame in his life, that after his death, he myght by merit haue such place in heauen, among the shining starres.

Thus wée sée how Idolatry and honoring of the starres was bredde and hatched at the first, which in processe of tyme came also into Britaine, as dyd the names of Saturne, & Iupiter &c. as shall appeare hereafter. And here sith I haue already somewhat digressed from my matter. I will go a little furder, & shewe forth the originall vse of the worde Sa­turne, Iupiter, Hercules, &c. whereby your Ho­nor shall sée yet more into the errours of the Gentiles, and not onely that, but one poynt also, of the roote of all the confusion, that is to be found among the auncient histories.

[Page]It was generallye vsed for a fewe yeres after the particion of the yearth,Which were pro­perly cal­led, Satur­ni. Ioues, Iunones, and Her­cules. (which was made by Noah, in the 133. yere after floude,) that the beginners of such kingdomes as were then erected shoulde be called Saturni. Hereby then it came to passe that Nimbrote was the Saturne of Babylon: Cham of Ae­gypt: and so forth other of other places.

Their eldest Sonnes also that succéeded them, were called Ioues, & their nephewes or sonnes sonnes, that reigned in ye thirde place Hercules, by which meanes it followed that e­uery kingdome had a Saturne, Iupiter & Her­cules of hir owne, and not from anye other.

In lyke sort they had such another order a­mong their daughters, whom they marryed as yet commonlye vnto their brethren (God himselfe permitting the same vnto them for a time) as before the floude, to the ende the earth might be thorowly replenished, and the sooner furnished with inhabitantes, in euery part therof.Isis, Io and Iuno all one. The sister therefore & wife of e­uery Saturne was called Rhea, but of Iupiter, Iuno, Isis, or Io. Beyonde these also there was no latter Harolde that woulde indeuour to deriue the petigrée of any Prince, or Po­tentate, but supposed his duety to be suffici­ently perfourmed, when he had brought it orderly vnto some Saturne or other, whereat he might cease, and shut vp all his traueile. They had likewise this opinion grounded a­mongest them, that Heauen an Earth were onelye parentes vnto Saturne and Rhea, not knowing out of doubt, what they themselues did meane, sith these donominations, Heauen, Ogyges, Caelum. Ogyges. Sol. Paterdeo­rum. Tydea. Vesta. Terra. Luna. Aretia. Deorum mater. the Sunne, Pater Deorum, & such like, were onely ascribed vnto Noah: as Terra, (the Yearth) Vesta Aretia, the Moone, Mater deorum and other the lyke were vnto Tydea his wife, so that hereby we sée, how Saturne is reputed in euery Nation for theyr oldest god, or first Prince, Iupiter for the next, and Hercules for the thirde: & therefore sith these names were dispersed in the beginning ouer all, it is no marueyle that there is such confusion in aun­cient histories, and the dooings of one of them so mixed with another, that it is now impossi­ble to distinguish them in sunder. Thys haue I spoken, to the ende that all men maye sée what gods the Paganes honored, and there­by what religion the posterity of Cham, did bring euer into Britaine. For vntill their cō ­ming, it is not likely that any grosse Idola­try or supersticion, did enter in among vs, as deifying of mortall men, honoring of the Starres, and erectiō of huge Images, beside sorcery, witchcraft, and such lyke, whereof the Chemminites are worthilye called the Autors. Neyther were these errors any thing amended, by the cōming in of Brute,F [...] wh [...] Br [...] lear [...] relig [...] who no doubt added such deuises vnto ye same, as he and his company had learned before in Gre­cia, from whence also he brought, Helenus, the sonne of Priamus, a man of excéeding age, and made him his Priest and bishop, thorow­out the newe conquest, that he had achieued in Britaine.

After Brute, Idolatry and supersticiō still increased more & more among vs, insomuch that beside the Druiysh and Bardike ceremo­nies, and those also that came in with Albion and Brute: our countrymen eyther brought hither frō abroad, or daily inuented at home, new religion, and rites, whereby it came to passe that in the stead of the only & immortal God (of whome Samothes and his posteritie dyd preache in times past) now they honou­red the sayde Samothes himselfe vnder the name of Dis: likewise Saturne, Iupiter, Mars, Dis [...]moth [...] made [...] God. Minerua, Mercurie, Apollo, Diana, and diuers other. In lieu moreouer of shéepe and oxen, they offred mankind also vnto some of them, killing their offendours, prysoners, & oft such straungers as came from farre vnto them, by shutting vp great numbers of them togi­ther in huge Images, made of wicker, or o­ther matter: and then setting all on fire togi­ther, they not onely consumed the miserable creatures to ashes, but also reputed it to be the most acceptable sacrifice that coulde be made vnto their Idols. Huge tēples in like sorte were builded vnto them, so that in the time of Lucius, when the light of saluatiō be­gan strongly to shine in Britaine, thorowe the preaching of the Gospell,Ptol. l [...] censis. the christians discouered 25. Flamines or Idole churches, beside thrée Arche Flamines, whose Priests were then as our Archebishops are nowe, in that they had superiour charge of all the rest, who were reputed as inferiours, and sub­iect to their iurisdiction in cases of religion, and supersticious ceremonies.

Hitherto you haue heard of the time, wher­in Idolatrie reigned and blinded the heartes of such as dwelled in this Islande.Theod [...] Sophro [...] us. Nowe let vs sée the successe of the Gospell, after the death and passion of Iesus Christ our Sa­uiour. And euen here will I beginne with an Allegation of Theodorete, wherevpon some repose great assurance (conceyuing yet more hope therein by the wordes of Sophronius) that Paule the Apostle shoulde preache the worde of saluatiō here, after his deliuerie out of captiuitie, which fell as I doe reade in the 57. of Christ. But sith I cānot verifie ye same by the wordes of Theodorete, to be spoken more of Paule then Peter, or the reast, I will passe ouer this coniecture, and deale with o­ther [Page 9] things, wherof we haue more certeinty.

That one Iosephus preached here in En­glande, [...]ephus. in the time of the Apostles, his sepul­chre yet in Aualon, nowe called Glessenburg or Glastenbury, and Epitaphaffixed there­vnto is proofe sufficient. Howbeit sith these things are not of cōpetent force to perswade all men, I wil adde in few, what I haue read elsewere of his arriual here. First of al ther­fore you shall note that he came ouer into Britaine, about the 64. after Christ, when the persecution began vnder Nero, [...]illip. [...]eculphus [...]. 2. lib. 2. p. 4. [...]nnius. [...]cepho­ [...] lib. 2. p. 40. at which time Phillip and diuers of the godly being in Fraunce (whether he came with other chri­stians, after they had sowed the word of God in Scythia, by ye space of nyne yares) seuered themselues in sunder to make the better shift for their owne safegarde, and yet not other­wyse then that by their flight, the Gospell myght haue furtheraunce. Hereby then it came to passe, that the sayde Phillip vpō good deliberation dyd sende Iosephus ouer, & with him Simon Zelotes to preach vnto the Bri­tons, and minister the Sacramentes there according to the rites of the Churches of A­sia and Gréece, from whence they came not long before vnto the country of the Galles. And this is the effect in a litle rowme, of that which I haue reade at large in sundrye wri­ters, although it may well be gathered that diuers Britains were conuerted to the fayth before this sixetiefoure of Christ. Howbeit wheras some write that they lyued, & dwel­led in Britaine, it can not as yet take anye absolute holde in my iudgement, but rather that they were Baptized and remayned, ey­ther in Rome, or elsewhere. And of this sorte I suppose Claudia Ruffina the wyfe of Pu­dens to be one, [...]audia [...]ffina [...] [...]aye. who was a Brittish Lady in déede, and not only excellent in the Gréeke & Latine tongues, but also with hir husbande highly commended by S. Paule, as one hauing had conuersation and conference with them at Rome,Tim. 4. from whence he dyd write hys se­conde Epistle vnto Timothy. Of this Lady moreouer Martial speaketh in reioysing that his Poesies were read also in Britaine, and onely by hir meanes, who vsed to cull out the finest of his Epigrammes and sende them to hir friends for tokens, saying, after this ma­ner as himselfe doth set it downe.

Dicitur & nostros cantare Britannia versus.

Furthermore making mentiō of hir, and hir issue he addeth these wordes. [...] 11. Epig.

Claudia ceruleis cum sit Rufina Britannis
Edita, our Latiae pectora plaebis habet,
Quale decus formae: Romanam credere matres
Italides possunt, Atthides esse suam.
Dij bene, quod sancto peperit faecunda marito,
Quot sperat, generos, quot a puella Nurus
Sic place at superis, vt coniuge gaude at vno,
Et semper natis gaudeat illa tribus.

The names of hir thrée children were Pudon­tiana, Praxedes, and Nouatus, who after the deth of Pudons their father (which befell him in Cappadocia,) dwelled with their mother in Vmbria, where they ceased not from time to time to minister vnto the Saincts. But to leaue this impertinēt discourse, and procéede. with my purpse.

I find in the Chronicles of Burton (vnder the yeare of grace 141. and time of Hadriane themperour) that nine Schollers or Clarkes of Grantha or Granta, nowe Cambridge, were Baptized in Britaine, & became Prea­chers of the Gospell there, but whether Tau­rinus Bishop, or Elder ouer the congregatiō at Yorke (who as Vincentius sayth,Lib. 10. cap. 17. Taurinus. was exe­cuted about this time for his fayth) were one of thē or not, as yet I doe not certeinly finde. Diuers other also inbraced the religion of Christ very zealously. Howbeit all this not­withstanding, the glad tidings of the Gospel had neuer frée & open passage here, vntill the time of Lucius, in which the very enemies of the worde, became the apparant meanes (cō ­trarie to their owne mindes) to haue it set forth amongst vs. For when Antoninus the emperour had giuen out a decrée, that the Druiysh religion shoulde euery where he a­bolished,This is cō trarie to ye common talk of our Atheistes who say let vs liue here in welth, cre­dite & au­thoritie v­pon earth, & let Go take heauē and his re­ligion to himslfe to do withall what he listeth. Lucius the king (whose syrname is nowe perished) tooke aduise of his counsell what was best to be done, & wrought in this behalfe [...] And this dyd Lucius bycause he thought it impossible for man to lyue long without any religion at all. Finally finding his nobility and subiects vtter enemies to the Romaine deuotion (for yt they made so many gods as themselues listed & some to haue the regiment euen of their dyrt and dung) & ther­vnto being pricked forwards by such christi­ans, as were conuersant about him, to chuse the seruice of the true God, that liueth for e­uer, rather then the slauish seruitude of any pagane Idole: he fully resolued with himself in the ende, to receyue & imbrace the Gospel. He sent also two of his learned christians and greatest Philosophers to Rome, vnto Eleu­therus then Bishop there in the 177. of Christ not to promise any subiectiō to his sie,Lucius ope­neth his eares to good coun­sell, as one desirous to serue God & not pre­ferre the worlde. which then was not required, but to saie with such as were pricked in minde, Actes 2. vers. 37. Quid faciemus viri fratres, I meane that they were sent to be perfectly instructed, and with farder commission, to make earnest request vnto hym and the congregation there, that a competent number of Preachers might be sent ouer from thence, by whose diligent ad­uise [Page] and trauayle, the foundation of the Gos­pell might surely be layde ouer all his king­dome, according to his minde.

The pur­pose of Lu­cius opened vnto ye cō ­gregation at Rome by Eleu­therus.When Eleutherus vnderstoode these things, he reioyced not a litle, for the great goodnesse which the Lord had shewed vpō this our Isle & countrie. Afterwardes calling the brethren togither, they agréed to ordayne, euen those two for Byshoppes, whome Lucius as you haue heard, had directed ouer vnto them. Fi­nally making generall prayer vnto God and earnest supplication for the good successe of these men, they sent them home agayne, with no small charge, that they should be di­ligent in their function, and carefull ouer the flocke committed to their custody.

The first of these was called Eluanus a man borne in the Isle of Aualon, and brought vp there vnder those godly Pastours and their Disciples, whom Phillip sent ouer at the first for the conuersion of the Brytons. The other hight Medguinus, and was thereto surnamed Belga, bycause he was of ye towne of Welles, which then was called Belga. This man was trayned vp also in one schoole with Eluanus, both of them being ornaments to their hory ages, and men of such grauititie and godli­nesse, that Eleutherus supposed none more worthy to support this charge, then they: af­ter whose comming home also, it was not long ere Lucius and all his housholde with di­uers of the nobility were Baptized;A zealous prince ma­keth feruēt subiects. beside in­finity numbers of the common people, which daily resorted vnto them and voluntarily re­nounced all their Idolatry and Paganisme.

In the meane time Eleutherus hearing of the successe of these learned Doctours & sup­posing with himself that they two only could not suffice to supporte so great a burden as shoulde concerne the conuersion of the whole Islande.Faganus. Dinauus. Aaron. He directed ouer vnto them in the yeare insuing Faganus, Dinaw (or Dinauus,) Aaron and diuers other godly Preachers, as fellow labourers to trauayle wyth them in the Vineyarde of the Lord.Radulphus de la noir alias. Niger These men ther­fore after their comming hyther, consulted wyth the other, and forthwith they wholly consented to make a diuision of thys Islande amongst themselues,3. Chiefe Bishops in Britain appoynting what per­cel eche Preacher shold take, ye with the more profits and ease of the people, and somewhat lesse traueyle for themselues:Theonus. Theodosius the Doctrine of the Gospell might be preached and receaued In this distribution also, they ordayned that there should be one congregation at London, where they placed Theonus as chiefe Elder and Byshop,London. yorke. Caerlheon for that present time. Another at Yorke whether they appoynted Theodo­sius. And the thirde at Caerlheon vpon the ry­uer Vske, (which thrée cities had before time béene Archeflamines) to the end that the coū ­tries rounde about might haue indifferent accesse vnto those places, and therewith all vnderstande for certeintie, whether to resort for resolution, if after their conuersion they shoulde happen to doubt of any thing.

Thus became Britaine the first Prouince,Britain [...] first Pr [...] uince th [...] receyue [...] Gospell general [...] that generally receyued the faith, and where the Gospell was fréely preached without in­hibition of hir prince. Howbeit although that Lucius and hys princes and great numbers of his people imbraced the word with gréedi­nesse, yet was not ye successe therof, eyther so vniuersal, that all men beléeued at the first: ye security so great, as that no persecution was to be feared from the Romaine empyre after his decease: or the procéeding of the king so seuere, as yt he inforced any man by publicke authoritie to forsake and relinquish his Pa­ganisme: but only this fréedom was enioyed, that who so woulde become a christian in his time, might without feare of his lawes pro­fesse the Gospel, in whose testimonie, if néede had béene, I doubt not to affirme, but that he woulde haue shed also his bloude, as dyd his Nece Emerita, Emerita néece [...] Lucius. who beyng constant aboue the common sort of women, refused not after his decease by fire, to yéelde hir selfe to death as a swéete smelling sacrifice in the nostrels of the Lorde, beyonde the sea in Fraunce.

The fayth of Christ being thus planted in this Islande in the 177.Lucius [...] deth [...] to Rome after Christ and Fa­ganus and▪ Dinaw with the rest sent ouer frō Rome, in the 178. as you haue heard: it came to passe in the thirde yeare of the Gospell re­ceyued, that Lucius did sende agayne to Eleu­therus the Byshop, requiring that he might haue some briefe Epitome of the order of dis­cipline then vsed in the Churche. For he well considered that as it auayleth little to plant a costly Vineyarde, except it afterwarde be cherished, kept in good order, and such things as annoy, daily remooued from the same: so after Baptisme and entraunce into religion, it profiteth little to beare the name of chri­stians, except we doe walke continually in the spirite,Ro. 8. [...] & haue such things as offende ap­parantly, corrected by seuere discipline. For otherwise it will come to passe, yt the wéedes of vice, and vicious liuing, will so quickly abounde in vs that they will in the ende choke vp the good séede sowen in our mindes, & ey­ther inforce vs to returne vnto our former wickednesse with déeper security then before, or else to become méere Atheistes, which is a great deale woorse.

For this cause therefore dyd Lucius sende to Rome, the seconde tyme for a copie of such [Page 10] politicke orders as were then vsed there, in their regiment of the Church.The wise­dome of Eleutherus But Eleuthe­rus considering wt himselfe, how that al nati­ons are not of like condition, & therfore those constitutions that are beneficiall to one, may now and then be preiudiciall to another: and séeing also that beside the worde no rites and orders can long continue, or be so perfect in all points, but that as time serueth, they wil requyre alteration: He thought it best not to lay any more vpon the neckes of the newe conuerts of Britaine as yet, then christ & his Apostles had already set downe vnto al men. In returning therefore his messengers, he sent letters by them vnto Lucius and hys no­bilitie, dated in the Consulships of Commo­dus and Vespronius, wherein he tolde them that Christ had left sufficient order in ye scrip­tures for the gouernement of his Church al­ready in his worde, and not for that only, but also for the regimēt of his whole kingdome, if he woulde submit himselfe, to yéelde & fol­low that rule. The Epistle it selfe is partly extaunt, and partly perished, yet such as it is, and as I haue faithfullye translated it out of sundry copies, I doe deliuer it euen here, to the ende I will not defraude the reader of a­nye thing that may turne to his commoditie, in the hystorie of our nation.Epistle of Eleutherus vnto Lu­cius.

You requyre of vs the Romaine ordināces and therto the statutes of the Emperours to ‘be sent ouer vnto you, and which you desire to practise and put in vre within your realme and kingdome. The Romaine lawes & those of Emperours we may eftsoones reprooue, but those of God, can neuer be founde fault withall. You haue receyued of late thorowe Gods mercy in the realme of Britaine the law and fayth of Christ,’ you haue with you both volumes of the Scriptures: out of them therefore by Gods grace and the Counsel of your realme take you a law, and by that law thorowe Gods sufferaunce rule your king­dome, for you are Gods Vicar in your owne realme,Psal. 24. as the royall Prophete sayth. The earth is the Lords, and all that is therin, the cōpasse of the world, & they that dwell there­in. Agayne thou hast loued truth and hated iniquitie,Psal. 45. wherfore God, euen thy God hath anoynted thée with oyle of gladnesse aboue thy fellowes. And agayne, according to the saying of the same Prophete. Oh God giue thy iudgement vnto the king,Psal. 71. and [...] iustice vnto the kings sonne. The kings sonnes are the christian people and flocke of the realme, which are vnder your gouernance, and liue, & continue in peace within your kingdome. * The Gospell saith, as the Henne gathereth hir chickens vnder hir winges, so doth the king hys people. Such as dwell in the king­dome of Britaine are yours, whom if they be deuided you ought to gather vnto a p [...]e and peace, to call them to the fayth and lawe of Christ, and to hys sacred Church: to che [...] ­rish and mainteyne, to rule also and gouerne them, defending eache of them from such as woulde doe them wrong, and kéeping them from the malice of such as be their enemies. * Wo vnto the natiō whose king is a childe, & whose princes ryse vp earely to banket & féede, which is spoken not of a prince, that is within age, but of a prince that is become a childe, thorowe folly, sinne and vnstedfast­nesse, of whome the Prophete saith, the bloud­thyrsty and deceitful men shall not lyue forth halfe their dayes.Psal. 55. By feeding also I vnder­stande glouttonie, by glouttonie, lust, and by lust all wickednesse, and sinne, according to the saying of Salomon the king. Wysedome entreth not into a wicked mind, nor dwelleth wyth a man that is subiect vnto sinne. A king hath hys name of ruling, and not of the pos­session of his realme, you shalbe a king why­lest you rule well, but if you doe otherwyse, the name of a king shall not remayne wyth you, but you shal vtterly, forgo it, which God forbid. The Almyghty God graunt you so to rule the kingdome of Britaine, that you may reigne with hym for euer, whose Vicare (or Vicegerent) you are within your aforesayd kingdome. Who with the sonne and the holy Ghost. &c.

Hitherto out of the Epistle that Eleutherus, sent vnto Lucius, whereby many prety obser­uations are to be collected, if time and place, would serue to stande thereon.

After these dayes, also the number of such as were ordeined to saluation, increased day­ly more and more, wherby as in other places of the worlde, the worde of God had good successe in Brytaine, in time of peace, and in heate of persecutiō, there were no smal num­ber of Martyrs that suffered for the same, of which Albane, Amphibalus, Iulius and Aaron, Albane. Amphiba­lus. Iulius. Aaron. are reputed to be the chiefe, because of theyr Noble parentage.

There are which affirme our Lucius to re­nounce hys kingdome, and afterwarde be­come a Bishop and Preacher of the Gospell: but to thend these that holde his opinion may once vnderstande the botome of their er [...]ors. I wyll set downe the matter at large where­by they may sée (if they list to looke) how farre they haue bene deceiued.

I finde that Chlorus had by Helena thrée sonnes,Chlorus had thrée sonnes, and a daughter by Helena. (beside one daughter called Emerita) of which the name of the first is perished, the seconde was called Lucion, and the thyrde [Page] Constantine, that afterwarde was Emperour of Rome, by the election of the Soldiers. Now it happened that Lucion by meanes of a quar­rell, that grew betwéene him & his Elder bro­ther did kil his said brother, eyther by a fray, or by some other meanes, wherupon his fa­ther exiled him out of Briton, & apointed him from thencefoorth to remayne in Fraunce. Lucion (or as some cal him also Lucius) being thus brought into worldly sorrowe, had now good leisure to meditate vpō Heauen, who be fore in his prosperity peraduēture, had neuer regard of hell.Lucion be­commeth a christien. Finally he fel so far into ye cōsi­deratiō of his estate, yt at the last he renounced his Paganisme, and first became a christian, then an Elder, and last of all a Byshop in the Church of Christ.Lucion a Bishop. He erected also, a place of prayer wherin to serue the liuing God, which after sundrye alterations, came in processe of tyme, to be an Abbay, and is still called euen to our time after Lucion or Lucius: the first founder thereof, and the originall beginner of anye such house in those partes.

In this also he & diuers other of hys friends, continued their times, in great contemplati­on and prayer, and from hence were tran­slated as occasion serued, vnto sondrye eccle­siasticall promotiōs in the time of Constatine his brother, so that euen by this short narrati­on it is now easy to sée that Lucius the kyng and Lucion the sonne of Chlorus, were distinct persons.Hermānus. Schedeliꝰ. Herevnto Hermānus Schedeliꝰ. ad­deth also howe he went into Rhetia, and nere vnto the citie Augusta, cōuerted the Cu [...]ienses, vnto ye fayth of Christ, & there likewise lyeth buryed in the same towne, where his feast is holden vpon the thirde daye of December, as may redily be confirmed. That Schedelius erreth not herin also; the aunciēt monumēts of the saide Abbaye, whereof he was the ori­ginall beginner, as I sayde, doe yeelde suffi­cient testimonye,Festum Lu­cionis. beside an Himne made in his commendation, intituled Gaude lucio­nū &c. Iohn Bou­chet. But for more of this you may resort vnto Bouchet, in his first booke, & fift chapter of the Annales of Aquiteine, who maketh the king of Britaine Grandfather to this Luciō. The said Schedelius in like sort setteth down, that his Sister was Martyred in Trineca­stell, nere vnto the place where the sayde Lu­cion dwelled, wherby it appeareth in lyke sorte,Emerita martyred in Rhetia. that she was not sister to Lucius kyng of Briteine, of which prince Alexander Nec­cham in his most excellent treatise de sapien­cie Diuina setteth downe this Distichon.

Prima Britannorum fidei lux lucius esse
Fertur, qui rexit Moenia Brute tua.

But as eche Riuer the farder it runneth from the heade, the more it is increased, by small riuelettes, and corrupted with filthie puddles, and stinking gutters, that discend into the same: so the puritye of the Gospell, preached here in Briteine,Heresye, [...] Monastica [...] life brogh into B [...] taine at one tine by Pella­gius. Bangor. in processe of time became first of all to be corrupted with a new order of religion, and most excerable heresy, both of them being first brought in at once, by Pelagius, of Wales, who hauing trauailed thorow Fraunce, Italy, Egypt, Syria, and the Easterlye regyons of the worlde: was there at the last made an Elder or Bishop, by some of the Monkes, vnto whose profession he had not long before addicted himselfe. Final­ly returning home againe, he dyd not onely erect an house of his owne order, at Bangor in Wales, upon the riuer Dée, but also sow­ed the pestiferus séede of his hereticall pra­uities, ouer all this Island, whereby he sedu­ced great numbers of the Brytons, teaching them to preferre their owne merites, before ye frée mercy of God, in Iesus Christ his son.

Thus we sée how newe deuises or orders of religion, and heresie came in together. I coulde shew also what Cometes, and strange signes appeared in Brytayne, much about the same time, the like of which with dyuers other, haue béene perceiued also from time to time, sithence the death of Pelagius at the en­trance of any newe kinde of religion into this Ile of Brytaine. But I passe them ouer, on­ly for that I woulde not seeme in my tracta­tion of Antiquities, to trouble my reader with the rehearsall of any newe inconueniences.

To procéede therefore with my purpose af­ter these, there followed in lyke sort, sundrye other kindes of monasticall life,Anacho­rites. Heremites Ciryllines. Benedicti­nes. as Anacho­rites, (or Ancres) Heremites, Cyrillines & Be­nedictines, a [...]beit, that onely the heremiticall profession was allowed of in Bryteine, vntill the comming of Benedict Biscop, who erec­ted the first house of Benedictines, that euer was hearde of in this Ile. They also bare his name, and were so well liked of all men, yt there were few or no blacke monks in this Ile, but of his order.Monkes and Here­mites [...] allowed [...] in Britaine. The number of reli­gious ho [...] ses in En­gland [...] [...] their dis [...] lution. So fast also did these hu­maine deuises prosper after his time, that at their suppression in England & Wales only, there were founde 440. religious houses at the least, wherevnto if you adde of those few yt are yet standing in Scotland, you shal sone sée what nūbers of these dennes of spirituall robbers were mainteined here in Brytaine. As touching Pelagius the first Heretike that euer was bredde in this Isle (notably know­en) and parent of Monachisme, it is certaine, that before his corruption and fall, he was ta­ken for a man of singuler learning, déepe iudgement, and such a one, as vppon whome for his great gift in teaching and strictnesse [Page 11] of lyfe, no small parte of the hope & expectati­on of the people did depend But what in wis­dome of the flesh, without the feare and true knowledge of God, and what is learning ex­cept it be handemaide to verifye and sounde iudgement. Wherfore euen of this man, wée maye see it verify [...] that one Roger Bak [...] pronounced long after.Roger Bacon his [...]aying of ye preachers of his time who were ye best law­yers & the worst Di­uines. Of the corruption of his time, when all things were measured by witte and worldlye po [...]licye, rather then by the scriptures or Gu [...]dans of the spirit. Bet­ter it is saith hée, to heare a rude and simple I de [...]e preach the truth, without apparauns of skill & learned [...]loquen [...]e, then a profe [...] Clearke to set forth [...]or, with great shewe of learning, & boast of filed vtterance. These follies of Pelagius, were blased abroade about the 400. of Christ, & from thenceforth how his number of Monkes increased on the one side, & his doctrine on the other, there is al­most no reader that is vnskilfull & ignorant.

This also is certaine, that within the space of 200. yeres and odde, there were more then 2100.More thē [...]100 mon­ [...]es in the [...]olledge [...]r Abbay [...]f Bangor monkes gathered togither in his house, whose trades not withstanding the errors of founder, (who taught such an estimation of merite and bodily exercise, as Paule calleth it) as therby he sought not onely to impugne, but also preuent grace, which was in déede the originall occasion of the erection of hys house) were yet farre better and more godly; then all those religious orders, that were in­uented of later time, wherein the professours lyued to themselues, their wombes and the licencious fruition of those partes, that are beneath the belly. For these laboured cōtinu­allye for their owne liuings, at vacant times from praier, and for the better maintenance, of such as were their appoynted Preachers. Their liues also were correspondent to their doctrine, so that herein onelye they séemed in­tollerable, in that they had confidence in their deedes, & that they had no warrant out of the worde for their succor & defēce, but were such a plant, as the heauenly father had not plan­ted, and therefore no meruaile, though after­warde they were raysed by the rootes.

But as Pelagius and his adherentes, had a tyme to infecte the Church of Christ in the Britaine, so the lyuing GOD hath had a season to purge the same, though not by a full reformation of doctrine, sith Germanus, Lu­pus, Palladius, Patricius, Germanus, Lupus, Pal­ladius, Pa­tricius. and such like leaning vnto the monasticall trades, did not somuch cōdemne the generall errors of Pellagius, one way as maintayne the same, or as euill opi­niōs another. For as Patricke séemed to like well of ye honoring of the dead, so Germanus being in Britaine erected a chappel to S. Al­ha [...] ▪ the [...]ther in Lupus played as Palladius up­held the strickenesse of life,Seuerus Sulpitius in vita pa­tricij. [...]umonasticall pro­fession [...] he vttermost of his power. Wher­fore God purged his house, rather by taking away ye wicked, and [...] scholemaisters of errour, out of this lyfe: hoping that by such meanes, his people woulde haue giuen eare to the godly that remained. But when thys hy [...] pr [...]yse coulde take replace, & the shéepe of his pasture woulde rec [...]iue no wholesome nom [...]nition, it pleased his maiestie, to let thē runne on headlong from one iniquitie to ano­ther, insomuch that after the doctrine of Pela­gius, it receiued that o [...] Rome also, [...]ought i [...] by Augustine and his makes, wherby it was to be seene,Augustine ye Monke. how they fell from the truth into heresye, & from one heresy still into another, till at the last they were drawned altogither, in the pitte of error, digged vp by Antichrist, as welles that holde no water, which not­withstanding to their followers séemed to be most founde doctrine, and cisternes of liuing water to such as imbraced the same.

This Augustine after his arriuall,Augustine. conuer­ted the Saxons in déede from Paganisme, but as the Prouerb sayth; bringing them out of Goddes blessing into the warme sunne, he also imbued them wyth no lesse hurtfull su­persticion, then they did knowe before: for beside the only name of Christ, and externall contempt of their pristinate Idolatrye, be taught them nothing at all, but rather I say made an exchange, from grosse to subtill tre­cherie, from open to secret Idolatry, and frō the name of Paganes, to the bare title of christians, thinking this sufficient for theyr soules health, and the stablishment of hys monachisme, of which kynde of profession, the holye Scriptures of God can in no wyse allowe. But what ca [...]ed he sith he got the great fish for which he did cast his hooke, & so great was the fishe that he caught in the end, that within the space of 1000 & lesse it deuoured the fourth parte and more, of the best soyle of the Islande, which was whollye bestowed vpon his monkes, and other rely­gious brodes, yt were hatched since his time.

Whilest these things were thus in hande, in the south parte of Albion, the Meates, Pictes, and Caledoniens,Meates. Pictes, Caledonies which lye beyonde the Scottish sea, receiued also the preaching of such christian elders, as aduentured thither daily, and not without great successe, and in­crease of perfit godlynesse, in that parte of the Ile. Certes this prosperous attempt, pas­sed all mens expectatiō, for that these nations were in those dayes reputed wild sauage, and more vnfaithfull and craftye, then well minded people, (as the wilde Irish are in my [Page] time) and such were they to say the truth, in déede, as neyther the sugred curtesye, nor sharpe swordes of the Romaines, coulde re­streyne from their naturall fury or bring to any order. For this cause also in thend ye Ro­maine Emperours did vtterly cast them of as an vnprofitable, brutishe, and vntameable nation, & by an huge wall hereafter to be de­scribed, separated that rude companye from the milde and ciuill portion.

Scotlande conuerted to ye fayth of Christ.This conuersion of the north parts, fell out in the sixt yeare before the warres that Seuorus had in those quarters, and 170. after ye death of our Sauiour Iesus Christ. From thenceforth also the christian religion conty­nued still among them, by the diligent care of their Pastors and Byshops (after the vse of the churches of the south part of this Island) tyll the Romaine shepehearde sought them out, and founde the meanes to pull them vnto him in like sort with his long staffe as he had done our countryemen, whereby in in the ende he abolished the rites of the chur­ches of Asia there also, as Augustine had done already in England: and in stéede of the same did furnish it vp, with those of his ponti­ficall Sie, although there was great conten­tion, and no lesse bloudshed made amongst them, before it coulde be brought to passe, as by the Hystories, of both nations yet extaunt is casye to be séene.

Palladius.In the time of Coelestine Bishop of Rome, one Palladius, The first attempt of the Bish. of Rome to bring Scotlande vnder hys obedience. a Grecian borne, (to whome Cyrill wrote hys Dialogue, de adoratione in spiritu) & sometime disciple to Iohn the 24. Bishop of Ierusalem, came ouer from Rome into Brytaine, there to suppresse the Pellagi­en heresye, which not a little molested the Orthodoxes of that Iland. And hauing done much good in the extinguishing of the afore­sayd opiniō there, he went at the last also into Scotlande, supposing no lesse, but after he had trauailed somewhat in confutation of the Pelagiens in those partes, he shoulde ea­silye perswade that crooked nation to admit and receiue the rytes of the church of Rome, as he woulde faine haue done beforehande in the south.Fastidius Bishop of London. But as Fastidius Bishop of Londō, and his Suffragans resisted him here, so dyd the Scottish Prelates withstande him here also, in this behalfe: howbeit because of the authoritie of his commisson, grauitie of per­sonage, & the great gift which he had in the vayne of pleasaunt perswasion, (whereby he drewe the people after him, as Orpheus did the stones with his Harpe, and Hercules such as hearde him by his tongue,) they had hym in great admiration, & are nowe contented (& the rather also for that he came frō Rome,) to take him for their chiefe Apostle,Palladi [...]e accompt [...] for the A­postle of Scottes returning from hys comming vnto them, as from the fayth receiued, which was in the 431. yeare of Christ, as the truth of theyr History doth very well confirme.

Thus wée sée what religion hath from time to time béene receiued in this Islande, and howe and when the faith of Christ came first into our country. Howbeit as in processe of time it was ouershadowed, and corrupted with the dreames, and fantasticall imaginati­ons of man, so it daily waxed woorse & woorse, till that it pleased God to restore the preach­ing of his Gospell againe in our dayes, wher­by the man of sinne is nowe openly reuealed, and the puritye of the worde once agayne brought to light, to the vtter ouerthrowe of Sathan, and his Popish adherentes that ho­nour him day and night.

Of the number and names of such salt Islands, as lye dispersed rounde about vppon the coast of Brytaine. Cap. 8.

THere are néere vnto, or not verye farre from the coasts of Brytaine many faire Islandes, whereof Irelande with hir neigh­bors, (not here hādled) séeme to be the chiefe. But of ye reast, some are much larger or lesse then other, diuers in lyke sort enuironed con­tinually with the salt sea, (whereof I purpose onely to intreate, although not a few of them be Ilands but at the floude) & other finally be clipped partely by the fresh, and partly by the salt water, or by the freshe alone, whereof I may speake afterwarde.

Of these salt Islandes, (for so I call them that are enuyroned with the Ocean-waues) some are fruitefull in Wood, Corne, Wilde­foule, and pasture grounde for Cattel, albeit that manye of them be accounted barren be­cause they are only replenished with conies & those of sundry collors, (cherished of purpose by the owners, for their skinnes carcases, and prouysion of housholde,) wythout ey­ther man, or woman, otherwise inhabiting in them. Furthermore, the greatest number of these Islandes, haue Townes and parishe Churches, within theyr seuerall precinctes, some mo, some lesse: and beside all thys, are so inriched with commodities, that they haue pleasant hauens, freshe springes, great store of fishe, and plentye of Cattell, whereby the inhabitants doe reape no small aduantage. How many they are in nūber I cānot as yet determine, bycause myne informations are not so fully set down, as the promises of some on the side, & myne expectation on the other, [Page 12] did extēd vnto. Howbeit, ye first of al there are certeine which lie néere togither, as it were by heaps & clusters, I hope, [...] will rediliy deny.Nesiadae. Insule. Scylurum. Sileustrae. Syllanae. Sorlingae Sylley. Hebrides. Hebudes. Meuanie. Orchades. Of these also those called ye Nesiadae, In­sulae Scylurum, Sileustrae, Syllanae, nowe ye sor­lings, and Isles of Silley, lying beyond Corn­wall are one, and conteineth in number one hundred fourtye & seauen, (eche of them, bea­ring grasse) besides shelfers and shallowes. In like sort the company of the Hebrides are another which are sayd to be 43. situate vpon the west side of this Island, betwéene Ireland and Scotland, and of which there are some, that repute Anglesey, Mona Gaesaris, & other lying betwéene them to be percell, in theyr corrupted iudgement. The thirde cluster or bunche, consisteth of those, that are called the Orchades, and these lye vpon the North­west point of Scotlande being 31. in number, as for the reast they lye scattered here and there, and yet not to be vntouched as theyr courses shall come about.

There haue béene diuers that haue written of purpose, De insulis Britanniae, as Caesar doth confesse, the lyke also maye be séene by Plutarche who nameth one Demetrius, a Bry­taine that shoulde set foorth an exact treatise of eche of them in order, but sith those bookes are now peryshed, and the most of the sayde Islandes remaine vtterly vnknowne, euen to our owne selues. I meane God willyng to set downe so many of them with their com­modities, as I doe either knowe by Leland, or am otherwyse instructed of, by such as are of credite. Herein also I will touch at large such as are most famous, and brieflye passe ouer those that are obscure and vnknowen, making myne entraunce at the Thames mouth, and directing thys imagined course, (for I neuer sailed it), by ye south part of the Iland, into ye West. Frō thence in lyke sort, I will proceede into the North, & come about againe by the east side into ye fall of the afore­said streame, where I will strike sayle, & safe­ly be set a shoore, that haue often in this voy­age wanted water, but oftner béene set a grounde, especiallye on the Scottish side.

In beginning therfore, with such as lye in the mouth of the aforesayde Riuer, I must néedes passe by the Hoo,Hoo. whiche is not an Islande but (if I may giue such péeces a new name) a bylande, bycause we may passe thy­ther from the maine Isle, by an Isthums or strictlande, that is to say by lande, without a­nye vessell, at the full Sea, or any horse at the ebbe.Greane. It lyeth betwéene Clyffe and the mid­way, that goeth alōg by Rochester. Next vn­this we haue the Greane wherein is a towne of the same denomination, an Isle suppo­sed to be foure miles in length, and two in bredth.Shepey. Then come we to Shepey, which con­teineth seauen myles in length, and thrée in breadth, wherein is a castell called Quin­borowe, and a Parke, beside foure Townes, of which one is named Munster, another Eastchurch, the thyrde Warden, & the fourth Leyden: the whole s [...]yle being [...] thorowly [...]ad with sheepe, [...]erye well woodded, and as I here belonging to the Lord Cheyney, as par­cell of his [...] inheritaunce It lyeth thirtéene myles by water from Rochester, but the Castle is fiftéene, and by south thereof are two small Islandes, whereof the one is called Elmesy, and the more easterly Hertesy▪ Elmesey. Hertsey. In this also is a towne called Hertie, or Hartie, and all in the Hathe of Scraie, notwithstan­ding that Hartie lieth in the hundred of Fa­uersham, and Shepey retaineth one especyall Baily of hir owne.

From hence we passe by the Reculuers, (or territorie belonging in tyme past to one Raculphus, who erected an house of religion, or some such thing there,) vnto a litle Island, in the stoure mouth.Sturesey. Thanet. Herevpon also the Tha­net abutteth, which is rather a bylande then an yland. Beda noteth it in times past to haue contayned 600 families, which are all one with Hidelandes In Lin­colneshire the worde hyde or hidelande, was neuer in vse in olde time as in o­ther places but for hide they vsed the word Ca­tucate or cart­ware, or Teme, and these were of no lesse compasse then an hideland. Ex Hugo­ne le blanc Monacho petrobur­gensi. Plowghlandes, Carru­cates or Temewares. He addeth also ye it is deuided from our continent, by the riuer cal­led Wantsume, which is about thrée fur­longs brode, & to be passed ouer in two pla­ces onely.

But whereas Polidore sayeth, the Te­net is nyne myles in length & not much lesse in bredth, it is nowe reconed that it hath not much aboue seuē myles from Nordtmuth to Sandwiche, & foure in bredth, frō the Stoure to Margate, or from the South to the North, the circuit of ye whole being 17. or 18. as Ley­lād also noteth. This Ilād hath no wood gro­wing in it except it be forced, & yet otherwise it is very fruitfull, and beside that, it wanteth fewe other commodities, the finest chalke is sayde to be found there. Herin also dyd Augu­stine the Monke first arriue when he came to conuert the Saxons, & afterward in processe of tyme, sundry religious houses were erec­ted there, as in a soyle much bettered (as ye supersticiors supposed) by steps of that ho­ly man & such as came ouer with him. There are at this tyme 10. Parish churches at the least in ye Isle of Thanet, as S. Nicholas, Bir­chingtō S. Iohns, Wood, or Woodchurch, S. Pe­ters, S. Laurēs, Mowntō or Monketon, Minster, S. Gyles and all Saincts, wherof M. Lambert hath written at large in his description of Kent, & placed the same in lath the of S. Augu­stine [Page] and hundred of Ringeflow as may easi­ly be séene to him that will peruse it.

Rutupium,Sometyme Rutupium (or as Beda calleth it Reptacester) stoode also in this Islande, but now thorowe alteration of the chanell of the Dour, it is shut quite out and annexed to the maine. It is called in these daies Richeborow and as it shoulde seeme buylded vpon an in­different soyle, or highe grounde. The large brickes also yet to be séene there, in the rui­nous walles, declare eyther the Romayne or the old Brittish workemanship. But as time decayeth all things, so Rutupium is now be­come desolate, & out of the dust therof Sand­wiche producted, which standeth a full mile from the place, where Reptacester stoode. The olde writers affirme, how Ethelbert the first christian king of Kent, did holde his pal­lace in this towne, and yet none of his coyne hath hitherto béene founde there, as is dayly that of the Romaynes, whereof many péeces of siluer and gold, so wel as of brasse, copper, and other mettal haue often bene shewed vn­to me. It shoulde appeare in lyke sorte that of this place, all the whole coast of Kent ther­about, was called Littus Rutupinum, which some doe not a little confirme by these words of Lucane, to be red in his sixt booke, soone af­ter the beginning.

Aut vaga cum Tethis, Rutupina (que) littora feruent,
Vnda Calidonios fallit turbata Brittannos.

Or when the wādering Seas or Kentish coasts doe worke, The last verse of one copie and first of another. and Calidons of Brittishe bloude, the troubled waues beguyle. Meaning in like sorte by the latter the coaste néere Andredes­walde, which in time past was called Littus Calidonium of that wood or forrest, as Leland also confirmeth. But as it is not my minde to deale any thing curiously in these by mat­ters, so in returning againe to my purpose, & taking my iorney toward the Wight, I must néeds passe by Selesey,Selesey. which sometime as it should séeme hath ben a noble yland, but now a Bylād or Peninsula, wherin the chiefe Sie of the Byshop of Chichester was holden by the space of 329. yeres, & vnder 20. Bishops.

Thorne.Next vnto this, we come vnto those that lye betwéene the Wight and the mayne lande, of which the most easterly is called Thorne, & to say truth, ye very least of al that are to be founde in that knotte. Being past the Thorne we touched vpon the Haling, which is bigger then the Thorne, and wherein one towne is scituate of the same denominatiō beside ano­ther, whose name I remember not. By west also of the Haling lieth the Port (the greatest of the thrée already mencioned) & in this stan­deth Portsmouth and Ringstéed,Haling. whereof al­so our Lelande, sayeth thus. Port Isle is cut frō the shore by an arme of the maine hauen, which breaketh out about three myles aboue Portsmouth & goeth vp two myles or more by morishe grounde to a place called Port­bridge,Port. which is two myles frō Portsmouth. Thē breaketh there out another Créeke frō the maine sea, about Auant hauen, which gulleth vp almost to Portbridge, and thence is the ground disseuered, so that Portsmouth stādeth in a corner of this Isle, which Island is in length sixe myles, and thrée myles in bredth, very good for grasse & corne, not with­out some wood, and here and there inclosure. Beside this there is also another Islād north northwest of port yle, which is now so worne and washed awaye with the working of the sea, that at the spring tides it is wholly coue­red with water, and thereby made vnprofi­table. Finally being past all these, & in com­passing this goulfe, we come by an other, which lyeth North of Hirst castell, and south­east of Kaie hauen, whereof I finde nothing worthy to be noted, sauing that it wanteth wood as Ptolomie affirmeth in hys Geogra­phicall tables of all those Islands, which en­uironne our Albion.

The Wight it selfe is called in latine Ve­ctis, Wight. Guidh. but in the Bryttish speach Guidh, that is to say éefe or easie to be séene. It lieth distāt from the south shore of Britaine (where it is fardest of) by fiue myles & a halfe, but where it commeth néerest, not passing a thousande paces, and this at the cut ouer betwene Hirst castell and a place called Whetwell chine, as the inhabitauntes doe report. It contay­neth in length twentie myles, and in bredth tenne, it hath also the North poole eleuated by 50. degrées and 27. minutes, & is onely 18. degrées in distaunce, and 50. odde minutes, from the West point as experience hath con­firmed, contrarie to the description of Ptolo­mie, and such as followe his assertions in the same. In forme, it representeth almost an egge, and so well is it inhabited with méere English at this present, that there are thirtie sixe Townes, Villages and Castels to be founde therin, beside 27. Parish churches, of which 15. or 16. haue their Parsons, the reast eyther such poore Vicares or Curates, as the liuings left are able to sustayne. The names of the Parishes in the Wight are these.

  • 1. Newport, a chap.
  • 2. Cairsbrosie. v.
  • 3. Northwood.
  • 4. Arriun. v.
  • 5. Goddeshill. v.
  • 6. Whytwell.
  • 7. S. Laurence. p.
  • 8. Nighton. p.
  • 9. Brading. v.
    P. signifi­eth Par [...] ­nages, [...] Vicar [...]
  • 10. Newchurch. v.
  • 11. S. Helene. v.
  • 12. Yauerland. p.
  • 13. Calborne. p.
  • 14. Bonechurch. p.
  • [Page 13]15. Mottesson. p.
  • 16. Yarmouth. p.
  • 17. Thorley. v.
  • 18. Sha [...]e. v.
  • 19. Whippinghā. p.
  • 20. W [...]tton. p.
  • 21. Chale. p.
  • 22. Kingston. p.
  • 23. Shorwell. p.
  • 24. [...]a [...]mbe. p.
  • 25. Bro [...]ie.
  • 26. Bryxston. p.
  • 27. Be [...]isted. p.

It belongeth for temporall Iurisdiction to the countie of Hamshire, but in spirituall cases, it yéeldeth obediēce to the See of Chi­chester, whereof it is a De [...]erie. As for the soyle of the whole Island, it is very fruitful, for notwithstanding that the shore of it selfe be very full of rockes and [...]aggy cliffes, yet there wanteth no plentie of cattell, corne, pa­sture, medow grounde, wilde foule, fish, fresh riuers, and pleasant wooddes, wherby the in­habitants may lyue in ease and welfare. It was first ruled by a seuerall king, and after­warde wonne from the Britons by Vespa­sian the Legate, at such tyme as he made a voyage into the West country. In processe of tyme also it was gotten frō the Romaines by Ceadwall [...], who killed Aruald that reig­ned there, and reserued the souereingtie of that Isle to himselfe, and his successours. Af­ter Ceadwalla, Woolfride the Parricide was the first Saxon Prince, that aduentured into the Wight, whether he was driuen by Ken­walch of the West saxons, who made great warres vpon him, and in the ende compel­led hym to flye into this place for succours, as did also king Iohn, in the rebellious sturre of his Barons, practised by the clargie: the sayd Islād being as then in possessiō of the Fortes as some doe write that haue handled it of purpose. The first Earle of this Islande that I doe read of, was one Baldwijne de Betoun who maryed for his seconde wife, the daugh­ter of William le Grosse Earle of Awmarle, but he dying without issue by this Lady, she was maryed ye second time to Earle Mawn­deuile, and thirdlye to William de Fortes, who finyshed Skipton Castell, which hys wyues father had begunne about the time of king Richard ye first. Hereby it came to passe also, yt the fortes were Erles of Awmarle, Wight, and Deuonshyre a long time, till the Lady Elizabeth Fortes sole heire to all those possessions came to age, with whō king Ed­ward the thirde so preuayled thorow money and fayre wordes, that he gate the possession of the Wight wholly into his handes. After we be past the Wight, we go forwarde and come vnto Poole hauen, wherein is an Isle, called Brunt Keysi, in which was sometime a Parishe church, [...]unt [...]si. and yet a chappell at this present as I here. There are also two other Isles but I know not their names.

Wée haue after wée are passed by these another Isle,Portland. also vpō the co [...] named Port­land not farre from Waymouth a prety fer­tile péece through wtout woode, of 10. myles in circuite, now well inhabited, but much bet­ter heretofore, & yet are there about 80. hous­holdes in it. There is also but one stréete of houses therin, the reast are dispersed, how­beit they belong all to one Parishe Church, whereas in time past there were two within the compasse of the same. There is also a Ca­stell of the [...]ings, who is Lord of the Isle, al­though the bishop of Winchester be patrone of the Church, the personage whereof is the fairest house in al the péece. The people there are excellent [...]ingers of stones, which feate they vse for the defence of their Islande, and yet otherwise very couetous. And wheras in tyme past they lyued onely by fishing, now they fall to tillage, their fire bote is brought out of the wight, and other places, yet do they burne much cowdung, dryed in the sonne: for there is I say no wood in ye Isle, except a few elmes that be about the church. There would some growe there, no doubt if they were wil­ling to plant it, although the soyle lye very bleake & open. It is not long since this was vnited to the mayne, and likely ere long to be cut of againe. Being past thys we rayse ano­ther, also in the mouth of the Gowy, betwene Golsforde & Lime, of which for the smalnesse therof I make no great accompt. Wherfore giuing ouer to intreate anye farder of it I cast about to Gersey, and Gernesey,Gersey. Garnesey. which Isles with their appurtenaunces appertay­ned in tymes past to the Dukes of Norman­dye, but now they remayne to our Quéene, as percell of Hamshyre and belonging to hir Crowne, by meanes of a composition made, betwéene king Iohn of England, & the king of Fraunce, when the Dominions of the said Prince began so fast to decrease, as Thomas Sulmo sayth.

Of these two, Gersey is the greatest,Gersey. as an Islād hauing 30. miles in cōpas, as most men doe cōiecture. There are likewise in the same twelue Parish Churches, wyth a Colledge, which hath a Deane and Prebendes. It is di­staunt from Gernesey full 21. myles, or there­aboutes. In this latter also, there haue bene in times past, fiue religious houses and nyne Castelles,Gernesey. howbeit in these dayes there is but one Parish church left standing in the same. There are also certayne other small Islands, which Henry the second in his Donation cal­leth Insuletas (beside very many rocks) wher­of one called S. Helenes (wherein sometyme was a Monastery) is fast vpon Gersey,S. Hereli. ano­ther is named ye Cornet, Cornet. which hath a Castell [Page] not passing an arrow shoote frō Gersey. The Serke also is betwéene both, which is is sixe myles about,Serke. and hath another annexed to it by an Isthmus or Strictlande, wherein was a religious house, and therewith all great store of conyes.

Brehoc. Gytho. Herme.There is also the Brehoc, the Gytho, and the Herme, which latter is foure myles in compasse, and therein was sometyme a Chanonry, that afterwarde was conuer­ted into an house of Franciscanes. There are two other likewyse néere vnto that of S. Hele­rie of whose names I haue no notice. There is also the rockye,Burho als. the Isle of Rattes. Isle, of Burhoo, but nowe the Isle of Rattes (so called of the huge plen­tie of Rattes that are founde there, though otherwise it be replenished with infinite store of Conyes, betwéene whome and the Rattes, as I coniecture those which we call Turkie confes are oftentimes produced among those few houses that are to be séene in thys Iland. Beside this there is moreouer the Isle of Al­derney a very pretie Plot,Alderney. about seuen miles in compasse, wherein a Priest not long since did find a coffin of stone, in which lay ye body of and huge Gyaunt, whose fore téeth were so bygge as a mans fist, as Lelande doth re­port.

Certes this to me is no marueile at al, sith I haue read of greater, and mencioned them already in the beginning of thys booke. Such a one, also haue they in Spayne, whereunto they go in pilgrimage as vnto S. Christo­phers tooth, but it was one of his eye téeth, if Lodouicus Viues say true, who went hither to offer vnto ye same. S. August writeth in like sorte, of such another found vpō the cost of V­tica, and thereby not onely gathered that all men were not onely farre greater then they be now, but also the Giaunts farre excéeding the huge stature of the hyghest of them all. Homere complayneth that men in hys time were but Dwarfes in comparison of such as lyued in the warres of Troy. Sée his fift Iliade, where he speaketh of Diomedes & how he threw a stone at Aeneas, (which 14. men of his time were not able to sturre) & therewith did hit hym on the thighe & ouerthrowe him. Virgile also noteth no lesse, but Iuuenall brief­lye comprehendeth all thys in his 15. Satyra, where he sayth.

Saxa inclinatis per humum quaesita lacertis
Iliad 5. & 7.
Incipiunt torquere, domestica seditione
Tela, nec hunc lapidem, quali se Turnus, & Aiax,
Et quo Tytides percussit pondere coxam
Virgilius Aen. 12.
Aeneae: sed quem valeant emittere dextrae
Illis dissimiles, & nostro tempore natae.
Nam genus hoc viuo iam decrescebat Homero.
Terra malos homines nunq educat, [...]t a pusillos,
Ergo De [...]s qui [...] aspex [...]t, ri [...] [...]

But to returne agayne vnto the Isle of Al­derney frōwhence I haue digressed. Herein also is a pretie towne with a Parish church, great plentie of Corne, Cattell, Conyes, and wilde foule, whereby the inhabitauntes doe reape much gayne and commoditie, onelye wood is theyr want, which they otherwyse supply. The language also of such as dwel in these Isles, is Frenche, but the attire of those yt liued in Gernesey & Gersey, vntil the time of King Henry the eyght, was al after the I­rish guyse. The Isle of Gernesey also was sore spoyled by the Frenche 1371. & left so de­solate that onely one castell remained there­in vntouched.

Beyonde thys and néere vnto the coast of Englande (for these doe lye about the ve­rye middest of the Brittish sea) we haue one Islande called the Bruch or the Bruchsey,Bruchsey lying about two myles from Poole, whether men sayle from the Fromouth, & wherin is nought else, but an olde Chappell, without o­ther housing.

Next to this also are certaine rocks, which some take for Isles, as Illestō rocke nere vn­to Peritorie, Horestan Isle a myle from Pe­ritorie by South, Blacke rocke Isle, South­east from Perytorie toward Teygnemouth, and also Chester, otherwyse called Plegy­mudham: but howe (to saye truth) or where this latter lieth, I cānot make report, as yet, & sith Leland noteth them togither, I thinke it not my part to make separation of them.

From hence the next Isle is called Mount Island, otherwise Mowtland,Mount Islande. scituate ouer against Lough, about two myles from the shore, and well néere, thrée myles in com­passe. This Island hath no inhabitants, but onely the Warrenner & his dogge, who loo­keth vnto the Conies there: notwithstanding that vpō the coast therof in time of the yere, great store of Pylchardes is taken, and ca­ryed from thence into many places of our coūtrey. It hath also a fresh Well comming out of the rockes, which is woorthy to be no­ted in so small a cōpasse of ground. Moreouer in the mouth of the créeke that leadeth vnto Lough, or Loow, as some call it, there is an other little Islande of about eight Acres of grounde called S. Nicholas Isle,S. Nichol [...] Islande. and midwaye betwéene Falmouth, and Dudman, (a cer­tayne Promontorie) is such another named the Grefe,Greefe. Inis: Pr [...] wherein is great store of Gulles & sea foule. As for Inis Prynin, it lyeth within the Baye about thrée myles from Lizardes, & contayneth not aboue two Acres of groūd, [Page 14] from which Newltjn is not farre distaunt, & wherein is a poore fisher r [...]wne and a fayre We [...]spring, whereof as yet no writer hath made mention. After these (o [...]teing, p [...] ̄ndo­uant in ye point of Fulmouth hane) we came at last to saint Michaels profit,Mount. S. Mi­ [...]haeli. wherof I find this description readye to my handes in Le­lande. The compasse of the roote of the Moūt of saint Michael is not much more then halfe a myle, and of this the South part is pastu­rable and bréedeth Conyes; the residue high and rocky. In the North side thereof also is a Garden, with certayne houses and shoppes for fishermen. Furthermore, the way to the Mountaine lieth at the North side, and is fre­quented from halfe ebbe to halfe floud, the en­traunce beginning at the foote of the Hyll, & so assending by steps and greces westward, first, and then Eastward to the vtterward of the Church. Within the same ward also is a Court strongly walled, wherin on the south­side is a Chappell of S. Michaell, and in the Eastside another of our Lady. Many times a man maye come to the hill on foote. On the North Northwest side hereof also, is a Piere for botes and ships, and in the baye betwixt the Mount & Pensantz are séene at the lowe water marke, diuers rootes and stubbes of trées, beside hewen stone, sometimes of dores and windowes, which are perceyued in the inner part of the Bay, and import that there hath not onely béene buylding, but also firme ground there, whereas the Salt water doth now rule & beare the mastery. Beyond this is an other litle Isle,S. Cle­ments. called S. Clemēts Isle, of a Chappell there dedicated to that Saint. It hath a litle beyond it, Mowshole, which is not touched in any Card. As for Mowshole it self it is a towne of the maine, called in Cor­nish port Enis, that is, portus insule, & in tinne workes néere vnto the same, there hath bene founde of late, speare heddes, battaile axes, & swords of Copper, wrapped vp in linnen and scarsely hurt with rust or other hinderance. Certes the sea hath won very much in this corner of our Islande, but chiefly betwéene Mowshole Pensardes.

Hauing thus passed ouer very néere all such Isles, as lye vppon the south coast of Bry­taine, and nowe being come vnto the west part of our coūtry, a sodeyne Pirry catcheth holde of vs (as it did before, when we went to Gersy) and caryeth vs yet more westerlye a­mōg the flattes of Sylly. Such force doth the southeast winde often showe vpon poore tra­ueylers in those parties, as the south & south­west, doth vpon straungers against the Bry­tish coast, that are not skilfull of our rodes, and herborowes. Howbeit such was our suc­cesse in their voyage, that we feared no rockes,King A­thelstane hauing subdued the Syl­lane Isles, builded a Colledge of Priests at S. Bu­rien, in perfour­mance of his vowe, made whē he enter­prised this voyage, for his safe re­turne. (more then did king Athelstane, when he sub­dued thē) nor any tempest of weather in those partes, that [...]lde annoy the passage. Peru­sing therefore the periles whereinto we were pitifully plouged: we founde the Syllane I­lande [...] (places often robbed by the French­men and Spanyardes) to lye distaunt from the poynt of Cornewall, about thrée or foure houre [...] sayling, or twentie Englyshe miles, as some men doe account it. There are of these as I sayde, to the number of one hundreth forty seauen in sight, whereof eche one is greater or lesse then other, and most of them sometime inhabited, howbeit, there are twentie of them, which for their greatnesse & commodities, excéede all the reast. Therto (if you respect their position) they are scituate in manner of a circle, or ring, hauing an huge lake, or portion of the sea in the middest of them, which is not without perill, to such as with small aduisement enter into the same. Certes it passeth my cunning, either to name or to descrybe all these one hundreth fourtie seauen according to their estate, neither haue I had any information of them, more than I haue gathered by Leyland, or gotten out of a Mappe of their descriptiō, which I had, some­tyme of Reynolde Woolfe: wherefore omit­ting as it were all the raggos, and such as are not worthy to haue anytime spent about their particular descriptions, I will only touch the greatest and those that ly togither, (as I said) in maner of a roundell.

The first and greatest of these therefore, called S. Maries Isle, is about fiue miles ouer,S. Ma­ries Isle. or nyne myles in compasse. Therein also is a parishe Church, and a poore Towne belong­ing thereto, of thrée score housholdes, beside a castel, plētie of Corne, Co [...]es, wilde Swai­nes, Puffens, Gulles, Cranes & other kindes of Foule, in great abundāce. This fertile Is­lād being thus viewed, we sailed southwarde by the norman rocke; & S. Maries sounde vnto Agnus Isle, which is sixe myles ouer,Agnus Isle. & hath in lyke sorte one Towne or Parishe within the same of fiue or sixe housholdes, beside no small store of Hogs, & Con [...]es, of sundry cou­lours, very profitable to theyr owners. It is not long since this Isle was left desolate, for whē ye inhabitāts therof, returned frō a feast holden in S. Maries Isle, they were al drow­ned and not one person left aliue. There are also two other small Islandes, betwéene this & the Annot, Annot. wherof I finde nothing worthy relation, for as both of them ioyned together are not comparable, to the sayde Annot for greatnesse and circuite, so they want both Hogges and Connies, whereof Annot hath [Page] great plentie.Minwisand. Smithy sounde. Suartigan. Rousuian. Rousuiar. Cregwin. There is moreouer the Minwi­sand, from whence we passe by the Smithy sound, (leauing thrée little Islandes on the left hande, vnto the Suartigan Islande, then to Rousuian, Rousuiar, and the Cregwin, which seauen are for yu most part, replenished with Conies only, and wilde Earlike, but voyde of woode, and other commodities, sauyng of a short kinde of grasse, or here or there some firzes whereon their Conies doe féede.

Leauing therefore these desert péeces, wée incline a little towarde the northwest, where we stumble or runne vppon,Moncar­that. Inis Wel­seck. Suethiall. Rat Is­land. Anwall. Brier. Moncarthat, Inis Welseck, & Suethial. We came in like sort vn­to Ratte Islande (wherein are so many mon­strous Rattes, that if horses, or other beasts, happen to come thither, or be left there by negligence, they are sure to be deuoured and eaten vp, without all hope of recouerye) the Anwall and the Brier, Islandes in lyke sorte voyde of all good furniture, Conies only ex­cepted, & that; he Brier (wherein is a village, Castell, & parish Church) bringeth foorth no lesse store of Hogges, and wyldefoule, then Ratte Island doth of Rats, whereof I great­ly marueyle.

By north of the Brier, lyeth the Rusco, which hath a Labell or Bylande stretch­ing out toward the southwest, called Inis wid­don. Rusco. Inis widdō, This Rusco is verye néere so great as that of S. Maries. It hath moreouer an hold, & a Parish within it, beside great store of Conies and wildefoule, whereof they make much gayne in due tyme of the yeare. Next vnto thys wée come to the Rounde Island,Round. Islande. S. Lides. Notho. Auing. Tyan. then to S. Lides Island, (wherin is a Parish church, dedicated to that saint) the Notho, the Auing, (one of thē being situate by south of another) and the Tyan, which later is a great Islande, furnyshed with a Parish Church, & no small plenty of Conies as I here. After the Tyan we come to S. Martines Isle,S. Martines betwixt which & S. Maries, are tenne other, smaller, which reach out of the northeast into the southwest, as Knolworth Sniuilliuer, Knolworth. Sniuilliuer. Menwethā Vollis. 1. Surwihe. Volils. 2. Arthurs Ile Guiniliuer. Nenech. Gothrois. Menwetham, Vol­lis. 1. Surwihe, Vollis. 2. Arthurs Island, Guiui­liuer, Nenech and Gothrois, whose qualities are dyuers: howbeit as no one of these, is to be accounted great in comparison of the o­ther, so they al yéelde a short grasse, méete for shéepe and Conies, as doe also the reast. In the greater Isles likewise, (whose names are commonlye such as those of the Townes, or Churches standing in the same) there are as I here sundrye lakes, and those neuer without great plentye of wildefoule, so that the Isles of Sylly, are supposed to be no lesse beneficiall to their Lordes, then anye other whatsoeuer, within the compasse of our Isle, or néere vnto our coastes. In some of them also are wilde swine.Wilde swine in Sylley. And as those Isles are supposed to be a notable safegard to the coast of Corinewall, so in dyuers of them great store of tinne, is to be founde. There is in like maner such plenty of fishe taken among these same, that beside the féeding of their swine wyth all, a man shall haue more there for a peny, then in London for ten Grotes: How­beit their chiefe cōmodity is made by Reigh, which they dry and cutte in péeces, and cary­ing it ouer into litle Britayne, they exchange it there, for Salt, Canuas, readye Money, or other Marchaundise which they doe stande in neede of. A like trade haue some of them also, with Buckehorne or dryed Whityng, as I here: but sith the Authour of this report, did not flatly auouch it, I passe ouer that fishe as not in season at this time. Thus haue we viewed the richest and most wealthy Isles of Sylley, frō whence we must direct our course eastwardes, vnto the mouth of the Sauerne, & then go backe againe vnto the west poynt of Wales, cōtinuing still our voyage along vp­on the west coast of Brytaine, till we come to the Soluey where at the kingdomes part, and from which forth on we must touch such Is­landes, as lye vpon the west and northshoore, till we be come againe vnto the Scottish sea, and to our owne dominions.

From the poynt of Cornewall therefore, or Promōtory of Helenus, (so called, as some think,Helenus. Priamus. because Helenus the son of Priamꝰ lyeth buried there, except ye sea haue washed away his sepulchre) vntill we come vnto the mouth of Sauerne, we haue none Islandes at all that I do knowe or here of, but one lytle Byland, Cape or Peninsula, which is not to be reco­ned of in this place. And yet sith I haue made mention of it, you shall vnderstande, that it is called Pendinas, and beside yt the compasse thereof is not aboue a myle, this is to be re­membred farder how there stādeth a Pharos or light therein, for shippes which sayle by those coasts in the night. There is also at the very poynt of the sayde Pendinas, Pendinas. a chappell of S. Nicholas, beside the church of S. Ia, an I­rish woman Sainct. It belōged of late to the Lorde Brooke, but nowe as I gesse the Lorde Mountioy enioyeth it. There is also a Block­house, and a péere in the east side thereof, but the péere is sore choked with sande, as is the whole shore furthemore frō S. Ies vnto S. Car­antokes, insomuch that the greatest parte of thys Bylande is nowe couered with sandes, which the sea casteth vp, & this calamity hath indured little aboue fiftie yeares.

There are also two Rockes néere vnto Tredwy, and another not farre from Tinta­gell, [Page 15] all which many of the common sort doe repute and take for Isles: wherefore as one desirous to note all, I thinke it not best that these should be omitted, but to procéede. Whē we be come farder; I meane vnto ye Sauerne mouth, we méete the two Holmes, of which one is called Stepholine, and the other Flat­holme, of theyr formes.

It shoulde séeme by some that they are not worthy to be placed among Islands: yet other some are of the opinion, that they are not altogyther so base, as to bée reputed a­mongst flattes or rockes: but whatsoeuer they be, this is sure that they oft annoye such Passengers and Marchauntes as passe, and repasse vpon that riuer. Neyther doe I reade of any other Isles which lye by cast of these same onely the Barri and Dunwen: [...]rri. the first of which is so called of one Barroc, a religious man as Gyraldus saith. And here in is a rock, standing at the very entraunce of the clyffe, which hath a little rift or chine vpon the side, whervnto if a mā do lay his eare, he shal here a noyse, as if smithes did worke at the forge, sometimes blowing wyth theyr Bellowes, [...]rri, is a [...]ght thot [...]m the [...]re. & sometimes striking and clinking with Ham­mers, whereof many men haue great woon­der and marueyle. It is about a mile in com­passe, scituate ouer against Aberbarry, and hath a chappel in it.

[...]unwen. Dunwen, is so called of a Churche dedi­cated to a Welch woman saint, called Dun­wen, that standeth there. It lyeth more then two miles from Henrosser, ryght against Ne­uen, and hath within it two fayre mylles, and great store of conies, and if the sande in­crease so fast herafter as it hath done of late about it, it will be vnyted to the mayne, within a short season. Beyond these & toward the coast of Southwales, lye two other Is­landes, larger in quantitie, then the Holmes, of which the one is called Caldee or Inis Pyr. [...]aldee. It hath a Parishe Church wyth a spire stée­ple, and a prety towne belonging to the coun­ty of Pembroke, and iurisdiction of S. Dauid in Wales. Lelande supposeth the ruines that are founde there in, to haue beene of an olde priorye sometimes called Lille, which was a celle belonging to the Monasterye of S. Dog­maell, but of this I can saye nothing. The other hyght Londy, [...]ondy. wherein is also a village or towne, and of thys Islande the Parson of the sayde towne, is not onelye the captaine, but hath thereto weife, distresse, and all other commodities belonging to the same. It is little aboue sixtéene myles, from the coast of wales, and yet it serueth as I am informed Lord and king in Deuonshyre. Moreouer in thys Islande is great plentie of shéepe, but more of conies, and therewithall of very fine and short grasse, for their better foode and pastureage. And albeit that there be not scal­lie fourtie housholdes in the whole, yet the in­habitants there with huge stones (alreadye prouided) may kéepe of thousandes of theyr enemies, because it is not possible for any ad­uersaries to assayle them, but onelye at one place, and wyth a most daungerous entrance,Schalmey. Schoncold. Scalmey the greater and the lesse lye north­west of Milforde hauen a good way. They be­long both to the king; but are not inhabited, bicause they be so often spoiled with pirates, Schoncold Isle ioineth vnto great Scalmey, & is bygger then it, onely a passage for shippes parteth them wherby they are supposed to be one, Leland noteth thē to lie in Milford hauē.

Limen as Ptolomy calleth it,Limen or Ramsey. is scituate ouer against S. Dauides in wales, wherevnto we must nedes come, after we be past another litle one, which some men do call Gressholme, Gressholm In a late Mappe I finde this Limen to be cal­led in Englishe Ramsey: Lelande also confir­meth the same, and I cannot learne more thereof, then that it is much greater than any of the other last mencioned, (sithence I descri­bed the holmes) and for temporall iurisdicti­on, a member of Penbrookshire, as it is vnto S. Dauides, for matters concerning ye church. Lelande in his Commentaries of Englande Lib. 8. sayeth that it contayned thrée Islettes, where of the Bishop of S. Dauids is owner of the greatest, but ye Chanter of S. Dauids clay­meth the second, as the Archedeacon of Cair­maiden doth the thirde. And in these is very excellent pasture for shéepe, and horses, but not for other horned beasts, which lacke their vpper téeth, by nature (whose substaunce is cōuerted into the nourishmēt of their hornes) and therefore cannot byte so low. Next vnto this Isle we came to Mawr, Mawr. an Island in the mouth of Mawr, scant a bow shoote ouer, and enuironned at the low water with fresh, but at the high Salt, & here also is excellent cat­ching of Heringes.

After this procéeding on stil with our course; we fetched a compasse, going out of the north towarde the west, and then turning againe (as the coast of the country leadeth) vntill we sayled full south, leauing the shore still on our right hande, vntyll we came vnto a couple of yles, which lye vpō the mouth of the Soch, one of them being distaunt, as we gessed a myle from the other, and neyther of them of anye greatnesse, almost woorthy to remembred. The first that we came vnto is called Tudfal and therin is a Church,Tudfall. but without any Pa­rishioners, except they be shéepe and Conies. The quantitie therof also is not much aboue, [Page] sixe acres of grounde, measured by the pole. The next is Penthlin, Penthlin. or Myrach, scituate in maner betwixt Tudfall, or Tuidall and the shore, & herin is very good pasture for horses, whereof as I take it that name is giuen vnto it. Next vnto them, we come vnto Bardesey, an Islande lying ouer against the Southwest poynt or Promontorie of Northwales,Bardesey. and whether the reast of the Monkes of Bangor dyd flye to saue themselues, when their fello­lowes were slayne by the Saxon Princes in the quarell of Augustine the monke, and the Citie of Caerleon or Chester, raced to the grounde. Ptolomie calleth this Island, Lym­nos, the Britons Enlhi, and therein also is a parish church, as the report goeth. Frō hence wée cast about gathering still towarde the Northeast, till we came to Caer Ierienrhod a notable rocke situate ouer against ye mouth of the Leuenni, wherin standeth a strong hold or fortresse, or else some Towne or Village. Certes we could no well discerne whether of both it was, because the winde blew harde at Southwest, the morning was mistie and our mariners doubting some flats to be couched not farre from thence, hasted away vnto An­glesey, whether we went a pace, wyth a redy winde, euen at our owne desire.

Anglesey cut from Wales by working of the sea.This Islande (which Tacitus mistaketh, no doubt for Mona Cersaris) is scituate about two myles from the shore of Northwales. Paulus Iouius gesseth that it was in time past ioyned to the continent, or maine of our Isle, and only cut of by working of the Oceane, as Si­cilia peraduenture was frō Italy by the vio­lence of the Leuant: thereby also as he sayth the inhabitants were constrayned at the first to make a bridge ouer into the same, till the breach waxed so great, that no such passage could any longer be mainteyned, but as these things d [...]e eyther not touche my purpose at all, or make smally with the present descrip­tion of this Isle: so (in comming to my mat­ter) Anglesey is founde to be full so great as the Wight,Anglesey. & nothing inferiour, but rather surmounting it, as that also which Caesar calleth Mona in fruitefulnesse of soile by ma­nye an hundred folde. In olde time it was re­puted and taken for the common granerie to Wales, as Sicilia was to Italy for their pro­uision of Corne. In lyke maner the Welch­men themselues called it the mother of theyr country, for giuing their mindes wholly to pasturage, as the most easie and lesse charge­able trade, they vtterly neglected tyllage, as men that leaned wholly to the fertilitie of this Islande for their Corne, from whence they neuer fayled to receyue cōtinuall abun­daunce. It contayned moreouer so manye townes welnéere, as there be daies in a ye [...], which some conuerting into Cantredes haue accompted but for thrée, as Gyraldus sayeth. Howbeit as there haue béene I say 363. tow­nes in Anglesey, so now a great part of ye re­conning is vtterly shronke, & so farre gone to decay, yt the very ruines of theē are vnneth to be séene: and yet it seemeth to be méetely wel inhabited. Lelande noting the smalnesse of our hundredes in comparison to that they were in tyme past, addeth so farre as I re­member that there are sixe of them in An­glesey, as Menay, Maltraith, Liuon, Talbelliō, Torkalm, and Tindaither: herevnto Lhoid saith also how it belonged in olde time, vnto the kingdome of Guinhed or Northwales, & that therin at a towne called Aberfraw, being on the Southwest side of the Isle, the kinges of Gwinhed helde euermore their pallaces, whereby it came to passe, that the kinges of northwales, were for a lōg time, called kings of Aberfraw, as ye Welchmē named ye kings of England kinges of London, till better instruction dyd bring them farder knowledge.

There are in Anglesey many townes and villages, whose names as yet I can not or­derly attayne vnto: wherefore I will content my selfe with the rehearsall of so many as we viewed in sayling about the coastes, and otherwyse hearde report of by such as I haue talked with all. Beginning therefore at the mouth of the Ge [...]ni (which ryseth at North­east aboue Gefni or Geuen [...], 20. myles at ye least into the land) we passed first by Hund­wyn, then by Newborow, Port Hayton, Beau­marrais, Penmō, Eliā, Almwoch, Burric (wher­by runneth a rill into a creke) Cornew, Holy­hed, (standing in the promontorie) Gwifen, Aberfraw, and Cair Gadwaladar, of all which, the two latter stande, as it were in a nuke, be­twéene the Geuenni water, & the Fraw, wher­vpō Aberfraw is scituate. Within the Iland, we hard only of Gefni afore mētioned, of Gri­stial stāding vpō ye same water of Tefri, of La­nerchimedh, Lachtenfarwy & Bodedrin, but of all these the chiefe is nowe Beaumarais, which was buylded sometyme by king Edward the first, and therewithall a strong Castell about the yeare 1295. to kepe that lande in quiet. There are also as Leland sayth 31. Parishe churches beside 69. chappelles, that is 100. in all: but hereof I can say litle, for lacke of iust instruction. In tymes past, the people of this Isle vsed not to seuerall their groundes, but now they diggestony hillockes and with the stones thereof they make rude walles, much lyke to those of Deuonshyre, sith they want hedges, fire bote, and housebote, or to saye at one worde, timber & trées. As for wine, it [Page 16] is so plentifull & good cheape there most com­monly as in London, thorowe the great re­course of marchaunts frō France, Spaine, and Italy vnto the aforesayde Islande. The fleshe likewyse of such Cattell as is bredde there, is most delicate, by reason of their ex­cellent pasture, & so much was it estéemed by the Romaines in tyme past, ye Collumella did not onely commende & preferre them before those of Liguria, but the emperours thēselues also caused there prouision to be made for nete out of Anglesey to féede vppon at their owne tables as the most excellent béefe. It taketh the name of Angles & Eye, which is to meane the Isle of Englishmen, bycause they wan it in the conquerours tyme, vnder the leading of Hugh Earle of Chester, & Hugh of Shrewesbury. The Welchmē cal it Tire­mone, and herein likewyse is a Promontorie or Bylande, called Holly hed, (which hath in tyme past bene named Cair kyby, [...]y head, Cair [...]. of Kyby a monke, that dwelled in that place) frō whence the readyest passage is commonly had out of Northwales to get ouer into Irelande. The Britons named it Enylsnach, [...]lsnach, [...]y Isle. or holy Isle of the number of carkases of holy men, which they suppose to haue béene buryed there. But herein I marueyle not a little what women had offended, that they myght not come thi­ther, or at the least wyse returne from thence without some notable reproche. And nowe to conclude with the description of the whole Is­lande, this I will adde moreouer vnto hir cō ­modities, that as there are the best milstones of white, redde, blewe, and gréene gréetes, (especially in Tindaithin,) so there is great gaines to begotten by fishing, rounde about this Isle, if the people there coulde vse the trade: but they want both cunning and dili­gence to take that matter in hande. And as for temporall regimēt it apparteyneth to the countye of Cairnaruon, so in spirituall cases it belongeth to the Byshopricke of Bangor. This is finally to be noted moreouer of An­glesey, that sundry earthen pottes are often founde there of dead mens bones conuerted into ashes, set with the mouthes downeward contrarie to the vse of other nations, which turned the brimmes vpwardes, whereof let this suffice.

Hauing thus descrybed Anglesey, it rea­steth to report furthermore, how that in our circuite about the same, we mette with other little Islettes, of which one lyeth Northwest therof almost ouer against Butricke mouth, or the fall of the water, that passeth by Bu­tricke. The Britons called it Ynis Ader, that is to say, [...]r. [...]l. [...]maid. the Isle of Birdes in olde time, but now it hight Ynis Moil, or Ynis Rhomaid, that is ye Isle of Porpasses. It hath to name like­wise Ysterisd, and Adros. Being past this,Ysterisd. Adros. Lygod. we came to the second lying by North east, ouer against the Hillary point, called Ynis Ligod. that is to say, the Isle of Mise, and of these two this latter is the smallest, neyther of thē both beyng of anye greatnesse to speake of. Ynis Seriall or Prestholme, Seriall. Prestholne lieth ouer against Penmon, or the point called the hed of Mon, where I founde a towne (as I tolde you) of the same denominatiō. Ptolomy nameth not this Islande, whereof I marueyle. It is per­cell of Flintshyre, and of the iurisdiction of S. Apsah, and in fertilitie of soyle, and bréede of Cattell, nothing inferiour vnto Anglesey hir moother: although that for quantitie of groūd it come infinitely short thereof, & be nothing cōparable vnto it. The last Island vpon ye cost of Wales, hauing now left Anglesey, is called Credine, & although it lye not properly with­in the compasse of my description,Credine. yet I will not let to touch it by the waye, sith the causey thither from Denbighlande, is commonly ouerflowen. It is partly made an Island by the Conwey & partly by the sea. But to pro­céede, when we had viewed this place, we pas­sed forth without finding any mo Isles to my remembraunce, vntill we came to the Cape of Isle Brée, or Hilbery & poynt of Wyrale,Hilbery. which is an Islande at the full sea, a quarter of a myle from the lande, and foure fadame déepe, as shippes boyes haue oft sounded, but at a lowe water, a man may go ouer on the sande. The Ile of it self is very sandy a mile in compasse, & well stored with Conies, thi­ther also went a sort of supersticious fooles in tymes past, in pylgrimage, to our Ladye of Hilbery by whose offrings a Cell of Monkes there, which belonged to Chester, were che­rished and maintayned.

The next Island vppon the coast of Eng­land is man,Man is supposed to be the first, as His tha is the last, of the Hebrides, and Hector Boethus noteth a difference betwéene them of 300. miles. Eubonia. Meuania. which the Welchmen doe com­monly call Manaw. It lieth vnder 53. degrées of Latitude, and 30. minuts, and hath in lon­gitude 16. degrées and 40. minutes, abutting on the North side vpō S. Nimans in Scotland, Furnessels on the East, Prestholme & An­glesey on the South, and Vlsther in Ireland on the West. It is greater then Anglesey by a thirde part, and there are two riuers in the same, whose heddes doe ioyne so néere, that they doe seeme in maner to part the Isle in twaine. Some of our auncient writers call it Eubonia and other Meuania, howbeit after Beda and the Scottish histories, the Meuaniae are those Isles which we now call the Hebri­des or Hebudes (whereof William Massme­bery Lib. 1. de regibus, will haue Anglesey to be one) wherfore it séemeth that a number of [Page] our late writers ascrybing the sayde name vnto Mona, haue not béene a little deceaued. In this Islande were sometime 1300. fami­lies, of which 960. were in the West halfe, & the reast in the other. But nowe thorow ioy­ning house to house, and lande to land, (a cō ­mon plague & canker, which wil eate vp al, if prouision be not made in tyme to withstande this mischiefe) that number is halfe dimini­shed, and yet many of the riche inhabiters want roume & wote not howe & where to be­stow themselues, to their quiet contentatiōs. Certes this impedimēt groweth not be rea­son that men were greater in body, then they haue beene in tyme past, but onlye for yt their insatiable desire of inlarging their priuate possessions increaseth still vpon them, & will doe more, except they be restrayned: but to returne to our purpose. The kings of Scot­lande had this Islande vnder their dominiō, almost from their first arriual in this Island, and as Beda sayeth till Edwine king of the Northumbers wanne it from them and vni­ted it to his kingdome. Hereof also I coulde bring better testimonie, for we finde that the kings of Scotlande, did not only giue lawes to such as dwelled there, but also from tyme to tyme, appoint such Byshoppes as shoulde exercise Ecclesiastical Iurisdictiō in ye same. Fnally how,Cronica Tine­muthi. after sundry sales bargains and cōtracts of Matrimony for I reade yt Williā Scroupe the kings Vicechamberleyne, did buy this Isle and crowne therof of the Lord Wil. Montacute Earle of Sarum) it came vnto ye auncestours of the Earles of Darby, who haue béene cōmonly sayd to be kings of Man, the hystorie folowing as I suppose shal more at large declare. Gyraldus noteth how there was contention sometyme betwéene the kings of Englande, and Irelande, for the ryght of this Islande, but in the ende when by a cōprimise the tryall of the matter was referred to the liues or deathes of such vene­mous Wormes as shoulde be brought in­to the same, and it was founde, that they dyed not at all, as the lyke doe in Irelande, sentence passed with the kyng of Englande, and so he retayned the Islande. But howsoe­uer this matter standeth, & whether any such thing was done at all or not, sure it is that the people of the sayde Isle, were much giuen to Witchcraft, and Sorcerie (which they lear­ned of the Scottes a people greatly bent to that horrible practise) insomuch that theyr women, woulde oftentimes sell winde to the mariners inclosed vnder certayne knots of thréede, with this iniunction, that they which bought the same, shoulde for a great gale vn­doe manye, and for the lesse a smaller num­ber.Tal [...] in ma [...] The stature of the men & also fertilitie of this Islande are much commended & for the latter supposed verye néere to be equall with that of Anglesey, in all commodities.

There are also these townes therin, as they come now to my remēbrance, Rushen Dun­glasse, Holme towne S. Brids, Bala Cury (ye by­shops house) S. Mich. S. Andrew, kirk christ, kirk Louel. S. Machees, kirke Santā, Pala salla, kirk S. Mary, kirk Cōcane, kirk Malu, & Home. But of all these Rushen with ye castel is the strōgest. It is also in recompēce of the common want of woode, indued wyth sundry prety waters,Riuers as first of all the burne that rysseth in north­side of warehill botomes, & branching out by southwest of kirke Santan, it séemeth to cut of a great part of the eastside thereof, from the residue of that Island. From those hylles also (but of the south halfe) commeth the Home and Homey, by a towne of the same name, in the verry mouth whereof, lieth the Pile, afore mencioned. They haue also the Bala passing by Bala cury, on the westside, and the Rame on the north, whose fall is named Ramesey hauen as I doe reade in Chronicles.

There are moreouer sundry great hylles therein as that wherupō S. Mathees standeth,Hilles. in the northeast parte of the Isle, a parcell whereof commeth flat south, betwéene kirke Louell, and kirke Mary, yéelding out of their botomes the water Bala, whereof I spake be­fore. Beside these and well toward the south part of the Isle, I finde the warehilles, which are extended almost, from the west coast o­uertwhart vnto the burne streame. It hath also sundrye hauens, as Ramsey hauen,Hauens by north, Laxam hauen, by east, Port Iris, by southwest, Port Home, and Port Michell, by west. In lyke sort there are diuers Islettes annexed to the same, as the Calf of man on the south, the Pile on the west, and finallye S. Michelles Isle, in the Gulf called Ranoths way, in the east. Moreouer the shéepe of thys countrye are excéeding huge, wel woolled,Calf of [...] The pyl [...] S. Michel­les Isle. Sheépe. Hogges Barnacl [...] and their tayles of such greatnesse as is almost incredible. In lyke sorte theyr hogges are in maner monstruous. They haue furthermore great store of Barnacles, bréeding vpō their coasts, (but yet not so great store as in Ire­land) and those (as there also) of olde shippes. Ores, Mastes, and such putryfied pytched stufe, as by wrecke hath happened to corrupt vpon that shore. Howbeit neyther the inha­bytantes of thys Isle,Barnacl [...] neyther fishe, nor fleshe. nor yet of Ireland can redily saye whether they be fish or fleshe, for although the religious there vsed to eate thē as fishe, yet elsewhere, some haue béene trou­bled, for eating them in times prohibited, as Heretikes, and Lollardes.

[Page 17] [...]ishop of [...]an.There hath sometime béene, and yet is a Byshop of this Isle, who at the first was cal­led Episcopus Sodorensis, when ye iurisdiction of all ye Hebrides belōged vnto him. Wheras now he yt is Byshop there, is but a Bishops shadow, for albeit yt he beare ye name of By­shop of Man, yet haue ye Earles of Darby, as it is supposed, al ye profite of his Sie, (sauing that they allowe him a little somewhat for a flourish) notwithstāding that they be hys pa­trons and haue hys nomination to that Sie. [...]atrone Man. It is subiect to the Byshoppe of Yorke also, for spirituall Iurisdiction, & in time of Henry the seconde had a king, as Houeden saith, whose name was Cuthrede vnto whome Vinianus ye Cardinall came as Legate. 1177. but sith I can neyther come by the names, nor successions of those Princes that reigned there, I surcesse to speake any more of them, and also of the Isle it selfe, whereof this may suffice.

After we haue in thus wise described the Isle of Man, with hyr commodities, we re­turned eastwardes back againe vnto ye point of Ramshed, where we founde to the number of sixe Islettes of one sorte and other, whereof the first greatest and most easterly, is named the Wauay. [...]auay. It runneth out in length, as wée gessed about fiue myles from the south into ye north, and betwéene the same and the maine lande lie two little ones, whose names I find not in anye writer so farre, as I remember. The fourth is called ye Fouldra, and bring sci­tuate southeast of the first, it hath a prety pile or blockhouse therin, which the inhabitaunts name the Pile of Fouldray. [...]uldra. [...]la. [...]a. By east thereof in lyke sort lye the Fola and the Roa, plottes of no great compasse, and yet of al these sixe, the first and Fowldra are the fayrest and mos [...] fruitefull. From hence we went by Rauen­glasse point, where lieth an Island of the same denomination, [...]auen­ [...]asse. as Reginalde Wolfe hath noted in his great Carde, not yet finished, nor lykely to be published. He noteth also two o­ther Islettes, betwéene the same & the mayne lande, but Lelande speaketh nothing of them, (to my remembrance,) neyther anye other Carde, as yet set foorth of England: and thus much of the Islands that lie vpon our shoore.

Hauing so exactlye as to me is possible, set downe the names & positions of such Isles as are to be found vpō the coastes of ye Quéenes maiesties dominions. Nowe it resteth yt we procéede orderly wyth those yt are séene to lye vpō the cost of Scotland, that is to say, in the Irish, the Deucalidon & the Germaines seas: But before we come at these, there are di­uers other to be touched, which are scituate betwéene the nuke of Galloway, & the Frith of Solue, whose names I find not as yet fel downe by any writer, neyther is their num­ber greate. Wherefore sith I may not doe in this their descriptiō what I would, I must be contented to doe therein what I may, and to ridde my hands of the one, that I may the sooner come vnto, and be dealing with the o­ther. The first of these therefore, lyeth ouer a­gaynst Dundrenaw, somewhat towarde the mouth of the streame, that goeth vnto Glan­kaire. The second is scituate in ye Dée, wher­in Trief Castell standeth:Trief. S. Mary Isle. by west whereof ly­eth S. Mary Isle, which is ouer against Whi­therne, or as we nowe call it Witherne, of which in our Englishe hystories we haue oft mention vnder the name of Candida Casa, whereof the learned are not ignoraunt. Beyonde these are two other lying togither, as it were in the mouth of the lowest docke, & from thence we passed directly rounde about, the aforesayde nuke, vnto Dumbritton fyrth, where we finde also nine or tenne Islandes, of dyuers quantities, wherof Ailze, or Aliza, is the first, & wherein is great plentye of the Soland foule, Cinuary the second, Bure the thirde, Marnoch the fourth, Pladua the fift, Lanlach the sixt, Arren or Botha, the seauenth, Sauday the eyght, and Olr the ninth: but of all these, one or two are only accounted famous, that is Arren the greatest of all, wherin stan­deth a towne of the same name, and Bure the next, in which Rosa is scituate: the reast are eyther vtterly barren, or not very commo­dious, except for fowle to such as owe the same. By this time also are we come to the poynt of Cantyre, 15. Miles betwéene Cantyre & the coast of De [...]mond. which is not passing fiftene or sixtene myles, distaunt from the coast of Irelande, so that next vnto these afore remē ­bred (and when we haue fetched in the afore­said poynt) we come vnto the Hebrides, which are reconned to be thrée and fourtie, in num­ber, besides the flattes and shallowes as I haue earst affirmed in the beginning of thys chapter.

Of these aforesayd Islands, I finde dyuers to be 30. myles, some twelue other more or lesse quantity, but Sky Mula Iona, & Ila, are the greatest, as shall appeare hereafter. Certes it is impossible for me, being a méere Eng­lyshman voyde of helpe & of small reading, to discusse the controuersies that are mooued among the learned, touching the Meuainae & the Hebrides, wherefore sith I am not able to deale so déepely with that matter, I will first shewe what Islandes doe lye vpon the west coastes of Scotlande betwéene Cantyre and Andermouth heade, giuing out onelye the names of the least (sith I know nothing els of their commodities and greatnesse) and then [Page] procéeding with the reast as they doe lie in order. First of all therefore and ouer against Kiltan, (for I will go by the shore) we haue Karay, then Gegay, S. Machare, and hys neighbour, Langa, Suinnay, Dunqu, Corsey Leawing, Cewil, Nawell, Caerbery, Lis­more, & Muke, which lyeth at the very point, of Andermouth, ouer against Mere [...]ourtene in all. From hence going westwarde, wée come to the Terry and the Coll, and then en­tring in among the reast, by Earndeburge, Vlwaye, or Oronsay, Cola [...]say, & Iona minor we come at the last to Scarbo, Corebricken, Houell, al which thus mencioned, of the least are counted ye greatest, & yet there are sundry other, of whose names I haue no knowledge. In thys tracte also, there are yet thrée to in­treate of,Ila. as Ila, Iona & Mula, of which the first is one of the most, that hath not bene least ac­counted of. It is not much aboue 30 myles in length, & twenty in breadth, & yet it is an ex­céeding riche plot of grounde very plenteous of corne, but more ful of mettals, which were easie to be obteyned, if either the people were industrious, or the soyle yéeldable of woode to fine and trye out the same.

Iona. Iona was sometime called Columkill, In fame and estimation, nothing inferiour to any of the other, although in length it excéede little aboue twentie myles, and in breadth, 10. for by reason of a famous Abbie somtime buylded there by Fergus the seconde, it hath bene countenaunced out by the sepulchres of so many kings, as deceased in Scotlād, after the sayde Fergus, vntil the tyme of Malcoline Cammor, who by buylding another Abbey, at Dunfermeling, gaue occasion to hys suc­cessours to be interred there.

Mula. Mula is a ryght noble Isle, replenished wyth dyuers and sundry townes, and castels, as are also the other two, albeit their names at thys tyme be not at hand & ready. This yet is worth the noting in this Islande aboue all the rest, that it hath a pleasant spring, arising two myles in distaunce from the shore, wher­in are certayne lyttle egges founde, much like vnto indifferent Pearles, both for colour and bryghtnesse, and thereto full of thicke hu­mour, which egges being carried by violence of ye fresh water, vnto the salt, are there with­in the space of 12, houres conuerted into great shelles, which I take to be the mother pearle except I be deceyued. And thus much brief­lye of the seauen and twentye greatest Isles, lying within the aforesayde compasse, be­ing driuen of force to omitte the lesser onely, for that I neyther fynd theyr names, among the Scottishe writers, neyther to saye the truth directlye vnderstande howe manye be flattes, and howe manye be couered with grasse: To procéede therefore by north of An­dermouth we haue Egge, Ron, Cānay, Flad, Trantnesse, (where is a castell,) Trant, Al­tauecke, another Flad, Rona, and Scalpa, beside sundrye smaller, whose names I doe not knowe, & all these doe enuyron the grea­test of all, called Sky,Skye. in which are dyuers townes, as Aye, S. Iohns, Dunwegen, and S. Nicholas, beside other, and thereunto sun­dry lakes, and freshe streames, and those not withoute great abundaunce of Samon and sundry other fishe, whereby the inhabitaunts of those partes doe reape no small aduaun­tage. Furthermore & by west of these lye di­uers other percels also of this number, of which, if you looke to here an orderly reporte you shall vnderstande that I will beginne at the most southerly of them, and so procéede, with eche one in order, so well as my know­ledg doth serue me. First of al therfore, there are foure little Islandes, of which one called Erth, another Scail are ye greatest.Erth. Scaill. Bawa [...] S. Pete [...] Isle. Hirth [...] Eust. Next vn­to these and directly towarde the north lyeth Baway, then S. Peters Isle, in the east side, whereof are thrée small ones, whose names I haue not yet learned. Next of al is the Eust or Hirtha, which séemeth by certaine riuers, to be deuided into four partes, of which the the first hath a towne called S. Columbanes in ye north side thereof, ye second another dedi­cated to S. Mary, & the fourth (for I find no­thing of ye third) one named after S. Patricke, by west wherof, lyeth yet a lesse, not greatly frequēted of any. By north of this also are 3. other, of lyke quantity, and then followeth Lewis, scituate in the Deucalidon sea,Lewis▪ called Thule [...] Tacitus with [...] better [...] thoriti [...] then he named [...]tglesey [...]na. ouer a­gainst the Rosse, and called Thule, by Taci­tus, wherein are many lakes, and very pret­tye Villages, as lake Erwijn, lake Vnsal­sago: but of townes, S. Clements, Stoye, Noys, S. Colombane, Radmach &c. About thys are also diuers other Isles, of lesse quā ­titye found, as Scalpay, Ilen, Schent, Bar­ray the more, Barraye the lesse, S. Kylder, & other of smaller reputation, wherof the most parte are voyde of culture and inhabitantes, and therefore not worthye to be remembred here. This finallye is left to be sayd of these Isles, that albeit Leuissa, be the greatest of them, and conteyning thréescore myles, in length, and thirtie in breadth, yet Hirtha, or Hirth, is the most famous, for the shéepe which are there bredde, and is therefore cal­led Shepy of the wylde Iryshe. Certes, the stature of these shéepe is greater and higher, thē of any fallowe déere, their tailes hanging downe to the grounde, and their hornes lon­ger & thicker then those of any Bugle. Vnto [Page 18] thys Islande also in the Moneth of Iune; (when the seas be most calme) there com­meth a Priest out of Lewissa, & minystreth the sacramēt of Baptisme to all such childrē as haue béene borne there, and the Islandes about sith that moneth in the yeare passed. This being done, and his appointed num­ber of Masses saide, he receyueth the tythes of all theyr commodities, and then returneth home againe the same way he came.

[...]na. Rona the last of the Hebrides, is dystant, as I saide, about fouretie mile from the Or­chades, and one hundredth and thirtye, from the Promontorye of Dungisbe. The coast of thys Isle is dayly replenished with Seale, and Porpasse, which are eyther so tame, or so fierce, that they abash not at the sight of such as looke vpon them, neyther make they any haste to flye out of theyr presence. Aboue the Hirth also is another Islande, though not inhabited, wherin is a certeine kind of wilde beaste, not much different frō the figure of a shéepe, but so wilde that it will not easilye be tamed. For theyr gry [...]ning also they are re­puted to be a kynde of bastarde Tyger. As for theyr heaire it is betweene the wooll of a shéepe, and heaire of a goate, somewhat re­sembling eche, shacked, and yet absolutely like vnto neyther of both.

[...] Shot [...] IslesThere are also other Isles, an hundreth myles beyond the Orchades, towarde east northeast, and subiect to scotlande, wherin is neyther corne, nor anye vse of flesh, although they haue store of sundrye sortes of cattell a­mongst them. But in stead of bread, they drie a kinde of fishe, which they beate in morters to powder, and bake it in theyr Ouens, vntill it be hearde and drye. Theyr fewell also is of such bones as the fishe yéeldeth that is taken on theyr coastes, and yet they lyue as themselues suppose in much felicitie, think­ing it a great péece of theyr happynesse to bée so farre distaunt from the wicked aua rice, & cruell dealings of the world. As for theyr ry­ches and commodities, they al consist in the skinnes of bestes, as of Oxē, Shéepe, Gotes, Marternes, and such like, wherof they make great reconing. Herin also they are lyke vn­to ye Hirthiens; in yt at one time of the yeare, there commeth a priest vnto them, out of the Orchades (vnto which Iurisdiction they doe belong) who Baptiseth all such children, as haue bene borne among them, sith he last ar­riued: and hauing afterward remained there for a few dayes, he taketh his tythes of them (which they prouide & pay with great serupu­lositie in fishe, for of other commodities pay they none) and then returneth home againe, not without boast of his troublesome voyage, except he watch his time. In these Isles also is great plēty of fine Amber to be had, which is producted by the working of the sea, vpon th [...]se coastes: howbeit, after what name these Isles be called particulerly and how many there be of them in all, the Scottes themsel­ues are eyther ignoraunt, or not so diligent, as to make any constant mention.

The Orchades, lie partly in the Germaine,Orchades. and partly in the Calidon seas, ouer agaynst the poynt of Dunghisby, beyng in number, thirtie one of name, & belonging to ye crowne of Scotlande, as are the reast whereof here tofore I haue made report, since we crossed ouer the mouth of the Solueie streame, to come into this countrye. Certes the people of these Islands are of goodly stature, tall, ve­rye comelye, healthfull, of long lyfe, great strength, and most whyte coulour: and yet they féede most vpon fishe onely, sith the cold is so extréeme in those parts, that the ground bringeth forth but smal store of Wheate, & in maner very litle or no fewell at al, to warme them in the winter. Otes they haue verye plentifull, but greater store of Barly, wher­of they make a nappye kinde of drinke, and such in déede, as will verye readilye cause a strāger to forget himself. Howbeit this may be vnto vs, a in lieu of a myracle, yt although theyr drinke be neuer so strong, & they them­selues so immeasurable drinkers (as none are more) yet it shal not easily be séene, that there is any drunckarde among them, either fran­tike, or madde mā, dolt, or natural foole, méete to were a cockescomb. In like sort they want venemous beastes, chiefly such as doe delyte in hotter soile. Theyr Ewes also are so full of increase, that some doe vsuallye bring foorth two, thrée, or foure lambes at once, whereby they account our anclings (which are such as bring foorth but one at once) rather to be bar­ren then kept for any gaine. As for wyld and tame fowles, they haue such plentie of them, that the people there account them rather a burthen to theyr soyle, then a benefite to their tables. There is also a Bishop of the Orcha­des, who hath his Sie, in Pomonia the chiefe of al the Islands, wherin also are two strong castelles, and such hath béen the supersticion of the people here, that there is almost no one of them, that hath not one church at the least dedicated to the moother of Christ. Finallye there is little vse of Phisicke in these quar­ters, lesse store of Eles, and least of frogges. As for ye horses that are bred amongst them, they are commonlye not much greater then Asses, and yet to labour and trauaile, a man shall finde very fewe elsewhere, able to come néere, much lesse to matche with them, in [Page] holding out their labours.

From the Orchades vntill we come south­wardes to the Scarre, which lyeth in Buqu­hamnesse, I finde no mention of any Isle sci­tuate vpon that coast, neyther greatly from thence, vntill we come at the forth, that lea­deth vp to Sterling, wherein we passe by se­uen or eyght such as they be, of which the first called the May, the seconde Baas and Gar­wy, the third doe séeme to be inhabited. From these also holding on our course towarde En­gland, we passe by another yle, wherin Faux castell standeth, and this so farre as my skill serueth is the last Island of the Scottish side, in compassing whereof I am not able to dis­cerne, whether their flattes and shallowes, number of Islandes without name, confusion of scituation, lacke of true descriptiō, or mine owne ignoraunce hath troubled me most. No marueyle therefore that I haue béene so oft on ground, among them. But most ioyful am I yt am come home againe: & although not by ye Thames mouth into my natiue citie (whi­che taketh his name of Troye) yet into ye En­glishe dominion where good entertaynement is much more franke and copious, and better harborow, wherein to rest my wery bones, & easily refreshe my wetherbeaten carkase.

The first Island therfore, which commeth to our sight, after we passed Barwuc, is that which was sometime called Lindefarne,Lindes­farne or holy Iland but now Holly Islande, and contayneth 8. myles a place much honoured among our Monasti­call writers, bycause diuers monkes & Here­mites dyd spende theyr times therein. There was also the Byshoppes Sée of Lindefarne, for a long season, which afterwarde was trā ­slated to Dunelme or Durham. Next vnto this is the Isle of Farne,Farne. and herein is a place of defence so farre as I remember, & so great store of Egges layed there by diuers kindes of Wildfoule in time of the yere, that a man shall hardly runne for a wager on the plaine groūd without the breach of many be­fore his race be finished.Puffins. About Farne also lie certayne yles greater then Farne it self, but voyde of inhabitaunts & in these also is great store of Puffins, graie as Duckes, and with­out couloured fethers, sauing that they haue a white ring round about their neckes. There is moreouer another Birde, which the peo­ple call sainct Cuthbertes foules, a very tame and gentle creature,S. Cuth­bertes foules. and easie to be taken. Af­ter this we came to the Cocket Islād, so cal­led bycause it lyeth ouer agaynst the fall of cocke water. And here is a vayne of meane seacole, which the people digge out of the shore at the low water. And from thence vn­till we came vnto the cost of Norfolke I saw no mo Islands. Being therefore past S. Ed­monds point, we saw a litle Isle ouer against the fall of the water that commeth frō Holk­ham, and likewyse an other ouer against the Clay, before we came at Waburne hope: the thirde also in Yarmouth ryuer ouer agaynst Bradwell a towne in low or little England, wherof also I must néedes say somewhat, by­cause it is in maner an Island, and as I gesse eyther hath béene or may be one, for the bro­dest place of the Strict lande that leadeth to the same, it little aboue a quarter of a myle, which against the raging waues of the sea, can make but smal resistence.Litle [...] ­land. Litle England or low Englande therefore is about 8. miles in length and foure in bredth, very well re­plenished with townes, as Fristan, Burgh castel, Olton, Flixtō, Lestoft, Gu [...]tō, Blund­ston, Corton, Lownd, Asheby, Hoxton, Bel­ton, Bradwel, & Gorleston, and beside this it is very fruitfull and indued with all commo­dities. Going forwarde from hence, by the Estonnesse (almost an Islande,) I sawe a small percell cut from the maine in Orforde hauen, ye Langerstone in Orwell mouth, two péeces or Islettes at Cattywade Bridge, thē casting about vnto ye Colne, we beholde Mer­sey which is a pretie Islande, well furnished with wood. It was somtime a great recepta­cle for the Danes, when they inuaded En­glande, howbeit at this present it hath beside two decaied Blockhouses, two Parish chur­ches of wich one is called East Mersey, the other west Mersey & both vnder the Archdea­con of Colchester as percell of his iurisdictiō,Fowl [...] Fowlnesse is an Isle voyde of wood, & yet wel replenished with very good grasse for nette and shéepe, whereof the inhabitaunts haue great plentie: there is also a Parish church, and albeit that it stande somewhat distaunt from the shore, yet at a dead low water a man ryde thereto if he be skilfull of the Cawsie.

In Maldon water are in lyke sorte thrée Islands, enuironned with the salt streames,Ouscy. North [...] as S. Osithes, Northey and another (after a mershe) that beareth no name so far as I re­member. On the right hand also as we went toward the sea againe, we saw Ramsey Isle,Ramsey or rather a Peninsula or Bylande,Key. and like­wyse the Rey, in which is a Chappell of S. Peter. And then coasting vpō the mouth of ye Bourne, we saw ye Wallot Isle & his mates, wherof two lye by East of Wallot, and the forth is Foulnesse, excepte I be deceyued, for here my memorye fayleth me, on the one side and information on the other, I meane cōcerning ye placing of foulnesse. But to pro­céede, after this and being entered into the Thames mouth, I finde no Islande of anye [Page 19] name, except you [...] Rochford hundred for one, whereof I haue no [...], more then of C [...]wland, M [...]r [...]and, Ely, and the reast, th [...] are franted by the Ouze [...] Auon (two noble riuers herafter to be [...]) sith I touth only those that are [...] on­ned with the sea, or salt water, as wée maye sée in the Canway Isles, [...]anway. [...] s [...]me do [...]sken to an I poora s [...] b [...]g, some he [...] vice, [...], or wide [...], bycause they are very small at the [...]ast end, and large at west. The salte & [...]es also that crosse the same doe so seperate the one of that [...] the other, that they resemble the slope course of the [...] part of a s [...]rew or gimlet, in very parfite [...] ­ [...]er, if a man ode imagine [...] downe strain the [...] top of the [...] vppon them. Betwéene th [...]se, more [...] into the Leighe towne lyeth another little Isle, whose name is to me vnknowen. Cetes I woulde [...] gone to and [...] and viewed these per [...]elles as they lay, but forasmuch as a Pe [...]ry of wind [...] (scarse cōparable to the [...]a [...]erell gale wher­of Iohn A [...]c [...], one of the best sean̄ that [...]ng­land euer bredde, was [...] to talke) caught holde of our sayles, and caryed vs forth the right way toward London, I coulde not t [...]y to sée what thinges were [...] much therefore of our Islandes, and so much may well suffice.

Of the rysing and falles of such ryuers and streames, as descende into the sea with­out alteration of their names, and first of those that lye betweene the Thames and the Sa­uerne. Cap. 9.

HAuing as you haue séene attempted to set downe a full discourse of all the Is­landes, that are scituate vppon the coast of Britayne, and finding the successe not corres­pondent to myne intent, it hath caused mée somewhat to restrayne my purpose in thys description of our riuers. For whereas I en­tended at the first to haue written at large, of the number, scituation, names, quantities, Townes, Villages, Castles, Mountaynes, Fresh waters, Plashes, or Lakes, Salt wa­ters, and other commodities of the aforesayd Isles, myne expectation of information from all partes of Englande, was so deceyued in the ende, that I was fayne at last, onelye to leane to that which I knewe my selfe eyther by reading or such other helpe as I had al­ready purchased and gotten of the same. And euen so it happeneth also in this my tracta­tiō of waters, of whose heads, courses, lēgth, bredth, depth of Chanell (for burden) ebb [...], flow [...]ges, and falles, I had thought to haue made a perfect descriptiō. But now for want of instruction, which hath béene largelye pro­mised, and sl [...]ckly perfourmed, and other so­dayne and [...]rious denyall of helpe volun­tarily off [...]ed, wythout occasion gyuen [...] part, I [...] néedes content my self with such obseruations as I haue eyther obtayned by myne [...] experience, or gathered frō tyme to tyme out of other [...] writings: wherby the full discourse of the whole is vtterly cut of, and in stéede of the same a mangled re­hearsall of the residue, set downe and left in memori [...]. Wherefore I beséech your Honour to pardon this imperfect [...] and rudenesse of my labour, which notwithstanding is not al­togither in vayne, sith my errors may pr [...] a spurre [...] the better [...], eyther too cor­rect, or inlarge where [...], or at the least wi [...]e to take [...] a more absolute péece of wor [...]e as better direction shall enco­rage them thereto. The entraunce and be­ginning of euery thing is the hardest, and hée that beginneth well hath atchieued halfe hys purpose. The Ise my Lorde is broken, and from henceforth it wil be more easie for such as shall come after to wade through with the reast, sith facile est inuētis a [...]ere, and to con­tinue and [...]nishe, is not so great a [...] in [...] and laye the founda­tion or [...] of any noble péece of work­manshippe though it be but rudely handled. But to my purpose as I began at ye Thames in any description of Islandes,Thamesis. so will I now do the [...]ide with that of riuers: making m [...]e entrie at the sayde ryuer it selfe, which hath his heade or beginning out of the side of an hyll, standing in the playnes of Cotteswolde, about one mile from Tetbury néere vnto the Fosse (an hygh waye so called of olde) where it was sometyme named Isis or the Ouse, al­thoughe dyuers doe ignorauntlye call it the Thames, euen there, rather of a foolishe cu­stome then of anye skill, bycause they eyther neglect or vtterly are ignoraunt, how it was named at the first. From hence it runneth di­rectly toward the east, where it méeteth with the Cyrne or Churne, (a brooke called in latin Corinium) whereof Cyrnecester towne by which it commeth doth take the name.Corinium. From hence it hasteth to Créekelade (alias Crekan­ford) Lechlade, Radcotebridge, Newbridge, & Eusham (receiuing by the way an infinit sort of small streames, brookes, beckes, waters, & rundelles) & here on this side of the towne de­uiding it selfe into two courses, of which the one goeth strayght to Botley, and Hinksey, the other by God [...]ow, a village not farre of. This latter spreadeth it selfe also for a whyle [Page] into sundry smaller braunches, which runne not farre eare they be reunited, and then be­clipping sundry pleasaunt meadowes, it pas­seth at length by Oxeforde, where it méeteth with the Charwell,Charwell. and a little from whence the originall branches doe ioyne agayne and go togither by Abbandune (or Abington, as we call it,) although no part of it at the first came so néere the Towne as it doth n [...]w,Some write that the maine streame was brou­ght thither which ran before be­twene In­ [...]ersey and Culenham till a braunch thereof was led thyther from the mayne streame, through the industrie of the monkes as (beside the testimonie of olde re­cordes thereof yet extant to be séene) by the decay of Dorchester it self, somtime the com­mō thorowfare from Wales, and the West countrey to London, which insurd vpon this fac [...], is easie to bée séene. From hence it go­eth to Dorchester and so to Thame, where ioyning with a riuer of the same denomina­tion,If Oxford it selfe be not to bee called Duseford thereof. Pontium. it loseth the name of Isis or Ouse, wher­of Duseney at Oxeforde is producted) and frō thēceforth is called Thamesis. From Thame it goeth to Walling forde and so to Reading, which some of the number of Bridges there doe call Pontium, albeit that the Englishe name doe procéede rather from Rhe, or Rée the Saxon word for a water course or riuer which may be séene in Ouerée or Sutherey,S. Mary ouer Rhée. for ouer the Rée or South of the Rhe as the skilfull can coniecture. But howsoeuer that matter standeth after it hath passed by Rea­ding,Kenet. and there receyued the Kenet, which commeth from the hilles that lye West of Marleborough,Thetis. and then the Thetis, com­monly called the Tyde that commeth from the Thetisforde; it hyeth to Sudlington, or Maydenheade, and so to Wyndleshore (or Windsore) Eaton & then to Chertsey, where Erkenwalde Bishoppe of London, somtime buylded a religious House, as I doe reade. From Chertseye it hasteth dyrectlye vnto Stanes, and receyuing an other streame by the waye,Cole. called the Cole, (whereupon Col­brooke standeth) it goeth by Kingstone Shene Sion, and Brentforde, where it méeteth the Brane or the Brene, another Brooke discen­ding from Edgeworth whose name signifieth a Frogge, in the Brittish speache. Vppon thys also Sir Iohn Thinne, had sometyme a stately house wyth marueylous prouision to inclose and retayne such fishe as shoulde come about the same. From Brentfoorde it passeth by Mortlach,Brene. Putney, Fulham, Bat­tersey, Chelsey, Lambeth, and so to London. Finallye going from thence vnto the sea, it taketh the Lée wyth it by the waye vpon the Coast of Essex, and the Darnt vpō Kentside, which riseth néere to Tanrige, and commeth by Shoreham,Darwent. vnto Derntforde, whereunto the Cray falleth:Cray. And lest of all the mydway a notable ryuer, (in mine opinion) which wa­tereth all the South, and Southwest part of Kent, and whose description is not to be omit­ted in his place.

Thus we sée the whole tract and course of ye Thames by whose head and fall, it is euident that the length therof is at the least, one hun­dreth and eighty miles, if it be measured by ye iourneyes of the land. And as it is in course, the longest of the thrée famous riuers of thys Isle, so it is nothing inferiour vnto them, in abundance of all kinde of fishe, whereof it is harde to say, which of them haue eyther most plentie, or greatest varietie, if the circumstā ­ces be duely weighed. What should I speake of the fat and swéete Samons,Sa [...] dayly taken in this streame, & that in such plentye, as no ry­uer in Europa, is able to excéede it, but what store also of Barbelles, Troutes, Chenins, Pearches, Smelts, Breames, Roches,Roch [...] Shrimps & [...] Floūders the be [...]. Da­ces, Gudgins, Floūders, Shrimps, Eles &c. are commōly to be had therein, I referre me to them, that knowe the same by experience. And albeit it séemeth from time to time, to be as it were defrauded in sundrye wise, of these hir large commodities, by the insociable aua­rice of ye fishermen yet this famous ryuer cō ­playneth of no w [...]nte, but the more it looseth at one tyme, the more it yéeldeth at another. Onely in Carpes it séemeth to bée scant,Carpes fishe [...] brought into E [...] ­land, [...] later [...] the Th [...] mes. sith it is not long finde that kynde of fishe was brought ouer into Englande, and but of late to speake of, into this streame by the violent rage of sundry Landfloudes, that brake open the heades and dammes of dyuers Gentle­mens pondes, by which meanes it became pertaker also of this said commoditie, where­of [...]arst it had no portion that I coulde euer heare of.

Furthermore the sayde riuer floweth and [...]lleth all his channels twyse in the daye and night, that is in euery 12. houres once,South west, [...] north [...] make [...] sea at [...] full and chaung doth hyerst tyd [...] which [...] call [...] tides. The [...] dista [...] bet [...] one tyd [...] another. & thys ebbing and flowing, holdeth on for the space of seauentye miles, within the mayne lande: the streame or tyde, being alwayes hyghest at Londō, when the Moone doth exactly touch the northeast and south or west pointes, of the heauens, of which one is visible, the other vn­der the earth, and not subiect to our sight.

These tydes also differ in their tymes eche one comming latter then other, by so manye mynutes as passe ere the reuolucion and na­turall course of the heauens doe reduce, and bring about the sayde Plannet, vnto those hir former places: whereby the common dif­ference betwéene one tyde and another, is founde to consist of twentye foure mynutes, which wāteth but twelue of an whole houre; [Page 20] in 24 as experience doth confirme.

This order of flowing likewise is parpetu­all,The [...] came oft [...]ecked in [...] entrāce to the [...]nd. except rough winds doe happen to checke the streame in hir comming, or else some o­ther occasion, put by the ordinary course of the Northern seas, which fyll the sayde ryuer by their naturall returne and flowing. And that both these doe happen eft among, I re­ferre me to such as haue not sildome obserued it. For sometime the huge wind kepeth back a great part of the floudde, whereby the tyde is differred (though neuer altogyther put by) and sometyme there happen thrée or foure tydes in one naturall daye, whereof the vn­skilful do descant many things. I would here make mencion of sundry bridges placed ouer this noble streame,London [...]ridge. of which that of London is most chiefly to be cōmended, for it is man­ner a continuall Stréete, well replenished with large and statelye houses on both sides, & scituate vpon twentie Arches, whereof eche one is made of excellent frée squared stone, e­uery of theym being thréescore fote in height, and full twentie in distaunce one from ano­ther.

In lyke maner I coulde intreat of the infi­nite number of swannes dayly to be séene vp­pon thys riuer, [...]000. wher [...]es vpon [...]he thames [...]nd 3000. [...]ooremen maintained [...]y ye same whose [...]ams come [...] most plē ­ [...]ly in the [...]erme time the two thousand. Whirries and small bots, whereby thrée thousand poore watermen are maintained, through the cari­age and recariage, of such persons as passe, or repasse, from tyme to tyme vppon the same: beside those huge tyde botes, tiltbotes & barges, which eyther carry passengers, or bryng necessary prouision, from all quarters of Oxefordshyre, Barkeshyre, Bucking­hamshyre, Bedfordeshyre, Herfordeshyre, Mydellsex, Essex, Surry and Kent, vnto the Citie of London. But forsomuch as these thynges are to be repeated againe in the particuler discription of London, annexed to hys Carde. I sucesse at this tyme to speake any more of them as also of the ryuer it self, wherefore let thys suffyse.

Midway.Next vnto the Thames we haue the mid­way water, which falleth into the mayne sea at Shepey. It ariseth Warde forrest in Sus­sex, and when it is come so farre as Whethe­lin towne,Dunus. it méeteth a little by north thereof, with the Done, which descendeth from wa­terdon forrest, and from whence they go on togyther, as one by Ashehirst, where hauing receyued also the seconde brooke, it hasteth to Pēsherst, & there carrieth with all the Eden, that commeth from Lingfielde parke. After thys it goeth into the South east parte of Kent,Frethus. and taketh with it the Frith or Firth, on the north west syde, and an other lyttle streame that commeth from the hylles, be­twéene Peuenbury and Horsemon, on the south est.Thrise. From thence also & not farre from Yalling it receiueth the Theise (a pretye streame that riseth about Theise Hirst) and afterwarde the Gran or crane,Grane alias Cranus. which hauing hys heade not farre from Cranbrooke, and méeting with sundry other reuellettes by the way, whereof one braunche of Theise is the last, (for it parteth at the Twist, and inclu­deth a prety Islande) doth ioyne with the said Medway, a litle aboue Yalding, & then with the Lowse. Finally at Maidstone, it méeteth wyth another brooke, whose name I knowe not, and then passeth by Allington, Dutton, Newhide, Halling, Cuckestane, Rofchester, Chattham, Gillingham, Vpchurch, Kings­ferry, and falleth into the maine sea, betwene Shepey and the Grane.

Some saye that it is called mydway water because it falleth into the sea mydway, be­twéene the north foreland and London: yet some not hauing anye such consideration, doe name it the Medow streame, whereof I thought good also to leaue this short admoni­tion.

After the Midway whose discription I haue partely gathered out of the Leland, and part­ly out of Maister Lamberts perambulatō of Kēt,Sturus. we haue ye Stoure that riseth at Kinges­woode which is fourtéene or fiftéene myles, frō Canterbury. This riuer passeth by Ashe­forde, Wie, Nackington, Canterbury, For­dish, Standish, and Sturemouth,Nailburne water also as I heare about Cant warbiry, but I wote not wherabou [...]. where it receyueth another ryuer, which hath 3. bran­ches, wherof one called Bredge goeth by Bi­ships bourne, the other named Wyham, be­ginneth about Adham, and the thirde (name­lesse) rūneth by Staple to Wingham. After­warde our Stoure or Sture parteth it selfe in twaine, and in such wyse that one arme thereof goeth towarde the North, and is cal­led (when it commeth at the sea) the North­mouth of Stoure, the other runneth South­east warde vp to Rycheborow & so to Sand­wiche, from whence it goeth Northeast a­gayne & falleth into the sea. The issue of this latter tract is called the hauen of Sandwiche and peraduenture the streame that commeth downe thither, after the diuisiō of the Stoure,Wantsome. may be the same, which Beda calleth Want­some, but as I cānot vndo this knot at will, so this is certaine, that the Stoure on the one side, and peraduenture, the Wantsome on the other parteth & cutteth the Tenet from the maine lande of Kent, wherby it is left for an Island and so replenished with townes, as I haue notified before, in ye chapter that spea­keth of our Islandes.

There are other little Brookes, which fall [Page] into the Stoure of which Lelande speaketh, as Fishpoole becke, that aryseth in Stone­hirstwood and méeteth with it foure myles from Canterbury: an other beginneth at Chiselet, & goeth into the Stoure gut, which sometime inclosed Thanet, as Leylande saieth, the thirde issueth out of the grounde at Northburne (where Eadbert of Kent some time past held his pallace &) runneth to Sād­wich hauen, as the sayde Au [...]thor reporteth, & the fourth called Bridge water that ryseth by S. Marie Burne church, & méeteth with Canterbury water at Stourmouth: also Wyham that ryseth aboue Wyham, and falleth into Bredge water at▪ Dudmyll, or Wenderton: but sith they are eyther obscure or namelesse & there to not reseruing there names till they come at the sea, I passe them ouer as not to be touched here. From hence vnto Douer I finde no streame by reason of the Clyffes, that enuironne the sayde coast: howbeit vpon the South side of Douer there is a pretie fresh ryuer, whose head aryse [...]h at Erwell, not passing foure myles from the sea,Dour. and of some is called Dour, which in the Brittishe tongue is a common name for all waters. And thereof also it is lykely that the towne and Castell of Douer dyd sometyme take the name.Parenthesis From hence we go towarde the Camber, (omitting paraduenture here and there sundrye small Créekes, & Beckes, by the way) whereabouts the Rother, a noble riuer falleth into ye sea.Rother. This Rother hath his head in Sussex not far from Argas hill néere to Waterden forrest, and from thence direc­teth his course vnto Rotherfield. After this it goeth to Ethlingham or Hitchingham, and so forth by Newendon vnto Matthamferry, where it deuided it selfe in such wise, that one braunche thereof goeth to Appledour (where it méeteth wt the Bily that ryseth about Bil­sington) the other by Iden,Bily. so that it inclu­deth a fine percell of grounde called Oxney, which in times past was reputed as a percell of Sussex, but now vpon some occasion or o­ther, it is annexed vnto Kent. From hence also growing into some greatnesse, it run­neth to Rie, where it méeteth finally with the Becke,Becke. which commeth from Beckley, so that the plot wherein Rye standeth, is in ma­ner a Bylande or Peninsula, as experience doth confirme. Lelande and most men are of the opinion that this ryuer shoulde be called the Limene, Limenus. howbeit in our time it is knowen by none other name, then the Rother or Ap­pledour water, whereof let this suffice.

Being thus crossed ouer to the West side of Rye hauen, and in viewing the issues that fal into the same, I méete first of all with a wa­ter that groweth of two brookes, which come downe by one Chanell into the east side of the mouth of the sayde Port. The first therefore that falleth into it, descendeth from Beckley or thereabouts, as I take it, the next runneth along by Pesemarsh, and soone after ioyning withall, they holde on as one, till they fall into the same at the Westerly side of Rye. The third streame commeth from the North, and as it mounteth vp not farre from Munfield, so it runneth betwéene Sescamb and Wac­lington neere vnto Bread, taking another rill with all that ryseth as I heare not very farre from Westfield. There is likewyse a fourth that groweth of two heades, betwéene I [...]lingham and Pet, & going by Winchelsey it meeteth withall about Rye hauen, so that Winchelsey standeth enuironned on three partes with water, and the streames of these two that I haue last rehearsed.

The water that falleth into the Ocean, a myle by Southwest of Hastinges or thera­bouts, is called Aestus or Asten,Aestus. and rising not farre from Penhirst, it méeteth with the sea, as I heare by East of Hollington.Buluer­hithe. Buluer­hithe is but a créeke as I remember serued with no backewater, and so I heare of Cod­ding or olde hauen, wherfore I meane not to touche them.

Into Peuensey hauen diuers waters doe resort,Peuensey & of these that which entereth into the same on the East side ryseth out from two heades, whereof the most easterly is called Ashe, the next vnto it the Burne, and vniting themselues not farre from Asheburne,Ashe Burne. they continue their course vnder the name and title of Asheburne water as I reade. The se­conde that commeth thereinto ryseth also of two heades, wherof the one is so many miles from Boreham, the other not farre from the Parke east of Hellingstowne, and both of thē cōcurring Southwest of Hirstmowsen, they direct their course toward Peuēsey (beneath which they méete wyth an other rysing at Foyngton) and thence go in one chanell for a myle or more, tyll they fall togither into the Peuensey hauen.

The Cuckmer issueth out at seuerall pla­ces,Cucom [...] and hereof the more easterly braunch cō ­meth from Warbleton ward, the other from Bishoppes wood, and méeting beneath Hal­ling they runne in one bottome by Micham Arlington, Wellington, olde Frithstan and so into the sea.

Vnto the water that cōmeth out at New­hauen sundry Brookes & Riuerettes doe re­sorte,Isis nifa­lor. but the chiefe head ryseth towarde the West somewhat betwéene Etchinforde and Shepley as I here. The first water therfore [Page 21] that falleth into the same on the east side, is­sueth out of the grounde about Vertwood, & running from thence by Langhtō and Ripe, on the West side, it falleth into the aforesayd ryuer beneath Forle and Glyme, or thrée myles lower then Lewys, if the other buttal lyke you not. The next hervnto hath his head in Argas hill, the thirde descendeth frō Ashe­don forrest, and ioyning with the last mentio­ned, they crosse the maine ryuer a little be­neath Isefield. The fourth water commeth from Ashedon forrest by Horsted Caines (or Ousestate Caines) and falleth into the same, lykewyse East of Linfield. Certes I am de­ceyued if this ryuer be not called Isis, after it is past Isefield. [...]turewell. The fift ryseth about Stor­uelgate, and méeteth also wyth the maine streame aboue Linfield, & these are knowen to lye vpon the right hande as we rowed vp the ryuer. On the other side are onely two, whereof the first hath his originall néere vn­to Wenefield, and holding on his course to­warde the East, it méeteth with his maister betwéene Newicke and Isefield, or Ifield as some reade it. The last of all commeth from Plimodune or Plumpton, [...]imus. and hauing met in like sort with the maine riuer about Bar­cham, it runneth forth with it, and the rest in one chanell by Barcham, Hamsey, Malling, Lewys, Piddingburne, and so forth into the maine sea.

[...].The next ryuer that we came vnto West of Brighthemston is the Sore, which not­withstanding I finde to be called Brember water, in the auncient Mappe of Marton Colledge in Oxforde: but in such sorte (as I take it) as the Rother is called Appledour streame, bycause of the sayd towne that stan­deth therevpon. But to procéede, it is a plea­saunt water, and thereto if you consider the scituation of his armes, and braunches from the higher groundes, very much resembling a fower stringed whip. Wherabout the head of this riuer is, or which of these braunches may safely be called Sora, from the rising, in good sooth I can not say, for after we had pas­sed nyne or tenne myles thereon vp into the lande, sodainly the crosse waters stopped vs, so that we were inforced to turne either east or west, for directly forth ryght we had no way to go. The first arme on the ryght hand as we went, ryseth out of a Parke by South of Alborne, and going on for a certayne space toward the Northwest, it turneth southward betweene Shermonbury and Twinham, and soone after méeteth with ye Bymar, not much South from Shermonbury, [...]marus. whence they run togither almost two myles, till they fall into the Sore. That on the Westside descendeth from about Billingeshir [...]t, & going towarde the east, it crosseth wt the [...] (which ryseth a little by West of Thacam) east from Pul­borow, and so they run as one into the Sore, that after this cōfluence hasteth it self south­warde by Brember, Burleis, the Combes, and ere long into the Ocean.

The Aron (of which beside Arundel towne the Castell and the valey,Arunus. wherin it runneth is called Vallis Aruntina, or Arundale in En­glish) is a goodly water and thereto increa­sed with no small number of excellent & plea­saunt brookes. It springeth vp of two heades, whereof one descendeth from the North not farre from Gretham, & going by Lis, mée­teth with the next streame, as I gesse about Doursford house. The second riseth by West from the hilles that lye towarde the rysing of the sunne from Eastmaine and runneth by Peterfield. The thirde commeth from Beryton warde and ioyneth with the second betwéene Peterfield and Doursforde, after which cōfluence they go togither in one cha­nell still toward the East, (taking a rill with them that commeth betwéene Fernehirst and S. Lukes Chappell, southwest of Linche­mere & meting with it East of Loddesworth as I doe reade, and lykewyse sundrye o­ther in one Chanell beneath Sopham) to Waltham, Bury, Houghton, Stoke, Arun­dell, Tortington forde, Climping (all on the West side,) and so into the sea. Hauing thus described the west side of Arun, let vs doe the lyke with the other in such sorte as we best may. The first riuer that we come vnto ther­fore on the East side, and also the seconde rise at sundry places in S. Leonards forrest, and ioyning a lyttle aboue Horsham, they mete with the thirde, which commeth from Ifield Parke, not verye farre from Slinfeld. The fourth hath two heads, whereof one ryseth in Witley Parke, the other by west, néere vnto Heselméere chappell, and méeting by west of Doursfeld, they vnyte themselues with the chanell, growing by the confluence that I spake of beneath Slinfeld, a little aboue Bil­lingeshirst. The last water commeth from the hilles aboue Lincheméere, and runneth west and South, and passing betwene Bil­lingshirst and Stopham it commeth vnto the channell last mencioned, & so into the Arun, beneath Stopham, without anye farder in­crease, at the least that I doe here of.

Burne hath his issue in a Parke,Burne. néere Al­dingburne (or rather a litle aboue ye same to­ward the North, as I haue since béene infor­med,) and running by the bottomes toward the south, it falleth into the sea betwéene north Berflete and Flesham.

[Page] Eryn.Eryn riseth of sundry heddes, by east of Erynley and directing his course toward the sunne rysing, it pennisulateth Selesey, and falleth into the Ocean betwéene Selesey towne on the southwest & Pagham at north west.

Delus. Del springeth about Benderton, & thence running betwéene midle Lauaunt and East Lauaunt, it goeth by west of West Hamp­net, by east of Chichester, or West of Rum­balde soowne, and afterwarde by Fishburne, where it méeteth with a ril comming North west from Funtingdon (a little beneath the towne) and then running thus in one streame towarde the sea, it méeteth with another ril­let comming by Northe of Bosham and so into Auant gulf by East of Thorney Island.

Racunus.The Racon riseth by east of Racton or Ra­codunum and cōming by Chidham, it falleth into the sea, Northest of Thorney afore­sayde.

Emill. The Emill commeth first betwéene Racton and Stansted then downe to Emilsworth or Emmesworth, and so vnto the Ocean, sepa­rating Sussex from Hāpshyre almost from the very head.

Hauing in this maner passed along the coa­stes of Sussex. The next water that I remē ­ber, ryseth by east of the forrest of Estbyry, from whence it goeth by Southwijc, West Burhunt, Farham, and so into the gulfe al­most full South.

Badunus. forté.Then come we to Bedenham Créeke (so called of a village standing thereby,) the mouth whereof lyeth almost directly agaynst Porchester Castell, which is scituate about 3. miles by water from Portesmouth towne, as Lelande doth report. Then go we with­in halfe a myle farder to Forten Créeke,Forten. which eyther gyueth or taketh name of a vil­lage harde by.Osterpole. After this we come to Oster­poole Lake, a great Créeke, which goeth vp by west into the land, and lyeth not far from a rounde tower of stone, from whence also there goeth a chaine, to another Tower on the east side directly ouer against it, whereby the entraunce of great vessels into that part maye be at pleasure restrayned.

From hence wée goe further to Tiche­feld water, that riseth about Estmaine park, ten or twelue myles by northeast or there a­bout from Tichfeld.Tichefield. From Estmaine it go­eth (parting the forrestes of Waltham, and Eastbery by the waye) to Wicham or Wi­comb, a prety market towne and large tho­rowfare, where also the water seperateth it selfe into two armelettes, and goyng vnder two bridges of woode, commeth ere long a­gayne vnto one Chanell. From hence it go­eth thrée or foure myles farder, to a bridge of tymber by Maister Writhoseleyes house, (leauing Tichfelde towne on the right side) & a little beneath runneth vnder Ware bridg whether the sea floweth as hir natural course inforceth. Finally within a mile of this bridge it goeth into the water of Hampton hauen, wherunto diuers streames resort as you shal heare hereafter.

After this we come to Hamble hauen,Hamelr [...] or Hamelrish créeke, whose fall is betwéene S. Andrewes castell, and Hoke. It riseth about Shidford in waltham forrest, and when it is past Croke bridge, it méeteth with another brooke, which riseth not farre frō Bishoppes Waltham, out of sundry springes in the high way, to Winchester, from whence it passeth as I sayde by Bishoppes Waltham, then to Budeley or Botley, and so ioyning with the Hamble, they runne togither by Prowlings­worth, Vpton, Brusill, Hamble towne, and so into the sea.

Now come we to the hauē of south Hamp­ton,South­hampton which I will briefely describe so neare as I can possibly. The bredth or entry of the mouth herof, as I take it, is by estimatiō two miles from shore to shore. At the west poynt therof also is a strong castell lately builded which is rightly named Caldshore, but now Cawshot, I wote not by what occasion. On ye east side thereof also, is a place called Hoke (afore mētioned) or Hamell hoke, wherin are not aboue thrée or foure fishers houses, not worthy to be remembred. This hauen shoo­teth vp on the west side by the space of seauen miles, vntill it come to Hamptō towne, stan­ding on the other side, where it is by estima­tion a mile from lande to lande. Thence it goeth vp further about thrée myles to Red­bridge still ebbing and flowing thither, and one myle farther, so farre as my memorye doeth serue mée. Nowe it resteth that I de­scribe the Alresforde streame, which I will procéede withall in this order following.

The Alresforde beginneth of diuers faire springs, about a mile or more fro Alresford,Alresford or Alforde as it is now called, & soone after re­sorting to one bottome, they become a brode lake, which for the most part is called Alford pond. Afterwarde returning againe to a nar­rowe chanell, it goeth thorow a stone bridge at the ende of Alforde towne, (leauing the towne it selfe on the left hand) toward Hicth­ingstocke thrée myles of, but ere it commeth there, it receiueth two rylles in one bottome, wherof one commeth frō the Forrest in ma­ner at hande, and by northwest of olde Alres­forde, the other from Browne Candiuer, that goeth by Northenton, Swarewetton, Aber­stone. [Page 22] [...].

On the other side of Southampton, there res [...]teth into this hauen also, both the T [...]sts and the Stockebridge water in one bottome, [...]tocke. whereof I finde thys large description insu­ing.

The very head of the Stocke water, is sup­posed to bée somewhere about Bas [...]ngstoke, or Church Hackley, and going from the [...] betwene Ouerton & Steuenton, it commeth at last by Lauerstocke and Whitchurch, and soone after receyuing a brooke, by Northwest called the Bourne (discending from S. Mary Bourne, [...]ourne. southeast from Horseburne) it pro­céedeth by Long paroch, and the Woodde till it méete with the Cranburne, on the east side (a prety riueret rysing about Michelney and going by Fullington, Barton, and to Cram­burne) thence to Horwell in one bottome, be­neth which it méeteth with the Andeuer wa­ter, that is increased ere it come there by an­other brooke, whose name I doe not knowe. This Andeuer streame, ryseth in Culhāshire forrest, not far by north from Andeuer towne & going to vpper Clatford, are it touch there it receyueth the Rill of which I spake before, which rysing also néere vnto An [...]ort, goeth to Monketon, to Abbatesham, the Audeuer, and both as I said vnto the Test beneth Horwel, whereof I spake euen nowe. These streames being thus brought into one botom it runeth toward the South, vnder stockbridge, & soone after diuiding it selfe in twayne, one braunch thereof goeth by Houghton, & a litle beneath méeteth wyth a Ryll, that commeth from by West of S. Annes hyll, and goeth by East of vpper Wallop, West of nether Wallop, by Bucholt Forrest, Broughton, and called as [...].

The next riuer that runneth into this [...] springeth in the new Forrest, and commeth there into about Eling, not passing one mile,Eling. by west of the fall of Test. From hence cast­ing about againe into the maine sea, and lea­uing Calde shore Castle on the ryght hande, wée dyrected our course towarde the South­west, vnto B [...]aulieu hauen wherinto the Mi­n [...]y descepdeth.

The Miney ryseth not farre from Miney,Miney. stéede [...] Village in the north part of the newe Forrest, and going by Beaulie [...], it falleth in­to the sea, southwest, as I take it of Erbu [...]y, a Village standing vpon the shore.

Beyng past the Miney,Limen. wee crossed the Li­men, whose heade is in the very heart of the newe Forrest, and running South west of Lindhyrst and the Parke, it goeth [...] East of Brokenhirst West of Bulder, and finally into the Sea South and by East of Leming­ton.

The next fall that we passed by is name­lesse, except it be called Bure,Bure. & as it descen­deth from the newe Forrest, so the next vnto it [...]ight Mile, as I haue hearde in Englishe.Milis. Certes the head thereof, is also in the south­west part of the said Forrest, and the fall not far from Milforde bridge, beyonde the which I find a narrow going or stricktland leading from the poynte to Hirst Castle, which stan­deth into the Sea, as if it hung by a thred frō the mayne of the Islande, ready to be washed away, by the continuall and dayly beating of the waues.

The next riuer that we came vnto of any name is the Auon, which ryseth by northeast,Auon. and not far from Woolfe hall, in Wil [...]shire. The first notable bridge that it rūneth vnto▪ [Page] is at Vphauen, thence foure myles farder, it goeth to little Ambresbury, and there is ano­ther bridge, from thēce to Woodfo [...]d village, standing at the right hand [...]an [...], and Newtō v [...]age on the left. The Bishops of Saru [...] had a proper Manour place at Woodforde, which Bishoppe [...]harton pulled downe altogither, bicause it was somewhat in sinne. T [...] it goeth to Fisheeto [...]ridge, to Cranebridge [...] Salisbury, new Salisbury, & finally to Ha [...] ­ha [...], which is a [...]ately bridge of stone, of s [...]xe arches at the least. There is at the west ende of the sayde bridge, a little Island, that lyeth betwixt this and another bridge, of feare pre­ty arches, and vnder this latter runeth a good round streame, which as I take it, is a brāch of Auon, that breaketh out a little aboue, and soone after it reuniteth it selfe agayne: or else that Wilton water hath there his entry into the Auon, which I cannot yet determine. Frō Harneham bridge it goeth to Dounton, that is about foure miles, and so much in like sort from thence to Fording bridge, to Kingwood bridge fiue miles, to Christes church Twin­ham fiue myles, and strayght into the sea.

Poole.The next fall that we come vnto is Poole, from whose mouth vpon the shore, by South west in a bay of thrée miles of, is a poore fish­er towne, called Sandwiche, where we sawe a péere and a little fresh brooke. The very vt­ter part of saint Adelmes poynt, is fiue miles from Sandwich. In another bay lyeth west Lylleworth, where as I heare is some prost­table herborow for ships. The towne of Poole is from W [...]burne about foure miles, and it standeth almost as an Isle in the hauen. The hauen it selfe also if a man shoulde measure it by the circuite, wa [...]eth little of twenty mile, as I did guesse by the view.

way. Waiemouth, or as some doe call it Wyle­mouth, is coūted twenty meles from Poole, & ye head of this riuer riseth not full foure miles aboue the hauen, by northwest at Vp [...]l in the side of a great [...]ill. There is a little barre of sande at the hauen mouth, & a great arme of ye sea runneth vp by the right hand, and scant a mile aboue the hauen mouth on the shore, is a right goodly and warlike castle made, which hath one open barbicane. This arme rūneth vp also farder by a myle as in a baye, to a point of land wher a passage is into Portlād, by a little course of pibble sande. It goeth vp also from the sayd passage vnto Abbatesbiry about seuen miles of, where a little sreshe rō ­dell resorteth to the sea. And somwhat aboue this,Chesill. is the head or point of the Chesill lying northwest, which stretcheth vp from thēce a­bout seuē miles, as a maine narrow bank, by a right line vnto the southest, and there abut­ [...] [...] But to procéede wyth our pu [...]pose. Into the mouth of this riuer doe ships often [...] for succour, & being past the same, we meete with ye fal of a water néere to [...]. Catherin [...] chapple as we sailed by ye Shingle, which came down frō Litton by Chilcomb, and thence we went to Bruteport water that ariseth halfe a mile or more aboue Bemister, from whence it go­eth to Parnham, N [...]therbury, Welplash, & so to Bruteport, & afterwarde into ye sea, taking in sundry waters wt al by the way, wherof in my next treatise God willing I meane as of diuers other to make a particuler rehearsall. Leuing the Brudeport, we passed by Stant [...] Gabriell, & beholding Charemouth Bea [...]on a far of, we [...] our course toward ye same, but ere we came there, we behelde the fall of Chare, which is a pretye water. [...] It ryseth a­bout thrée miles aboue Charemouth by north in a parke of the kinges called Marshewood. Next vnto this is the Buddle,Buddle which cōmeth about thrée miles by north of Lyme from the hilles, fléeting vpon rocky soyle, and so falleth into the sea.

Beyond this is the Axe whose issue at thys present is harde vnder the rootes of Winter chifes,Axe. and the poyntes thereof beyng almost a myle in sunder, the most westerlye of them called Berewood, lyeth within halfe a mile of Seton, but the other toward the east, is called White [...]liffe, wherof I haue spoken already. This riuer riseth a mile northest frō Bemi­ster a market Towne, in Dorset shyre, at a place called Axe knoll, (longing to Sir Giles Strangwaies) in a moore hanging on the side of an hill. And from thence it runneth to the ruines of an old Abbay called Fordes, about foure or fiue miles from thence, (where it sée­meth to bée a particion betwéene Sommer­setshyre and Deuon) then vnto Axe Minster in Deuonshyre, and so thorowe the Towne it selfe, wherein a great slaughter was made [Page 23] of Danes in Athelstanes tyme, at Brunesdon fielde or rather Brunnedon as I read, and whereof I finde thys annotation, in an olde French Chronicle.

‘In the time of Athelstane, ye greatest Nauie that euer aduentured into thys Islande, arri­ued at Seton in Deuonshyre, beyng repleni­shed with Aliens that sought the conquest of this Island, but Athelstane mette & encoū ­tred with them in the fielde, where he ouer­threwe 6000. of his aforesayde enimyes. Not one of them also that remayned alyue, escaped from the battell wythout some dead­lye or very grieuous wound. In this conflicte moreouer were flaine fiue kings, which were enterred in the Church yard of Axe minster, and of the part of the king of Englande were kylled eyght Earles of the chiefe of hys no­bilitye, and they also buryed in the Church­yarde aforesayde. Hereunto it addeth howe the Byshop of Shyreburne was in like sort slaine in thys battell, that began at Brune­dune néere to Colyton, and indured euen to Axe minster, which then was called Brun­bery or Brunburg. The same day that this thyng happened the sunne lost hys light, and so continued without any bryghtnesse, vntyll the setting of that Planet, though otherwyse the season was cléere and nothing clowdye.’ But to procéede after our riuer hath passed thorow Axeminster towne, it goeth to ye bridg thereby (where sone after it receiueth the the Artey, [...]tey. sometyme a raging water) and fi­nally to Axe mouth Towne, frō whence after it hath as it were played it selfe, in the plea­sant botomes, by the space of a quarter of a myle, it goeth vnder White cliffe and so into the sea, where it is called Axebaye, and thus is that ryuer described.

As for the hauen which in times past as I haue hearde, [...]idde. hath béene at Sidmouth (so cal­led of Sidde a [...]yllet that runeth therto) and likewyse at Seton. I passe it ouer, sith nowe there is none at al. [...]eton. Yet hath there bene some­tyme a notable one, albeit that at this present betwene the two poyntes of the olde hauen, there lyeth a mightie barre of pibble stones, in the verye mouth of it, and the ryuer Axe is driuē to the very east point of ye hauē called White clyffe. Therat also a very little gull goeth into the sea, whether small fisherbotes doe oft resort for succour. The men of Seton beganne of late to stake and make a maine wall within the hauen to haue chaunged the course of the Axe, and (almost in the myd­dle of the old hauen) to haue trenched thorow the Chesill, therby to haue let out the Axe, & to haue taken in the maine sea, but I here of none effect that this attempt dyd come vnto.

From Seton westwarde lyeth Colyton,Coly. about two myles by west Northwest, where­of ryseth the ryuer Coly, which goyng [...] the aforesaide towne, passeth by Colecomb parke, and afterwarde falleth betwéene Axe brydge and Axe mouth towne into the Axe riuer.

Leauing the Coly we come soone after to Ottery hauen,Otterey. whose heade riseth at Ottery fiue myles aboue Mohuns Ottery or Ottery Flemming flat North. From hence it goeth to Vpoter, Mohuns Ottery, Hunitō, Veniton bridge, S. Mary Otterey, Newton bridge Ottermouth and so into the sea. On the west side of this hauen is Budeley almost directly against Otterton. It is easie to be seene also, that within lesse then. 100. yeares, ships did vse this hauē, but now it is barred vp. Some call it Budeley hauen of Budeley towne, o­ther Salterne port, of a little creke comming out of the mayne hauen vnto Salterne vil­lage, that hath in time past béene a towne of greater estimation.

From Otterey mouth we sailed vp to Ex­mouth so called of the riuer Exe,Ex. which moū ­teth in Exmore, at a place called Execrosse th [...]ée myles by Northeast, and from thence goeth by Exford where it is a rill or small water: then to Tiuerton twelue miles from the head, thence to Therberton Cowley,Simmīg [...] Bath. and next of al to Excester receauing in the meane time the Simōs bath water, which riseth by Northwest of Simons bath bridge (fower myles from Exford:) and is in Sommer time so shalowe that a man maye easily passe ouer it, but in winter it rageth oft, and is very déepe and daungerous.Kenton. As touching the hauen also I remember well that there lieth vpon the very West point of the same a barren sande and in the West North­west goeth a little creke a mile or thereabout into the land which some call Kentō creke. I haue herd that the Burgeses of Excester in­deuoured to make the hauen to come vp to Excester it selfe, but whether they brought it to passe or no as yet I doe not know, this is certaine that in times past the shippes came vp no nearer then Apsham, which is a prety townelet on the shore fower myles vpper in­to the hauen.

Beyonde Excester hauen mouth 4.Teigne. myles or there about I came to the Teigne mouth which ebbeth and floweth so farre as New­ton. The head of this riuer is 20. myles from the sea, and it riseth in Dartmore at a place by northwest called Teigne head. Frō hence also it goeth to Iagford bridge, Clifford bridg Bridford bridge, Chidley bridge,Leman. Teigne bridge, Newton bushelles, beneath which [...] it [Page] receaueth the Leman water, and also Aller brooke,Allet. which riseth thrée miles of, as Leland hath set down, who writeth moreouer of this hauen in sort as followeth. The very vtter west point of the land, at ye mouth of Teigne is called the Nesse, and is a very high redde cliffe. The east part of the hauen is named the poles, a lowe sandie grounde eyther cast vp by the spuing of the sand out of ye Teigne, or else throwen vp from the shore by the rage of winde and water. This sande occupyeth now a great quantitie of the ground betwene the hauen where the sand riseth, and Teigne mouth towne, which towne surnamed Regis, hath in time past béene sore defaced by the Danes, and of late time by the Frenche.

Tor. From Teigne mouth we came to Tor bay, wherof the west point is called Byry, and the east Perritory, betwene which is litle aboue foure miles. From Torre baie also to Dart­mouth is sixe myles where (sayth Leland) I marked diuers thinges. First of all vpon the east side of the hauen a great hilly point, cal­led Downesend & betwixt Downesende, and a pointlet named Wereford, is a litle baye. Were it selfe in like sorte is not full a myle from Downesend vpwarde into the hauen.Were. Kingeswere towne standeth out as another pointlet, and betwixt it & Wereford is the se­cond bay. Somwhat moreouer aboue Kinges­were towne goeth a litle Creke vp into the land from the maine streame of the hauen called water head,Water hed & this is a very fitte place for vessells to be made in. In like sort half a mile beyond this into ye land ward, goeth ano­ther longer creeke,Nesse creke. Gaunston & aboue that also a greater thē either of these called Gawnstō, whose hed is here not half a mile frō ye maine sea, by the compassing thereof as it runneth in Tor bay.

The riuer of Dart, commeth out of Dart­more fiftene miles aboue Totnesse,Dart or Darmour. in a very large plot, and such another wild morish and forrestye grounde as Exmore is. Of it selfe moreouer this water is very swift, & thorow occasion of Tinworkes whereby it passeth, it carieth much sand to Totnesse bridge, and so choketh the depth of the riuer downeward, that the hauen it selfe is almost spoiled by the same. The mariners of Dartmouth accompt this to be about a kenning frō Plimmouth. In the valley also betwéene Corneworthy & Ashepremptō,Humber­ton. runneth a brooke called Hum­berton or Herburne. This water commeth out of a Welspring, & so running about two myles, it passeth thorow a stone bridge called Rost, two myles from Totnesse. Frō thence moreouer, after it hath gone other two miles it commeth to Bow bridge, and there falleth into a saltwater créeke, which gathereth in­to the lande out of the hauen of Dartmouth. This créeke at the head breaketh for a little way into two armes, whereof the one goeth vp to Bow bridge, and receyueth Humber­ton water (as I saide) ye other toward Corne­worthy frō whence vnto Dartmouth, is a­bout foure myles. Finally about halfe a mile aboue Dartmouth towne,Olde [...] creke. there is another Créeke going out of the maine streame cal­led Olde mill créeke, so sarre as I can learne by the rumor of the countrey.

About seuen myles by west southwest frō Dartmouth lyeth Saltcomb hauen,Sal [...] some­what barred: & not much aboue the heade of it is Arme hauen, the backewater whereof commeth vnder Yuy & Armington bridges,Arme. and so vnto the sea at this place, which is full of flattes and rockes, so that no shippe com­meth thither in any tempest, except it be for­ced thereto, thorowe the vttermost extremitie and desperate hazarde of the fearefull mari­ners. King Phillip of Castile lost two shippes here in the dayes of king Henry the seuenth, when he was dryuen to lande in the West coūtrey by rage of weather. Vnto Armouth also commeth the Awne water,Awne. after it hath passed by East Brenton and Gare bridges, and not farre from the fall of this, lyeth the Yawlme mouth so called of a ryuer whych cōmeth thither frō Le bridg to Yalme bridg,Yalme. & falleth into the sea, about 4. miles by south east, frō the maine streame of Plimmouth.

Being come to the Plimmoth,Plim. I finde that the mouth of the goulfe wherin the ships of this towne doe ride, is walled on eche side and chained ouer in ye time of necessitie. On ye south side of the hauē also is a blockhouse vpō a rocky hill, & vpō the east side of this & Tha­mar hauen, lyeth the Mill baye creke,Milbaye creke. Stone house creke. Caine creke. Shilst [...] Budo [...] Tam [...] ­taue. Torrey Taue. ye stone creke, Caine Créeke, Shilstō créeke (which is two myles of length and wheron standeth a Mill) Buddocks créeke, and last of al, Ta­mertaue créeke, so called bycause of the con­course of the Taue & Tamar waters there. Torrey brooke falleth lykewyse into Plym, but wher aboutes as now, I haue forgotten. Finally vpon the west side of the hauen, is a notable créeke also entering into the lande a myle or more from the hauen, which being viewed, I went and behelde Thamar hauen on the west side wherof, I noted these crekes.

First of all about two myles aboue Ashe I sawe the principall arme of Thamar it selfe.Tham [...] Certes it riseth about thrée myles by North­east from Hartland, & goeth vp into the land about tenne myles from that place: thence it hasteth to Calstock bridge, whether it almost continually ebbeth and floweth, verye great vessels cōming likewyse within a mike ther­of [Page 24] vnto Morleham, which is not aboue thrée myles from Tauistocke as I reade. Betwixt Thamar streame, [...]. and Ashe: I marked farder more sayeth Lelande other thrée créekes also descending, which brake vp into the lande, whereof the first lyeth by Northwest, the se­conde west northwest, the thirde plaine west, entering into the country aboue half a mile, and scarsely a myle lower, I perused in like maner the Liuer créeke, [...]. that goeth vp to S. Germains ward. This créeke lyeth 3. myles from the maine streame of Thamar hauen, and rising in an hill aboue Launston, it goeth thorow the towne within the walles. In the botome also of the Suburbe, is an other na­med Aterey, [...]erey. which ryseth aleuen myles of by west towarde Bodmin, wherinto runneth a Rill comming thorow a wood before it ma­keth a confluens with the first, in descending towarde the hauen.Iohns S. An­ [...]ies Then breaketh in an o­ther créeke called S. Iohns, or S. Anthonies Rode, and at the very mouth about S. Ni­cholas Isle falleth in the last, which goeth vp to Milbrooke, two myles into the lande from the maine hauen. From hence we sayled far­der towarde the west (leauing salt Ashe and Seton rillets) and came to the mouth of a riuer called Low, [...] wherein Samons are of­ten founde, & yet is it drie commonly at halfe ebbe. On eche syde of the entrye thereof standeth also a towne, whereof the one is cal­led east Low the other west Low, and this is a pretie market towne. A bridge finally of twelue arches doth leade from the one to the other.

The next fall after we be past one little namelesse créeke, that lyeth by the waye, is Poulpyr water, [...]lpyr. whereinto commeth a little brooke. [...]. Then méete we with Fawey hauen, whose riuer ryseth at Fawy Moore (about two myles from Camilforde by South, and sixetene miles from Fawy towne) in a very quaue mire on the side of an Hill. Frō hence it goeth to Dramesbridge, to Clobhā bridge, Lergen bridge, New bridge, Resprin bridge, and Lostwithiell bridge, where it méeteth with a little brooke, and néere thereunto par­teth it selfe in twaine. Of these two armes therefore one goeth to a bridge of stone, the other to another of timber, & soone after ioy­ning againe, the maine riuer goeth to Saint Gwinnowes, from thēce also the point of S. Gwinnowes wood, which is about half a mile from thence, except my memorie doe fayle me. Here goeth in a Salt créeke halfe a mile on the east side of the hauen, and at the heade of it, [...]rinus. is a bridge called Lerine bridge. The créeke it self in like maner bearing the same denomination. From Lerine créeke, to S. Caracs pill, or créeke,In ye myd­dle of this creke was a cell of S. Cyret in an Islet longing sometime to Moun­tegew a priory. is about halfe a mile and Lower on the east side of the sayd hauen it goeth vp also not aboue a mile & an half [...] to the lande. From Caracs créeke to Poul­morland a myle, and this likewise goeth vp seant a quarter of a mile into the land, yet at the heade it parteth it selfe in twaine. From Poulmoreland to Bodnecke village halfe a mile where the passage and repassage is com­monly to Fawey. From Bodnecke to Pe­lene point (where a créeke goeth vp not fully 1000. paces into the lande) a mile, thence to Poulruan, a quarter of a mile, and at this Poulruan is a tower of force, marching a­gain ye tower on Fawey side, betwene which, as I doe here, a chaine hath some times bene stretched, & likely inough for the hauē there is hardly two bowshotte ouer. The very point of lande at the east side of the mouth of this Hauen, is called Pontus crosse, but nowe Panuche crosse. It shal not be amisse in this place somewhat to intreate of the towne of Fawy,Cōwhath. which is called in Cornish Cōwhath and being scituate on the Northside of the ha­uen, is set hanging on a maine rocky hill be­ing in length about one quarter of a mile, ex­cept my memory deceyue me.

The renowne of Fawy rose by ye wars vn­der King Edward ye first, Edward the third, & Henry the fifth, partly by feates of armes & partly by plaine pyracy. Finally ye townesmē féeling themselues somewhat at ease & strong in their purses, they fell to marchandize, and so they prospered in this their newe deuise, that as they traueiled into al places, so mar­chauntes from all countries made resort to them, whereby within a while they grew to be exceeding riche. The shippes of Fawy sat­ling on a time by Rhy and Winchelsey in ye time of king Edward the third, refused stout­ly to vale any bonet there, although warning was giuen them so to do by the Portgrenes or rules of those townes. Herevpon the Rie and Winchelsie men, made out vppon them with cut and long taile: but so hardly were they intertained by the Fawy Pyrates (I should saie aduenturers) that they were dri­uen home againe with no small losse and hin­deraunce. Such fauour found the Fawy men also immediately vpon this bickering, that in token of their victory ouer their winching ad­uersaries, and riding Ripiers, as they called them in mockery, they altered their armes and compounded for newe, wherein the scut­chion of Rie and Winchelsey is quartered, with theirs & beside this ye Foiens were cal­led the gallantes of Fawy,Gallantes of Fey or Fawy. whereof they not a litle reioyced, and more peraduenture then for some greater booty. And thus much of [Page] Fawy towne wherin we sée what great suc­cesse often commeth of wittelesse and rashe aduētures. But to returne againe to our purpose from whence we haue digressed and as hauing some desire to finishe vp this our voy­age, we wil leaue the Fawm [...]uth and go for­ward on our iourney. Being therefore paste this hauen, we come to Pennarth which is 2. myles by west therof, and scituate on the east side of Trewardith Baie, called by Leland Arctoum or Vrctoū Promontoriū except his writings do deceiue me. Frō hence we came to the blacke head, then to Pentoren a myle farder, and here issueth ont a pretye ryuer that commeth by Saint Austelles,Austell brooke. about two myles and an halfe from thence, which run­neth vnder Austell bridge & vnder the West side of the hill whereon the poore towne of S. Austelles stādeth. Thence we sailed to Chap­pell land, then to Dudman, to Pennare, and Sainct Antonies point, which is thrée myles from Pennar point, where we make our en­trance into the Falamouth hauen, whose de­scription I borowe of Leland and worde for worde will here insert the same.

Fala. The very point (saith he) of the hauē mouth (being an hill whereon the Kyng hath buyl­ded a castell) is called Pendinant. It is about a myle in compasse, almost enuironned with the sea, and where the sea couereth not, the ground is so low that it were a small mastry to make Pendinant an Iland. Furthermore there lieth a cape or foreland within the hauē a myle and an halfe, and betwixt this and M. Killigrewes house, one great arme of the hauen rūneth vp to Penrine towne, which is 3. miles from the very entry of Falemouth hauen, and two good myles from Penfusis. Moreouer there is Leuine Pris [...]lo betwixte S. Budocus and Pendinas,Leume. which were a good hauen but for the barre of sande, but to procéede. The first creke or arme that casteth on the Northwest side of Falemouth hauen goeth vp to Perin, and at thende it breaketh into two armes, whereof the lesse runneth to Glasenith 1. viridis indꝰ, ye grene nest, or wag­meer at Penrin: the other to saint Glunias the parishe Church of Penrine. In like sorte out of eche side of Penrine creke, breaketh an arme or euer it come to Penrine. This I vn­derstande also that stakes and foundations of stone haue béene set in the creke at Penrine a litle lower then the wharfe where it brea­keth into armes: but howsoeuer this standeth betwixte the point of Trefusis and the point of Restronget is Mil [...]r creke,Milor. which goeth vp a myle into the land and by the churche is a good rode for shippes. The nexte creke be­yonde the point of Restronget wood is called Restronget which goyng two myles vp into the maine breaketh into two armes.Restron­get. In lyke order betwixte Restronget and the creke of Trury be two crekes one called S. Feokes,S. [...] S. [...] Trury creke. the other Sainct Caie, nexte vnto which is Trury creke that goeth vp about two myles crekyng from the principall streame, & brea­keth within half a myle of Trury, casting in a braunche Westward euen harde by New­ham wood. This creke of Trury is deuided into two partes before the towne of Trury, and eche of them hauing a brooke comming downe and a bridge, the towne of Trury standeth betwixte them both. In like sorte Kenwen streate is seuered frō the said towne with this arme, and Clements stréete by east with the other. Out of the body also of Trury creke breaketh another eastwarde a myle from Trury, and goeth vp a myle and an halfe to Tresilian bridge of stone. At the very entry and mouth of this creke is a rode of shippes called Maples rode and here faught not long since. 18. shippes of Spanishe mar­chauntes with 4. shippes of warre of Depe, but the Spanierdes draue the Frenchemen all into this harborowe. A myle and an halfe aboue the mouth of Trury creke,Mor [...] is another named Lhan Moran of S. Morans church at hād. This creke goeth vp a quarter of a mile from the maine streame into the hauen, as the maine streame goeth vp two myles a­boue Moran creke ebbing and flowing: and a quarter of a myle higher is the towne of Tre­gowy where we found a bridge of stone vpon the Fala ryuer. Fala it selfe riseth a myle or more west of Roche hyll & goeth by Graund pount where I sawe a bridge of stone.

This Graund pount is four miles frō Roche hill and two litle myles from Tregowy, be­twixt which the Fala taketh his course. Frō Tregowy to passe downe by the body of the hauen of Falamouth to the mouth of Lany horne pill or creke, on the south side of the ha­uen is a myle, and as I remember it goeth vp halfe a myle from the principall streame of the hauen. From Lanyhorne pill also is a place or point of sande about a myle way of 40. acres or thereabout (as a Peninsula) cal­led Ardeue rauter. As for the water or creke that rūneth into the south southeast part, it is but a little thing of halfe a myle vp into the land, and the creke that hemmeth in this Pe­ninsula, of both doth séeme to be the greater. From the mouth of the West creke of this Peninsula, to S. Iustes creke is foure miles or more.S. [...] S. [...] In like maner from S. Iustes pill or creke (for both signifie one thing) to Sainct Mawes creke is a myle and a halfe, and the point betwéen them both is called Pendinas. [Page] [Page] [Page 25] The creke of Saint Mawes goeth vp a two myles by east northeast into the land, and be­sides that it eddeth and [...]oweth so far, there is a mylle driuen with a freshe creke that re­sorteth to the same. Halfe a mile from the head of this downewarde to the hauen, is a creke in manner of a poole, whereon is a myll also that grindeth with the tyde. And a myle beneath that on the south side entreth a creke (about halfe a myle into the countrey) which is barred from the maine sea by a small san­dye banke, and another myle yet lower, is a another litle crekelet: but howe soeuer these crekes doe runne, certaine it is that ye bankes of them that belong to Fala are marueilous­ly well woodded, and hitherto Leland, whose wordes I dare not alter for feare of corrup­tion and alteration of his iudgement. Being past Falmouth hauen, therfore (as it were a quarter of a myle beyonde Arwennach Ma­ster Killegrewes place which standeth on the brimme or shore within Falmouth) we came to a litle hauen which ranne vp betwéene two hilles, but it was barred, wherefore we could not learne whether it were serued with any backe freshe water or not. From hence we went by Polwitherall creke (parted into two armes) then to ye Polpenrith wherevnto a re­ueret falleth that riseth not farre from thēce, [...]withe­ [...] [...]pen­ [...] and so goeth to the maine streame of ye hauen at the last, whether the creke resorteth about thrée myles and more from the mouth of the hauen, [...]. [...]gun. [...]kestel. [...]o [...]s. [...]ylow. [...]ng. and into which the water that goeth vnder Gare and Mogun bridges, doe fall in one botome as Lelande hath reported. Vnto this hauen also repayreth the Penkestell, the Callous ye Cheilow, & the Gilling, although this latter lyeth against Saint Mawnons on the hether side hard without the hauen mouth if I haue done aright. For so motheatē, moul­dye, and rotten are those bookes of Leland which I haue, and beside that, his annotatiōs are such and so confounded as no man can in maner picke out any sence from them by a leafe together, wherfore I thinke that he dis­persed & made his notes intricate of set pur­pose, or else he was loth that any man should easily come by that knowledge by readyng, which he with his great charge and no lesse traueile attained vnto by experience.

[...]le. Lopole is two myles in length, and betwixt it and the maine Ocean is but a barre of sand that ones in thrée or foure yeares, what by weight of the freshe water and working of the Sea breaketh out, at which time it ma­keth a woonderfull noyse, but soone after the mouth of it is barred vp againe. At all other times the superfluity of the water of Lopole (which is full of Trout and Ele) draineth out thorow the sandy barre litle the open Sea: Certes if this barre coulde alwayes be kept open, it would make a goodly hauen, vp vnto Hayleston towne, where coynage of time is also vsed, as at Trucy and Lo [...]withlell, for the Quéenes aduauntage. From this place I doe not remember that I founde any more falles or hauens, tyll we passed rounde about the cape, and came vnto the Haile,Heile. which is a pretye riuer, rising from foure principall heds or brokes, wherof one springeth by south another by southwest, the thirde by southeast,Sper [...]. Crantock. Rialton. and the fourth by Northeast. Also we saw S. Perins créeke, Crantocke and Rialton, of Heyles Leland speaketh somewhat in his col­lections out of the life of S. Breaca, where he noteth that it is spoyled by sand comming from the Tinne workes. The next great fall of water & greatest of all that is to be founde on the North side of Corinwall, is at Padde­stow, whether ye Alaune resorte [...]th.Alaunus Dunmerus. Of some it is nowe called Dunmere, but in olde time it hight commonly Alaunus. Into this streame runne diuers other as the Carnesey (by east) thrée myles lower then Woodbridge:Carnesey. Laine. ye Laine (which riseth two myles aboue S. Esse by northeast, and falleth into Alaune likewise a­bout Woodbridge) the Bodmin water, beside another that commeth from southwest, and goeth in Alane two myles beneath this con­fluence on the same side aboue Woodbridge: and finallye the last which descendeth out of the hilles from southeast, and ioyneth with the said riuer two myles aboue Padstow, as I doe finde by reading. In one place Leland saith how he cannot well tell whereabout this riuer doth issue out of the grounde, but in an­other he sayth thus of it. The Alune is eui­dently séene to passe thorow Wood or Wad­bridge at lowe water, and the first bridge of name that it rūneth vnder is called Hesham, the next, Dunmere bridge, & the third Wad­bridge, which is foure myles lower, and the lowest in déede, that is to be founde on this streame. From Padstow also they sa [...]e full west vnto Waterford in Ireland.Locus. bufonis. There are likewise two Rockes which lye in the east side of the hauen, secretely hidden at full Sea, as two pads in the straw, whereof I thinke it taketh the name. Leland supposeth this ry­uer to be the same Camblan, where Arthur fought his last and fatall conflict: for to this daie men that doe eare the grounde there, doe oft plowe vp bones of a large size, and great store of armour, or els it may be (as I rather coniecture) that the Romanes had some field (or Castra) thereabout, for not long since and in the remembraunce of man, a brasse pot ful of Romane coyne was found there, as I haue [Page] oftē herde.Depe­hatch. Cunilus. Next vnto this is the Déepehatch & thē the Cunilus alias Portisser & Portguin waters, and vpon the Northside of this creke standeth Tintagell or Dundagiell castell, al­most enuironned in manner of an Island. Af­ter this and being past Tredwy, we come vnto the Taw mouth,Taw. whose heade riseth in Exmore southeast from Barstable, which is a towne fiue myles distaunt from the hauens mouth.Turrege. It receueth also ye water of Turrege, which riseth 3. miles by northeast frō Harte­land in a moore euen hard by ye principall hed of Thamar. This Thurege commeth first to Kissington bridge, thence to Pulford bridge, Wadforde bridge, Déepeforde bridge, the South and west bridges of Thorington, to Eudford bridge, (which hath 24. arches, and an olde chappel builded thereon vnto the vir­gin Mary, at the farder end) then two miles lower it falleth into the Thaue, and finallye into the Sauerne sea, by the hauen mouth. The entrie of the hauen of Thaw is barred wyth sande and very daungerous, and from the pointe of the hauen mouthe to cutte o­uer to Hartey point, is about sixe or seuen miles, a pretie brooke also falleth into the said hauen, from the hilles aboue Barstable, by East, & going by the Priory. But to procéede from hence we goe to the Minheued or Mine mouth,Mineus. whose backwater entreth into it, af­ter it be come from Minheued and Portloch. Then came we to Dour or Dournsteir fall,Durus. whether commeth a rill, next of all to Clyffe Chappell, where the people honoured an I­mage of our Ladye with much superstition, thence two myles to Orcharde, to Comb thrée myles,Iuel. and next of all vnto the Iuel, a famous ryuer, which descendeth by Brad­fielde then by Clyfton (within a quarter of a myle whereof the Shireburn & the Milbrooke waters doe méete, of which the first ryseth in Blackmoore,Shirburn Milbrooke. the other thrée myle from thence in Milbrooke parke) from Clyfton to Euill a proper market towne in Somerset­shyre, thre myles or thereabout from Shire­burn: from Euell to Ilchester by the bridge thrée myles (taking withall the Cokar,Cokar. that ryseth west of Cokar, and after thrée myles gate falleth into the Iuell) frō Ilchester to Michelborowe, leauing Athelney somewhat distaunt on the left side, then to Lamburne, to Bridge north, Bridge water, and after a time into the Sauerne mouth. Certes it is thought to ryse in Milbery parke, or some­where else not farre from Shireburne, but the chiefe heade thereof commeth from Cos­komb. When we are past this we come vnto the Axe,Axe. which runneth by Axe towne, and so continueth his course braunching in thende, and leauing a fayre Islande as it were in the very fal, partly enuironned wt the maine sea, & partly wyth this riuer. There is moreouer a towne east of this Island called in old time Cherin, but now Vphil. Next vnto this is the Stowey mouth serued with a backewater,Stow [...] called Stowey, which ryseth in the hylles not farre of, and after it hath touched at Stow, it falleth into the sea, which is seuē miles frō that place. There are two brookes further­more that fal into the sea, after they haue pas­sed betwéene Stow and S. Andrewes, & the thirde runneth not farre from Willington, rysing by South, but sithence they are onely tryfling rilles and namelesse, I thinke it not good to stande any longer about them. Thus are we come at last vnto the Auon,Auon▪ which not farre from his originall, doth enuironne and almost make an Island of the towne of Mal­meflyry, from thence it goeth vnder Male­forde and Casway bridges, to Choppenham, Bradford, Bath, Bristow (flowing two miles aboue that citie) and soone after into the Sa­uerne, from whence it neuer returneth with­out mixture of Salt water. In this sort haue I finished one part of my Description of the ryuers & streames falling into the sea, which should haue béene a far more perfite, and ex­act péece of worke, if I had béene so vpright­lye dealt withall in mine informations as I ment to deale precisely in setting downe the same, but sith the matter is so fallen out, that I cannot doe as I woulde herein, I must be contented to performe what I maye, hoping in time to peruse and polishe it againe that nowe is left rude and without any diligence shewed, or order vsed at all therein.

Of the Sauerne streame and such falles of ry­uers as go into the sea, betweene it and the Humber. Cap. 10.

THE Sauerne deuideth Englande or that part of the Island, [...] which sometime was called Lhoegres from Cambria, so cal­led of Camber, the second sonne of Brute, as our hystories doe report. But nowe it height Wales of the Germaine worde Walshe, wherby that nation doth vse to call all stran­gers without respect of countrie. It tooke the name of a certaine Lady, called Habren, base daughter of Locrinus begotten vpon Estrildes daughter to Humber king of Scythia, [...] per [...] truth Aber [...] called the [...] that sometime inuaded this Islande and was o­uerthrowne here, in the dayes of this Locri­nus as shall be shewed at hande. For after the death of Locrinus, it came to passe that Guendolena his wyfe ruled the kingdome in the noneage of hir sonne, and then getting [Page 26] [...]. Of the drowning of the sayde [...] I finde these verses insuing.

In fl [...]uium praecipit atur Abien,
Nomen Abien fl [...]uio de virgine [...] [...]
Nomino [...]r [...]pto deinde Sabrina lat [...].

But to returne to our Sauerne, it springeth from the high mountaines of south Wales, called in Welche Plim Limmon in latine Plimmon [...] in Englishe the Blacke moun­taines, & out of the same head with the Wye, where it hath in Latitude as some gesse 52. degrées and [...]9 minutes, and in longitude 15. and 5▪0. From he [...]e it [...]onneth to Catr Lew [...] (famous in nune, but in déede a poore throwfaire from Ma [...]encliffe) then to Lani [...] ­las, to Newton (or Trenewith) to Ar [...]istle, to Leueden, then within a myle of Mounte­gomery to the Welche poole, thence wythin half a mile of Pon [...]ibery Colledge to Shros­bury, and so to bridge North, receyuing sun­dry brookes and waters by the way, of which the Cerlon or Serlo séemeth to be the grea­test, [...]rlon. and whereby the chanell thereof is not a little increased. From Bridgenorth it encli­neth toward ye south vnto Worcester where [...] about it receyueth other streames, [...]s the Teme on the West halfe a myle beneath Worcester, [...]me. not farre from Powike Milles. And another in the East, comming frō Staf­forde, and so holding one towarde Glocester, [...]on. méeteth with the Auon not farre from Theo­kes [...]yry, and from whence they come both as one to Glocester, as mine informacion doth serue me. Here gathering agayne somewhat toward the west, [...] it passeth by west of Deane, where it meteth with the Wy, which is none of the least famous of all those that mixe thē ­selues wyth Sauerne. [...]uge. Being also great­lye enlarged with the Wylow or Wi [...]inghe (another great streate streame increased by the Geuenni, and another) it goeth vnto the Holmes, where after it hath mette in the meane season with sundry other brookes, it falleth into the maine sea, betwéene Wales and Cornewall, which is and shalbe called the Sauerne sea, so long as Sauerne ryuer doth hold and kéepe hir name. But as the said streame in length of course bounty of water and depth of chanell commeth farre behinde the Thames, so for other commodities as [...] vessels on the same.

The [...] Wy,Wy mouth [...] myles ouer (sayth Leland) or [...]lse my [...] doth faile me.

This ryuer Guy or Wy beginneth as I sayde before on the side of the hilles,Guy alias Wy. where the Sauerne doth arise, and passing thorowe We [...]elande, doeth fall into the Sauerne beneath Chepsto at the aforesayde place.

Lelande writing of this ryuer sayeth thus, the Wy goeth thorowe all Herefordshyre by Bradwerden Castell (belonging to Syr Ri­charde [...]) & so to Hereforde east,Vmber a fishe onely in the Wy. thence eyght myles to Rosse a market towne in Herefordshyre, and in this ryuer be Vmbers otherwyse called graylinged.

Next vnto this is the Aberwish, or Wyske whereon Caerleon strandeth sometime,Wiske. cal­led Chester. This riuer ryseth in the blacke mountaines, tenne myles aboue Brechnoch towarde Cairmardine, and runneth thorow the great and litle forrest of Brechnoch, then it goeth by Redwin bridge, to Breckenock, Penkithly, Cregh [...]ell, Aberg [...]ue [...]nt, Vske, Carleon, Newporte, and so vnto the sea, ta­king withall the Ebowith.Ebowith. This Ebowith is a riuelet rysing flat North, in a mountaine of high Wenslande, and going streight from thence into Diffrin Serowy vale, it falleth into the Vske or Wiske, a myle and a halfe beneath Newporte, from whence likewyse it is vnto the hauen mouth of Wiske about half a mile more. But to procede withour Wiske. Certes this riuer is famous and vpon some partes of the lower bankes especially about Carleon is much Romaine Coyne found, of all maner of sortes, as men eare and digge the grounde. Furthermore this streame is one of the greatest in Southwales and huge ships might well come to the towne of Car­leon, as they did in the time of the Romaines if Newport bridge were not a let vnto them. [Page] Neuerthelesse bigge bo [...]es come thereto. It is eyght Welche or tw [...]l [...]e Englishe myles from Chepstow or Strigull, and of some thought to be in Bace Wencelande, though other be of the contrarie opinion. But howso­euer the matter standeth, this ryuer is taken to be the bo [...]ds of Brechnockshyre, as Ren­ni is to midle Wenceland and Glamorgan­shyre.

Remenei, or Remni.The next riuer vnto Vske or Wiske is cal­led Remenei or Remni, whose heade is thrée or foure myles aboue Eggluis Tider Vap Hoell (otherwyse called Fanum Theodori, or the Church of Theodorus) whence come ma­nye springs, & taking one botome, the water is called Kayach. It is also augmented with the Risca brooke, comming vnto it out of a Paroche called Eggluis Ilan, and then al­togither named Risca.Risca. Thence running tho­rowe Bedwes Paroche, it is called Renmy or Remeny and so continueth vntill it come at the Sauerne. The fall therof also is not a­boue sixe myles from the ryuer Wiske. Al­though that for shippes it be nothing commo­dious. It is more ouer a limite betwéene the Silures and Glamorganshyre.

Taffe. From the mouth of Renni, to the mouth of Taffe are two myles. Thys ryuer is the greatest in all Glamorganshyre, and the ci­tie Taffe it selfe of good countenaunce, sith it is endued with the Cathedrall sea of a Bi­shop. The head of this water cōmeth downe from Wooddy hilles, and often bringeth such logges and bodyes of trées withal frō thence, that they frush the bridge in péeces, but for as­much as it is made of tymber, it is repayred with lesse cost, whereas if it were of harde stone all the countrie thereabouts would not be able to amende it. Into this streame also falleth Lhay,Lhay. which descendeth (but more ea­sterly) from the same hilles and it méeteth with all beneath Landaffe, that standeth al­most euen at the verye confluence, and thus sayeth Lhoyd, but Lelande noteth it other­wyse. In like sorte the Taffe receyueth the Rodney Vaur,Rodeney vaur, Rodeny vehan. and Rodeney Vehan, in one botome, which spring in the Lordship of Glin Rodeney within two miles togither. Of these also the Rodeney Vaur ryseth by Northwest in a great high rocke, called Drissiog. Rode­ney Vehan issueth a myle aboue castell Nose (by northwest also) but néerer towarde Mys­ken Lordship, so that the Rodney Vaur head and streame lieth more west vp into Wales. As for Castell Nose, it is but a highe stonye Cragge in the toppe of a hil: but to procéede. Rodeney Vaur runneth vnder a bridge of wood a myle from Penrise, then to Ponte Kemmeis two myles lower, and a little be­neath is the confluence. There be also two small bridges on Rodeney Vehan of w [...]d, whereof the first is agaynst P [...]r [...]se thrée quarters of a myle of, the other a little aboue the confluēce right against the bridg on Rod­ney Vaur. There is a bridg of wood also vpō the whole streame two myles beneath the sayde confluence, called Pont Newith, and a quarter of a mile from the place where it go­eth into Taffe.

From Taffe to Lay mouth or Ele ryuer a mile, from Lhay mouth (or rather Penarth,Lhay. that standeth on the West poynt of it) to the mouth of Thawan ryuer (from whence is a cōmon passage ouer vnto Mineheued in So­mersetshyre of seuentene myles) are about seuen Welche myles,Thawan▪ which are counted af­ter this maner. A myle and a halfe aboue Thawan is Scylley Hauenet,Scylley. (a pretie suc­cour for shippes) whose heade is in Wenno paroche two myles & a halfe from the shore. From Scilley mouth to Aber Barry a mile,Barry. and thither commeth a little ryll of fresh wa­ter into Sauerne, whose head is scant a myle of in playne grounde by Northeast,This I went 50. yeres [...] for 10. [...]. & right a­gainst the fall of this becke lyeth Barry Is­lande a flight shotte from the shore at the full sea. Halfe a myle aboue Aber Barry is the mouth of Come kydy,Com [...] which ryseth flat north frō the place where it goeth into ye Sauerne & serueth oft for herbor vnto sea farers. Thēce to the mouth of Thawan are 3. myles, wher­vnto shippes may come at will. Two myles aboue Thawan is Colhow,Colhow. whether a little rill resorteth from Lau Iltuit, thence to the mouth of Alen foure myles,Alen. that is a myle to S. Dynothes Castell, and thrée myles fur­der. The Alen riseth by northeast vp into the lande at a place, called Lhes Broimith, or Skyrpton, about foure myles aboue the plot where it commeth by it selfe into Sauerne. From thence to the mouth of Ogur alias Gur thrée miles.Ogur. Then come they in processe of tyme vnto the Kensike or Colbrooke ryuer which is no great thing,Kensike. sith it ryseth not a­boue 3. myles frō the shore. From Kensike to Aber Auon two myles,Auon. and herein doe ships molested with weather oftentimes séeke her­borow. It commeth of two armes, whereof that which lyeth Northeast is called Auon Vaur, the other that lyeth Northwest Auon Vehā. They méete togither at Lhanuoy Hē ­gle, about two myles aboue Aber Auon vil­lage, which is two myles also from the sea. From hence to the Neth is about two miles and a halfe,Neth. thereon come shiplettes al­most to the towne of Neth frō the Sauerne. From the mouth of Neth vnto the mouth of Crimline becke is two miles, and being pas­sed [Page 27] the same we come vnto the Tauy,Tauy. which descendeth from the aforesayd hilles and fal­leth into the Sea by East of Swansey. Be­yng past this wée come vnto the Lichwr, or Lochar mouth and then glyding by the Wormes head,Lochar. [...]andres. we passed to the Wandres­mouth, whereof I finde this description fol­lowing in Lelande.Vendraith [...]aur Vē ­ [...]raith Ve­ [...]a. Both Vendraith, Vaur & Vēdraith Vehan, ryse in a péece of Carmar­dineshyre, called Issekenen, that is to say, the lowe quarter about Kennen ryuer, and be­twixt the heades of these two hitles, is ano­ther hill, wherein be stones of a gréenish cou­lour, whereof the inhabitauntes make theyr Lime. The name of the hyll that Vendraith Vaur ryseth in, is called Mennith Vaur, and therein is a poole as in a morish ground, na­med Lhintegowen, where ye principall spring is, & thys hyll is eight or nyne myles frō Kid­welli. The hyll that Vendraith Vehan sprin­geth out of, is called Mennith Vehan, & thys water commeth by Kydwelly towne. But a­bout thrée or foure myles, eare it come thy­ther, it receyueth a brooke, called Tresgyrth the course wherof is little aboue a myle from the place where it goeth into Vendraith, and yet it hath foure or fiue turking milles and thrée Corne milles vppon it. At the heade of this brooke is an hole in the hilles side, where men often enter and walke in a large space. And as for the brooke it selfe, it is one of the most plentifull and commodious that is to be founde in Wales. All along the sides also of Vendraith Vaur, you shall finde great plen­tye of Seacoles. There is a great hole by heade of Vendraith Vehan, where men vse to enter into vaultes of great compasse, and it is sayde, that they may go one way vnder the grounde to Wormes head, and another waye to Cairkennen castell, which is thrée myles or more vnto the lande. But how true these things are it is not in me to determine, yet this is certaine, that there is very good Hawking at the Heron in Vendraith Vehā. There are dyuers printes of the passage of certaine Wormes also in the Caue, at the head of Vēdraith Vehan, as the inhabitants doe fable, but I neuer heard of any man that saw any Worme there, and yet it is beléeued that many Wormes are there.

Tow, or Towy.Being past this, we came to the Abertowy or mouth of the Towz. This riuer ryseth in the mountaines of Elinith foure myles by south from Lintiue in a morish grounde, 24. miles from Carmardyn and in a forrest cal­led Bishops forrest midway betwixt Land­wybreuy & Landanuery castell. For fish this is much better in mine opinion, thē the Taw or Taffe, whose head breadeth no fishe, but if any be cast into it, they turne vp their bellies and die out of hande. Into this riuer also fal­leth one called Guthrike,Guthrijc. not farre frō Lan­donuery towne, which is two and twentye myle frō the head of Towy. In like sort the Kenen ryuer falleth into the Towy about Landilouaur,Kenen. which is two m [...]es higher vpō Towy, the Dinefur castel & the whole course of this water is not aboue thrée myles.Brane. The Brane (another ryuer also) after it hath run from the head by the space of 12 myles doth come hard by the foote of Landonuery castel, and taking with it the Euery, they fall togi­ther into the Towz, a little beneath the Ca­stell.Euery. Thys Euery runneth through the mid­dest of Landanuery towne. Beneath Lādan­uery in like sorte another brooke called Mar­leis, falleth into the Towy, and foure myles beneath the same two other, of which the one is called Nonneis. Nonneis. Foure miles also from A­bermarleis or the place where Towy & Mar­leis doe méete (towarde Carmardine) run­neth the riuer Dulesse, which soone after fal­leth also into Towy. Furthermore 2. miles beneath the fall of Dulesse, there is another, and thrée or foure myles beyonde this, is the seconde Dulesse, & eache of them after other fall into the saide ryuer, but this latter about Drislan Castell, as Lelande hath descrybed thē. Procéeding yet further still toward Car­mardine, our sayde streame goeth by Landi­stupham Castell, and also into the sea, about thrée myles beyonde Drislan Castell. Also he confesseth moreouer, that he sawe the fall of Cothey, a fayre ryuer, into the sayd streame, & this was within foure myles of Carmar­dine, wherof I spake before.Cothey. The Cothey ri­seth thrée myles frō Landanbreui vnder the hulke of Blaine Icorne, which is a narrowe passage, and therein marueylous heapes of stones.

The next riuer we came vnto vpon the cost is called Taue,Taue. whose head runneth also from the blacke mountaines at a place thrée miles from Cardigan called Presselen, thence it goeth by Saint Clares, and as it hasteth to­ward the sea,Gowe. it taketh the ryuer Gowe with it, which riseth at Blaincowen two myles or more aboue the bridge.Duddery. Barth­kinni. Morlais. Then the Duddery ryuer, and Barthkinni streame, Venny & Morlais. Next of all come we to Milford ha­uen,Dugledu, wherunto two ryuers direct their course from the Northeast called Dugledu or the two swordes and betwéene them both is a [...] which they cal also Cultlell (that is to say) the knyfe,Cultlell. wereof riseth a merry tale of a welch­man that lying in this place abrode all night in the colde weather, he was demaunded of his hostesse (where he did breake his faste the [Page] next morrowe) at what Inne he laye in the night precedent, bycause he came so soone to hir house ere any of hir maydes were vp. Oh good hostesse (quod he) be contented I laye to night in a daungerous estate for I slepte be­twéene two swordes with a long knife at my hart, meaning in déede that he lay betwéene these two ryuers, and his breast towards the South néere to the heade of Cultlell. But to passe ouer these iestes, here Leland speaketh of a ryuer called Gwyly,Gwyly. but where it ryseth or falleth he maketh no certaine report: wher­fore it is requisite that I procéede according to my purpose. Beyng therfore passe this ha­uen and point of Demetia in casting aboute the coaste we come to Saint Dewies, or S. Dauyds land,S. Dewy or Dauid all one. which I reade to be seperated from the rest of the countrey much after this manner, although I graunt that there maye be an dare diuers other litle créekes, betwixt Newgale and Saint Dauys head, & betwixt S. Dauys and Fyschard, beside those that are here mencioned out of a Register of that house.

As we turne therefore from Milford, S. Dauys land beginneth at Newgall,Newgall. a créeke serued with a backe freshe water. Howbeit there is a Baye before this créeke betwixt it and Milford. From hence about foure miles is Saluache créeke,Saluach. otherwise called Saue­rach, whether some freshe water resorteth: ye mouth also thereof is a good rescue for Ba­lingers as it (I meane the register) sayth. Thence go we to Portclais 3. myles where is a litle portlet,Portclais. Alen. whether the Alen that com­meth thorowe Sainte Dewies close doth runne.

It lyeth a myle southwest frō S. Dewies, Saint Stinans Chappell also is betwéene Portclais,Portmaw Maw. and Portmaw. The next is Porte Maw, where I founde a great estuary into the lande.Pendwy. The Pendwy halfe a mile from ye: Land Vehan is 3. myles frō Pendwy,Lanuehā. where is a salt créeke,Tredine. then to Tredine thrée myles, where is another créeke to Langunda,Langūda. foure miles, and another créeke is there in like sort where fysher men catche Herring.Fischard. Here also the Gwerne riuer deuideth Penbidianc from Fischerdine Kemmeis land. Frō Langunda to Fischard at the Gwerne mouth 4. myles,Gwerne. & here is a portlet or hauenet also for shippes. and thus much of Saint Dauids lande. Be­sides this also Leland in a third booke talketh of Linnes and Pooles, but for as much as my purpose is not to speake of Lakes & Lhinnes, I passe them ouer as hasting to the Teify, in latine Tibius, which is the nexte ryuer that serueth for my purpose.

Teyfy.The Teyfy therfore is a right noble ryuer, as anye in Wales,Castor [...] [...] Englan [...] fraught with delicate Samons, and herein onely of all the ryuers in Englande is the Castor or Beuer to bée founde. It aryseth foure myles from Strat­fleur out of a Poole called Lhintiue, lying on the West side of the blacke mountaines (as the Sauerne doth spring out from by east of them) & holding on with the ordinary course,Fleure. it commeth at laste to Stradfleur, where it méeteth with a brooket called the Fleure or Flere. Frō hence it procéedeth on vnto Tre­garon, Bruy, Landfur, Glydois, Budhair, Emlin, Kilgarran, & so to Cardigon, which standeth on the farder side as we go towarde the foresaid ryuer from by south. Certes this ryuer which we nowe discribe, goeth in man­ner plaine West, till we come within syxe myles of Cairmardine, and then returneth toward the North, so goyng on till it come at Abertiwy, or Aberteify, as it is most cōmon­ly called. It deuideth Pembrooke from Car­digan or Cereticanshere, as Leland setteth it downe.

Beyng paste the Tewe or Teify we came to Aberayron,Ayron. so called of the ryuer Ayron which there falleth into the Maine, 3. myles beneath Lanclere. It ryseth also in a moun­taine, percel of the blacke hilles, by a chappel called Blaine Penial, belonging to Landwy Breui, but it is in Cardigon shire ouer Tiue and aboute three or foure myles from Tiue banckes.Arth. Next vnto this as I remember we passed by Aberarth where was a pretye streamelet & some slender harborow. And thē we came to another water which falleth into ye sea beneath Risthide (neither of them beingRis. of any great length from their heades) and so vnto A [...]erystwith which yssueth in a marsheYstwich. called Blaine Wythe (so farre as I remem­ber) and runneth about 13. or 14. myles tyll it come at last into the sea.Meleuen It taketh withal by the waye also first the Meleuen and then the Rhedhol,Redol. a ryuer nothing inferiour vnto Ystwith it selfe, with whome it maketh his confluence aboue Badarne, and in a large bo­tome goeth soone after into the sea.

Hence we went vnto the Wy whose heade commeth from the south part of Snowdony by Mowdheuy Mathan laith,Wy. and in this his course moreouer he séemeth to parte Northe Wales and South Wales in sunder. It is called in latine Deuus, in Welshe Dyfy, but how it came to be called Wy in good soothe it is not found. It receyueth also the Alen which cōmeth from the vpper part of Cormeryst­with in Cardigonshyre, out of the blaine, and taketh also with it the Clardwyn, a brooke ys­suing about a myle from Cragnawlin and as it holdeth on the course it receyueth the [Page 28] Clardwy which springeth vp halfe a myle from the Clardue head (another gullet like­wise falling from ye Rocky hilles into Clard­wy) and so goyng together foure miles far­der they fall into the Allen. Finally after all these haue as it were played together in one or moe bottomes among the pleasant Mea­dowes and lower groundes, by the space of sixe myles, vnder ye name of Alen, they beate at the last vpon the Wy and accompany him directly vnto the Ocean.

After this we passed by Aberho, so named of the Riuer Ho, that falleth therein to the sea and commeth thether from ye Alpes or hilles of Snowdony. From hence we sayled by Abermawr or mouth of Mawr,Mawr. which com­meth in like sorte from Snowdony, and ta­keth diuers Ryuers with him whose names I doe not know. [...]rtro. Then vnto ye Artro a brooke descending from those hilles also, and falling into the sea a myle aboue the Harleche. Next of al we behold the Glesse Linne that parteth Caernaruon from Merio [...]nneth shyre, and so came vnto Traith Vehan, betwixte which two, and Traith Mawr rūneth a litle brooke thorowe the wharfe of Traith Mawr at the low water as I read. These 2 Traiths are ye mouthes of two faire streames, wherof the most Southerly is called Mawy,Mawy. Ferles, the other Ferles, eche of them I saye deriuing his ori­ginall water from Snowdony, as diuers o­ther brookes haue done already before them. Of these also ye first passeth by diuers lakes, although I doe not well knowe the names of anye one of them. From Traith mawr to Chrychet are three myles,Crichet. where also is a lit­tle rill serued with sundrye waters. Then come we vnto the Erke,Erke. a pretye brooke dis­cending frō Madrijn hilles. Then casting a­bout toward the south (as the coast lyeth) we sawe the Abersoch or mouth of the Soch ry­uer vppon our right handes,Soch. in the mouthe whereof lye two Islandes, of which the more Northerly is called Tudfall and the other Penrijn as Leland did obserue. After this, goyng about by the point we come to Daron Ryuer,Daron. wherevppon standeth Aberdaron a quarter of a mile frō the shore betwixt Aber­darō and Vortigernes vale, where the com­passe of the sea gathereth in a heade and en­treth at both endes: [...]euenni. Thē come we to Venni brooke which runneth by Treuenni, and is about 12. myles of from Aberdaron. Then iij. miles of to Egluis Epistle, whether com­meth a little brooke or rill from Gwortheren Rocke, which some call Vortigernes Vale. From hence also 3. myles further, we come to Lhanhelerion and then foure myles to Cluniock, and finally to Clunio [...]k Vaur Ar­uon, where is a little rillet, & a myle or more farder is another that goeth to the mayne sea. Here in following Lelande as I doe for the most part in all this Treatize where he kéepeth any order at all (for his notes, are so dispersed in his Comētaries ye one of them is sometimes is 6.8. or 20. leaues from another, and many of them penned after a contrarye sort) I finde these wordes. There is a brooke beyonde Aberleuenni goyng by it selfe into the sea: there be also two brookes betwéene Gurnwy or Gwyrfay and Skeuerneck, as Golaid and Semare Poole:Golaide. Semer­poole. Sother. Menley. Sowther créeke also is the verye pointe of Abermenley, by which notes as I finde not what he saith, so the remembraunce of them may helpe better against the next publication of this booke: to procéede therefore in such order as I may.

Leuenni is a great brooke rysing 4. mile aboue the place, where it falleth into the sea,Leuen. Leuen brooke cōmeth into the sea two miles aboue Skeuernocke:Skeuer­nocke. Skeuernocke a little brooke sixe myles aboue Abersaint. Auō Gur­nay commeth thorowe pontnewith bridge, and after into Meney at South Crock, two myles of Cladwant brooke,Cladwant and rysing thrée myles from thence it commeth thorow the towne bridge of Carnaruon and goeth by it selfe into Meney arme, so that Carnaruon standeth betwéene two riuers. Botes also do come to Cadwan. The name of Abermeney is not passing a myle aboue Carnaruon, and yet some cal it Meney, til you come to Poul­tell. Then come we to Cair Arfon or Cair­naruon, Gwiniwith mirith (or horse brooke) two myles from Moylethon, and it ryseth at a well so called full a myle from thence. Moylethon is a bowe shotte from Aber­powle, frō whence ferry botes go to the Ter­mone or Anglesy. Aberpowle runneth three myles into the lande,Coute. and hath his head foure myles beyonde Bangor in Meney shore: and here is a little comming in for botes bending into the Meney.Gegyne. Aber Gegeyne commeth out of a mountaine a myle aboue,Torron­nen. Ogwine. and Bangar (thorow which a rillet called Torronnē hath his course) almost a myle aboue it. Aber Og­wine is two miles aboue yt. It ryseth at Tale linne Ogwine poole fiue myles aboue Ban­gor in the east side of Withow.Auon. Aber Auon is two myles aboue A [...]erogwene, and it ryseth in a Poole called Lin man Auon thrée myles of. Auon Lan var Vehan ryseth in a moun­taine thereby,Lanuar Vehan. Duege­uelth. and goeth into the sea 2. miles aboue Duegeuelth. Auon Duegeuelth is thre myles aboue Conwey, which rysing in the mountaines a myle of, goeth by it selfe into Meney salt arme. On the saide shore also ly­eth Penmaine, and this brooke doth runne [Page] betwixte Penmaine Maur, and Penmaine Vehan. It ryseth about 3. myles from Pen­ma [...]lon hilles which lye aboute 60. myles from Conwey abbaie nowe dissolued. On the Northe and West of this ryuer standeth the towne of Conwey, which taketh his name therof. This riuer receaueth ye Lhigwy a pre­ty streame that commeth from by west & ioi­neth with al a little aboue the Rist but on the West bancke.Lighwy. The Lighwy also taketh ano­ther with him that commeth from by south. After this we come to the Gele whereon A­bergele standeth,Gele. and it runneth thorowe the Canges: then vnto the Rose or Ros and next of all to the mouth of a great hauen, wherin­to the Clude which cōmeth from the south,Cluda. Elwy. and the Elwy that descendeth from ye West, doe emptie their chanelles, & betwixte which two the pontificall sea of Bangor is scituate verye pleasantly and not farre of from the point.Alode. Into Elwy runneth the Alode descen­ding from Lhin Alode eyght myles from Denbighe and goyng by Lhan Sannan, it falleth into the Elwy in Lhan Heueth parish which is sixe myles aboue Saint Asaph. Le­lād calleth it Aleth.Clue doch Into Clude also runneth Clue Doch foure miles lower by water then Ruthine towne: on the West side likewyse the Vstrate,Vstrate. that commeth within halfe a myle by south of Denbighe and goeth into Clude almost against Denbighe towne. Frō hence to my remembraunce, and before we come to Aber Dée or the mouth of the Dée I finde no Riuer of any countenaunce,Dea. where­fore I will hast forth to the description of that streame. It ryseth of sundy-heades southwest from Lintegy or Lin Tegnis, in the countie of Penthlin wherevnto within a while they resort and direct their courses, and there ioy­ning in one Channell, it commeth almost by Bala a poore market towne. Then going stil by the side of Yale it passeth to Berwin, where it méeteth with a rill, afterwardes to Corwen a little by Southwest wherof, it re­ceaueth the Alwijn a noble streame which commeth from the Northwest out of a Lyn lying on the other syde of ye same hilles wher­in the Alode riseth,Alwijn. and not onely taketh sun­dery ryuerets and rilles withall as it goeth, but also runneth with great swiftnesse tyll it be ioyned with the same. From Corwen it goeth to Gellon, and a fewe myles beneath Gellon it méeteth with the Kyriog, then the Wrerham rill,Kyriog. Alin. and finally the Alyn whose crinkeling streames discende from a Lin in the Stradlin hilles, and goyng first North east vnto Mold or Gwidgruc, thē southward vnto Cargurle, and finally againe into the Northeast, it stayeth not tyll it come at the Dée, where it méeteth about halfe a myle or more frō the Holit with the aforesaide riuer. Hauing therfore receiued this water it conti­nueth the course vnto Chester it selfe, and frō thence into the Irysh sea as experience hath cōfirmed. What other ryuers do fal into this streame it shal be shewed in the second booke. In ye meane time hauing a good gale of wind blowing from the South west, we came to Lyr poole whether the Wyuer on the southe about Frodsham & the Mersey on the north, doe fall, in thunburdening of their channels. Wiuer water runneth among the Wiches, and Marsey departeth Chester and Lanca­shyre in sunder.

From hence also we go by Wegam, or Dugeles: and nexte of all vnto the Ribell, which almost doth enuyronne Preston in Andernesse. It ryseth in Rybbes dale about Salley Aabbye, and from thence goeth to Salley and a lyttle beneath Salley it re­ceiueth the Calder that cōmeth by Whaley, and then the Oder. After thys, we come to the Wire, which ryseth eyght or tenne miles from Garston, out of the Hylles on the ryght hande, and commeth by gréene Hawghe a pretye Castell, belonging to the Earles of Darby, and more then halfe a myle of to Garston in Andernesse. It ebbeth and floweth also, thrée myles beneath Garstone, and at the Chappell of Alhallowes (tenne myles frō Garston) it goeth into the Sea. After thys we come to Coker that maketh no great course ere we come to the Sandes, by Cockerham Vyllage, where they make Salt out of the Sandes, by often wetting, and dreauing the water from thence into a Pyt, they séeth it, as at the Wiche. &c. Then to Cowder ryll, & so to the Lane or Lune, that giueth name to Lancaster, where much Romaine money is founde.

Of thys ryuer you shall reade more in the seconde Booke. Next vnto it also is the Kery, halfe a mile beyond Warton, where the rich Kitson was borne. It ryseth out of the hylles not farre of, and falleth into the salte water at Lunesandes. From thence we come to Bythe water, which ryseth not farre from Bytham Towne and Parke, in the Hilles whereabout are great numbers of goates. It is a prettye ryuer, and by all lykelyhoode resorteth vnto Ken sands. Ken ryseth at Ken more, in a Poole of a myle compasse, verye well stored wyth fyshe, the head whereof (as all the Barromy of Kendal) is in Westmer­lande. It is also eyght myles from Kendall, in the waye to Perith, and the course there­of is to Newbridge, Barley, Staueley hamlet, Bowstone, Burne syde bridges, [Page 29] to Kendall, Leuen bridge. &c. into the sea, re­ceiuing the Sprout ryuer into it, a myle a­boue Fremegate bridge. Next vnto this is ye Charte whether a freshe water commeth, as doth another to Conny heade sandes.

Then come wée to Dudden or Doden ha­uen, whether a freshe brooke also resorteth, & foure myles from hence was Furnesse Ab­bay vp into the mountaines. Then sayled we to the Eske, whereunto commeth a brooke from Crosmets, then to the Caldes serued also wyth a backe freshe water: then (going about by S. Bées) to the Wy or Ferne, to to Deruent, the Lug or Luy, and finallye to Soluey, which parteth England & Scotland.

Hauing thus gone thorowe the ryuers of Englande, nowe it resteth that wée procéede with those which are to bée founde vppon the Scettyshe shoore, in such order as we best maye, vntill we haue fetched a compasse about the same, and come vnto Barwijcke, whence afterwarde it shall be easye for vs to make repaire vnto the Thames, from which we did set forwarde in the beginning of oure voiage.

The fyrste ryuer that I mette wythall on the Scottish coast, [...]. is the Eske, after I came pa [...]t the Soluey which hath his heade in the Cheuiote Hylles runneth by Kirkinton, and falleth into the Sea at Borow on the sands. Thys Eske hauing receiued the Ewys fal­leth into the Soluey fyrst at Atterith. After thys I passed ouer [...] lyttle créeke from Kyr­thell, and so to Anand, whereof the valleye Anandale doth séeme to take ye name. There is also the Nyde, wheref commeth Nidsdale, the Ken, the Dée, the Craie, and the Blad­necke, and al these besides dyuers other smal rylles of lesse name doe lye vpon the south coast of Galloway. On the north side also we haue the Ruan, the Arde, the Eassile Dune, the Burwin, the Cluide, (whereupon some­tyme stoode the famous citie of Alcluyde, and whereinto runneth the Carath) the Hamell, the Dourglesse, and the Lame. From hence in lyke manner, wée came vnto the Leuind mouth, wherunto the Blake on the southwest and the Lomundelake, with his fleting Isles and fish without finnes, (yet very holesome) doth séeme to make hys issue. Thys lake of Lomund in calme wheather, ryseth some­times so high and swelleth with such terrible Billowes, that it causeth the best Marriners of Scotlande to abyde the leysure of this wa­ter, before they haue aduenture to hoyss vp sayles, on hie. The like is séene in windye weather, but much more perillous: There are certeine Isles also in the same, which mooue and remooue, oftentymes by force of the water, but one of them especiallye, which otherwyse is very fruitefull for pasturage of Cattel▪ Next [...] this is the Leue,Leue. Long. Goylee. Heke. Robinsey. Forlan. Tarbat. Lean. Abyr. Arke. Zese. Sell. Zord. Owyn. Newisse. Orne. Lang. Drun. Hew. Brun. Kile. Dowr, Faro. Nesse. Herre. Con. Glasse. Maur. Vrdàll. Fesse. Calder. Wifle. Browre. Clyn. Twine. Shin Syllan. Carew. Nesse. Narding. Spaie. Downe. Dée. Eske. the Rage the Longe, the Goyle, & the Heke, which for the excéeding greatnesse of theire heades are called lakes. Then haue we the Robinsey, the forelande, the Tarbat, the Lean, and the Abyr, wherevnto the Spansey, the Loyne, the Louth, the Arke, and the Zefe doe fall, there is also the Sell, the Zord the Owyn, the Newisse, the Orne, the Lang, the Drun, the Hew, the Brun, the Kell, the Dowr, the Faro, ye Nesse, the Herre, the Con, ye Glasse the Maur, the Vrdall, the Fe [...]s (that cōmeth out of the Caldell) the Fairso [...]e which two latter lye a lyttle by west of the Orchades, and are properly called ryuers, bicause they issue onely from springes, but most of the o­ther lakes, bicause they come from [...] innes, [...] and huge pooles, or such lowe bottomes, fed [...]e with springes, as séeme to haue no accesse, but onelye recesse of waters, wherof there be many in Scotlande. But to procéede hauyng once past Dungisby heade in Cathnesse, we shall ere long come to ye mor [...]th [...] the W [...]ste, a pretty streame, comming by south of the Mountaynes called the Maydens pappes. Thon to the Browre, the Clyn, the Twyn, (wherunto runneth thrée ryuers, the Shy [...], the Sillan, & Carew) the Nesse which beside the plenty of Samon founde therein is neuer frozen, nor suffereth yse to remaine there, that is cast into the poole. From thence wée come vnto the Narding, the Fynderne, the Spai [...], (which receiueth the Vine,) ye Fitch, the Buliche, the Arrian, the Leuin, and the Boghe, from whence we sayle, vntill we come about the Buquhan head, and so to the Downe, and Dée: which two streames bring forth the greatest Samons, that are to be had in Scotland, and most plentye of the same. Then to the North Eske where into the Es­mond runneth aboue Brech [...], the Southe Eske, then the Louen and the Tawe, which is the fynest Ryuer for water that is in all Scotland, and whereunto most Ryuers and lakes doe runne. As Farlake, Yrth, Goure, Loiche, Cannach, Lynell, [...]oyon, Irewer, Erne, and diuers other besides small rylleis which I did neuer loke vppon. Then is there the lake Londors vppon whose mouth Saint Androwes doth stande, the Lake Le­win vnto whole streame two other Lakes [...] recou [...] in Fi [...]land, and then the Fyrt [...] [...] Fortha, which some doe call the Scotish [...] sea, and with the Ryuer laste mencioned (I meane that commeth from Londors) inclu­deth all Fife, the saide Forthe beyng full of Oysters and all kindes of huge fyshe that vse [Page] to lye in the déepe. How many waters runne into the Fyrth, it is not in my power iustlye to declare, yet are there both Ryuers, Rilles, and Lakes that fall into the same,Clack. Alon. Dune. Kery. Cambell. Cumer. Tere. Man. Torkeson. Rosham. Mussell. Blene. Twede. as Clack, Alon, Dune, Kery, Cambell, Cumer, Tere, Man, Torkeson, Roshan, Mushell, Blene, and dyuers other which I call by these names, partly after information, and partly of such townes as are néere vnto their heds. Finally when we are paste the Hay then are we come vnto the Twede and soone after in­to England againe.

The Twede is a noble riuer and the limes or bounde betwéene England and Scotland, whereby those two kingdomes are nowe di­uided in sunder. It riseth about Drimlar in Eusdale (or rather out of a faire Wel as Le­land saith standing in the mosse of an hill cal­led Airstane, or Harestan in Twede dale 10. miles from Pibble) and so comming by Pib­ble, Lander, Drybiwgh, lelse, Warke, Nor­ham and Hagarstone, it falleth into the sea beneath Barwijc as I heare: Thus saith Le­land, but I not contented with this so shorte a discourse of so long a Ryuer and briefe de­scription of so faire a streame, wil adde some­what more of the same concerning his race on the Englishe side, and rehearsall of suche Ryuers as fall into the same. Cōming ther­fore to Ridam, it receyueth betwéene that & Carham a becke which descendeth from the hilles that lye by West of Windram. Go­ing also from Rydam by Longbridgeham (on the Scottishe side) and to Carham, it ha­steth immediately to Warke castell on the Englishe, and by Spylaw on the other side, then to Cornewall, Cal [...] streame, and Tille­mouth where it receiueth sundry waters in one botome which is called the Till, & whose description insueth here at hand.Tyll. Certes there is no head of any Ryuer that is named Till, but the yssue of the fardest water that com­meth hereinto, ryseth not farre from ye head of Vswaie in the Cheuiote hilles, where i [...] is called Bromis. From thence it goeth to Hartside Ingram Brantō, Crawley, Hedge­ley, Beuely, Bewijc, and Bewijc, beneath which it receiueth one water comming from Rodham by West and sone after a second de­scending from the Middletons, and so they go as one with the Bromishe,Bromis. by Chatton to Fowbrey (where they crosse the third water falling downe by North from Howborne by Hesel bridg) thence to Woller, there also ta­king in a rill that riseth about Middleton hal, & runneth by Hardley, Whereley, and ye rest afore remembred, wherby the water of Bro­mis is not a little increased, and after this latter conf [...]uence beneath Woller, no more called Bromis but the Till, vntill it come at the Twede. The Till passing therefore by Weteland and Dedington, méeteth son [...] af­ter with a fayre streame comming from by Southwest, which most men call the Bow­bent or Bobent.Bo [...] It riseth on the West side of the Cocklaw hill, and from thence hasteth to Hai [...]ons beneath the which it ioyneth from by southeast with the Hellerborne, and then goeth to Pudston, Downeham, Kilham, and a little by North of Newton Kyrke, and be­twéene it and West Newton, it taketh in an­other water cōming from the Cheuiote hils by Heth poole, and from thenceforth runneth on without any farder increase, by Copland Euart and so into the Till. The Till for his part in lyke sorte after this confluence goeth to Broneridge, Fodcastell, Eatall castell Heaton and North of Tilmouthe into the Twede, or by West of Wesell, excepte my memorie doe falle me. After this also [...]ur a­foresaid water of Twede descendeth to Gro­tehughe, the Newbiggins, Norham castell, Foord, Lungridge,Whit [...] and crossing the Whita­ker on the other side from Scotland beneath Cawmill, it runneth to Ordo, to Barwicke and to into the Ocean, leauing so much Eng­lishe ground on the Northwest ripe as lyeth in manner of a triangle betwéene Cawm [...]l­les, Barwi [...] and Lammeton, which is two myles and an halfe euery waye, or not much more excepte I be deceiued. Beyng past this noble streame, we came by a rill that descen­deth from Bowsden by Barington. Then by the second which ariseth betwéene Middleton and Detcham and runneth by Eskill and the Rosse. Next of all to Warnemouth of whose back water I read as foloweth.Warne. The Warne or Gwerne ryseth Southwest of Crokelaw, and goyng by Warneford, Bradford, Spin­dlestone, and Budill, it leaueth Newton on the right hand, and so falleth into the Ocean after it hath runne almost n [...]ne myles from the heade within the lande. From Warne­mouth, we sayled by Bamborow castell, and came at last to a fall betwéene Bedwell and Newton: The first water that serueth this issue, riseth aboue Carleton from the foote of an hill which séemeth to part the head of this & that of Warne in sunder. It runneth also by Carleton, Tonley, Dorford, Brunton and Tuggell, and finally into the sea as to his course appertaineth.Aile, or Alne. From this water we went by Dunstanbugh vnto the Aile or Alne mouth which is serued with a pretty riueret called Alne, the heade whereof riseth in the hilles west of Aluham towne. From thence also it runneth by Ryle, Kyle, Eslington, and Whittingham where it crosseth a rill com­ming [Page 30] from by south, and beneath the same, the second that descendeth from Eirchild at Brone, & likewyse the thirde that riseth at Newton and runneth by Edlingham castell and Lemmaton, (all on the Southeast side or right hande,) and so passeth on farder till it méete with the fourth comming from aboue Shipley from by North, after which conflu­ence it goeth to Alnewijc and then to Den­nijc, receyuing there a rillet from by South and a rill from by Northe, and thence goyng on to Bilton, betwéene Ailmouth towne and Wooddon, it swepeth into the Ocean.

[...]ket.The Cocket is a goodly ryuer, the head also thereof is in the rootes of Kemblespeth hils, from whence it goeth to Whiteside, [...]ie. & there méeting wyth the Vswaye (which descendeth from the North,) it goeth a little farder to Linbridge, & there receyueth the Ridley by south west. It ioineth also ere long with the Rydlande, which commeth in north, by Bil­stone, [...]ley. and then hyeth to Sharpeton, to Har­botle, where it crosseth the Yardop water, by south, [...]dop. then to Woodhouse, to Bickerton, to Tossons, Newton, and running a pace to­warde Whitton Towre, it taketh a Brooke with all that commeth in northwest of Alne­ham, néere Elihaw, and goeth by Skarne­wood, Ouer nether Trewhet, Snitter, and Throxton, and sone after vniteth it self with the Cocket, from whence they go together to Rethbury, or Whitton Towre, to Haly, to Brinkehorne, Welden, Elihaw, Felton, (re­ceiuing thereabout the Faresley brooke, that goeth by wintring by south east; & Sheldike water, that goeth by Hason, to Brainsaughe by north) & from thence to Morricke castell, and so into the Sea.

There is furthermore a litle fall, betwéene Hawkeslaw & Dunrith, which ryseth about Stokes wood, goeth by east Cheuington, and Whittington castell, & afterwarde into the Ocean. [...]ne. The Lune is a pretye brooke rysing west of Espley, frō whence it goeth to Trit­lington, Vgham, Linton, and ere long in the Sea.

[...]nsbeck.Wansbecke is farre greater then the Lu­ne. It issueth vp west and by north, of west Whelpington, thence it runneth to kyrke Whelpington, Wallington, Middleton, and Angerton. Here it méeteth with a water running frō about Farnelaw, by ye grange, and Hartborne on the north, and then goyng from Angerton, it runneth by Moseden to Mitforth, and there in lyke maner crosseth ye Font, [...]ont, alias [...]ont. which issuing out of the ground about new Biggin, goeth by Nonney kyrke, Wit­ton castel, Stanton, Nunriding, Newton, & so into ye Wansbecke, which runneth in lyke maner from Mitforde to M [...]r [...]heth castell, (within two myles whereof, it [...]beth & flow­eth) the newe Chappell, Bottle castel, Shep­washe, and so into the sea, thrée myles from the next hauen which is called Blithe.

Blithe water ryseth about kirke Heaton,Blithe. and goeth by Belse, Ogle, and receyuing the broket that cōmeth by the Dissingtons and Barwijc on the hill, it runneth by Harford, Bedlington, Cowpon, and at Blithes nuke, into the déepe Ocean.

Hartley.Hartley streamelet ryseth in Wéeteslade parioche, goeth by Halliwell, and at Hartley towne yéeldeth to the Sea.

The Tine ryseth of two heades,north. Tine whereof ye called north Tine, is the first that followeth to be described. It springeth vp aboue Bel­kirke in the hylles, and thence goeth to But­terhawghe, (where it receiueth the Shele) thence to Cragsheles, Leapelish, Shilburne,Shele. Yarro, Smalburne, Elis, Grenested Hesla­side, Billingham, and at Reasdmouth, taketh in the Reade,Reade. and in the meane time sundrye other rilles, comming from by north & south,Shillng­ton. whereof I haue no knowledge, neyther anye regarde to write, bycause they are obsure, smal, and without denominations.3. Burnes After this confluence it passeth to Léehall, to Carehouse (crossing Shillingtō rill by west) another al­so beneath thys on the same side, made by the confluence of Workes burne, and Myddle burne, at Roseburne, besyde ye thyrd aboue, & Symons burne beneath Sheperhase, then to S. Osmondes, to Wall, to Ackam, and so in­to south Tine, beneath Accam, & northwest as I doe wene of Herax.

The South Tine ariseth in the Chen [...]ote hilles,Tine. S. and eare it hath gone farre from the head it méeteth with Esgyll on the east,Esgyll. and another rill on the West, and so going by the houses toward Awsten moore, it ioyneth with Schud from by west, and soone after with the Vent from by East aboue Lowbiere.Vent▪ Gilders­becke. From Lowbier it goeth to Whitehalton, to Kyrke Haugh (crossing ye gilders Becke) to Thorn­hope, where it is inlarged wyth a water on eache side, to Williams Stone, and almost at Knaresdale, taketh in the Knare,Knare. and then runneth withall to Fetherstone angle. At Fetherstone angle lykewise it méeteth wyth harley water, by South west, another a lytle beneath from southeast, and thence when it commeth to Byllester castell, it caryeth ano­ther with all from by west, after which con­fluence it goeth to Harltwesell, Vnthanke, Wilmoteswijc, receiuing one ryl by ye way, and another there from the south, as it doth the thyrd from Bradly hall by north, and the Alon by the south, whereby his greatnesse [Page] is not a little augmented. From Willy­motswijc, it goeth to Lées, Haddonbridge, Woodhall, Owmers, Wherneby, Costely, and so by Warden (soone after receyuing the North Tine) thē to Hexham, & Dilstan, cros­sing two waters by the waye, whereof one commeth from by south, another lower then the same from Rising ouer against Burell. From Dilstā it goeth to Eltingham, Prud­do, Willam (and there it méeteth further­more with a beck that goeth betwéene Ben­well and Redhoughe) then to Repon, Blay­don,Derwent. and next of all with the Derwent, from by south which riseth also about Kneden of two heades, and goyng by Acton Aspersheles Berneford side, Ebchester, Blackehall, and Willington, finally falleth into the Tine be­neath Redhughe and before it come to New­castell, from whence also the Tine goeth by Fellin, Hedburne, Iello, Sheles and so into the sea.

Were. Burdop. Wallop. Kellop.The Were riseth of thrée heades, in Kel­loppeslaw hill, whereof the most southerly is called Burdop, the middlemost Wallop and the Northerliest Kellop, which vniting them selues about S. Iohns Chappell, or a little by West thereof, their confluence runneth tho­row Stanhope parke, by east Yare, and so to Frosterley. Here it receiueth thrée rilles frō the North in Weredale, whereof one com­meth in by Stanhop, another west of Wood­crost Hall, and the third at Frosterley afore mencioned, Howbeit a little beneath these, I finde yet a fourth on the southe side, which descendeth from southwest by Bolliop, By­shopsley, Milhouses, and Landew, as I haue béene informed. Beyng therefore vnited al wt the Were, this streame goeth on to Wal­singham there taking in the Wascropburne, beside another at Bradley,Wascrop. the thyrde at Harpley Hall, (and these on the Northside,) and the fourth betwéene Witton and Wit­tō castel called Bedburne cōming by Ham­sterley wherby this riuer doth now ware ve­ry great.Bedburne Going therefore frō hence, it hasteth to Byshops Akelande, Newfield, and Wil­lington. But néere vnto this place also and somewhat beneath Sunderland, the Were crosseth one brooke from southeast by Het & Cordale, and two other from by northwest in one botome, whereof the first commeth from Ashe by Langley, ye other from Beare parke, and so méeting beneath Relley with the other they fall both as one into the Were betwéene Sunderland, and Burnall. From hence our Ryuer goeth to Howghwell, Shirkeley, olde Duresme (and there taking in the Pidding brooke by Northeast) it goeth to Duresme,Pidding­brooke. Finkeley Harbarhouse, Lumley Castell, (where it méeteth with the Pilis,P [...] whose heds are vnited betwéene Pelton and Whitwell) and from thence to Lampton, the Bedwiks, Vfferton, Furd, and so into the sea betwéene Sunderland and Munkermouth.

Beyng thus passed the Tine, and ere we come at the mouth of the These almost by 2. myles, we méete with a prettye fall, which groweth by a Ryuer that is increased with two waters, whereof one riseth by northwest at Moretōs, and goeth by Stotfeld and Clax­ton, the other at Dawlton: goyng by Breer­ton, Owtham, and Grettam, finally ioyning within two miles of the sea, they make a pre­ty portlet but I know not of what security.

The These riseth in the blacke lowes,Th [...] a­boue two myles flat west of the southerlye head of Were called Burdop, and thēce run­neth thorow Tildale forrest: and taking in the Langdon water from northwest it run­neth to Durtpit chappell, to New Biggin, & so to Middleton. Here it receyueth by west of eche of these a Rill comming from by North,Hude (of which the last is called Hude) & likewise the Lune by southwest, that riseth at thrée se­uerall places, whereof the first is in the bor­ders of Westmerland and there called Arne­gyll becke, the second more southerly, named Lune becke, and the thirde by south,Lune▪ Ar [...] at Ban­dor Skath hill, and méeting all aboue Arne­gill house, they runne together in one bo­tome to Lathekyrke bridge, and then into the These. Hauing therefore mette with these,Skirkwith. it runneth to Mickelton (and there taking in the Skirkwith water) it goeth Rumbald kirke (crossing there also one Rill and the Bander brooke) and then goyng to Morewood hagge,Ba [...] & Morewood parke,Rere [...] til it come to Bernards ca­stle. Here also it receyueth a water cōmyng east of Rere crosse, frō the spittle in Stāmore by Crag almost southwest, and being vnited wt the These, it goth by Stratford, Eglesdon, Rokesby, Thorpe, Wickliffe, Ouington, and betwene Barfurth, & Gainfurth: meteth with another Rill, that commeth from Langley forest, betwene Raby castle and Standorpe. But to procéede, the These beyng past Ram­forth, it runneth betwene Persore & Cliffe, and in the way to Croftes bridge,Ske [...] taketh in ye Skerne a pretye water which riseth about Trimdon, and goeth by Fishburne, Bradbu­ry, Preston and Darlington: and finally mée­ting with the Cocke becke, it falleth into the These beneath Stapleton, before it come at Croftes bridge. From thence it runneth to Sockburne, nether Dunsley, Midleton row, Newsham, Yarne (crossing a broke frō Le­uen bridge) to Barwicke Preston, Thorne Abbaie and Arsham, which standeth on the [Page 31] Southeast side of the riuer bet [...]is the [...] of two waters: wherof one [...]sthen [...] [...] west H [...]ltds, the [...] from [...]ing­ton. From Ar [...]h [...] [...]lly goeth to [...]tla­zis Midleburgh, [...] into the sea.

Next of all [...] vnto the high Cliffe water, which rising [...] by Gisdoro [...], & there [...]eth another streame comming from by south east, and then conti­nuyng in his course, it is not long [...] it fal in­to the sea.

The next is the Scaling water, which de­scendeth from Scaling towne, from whence we come to the Molemouth, not farre from whose had standeth Molgraue castle: then to Sandford creke, & next of all to Es [...] mouth, which riseth aboue Danby wood, and so goeth to Castleton, there méeting by the way with another Rill comming from about Wester­dale by Danby, and so they goe on together by Armar and Thwatecastle (till they ioyne with another water aboue Glasdale chappel) thence to new Biggin, taking yet another brooke with them, running from Goodlande warde, (and likewise the Ibur) and so goe on without any further increase by Busworth, ere long into the sea.

There is also a creke on eche side of Robin Whoods bay, of whose names and courses, I haue no skil sauing that Fillingale the towne doth stand betwene them both.

There is another not farre from Scar­borow, on the North side called the Harwood brooke. It runneth thorow Harwoode Dale by Cloughton, Buniston, and soone after mée­ting with another Rill on the southwest, they runne as one into the Ocean sea.

From Scarborow to Bridlington by Flā ­borow hed, we met with no more falles. This water therfore that we saw at Bridlington, riseth at Duggleby, from whence it goeth to Kirby, Helperthorpe, Butterwijc, Boithorp, Foxhole, (where it falleth into the ground & riseth vp againe at Rudston) Thorpe, Ca­thorpe, Bridlington, and so into the Ocean.

Being come about ye Spurne hed, I méete ere long with a riuer that riseth short of Wi­thersey, and goeth by Fodringham, and Wi­sted: from thence, to another that commeth by Rosse, Halsham, Carmingham: then to the third, which riseth aboue Humbleton, and goeth to Esterwijc, Heddon, and so into the Humber. The 4. springeth short of Sprotte­ley, goeth by Wytton, and falleth into the water of Humber at Merflete, as I heare.

[...]ll.The next of all is the Hull water, which I will describe also here, and then crosse ouer vnto the southerly shore. The furdest head of Hull water riseth at Kilham, from whence it goeth to L [...]thorpe creke, and so to Fodrin [...] ­gha [...] [...] with [...], wherof [...] Northeast side, [...] about Lisset, the second in the [...] Na [...] ­fer [...]n: the [...] E [...]swell & Kirke­ [...], (Or it hath [...], which ioyne be­ [...] [...]) who the 4. which falleth into the [...]: so that these two latter runne vnto the [...] riuer [...] chanell, as ex­perience hath [...]. From hence then our Hull goeth to Ratt [...]sey to Goodalehouse, & the taking in a water from Hornesto Mere, it goeth on thorowe Be [...]erley medowes, by Warron, Sto [...]ferry, Hull, and finally into the Humber. Of the Rill that falleth into this water from Southnetherwijc by Skyrlow, and the two Rilles that come from Cocking­ham and Woluerton, I saye no more, sith it is inough to name them in their order.

¶Of such Riuers as fall into the Sea, betweene Humber to the Thames. Cap. xj.

THere is no ryuer called Humber from the heade,Humber. wherfore that which we now call Humber, hath the same denomination no hygher then the confluence of Trent with the Ouze, as beside Leland, sundry auncyent writers haue noted before vs both. Certes it is a noble arme of ye sea, & although it be pro­perly to be called Ouze, euen to the Nuke be­neth Ancolme, yet are we contented to cal it Humber, of Humbrus a King of ye Scithiens, who inuaded this Isle in ye time of Locrinus, thinking to make himselfe the Monarch of ye same. But as God hath frō time to time sin­gularly prouyded of the benefite of Briteine, so in this busines it came to passe that Hum­ber was put to flight, his men slaine, & fur­thermore whilest he attempted to saue hym­selfe by hasting to hys shippes, such was the presse of his nobilitye that followed him into his owne vessell, and the rage of weather, which hastened on his fatall daye, that both he & they were drowned in that arme: And thys is the onelye cause wherefore it hath béene called Humber, as our wryters saye, and whereof I finde these verses.

Dum fugit obstat ei flumen, submergitur illic,
Deque suo tribuit nomine nomen aquae.

Thys ryuer in olde time parted Lhoegres or England from Albania, which was ye por­tion of Albanactus, the yongest son of Brute. But sithence that time ye limits of Lhoegres haue bene so inlarged, first by ye prowesse of ye Romains, then by ye conquests of English, yt at thys present day ye Twede on the one side, [Page] and the Solue on the other, are taken for the principall boundes, betwéene vs and those of Scotlād. In describing therfore of the Hum­ber, I must néede describe the Ouze, & in lay­ing foor [...]h the course of the Ouze, I shal hard­escape the noting of those streames at large, that fall into the same: howbeit sith I haue of purpose appointed a chapter for these and the lyke, the next booke, I will here onely speake of the Ouze, and say thereof as followeth.

The Vre therefore ryseth in the fardest partes of all Richmondeshyre, among the Coterine hilles,Vr [...] alias Ouze, or Isis. in a moste, towarde the west fourtéene myles beyonde Mydleham. Being therefore issued out of the grounde, it goeth to Holbecke, Ha [...]draw, Hawshouse, Butter­side, Askebridge (which Lelād calleth the As­caran, and say [...]h therof & the Bainham, that they are but obscure bridges) thē to Askarth, thorowe Wanlesse Parke, Wenseley bridg, (made two hundred yeares since, by Alwyn, Parson of Winslaw) New parke, Spenni­thorne, Danby, Geruise Abbay, Clifton and Masham. When it is come to Masham, it re­ceyueth the Burne,Burne. by south west (as it dyd the wile,Wile. from very déepe scarry rockes, be­fore at Askaran) and dyuers other wild rilles not worthy to be remē [...]red. From Masham, it hasteth vnto Tanfielde (taking in by the waye, a ryll by Southwest) then to another Tanfielde, 'o Newton hall, and northbridge at the hither ende of Rippon, and so to Huic­kes bridge. But ere it come there it méeteth with ye Skel, which being incorporate with ye same,Skell. they run as one to Thorpe, then to Al­borow & sone after receyueth ye Swale. Here sayth Lelande,Swale. I am brought into no little streight, what to coniecture of the méeting of Isis & Vre, for some say yt the Isis & the Vre doe méete at Borowbridge, which to me doth seme to be very vnlikely, sith Isurium taketh his denominatiō of Isis & Vro, for it is often séene that the lesse ryuers doe mingle theyr names with ye greater, as in the Thamesis & other is [...]asie to be found. Neyther is there a­ny more menciō of the Vre after his passage vnder Borowbrige, but onelye of Isis & the Ouze in these dayes, although in olde tyme it helde vnto Yorke it selfe, which of the Vre is truely called Vrewijc, (or Yorke shorte) or else my perswasion doth fayle me. I haue red also Ewerwijc and Yorwijc. But to pro­céede, & leaue this superfluous discourse. Frō Borowbridge, ye Ouze goeth to Aldbrough (& receiuing ye Swale by ye way) to Aldworke, taking in Vsourne water, frō the southwest then to Linton vpon Ouze, to Newton vpō Ouze, & to Munketun, méeting wt the Nydde ere long, and so going withall to the Read­houses, to Popleton, Clifton, Yorke (where it crosseth the [...]) to Foulefoorth, Middle­thorp [...], [...] Acaster, [...], Bareleby, Selby, [...], Shur [...]all [...] ▪ Hokelathe. [...] Hoke, [...] ▪ White [...] A [...]et, Bla [...], Foe [...]lete, Brown [...]ete, & so into [...] ▪ And thus do [...] describe the Ouze. Nowe [...] Humber, streame, toward ye [...] againe, I [...] begin with the Aneolme, and so go along vp­on the coast of Lincolneshire tyll I come to Boston in such order as insueth.

Ancolme, a goodlye water ryseth East of Mercate Rasing, [...] & frō thence goeth by mid­dle Rasing. Then receiuing a short ryll from by south, it runneth [...]n vnder two bridges, by the waye, till it come to Wingall, northeast, where also it méeteth with another brooke frō ▪ Vsselby that commeth thither, by Vres [...]y, and south Kelsey. After this confluence also it goeth by Cadney (taking in the two rylles in one botome, that descende from Howsham, and north Le [...]sey,) and thence to Newsted, Glanford, Wardeley, Thorneham, Appleby, Horslow, north Ferr [...]by, and so into the sea.

Beyng past Ancolme, we go about the Nesse and so to the fall of the water, which commeth from Keleby, by Cotham Abbaye, Nersham Abbaie, Thorneton, & leaung Cor­hyll by west, it falleth into the Ocean. The next is the fall of another brooke comming from Fleting all along by Stallingburne. Thē crossed we Gryms [...]y gullet which issu­ing aboue Ereby cōmeth to Laseby, the two Cotes, and then into the sea. After thys wee passed by another Portelet, whose backwa­ter, descendeth from Balesby by Asheby, Briggesley, Wathe, and Towney, and final­ly to the next issue, before we came at Salt­flete which braunching at the last, leaueth a prety Islande wherein Comsholme Village standeth. This water ryseth short as I here of Tathewel, frō whence it goeth to Rathby, Hallington, Essington, Lowth, Kidirington Auingham, & then braunching aboue North Somerto [...], one arme méeteth with the sea, by Grauethorp, ye other by north of somercote.

Saltflet water hath but a short course for rising among the Cockeringtons,Salt [...] it cōmeth to the sea, at Saltflete hauen, howbeit the next vnto it is of a longer race, for it ryseth as I take it in Cawthorpe paroche, and de­scendeth by Legburne, the Carletons, the west myddle and east Saltfletes, and so into the Oceane. The water that ryseth aboue Ormesby & Dryby, goeth to Caus [...]by, Swa­by Abbaie, Clathorpe, Belew, T [...]ttle, Wi­therne, Stane, and north east of Thetilthorpe into the maine sea.

[Page 32] [...]ple­ [...]pe.Maplethorpe water ryseth at Tharesthorp and going by Markeley, Folethorpe, & Tru­thorpe, it is not long ere it méete wt the Ger­main Ocean, then come we to ye issue ye com­meth frō aboue Hotoft, & thence to Mumby chappel, whether ye water cōming frō Clar­by, Willowby, and Slouthby (and whereinto another ryll falleth) doth runne, as there to doe homage vnto their Lorde, & Souereigne. As for Ingolde mil créeke, I passe it ouer, and come streight to another water, descen­ding from Burge by Skegnes. From hence I go to the issue of a faire brooke, which as I heare, doth rise at Tetforde, and thence go­eth by Somerby, Bagenderby Ashwardby Sawsthorpe, Partney, Asheby, ye Stepings, Thorpe Croft, and so into the Sea. As for Wainflete water, it commeth from the east sea, and goeth betwéene S. Maries and Ahal­lowes by Wainflete town, and treading the pathe of his predecessors, empiteth hys cha­nell to the maintenaunce of the Sea.

Now come I to the course of the Wytham, a famous riuer, wherof goeth the bye word, frequented of old, and also of Ancolme, which I before described.

Ancolme ele,
[...]dis [...]ham [...].
and Wytham pike,
Search all England, and find not the like.

Lelande calleth it Lindis, diuers the Rhe, and I haue read all these names my selfe, ex­cept my memory do faile me. It riseth amōg the Wi [...]hams, in the edge of Lincolnshire, and as I take it in Southwickā paroche, frō whence it goeth to Colsterworth, Easton, Kirkestoke, Paunton, and Paunton, Hough­ton, and at Grantham taketh in a Rill from by southwest, as I here. From Grantham it runneth to Man; Thorpe, Bolton, & Barne­ston, where crossing a becke from North­east, it procedeth farther southwestwarde by M [...]reston, toward Foston, (there also taking in a brooke that riseth about Denton, and go­eth by Sydbrooke,) it hasteth to Dodington, Cl [...]pale, Barmeby, Beckingham, Staple­ford, Bassingham, Thursby, and beneth A [...] ­burgh, crosseth a water that commeth from St [...]gilthorpe by Somerton castle. After this confluence also, our Wytham goeth stil forth on his way, to the Hickhams, Bolthā, Brace­bridge, and Lincolne it selfe. But ere it come there, it maketh certain pooles (wherof one is called Swan poole) and soone after deuiding it selfe into armes, they runne both thorough the lower part of Lincolne, eche of them ha­uing a bridge of stone ouer it, thereby to passe through the principall strete: and as the big­ger arme is well able to beare their fisher botes, so the lesser is not without his seuerall commodities. At Lincolne also this noble ri­uer méeteth, with the Fosse dike,Fosse dike. whereby in great floudes, vesselles may come from the Trentes side to Lincoln. For betwene T [...]k­sey where it beginneth, & Lincoln citie where it endeth, are not aboue vij. miles, as Lelande hath remembred. Bishop Atwater began to clense this ditch, thinking to bring great ves­sels frō Trent to Lincoln in his time, but sith he died before it was performed, there hath no man bene since so well minded as to pro­secute his purpose. The course moreouer of this our streame followyng, from Lincoln to Bostō, is 50. miles by water, but if you mind to ferry, you shall haue but 24. For there are 4. common places where men are ferried o­uer, as Short ferry 5. miles from Lincolne: Tatersall fery, 8. miles frō Short fery: Dog­dike fery a mile, Langreth fery, 5. miles, and so many finally to Boston.

But to go forward with the course of Lin­dis, when it is pa [...]t Lincolne, it goeth by Shepewash, Wassingburg, Fiskerton, and soone after taketh in sondry riuers in one cha­nell, wherby his greatnesse is very much in­creased. Frō this confluence it goeth to Bar­dolfe, and there receiuing a Rill (descendyng from betwene Sotby and Randby, and go­yng by Harton) it slideth forth by Tupham to Tatersall castle, taking vp there in like sort thre small Rilles by the way, wherof I haue small notice as yet, and therfore I referre thē vnto the next Treatize, wherin God willing many things shal be more plainly set downe, that are here but obscurely touched, and some errors corrected, that for want of informatiō, in due tyme haue spedily passed my handes. Finally, being past Tatersall, and Dogdike fery, the Wytham goeth toward Boston, & thence into the sea. Thus haue I briefly dis­patched this noble riuer, now let vs sée what we may do with the Wiland, whose descripti­on shall be set downe euen as it was deliue­red me, with onely one note added out of Le­land, and another had of Christopher Sax­ton of Wakefield, by whose [...]endly helpe I haue filed many things in this that were erst but roughly handled, and more then rudely forged.

Being passed Boston Hauen, we came streight waye to the fall of Wyland.Wyland. Thys streame ryseth about Sibbertoft, and [...] betwéene Bosworth and H [...]wthorpe, [...] goeth to Féedingwoorth, Mers [...]n, [...], Trussell, Herborowe, ( [...] there the Bray, which cōmeth frō Braylbr [...] castle)▪ Bray. to Bowton, Weston, Wiland, [...], burne, Ro [...]ingham, and C [...]w [...]e, (where a riueret called lyttle Eye meeteth wyth [...]l, comming from east [...] by [...] [Page] Stocke, Faston, and dry stocke. From Caw­cot it goeth to Gritto, Harringworth, Seton, Wauerley, Duddington, Colly weston, E­ston, and there ioyneth with the thirde called Warke,Warke. not farre from Ketton, which com­meth from Lye by Preston, Wing, Lindon, Luffenham. &c. Thence it goeth on by Tin­well, to Stanforde (crossing the Brooke wa­ter,Brooke water. Whitnell. and Whitenelbecke, both in one bottom) and from Stanforde by Talington, Maxsey to Mercate Deping, Crowland (where it al­most méeteth with ye Auon) then to Spalding, Waplād, and so into the sea. Leland writing of this Wyland, addeth these words which I will not omitte, sith in mine opinion they are worthy to be noted, for better consideratiō to be had in the sayd water and his course. The Wyland sayth he, goyng by Crowlande, at Newdrene diuideth it selfe into two brāches,New­drene. of which one goeth vp to Spalding called Newdrene, and so into the sea at Fossedike Stowe:South. the other named ye South into Wis­beche. Thys latter also parteth it selfe to two myles from Crowlande, and sendeth a ryll called Writhlake by Thorney,Writhlake. where it méeteth wyth an arme of the Nene, that cō ­meth from Peter borow, and holdeth course with ye brode streame, till it be come to Mur­ho, sixe myles from Wysbech, where it fal­leth into the south. Out of the south in lyke sort falleth another arme called Shéepes eye,Shepes eye. and at Hopelode (which is fourtéene myles, from Linne) did fal into the sea. But now the course of that streame is ceased, wherupō the inhabitants sustaine many grieuous floudes, bycause the mouth is staunched, by which it had accesse before into the sea: hetherto Le­land. Of the course of this ryuer also from Stanford, I note thys furthermore out of another writing in my time. Beyng past Staunten (saith he) it goeth by Burghley Vffington, Tallingtō, Magey, Deping, east Déeping, and comming to Waldram hall, it brauncheth into two armes, wherof that which goeth to Singlesole, receyueth the the Nene out of Cambridge shyre, and then going by Dowesdale, Trekenhole, and wyn­ding at last to Wisbiche, it goeth by Liuer­ington S. Maries, and so into the sea. The o­ther arme hasteth to Crowland, Clowthouse Bretherhouse, Pikale, Cowbecke and Spal­ding. Here also it receiueth ye Bastō dreane, Longtoft dreane, Déeping dreane, & thence goeth by Wickham into the sea, taking with all on the right hand sondry other dreanes, and thus farre he.

Next of all when we are past these, we come to another fall of water into ye Wash, which descendeth directly from Whaplade dreane to Whaplade towne in Hollande: but because it is a water of small importāce, I passe from thence, as hasting to the Nene, of both, the more noble riuer. The next ther­fore to be described is the Auon, [...] otherwyse called Nene, which the author describeth after this maner. [...] The Nene beginneth 4. miles a­boue Northampton in Nene Mere, where it riseth out of two heades, which ioyne about Northampton. Of this riuer the city & coun­trie beareth the name, although we now pro­noūce Hāpton for Auondune, which error is cōmitted also in south Auondune, as we may easily sée. In another place Lelād describeth ye said riuer after this maner. The Auō riseth in Nene mere field, and goyng by Oundale and Peterborow, it deuideth it selfe into thre armes, wherof one goeth to Horney, another to Wisbich, the third to Ramsey: and after­ward beyng vnited againe, they fall into the sea not very farre from Linne. Finally, the discent of these waters, leaue here a great sort of Ilandes, wherof Ely, Crowland, and Mersland, are the chiefe: Hetherto Lelande. Howbeit, because neither of these descriptiōs touch the course of this riuer at the full. I wil set downe the third, which shal supply what­soeuer the other do want. The Auon there­fore arising in Nenemere field, is encreased with many Rilles before it come at North­hampton, and one aboue Kings thorpe, from whēce it goeth to Dallington, & so to North­hamptō, where it receiueth the Wedon, and here I will stay, till I haue described this ri­uer.Ved [...] The Wedon therfore riseth at Faulesse in maister Knightlies pooles and in Badby plashes also, are certaine springs that resort vnto this streame. Faulesse pooles, are a mile from Chareton, where the head of Chare ry­uer is ye rūneth to Banbery. There is but an hill called Albery hil betwene ye heds of these two riuers. From the said hill therefore, the Wedon directeth his course to Badby New­enham, Euerton, Wedon, betwixt which and Floretowne,Florus. it receiueth the Florus (a prety water rising of foure heds, wherof the one is at Dauentry, another at Watford, the third, at long Buck, the fourth aboue Whilton) and then passeth on to Heyford, Kislingbury, Vp­ton, and so to Northampton, where it falleth into the Auon, receiuing finally by the way,Bugi [...]. the Bugbrooke water at Heyford, Patshall water nere Kislingbery, and finally, Preston water beneath Vpton, which running from Prestō by Wootton, méeteth at the last with Milton Rill, and so fal into Auon. Now to re­sume the tractation of our Auon. Frō North­hampton therfore, it runneth by Houghton, great Billing, Whitstone, Dodington and [Page 33] Willingborow, where we must stay a while, for betwene Willingborow and Highā Fer­ries, it receiueth a prety water comming frō about Kilmarshe, [...]ilis. which goyng by Arding­worth, Daisborow, Rushet [...]n, Newtō, Gad­dington, Boughton, Warketon, Ketteryng, Berton, and Burton, méeteth there wyth Rothewel water, [...]other. which runneth west of Ket­tering to Hisham, the greater Harido [...], and then into the Auon. Beyng therfore past Burton, our maine streame goeth to Highā Ferris, Artleborow, Ringsted, Woodford, and (méeting therby with Tra [...]ford Rill) to Thrarston, [...]cley. north wherof it ioyneth also with the Ocley water, that commeth frō Sudbo­rowe and Lowicke, to olde Vmkles, Wa­den ho, Pilketon, Toke, where it taketh in the Liueden Becke) and so to Oundell Cot­terstocke, Tansoner, and betwene Tothe­ring and Warmington, receyueth the Cor­by water, which rising at Corby, goeth by Weldon,Corby. Denethap, Bulwich, Bletherwijc. Fineshed, Arethorpe, Newton, Tothering, & so into the Auon. After this, the said Auon go­eth to Elton, Massington, Yerwell, Sutton, Castor, Allertō, and so to Peterborow, where it deuideth it selfe into sondry armes, & those into seuerall braunches amōg the Fennes & medowes, not possible almost to benombred, before it méete with the sea on the one side of the countrey, & fal into the Ouze on the other.

The Ouze, which Leland calleth the third Isis,Isis. 3. falleth into the sea betwene Meriland and Downeham. The chief hed of this riuer ariseth nere vnto Stalies, from whence it cō ­meth to Brackley (sometyme a noble towne in Northampton shire, but now scarcely a good village) and there taking in on the left hande one water comming from the parke betwene Sysam and Astwell (which runneth by Whitfield and Tinweston) and another on the right frō Intley, it goeth on by West­byry,Sisa. Fulwell, Water stretford, Buckinghā and Berton, [...]melus. beneath which towne the Eryn falleth into it, whereof I finde this short dis­cription to be inserted here. The Eryn ri­seth not farre from Hardwijc in Northamp­tonshire,Erin. from hence it goeth by Heth, Erin­ford, Godderington, Twyford, Steple cladō, and ere it come at Padbiry,Garan. méeteth with the Garan brooke descending from Garanburg, and so they go together by Padbiry till they fall into the Ouze, which carieth them after the confluence, to Thorneton bridge (where they crosse another fall of water commyng from Whitlewood forest by Luffeld, Lecam­sted and Foscot) and so to Beachamptō, Cul­uerton, Stonystratford and Woluert [...] [...]ere the Ouze méeteth with a water (called as Lelande come [...]ureth, ye V [...]re or Were,) on the left hand as you go [...] that cō ­meth betwene [...] and Wexenham in Northamptonshire & goeth by Towcester, and Aldert [...], and not [...] from Woluertō and [...], into ye [...]resaid Ouze, which goeth also frō hence to Newp [...]te pa [...]nell,Verus. wherein like [...]or [...] I must stay a while [...] I haue described another water, named the Elée, by wh [...]se [...] the [...] streame is not a little increase [...].Cle alias Claius. The riuer r [...]seth in the very confine [...] betwene Buc [...]inghā and Bedford­shires, not far from Wh [...]ppesnade, and go­yng on toward the northwest, by Eaton and Layton, it commeth to Linchelade, where it entreth wholy into Buckinghamshire, and so goeth on by Hammond, Bric [...]le, Fen [...]y stratford, Simpson, Walton and Middletō,Saw. beneath which it receiueth the Saw from a­aboue Hal [...]ot, & so goeth on till it méete with ye Ouze néere vnto Newpore, as I haue said. Being vnited therefore we set forward from the sayde towne, and followe thys noble ry­uer, to Lathbirye, Thuringham, Filgrane, Lawndon, Newington, Bradfelde on the one side, and T [...]ruey on the other [...]till it come at length to Bedforde, after many windlesses, & then méeteth with another streame, which is increased with so manye waters, that I was inforced to staye here also, and vsewe theyr seuerall courses, from the highest [...]eple in Bedforde, whence (or peraduenture other­wyse) I noted the same as followeth. Cer [...]es [...]athe east side where I beganne thys specu­lation, I sawe one that came from P [...]t [...]on, and mette withal néede Becliswade: another that grewe of two waters, whereof one des­cended frō Bal [...]ocke, the other frō Hitchin, which ioyned beneath A [...]lesey, and thence went to Langforde and Edwoorth.These rise not far frō Michel­borow, and one of thē in Higham parke. The third which I behelde had in lyke sort two heades, whereof one is not farre from Woode ende, the other from Wooburne (or Howburne) & ioyning about Flitwijc, they go to Flytton, (where they receiue [...] Broke) and so by Chiphil, and Chicksande, they come to Shaf­forde, from whence taking the aforesayde Langford water with them, they go forth by Becliswade, Sandy, [...], & née [...]e vnto The misford are vnited wt the Ouze, & now to our purpose againe. After this ye Ouze, goeth by Berkeforde, to Winteringhā,Verus or ye Were, (méetyng there with the Waresley becke) and so run­neth to S. Neotes (or S. Nedes) to Paxston, Offordes, Godmanchester, Huntingdon,Stoueus. Wilton, S. Iues, Hollywell, and Erith, re­ceyuing in the meane tyme the Stow, nere vnto little Paxton, and likewise the Ellen,Helenus. Elmerus. & the Eminer, in one ch [...]ell a litle by west of [Page] Huntingdon. Finallye the maine streame speading abroade into the Fennes, I cannot tell into howe many braunches, neyther how manye Is [...]ettes, are inforced by the same, but thys is certeine, that after it hath thus deli­ted it selfe with raunging a while about the pleasant bottomes and lower groundes, it méeteth with the Granta, frō whence it goeth with a swift course, vnto Downehā. Betwen it also and the Auō, are large sundry Mores, or plashes by southwest of Peterborow wher­of Whittle [...]ey méere, and Ramsey méere, (whereinto the Riuell falleth,Riuelus. that commeth from aboue Broughton, Wyston, and great Riuelley) are sayde to be greatest. Of all the ryuers that runne into this streame, that cal­led Granta is the most noble and excellent,Granta. which I will describe euen in his place, not­withstanding that I had earst appoynted it vnto my seconde booke, but forasmuch as a description of Ouze and Granta, were dely­uered me togyther, I will for his sake that gaue them me, not seperate thē nowe in sun­der. The very fardest heade and originall of thys ryuer is in Henham, a large Parke be­longing to the Earle of Sussex, wherin as the Townesmen say, are foure springs that run foure sundry wayes into the maine Sea. Le­lande sought not the course of thys water, a­boue Newport ponde, & therefore in his Co­mentaries vpō the song of ye swan, he writeth thereof after this maner insuing. But here before I enter into his discourse, I must giue you warning, how D. Iohn Caius the learned Phisition, and some other are of the opiniō, that this ryuer comming from Newport, is properlye to bée called the Rhée, but I may not so easily discent frō Leland, whose iudge­ment in my mynde is by a great deale the more likely, harken therefore what he sayth.

The heade of Grantha or Granta, is in ye pend at Newport, a towne of the east Sax­ons, which going in a bottome beside ye same, receyueth a pretye ryll, which in the myd­dest thereof doeth driue a mil and descendeth from Wickin Bonhaunt, that standeth not far from thence. Being past Newport, it go­eth a long in the lower grounde vntil it come to Broke Waldē, west of Chipping Waldē, (now Saffron walden) harde by the Lorde Awdleis place, where of late the ryght hono­rable Lorde Phillip Earle of Surrey, with his housholde dyd soiourne, and some­tyme stoode an Abbaie, of Benedictine Mon­kes, before theyr generall suppression. From Awdley end it goeth to Littlebur [...]e, the lesse and greater Chesterfordes, Ycaldune, Hinc­stone, Seoston or Sawson, and néere vnto Shaleforde receyueth the Babren that com­meth by Linton, Abbington, Babrenham, and Stapleforde: and so going forwarde it com­meth at the last to Tromping [...]on, [...] which is a myle from Cambridge. But ere it come al­togyther to Trompington, it méeteth wyth the Barrington water, as Leland calleth it, but other ye Rhée,R [...]. (a cōmon name to all wa­ters in the Saxon speache,) whereof I finde thys description, to be touched by the waye. The Rhée ryseth short of Ashwell, in Hert­forde shyre, and passing vnder the brigde be­twéene Gylden Mordon and Downton, and leauing Tadlow on the west side (as I remē ­ber) it goeth toward Crawdē, Malton, Bar­rington, Haselingfeld, and so into Granta, taking sundry Rylles with him from south, & southwest, as Wendy water south west of Crawden, Whaddō brooke southwest of Or­wel, Mildred becke southwest of Malton, and finally yt which goeth by Fulmere & Foxton, & falleth into the same betwéene Barringtō, and Harleston, or Harson as they call it.

Nowe to procéede with our Granta, from [...]rompingtō on the one side, and Grantces­ter on the other, it hasteth to Cambridge warde, taking the Burne with it by the way, which descendeth from a castell of the same denomination, wherein the Picotes, & Peue­relles sometime did inhabite. Thence it go­eth by sundrye Colledges in Cambridge, as the Quéenes Colledge, the Kings Colledge, Clare Hall, Trinity Colledge, S. Iohns. &c. vnto the high bridge of Cābridge, & betwene the towne and the Castell to Chesterton, and receyuing by & by the Doure, or Sture, (at whose bridge,Stu [...] ye most famous Mart in Eng­lande is yearely holden & kept. Frō Chester­tō it goeth to Ditton, Miltō, & ere long mee­ting with two rylles (from Bott [...]sham and Wilberhā, in one bottome) it rūneth to Hor­ningsey and water Beche: and finallye here ioyning with the Bulbecke water, it goeth by Denny, and so forth into the Ouze, [...] fiftéene myles from Cambridge, as Leland hath set downe. And thus much of the thirde Isis or Ouze, out of the aforesayde Authour, where­vnto I haue not onelye added somewhat of mine owne Experience, but also of other mens notes, whose diligent obseruation of the course of thys ryuer, hath not a little hel­ped mée in the discription of the same. Nowe it resteth that we come nerer vnto the coast of Norfolke, and set forth such waters as we passe by vppon the same, wherin I will deale so preciselye as I maye, and so farre will I trauaile therein as I hope shall con­tent euen the curious reader, or if any fault be made, it shall not be so great, but that af­ter some trauayle in the finding, it shall with [Page 34] ease be corrected.

The first ryuer yt therfore we come vnto af­ter we be past the confluence of Granta, & the Ouze, and within the iurisdiction of Norfolke, is called the Burne.Burne. This streame ryseth not very farre from Burne Bradfeld aboue the greater Wheltham, and from thence it go­eth to Nawnton, Bury, Farneham Martin, Farneham Alhallowes, Farneham Geno­uefa, Hengraue, Flemton, Lackeforde, Ic­lingham, and to Mildenhall, a litle beneath which it méeteth with the Oale water, [...]ale. that springeth not farre from Catilege, and go­ing by Asheby, Moulton, (a benefice as the report goeth not very well prouided for) to Kenforde, Kenet, Bradingham, Frekenham, it falleth at the last not farre from Iselham into the Burne, from whence they go togi­ther as one into the Ouze. With ye Burne al­so there ioyneth a water comming from a­bout Lydgate, a little beneath Iselham, and not very farre from Mildenhall.

[...]unus.The Dune heade and rysing of Wauenhey are not much in sunder, for as it is supposed they are both not farre distaunt from the bridge betwéene Lopham and Ford, wherby ye one runneth east & the other west, as I haue béene enformed. The Dune goeth first of all by Feltham, then to Hopton, and to Kinets hall, where it méeteth with a water, cōming out of a lake shorte of Banham (goyng by Quiddenham, Herling, Gasthorpe) and so forth on both in one channell, they runne to Ewston. Here they méete in lyke sort, wyth another descending from two heads, wher­of the one is néere vnto Pakenham, the other to Tauestocke, as I here. Certes these heads ioyne aboue Ilesworth, not farre from Stow Langtoft, from whēce they go to Yxworth, Thorp, Berdwel, Hunnington, Fakenham, and so into the Dune at Ewston as I sayde. Frō hence also they haste vnto Downeham, which of this riuer doth séeme to borowe his name. South rée ryl, I passe ouer as not wor­thy the description, bicause it is so small.

[...]radunus [...]tè.Next vnto thys ryuer on the south side is the Braden, or Bradunus, which ryseth at Bradenham, and goeth by Ne [...]ton, north Peckenham, south Peckenham, Kirsingham Bedney, Langforde, Igbor, Munforde, north olde, Stockebridge, Ferdham, Helgy, and so into the Ouze.

[...]nus.The néerest vnto thys is another which ri­seth about Lukeham, and from thence com­meth to Lexham, Massingham, Newton, the castel acre, Acres, Nerboe, Pentney, Wrō ­gey, [...]ngimus. Rounghton, Westchurch, & so to Linne, as so doth also another by north of this which commeth from the east hylles by Cong [...]n­ham, Grymston, Bawsey, Gaywood, where­of let this suf [...]ise, and now giue eare to the reast sith I am past the Ouze.

Beyng past the mouth or fall of the Ouze, we méete next of al with the rising chase wa­ter which descendeth from two heds,Rising. & also ye Ingel that commeth from about Sne [...]sham;Ingell. From hence we go by the point of s. Edmōd, and so hold on our course, till we come vnto the Burne, which falleth into the sea by south from Waterden, and goyng betwéene the Crakes to Burneham thorp, and Burnham Norton, it striketh at the last into the sea, east of Burnham Norton, a mile at ye lest, except my coniecture doe faile me. The Glow or Glowy, riseth not farre from Baconstthorp,Glouius. in the hundred of Tunsted, and goyng by and by into Holt hūdred, it passeth by Hunworth; Thornage, Glawnsford, Blackney, Clare, and so in the sea receiuing there at hand also a Rill by east, which descendeth from the hils lying betwene Killing town and Way­burne.

The Wantsume riseth in Northfolke at Galesend in Holt hundred,Wantsume from whence it goeth to Tatersend, Downton, Skelthorpe, Farneham, Penstthorpe, Rieburg, Elling­ham, and Billingesford. And here it recey­ueth two waters in one bottom, of which the first goeth by Stanfeld and Beteley, the o­ther, by Wandling and Gressonhall, and so run on eche his owne way, till they méete at Houndlington, southwest of Billingesforde with the Wantsume. From hence they go altogether to Below, Iyng, Weston, and Moreton, but ere it come to Moreton, it mée­teth with the Yowke, which (issuyng about Yexham) goeth by Matteshall and Barrow.Yocus. After this the sayd Wantsume goeth on by Ringland, and so to Norwich the pontificall see of the Bishop, to whom that iurisdictiō ap­pertaineth. Beneath Norwich also it recey­ueth two waters in one chanell, which I wil seuerally describe according to their courses, noting their confluēce to be at Bireley, with­in two myles of Norwich, except myne an­notation deceiue me. The first of these hath two heds, wherof one moūteth vp south west of Whinborow, goeth by Gerneston,Hierus Gerne. & is the very Hiere or Yare that drowneth the name of Wantsume, so soone as he méeteth withal. The other hed riseth at Woode in Mitforde hundred, and (after confluence with the Hiere at Caston) gayng by Brandon, B [...]ton, Ber­ford, Erleham, Eringlefeld (not farre from Bixely as I sayd) doth méete with his com­panion, which is the second to be described as followeth. It hath two heads also that méete northwest of Therstane, and hereof the one [Page] commeth from Findon hal, by Wrenninghā from about Wotton; by Hemnal, Fretton, Stretton, and Tasborow, till they ioyne at Therston, as I gaue notice aforehand. From Therston therfore they go together in one to Newton, Shotesham, Dunston, Castor, Ar­minghale, Bixeley, Lakenham and Trowse, and then fall into the Wantsume beneath Norwich which hereafter is named Hiere. The Hiere Yare or Gare therfore proceding in his voiage, as it wer to salute his grādame the Oceane, goeth from thence by Paswijc, Surlingham, Claxton and Yardley: and here it méeteth agayne with another Riueret de­scending from about Shotesham, to Thir­stane, Shedgraue, Hockingham, and so into Gare or Yare, wherof Yardley the town re­ceyueth denomination. After this it goeth to Frethorpe, and aboue Burghe castle méeteth with the Wauen hey,Wauen. and so into the sea. In­to this riuer also falleth the Bure, which ri­sing at a towne of the same name, passeth by Milton, Buresdune, Corpestey, Marington, Blekeling, Bure, Alesham, Bramptō, Bux­tō, Horsted, Wrexhā bridge, Horning, Rane­worth (and beneath Bastewijc receyueth the Thurine which riseth aboue Rolesby) then to Oby Clypsby,Thurinus (there also receiuing another from Filby) Rimham, Castor, and by Yar­mouth into the Ocean.Wauen. The Wauenhey a­fore mencioned, riseth on the South side of Brisingham, and is a limite betwene North­folke and Suffolke, goyng therfore by Dis, Starton, not farre from Octe, it méeteth with the Eie whiche riseth nere Ockolde, or betwéene it and Braisworthe, and goeth on by Brome, Octe, and so into the Waue [...]y. From thēce also our Waueney, runneth by Sylam, Brodish, Nedam, Harleston, Red­nam, Alborow, Flixton, Bungey, Sheepe­medow, Barsham, Beckles, Alby, and at Whiteacre as I here it parteth in twaine, or else receyuing Milforde water, which is the most likely, it goeth along by Somerley, Hormingfléete, S. Olaues, (there receyuing the Fristan brooke,Fritha. out of low or little Eng­lande) Fristan and Burge castell, where it méeteth wyth the Hiere, and from thence­forth accompanieth it as I sayd vnto the sea.

Willingham water commeth by Hensted Einsted,Einus. or Enistate, and falleth into the sea by south of Kesland.

Cokelus.The Cokell ryseth south south west, of Cokeley Towne, in Blythe hundred, and néere vnto Hastelwoorth, it méeteth with the ryll, that commeth from Wisset, and so go­ing on togither by Wenhaston, and Blibo­towe, it falleth into the sea at an hauen, be­twéene Roydon, and Walderswicke. A little ryll runneth also thereinto from Eston, by Sowolde, and another from Dunwiche, by Walderswijke, and hereby it wanteth lyttle that Eston Nesse, is not cut of and made a prety Islande.

The Forde ryseth at Poxford,Forde and going by Forderley, and Theberton, it falleth at last into the Mysméere créeke.

Into the Oreforde hauen, falleth one wa­ter comming from Aldborowe warde,Or [...]. by a narrowe passage, frō the north into the south. By west whereof (when we are past a lyttle Isle) it receyueth the seconde, descending frō betwéene Talingston, and Framingham, [...] in Plomes hundred: which cōmming at last to Marleforde, méeteth wyth a ryll south west of Farneham called the Gleme,Gleme. (that com­meth by Rendelsham, the Gleinhams) and so passing forth, it taketh another wyth all at Snapesbridge, comming from Carleton, by Saxmundham, Sternefielde, and Snape.Iken, [...] Ike. Then going to Iken (where it méeteth wyth the thirde ryll at the west side) it fetcheth a compasse by Sudburne east of Orforde, and so into the hauen. Next vnto thys by west of Orforde, there runneth vp another créeke by Butley, whereinto the waters comming frō Cellesforde, and from the Ike, doe runne both in one botome, and thus much of Or­forde hauen.

The Deue ryseth in Debenham,Deue. in the hundred of Hertesméere, and from thence go­eth to Mickeforde, Winston, Cretingham, Lethringham, Wickham, hitherto still crée­ping towarde the south: but then going in maner full south, it runneth néere vnto Ashe, Rendlesham, Vfforde, Melton, and Woode­bridge, beneth which, it receiueth on the west side, a water cōming of two heades, whereof one is by north from Oteley, and the other by south from Henly, which ioyning west of Mertelsham, go vnto the sayde towne, and so into the Deue, east of Mertelsham, aboue­sayd. From thence the Deue goeth by Wal­dringfielde and Henley, and méeteing soone after with Brightwell brooke,Clarus [...] it hasteth in­to ye maine sea, leauing Badwsey on the east where the fall therof is called Bawdsey ha­uen.

Vre ryseth not farre from Bacton,Vr [...]s. in Hertesméere hundred, and thence descendeth into Stowe hundred by Gippyng Newe­ton, Dagworth, Stowe, (beneath whiche it méeteth with a water comming from Rat­tlesden, by one house,) and so goyng on to Nedeham, (thorowe Bosméere and Claydon hundredes) to Blakenham, Bramforde, Yps­wiche, (receyuing beneath Stoke, which ly­eth ouer against Ypswiche, the Chatsham [Page 35] water, that goeth by Belsted, & so into ye Vre, at the mouth wherof is a marueilous déepe & large pitte, whereof some Marryners saye that they coulde neuer fynde the bottome, and therefore calling it a Well, and ioyning the name of the ryuer withall, it commeth to passe that ye hauen there, is called Vrewel, for which in these daies we doe pronounce it Or­well. Into thys Hauen also the Sture or Stoure, hath ready passage, which remaineth in thys treatize next of all to be described.

[...]rus.The Sture or Stoure, parteth Essex from Suffolke, as Houeden saith, and experience cōfirmeth. It ariseth in Suffolk, out of a lake néere vnto a towne called Stourméere. For albeit there come two rylles vnto the same, whereof the one descendeth from Thyrl [...], the Wratinges and Ketton, the other from Horshed parke, by Hauerill &c. Yet in sōmer tyme they are often drye, so that they can­not be sayde to be parpetuall heads, vnto the aforesayde ryuer. The Stoure therefore ry­seth at Stoure mare, which is a poole contay­ning twentie acres of ground at the least, the one side whereof is full of Alders, the other of réede, wherein the great store of fishe there bredde, is not a little succoured. From thys méere, also it goeth to Bathorne brydge, to Stocke clare, Cawndish, Pentlo, Milforde, Foxerth, Buresley, Sudbury, Bures, Bor­sted, Stoke Naylande, Lanham, Dedham, Strotford, east Barforde, Brampton, and to Catwade bridge, where it falleth into the sea, receiuyng in the meane time sundry brookes and rylles not here omytted at all. For on Essex side, it hath one from Hemsted, which goeth by Bumsted, and Birdbrooke: another rysing shorte of Foxerth, that runneth by water Beauchamp, Brundon, and falleth in­to the same at Badlington, west of Sudbury: and the thirde that glydeth by Horkesley and méeteth withal west of Boxsted. On the north or vpon Suffolke side, it receyueth one de­scending frō Ca [...]ledge, by Bradley, Thur­low, W [...]atting, Kiddington, and at Hauerell falleth into this Sture. The seconde descen­deth from Posling field, & ioyneth therewith east of Clare. The thyrde aryseth of two heades, whereof one commeth from Wick­ham brooke, the other from Chedbar in Risoy hundred, and ioyning about Stanfield, it goeth by Hawton, Somerton, Boxsted, Stansted, and north of Foxerth, falleth into S [...]our. The fourth issueth from betwéene the Wallingfelds, and goeth by Edwardstone, Boxsted, Alington, Polsted, Stoke, and so at south Boxsted falleth into the same. The fift ryseth North West of Cockefielde, and go­eth to Cockefielde, Laneham, Brimsley, Midling,Kettle ba­ston. and receyuing Kettle Baston wa­ter southwest of Chelsworth (and likewise the Breton that commeth from Bretenham, by Hitcheham, & Bisseton streat on the south east of the s [...]me towne) it goeth in by Ned­ging, Aldham, Hadley, Lainham, Shelly, Higham, and so into the Sture. The sixt is a lyttle ryll descending southwest from Chap­pell The seuenth ryseth betwéene Chappel, & Bentley, and going betwéene Tatingston, and Whet [...]ede, Holbrooke, and Sutton, it falleth at length into Stoure, and frō thence is neuer harde of.

As for Ocley Drill, that ryseth betwéene Ocley, and Wikes Parkes,Ocley. and goeth vn­der Ramsey brydge, and so into the Stoure, on Essex side, west of Harwiche, and east of Rée Isle, I passe it ouer because it is but a ril and not of any greatnesse, although I séeke to remember manye tymes, euen the very smallest.

Next vnto this, wée come to another that runneth South of Beamont by Mosse,Mos [...]. and falleth into the Sea about the middest of the Bay, betwixt Harwich and the Naze.

Betwixt the Naze also and the mouth of Colue, is another Ryll which riseth at little Bentley, and thence goeth to Tendryng thorpe,Claco. thorow Clacten parke by great Hol­land, and east of little Holland, into the déepe sea.

The Colne hath thrée heds, whereof one is at Ouington that goeth by Tilbery, and east of Yeldam, falleth into the chiefe head,Colunus. which ryseth about Redgewell in Essex, frō whence it goeth to Yeldam Henningham. &c. The third falleth in South of Yeldam into Colne, and being once mette all in one chanell: the Colne goeth as I sayde, to Hedninghā Haw­sted, Erles Colne, Wakes Colne, Fordon, Bardfold, Colchester, and so into the sea at Bricklesey. At séemeth here, that when ye sea entreth betwéene the points of Bradwell and S. Anthonies, it deuydeth it selfe into twoo armes, wherof one goeth toward Colchester the other toward Maldon. Into the Colne or Colunus (whereof Lelande thinketh Colche­ster to take hys name, and not a Colonia Ro­manorum) doe run many salt créekes beneth Fingering ho, whose names sith I doe not knowe, nor whether they be serued with any backwaters or not, I gyue ouer to intreat a­ny farther of theyr positions. Into that of Malden runneth many faire waters, wherof I will say so much as I knowe to be true by experience.

There is a prety water that beginneth nere vnto Gwinbache or Wimbech church in Es­sex (the very limits of Dunmow Deanery) [Page] which runneth directly frō thence vnto Rad­winter, (a parcell of your Lorships possessy­ons in those parts) and within thrée quarters of a mile of the aforesaid church. By the way also it is increased with sundry prety springs wherof Pantwell is the chiefe, and to say the truth, hath manye a leasing fathered on the same: there is likewise another in a pasture belonging to the graunge, now belongyng to Henry Browne Esquier, soiournyng there­vpon. The third, commeth out of the yarde of one of your Lordships Manour there, called Radwinter hall. The fourth, frō Iohn Cock­swettes house, named the Rotherwell, which running vnder Rothers bridge, méeteth with ye Gwin, on the northwest ende of Ferraunts meade, southeast of Radwinter church, wher­of I haue the charge by your honors fauora­ble prefermēt.Froshwell. The next is named Froshwel, and of this Spring doth the whole Hundred beare the name, and also the Ryuer it selfe whereinto it falleth (from by north) so far as I remember. Certes, all these sauing ye first and second, are within your Lordships towne aforesayd. The streame therfore running frō hence (and now called Froshwell, of Froshe, which signifieth a frog) hasteth immediately vnto olde Sandford, then thorow new Sand­forde parke, and afterward with full streame to Shalford, Bocking, Stisted, Paswijc, and so to blackwater, where the name of Frosh­wel ceaseth, the water being from henceforth as I here, called Blackwater, vntyll it come to Maldon. From Blackwater therefore it goeth to Coxall, Easterforde, Braxsted and Wickham,Barus. where it méeteth wyth the Ba­rus, and so goyng togyther, descende to Hey­bridge, and finally into the saltwater afore­sayde. As for the Barus, it ryseth in a stately parke of Essex called Bardfeld, belonging to the crowne, from whence it goeth to olde Sa­lyng, Brainctrée (receyuing a ryllet by waye comming from Raine, blacke Notley, white Notley, Falkeburne, Wittham, and falleth into the blacke water beneath Braxsted, on the south.

Beside thys, the sayde ryuer receyueth also the Chelme or Chelmer,Chelmer. which aryseth in Wymbeche aforesayde, where it hath two heads: wherof the one is not farre from Bro­dockes (where Thomas Wiseman Esquier dwelleth) the other nigh vnto a farme called Highams, and ioyning ere long in one Cha­nell, they hye them toward Thaxsted, meting in the way also with a Ryll commyng from Boyton ende. Beyng past Thaxsted, it goeth by Tiltey, and soone after receyueth one Ril which ryseth on the north side of Lindsell,Lindis. and falleth into ye Chelmer by north east at Til­tey aforesayde, and another comming from southwest, and rysing southeast from Lindse [...] at moche Eiston. From thence then holding on styll wyth the course, it goeth to Moche Dunmowe, little Dunmow, Felsted, Lies, both Waltams, Springfield, & so to Chelme­resforde. Here vppon the south side I finde the issue of a water that riseth 5. miles or therea­boutes, south and by west of the sayde towne, from whence it goeth to Munasing Buttes­bury (there receiuyng a Rill from by west) to Ingat stone, Marget Inge, Wilforde bridge Writtle bridge, and so to Chelmeresforde, (crossing also ye second water that descendeth from Roxforde southwest of Writtle by the way) wherof let this suffice. [...] From hence the Chelmer goeth directly towarde Mauldon by Badow, Owting, Woodhamwater, Byly, and so to Blackwater northwest of Maldon, receyuing neuerthelesse ere it come fullye thither a becke also that goeth frō Lée parke, to little Lées, great Lées, Hatfield, Peueryll,Lée. Owting, and so into Blackwater (whereof I spake before) as Maldon waters, doth a ryll from by south ouer against S. Osithes, and also another by Bradwell.

The Burne, ryseth somewhere about Ron­well, and thence goeth to Hull bridge, [...] south Fambridge, Kirkeshot fery, and so to Foul­nesse: & as this is the short course of that ry­uer, so it brauncheth, and the south arme ther­of receiueth a water comming from Hauke­well, to great Stanbridge, and beneth Pake­sham, doth méete by South, wyth the sayde arme, and so finishe vp his course, as we doe our voyage also about the coast of Englande.

Thus haue I finished the description of such ryuers and streames as fall into the Ocean according to my purpose, although not in so precise an order and maner of handling, as I might, if information promysed had bene ac­cordingly performed: howbeit, thys wyll I say of that which is already done, that from the hauen of Southampton, by south vnto the Twede, that parteth England and scotland, by north (if you go backward contrary to the course of my description) you shall finde it so exacte, as beside a fewe bye ryuers to be tou­ched hereafter, you shall not néede to vse any further aduise for the finding and falles of ye aforesayd streames. For such hath béene my helpe and conference wyth other men about these, that I dare pronounce them to be per­fite and exact. In the reast I followed Leland in maner worde for worde, what he hath sayd therefore of them, that haue I examplyfied & published herein. Such was his dealing [...] ­so in hys bookes, that he sought not to be c [...]ri­ous and precise in those descriptions that hée [Page 36] made, but thought (it sufficient to say some­what, and more of thinges then any mā had done before hym, In the next booke therfore, I will in thrée chapiters run ouer these mat­ters agayne, and as I haue already borowed somewhat of the same, in settyng downe such braunches as f [...]l into the mayne streames at large, so will I there agayne remember such great riuers as I haue here eyther omitted, or not so orderly handled as their dignities do require. In reading therefore of the one, refuse not I beséeche your honor withall, to haue conference with the other, for what this wanteth, that other shall supply, and yt which is briefly touched in this, shal there be opened at large, the onely occasion of this deuision growyng vpon hope of instruction to come in tyme, whereof when I had most néede, and the lefe vnder the presse, I was left destitute and without hope of all reliefe. It is possible, that some curious head may finde carpyng worke inough in ye courses of these streames, but if such a one wyll enterprise the lyke, and try what one man can doe by reading onely, (for I sayled about my country within the compasse of my study) & therunto remember how many wais, through many mens iudge mentes, and what number of occasions may serue here and there, to inforce the writer to mistake his Pamphlets, quarters, townes, entraunces, &c. I doe not doubt but it woulde trouble his brayn, although now peraduēture in table talke, he can find many things, as he doth that sitteth at home among Ladies and Gentlewomen, and will talke and take order for matters abroad that are to be done in the field, where he neuer shewed his face. Vnto the learned therfore, I yeld correctiō of mine errors onely, and as I confesse that some vn­knowne vnto me, may and haue escaped my handes, so by their gentle and brotherly ad­monition, they shall be the sooner amended. Furthermore, this I haue also to remember that in the courses of our streames, I regard not so much to name ye very town or church, as the limites of the paroche, and therefore if I say it goeth by such a towne, I thinke my duety discharged, if I hitte vpon any part or parcel of the paroche. This also hath not a lit­tle troubled me, I meane the euill writing of the names of many townes and villages, of which I haue noted some one man in the de­scription of a riuer to write it two or three maner of wayes, whereby I was inforced to chuse one (at aduenture most commonly) that séemed the likeliest in myne opinion & iudge­ment: but inough of this and these things for this present.

❧Of the foure hyghe wayes sometyme made in Brytaine, by the Princes of thys Lande. Chap. 12.

THere are, which indeuoring to bring all things to their Saxon Originall, doe affirme that this diuisiō of waies whereof we now intreate, should ap­parteine to such Princes of that Nation, as reigned here, sith the Romaines gaue vs o­uer. But how weake their coniectures are in this behalfe, the antiquity of these stréetes it selfe shal easily declare, whereof some per­celles after a sorte are also set downe by An­toninus, and those that haue written of the se­uerall iourneyes from hence to Rome, al­though peraduenture not in so directe an or­der, as they were at the first established. For my parte if it were not that I desire to be short in this behalfe, I could with such notes as I haue already collected for that purpose, make a large confutation of diuers of theyr opinions cōcerning these passages, but sith I haue spent more time in ye tractatiō of the ri­uers, then was allotted vnto me, I will omit at this time to discourse of these things as I would, and say what I may for the better knowledg of their courses, procéeding there­in as followeth.

First of all, I finde that Dunwallon King of Britayne, about 483. yeares before ye birth of our sauior Iesus Christ, seing the subiects of his Realme, to be in sundry wyse oppressed by theeues and robbers, as they traueiled too and fro, and being willing (so much as in him laye) to redresse these inconueniences, caused his whole kingdome to be surueyed, and then commaunding foure principall wayes to be made, which shoulde leade such as traueyled into all partes thereof, from sea to sea, he gaue sundry large priuileges vnto the same, whereby they became safe, and verye much frequented. And as he had regarde herein, to the securitie of hys Subiectes, so he made sharp lawes, grounded vpō Iustice, for ye sup­pression of such wicked mēbers as did offer violence to any trauayler that should be met wyth al or found within the limites of those passages. How by what partes of this Island these wayes were conueighed at the first, it is not so wholy left in memory▪ but that some question is mooued among the learned, con­cerning theyr auncient courses, howbeit such is the shadowe remaining hitherto of theyr extensions, that if not at this present perfect­ly yet hereafter it is not impossible but that they maye be founde out, and left certaine vnto posteritye. It séemeth by Galfride, [Page] that the sayd Dunwallon did limite out those wayes by dooles and markes, which beyng in short tyme altered by the auarice of such irreligious persons as dwelt nere and incro­ched vpon the same (a fault yet iustly to bée found almost in euery place) and questiō moo­ued for their boundes before Bellinus hys sonne, he to auoyde all further controuersie that might from thenceforth insue, caused the same to be paued with hard stone, of 18. foote in bredth, and 10. foote in depth, and in the bo­tome thereof huge flint stones also to be pit­ched, lest the earth in tyme should swalow vp his workmanship, & the higher ground ouer­grow their rising crests. He indued thē also wt larger priuiledges thē before, protesting that if any man whosoeuer shoulde presume to in­fringe his peace, & violate the lawes of hys kingdome in anye maner of wise néere vnto or vpon those wayes, he should suffer such pu­nishmēt without all hope to escape (by frend­ship or mercy (as by ye statutes of his realme lately prouided in those cases, are due vnto ye offenders: The names of these foure wayes are the Fosse, the Gwethelin, or Watling, the Ermyng, and the Ychenild.

Fosse.The Fosse goeth not directly, but slopewise ouer the greatest part of this Island, begyn­nyng at Dotnesse or Totnesse in Deuōshire, where Brute sometymes landed (or as Ra­nulphus sayeth) which is more likely at the point of Cornwall though the eldest writers do séeme to note the contrary. From hence it goeth thorow the middle of Deuonshire and Somersetshire, and commeth to Bristow, from whence it runneth manifestly to Sud­bery market, Tetbury, and so forth holdeth on as you go almost to ye midde way betwene Gloucester and Cirnecester (where the wood faileth, and the Champeigne country appea­reth toward Cotteswald) streight as a lyne vntill you come to Cirnecester it self. Some hold opinion that the way which lyeth from Cirnecester to Bathe, shoulde be the very Fosse, and that betwixt Cirnecester & Glou­cester, to be another of the 4. wayes made by the Britons: but auncient report grounded vpon great likelyhoode, and confirmed also by some experience, iudgeth that most of the wayes crossed eche other in this part of the realme, and of this mynd is Leland also, who learned it of an Abbote of Cirnecester that shewed great likelyhoode in some recordes therof: but to procéede. From Cirnecester, it goeth by Chepingnorton to Couentrey, Leircester, Newarke, and so to Lincolne o­uerthwart the Watling streate, where by generall consent of all the writers (except Alfrede of Beuerley, who extendeth it vnto Cathenesse in Scotland) it is sayde to haue an ende.

The Watling stréete beginneth at Douer in Kent, [...] and so stretcheth thorow the middest of Kent vnto London, and so forth (peraduen­ture by the midst of ye city) vnto Verolamium or Verlamcester, now S. Albons, where in ye yeare of grace 1531 the c [...]urse thereof was found by a mā that digged for grauel where­with to mende the highway. It was in this place 18. foote brōde, and about 10. foote déepe, and stoned in the botome as afore, and perad­uenture also on the toppe, but these are gone, and the rest remayneth equall in most places with the fields. The yelow grauell also that was brought thether in cartes 2000. yeares passed, remayned there so fresh and so strōg, as if it had bene digged out of ye natural place where it grew not many yeares before. Frō hence it goeth hard by Margate, leauyng it on the west side, and a little by south of this place, where the Priory stoode, is a long tho­row fare vpon the sayd stréete, méetely well builded (for low housing) on both sides. After this, it not onely becommeth a bound vnto Leicestershire toward Lugby, but also pas­seth from Castleford to Stamforde, and so forth by the west of Marton, which is a myle from Torkesey.

Here by the waye I must touche the opi­nion of a traueyler of my tyme, who noteth the sayde streate to go another waye, inso­much that he would haue it to crosse the third Auon, betwixt Newton and Dowbridge, & so go on to Binforde bridge, Wibto [...], the highe crosse, and thence to Atherston vpon An­cre. Certes it maye be, that the Fosse had his course by the countrye in such sort as hée describeth, but that ye Watling streat should passe by Atherstō, I can not as yet be persua­ded. Neuerthelesse his coniecture is not to be misliked, sith it is not vnlikelye that thrée se­uerall wayes myght méete at Alderwaye (a towne vpon Tame, beneath Salters bridge) for I do not doubt that the sayd towne, dyd take his name of all three wayes, as Alder­mary churche in London, did of all thrée Ma­ryes vnto whome it hath béene dedicated, but that the Watling streate shoulde be one of them, the compasse of his passage will in no wise permit. And thus much haue I thought good to note by the waye, nowe to returne a­gayne to Leland, and other mens collections. The next tydings that we here of the Wat­lyng streate is, that it goeth thorowe the Parke at Pomfret, as the common voyce of the country confirmeth: thēce it passeth hasti­ly ouer Castelford bridg, to Aberford, (which is fiue myles from thence, & where are most [Page 37] manifest tokens of thys waye and his broad crest) to Yorke, to Witherby, & then to Bo­rowbrig, where on the left hand therof stood certain monumentes, or Pyramides of stone, sometyme placed there by the Romaines. These stones (sayth Leland) stande 8 myles west from Bowis, & almost west from Rich­monde a little thorowe fare called may­den castel scituate vpon the side of this streat, and here is one of those Pyramides or great rounde heapes, which is thrée score foote cō ­passe in the bottome. There are other also of lesse quantities, and on the very top of eche of them are sharp stones of a yard in length, but the greatest of all is eightéene foote hyghe at the least, from the grounde to the verye head. He addeth moreouer howe they stande on an hyll: in the edge of Stanes moore, and are as boundes betwéene Richmonde shyre, and Westmerland. But to procéed this streat lying a myle from Gilling, and two myles from Richmonde commeth on from Borow­brigge, to Catericke eightéene myles, that is twelue to Leuing, and sixe to Catericke, then eleuen myles to Gretey, or Gritto, fyue myles to Bottles, eight myles to Burghe on Stanes moore, foure myles from Appleby, & fiue to Browham, where the sayde streate commeth thorowe Winfoll parke, and ouer the bridge, on Eymouth and Loder, and lea­uing Perith, a quarter of a myle or more, on the west side of it, goeth to Carleil seuentéene myles from Browham, which hath béene some notable thing. Hetherto it appeareth e­uidently, but going from hence into Scot­lande, I heare no more of it, vntill I come to Cathnesse, which is two hundred and thirtye myles or thereabouts, out of Englande.

[...]rming stréte.The Erming streate, which some call the Lelme, stretcheth out of the east, as they saye into the southeast, yt is, from Meneuia or S. Dauids in Wales vnto Southāpton, wher­by it is somewhat lykely in déede that these two wayes, I meane the Fosse, and the Er­ning, shoulde méete about Cirnecester, as it commeth from Glocester, according to the opinion conceyued of them in that countrye. Of thys way I finde no more written, and therefore I can saye no more of it, except I shoulde indeuour to dryue awaye the tyme, in alleadging what other men saye thereof, whose mindes doe so farre disagrée one from another, as they doe all from a truth, and therefore I gyue them ouer, as not delight­ing in such dealing.

The Ikenild or Rikenild, begā some where in the south, [...]enilde. and so held on toward Cirnece­ster, then to Worcester, Wicom [...], Brimmi­cham, Lichfield, Darby, Chesterfield, and [...]ssing the Watlingstréete: some where in Yorkeshire, stretched forth in the [...]e vnto ye mouth ye of Tine, where it ended at ye maine sea, as most men doe confesse. I take it to be called the Ikenild, because it passed thorow the kingdome of the Icenes: for albeit that Lelande and other followyng him doe seme to place the Icenes in Norfolke & Suffolke, yet in myne opinion that cannot wel be done, sith it is manifest by Tacitus; that they laye nere vnto the Sylures, and as I gesse, ey­ther in Stafford and Worcester, or in both, except my coniecture do fayl me. The author of the booke entituled Eulogi [...] historianum, doth call this stréete the Lel [...] [...]e: but as herein he is deceyued, so haue I delt withal so fayth­fully as I may among such diuersitie of opi­nions, yet not deniyng but that there is much confusion in the names and courses of these two latter, the discussing whereof, I must leaue to other men yt be better lerned then I.

Of the ayre and soyle of Britaine. Chap. 13.

THe ayre for the most part thorowout the Island is such, as by reason in maner of continuall cloudes, is reputed to be grosse & nothing so pleasant as that is of the mayne. Howbeit as they which affirme these things, haue onely respect to the impediment or hin­deraunce of the sunne beames, by the interpo­sitiō of the cloudes & oft ingrossed ayre: so ex­perience teacheth vs that it is no lesse pure, holsome, and commodious, then is that of o­ther countries, and as Caesar hymselfe hereto addeth, much more temperate in sommer, then that of the Galles, from whome he ad­uentured hither. Neyther is theyr any thing found in the ayre of our Regiō, that is not v­sually séene amongst other nations lying be­yond the seas. Wherfore, we must nedes cō ­fesse, that the scituation of our Island for be­nefite of the heauens is nothing inferiour to that of any country of the maine, where so e­uer it lie vnder the open firmament.

The soyle of Brytaine is such, as by the testimonies and reportes, both of the olde & newe writers, and experience also of such as nowe inhabite the same, is verye fruitefull, but yet more inclined to the féeding & gra­sing of the cattell, then profitable for tyllage, & bearing of corn, by reason wherof the coun­try is woonderfully replenished wyth Neat, & al kind of cattell: and such store is there also of the same in euery place, that ye fourth part of the land is scarcely manured for the proui­sion and maintenāce of grayne. Certes, this fruitfulnes was not vnknown vnto the Bri­tens [Page] long before Caesars time, which was the cause wherefore our predecessors liuyng in those dayes in maner neglected Tillage, and lyued by féedyng and grasing onely. The grasiers themselues also then dwelled in mo­ueable villages by companies, whose custom was to deuide the ground amongst them, and eche one not to depart from the place where his lōt lay, till by eating vp of the country a­bout him, he was inforced to remoue fur­ther and seke for better pasture, and this was the brittish custome at the first. It hath bene cōmonly reported that the ground of Wales is neyther so fruitful as that of England, nei­ther the soyle of Scotland so bountifull as that of Wales, which is true if it be taken for the most part: otherwise, there is so good grounde in some partes of Wales, as is in England, albeit ye best of Scotland be scarce­ly comparable to the best of eyther of both. Howbeit as the bounty of the Scottish doth fayle in some respect, so doeth it surmount in other,Plenty of riuers. God and nature hauyng not appointed all countries to yeld forth lyke commodities. There are also in this Island great plenty of fresh riuers & streames, as you haue heard already, and these thorowly fraught wyth all kyndes of delicate fish, accustomed to be foūd in riuers.Hilles. The whole Isle likewyse, is very full of hilles, of which some, though not very many, are of excedyng heigth, and diuers ex­tendyng themselues very farre from the be­ginnyng as wée may sée by Shooters hill, which rising east of London, & not very far from the Thames runneth along the south side of the Island westward, vntill it come to Corinwall. Lyke vnto these also are the crowdō hils, which from the peke do run into the borders of Scotlande. What shoulde I speake of the cheuiot hils which run xx. miles in length: of the blacke mountains in Wales which go from [...] to [...] miles at the lest in length, of the Grames in Scot­lande, and of our Chiltren, which are 18. myles at the lest, from one end of them to the other, of all which, some are very well reple­nished with wood, notwithstandyng that the most part yelde a swéete short grasse, profita­ble for shéep, wherin albeit that they of Scot­land doe somewhat come behind vs, yet their outward defect is inwardly recompēsed not onely with plenty of quarries, (and those of sondry kindes of marble hard stone, and fine alabaster) but also rich mines of mettal, as shalbe shewed hereafter.Windes. In this Islande likewyse the wyndes are commonly more stronge and fierce, then in anye other pla­ces of the maine, and that is often séene vp­pon the naked hilles, which are not garded with trées to beare it of. That grieuous in­cōuenience also inforceth our, Nobility, gen­try, and comminaltie,B [...] to build their houses in the valeis, leauing the high groundes vnto their corne and cattell, least the cold and stor­my blastes of winter should bréede thē grea­ter anoyance, wheras in other Regions eche one desireth to set his house aloft on the hyll, not onely to be sene a farre of, and cast forth their beames of stately & curious workemā ­ship into euery quarter of the country, but al­so (in whote habitations) for coldensse sake of the ayre, sith the heate is neuer so vehement on the hill top as in the valey, because the re­uerberation of the sunne beame, eyther rea­cheth not so farre as the highest, or else becō ­meth not so strong, when it is reflected to the lower mountayne.

But to leaue our Buyldinges,Hus [...] ame [...] vnto the purposed place (which notwithstanding haue verye muche increased, I meane for curio­sitye and coste, in Englande, Wales, and Scotland, within these fewe yeares) and to returne to the soyle againe. Certainelye it is euen now in these our dayes growne to bée muche more fruitefull, then it hath bene in times past. The cause is for that our countrei­men are growne to be more paynefull, skilful and carefull thorowe recompence of gayne, then heretofore they haue béene, insomuch that my Synchroni or time felowes, can reap at thys present great commoditye in a lyttle roume, whereas of late yeares, a great com­passe hath yéelded but small profite, and thys onely thorowe the ydle and negligent occupa­tiō of such, as mannured and had the same in occupying. I myght sette downe examples out of all the partes of thys Islande, that is to say, manye out of Englande, moe out of Scotlande, but most of all out of Wales, in which two last rehearsed, verye little other foode and lyuelyhoode was woont to be loo­ked for beside fleshe more then the soyle of it selfe, and the cow gaue, the people in ye meane tyme lyuing idelly, dissolutely & by picking and stealing one frō another, all which vices are nowe for the most part relinquished, so that ech nation manureth hir owne with tri­ple commoditie, to that it was before tyme.

The pasture of thys Islande is accordyng to the nature & scituation of the soyle, [...] where­by in most places it is plentifull, verye fine batable, and such as eyther fatteth our cattel with spéede, or yéeldeth great abundaunce of mylke and creame, whereof the yellowest butter, and finest chéese are made. But where the blewe claye aboundeth (which hardelye drinketh vppe the winters water in long season) there the grasse is speary, rough, and [Page 38] very apte for bushes, by which occasion, it be­commeth nothing so profitable to the owner. The best pasture ground of all Englande, is in Wales, and of all the pasture in Wales, that of Cardigan is the chiefe. I speake of that which is to be founde in the mountaines there, where the hundreth part of the grasse growing is not eaten, but suffered to rotte on the grounde, whereby the soyle becommeth matted, and dyuers Bogges and quicke moores made wyth all in long continuance, bycause all the cattle in the countrey are not able to eate it downe.

[...]dowesOur medowes are either bottomes (wher­of we haue great store, and those very large bycause our soyle is hilly) or else lande mea­des. The first of them, are yearely and often ouerflowen by the rysing of such streames as passe thorowe the same, or violent falles of lande waters, that dyscende from the hylles about them. The other are seldome or neuer ouerflowen, & that is the cause where­fore their grasse is shorter than that of the bottomes, and yet is it farre more fine, whol­some, and batable, sith the haye of our [...]we meddowes is not onely full of sandy cinder, which bréedeth sundry diseases in our cattell, but also more ro [...]y, foggy, & full of flagges, and therefore not so profitable, for [...]ouer and forrage as ye higher meades be. The differēce furthermore in theyr commodities is great, for whereas in our lande meddowes we haue not often aboue one good loade of haye in an acre of ground, in lowe meaddowes, we haue sometimes thrée, but commonly aboue twoo, as experience hath oft confirmed.

[...].The yéelde of our corne grounde, is also much after thys rate following, thorowe out the lande (if you please to make an estimate thereof by the acre) in common and in dyffe­rent yeares, wherin eche acre of Whete well tilled and dressed will yéeld commonly twen­tie bushelles, an acre of Barlie 32. bushels, of Otes and such lyke, fiue quarters, which proportion is notwythstanding oft abated, towarde the north, as it is often surmounted in the south. Of mixed corne, as peason, and beanes, sowē togither, Tares & Otes (which they call bu [...]mong,) Rie and Wheate, here is no place to speake, yet theyr yéelde is neuer­thelesse much after this proportiō, as I haue often marked.

[...]tell.The cattel which we bréede are commonly such as for greatnesse of bone, swéetenesse of flesh, & other benefits to be reaped by ye same, giue place vnto none other, as may appeare first by our Oxen, whose largenesse, height weight, tallow, hides, and hornes are such as none of any other nation, do cōmonly or may easily excéede the [...]. Our shéepe likewise for good taste of fleshe, quantitie of lymmes, [...] ­nesse of fléece, & abundance of increase, (for in many places they bring foorth two or thrée at an eaning) giue no place vnto any, more then do our Goates, who in like sort do follow the same order, and our Deare come not behind. As for our Conies, I haue séene thē so fat in some f [...]es, especially about Meal & Disnege that the grea [...]e of one being weighed,Meal and disnege. hath prysed very neare sixe or 7. ounces, all which benefites we first referre to the grace & good­nesse of God, and next of all vnto the bountye of our soyle, which he hath so plentifullye in­dued with so ample & large cōmodities. But as I meane to intreate of these thinges more largly hereafter, so will I touch in this place one benefite which our country wanteth, and that is wyne, the fault whereof is not in our soyle,Wine. but the negligence of our country men (especially of the south parts) who doe not in­ure the same to this commoditie, which by reason of long discontinuance, is nowe be­come vnapt to beare any Grapes, eyther in the fielde or feuer all vineyardes: Yet of late time soone haue assayed to deale for wine, but sithe that lyquor when it commeth to the b [...]ing hath béene founde more harde then that which is brought from beyond [...] the sea, and the cost of planting and kéeping thereof [...] their gea [...], that they maye h [...]e it farre better cheape from other Countries: they haue gyuen ouer theyr enterpryses, wyth­oute any consideration, that [...] in all other thinges, so neither the grounde it selfe in the begynninge, nor successe of their trauaile can answere their [...] at the first, vntyll such time as the soyle be brought as it were [...] in time with this commoditie, and [...], for the more [...] of charge, to be employed vpon the [...] that where waine doth last [...], there it will grow no woorse, I [...] wherefore the planting of [...] in England. That this [...] might haue growne in this Island heretofore: [...], to vs, the Galles and [...] sufficient [...]y. And [...] dyd [...] here, the olde [...] of ty­thes for [...], that yet remaine in the ac­compt [...] in [...] sutes, [...] ecclesiasticall courtes, [...] [...]y: also the inclosed p [...]elles [...] euery Abbaye, yet called [...] a notable proofe [...] soyle is not to be blamed, as [...] were so excéeding short, [Page] that the moone which is Lady of moysture, & chiefe riper of this liquor, cannot in any wise shine long ynough vpō the same, a very mer­ry toy,Wad and Madder sometime in Eng­lande. Rape oyle. & fable worthy to be suppressed. The time hath béene that Wad and Madder, haue béene (next vnto our Tin & Woolles) the chief commodities & Marchaundize of this realm: I fynde also that Rape oyle hath béene made within this lande, but nowe our soyle wyll beare neither of these, not for that the ground is not able so to doe, but that we are necly­gent and carelesse of our owne profit, as men rather willing to buye the same of others thē take any paine to plant thē here at home. The like I may say of flaxe,Flaxe. which by lawe ought to be sowen in euery country towne in Eng­lande, more or lesse, but I see no successe of ye good & wholsome estatute, sith it is rather con­tempteously reiected then otherwise dutifully kept. Some say that our great numbers of lawes,Number. Alteratiō. Dispensa­tion. Example of superi­ours. whereby it is impossible for any man to auoyde theyr transgression, is one great cause of our negligence in this behalfe. O­ther affirme that the often alteration of our ordinaunces do bréed this general cōtempt of al good [...]was, which after Aristotle doth seme to carye some reason withall. But very ma­ny let not to saye, that facility in dispensatiō with them, and manifest breche of the same in the Superiours, are ye greatest causes why the inferiours regarde no good order, beyng alwayes ready to offende without any such facultie one way, as they are to presume vp­on the example of the higher powers ano­ther. But as in these thinges I haue no f [...]yl, so some wishe that fewer licences for the pri­uate commoditie, but of a fewe, were graun­ted: & this they say, not that they denie ye exe­cution of the prerogatiue royall, but woulde wyth all theyr hearts that it might be made a grieuous offence, for any man by f [...]ced fryndeship or otherwise, to procure oughte [...] of the Prince, (who is not acquainted wyth the botome of the estate of common things) that may bée preiudiciall to the wa [...]le pub­like of his country.Erthes. If it were requisite that I should speake of the sundry kinde of mowlde, as ye cledgy or clay, whereof are sundry sorts, red, blew, [...] & white: also the red or white sandy, the lomye, roselly, grauelly, chal [...]y or blacke: I could say that there are so many di­uers vaines in Brytaine, as else where in a­ny quarter of lyke quantitie in ye world. How­beit this I must néedes cōfesse that the sandy and cledgy doe beare the greatest sway, but ye clay most of all, as hath béene, and yet is al­waies séene and fel [...] thorowe plenty & dearth of corne. For if this latter doe yéelde h [...] full increase, then is there generall plenty, wher­as if it fayle then haue we scarcity, according to the olde rude verse, set downe of england, but to be vnderstanded of the whole Islande, as experience doth confirme.

When the sande doth serue the clay,
Then may we sing well away,
But when the clay doth serue the sand
Then is it mery with England.

I might here intreate also of the famous vales in Englande, [...] of which one is called the Vale of white horse, another of Eouesham, noted to be twelue or thirtéene miles in com­passe, the third of Aslesbyry ye goeth by Tame the roote of Ehilterne hils, & so to Donstable, Newport panell, stony Stratford, Bucking­ham, Birstane parke, &c. And likewise of the fourth of Whithart, or Blackemore, in Dor­setshire, and also the Marshwood vale, but for­asmuch as I knowe not well their seuerall li­mites, I giue ouer to go any farder in their description at this time. In like sort it should not be amysse to speake of our fennes & other pleasant bottomes, [...] which are not onely indu­ed with excellent ryuers & great store of fine fodder, for neat and horses in time of ye yere, (whereby they are excéeding benificiall vnto their owners) but also of no small compasse & quantity in ground. For some of our Fennes are well knowen to be eyther 10.12.16.20. or 30. miles in length, that of the Gyrwis yet passing al the reast, which is ful 60. as I haue often read. [...] Finally I might discourse in like order of the large commons, laide out hereto­fore by the Lordes of the soyles for ye benefite of such poore, as inhabite within ye compasses of their manours, but as the tractatiō of them belongeth rather to the seconde booke, so I meane not at thys present to deale wythall, reseruing the same wholly vnto the due place whilest I go forwarde with the reast.

Of the generall constitution of the bodyes of the Brytaines. Cap. 14.

THose that are bredde in this Islande are men for the most part of a good complet­ion, tall of stature, strong in body, white of coulour, and thereto of great boldenesse and courage in ye warres. For such hath béene the estimation of english souldiers from time to time, since our Isle hath béene knowne vnto the Romaines, that wheresoeuer they haue serued in forrein countries, the chiefe brunts [...] seruice haue béene reserued for them. Of their con [...]uestes and bloudy battailes wo [...]ne in Fraunce, Germany, and Scotlande, our histories are full: and where they haue béene ouercome, the victors themselues confessed their victories to haue ben so dearely bought, that they woulde not gladly couete to ouer­come [Page 39] often, after such difficult maner. In martiall prowesse, there is little or no diffe­rence betwene Englishmen and Scottes, for albeit that the Scottes haue béene often and very grieuously ouercome by the force of our nation, it hath not béene for want of manhood on their partes, but through ye mercy of God shewed on vs, and his iustice vpon them, sith they alwaies haue begun the quarels and of­fred vs méere iniurie with great despite and crueltie. Leland noting somewhat of the cō ­stitution of our bodies, sayeth these wordes, the Britaines are whyte in coulour, & strong of body, as people inhabiting néere the north, and farre from the Equinoctiall line, where contrariewyse such as dwell towarde the course of the sunne, are lesse of stature, wea­ker of body, more fearfull by nature, blacker in coulour, and some so blacke in déede as a­nye Crow or Rauen, thus sayeth he. Howbe­it, as these men doe come behinde vs in con­stitution of bodie, so in Pregnancie of witte, nimblenesse of lymmes, and pollitike inuen­tions, they generally excéede vs: notwithstā ­ding that otherwise these giftes of theirs doe often degenerate, into méere subtiltie, insta­bilitie, [...]rmis [...]genio [...]tur vnfaithfulnesse and crueltie. We ther­fore dwelling néere the North, are common­ly taken by forrein Hystoriographers and o­thers, to be men of great strength and little policie, much courage and small shift: & thus doth Comineus burden vs after a sort in hys history. But thanked be God, that all the wit of his countrymen coulde neuer compasse to doe so much in Britaine, as the strength and courage of our Englishmen, (not without great wisedome, and forecast) haue brought to passe in Fraunce. Certes in accusing our wisedome in this sorte, he doth in mine opi­nion increase our commendation, for if it be a vertue to deale vprightly with singlenesse of minde: sincerely and plainly, without any suspicious fetches in all our dealinges, then are our countreymen to be accompted ver­tuous. But if it be a vice to coulour crafti­nesse, subtile practises, doublenesse and hollow behauiour, with a cloke of pollicie, amitie and wisedome, then are Comineus and his com­panie to be reputed vicious. How these latter pointes take holde in Italy, I meane not to discusse, how they are daily practized in many places of the maine, and he accompted most wyse and pollitike, that can most of all dis­semble, here is no place iustly to determine, (neyther woulde I wishe my countrymen to learne any such wisedome) but that a king of Fraunce, coulde say, Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare, their owne hystories are testi­monies sufficient. But to procéede with our purpose. With vs [...] doe liue an hundred yeares, very many [...]oure sower score: as for thrée score; it is taken but for our enteraunce into age, so that in Britain, no man is sayde to were old til he draw vnto thre score. These two are also noted in vs (as thinges appar­tayning to the firme constitutions of our bo­dies) that there hath not béene séene in any Region so many cartasses of the dead to re­maine from time to time without corruption as in Britain: and that after death by slaugh­ter or otherwyse such as remayne vnburied by foure or fiue dayes togither are easte to be knowen and discerned by their friendes and kinred, wheras Tacitus and other complaine of sundry nations, saying, that their bodies are tam fluidae substantiae, that within cer­taine houres the wife shall hardely knowe hir husbande, the mother hir sonne, or one friende another, after their liues be ended. I might here adde somewhat also of the meane stature generally of our women, [...] beau­tie commonly excéedeth the faire [...] those of the maine, their comlynes of person and good proportion of limmes, most of theirs ye come ouer vnto vs from beyonde the sea. I coulde make report likewyse of the naturall vices & vertues of all those yt are borne within thys Islande, but as the tractation thereof craueth a better head then mine to set it forth, so I will giue place to other men, that list to take the same in hand. Thus much therfore of the constitutions of our bodies, and so much may suffice.

How Britayne grew at the first to be deuided into three portions. Chap. 1.

AFter the commyng of Brutus into this Island (which was as you haue red in the aforesayd treatize, about the yere of ye world, 2840 or 1127 before ye incarnation of Christ) he made a general suruey of the whole Islād from side to side, by such meanes to view and search out not onely the limites and boundes of his dominions, but also what commodities this new atchieued conquest might yeld vnto hys people. Furthermore, findyng out at the last also a couenable place wherein to erect a citie, he began there euen ye very same, which at this day is called London, namyng it Tre­nouanton, in remembraunce of olde Troye, from whence hys auncesters procéeded, & for which the Romaines pronounced afterward Trinobantum, although the Welchmen doe call it still Trenewith. This city was builded as some write, much about the tenth yeare of his raigne, so yt he lyued not aboue 15. yeares [Page] after he had finished ye same. But of ye rest of hys other actes attempted and done, before or after the erection of this city, I finde no cer­tayne report, more then that when he had raigned in this Island after his arriuall by the space of 24. yeares, he finished his dayes at Trenouanton aforesayde, beyng in hys young and florishyng age, where at his car­case was honorably interred. As for the ma­ner of hys death, I finde as yet no mention therof among such writers as are extant. I meane whether it grew vnto him by defect of nature, or force of grieuous woundes recey­ued in hys warres agaynst such as withstood him from tyme to tyme in this Islande, and therefore I can say nothing of that matter. Herein onely all agrée, that duryng the tyme of his languishing paynes, he made a disposi­tion of his whole kyngdome, deuiding it into thrée partes or portions, according to the nū ­ber of his sonnes then liuing, whereof the ol­dest excéeded not 28. yeres of age, as my con­iecture gaueth me.Locrine. To the eldest therefore, whose name was Locrine, he gaue the grea­test and best Region of all the rest,Loegria. whiche of hym to this day is called Lhoegres among the Britons, but in our language Englande, of such English Saxons as made conquest of the same. This portiō also is included on the south with the Brittish sea, on the east wyth the Germaine Ocean, on the north wyth the Humber, and on the west with the Irish sea, and the riuers Dée and Sauerne, wherof in the general description of this Island, I haue spoken more at large. To Camber his secōd sonne,Camber. Cambria. he assigned all that lyeth beyonde the Sauerne and Dée towarde the west, (whiche parcel in these dayes conteineth Southwales and Northwales) with sondry Islandes ad­iacent to the same, the whole beyng in maner cut of and seperated from England or Loe­gria by the said streames, wherby it séemeth almost Pemusula, or a bye land, if you respect the small hilly portion of ground that lyeth indifferently betwene their maine courses or such branches at the least as run and fall in­to them. The Welchmen or Brytons call it by the auncient name still vnto this day, but we Englishmen terme it Wales, which de­nomination we haue from the Saxons, who in time past did vse the word Walshe in such sort as we do straunge: for as we cal all those straungers that are not of our nation, so dyd they name them Walshe which were not of their countrey. The third and last part of the Island he allotted vnto Albanacte hys youn­gest sonne (for he had but thrée in all,Albanact. as I haue sayd before) whose portion séemed for circuite to be more large, then that of Cam­ber, and in maner equall in greatnesse wyth the dominions of Locrinus: But if you haue regard to the seuerall commodities that are to be reaped by eche, you shal find them to be not much discrepaunt or differing one from another: for what so euer the first and second haue in plenty of corne, fine grasse, and large cattell. This latter wanteth not in excéedyng store of fishe, rich mettall, quarries of stone, and aboundaunce of wylde foule: so that in myne opinion, there coulde not be a more e­quall particion then this made by Brute, and after the aforesayd maner. This later parcel at the first, toke the name of Albanactus, who called it Albania. But now a small portion onely of the Region (beyng vnder the regi­ment of a Duke) reteyneth the sayd denomi­nation, the reast beyng called Scotlande, of certayne Scottes that came ouer from Ire­land to inhabite in those quarters. It is deui­ded from Loegres also by the Humber, [...] so that Albania as Brute left it, conteyned all the north part of the Island that is to be foūd beyond the aforesayd streame, vnto the point of Cathenesse. To conclude, Brute hauyng deuided hys kingdome after this maner, and therin conteniyng himselfe as it were wyth the general title of the whole, it was not lōg after ere he ended his life, and being solemn­ly interred at his new city by his thrée chil­dren, they parted eche from other, and tooke possession of their prouinces. But Scotland after two yeres fell agayn into the handes of Locrinus as to the chiefe Lord, by the death of his brother Albanact,Locri [...] king [...] of Sc [...] land. who was slayne by Humber kyng of the Seithiēs, and left none issue behynde hym to succéede hym in that kyngdome.

That notwithstanding the former diuision made by Brute vnto his children, the soue­reigntie of the whole Islande remained still to the prince of Lhoegres and his posteritie after him. Chap. xvj.

IT is possible that some of the Scottish na­tion reading the former chapter will take offence with me for meaning yt the principa­litie of the North partes of this Isle, hath al­wayes belonged to the kinges of Lhoegres.The Scot [...] alway [...] desinr [...] to [...] the [...] subi [...] haue o [...] ­ten [...] cruell [...] odious tempta [...] to be, [...] in [...] For whose more ample satisfaction in this behalfe, I will here set downe therfore a dis­course therof at large, written by diuers, and nowe finally brought into one Treatise, suf­ficient as I thinke to satisfie the reasonable, although not halfe ynough peraduenture to content a wrangling minde, sith there is or at the least wyse hath béene nothing more o­dious amōg some, then to heare that the king [Page 40] of England hath oughtes to doe in Scotland. How their Historiographers haue attempted to shape a couloured excuse to auoyde so ma­nifest a tytle, all men maye sée that reade their bookes indifferently, whereunto I doe referre them. For my part there is little or nothing of myne herein, more then onely the collection of a number of fragmentes to­gither, wherein chiefly I haue vsed the helpe of Nicholas Adams, who wrate thereof of set purpose to king Edward the sixt, as Leland dyd the lyke to king Henry the eyght, Iohn Harding vnto Edwarde the fourth, beside thrée other, whereof the first dedicated hys Treatise to Henry the fourth, the seconde to Edwarde the thirde, and the thirde to Ed­warde the first, as their writinges yet extant doe abund [...]ntly beare witnesse. The tytle also that Lelande giueth his booke, which I haue had written with his owne hands, beginneth in this maner. ‘These remembraunces follo­wing are found in Chronicles authorized re­maining in diuers nonasteries both in Eng­lande and Scotlande, by which it is euident­ly knowen & shewed, that the kinges of En­gland haue had, and nowe ought to haue the souereignetie ouer Scotlande, wyth the ho­mage and fealtie of the kings their reigning from time to time. Herevnto you haue heard already what diuisiō Brute made of this Is­lande not long before his death, wherof eche of his childrē so sone as he was enterred toke seisure and possession.’ Howbeit after two yeres it happened that Albanact was slayne, wherevpon Locrinus and Camber raysed their powers reuenged his death, and finally the sayde Loctinus, made an entraunce vpō Albania, seyzed it into his owne handes (as ex­cheated wholly vnto himselfe) without yéel­ding any part therof vnto his brother Cam­ber, who made no clayme nor title vnto any portion of the same. Herby then sayth Adams it euidently appeareth that the entier seignio­rie ouer Albania consisted in Locrinus, accor­ding to which example lykeland among bre­thren euer since hath continued, in preferring the eldest brother to the onely benefite of the collaterall assencion from the youngest, as­swell in Scotlande as in England vnto this daye.

Ebranke the lineall heire from the bodie of this Locrine, that is to say the sonne of Mem­pris; sonne of Madan, sonne of the same Lo­crine, buylded in Albania the castle of May­dens nowe called Edenbrough: and the Ca­stle of Alcluith or Alclude, now called Dun­briton; as the Scottish Hector Boethius con­fesseth: wherby it most euidently appeareth that our Ebranke was then thereof seased.

This Ebranke reigned in the [...] ouer thē a long time, after whose death Alba­nia as annexed to the empire of the Britaine, descended to the onely king of Britons, vntill the discent to the two sisters sonnes, M [...]gan and Conedage, lineall heires from the sayde Ebranke, who brotherly vpō the first exam­ple deuided ye realme. Morgā had Lhoegr [...], and Conedage ha [...] Alban [...]: but shortly af­ter Morgan the elder brother ponde [...]g in hys hed, the loue to his brother with the loue to a kingdome, excluded nature & gaue place to ambition, and therupō denouncing warre, death miserably ended hys life (as the re­warde of his vntruth) wherby Conedage ob­tayned the whole Empire of all Britaine, in which state he remayned during his naturall lyfe.

From him the same lineally descended to the onelye king of Britons, vntill after the reigne of Gorbodian, who had issue two sons, Ferres, and Porres: This Porres requy­ring lyke diuision of the lande, affirming the for [...]er particions to be rather of lawe then fauour, was by the handes of his elder bro­ther, both of his lyfe and hoped kingdome be­reued at once: whereupon their vnnaturall mother vsing hir natural malice, for the deth of hir one sonne, without regard of the lossing of both, miserably slew the other.

Cloten by all writers aswell Scottishe as other, was the next inheritour to the whole Empire, but lacking power (the only meane in those dayes to obtayne right) he was con­tented to deuide the same among thrée of his kinsmen, so that Scater had Albania. But af­ter the death this Cloten his sonne Dunnal­lo Mulmutius made war [...]e vpon these thrée Kinges, and at last ouercame them, and so re­couered the whole dominion, in token of which victorie, he caused himselfe to be crow­ned with a crowne of gold, the very first that was worne among the kinges of this nation. This Dunuallo erected temples, wherein the people shoulde assemble for Prayer, to which temples he gaue benefite of Sanctuarie: he made the [...] for wager of battaile, in cases of murder and [...]lonte, whereby a théefe that lyued and made his art of [...]ighting, shoulde for his purgation fight wyth the true man, which he had robbed: but he beléeued that the Goddes (for then they supposed many) would by myracle assigne victorie to the innocent partie. The priuileges of which first sawe & benefite of the latter, aswell in Scotlande as in Englande, be midyed to this day few cau­ses by late positiue lawes among vs excep­ted, wherein the benefite of wager of bat­ta [...]le is expelled [...] by which obedience to hys [Page] lawes, it doth manifestly appeare, that thys Dunuallo was then seased of Albania nowe called Scotland: This Dunuallo reigned in thys estate ouer them many yeares. Beline & Brenne the sonnes of this Dunuallo, dyd af­ter theyr fathers death, fauourably deuide the land betwéene them: so that Beline had Lo­gres, and Brenne had Albania: but for that this Brenne (a subiect) without the consent of his elder brother and Lord, aduentured to marry with the daughter of the king of Den­marke: Beline seased Albania into his owne handes, and thereuppon caused the notable wayes priuileged by Dunuallons Lawes to be newly wrought by mens handes, which for the length was from the furder part of Cornewall, vnto the the sea by North Cath­nes in Scotland: & for religion in those daies, he cōstituted ministers called Archeflamines in their functions most like the aucthoritie of Bishoppes at this daye, the one of which re­mained at Ebranke now called Yorke, and whose power extēded to ye vttermost bondes of Albany, wherby lykewyse appeareth that it was then within his dominion. After his death the whole Isle was enioyed by the on­lye kings of Britaine, vntill the tyme of Vi­genius and Perydurus lineall heires from the sayde Belyne who fauourably made par­ticion, so that Vigenius had all the land from Humber south, and Perydurus from thence North all Albania. This Vigenius died, and Perydurus suruiued, and thereby obtayned the whole, from whome the same quietly dis­cended, and was by his posteritie according­ly enioyed, vnto the reigne of king Coell, of that name the first. In hys tyme an obscure nation by most writers supposed Scithians, passed by seas from Irelande, and arriued in that part of Britaine called Albania: against, whome this Coell assembled his power, and being entred Albania to expell thē, one Fer­gus in the night disguised, entered the tent of this Coell, and in his bed traiterously slew him. This Fergus was therefore in reward of such vertue made there King, whereupon they sat downe in that part, with their wiues and children, and called it Scotlande, and themselues Scottes: from the beginning of the worlde,After the Scottishe accompt. foure thousande and sixe hundred and seuentéene yeares, which by iust compu­tacion and confession of all their owne wry­ters, is sixe hundred yeares lacking tenne, after that Brutus had reigned ouer ye whole Island, the same land being enioyed by him and his posteritie before their comming, du­ring two and fiftie discentes of the kinges of Britaine. Certes this intrusion into a land so many hundred yeares before inhabited, and by so many discēts of kings quietly enioyed, is the best tytle that all their owne writers alledge for them. This Fergus hereupō im­mediately did deuyde Albania also amōg his Capitaines and their people: whereby it most euidently appeareth that there were no people of that nation inhabiting there before, in proofe wherof, the same particion shall fol­lowe.

The landes of Cathnes lying against Ork­nay, [...] betwéene Dummesbey and the Water of Thane, was giuen vnto one Cornath, a ca­pitaine and his people. The landes betwéene the Water of Thane and Nes, nowe called Rosse, lying in bredth from Cromart to the mouth of the water of Lochte, were giuen to Lutorke, another Capitaine and his people. The landes betwéene Spay and Nes, from the Almaine seas to the Ireland Seas, now called Murray land, were giuē to one War­roche and his people. ‘The lande of Thalia now called Boyn Aynze, Bogewall, Gariot, Formartine, and Bowguhan, were giuen to one Thalis and his people. The landes of Marr Badezenoche, & Lochquhaber, were giuen to Marrache and his people. The lands of Lorne and Kintier, with the hilles & moun­taynes thereof, lying from Mar to the Ire­lande seas, were giuen to Capitaine No­naunce and his people. The landes of Athole were giuen to Atholus, another capitaine & his people.’ The landes of Strabraun, and Brawdawane lying West from Dunkell, were giuen to Creones and Epidithes two Capitaynes. The landes of Argile, were gi­uen to Argathelus a Capitaine. The landes of Linnor & Clidisdale, were allotted to Lol­gona a captaine. The landes of Silu [...]ia now called Kile, Carrike and Cunyngham, were giuen to Silurche another Capitaine. The landes of Brigance nowe called Gallowaie, were giuen to the compaignie called Bri­gandes, which as their best menne, were ap­pointed to dwell next the Britons, who after­warde expulsed the Britons from Aunan­dale in Albany, whereby it is confessed to be before inhabited by Britons. The residue of the lande now called Scotland, that is to say: Meirnis, Angas, Steremōde, Gowry, Stra­hern, Pirth, Fiffe, Striucling, Callendes, Calderwoode, Lougthian, Mers, Teuedale, with other the rement Dales, and the She­rifdome, of Berwicke were then enioyed by a nacion mingeled in marriage wyth Bri­tons, and in their obedience whose capitaine called Berynger, buylded the castle & towne of Berwicke vpon Twede, and these people were called Pictes, vppon whome by the death of this Coell, these Scottes had opor­tunitie [Page 41] to vse warre, wherof they ceased not, vntill such time as it pleased God to appoint an other Coli king of Britōs, agaynst whose name, albeit they hoped for a like victory to ye first, yet he preuayled and ceased not his [...]ar, vntill these Scot [...]es were vtterly expulsed out of all the boundes of Britayne, in which they neuer dared to reenter, vntill the trou­blesome raigne of Scicill kyng of Britones, which was the xij. king after this Coll. Du­ryng all which tyme the countrey was reen­habited by the Britons. But then the Scots turning the ciuill discord of this realme, be­twene this Sycill and his brother Blede to their best auauntage, arriued agayne in Al­bania, & there made one Reuther theyr king.

Vpon this their new arriuall, new warre was made vpon them by this Sicill kyng of Britons, in which warre Reuther their new kyng dyed, and There as succéeded agaynst whom the warre of Britones cea [...]ed not, vn­till he fréely submitted himselfe vnto the said Sicill king of Britones at Ebranke, that is Yorke, where shortly after the tenth yeare of his raigne he dyed. Fynnane brother of Io­sine succeded by their election to the kingdom of Scottes, who shortly after compelled by the warres of the same Sicill, declared hym­selfe subiect, and for the better assuraunce of his fayth and obessaunce to the kyng of Bri­tons, deliuered his sonne Durstus into the handes of this Sicill: who fantes [...]yng ye child and hopyng by his owne succession to alter their subtiltle (I will not say duplicitie) ma­ried hym in the ende to Agasia hys owne daughter.

This Durstus was their next kyng, but for that he had maried a Britton woman, (thoughe she was a kynges daughter) the scots hated hym for the same cause, for which they ought rather to haue liked hym [...]he bet­ter, and therfore not onely traiterously slewe hym: but further to declare the ende of theyr malice, dishenheri [...] as much as in them was, the [...]hes of the same Durstus and A­gasia. Hherupon new warre sprong betwene them and vs, which [...] not vntill they were contented to receyue Edeir to theyr kyng, the [...] in bloud [...] then liuyng, discen­ded from Durstus and Agasia, and thereby the bloud of Britons of the part [...] of the mo­ther, was restored to the crowne of Albania, so that nature whose law is immutable, cau­sed this hand of loue to hold. For shortly af­ter this Edeir attended vpon Castibelane king of Britons, for the repulse of Iulius Cae­sar, as their owne author Boctius confesseth. Who cōmaūded the same as his subiect, but Iulius Caesar after his third arriual by tre [...]son of [...], preuayled against the [...] and thereupon [...] this Eder into scotland, and as [...] mentalies, subdued all the Isle of [...] which, thoughe the liuyng Scottes [...] their head writers confesse that he cause be­yond Callender woode, and call downe Ca­melon, the principall city of Pic [...]tes, and in token of this victory not [...]ere from [...], builded a round Temple [...], which re­mayned in some perfection vnto the raign of our king Edwarde called the first after the Conquest, by whome it was [...], but the monumēt therof remayneth to thys [...].

Marius the son of Ar [...]ragus, being king of all Britaine, in his tyme one Rodericke a Scythian, with a great [...]rable of needy souldi­ours, came to the water of Frithe in Scot­land, which is an arme of the sea, deuidyng Pentland from Fiffe, against whome thys Marius assembled a power, by whiche he slew this Rodericke, and discomfited his peo­ple in Westmerland: but to those that remai­ned in lyfe, he gaue the countrey of Cathenes in Scotlande, which prooueth it to be within hys owne dominion.

Coill the sonne of this Marius, had [...] Lucius, counted the first christiā king of this nacion▪ he conue [...]ed the thrée [...] of this land into Bishoprikes, and ordeyned bishops vnto eche of them: the first remained at London, and his power extended from the farthest part of Cornewall, to Humber wa­ter, the second remayned at Yorke, and hys power stretched from Humber to ye farthest part of all Scotland. The third remayned at Caerles vpō the riuer of Wiske in Glamor­gan in Wales, and his power extended frō Seuerne thorough all Wales. Some write that he made but two, & turned their names to Archbishops, the one to remayne at Can­terbury, the other at Yorke: yet they confesse that [...] of Yorke had iurisdiction through all Scotland, eyther of which is sufficient to proue scotlād to be then vnder his dominion.

Seuerus by birth & Romaine, but in bloud a Briton, and the lineall heire of the body of Androgius, son of Lu [...], and Nephwe of Cas­sibelaine, was shortly after Emperour and king of Britons, in whose tyme the people to whom his auncester Marius gaue the land of Cathenes in Scotland, conspired wyth the Scottes and receyued them from the Isles into Scotland. But hereupon this Seuerus came into Scotland, and méetyng with their fayth and false hartes together, droue them all out of the mayne lande into Isles, the vt­termost bondes of all great Britayne. But notwithstanding this glorious victory, the [Page] Britons considering their seruitude to the Romaines, imposed by treason of Androge­us, auncester to this Seuerus began to hate hym, whome yet they had no tyme to loue, & who in their defence and suretie, had slayne of the Scottes and their confederates in one battaile xxx. thousandes: but such was the cō ­sideration of the common sort in those dayes, whose malice no tyme could deminishe, nor iust desert appease.

Antoninus Bassianus born of a Britō womā, and Geta borne by a Romayn woman, were the sonnes of this Seuerus, who after the death of their father, by the contrary voyces of their people, contended for the crown. Few Britones helde with Bassianus, fewer Ro­maynes with Geta: but the greater number with neither of both. In the ende Geta was slayne, and Bassianus remayned Emperor, against whom Carausius rebelled, who gaue vnto the Scottes, Pichtes, and Scithians, the countrey of Cathenes in Scotland, which they after inhabited, wherby appeareth hys seison thereof.

Coill discended of the bloude of auncient kinges of this land, was shortly after kyng of the Britons, whose onely daughter & heire called Helene, was maried vnto Constanti­us a Romaine, who daunted the rebellion of all partes of great Britayne, and after the death of this Coil, was in ye right of his wife kyng thereof, and raigned in his state ouer them 13. or 14. yeares.

Constantine the sonne of thys Constance, and Helen, was next King of Britons by the ryght of hys mother, who passing to Rome, to receyue the Empyre thereof, deputed one Octauius king of Wales & Duke of the Gwis­ses, (which some expounde to be afterwarde called west Saxons) to haue the gouernemēt of thys dominion. But abusing the kinges innocent goodnesse, thys Octauius defrau­ded thys truste, and tooke vppon himselfe the Crowne, for which traytorys albeit he was once vanquished by Leonine Traheron, vncle to Constantine: yet after the death of thys Traheron, he preuayled agayne and reigned ouer all Briteygne. Constantine beyng nowe Emperour, sent to Maximius his kinseman hether to destroy the same Oc­tauius, whom in singular battail discomfited Octauius, whereupon thys Maximius, aswel by the consent of great Constātine, as by the election of all the Brytons, for that he was a Bryton in bloude, was made King of Bryteigne. This Maximius made war vpon the Scottes and Scythians wythin al Bry­teygne, and cea [...]ed not vntill he had slayne Eugenius theyr King, & expulsed and dryuen them out of the whole bounds of Briteygne. Finally he inhabited al Scotland with Bri­tons, no man, woman nor child of the Scot­tish natiō, suffred to remain within [...]t, which as theyr Hector Boetius saith, was for theyr rebellion, & rebelliō properly could it not be; except they had béene subiectes. He suffered the Pichtes also to remaine his subiects, who made solemne othes to hym after, neuer to erect any peculiar King of theyr owne natiō, but to remaine vnder the olde Empyre, of the onely kyng of Brytons.

About xlv. yeres after this (beyng long time after the death of this Maximius) wyth the helpe of Gonnan or Gonan and Melga, the Scottes newly arriued in Albania, and there created one Fergus the second of that name to be their kyng. But because they were be­fore banished the continent land, they crow­ned him kyng of their auenture in Argile, in the fatall chaire of Marble, the yeare of our Lord, CCCC.xxij. as they write.

Maximian sonne of Leonine Traheron, brother to kyng Coil, and vncle to Helene, was by line all succession next kyng of Bri­tons. But to appease ye malice of Dionothus king of Wales, who also claimed ye kingdō, he maried Othilia eldest daughter of Diono­thus, and afterward assembled a great pow­er of Britons, and entered Albania, inuading Galloway, Mers, Annandale, Pentlande, Carrike, Kyll, and Cuningham, and in bat­taile slew both this Fergus then kyng of Scottes, and Dursius the king of Pichtes, & exiled all their people, out of the continent land: wherupon the few number of Scottes then remainyng on her, went to Argila, and made Eugenius their kyng.

When this Maximian had thus obteyned quietnes in Britain, he departed wt hys cosin Conā Meridocke into Armerica, where they subdued the kyng [...] and depopulated the countrey, which he gaue to Conan his cosin, to be afterward inh [...]bited by Britons by the name of Britayne the lesse: and hereof this realme tooke name of Britayne the greate, which name by consent of forreine writers, in kepeth vnto this day.

After the death of Maximian, dissenti­on beyng betwene the nobles of great Bri­tayne, the Scottes swarmed together again, and came to the wall of Adrian, where thys realme being deuided in many factions, they ouercame one. And hereupon their Hector Boetius, (as an henne that for laying of one egge, will make a great cakelyng) solemnly triumphing of a conquest before the victory, alleageth that herebye the Britons were made tributaries to the Scottes, and yet he [Page 42] confesseth that they wonne no more land, by that supposed conquest, but the same porcion betwene them and Humber, which in the old partitions before, was annexed to Albania. It is hard to be beleued, that such a broken nacion as the Scottes at that tyme were re­turning from banishment within foure yeres before, and since in battaile losing both theyr kinges, and the great number of theyr best men, to be thus able to make a conquest of great Britayne, & very vnlikely if they had cōquered it, they woulde haue left the whote sunne of the East partes, to dwell in the cold snow of Scotlād. Incredible it is, that if they had cōquered it, they would not haue deputed officers in it, as in cases of conquest behoo­ueth. And it is beyonde all beliefe, that great Britayne or any other countrey, shoulde be woon without the comming of any enimy in­to it, as they did not, but taried at the same wall of Adrian. But what néede I speake of these defences, when the same Boetius scant­ly trusteth his owne beliefe in this tale. For he sayeth that Galfride and sundry other au­tentike writers, diuerslye vary frō this part of his story, wherein his owne thought accu­seth his conscience of vntruth: Herein also, he further forgetting how it behooueth a lyer to be myndefull of his assertion in the fourth chapiter next followyng, wholly bewrayeth hymselfe, saying that the confederate kinges of Scottes and Pictes, vpon ciuill warres betwene the Britons which then was folow­yng, hoped shortly to enioy all the lande of great Britayne, from beyond Humber vnto the fresh sea, which hope had bene vayne, and not lesse then voyde, if it had bene their owne by any conquest before.

Constantine of little Britayne, descended from Conan king thereof, cosine of Brutes bloud to thys Maximian, & his nerest heyre was next king of Britayne, he immediately pursued the Scots with warres, & shortly in battaile slue their kyng Dongard, in the first yeare of his raygne, whereby he recouered Scotlande out of their handes, and tooke all the holdes thereof into hys owne custody.

Vortiger shortly after obteined the crowne of Britayne, against whome the Scottes newly rebelled: for ye repressing wherof (mis­trusting the Britons, to hate hym for sundry causes, as one that to auoyd the smoke, doth oft fall into ye fire) receyued Hengest a Saxō, and a greate number of his coūtrimen, with whom & a few Britons, he entered scotland and ouercame them, whereupon they tooke the Isles, which are theyr common refuge. He gaue also much of Scotlande, as Gallo­way, Pentland, Mers and Annandale, with sundry other landes to thys Hengest and his people to inhabite, which they did according­lye. But when thys Hengest in processe of tyme, thirsted after the whole Kingdome, he was banished, and yet afterwarde beyng re­stored, he conspired with the scottes against Aurilambrose the sonne of Constantine, the iust inheritour of this whole dominion. But his vntruth and theirs both were recompen­sed togither, for hée was taken prisoner by Eldulph de Samor a noble man of Bry­teyne, and his heade for his traitory,Some thinke the Seymors to come from this man by li­neal discēt. striken of at the cōmandement of Aurilambros. In the fielde the scottes were vanquished: but Octa the sonne of Hengest was receiued to mercye, to whome and his people this Auril­ambrose gaue the countrye of Galloway in scotlande, for which they became his Sub­iectes: And hereby appeareth that Scotland was then againe in his handes.

Vter called also Pendragon, brother to Aurilambros was next king of ye Britons, a­gaynst whome, these sworne Saxons newe foresworne subiectes (confederate wyth the Scottes) newely rebelled: but by his power assembled against thē in Galloway in Scot­lande, they were discomfited, and Albania a­gaine recouered into his handes.

Arthur the sonne of this Vter begotten be­fore the marriage, but lawfully borne, in ma­trimony succéeded next to ye crowne of great Britayne, whose noble actes, though manye vulgare fables haue rather steigned, then commended: yet al the scottish writers con­fesse, that he subdued great Britayne, & made it tributary to him, & ouercame the Saxons then scattered as farre as Cathenes in scot­land: and in all these warres against them, he had the seruice and obeysance of scottes and Pictes. But at the last settyng their féete in the guilfull paths of their predecessours, they rebelled, & besieged the city of Yorke, Howel king of the lesse Britayne, cosin to king Ar­thur, being therin. But he with an hoste came thither and dyscomfited the Scottes, cha­sed them into a marshe, and besieged them there so lōg, that they were almost famished: vntyll the bishoppes, Abbotes, and men of religion (for as much as they were christened people) besought hym to take thē to his mer­cy and grace, and to graunt them a portion of the same countrey to dwell in vnder euer­lasting subiection. Vppon this he tooke them to hys grace, homage and fealtle: and when they were sworne hys subiectes and liegemē: he ordeyned his kinsmā Anguisan to be their king & gouernor, Vrian king of Islād, & Mu­refrēce king of Orkney. He made an Archbi­shoppe of Yorke also, whose authoritie exten­ded [Page] through all Scotland.

Finally, the said kyng Arthur holding his royall feast at Cairleon, had there all ye kings that were subiectes vnto hym, among the which, Angusian the sayd king of Scots did his due seruice for the realme of Scotlande, and bare kyng Arthurs sworde afore hym.

Malgo shortly after succéeded in the whole kingdō of great Britaine, who vpon new re­sistaunce, newly subdued Ireland, Islande, the Orchads, Norway & Denmarke, & made Ethelfrede a Saxon king of Bernicia, that is, Northumberland, Louthian, and much o­ther land of Scotland, which Ethelfrede by the sword obteyned at the handes of the wil­full inhabitantes, and continued true subiect to this Malgo.

Cadwan succéeded in the kingdom of great Britayne, who in defence of his subiectes the scottes, made warre vppon this Ethelfrede, but at the last they agréed, and Cadwan vpō their rebellion gaue all Scotland vnto this Ethelfrede, which he therupon subdued and enioyed: but afterward in the raigne of Cad­wallo that next succéeded in great Britaine, he rebelled, whereupon the same Cadwallo came into Scotland, and vpon his treason reseized the country into his owne handes, and hauyng with hym all the Viceroyes of Saxōs which then inhabited here as hys sub­iectes, in singuler battaile slew the same E­thelfrede.

Oswald was shortly after by Cadwallōs gift made kyng of Bernicia, and he as sub­iect to Cadwallo, and by his commaundemēt discomfited the Scottes and Pictes, and sub­dued all Scotland. Oswy the brother of thys Oswald, was by the lyke gift of Cadwallo, made next kyng of Bernicia, and he by lyke commaundement newely subdued the scots and Pictes, and held them in that obeysaunce to this Cadwallo, during xxviij. yeres. Thus Cadwallo reigned in the whole monarchy of great Britayne, hauing all the vij. kynges therof, as well Saxōs as others his subiects: for albeit the number of Saxons from tyme to tyme greatly increased, yet were they al­wayes either at the first expelled, or els made tributary to the onely kinges of Britons for the tyme being, as all their owne writers confesse.

Cadwallader was next kyng of the whole great Britayne, he raigned xij. yeres ouer al the kinges thereof, in great peace and tran­quillitie: & then vpon the lamentable death of hys subiectes, which dyed of sundry diseases innumerably, he departed into litle Britaine. His sonne and cosin Iuor and Iue, being ex­pulsed out of england also by the Saxones, went into Wales, where among the Britōs they and their posteritie remayned Princes. Vpon this great alteracion, & warres being through the whole dominion betwene Bri­tons and Saxons; the Scottes thought tyme to slip the coller of obedience, and thereupon entred in league with Charles then kyng of Fraunce establishing it, in this wyse.

1. The iniury of Englishmen done to any of these people, shall be perpetually holden common to both.

2. When Frenchmen be inuaded by En­glishmen, the Scottes shall send their army in defence of Fraunce, so that they be sup­ported with mony and victuals of Fraunce.

3. When Scottes be inuaded by English­men, the Frenchmen shall come vpon theyr owne expences, to their support.

4. None of these people shall take peace or truce with Englishmen, without the aduise of other. &c.

Many disputable opinions may be had of warre, without the praysing of it,Nic [...] Ada [...] as onely admittible by inforced necessitie, and to bée vsed for peace sake onely, where here ye Scots sought warre for the loue of warre only. For their league giueth no benefite to thēselues, either in frée trafique of their owne commo­dities, or benefite of the French, or other pri­uiledge to the people of both: what discōmo­ditie riseth by loosing the entercourse and ex­chāge of our cōmodities (being in necessaries more aboundant then Fraunce,) ye scots féele and we perfectly know. What ruine of theyr townes, destruction of countries, slaughter of both peoples, haue by reason of this bloudy league chaunced, the histories be lamenta­ble to reade, & horrible among christian men to be remembred: but God gaue the increase accordyng to their séede, for as they did here­by sowe dissention, so did they shortly after reape a bloudy slaughter. For Alpine theyr kyng possessing a light mynde that would be lost with a little wynde, hoped by this league shortly to subdue all great Britayne, and to that ende not onely rebelled in his own king­dome, but also vsurped vpon the kingdome of Pictes, wherupon Edwine king of england, made one Brudeus king of Pictes, whom he sent into Scotlād with a great power, where in battail he tooke this Alpine king of Scots prisoner, and discomfited his people: and this Alpine beyng their king found subiect and re­bell, his hed was strikē of at a place in Scot­land, which thereof is to this day called Pa­salpine, that is to say, the hed of Alpine. And this was the first effecte of theyr Frenche league.

Osbright king of england, with Ella hys [Page 43] subiect, and a great number of Britons and Saxons shortly after, for that the Scots ha [...] of thēselues elected a new king, entred Scot­land, and ceassed not his warre against them, vntil their king and people fled into the Iles, with whom at the last vpon their submission, peace was made in this wyse.

‘The water of Frith shalbe March betwene Scots and englishmē in the east partes, and shalbe named the scottish sea.’

‘The water of Cluide to Dunbriton, shal be March in the west partes betwene the Scots and Britones. This castle was before called Alcluide and now Dunbriton, that is to say, the castle of Britons.’ So the Britons had all the landes frō Sterlyng to the Ireland seas, and from the water of Frithe and Cluide, to Cumber, with all ye strengthes and commo­dities therof, and the englishmen had ye lands betwéene Sterlyng and Northumberlande. Thus was Cluide March, betwene scots and Britones on the one side, and the water of Frithe named the Scottish sea, Marche be­twene them and englishmē on the other side, and Sterlyng common March to thrée peo­ple, Britons, Englishmen, and Scottes, and king Osbright had the Castle of Sterlyng, where first he caused to be coyned Sterlyng mony. The English mē also builded a bridge of stone, for passage ouer the water of Frith, in the middes wherof they made a crosse, vn­der which were written these verses.

I am free March, as passengers may ken,
To Scottes, to Britons, and to Englishmen.

Not many yeres after this, Hinguar & Hub­ba, two Danes, with a great number of peo­ple, arriued in Scotland, and slew Constan­tine, whom Osbright had before made kyng [...] whereupon Edulfe or Ethelwulfe then kyng of englād, assembled his power against Hin­guar and Hubba, & in one battaile slue them both, but such of their people as woulde re­mayne and become christians, he suffered to tary, the rest he banished or put to death. &c.

[...]ome.This Ethelwulf graunted the Peter pē [...], of which albeit Peter and Paule had lit [...] néede and lesse right: yet the payment therof continued in this realm euer after vntil now of late yeres, but the Scottes euer since vnto this day, haue, and yet do pay it, by reason of that graunt, which proueth them to be then vnder his obeysaunce.

Alurede or Alfrede succéeded in the kyng­dome of England, and reigned nobly ouer the whole monarchie of great Britayne: He made lawes, that persons excommunicated should be disabled to sue or clayme any pro­pertie, which law Gregour whom this Alu­rede had made king of Scottes obeyed, and the same law as well in Scotland as in En­gland is holden to this day, which also pro­ueth hym to be high lord of Scotland.

Thys Alurede constreyned Gregour king of Scots also, to breake the league with Fraunce, for generally he concluded wyth hym, and serued hym in all his warres, as well agaynst Danes as others, not reseruing or making any exceptiō of the former league with Fraunce.

The sayd Alurede, after the death of Gre­gour, had the lyke seruice and obeysaunce of Donald king of Scottes wyth fiue thousand horsemen, against one Gurmonde a Dane that then infested the realme, and this Do­nald dyed in this faith and obeisaunce wyth Alurede.

Edward the first of that name called Chifod sonne of this Alurede succéeded next kyng of englād, against whom Sithrijc a Dane & the Scottes conspired: but they were subdued, and Constantine their kyng brought to obei­sance. He held the realme of scotland also of kyng Edwarde, and thys doth Marian their owne country man a Scotte confesse: beside Roger Houeden, & Williā of Malmesbury.

In the yere of our Lord 923. the same king Edward was President and gouernor of all the people of England, Cumberland, Scots, Danes and Britones.

King Athelstane in like sort cōquered scot­land, and as he lay in his tentes beside Yorke whylest the warres lasted, the king of Scots fayned hymselfe to be a minstrel, and har­ped before him onely to espy his ordinaunce & his people. But beyng as their writers con­fesse, corrupted with money, he sold his fayth & false hart together to the Danes, and ay­ded them against king Athelstane at sondry times. Howbeit he met wtall their vntruthes at Bre [...]gfield in the west countrey, as is mentioned in the 9. chapter of the first booke of thys description, where hée discomfited the Danes, and slew Malcolme deputie in that behalfe to the king of Scottes: in which battaile, the Scottes confesse themselues to haue lost more people then were remembred in any age before. Then Athelstane folowing hys good lucke, went throughout all scotland and wholy subdued it, and being in possession therof, gaue land there lying in Annādale by his déede, the copy wherof doth followe.

I kyng Athelstane, giues vnto Paulan, Od­dam and Roddam, als good and als faire, as e­uer they mine were, and therto witnes Mauld my wyfe.

By which course wordes, not onely appea­reth ye plaine simplicitie of mens doinges in those dayes: but also a ful proofe that he was [Page] then seized of Scotlande.

At the last also he receyued homage of Mal­colme king of Scottes, but for that he coulde not be restored to his whole kingdome, he en­tered into Religion, and there shortely after dyed.

Then Athelstane for his better assuraunce of that countrey there after, thought it best to haue two stringes to the bowe of their obe­dience, and therefore not onelye constituted one Malcolme to be their king, but also ap­pointed one Indulph, sonne of Constantine the thirde, to be called prince of Scotlande, to whome he gaue much of Scotlande: and for this, Malcolme did homage to Athelstane.

Edmund brother of Athelstane succéeded next king of Englande to whome this In­dulph then kyng of Scottes not only dyd ho­mage, but also serued him wyth ten thousand Scottes, for the expulsion of the Danes out of the realme of Englande.

Edred or Eldred, brother to thys Edmund succéeded next king of Englande,Some re­ferre this to an Ed­ward. he not one­lye receyued the homage of Irise then kyng of Scottes, but also the homage of all the Barons of Scotlande.

Edgar the sonne of Edmund, brother of A­thelstane being nowe of full age, was next kyng of England the reigned onely ouer the whole Monarchie of great Britaine, and re­ceyued homage of Keneth king of Scots for the kingdome of Scotlande, and made Mal­colme prince thereof.

Thys Edgar gaue vnto the same Keneth the countrey of Louthian in Scotland, which was before seized into the hands of Osbright king of England for their rebellion, as is be­fore declared. He enioined this Keneth their king also once in euery yere at certaine prin­cipall feastes (whereat the king dyd vse to weare his crowne) to repaire vnto him into Englande for the making of lawes, which in those daies was done by ye noble mē or peres according to the order of France at this day, To thich end he allowed also sundry lodgings in England, to him & his successours, wher­at to lye & refreshe themselues in their tour­neyes, and finally a péece of ground lying be­side the newe palace of Westminster, vppon which this Keneth buylded a house, that by him and his posteritie was enioyed vntill the reigne of King Henry the seconde, in whose tyme vpon the rebelliō of William thē king of Scottes, it was resumed into the king of Englands handes. The house is decayed, but the grounde where it stoode is called Scot­lande to this day.

Moreouer Edgar made this lawe, that no man shoulde succéede to his patrimonie or in­heritaunce holden by knightes seruice, vntill he accomplished the age of one and twentie yeares, bycause by intendement vnder that age, he shoulde not be able in person to serue hys king and countrey according to the te­nour of his déede and the cōdition of his pur­chase. ‘This lawe was receyued by the same Keneth in Scotlande, and aswell there as in Englande is obserued to this day, which proo­ueth also that Scotlande was then vnder hys obeysaunce.’

‘In the yeare of our Lorde 1974. Kinalde king of Scottes, & Malcolin king of Cum­breland, Macon king of Man, and the Isles, Duuenall bing of southwales, Siferth and Howell kings of the rest of wales, Iacob or Iames of Galloway, and Iukill of westmer­lande, did homage to king Edgar at Chester.’ And on the morow going by water to ye mo­nastery of s. Iohns to seruice and returning home againe, ye said Edgar sitting in a barge & stiering the same vpon the water of Dée, made the sayd kings to rowe ye barge, saying that his successors might well be ioyefull to haue the prerogatiue of so great honour, and the superiority of so many mightie princes to be subiect vnto their monarchie.

Edward the sonne of this Edgar was next king of Englande, in whose tyme this Ke­neth kyng of Scots caused Malcolme prince of Scotlande to be poysoned, wherupon king Edwarde made warre agaynst him, which ceassed not vntill this Keneth submitted him­selfe, and offered to receyue him for prince of Scotlande whome king Edward woulde ap­point: herevpon Edwarde proclaymed one Malcolme to be prince of Scotlande, who immediately came into Englande and there dyd homage vnto the same King Edwarde.

Etheldred brother of thys Edwarde suc­céeded next ouer Englande, against whome Swayn kyng of Denmarke conspired with this last Malcolme then king of Scots: But shortly after this Malcolme sorowfully sub­mitted himself into the defence of Etheldred, who considering how that which coulde [...] be amended must only be repented, benigne­lye receyued him, by helpe of whose seruice at last Etheldred recouered hys realme a­gaine out of the handes of Swayn, and reig­ned ouer the whole Monarchy eyght & thirtie yeares.

Edmund surnamed Ironside sonne of this Etheldred was next king England, in whose tyme Canutus a Dane inuaded the realme with much crueltie, but at last he marryed wt Emme sometime wyfe vnto Etheldred and mother of this Edmund: which Emme as arbitratrix betwéene hir naturall loue to the [Page 44] one and [...] procured such [...] them in the ende, that [...] the realme with Canutus, & kéeping to him­selfe all [...] all the r [...] [...] Humber with the seig­norie of Scotlande to this Canutus▪ wher­vpon Malcolme then king of Scottes after a little customable resist [...]nce & dyd homage to the same Canutus for kingdome of Scotlād, and thus the sayde. Canutus helde the same ouer of this Edmond king of Englande by the lyke seruices.

This Canutus in memorie of his victorie and glorie of his seignorie ouer the Scottes, commaunded this. Malcolme their king, to buylde a Church in B [...]h [...]ha [...] in Scotland (where a fielde betwéene him and them wa [...] fought) to be dedicate to Ol [...]u [...] patrone of Norway and Denmark, which Church was by the same Malcolme accordingly perfour­med.

Edwarde called the confessour sonne of Etheldred and brother to Edmond Ironside was afterward king of england. He toke frō Malcolme king of Scottes his lyfe and hys kingdome, and made Malcolme sonne to the king of Cumbrelande and Northumbreland [...] king of Scottes, who dyd him h [...]age; and fealtie.

Thys Edwarde perused the olde lawes of the realme, and somewhat added to some of them, as to the lawe of Edgar for the ward­shippe of the landes vntyll the heirs shoulde accomplishe the age of one & twentie yeares, he added that the marryage of such heire, shoulde also belong to the Lorde of whom the same lande was holden.

Also that euery woman marrying a frée man, shoulde notwithstanding she had no children by that husbande, enioye the thirde part of his inheritaunce during hir lyfe, with many other lawes which the same Malcolme king of Scottes obeyed. And which aswel by them in Scotlande as by vs in Englande be obserued to this day, and directly prooueth the whole to be then vnder his obeysaunce.

By reason of this law Malcolme the sonne of Duncane next inheritour to the crowne of Scotlande being within age, was by the nobles of Scotlande deliuered as warde to the custome of this king Edwarde, during whose minoritie one Makebeth a Scot tray­terously vsurped the crowne of Scotland, a­gainst whom this king Edward made warre in which the said Makebeth was ouercome and slayne, whervpon ye said Malcolme was crowned king of Scottes at Stone, in the viij. yere of the reigne of this king Edward.

Thys Malcolme by [...] of the sayde n [...] [...] of wardship was marryed vnto Margar [...] the daughter of Edward, sonne of Edmond. Ironside and Agatha, by the dispo­sition of the same king Edward, and at his ful age dyd homage to this king Edward for this kingdome of Scotland.

Moreouer Edwarde of Englande; hauing [...] of his body, and mistrusting that Ma­relde the sonne of [...] of the daughter of Harolde H [...]efoote [...] worlde [...] the ra [...]ne, if he should [...] it to his cosin Edgar Ed [...]g (being thē with­in age) and [...] by the peticion of his [...] [...]ctes, [...] [...]ho before had [...]rne neuer to re­ceiue [...] writing as all [...] clergy writers affirme, [...] the crowd of great Britaine vnto William their duke of Normandie and to his heires, constituting h [...] his heire testamentarie. Also there was proximite [...] in bloude betwéene thē for Emme daughter of Richarde duke of Normandye was wife vnto Etheldred, [...] whom he begat A [...]red and able Edward [...] and this William was sonne of Robert, sonne of Richarde, bro­ther of the whole bloud to in the same E [...]e: whereby appeareth that this William was Heire by tytle and not by [...], albeit that partly to extinguish the mistrust of other ty­tles and partely for the glory of hys [...], he chalenged in the ende; the name of a [...] & hath bene so written euer fith [...]s his a [...]ri [...]ll.

This king William called the conquerour supposed not his conquest perfite, tyll he had lykewyse subdued ye Scots, wherfore to bring the Scottes to iust obeysaunce after hys Co­ronation as heire testamentary to Edward the Co [...]fessour, he entred Scotland, where after a litle resistance made by the Scottes, the sayde Malcolme then their king did ho­mage to hym at Abir [...]ethy in Scotlande for the kingdome of Scotlande, as to hys supe­riour also by means of conquest.

Willyam surnamed Wi [...]us sonne of thys William called the conquerour, succéeded next to the crowne of England, to whom the sayde Malcolme king of Scottes dyd like ho­mage for the kingdom of Scotland. But af­terwarde he rebelled and was by this Wil­liam Rufus slayne in the fielde, where vpon the Scottishmen dyd chose one Donald or Dunwal to be theyr kyng. But this Williā Rufus deposed hym and created Dunkane sonne of Malcolme to be theyr king, who dyd like homage to him: finally this Duncā was slayne by the Scottes & Dunwall restored, who once agayne by this Wylliam Rufus [Page] was deposed, and Edgar sonne of Malcolme & brother to the last Malcolme, was by him made theyr king, who dyd lyke homage for Scotlande to this William Rufus.

Henry called Beauclerke the son of Wil­liam, called the conquerour, after the death of his brother William Rufus, succéeded to the crowne of England, to whome the same Edgar kyng of Scottes dyd homage for Scotland. This Henry Beauclerke married Mawde the daughter of Malcolme king of Scottes, and by hir had issue Mawde after­warde empresse. Alexandre the sonne of Mal­colme brother to this Mawde, was next king of Scottes, he dyd lyke homage for the king­dome of Scotlande to this Henry the first.

Mawde called the empresse daughter and heire to this Henry Beauclerke and Mawde hys wyfe, receiued homage of Dauid bro­ther to hir and to this Alexandre next king of Scottes, before all the temporall men of En­glande for the kyngdome of Scotlande.

Thys Mawde the empresse gaue vnto Dauid in the marriage, Mawd the daughter and heire of Voldosius earle of Huntingdon & Northumberlande. And herein their euasion appeareth, by which they allege that their kinges homages were made for the earle­dome of Huntingdon: for this Dauid was ye first that of their kinges was Earle of Hun­tingdon, which was since all the homages of their kinges before recited, and at the time of thys marryage, and long after the sayde A­lexander his brother was king of Scots: do­ing the homage aforesayde to Henry Bew­clerke.

In the yeare of our Lorde 1136. and firste yeare of the reigne of king Stephen, the said Dauid king of Scottes, being required to doe his homage refused it, for as much as he had done homage to Mawde the empresse be­fore tyme, notwithstanding the sonne of the sayde Dauid dyd homage to king Stephane.

Henry called Fitz emprice, the son of Mawd the emprice daughter of Mawde, daughter of Malcolme king of Scottes, was next king of England. He receyued homage for Scotland of Malcolme, sonne of Henry, sonne of the sayd Dauyd their last king, which Malcolme after thys homage, attended vpon the same kyng Henry in his warres agaynst Lewys then king of Fraunce: whereby appeareth that their Frenche league was neuer renued after the last diuisiō of their countrey by Os­bright king of Englande. But after these warres finished with the Frenche king, this Malcolme being againe in Scotlande rebel­led: wherevppon, king Henry immediate­lye seized Huntingdon, and Northumber­land into hys owne h [...]es by [...] made warres vpon him in Scotland, [...] which the same Malcolme dyed without [...] of hys bodie.

William brother of thys Malcolme [...] next kyng of Scottes, he wyth all the nobled of Scotland, (which could not be now for [...] earledome) did homage to the sonne of thys king Henry the second, wyth a reseruat [...] of the duetie to king Henry the seconde, hys father: also the earledome of Huntingd [...] was as ye haue hearde before thys, forfaited by Malcolme his brother, and neuer after r [...] stored to the crowne of Scotlande.

Thys William king of Scottes, did afterwarde attend vpon the same king Henry the seconde in his warres in Normandie again [...] the Frenche kyng, notwithstanding theyr Frenche league, and then dyd him homage for Scotlande, and thereupon was licensed to depart home in Scotlande, where imme­diately he mooued cruell warre in Northum­berlande against the same king Henry being yet in Normandy. But God tooke the defence of king Henries parte, and deliuered the same William kyng of Scottes into the handes of a fewe Englishmen, who brought him prisoner to kyng Henry into Norman­die, in the tenth yeare of hys reigne. But at the last at the suite of Dauid his brother, Ri­charde Bishop of s. Andrewes and other Bi­shoppes and Lordes, he was put to this fine for the amendement of his trespasse, to paye tenne thousande pounde sterling, and to sur­render all hys lytle of the earledome of Hun­tingdō, Cumberland, and Northumberland, into the handes of thys kyng Henry: which he did in all thinges accordingly, sealing hys charters therof with the great seale of Scot­lande and signettes of hys nobilitie, where in it was also comprised that hée and his suc­cessours, should hold the realme of Scotland of the king of Englande and his successours for euer. And herevpon he once again dyd ho­mage to the same king Henry, which nowe coulde not be for the earledome of Hunting­don, the ryght wherof was alrealdie by hym surrēdred. And for the better assurāce of this faith also, the strengthes of Berwick, Eden­brough, Roxbrough and Striueling were de­liuered into the handes of our king Henry of Englande which their owne writers con­fesse: but Hector Boetius saieth that this tres­passe was amended by fine of twentie thou­sande poundes sterling, & that the earledome of Huntingdon, Cumberland, and Northum­berlande were deliuered as Morgage into the handes of king Henry vntill other tenne thousande poundes sterling shoulde be to him [Page 45] payd, but though the [...], yet [...] he not she that money [...] payde, not the lande otherwise redéemed, or euer [...] to any Scottishe kinges handes. A [...] [...] appeareth that the earledome of Hunting [...] was neuer occasion of the homages of the Scottishe kinges to the kinges of Englande eyther before this tyme or after.

This was done 1175. Moreouer I red this note hereof gathered out of Robertus Mon­tanus that liued in these, and was as I take it cōfessor to king Henry. The king of Scots doth homage to king Henry for ye kingdome of Scotlande and is sent home againe, hys Bishops also did promise to doe the lyke, to the Archebishoppe of Yorke, and to acknow­ledge themselues to be of his prouince & iuris­dictiō. By vertue also of this composition the sayde Robert sayth, that Rex Angliae dabat honores, Episcopatus, Abbatias & alias digni­tates in Scotia, vel saltem eius consilio daban­tur, that is, the king of England gaue, Ho­nors, Bishopricks, Abbateships, & other dig­nities in Scotland, or at the leastwyse they were not giuen without his aduise and coun­sell.

At this tyme Alexander bishop of Rome (supposed to haue general iurisdiction eccle­siasticall thorough Christendome) conferred the whole clergy of Scotland, accordyng to the olde lawes, vnder the iurisdiction of the Archbishop of Yorke.

In the yeare of our Lord 1185. in the month of August at Cairleil. Roulande Talnante lord of Galway, did homage and fealty to the said king Henry with all that held of hym.

In the 22. yeare of the raigne of king Hen­ry the 2. Gilbert sonne of Ferguse prince of Galway, did homage and fealtie to the sayd king Henry, and left Dunecan his sonne in hostage for conseruation of peace.

Richard surnamed Coeur de Lyon, sonne of this Henry was next king of england, to whō the same William king of Scottes dyd ho­mage at Caunterbury for the kyngdome of Scotland.

This king Richard was taken prisoner by the Duke of Ostrich, for whose redemptiō the whole realme was taxed at great summes of money, vnto the which this William king of Scots (as a subiect) was contributory, and payed two M. markes sterlyng.

In the yere of our Lord 1199. Iohn kyng of england, sent to William king of Scottes to come & do his homage, which William came to Lincolne in the moneth of December the same yeare, and did his homage there vpon an hill in the presence of Hubert, Archbishop of Caunterbury, and of all the people there assemble [...], and there was sworne vpon the crosse of the said Hubert: Also he gr [...]ted by his charter con [...]ed, that he should haue the mariage of Alexander hys [...], as hys liegeman, alwayes to hold of the king of eng­land: promising more [...]er that he the sayde king William & his so [...]e Alexander should kepe and hold faith and allegeance to Henry [...] of the sayd king Iohn, as to their chiefe Lord against all maner of men.

Also where as William king of Scots had put Iohn Bishoppe of s. Andrewe out of his Bishopricke, Pope Clemente wrote to Hen­ry kyng of englande, that he shoulde [...] and indure the same William, and if néede were requyre by hys Royall power com­pell hym to leaue his rancour agaynst ye sayd Bishop and suffer him to haue, and occupye his sayde Bishopricke againe.

In the yeare of our Lorde 1216. and fiue and twenty of ye reign of king Henry, sonne to king Iohn, the same king Henry and the Quéene were at Yorke at ye feast of Christ­masse for the solemnization of a marryage made in the feast of s. Stephane the Martir the same yeare, betwéene Alexander king of Scottes, & Margarete the kings daughter, and there the sayde Alexander dyd homage to Henry king of Englande.

In Buls of diuers Popes were admoniti­ons geuē to the kings of Scottes, that they should obserue & truly kéepe all such appoint­ments, as had ben made betwéene the kings of england and Scotland. And that the kings of Scotland should holde the realme of Scot­lande of the kings of englande vpon payne of curse and interditing.

After the deathe of Alexander kyng of Scottes, Alexander his sonne beyng nyne yeres of age, was by the lawes of Edgar, inwarde to king Henry the 3. and by the nobles of Scotland brought to Yorke, and there de­liuered to him. During whose minoritie king Henry gouerned Scotland, and to subdue a commocion in this realme, vsed the ayde of v.M. Scottishmen, but king Henry dyed du­ring the nonage of this Alexander, whereby he receiued not his homage, which by reason and law was respited vntil his full age of xxj. yeares.

Edward the first after the conquest, sonne of this Henry, was next king of england, im­mediately after whose coronation, Alexāder king of Scottes, being then of ful age did ho­mage to hym for Scotlande at Westmin­ster, swearyng as all the reast did after this maner.

I.D.N. king of Scottes shalbe true and faith­full vnto you Lorde E. by the grace of God [Page] king of England, the noble and superior lord of the kingdome of Scotland, and vnto you I make my fidelitie for the same kingdome, the which I hold and claime to hold of you. And I shall beare you my faith and fidelitie of lyfe and limme, and worldly honour against all mē faithfully I shall knowledge and shall doe you seruice due vnto you of the kingdom of Scot­land aforesayde, as God me so helpe and these holy Euangelies.

This Alexander king of Scottes died, lea­uing one only daughter called Margaret for his heire, who before had maried Hanygo, sonne to Magnus king of Norway, which daughter also shortly after died, leauyng one onely daughter her heire, of the age of two yeares, whose custody and mariage by the lawes of king Edgar, and Edward the con­fessour, belonged to Edward the first: wher­vpon the nobles of Scotland were commaū ­ded by our king Edward to send into Nor­way, to conuey this yong Quéene into Eng­land to him, whom he entended to haue mari­ed to his sōne Edward: and so to haue made a perfite vnion betwéene bothe Realmes. Hereuppon their nobles at that tyme con­sidering the same tranquillitie, that many of them haue sithens refused, stoode not vpon shiftes and delayes of minoritie nor contēpt, but most gladly consented, and therupon sent two noble men of Scotlande into Norway, for hir to be brought to this king Edwarde, but she died before their comming thither, & therefore they required nothing but to enioye the lawful liberties that they had quietly pos­sessed in the last king Alexander his tyme.

After the death of this Margaret, the Scots were destitute of any heire to the crown from this Alexander their last king, at which time this Edwarde discended from the bodye of Mawde daughter of Malcolme sometyme king of Scottes, beyng then in the greatest broile of his warres with Fraunce, mynded not to take the possession of that kingdome in his own right, but was contented to establish Balioll to be king therof, the weake title be­twene him, Bruse, & Hastings, being by the humble peticion of all the realme of Scot­land committed to the determination of this king Edward, wherin by autentique writing they confessed the superioritie of the realme, to remaine in king Edward, sealed with the seales of iiij. Bishops vij. earles, and xij. ba­rons of Scotland, & which shortly after was by the whole assent of ye thrée estates of Scot­land, in their solemne Parliament confessed and enacted accordingly, as most euidently doth appeare.

The Balioll in this wise made kyng of Scotlād did immediately make hys homage and fealty at Newcastle vpon saint Fre [...] day (as [...] likewise all the Lordes of Scot­land,) [...]he one setting his hand to the compo­ [...]ion in writing to king Edward of Eng­land for the kingdom of Scotland: but short­ly after defrauding the benigne goodnesse [...] this king Edward; he rebelled, and did [...] much hurt in englande: Hereupon king Ed­ward inuaded Scotland, sea [...]d into his hād [...] the greater part of the countrey, and tooke all the strengthes thereof, whereuppon Baliol king of Scottes came vnto king Edwarde at Mauntrosse in Scotland with a white [...] in his hand, and there resigned the crown [...] of Scotland, with all his right, title, and inte­rest to the same, into the handes of this kyng Edward, and therfore made his Charter in writyng, dated and sealed the fourth yeare of his raigne. All the nobles and gentlemen of Scotlande also repayred to Barwike, and did homage & fealtie to king Edwarde, there becōmyng his subiectes. For the better assu­rance of whose othes also, king Edward kept all the strengths & holdes of Scotland in his owne handes, and hereupon all their lawes, processe; all iudgement, all giftes of a [...]ices and others, passed vnder the name and auto­ritie of king Edwarde. Lelande touchyng the same rehearsall, writeth thereof in this maner.

In the yere of our lord 1295. the same Iohn king of Scottes, contrary to his faith and al­leageaunce, rebelled against king Edward, and came into england, and burnt and slew without all modesty and mercy. Whereupon king Edwarde with a great hoste went to Newcastle vppon Tine, passed the water of Twéede, and besieged Barwike, and gote it. Also he wan the castell of Dunbar, & there were slaine at this brunt 15700. Scots. Then he procéeded further, and gate the Castle of Rokesborow, and the castle of Edēborough, Striuelin and Gedworth, and his people her­ried all the lande.

In the meane season, ye sayd king Iohn of Scots considering yt he was not of power to wtstand ye said king Edward sent his letters and besought him of treatie and peace, which king Edward benignly graunted, and sent to him againe that he should come to the towne of Brethin, and bring thither the great lords of Scotland wt him. The king of england sēt thither Antony Beke, bishop of Durhā, with his royall power to conclude the saide trea­tice: and there it was agréed that ye said Iohn and all the Scottes should vtterly submitte thēselues to the kings will, & to the end ye said submissiō should be performed accordingly, ye [Page 46] king of Scottes laid his sonne in hostage and pledge. There also he made his letters sealed with the common seale of Scotland, by the which he knowledging his simplenes & great offence done to his lord king Edward of eng­lande, by his full power & frée will, yelded vp all the lande of Scotland, with all the people & homage of the same. Then ye said king Ed­ward went forth to sée the mountaines, and vnderstandyng that all was in quyete and peace, he turned to ye Abbey of Stone of Cha­nons regular, where he tooke the stone called the Regall of Scotland, vpō which the kings of Scotland were wont to sitte, at the time of their coronations for a throne, and sent it to the Abbey of Westminster, commaundyng to make a chaire thereof for the priestes that should sing masse at the high altare: which chaire was made, and standeth yet there at this day.

In the yere of our Lord 1296. the king held his Parliament at Barwike: and there he tooke homage singularly of all the lordes and nobles of Scotland. And for a perpetuall me­mory of the same, they made their letters pa­tentes sealed with their seales, & thē the king of england made William Warreine earle of Surrey and Southsaxe, Lord Warden of Scotland, Hugh of Cressingham treasorer, and William Ormesby iustice of Scotland, and foorthwith sent king Iohn to the tower of London, and Iohn Comyn, and the earle Badenauth, the erle of Bohan & other lordes into england to diuers places on this syde of the Trent.

And after that in the yere of our lord, 1297 at the feast of Christmas, the kyng called be­fore him the sayd Iohn king of Scottes, al­though he had committed hym to warde: and saide that he would burne or destroy their ca­stels, townes & landes, if he were not recom­penced for hys costes & damages sustained in the warres, but king Iohn & the other that were inwarde, aunswered that they had no­thing, sith their liues, their deathes, and goods were in his handes. The king vpon that aun­swer mooued with pity, graunted them theyr lyues, so that they would doe their homage & make their othe solemnly at the high altar (in the church of the Abbey of Westminster) vp­pon the Eucharist, that they and euery of thē should holde and kepe true fayth, obedience, and allegiaunce to the said king Edward and his heires kinges of englande for euer. And where the said king of Scots saw the kinges banner of england displayed, he and all hys should draw there vnto. And that neyther he nor any of his from thenceforth should beare armes against the king of england or any of his bloud. Finally, the king rewarding wyth great giftes the sayd king Iohn & his lordes, suffered them to departe. But they went into Scotland alway imagining (notwithstāding this their submissiō) how they might oppresse king Edward and disturbe his realme. The Scottes sent also to the king of Fraunce for succour and helpe, who sent them shippes to Barwike furnished with men of armes, the king of england then beyng in Flaunders.

In the yeare of our lord 1298. the king wēt into Scotland with a great host, and ye Scots also assembled in great number, but the king faught with them at Fawkirke on S. Mary Magdalenes daye, where were slayne lx. M. Scots, and William Walleys that was their captayne fled, who beyng taken after­ward, was hanged, drawen, and quartered at London.

After this the Scottes rebelled agayne, and all ye lordes of Scotland chose Robert Bruis to be king, except only Iohn Cōmyn earle of Carrike, who would not consent thereto be­cause of his othe made to ye king of england. Wherefore Robert Bruis This was done, vpon the 29. of Ian. 1306. slewe hym at Dumfrise, and the same Robert Bruis was crowned at Schone Abbay. Hereupon the king of england assembled a great hoste, and rode thorough all Scotland, and discomfited Robert Bruis, and slue viij. M. Scottes, and tooke the most part of all the lordes of Scot­lande, putting the temporall lordes to death because they were foresworne.

Edward borne at Carnaruan sonne of this Edward, was next king of England, who frō the beginning of his reigne enioyed Scotlād peaceably, dooing in all thinges as is aboue sayde of king Edwarde his father, vntill to­warde the latter ende of his reigne, about which time thys Robert Bruse conspired a­gainst him & with the helpe of a few forsworn Scottes, forswore himselfe king of Scottes. Hereupon this Edward with Thomas earle of Lancaster and many other Lords made warre vpō him about the feast of Mary mag­dalene, the sayde Bruse and hys partakers being already accursed by the Pope for brea­king the truce that he had established betwixt thē ▪ But being infortunate in his first warres against him, he suffered Edwarde the sonne Baliol to proclaime himself king of Scottes, and neuerthelesse héelde forth his warres a­gaynst Bruse, before the ending of which he dyed, as I reade.

Edwarde borne at Windsore sonne of Ed­ward ye second was next king of england at ye age of fiftéene yeares, in whose minoritie the Scots practised with Isabell mother to this Edwarde and wyth Roger Mortymer earle [Page] of the March to haue their homages released, whose good will therin they obtayned, so that for the same release they shoulde pay to thys king Edward thirtie thousand poundes ster­ling in thrée yeares next following, that is to say, tenne thousand pounde sterling yearely. But bicause the nobilitie & commons of this realme woulde not by parliament consent vnto it their king being within age, the same release procéeded not, albeit the Scottes cea­sed not their practises with thys Quéene and Earle. But before those three yeres in which their money (if ye bargaine had taken place) shoulde haue béene payed were exspired, our king Edwarde inuaded Scotlande and cea­sed not the warre vntill Dauid the sonne of Robert le Bruse then by their election king of scotlande absolutelye submytted hymselfe vnto hym. But for that the sayde Dauid Bruse had before by practise of the Quéene and the Earle of Marche, marryed Iane the sister of this king Edward: he mooued by na­turall zeale to his sister, was contented to giue the realme of scotlande to this Dauid Bruse, & to the heires that shoulde be degot­ten of the body of the sayde Iane (sauing the reuersion and meane homages to this king Edwarde and to his owne children) where­with the same Dauid Bruse was right well contented, and therevpon immediately made his homage for scotlande vnto him.

Howbeit shortly after causelesse contey­ning cause of displeasure, this Dauid procu­red to disolue this same estate ta [...]ly, and ther­vpon not onely rebelled in scotlande, but al­so inuaded englande, whylest king Edwarde was occupyed about hys warres in France. But this Dauid was not onely expelled eng­lād in thend, but also thinking no place a suffi­cient defence to his vntrueth, of his owne ac­corde fled out of scotlād: wherby the coūtreis of Annandale, Gallaway, Mars, Teuydale, Twedale, and Ethrike were seased into the king of englandes handes, and new Marches set betwéene englande and scotland at Cock­burnes pathe and Sowtry hedge, which whē this Dauid wēt about to recouer againe, his power was discomfited, and himself by a few englishmen taken and brought into englande where he remayned prysoner eleuen yeres.

Duryng thys tyme, kyng Edwarde en­ioyed Scotlande peaceably, and then at the contemplacion and wery suite of his sorow­full sister wyfe of this Dauid, he was conten­ted once againe to restore him to the king­dome of Scotlande, wherevpon it was con­cluded, that for this rebellion Dauid shoulde paye to king Edward the somme of one hun­dred thousande markes sterling, and thereto destroy all his holdes and fortresses standing agaynst the english borders, & further assure the crowne of scotland to the children of th [...] kyng Edward for lacke of heire of his ow [...] bodye, all which thinges he dyd accordingly. And for the better assurance of his obeisance also, he afterward deliuered into the hāds of king Edward sundry noble men of scotlād in this behalf as his pledges. And this is the ef­fect of the history of Dauid, touching his d [...] ­lings: now let vs sée what was done by Ed­warde Bailioll, whereof our Chronicles doe make report as followeth.

In ye yere of our lord 1326. Edward ye third king of england was crowned at Westmin­ster, and in the 5. yere of his reigne Edward Bailiol right heire to ye kingdome of scotlād came in & claymed it as due to him. Sundry lordes and gentlemen also, which had title to diuers landes there, either by themselues, or by their wiues did ye like, wherupō the sayde Bailiol & they went into scotland by sea, and landing at Kinghorne with 3000. English­men, discomfited 10000. Scottes, and slewe 1200. and thē went forth to Dunfermeline, where the scots assembled against them with 40000. men, and in the feast of s. Laurence, at a place called Gastmore (or otherwyse Gladmore) were slaine v. Erles, xiij. Barōs, a hundred and thrée score knightes, two M. men of armes, and many other, in all xl.M. and there were slaine on the english part but xiij. persons only.

In the eight yere of the raign of kyng Ed­ward, he assembled a great hoste and came to Barwike vpon Twéede, & laid siege thereto To him also came Edward Bailiol king of scots, wt a great power to strength & aide him against the scottes who came out of scotland in foure battailes well armed and arayed.

Edwarde kyng of england, and Edwarde king of scottes, apparelled their people either of them in foure battailes: and vppon H [...] ­lidon hyll, beside Barwike, met these two hostes, and there were discomfited of ye scots, xxv.M. and vij.C. whereof were slayne viij. erles, a thousand and thrée hundred knightes and gentlemen. This victory done, the kyng returned to Barwike, and the towne wyth the castell were yelded vp vnto him.

In the eyght yeare of the reigne of king Edward of englande, Edward Bailiol kyng of scottes came to Newcastell vpon tine and dyd homage.

In the yeare of our Lorde 1346. Dauid Bruys by exhortacion of the king of France rebelled, and came into england with a great hoste vnto Neuilles crosse: But the Archbi­shoppe of Yorke with diuers temporall men, [Page 47] fought wt him and the said king of scots was takē, and William earle Duglas & Morrise earle of Strathorne were brought to Londō, & many other Lords slayne, which wyth Da­uid dyd homage to Edward king of england.

And in the thirtie yere of the kings reigne, and the yeare of our Lorde 1355. the scottes wanne the towne of Barwicke, but not the Castell. Hereupon the king came thither wt a great hoste, and anone the towne was yéel­den without any resistance.

Edwarde Bailiol, considering that God dyd so many marueylous & gracious thinges for kyng Edwarde, at his owne will gaue vp the crowne and the realme of scotland to king Edwarde of england at Rokesborough, by his letters patents.

And anon after the king of england, in pre­sence of all his Lordes spirituall and tempo­rall, let crowne himselfe kyng there of the realme of scotlande, and ordayned all thinges to hys intent, and so came ouer in englande.

Richarde the sonne of Edward, called the blacke prince, sonne of this kyng Edward, was next king of Englande, who for that the sayde Iane, the wyfe of the sayde king Da­uyd of Scotland was d [...]ed without issue, and being enformed how [...] Scottes deuised to their vttermost power to breake the limi­tacion of this inheritance touching ye crowne of scotland, made forthwith war against thē, wherin he brent Edēbrough, spoyled all their countrey, tooke all their holdes, and maintai­ned continually warre against them vnto his death, which was Anno domi. M.CCC.xcix.

Henry the fourth of that name was next kyng of englande, he continued these warres begun against them by king Richard, & ceas­sed not vntyll Robert king of scots (the third of ye name) resigned hys crowne by appoint­ment of this kyng Henry, and deliuered hys sonne Iames beyng then of the age of nyne yeares, into his handes to remayne at his cu­stodie, wardship and disposition, as of his su­periour Lord, according to the olde lawes of king Edwarde the confessour. All this was done Anno dom. M.CCCC.iiij. which was within fiue yeares after the death of kyng Richarde: This Henry the fourth reigned in this state ouer them fouretéene years.

Henry the fift of that name sonne to thys king Henry the fourth was next king of eng­land. He made warres against ye french king, in all which this Iames then king of scottes attended vpon him as vpon his superior lord, with a conuenient number of scots, notwith­standing their league with fraunce. But this Henry reigned but nine yeares, whereby the homage of this Iames their king (hauing not fully accomplished the age of one and twen­tye yeares) was by reason and lawe respited. Finallye the sayd Iames wyth dyuers other lordes attended vpon the corpes of the sayde saide Henry vnto Westminster, as to his du­tie appertayned.

Henry the sixt, the sonne of this Henry the fift, was next king of englande to whome the seignorie of scotlande and custodye of thys Iames by right lawe and reason discended, marryed the same Iames king of scottes to Iane daughter of Iohn earle of Sommerset, at s. Mary [...]er Ise in south [...]arke, and tooke for the value of thys marryage, the summe of one hundreth thousand markes sterling.

This Iames king of scottes at his full age, did homage to the same king Henry the sixt, fo [...] the kingdome of scotland at Wynd­sore, in the moneth of Ianuary.

Since which tyme vnto the dayes of king Henry the seauenth, graundfather to our so­uereigne lord that now is, albeit this realme hath béene molested with diuersitie of titles, in which vnméete tyme neither lawe nor rea­son admit prescription to the preiudice of any ryght: yet did king Edwarde the fourth next king of englande by preparation of war [...]e a­gainst the scottes in the latter ende of hys reigne, sufficiently by al lawes indure to the continua [...]e of his claime to the same supe­rioritie ouer them.

After whose death, vnto the beginning of the reigne of our souereigne lorde king Hen­ry the eight, excéeded not the number of xxvij yeares, about which tyme the impediment of our clayme of the scottes part, chaunced by the nonage of Iames their last king, which so cont [...]d the space of one & twentie yeres. And like as his minoritie was by all law and reason an impediment to himself to make ho­mage, so was the same by like reasō an impe­diment to ye king of this realme to demaunde any, so that the whole time of intermission of our claime in the time of the sayde king Hen­ry the eyght, is [...] vnto the number of thirtéene yeres, & thus much for this matter.

Of the wall sometime buylded for a parti­cion betweene Englande and the Pictes. Cap. 17.

HAuing hitherto discoursed vpon the title of the kings of england, vnto the scottish kingdome. I haue nowe thought good to adde hereunto the description of the wall that was in times past, a limite vnto both the sayde re­gions, & therefore to be touched in this first booke as generallye apperteinent vnto the e­state, [Page] of the whole Islande.

The first beginner of the Picts walThe first author and beginner therefore of this wall was Hadriane the emperour, who as Aelius Spartianus sayth, erected the same of foure score miles in length, to deuide the bar­barous Brytons from the more ciuile sort, which thē were generally called by the name of Romaines.

The fini­sher of the wall.After hys tyme Seuerus the emperour cō ­ming againe into this Isle, (where he had ser­ued before in repression of the tumultes here begun, after ye death of Lucius) amongst other thinges he finished the wall that Hadriane had begunne and extended it euen vnto the the west sea, that earst went no farder then foure score myles, from the east part of the Ocean, as I haue noted already. It is wor­thy ye noting how that in thys voyage he lost 50000. men in the scottish side, by one occa­sion and other, which hinderaunce so incen­sed him, that he determined vtterlye to extin­guish theyr memory from vnder heauen, and had so done in déede, if his life had indured but vntill another yeare. Sextus Aurelius wri­ting of Seuerus, addeth howe that the percell of the wall,The wall goeth not streight by a line but in and out in many places. which was left by Hadriane, and finished by this prince, conteyned two & thir­tye miles, whereby the bredth of this Island there, and length of the wall conteyneth on­lye 112. miles, as maye be gathered by hys wordes, but chiefly for the length of the wall Spartianus who touchting by it among o­ther thinges saieth of Seuerus as followeth, ‘Brittaniam (quod maximum eius imperij de­cus est) muro per transuersam insulam ducto, vtrin (que) ad finē Oceani muniuit,’ that is, he for­tified Brytaine (which is one of the chiefe acts recorded of his time) with a wall made ouer­thwart the Isle, that reached on both sides e­uen to the very Ocean.

The stuffe of the walThat this wal of stone also, the ruines ther­of which haue ministred much matter to such as dwell nere therunto in their buildinges is triall sufficient. Hereby in lyke sorte it com­meth to passe, that where the soile about it is least inhabited, there is most mention of the sayde wall, which was wroughte of squared stone, as vnto this day may euidently be con­firmed. Howbeit this Wall was not the one­lye partition betwene these two kingdomes, sith Iulius Capitolinus in vita Antonini Pij doth write of another that Lollius Vrbicus did make beyond the same, of Turffe, which ne­uerthelesse was often throwen downe by the scottes,Two o­ther wals. and eftsoones repayred againe vntill it was geuen ouer and relinquished altoge­ther. The like mudde wal hath bene séene al­so within the wall about an arrow shot from that of stone, but how farre it went, as yet I cannot finde, this onely remayneth certaine, that the wall made by Hadrian and Seuerus was ditched with a notable ditch, [...] and a ram­pire made theron in such wise, that the scot­tish aduersary had much adoe to enter & scale the same in his assaults. Betwixt Thirlewal, and the Northe Tine, are also in the waste groundes, manye parcelles of that walle yet standing, wherof the common people doe babble many thinges. Beginning therefore with the course thereof, from the west sea, [...] I finde that it runneth frō Bolnesse to Burgh, about foure miles, and likewise from thence within halfe a mile of Caerleil, and lesse on the north side, and beneath the confluence of the Peder and the Eden. From hence it go­eth to Terreby a village about a myle from Caerleil, then thorow the Barrony of Lin­stocke, and Gillesland, on the north side of the riuer Irding or Arding, & a quarter of a mile from the Abbey of Leuercost. Then 3. myles aboue Leuercost, and aboue the confluence of Arding, and the Pultrose becke (which deui­deth Gillesland in Cumberlande, from south Tindale in Northūberland) it goeth to Thirl­wall castle, thē to the Wall towne, next of all ouer the riuer to Swensheld, Carraw (per­aduenture Cair [...]ren) tower, to Walwijc, and so ouer south Tine, to Cockely tower, Portgate, Halton sheles, Winchester, Rut­chester, Heddon, Walhottle, Denton, and to Newcastle, where it is thought that s. Nicho­las churche standeth on the same. Howbeit, Leland sayth, that it goeth within a myle of Newcastle, and thē crooketh vp toward Tin­mouth vnto Wallesende, so called because the aforesaid wall did ende at the same place. And thus much I read of the Pictish wal. As for the Romaine coyne that is often found in the course thereof, the curious brickes about the same nere vnto Carleil, beside the excel­lent Cornellines and other costlye stones al­ready entailled for Seales oftentymes takē vp in those quarters, I passe thē ouer as not incidēt to my purpose. In like maner I wold gladly also haue set downe the course of Of­faes ditch: but forasmuch as ye tractatiō ther­of is not to be referred to this place, because it is not a thing generall to ye whole Island, I omitte to speake of that also. Yet thus much will I note here by the reporte of one (who saith how he did tread it out) that he followed it from the Dée to Kyrnaburgh hill thorow Treuelach forrest, by east af Crekith, Cauch hil, Mountgomery castle, the new castle and Discoid, & hauing brought it hitherto, either lost it, or sought after it no further, & so much of such thinges as concerne the generall e­state of the whole Island.

The second Booke[?] and the hystoricall de­scription of Britaine [...]

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Of ryuers and waters that lose their before they come at the sea. Cap. 1.

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The Colne is a fayre riuer [...] [Page] once past Seuingham, crosseth a brooke from southeast that mounteth about Ashebyry and receyuing a ryll from by west, (that com­meth from Hinton) beneath Shrineham, it afterward so deuideth it selfe, that the armes therof include Inglesham, and by reason that it falleth into the Isis at two seuerall places, there is a pleasant Islande producted, wher­of let thys suffise.

Lenis.Beyng past Lechelade a mile, it runneth to S. Iohns bridge, & thereabout méeteth wyth ye Leche, on the left hande. This brooke wher­of Lechlade taketh the name (a towne wher­vnto one péece of an olde Vniuersity is ascri­bed, which it dyd neuer possesse, more then Crekelade did the other) ryseth east of Hāp­net, frō whence it goeth to Northlech, Estē ­ton, Anlesworth, east Leche, south Thorpe, Farendon and so into the Isis. From hence thys famous water goeth by Kēskot toward Radcote bridge, (taking in the rill that riseth in an odde péece of Barkeshyre, and runneth by Langford) & being past ye said bridge, (now notable thorowe a conspiracye, made there sometimes by sundrye Barons against the estate) it is not long eare it crosse two other waters, both of thē descending from another adde parcell of the saide countie, whereof I haue this note gyuen me for my further in­formation. There are two falles of water in­to Isis, beneath Radcote bridge, whereof the one commeth from Shilton, in Barkeshire by Arescote, blacke Burton and Clarrefield. The other also riseth in the same piece and runneth by Brisenorton vnto Bampton, and there receyuyng an armelet from the first that break of at Blackeburton, it is not long ore they fall into Isis, and leaue a pretye I­land. After these confluences, the main course of the streame,winrush. hasteth by Shifford to New­bridge, where it ioyneth with the Winrush.

The Winrush ryseth aboue Shyeburne, in Glocestershyre, frō whence it goeth to Win­rush, and comming by Barringtō, Burford, Widbroke, Swinbeck castel, Witney, Duc­kington, Cockthorpe, Stanlake, it méeteth wyth the Isis west by south of Northmore. From hence it goeth beneath Stantō, Har­tingcourt and Ensham, betwéene which and Cassenton,Briwerue it receyueth as Lelande calleth it the Bruerne water.

It ryseth aboue Limington, and going to Norton in the Marshe, and thorowe a patche of Worcester shire vnto Euenlode, betwene [...] and the foure shyre stones,Comus. it taketh in a rill called Come, comming by the Long and the little Comptons. After this also it goeth by Bradwell, Odington, and so to Bleddenton, aboue which towne, it taketh in the Rolriche water, that issueth at two heades, in ye hilles that lie by west of little Rolriche, and ioyne aboue Kenkeham, and Church hill. [...] From thēce also it goeth vnto Bruerne, Shiptō vn­derwood, Ascot, Short hamton, Chorlebury, Cornebury parke, Stonfielde, Longcombe, and south east of Woodstocke parke, taketh in the Enis, that riseth aboue Emstone, [...] and go­eth to Cyddington, Glymton, Wotton (wher it is increased wyth a rill (that runneth the­ther frō Steple Barton, by the Béechia trée) Woodstocke, Blaydon, so that after this con­fluence, the sayde Enys runneth to Cassentō and so into the Isis, which goeth frō hence to Oxforde, and there receiueth the Charwell, now presently to be described. [...]

The heade of Charwell is in northampton shyre, where it ryseth out of a little poole, by Charleton village, seauen miles aboue Ban­berye northeast, and there it issueth so fast at the verye surge, that it groweth into a pretye streame, in maner out of hand. Sone after al­so it taketh in taketh in a rillet called ye Bure, [...] which falleth into it, about Ormere side, but forasmuch as it ryseth by Bincester, ye whole course thereof is aboue foure myles, and therefore cannot be great. A friende of myne prosecuiting the reast of this description re­porteth thereof as followeth.

Before the Charwell commeth into Oxforde shyre, it receiueth the Culen, which falleth in­to the same, a lyttle aboue Edgecote, & so dys­cēding toward Wardington, it méeteth with another comming from by northwest, be­twéene Wardington & Cropredy. At Ban­burye also it méeteth wyth the Come (which falleth from Fenny Cōton by Farneboro, [...] and afterwards going by Kings Sutton, not farre from Ayne, it receiueth the discharge of dyuers ryllettes, in one bottome before it come at Clifton. The sayde water therefore ingendred of so many brookelettes, consisteth chiefly of two, whereof the most southerly cal­led Oke, commeth from Oke Norton, [...] by Witchington or Wiggington, and the Ber­fords, and carying a few blind rilles withal, doth méete with the other that falleth from by northwest into the same, within a myle of Charwell. That other as I con [...]ture, is in­creased of thrée waters, [...] whereof eache one hath his seuerall name, the first of them ther­fore, height Cudo, which comming betwéene Epwell and the Lée by Toddington, ioyneth about Broughton with the seconde that run­neth from Hornetō, named Ornus, as I gesse. [...] The last falleth into the Tude or Tudelake, beneath Broughton and for that it riseth not far from Sotteswel in Warwijcshyre, [...] some are of the opinion, that it is to be called Sot­broke, [Page 49] [...] [Page] beneath receyueth the Kenet that commeth therinto from Readyng.

Cenethus.The Kenet ryseth aboue Ouerton, v. or vj. myles west of Marleborow, or Marlingsbo­row as some call it, and then goyng by Fy­feld, Clatford, Maulon, and Preshute, vnto Marlebury, it holdeth on in lyke order to Ramsbury, and northwest of little Cote, ta­keth in a water by north descending from ye hils aboue Alburne chase, west of Alburne town. Thence it rūneth to little cote, Charn­ham stréete, and beneth Charnham stréete, it crosseth the Bedwin, which (taking ye Chalk­burn ril withal) cōmeth frō great Bedwijne, & at Hūgerford also,Bedwijne. Chalkes burne. two other in one botom somewhat beneth the towne. From hence it goeth to Auington, Kinbury, Hamsted mar­shall, Euburne, Newbery, and beneath thys towne,Lamburne taketh in the Lamburne water that cōmeth by Isbiry, Egerston, the Sheffords, Westford, Boxford, Donington Castle, and Shaw. From Newbery it goeth to Thatchā, Wolhampton, Aldermaston, a little aboue which village, it receyueth the Alburne, an other broke increased wt sundry rilles,Alburnus. & thus goyng on to Padworth, Oston, and Michael, it commeth at last to Readyng, where as I sayd it ioyneth with the Thames, and so they go forward as one by Sonning to Shiplake, and there on the east side receyue the Lod­don that commeth downe thither from the south, as by his course appeareth.

Lodunus.The Loddon ryseth in Hamshire betwéene west Shirburne, and Wootton, towarde the southwest, afterwarde directyng his course toward the northwest, thorowe the vine, it passeth at the last by Bramley, and thorow a piece of Wiltshire to Stradfield, Swallow­field, Arberfield, Loddon bridge, leauyng a patch of Wiltshire on the right hande, as I haue bene informed. This Loddon not farre from Turges towne, receyueth two waters in one botome, whereof the westerly called Basingwater, commeth from Basingstoke, and thorow a parke vnto the aforesaid place. The other descendeth of two heds, from Ma­pledour well, and goeth by Skewes Newen­ham, Rotherwijc, and ere it come at Hartly, ioyneth with the Basing water, from whēce they goe togyther to Turges, where they méete with the Loddon, as I haue sayd alre­dy.Diris va­dum. The next streame toward the south is cal­led Ditford brooke. It ryseth not farre from Vpton, goeth by Gruell and beneath Wha­rnborow castle,Ikelus. receyueth the Ikell (cōmyng from a parke of the same denomination) frō whence they go togither by Maddingley vn­to Swalowfield, [...]luci [...]. and so into the Loddon. In this voyage also, the Loddon méeteth with the Elwy or Eluey that commeth from [...] der share, not farre by west of [...] and about Eluctham, likewyse with another cō ­ming from Dogmansfield, named ye De [...]ke, [...] and also the third not suferior to the rest, [...]ō ­nyng from Er [...], whose head is in Surrey; [...] and goyng by Ashe, becommeth a [...], first betwene Surrey & Hamshire, then betwene Hamshire and Barkeshire, and passyng by Ashe, Erynley, blackewater, Yer [...]y, & Fin­ [...]amsted, it ioyneth at last with the Ditford, before it come at Swalowfield. [...] therfore with our Loddon, ha [...]ng receiued all these waters, and after the last [...] with thē now beyng come to Loddon bridge, it passeth on by a part of Wiltshire to T [...] ­forde, then to Wargraue, and so into the Thames that now is merueilously intre [...] ­sed and grown vnto triple greatnesse to that it was at Oxford Being therfore past Ship­lake and Wargraue, it runneth by Horse­penden or Hardyng, then to Henley vpon Thames, where sometyme a great will voy­deth it selfe in the same. Then to Remēham; Greneland (goyng all this way from Ship­lake iust north, and now turnyng eastwards agayne) by Medenham, Hurley, Bysham, Marlow the greater, Marlow the lesse,Vse it mée­teth with a brooke soone after that consisteth of the water of two rilles, whereof the [...] called the Vse, ryseth about west Wickham out of one of the Chiltern hils, and goeth frō thence to east Wickham or high Wickham, a prety market towne. The other named Higden,Hig [...] descendeth also from those moun­taynes, but a myle beneath west Wickham; and ioyning both in one at ye last in the west ende of east wickham town, they go togyther to Wooburn, Hedsor, and so into ye Thames. Some call it the Tide and that word do I vse in my former treatise, but to procéede. After this confluence, our Thames goeth on by Cowkham, Topley, Maydenhead (aliâs Sud­lington) Bray, Dorney, Clure, new Wind­sore, (takyng in neuerthelesse, at Eaton by ye way, the Burne which riseth out of a Moore, and commeth thither by Burneham) olde Windsor, Wrayborow, and a little by east therof, doth crosse the Cole, whereof I finde this short description ensuyng.

The Cole riseth néere vnto Flamsted, frō whence it goeth to Redburn, S. Mighels,Col [...], Ve [...] Vert [...] S. Albons, Aldēham, Watford, and so by More to Richemansworth, where there is a conflu­ence of thrée waters, of which this Cole is the first.Gadus. The second called Gadus riseth not farre from Asheridge, an house or pallace be­longyng to the prince. From whence it run­neth to great Gaddesden, Hemsted, betwene [Page 50] [...] [Page] called Brane, that is in the Britissh tong (as Leland saith) a frogge. It riseth about Edge­worth, and commeth from thence by Kinges­biry, Twiford, Peri [...]ll, Hanwell, and Au­sterley. Thence we followed our riuer to old Brētford, Mortlach, Cheswijc, Barnelmes, Fulham and Putney, beneth which townes it crossed a becke from Wandlesworth, that ryseth at Woodmans turne, and goyng by Easthalton, méeteth another comming from Croydon by Bedington, and so goyng on to Mitcham, Marton Abbey & Wandlesworth, it is not long ere it fall into the Thames. Next vnto this is the Maryburne rill on the other side,Mariburn which commeth in by Saynt Iames, so that by this tyme we haue eyther brought the Thames, or the Thames con­ueighed vs to London, where we rested for a season to take viewe of the seuerall tydes there, of which ech one differeth frō other, by 24. minuts, that is 48. in an whole day, as I haue noted afore, except the wether alter thē. Beyng past London, and in the way toward the sea: the first water that it méeteth with al, is on Kent side, west of Grenewich, whose hed is in Bromley parish, and goyng from thence to Lewsham, it taketh in a water frō by east, & so directeth hys course foorth right vnto the Thames.

Lée.The next water that it méeteth withall, is on Essex side, almost agaynst Woolwiche, and that is the Lée, whose hed rileth shorte of Kempton in Hertfordshire, 4. myles south east of Luton, and goyng thorowe a péece of Brokehall park (leauing Woodhall park, on the north, and Hatfield on the south, with an other park adioyning) it goeth toward Hart­ford towne. But ere it come ther, it receiueth a water (peraduenture the Marran) rising at northwest in Brodewater hundred frō a­boue Welwin,Marran. northeast of Digeswell, & go­ing to Hartingfeld bury, wher the said cōflu­ence is within one mile of the towne. Beneth Hatfield also it receyueth the Beane (as I gesse) commyng from Boxwood by Bening­ton,Beane. Aston, Watton, and Stapleford, and a little lower, the third arme of increase from aboue Ware, which descēdeth frō two heds: whereof the greatest commeth from Barke­way in Edwinster hundred, the other from Sandon in Oddesey hundred, and after they be met beneth little Hornemeade, they goe togither by Pulcherchurche, or Puckriche, Stonden, Thunderydge, Wadesmill, Ben­ghoo and so into the Lée, which from hence runneth on tyll it come at Ware, and so to Amwell, where on the north side it receiueth the water that commeth from little Hadhā, thorow a péece of Singleshall parke, then by great Hadham, and so from Midford to the aforesayde towne. From hence also they go as one to olde Stanstede called le veil, draunchyng in such wyse ere it come there, that it runneth thorow the towne in sundry places. Thence it goeth forth to Abbots St [...]sted, beneath which it méeteth wyth the Stoure, west as I remember, of Roydon. This Sture riseth at Wenden lootes, [...] from whence it goeth to Langley, Claueryng, Berden Manh [...]en, & Byrcheanger (where it receyueth a ryll commyng from Elsing [...] & Stansted Mount [...]tcher.) Thence it hy [...] on to bishoppes Stourford, Sakrichworth, and beneath this town, crosseth with another frō the east side of Elsingham, that goeth to Hatfield Brodock, Shityng, Harlo, and [...] into the Stoure, and from whence they goe togither to Estwyc, Parmedon, and next in­to the Lée. These thinges beyng thus perfor­med, the Lée runneth on beneth Hoddesdon, Broxburne, Wormley, where a water brea­keth out by west of the maine streame, a [...] lower then Wormely it selfe, but yet within the paroche, and is called Wormeley locke. It runneth also by Cheston Nunry, and out of this a little beneath the sayde house, brea­keth an arme called the Shirelake, bicause it deuideth East [...] and Hartford shires [...] sunder, and in the length of one medow cal­led Frithey, this lake rūneth not but at great [...], and méeteth againe with a succor of ditchwater, at a place called Hockesdich, half a myle from his first breakyng out, and half myle lower at Mar [...]h point, wyneth agayne with the streame from whence it came be­fore. Thence commeth the first arme to [...] Mauly bridge (the first bridge westward vp [...] that ryuer) vppon Waltham causey, and halfe a myle lower then Mauly bridge at the corner of Ramney meade, it méeteth with the kinges streame, and principal course of Luy or Lée, as it is commonly called. The second principall arme breaketh out of the kynges streame at Hallyfielde halfe a myle lower then Cheston Nunnery, and so to the fullyng mill and two bridges by west of the kynges streame, where into it falleth about a stones cast lower at a place called Malkins shelf, [...] ­cept I was wrong informed. Cheston and Harfordshire men say, do say that the kings streame at Waltham, doth part Hartford­shire and Essex, but the Essex men by forrest charter do plead their liberties to holde vnto S. Maulies bridge. On the east side also of ye kinges streame breaketh out but one princi­pall arme at Halifield, thrée quarters of a myle aboue Waltham, and so goeth to the corne myll in Waltham, and then to ye kings [Page 51] streame agayne, a little beneath the kynges bridge. From hence the Lée runneth on till it come to Stretforde Langthorne, where it brauncheth partly of it selfe, and partly by mans industry for mils. Howbeit herein the dealyng of Alfrede sometyme king of Eng­land, [...]de. was not of smallest force, who vnder­standyng the Danes to be gotten vp wyth their ships into the countrey, there to kil and slay, by the conduct of this ryuer: he in the meane tyme before they could returne, dyd so mightely weaken the mayne chanell by drawyng great numbers of trenches from the same, that when they purposed to come back, there was nothyng so much water left as the ships dyd draw, wherfore being set on ground, they were soone fired, and the aduer­saries ouercome. Finally beyng past West­ham, it is not long ere it fal into ye Thames. One thyng I read more of this riuer before the conquest, that is, how Edward the first, & sonne of Alfrede, builded Hartford towne v­pon it, in the yeare of grace 912. at which tyme also he had Wittham a town in Essex in hande as hys sister called Aelflede repay­red Oxford and London, and all this 4. yeres before the buildyng of Maldon. But concer­nyng our ryuer it is noted, that he buylded Hertford or Herudford betwene 3. waters▪ that is, the Lée, the Benefuth, and Me [...] ­ran, but how these waters are distinguished in these dayes, as yet I cannot tell. It is pos­sible, that the Bene may be the same which commeth by Beningtō and Bengh [...], which if it be so, then must the Memmarran be the same that descendeth from Whit wel, for not farre from thence is Branfield, which might in tyme post right well be called Marran­field, for of lyke inuersion of names I coulde shew many examples.

[...]on or [...]mus.Beyng past the Lée (whose chanell is be­gun to be purged 1576. with further hope to bring the same to the northside of London▪ we come vnto the Rodon, vpon Essex side in lyke maner, and not very farre (for [...] is the most) from the fall of the Lée. This water ryseth at little Canfielde, from [...]ence it goeth to great Canfield, high R [...] dyng▪ Eythorpe Roding, Ledon Rodyng, White Rodyng, Beauchampe Roding, [...] feld, [...]er. Shelley, high Ongar, and Cheyyng Ongar, where the Lauer falleth into it, that ariseth betwixt Matchyng and high Lauer, and takyng another rill withall commyng from aboue Northweld at Cheping Ongar, they ioyne I say with the Rhodō, after which confluēce, Leland coniectureth that ye streame is called Iuel: [...]us. for my part, I wote not what to say of it, but hereof I am sure that ye whole course beyng past Ongar; it goeth to Stan­sted riuers, The [...] [...], Heybridge, Chigwell, W [...]dford bridge, Ilforde bridge, Backyng and so into the Thames.

The Darwent mée [...]eth with our sayde Thames vpon Ken [...]s side,Darwent. two [...]yles and more beneth Erith. It riseth at Tanridge, or the [...]bantes, as I haue bene informed by Christofer Saxtons Card late made of the same and all the seuerall shyres of England at the infinite charges of six Thames Sack­forde might, and maister of the requestes, whose [...] vnto his countrey herein & can­not but remember, and so much the rather­forth that he meaneth to imi [...]te Ortelius, and somewhat beside this hath holpen me. In the names of the townes, by which these ryuers doe run. Mould to God hys plats were ones finished. [...] to procéede. The Darwent I say, rising at [...]ridge, goeth on by Tit [...]y toward Br [...]ted, and receiuyng on eche side of that towne (and seueral bankes) a riuer or rill, it goeth on to Nockhold, Shorehā, Kent­ford, Horton, Darnehith,Craye. Dartford or Der­wentford, and there takyng in the Cray on the left hand that commeth from Orpington by [...]ary Cray, Powles Cray, North Cray, and Cray [...]e, it is not long ere it fall into the Thames.

The next water that falleth into the Thames, in west of the [...] Isles, a [...]ill of no great [...], neyther long course, for ri­sing about Coringham, it runneth not many miles east & by south, ere it fall into ye mouth of this riuer, which I doe now describe.

The chiefe hed of this streame, ryseth in Wood forrest, southwest of East grenested,Medeuius. This ri­uer is de­scribed al­redy, but here with more dili­gence, bet­ter helpe, and after their opi­nion that accompt it not to fall into the sea but in­to ye Tha­mes. & goyng by Hartfield and Whetelin, it recei­ueth a rill from the second hed, that commeth in from south east, and eyther from the north side of Argas hill, or at the lest wise out of the south part of Waterdon forrest, as Saxton hath set it downe. After this confluence it is not long ere it take in another by west from [...]owden warde, and the third aboue Pen­sher [...], growing frō two heds, wherof one is in Kingfield parke, the other west of Craw­herste [...] ioyning aboue Edinbridge, it doth fall into the Midway beneth He [...]er towne, & Chid [...] [...]. From Penhirst our [...] stream [...]steth to Kigh, Eunbridge, & Twid­ley, and beneth the towne, it crosseth a water from North, whereof one hed is at the Mote, another at Wroteham, the thirde at west Peckham, and likewyse an other from south east, that runneth east of Capell. Next after this it receiueth the These, whose forked hed is at Tisehirst, which descendyng downe to­ward the north, taketh in not frō Scowy [Page] a brooke out of the northside of Waterdē fo­rest, whose name I find not except it be the Dour. After this confuence our ryuer goeth to Goldhirst, and commyng to the Twist, it brauncheth in such wyse that one parte of it runneth into Midwaye, another into the Ga­ran or rather Cranebrooke, if my coniecture be any thyng.Garunus. Cranus. The Garan as Leland calleth it, or the Crane as I do take it, rise [...]h nere to Cranebrooke, and goyng by Sissinghirst, it receyueth ere long one water that commeth by Fretingdon, and another that runneth from great Charde by Sinerdon & Hedcorn, crossing two rils by the way from by north, Hedcorne it selfe standing betwene thē both. Finally, the Garan or Crane méetyng with the Midway south of Yallyng, they on ye one side, and the These on the other, leaue a pre­ty Island in the midst, of foure miles in lēgth and two miles in bredth, wherin is some hil­ly soyle, but neyther towne nor village, so far as I remember. From Yalling forward, the Midway goeth to west Farlegh, east Far­legh, and ere it come at Maidstone, it enter­tayneth a rill that riseth short of Ienham, & goeth by Ledes and Otterinden. Being past Maidstone, the Midway runneth by Alling­ton, Snodland, Hallyng, Cuckstane, Roche­ster, Chatham, Gillingham, Vpchurch, and sone after braunching, it embraceth ye Grene at hys fall, as his two heds do Ashdon forest, that lyeth betwene them both. I would haue spoken of one creke that cōmeth in at Cliffe, and another that runneth downe from Halt­sto by S. Maries, but sithe I vnderstand not with what backewaters they be serued, I let them passe as not skilfull of their courses. And thus much of the riuers that fal into the Thames, wherin I haue done what I may, but not what I would for myne owne satisfa­ction, till I came from the hed to Lechelade.

Auon 2.Being passed the Thames and hauing as I thinke sufficiently in my former treatise de­scribed all such waters as are to be found be­twéene the Stoure in Kent, & Auon in Wilt­shire, it resteth that I procéede with this ry­uer, and here supply many thinges that I be­fore omitted, although not by mine owne o­uersight so much as by the abuse of such as shoulde haue better preserued the pamphlets to be inserted. Certes this Auon is a goodly riuer rysing as I sayde before néere vnto Wolfe hall, although he that will séeke more scrupulouslye for the head in déede, must looke for the same about the borders of the forrest of Sauernake (that is Soure oke) which lieth as if it wer embraced betwene ye first armes therof, as I haue bene enformed. These heds also do make a confluence by east of Martin­shall hill, and west of Wootton. From whēre it goeth to Milton, Powsey, Manningfield Abbey, Manningfielde crosse, & beneth New­ington taketh in one rill west from Rudbo­row, and another a little lower that riseth al­so west of Alcanninges, and runneth into the same by Patney, Merden, Wilford, Charle­ton, and Rustisal. Beyng therfore past New­ington, it goeth to Vphauen (wherof Leland speaketh) to Chest [...]bury, Cumpton, Abling­ton, little Almsbury, Darntford, Woodford, olde Salisbury, and so to newe Salisburye, where it receiueth one notable riuer from by northwest, and another frō north east, which two I wyll first describe, leauyng the Auon at Salisbury. [...] The first of these is called the Wilugh, and riseth among the Deuerels, and runnyng thence by hill Deuerell, & De­uerell long bridge, it goeth toward byshops straw, taking in one rill by west, and another from Vpton by Werminster at northwest. From bishops straw it goeth to Nortō, Vp­ton, Badhampton, Stepiyngford, and Sta­pleford, where it méeteth with the Winter­bury water from by north, descending from Maddenton by Winterburne. From Sta­pleford it hasteth to Wishford, Newtō, Chil­hampton, Wilton, and thither cōmeth a wa­ter vnto it from southwest, which ryseth of two heds aboue Ouerdonet. After this it go­eth by Wordcastle, to Tisbury, and there re­ceiueth a water on eche side, whereof one cō ­meth from Funthill, the other from two is­sues (of which one riseth at Aus [...]y, the other at Swalodise) and so kepyng on still with his course, our Wilugh runneth next next of all by Sutton. Thence it goeth to Fo [...]ant, Bo­berstocke, Southburcombe, Wilton, [...] (where it taketh in the Fomington or Naddet wa­ter) Westharnam Salisbury and Easthar­nam, and this is the race of Wilugh. The o­ther is a naked arme or streame without a­ny braunches. It riseth aboue Collingburne Kingston in the hils, and thence goeth to Co­lingburne, the Tidworthes (wherof ye more southerly is in Wiltshire) Shipton, Chol [...]e [...] ­ton, Newton, Toney, Idmerson, Porton, the Winterburnes, Lauerstock, and so into [...] east of Sar [...]sbury. And thus is the confl [...] made of the aforesayd waters, with thys [...] second Auon, whereinto another water fal­leth (called Becquithes brooke) a myle beneth Harneham bridge, [...] whose head is fiue miles from Sarum, and thrée myles aboue Bec­quithes bridge, as Lelande doth remember, who noteth the Chalkeburne water to haue hys due recourse also, [...] at thys place into the aforesayde riuer. Certes it is a pretye brooke, and riseth sixe miles from Shaftes­bury, [Page 52] [...] in the way toward [...] botom on the right hand, when [...] it [...] by Knight [...] ̄ and Fennystratford to [...], that is about 12. myles from the [...] about two miles and an halfe from Ho [...]ing­ton baneth Odstocke, goeth into the [...] mile lower then Harnham bridge, except [...]e forget himselfe. This Harneham whereof A now entrea [...], was sometime a prety village before the erection of new Salisbury, & had a church of S. Martine belonging vnto it. [...] now in steade of this church there is onely a barne standyng in a very low mead [...] [...]n the northside of S. Mighel [...] [...] The cause of the relinquishyng of it was the moistnesse of the soile, [...] oft, ouerflowen. And where­as the kinges high way lay sometyme tho­rough Wilton, licence was obteyned of the kyng & bishop of Salisbury, to remoue that passage vnto new Salisbury also, & vpō this occasion was the maine bridge made o [...]er A­uon at Har [...]eham. [...] [...]nes [...]yed by [...]nging [...]e [...]. By this exchaunge of the way also olde Salisbury fel into vtter decay, and Wilton which was before the had [...] of the shire, and furnished with 12. paro [...] churches, grew to be [...] villeg [...] and of small reputation. Howbeit, this was [...] the onelye cause of the ruine of olde Salis­bury, sith I read of two other wherof the first was a sa [...]ue vnto the latter, as I take it. And where as it was giuen out that the townes­men wanted water in olde Salisbury, [...] flat otherwise, sithe that hill is very ple [...]t [...] ­fully serued with springes and wels of very swéete water. The truth of ye matter therfore is this. In the tyme of ciuill war [...]es, the soul­diors of the castle and Chanons of olde Sa­rum fell at oddes, in so much that after [...] brawles, [...] holy [...]flict. they fell at last to sad blowes [...] happened therfore in a R [...]gation wéeke that the clergy goyng in solmne procession, a cō ­trouersie fell betwene them about certayne walkes and limites, which the one side clay­med and the other denied. Such also was the whote entertainement on eche part, that a [...] the last the Castellanes espying their tyme, gate betwene the clergy and the towne, and so coyled them as they returned homeward, yt they feared any more to gange about [...] [...]unds for ye yere. Here [...]pon the people [...] ­sing their [...]elly chere (for they were wont [...] haue bāketting at euery statiō, a thing prac­tised by the religious in old tyme where with to linke in the cōmons vnto them) they con­ceyued forthwith a deadly hatred against the Castellanes, but not beyng able to c [...]pe with them by force of armes, they consul [...]ed with their bishop, and he with them so e [...]ally, that it was not long ere they, [...] the Chanone began a church vpō a place of their [...] preten [...]ng to serue God, there in better safetie,New Sa­lisbury be­gunne. and with farre more quiet­nesse thou they could do before. The people also seyng the diligence of the chanone, and reputyng their harmes for their owne incon­uenien [...]e, were as earnest on the other side to be [...]ore vnto these prelates, and therfōre eue­ry man brought his house vnto that place & thus became old Sarum in few yeres vtter­ly desolate, and new Salisbury raysed vp in stede therof, to the great decay also of Harn­ham and [...] whereof I spake of late. Nowe to returne agayne from whence I thus digressed. Our Auon therefore depar­tyng from Sarisbury, goeth by Buriforde, Longford, and taking in the waters afore mencioned by the way, it goeth by Stanley, Dunketon, Craiforde, [...]urgate, Fordyng bridge, Ringwood, Auon, Christes church and finally into the sea. But ere it come all there, and a [...] beneth Christs church, it crosseth the Stou [...]e, M Stur [...], [...] very faine stream,Sturus. whose [...] is such as may not be lefte, vn­touched. It riseth of sixe heds, wherof thre lie on the north side of the Parks at [...]irton within the [...] the other ryse without the park [...], and of this riuer the [...] Ba­rony of [...] hath take his name [...] g [...]sse, [...] to much [...] the land Stuart [...] of the same water [...] armes but to praie do. After these braunches are conioyned in [...] [...] to long [...] will, [...], and beneth Gillingham receyueth & water than descendeth somewhere. Thence ye Sture goeth to Bugley, [...], Westmen bridge, [...]; and [...] long taketh in the Cale water,Cale. from [...] that commeth dawne by [...] and [...] so do [...], v [...] miles [...] [...], passing in the [...] by Wine [...] the [...]. After this cō ­fluence, its commeth a Hint [...], Mari [...],Lidden. Deuilis. & [...] after crosseth the [...] all proue [...]ell, wherof shall [...] ryseth in Blackman [...] [...] the second in [...] his [...]s;outh of Pulha [...] and [...] to Li [...]linch the [...] water [...] [...]sberton, and goyng by Fise­hed to Lidlington, and there [...]etyng, wyth the Lidden they receiue the blackewater a [...] B [...]burne; and so go into the Stour.Iber. Black-water After this the [...]toure nameth into Stoure­ [...] [...] Ha [...]mond (and soone after [...] water that commeth, frō [...] Orcharde, and a seconde frō [...] out is Chele, A [...]keford, Ha [...]ford, Drunkeston, Knightē, [...], [Page] Blandford, Carleton, and cro [...]ing [...]e long a rist that riseth about Tarrent, and goeth to Launston, Munketon, Caunston, Tarrant, it procéedeth forth by Shepwijc, and by and by receyuing an other brooke on the right hand (that riseth about Strickeland, and go­eth by Quarleston, Whitchurch, Anderstō & Winterburne) it hasteth forward to Stour­minster, Berforde lake, Alen bridge, Win­burne, aliâs Twinburne minster, whether commeth a water called Alen (from Knoltō, Wikechāpton, Estumbridge, Hinton, Barn­sley) which hath two heds, wherof one ryseth short of Woodcotes, and east of Farneham, named Terig,This stoure a­boundeth with pike, perche, roche, dace, Gudgeon and eles. the other at Munketon aboue S. Giles Winburne, and goyng thence to s. Gyles Asheley, it taketh in the Horton beck, as the Horton doth the Cranburne. Finally, méetyng with the Terig aboue Knoltō, they run on vnder the name of Alen to the Stour, which goeth to the Canfordes, Preston, Kingston, Perley, and Yolnest. But ere it come at Yolnest, if taketh in two brookes in one bottom, wherof one commeth frō Wood­land parke by Holt parke and Holt, another from aboue vpper Winburne, by Ed [...]i [...]nde­sham, Vertwood, and Manning [...], & ioyning about S. Leonardes, they go to Hornbridge, and so into Stoure. After which confluence, the sayd Stoure runneth by I [...]r bridge, and so into Auon, leauyng Christes church aboue the méetyng of the sayde waters, as I haue sayd before.

Hauyng in this manner passed Chri [...]es church hed,Burne. we come to the fall of the Burn, which is a little brooke runnyng frō Stou [...]e­field heath, without braunches, and not tou­ched in my former voiage for want of know­ledge, and information therof in tyme.

When we had left the Burne behynde vs, we entred Pole hauen, now far better known vnto me then it was at the first. Goyng ther­fore into the same, betwene the north and the south pointes, to sée what waters wer there, we left Brunke sey Island and the castle on the left hand within the said pointes, and pas­sing about by Pole, and leauing that Creke, because it hath no fresh, we came by Holton and Kesworth, where we beheld two falles, of which one was called the north, the other the south waters. The north streame [...]ight Piddle as I heare.Piddle. It riseth about Alton, and goeth from thē [...]e to Piddle trentch hed Pid­dle hinton, Walterstow, and ere it come at Birstā, receiueth Deuils brooke that cōmeth thither from Brugham, and Melcombe by Deuilish town.Deuils. Thence it goeth to Tow pid­dle, Ashe piddle, Turners piddle (takyng in ere it come there, a water that runneth from Holton by [...], Milburne and [...] then to Hide, and so into Pole hauen, an [...] this water Mariani [...]s Scotus speaketh, except I be deceyued. The south water is properly called Frome for Frame. It riseth were vn­to Euershot, [...] and going down by Fromeq [...] ­tain, Thelmington, and Cats [...]ke, it recey­ueth there a rill from beside Rowsham, and Wraxehall. After this it goeth on to Ch [...] ­frome, and thence to Maden Newtō, where it méeteth with the Owke, [...] that riseth eyther two miles aboue H [...]keparke at Kenforde, or in the great [...]ine within [...]oke par [...], and goyng by the [...]olla [...]des, falleth into the Frome about M [...]en Newton, and so go as one from thēce to Fromevanchirch, Cro [...] ­wey, Frampton, and Muckilford, and recei­ueth nere vnto the same a rill frō aboue Vp­s [...]lyng by S. Nicholas Sidlyng, and Grim­ston. From hence it goeth on by Stratton & Bradford Peuerell, [...] and beneath this Brad­ford, it crosseth the Silley, aliâs Mintern and Cherne brookes both in one chanell: [...] whereof the first riseth in vpper Cherne parish, the o­ther at Minterne, and méeting aboue middle Cherne, they go by [...]her Cherne, Forston, Godmanst [...]n, and aboue Charneminster in­to Frome. In ye meane time also our Frome br [...]cheth and leaueth an Islande aboue Charneminster, and ioyning agayne néere Dorchester, it goeth by Dorchester, & For­thington, but ere it come at Beckington, [...] ma [...]eth with an other Becke that runneth thereinto from Winterburne, St [...]pleton, Martinstow, Heringstow, Caine and Staf­ford, and from thence goeth without any fur­ther increase as yet to Beckington, Kingh­ton, Tinkleton, Morton, Wooll, Bindon, [...] Stoke, and beneath Stoke, receiueth ye issue of the Luckeforde lake, from whence also it passeth by Eastholme, Warham, and so into the Bay. From this fall, we went about the arme point by Slepe, where we saw a little creke, then by Owre, where we behelde an o­ther, and then commyng againe toward the entraunce by S. Helens, and Furley castell, we went abroade into the maine, and sounde our selues at liberty.

When we were past Pole hauen, we left the handfast point, the Peuerell point, S. A­delmes chappell, and came at last to Lugh­port hauen, wherby and also the Lucheford [...] lake, all this portion of ground last remem­bred, is left in maner of a byland or peninsu­la, and called the Isle of Burbecke, wherin is good store of alam. In lyke sort goyng still westerly, we came to Sutton pointes, where is a créeke. Then vnto Way or W [...]lemouth, by kinges Welcombe, whereinto when we [Page 53] were entred, we saw thrée falles, whereof thē first and greatest commeth from Vpwey by Bradwey, and [...]adypoll, receiuyng after­ward the [...] that ran from east Che [...]e­rell, and likewise the third that maketh the grounde betwene Weymouth and Smal­mouth passage almost an Islande. Goyng by Portland and the point therof, called ye Rase, we sayled along by the Shingle, till we came by S. Katherines chappel, where we saw the fal of a water that came downe from Black­den Beaconward, by Portesham and Ab­botesbury. Thence we went to another that fell into the sea, mete Byrton, and descended from Litton by Chilcombe, then vnto the Bride or Brute porte, [...]. a prety hauen and the ryuer it selfe serued with sundry waters. It riseth as I sayd before, halfe a myle or more aboue Bemister, and so goeth from Bemi­ster to Netherbury by Parneham, then to Melplashe, and to Briteport, where it taketh in two waters from by east in one chanel, of which one ryseth east of Nettlecourt, and go­eth by Porestoke, and Milton, the other at Askerwell, & runneth by Longlether. From hence also ou [...] Bride goyng toward the sea, taketh the Simen on the west that commeth by Simensburge into the same, the [...] streame soone after fallyng into the sea, and leauyng a prety hauenet.

The next porte is the Chare, serued wyth two rilles in one confluence, beneath Chare­mouth. The chiefe hed of this riuer is as Le­land sayth in Marshewoode parke, and com­meth downe by Whitchurch: the other run­neth by west of Wootton, and mée [...]yng be­neth Charemouth towne, as I said, doth fall into the sea.

Then came we to the Cobbe, and beheld the Lime water, which the townesmen call the Buddle, [...]. and is alredy described vnder ye same denomination. Certes, there is no hauē here that I coulde sée, but a quarter of a mile by west southwest of ye towne, is a great and costly Iutty in the sea for succour of shippes. The towne is distaunt from Colyton, about 5. miles, and here we ended our voyage from the Auon, which conteyneth the whole cost of Dorcester, or Dorcetshire, so that next we must enter into Somerset Countie, and sée what waters are there.

The first water that we méete with all in Somersetshire is ye Axe, which riseth as you haue heard, not far from Bemister, and to say it more precisely nere vnto Cheddington in Dorsetshire, from whence it runneth to Mosterne, Feborow, Claxton, Weyforde bridge, Winsham fourde, and receiuing one rill from the east by Hawkechurch, and soone [...] another comming from northwest by Churchstone, from Waindroke,Yate aliâs Artey. it goeth to Axem [...]ister, beneath which it crosseth the Yare, that commeth from about Buckland, by Whit [...]unton, Yareco [...], Long bridge, Stockeland, Killington bridge (where it re­ceiueth a brooke from by south, that runneth by Dalw [...]) and so into the Axe. From hence our Axe goth to Drake, Musbury, Cullyford, but ere it come altogither at Callishop, it ma­teth wt a water yt riseth aboue Ca [...]e [...], & goeth frō thēce by Widworthy, Culli [...], & there re­ceuiing a rill also procéedeth on after ye [...] aboue C [...]ford bridge into the Axe, & frō thence hold on together into ye maine sea.

By west of Be [...]eworth point [...]eth a creke serued so farre as I remembe [...], with a freshe water that commeth from the hils south of S [...]ley to Bransc [...]mbe.

Sidmouth hauen is the next,Sid. and thither cō ­meth a freshwater by S. Martes from the sayd hils that goeth from S. Mar [...]es afore­said, to S [...]bury, and betwene Saltcombe & Sidmouth into the maine sea.

By west of A [...]certon point also lyeth ano­ther hauen, and thither commeth a prety ri­ [...]et,Autri aliâs Otterey. whose hed is in the H [...]pendon his, and commeth [...] first by Vp [...]ter, then by a parke [...], Munket [...], H [...]tod, Buckwell, and north of Autry receiueth a [...] called Tale,Tale. that riseth northwest of [...] in a [...], and from whence it [...]nneth by Pehembury, Vi [...]ith, and making a [...] with the other, they go as one betwene Ca [...] and Autry, to Herford, L [...]on, Collaton, [...], Bude­ley and so into the sea. This riuer is afore de­scribed vnder the name of Otterey, as Le­land left it [...] me▪ now will I cast about the Start point that I may come to Exe.Exe.

The Exe riseth in [...]xe [...]ore in Somerset shire (as I said before out of Leland) and go­eth from thence to Exeford, Winsforde, and Exton where it receiueth a [...] comming from Cutcombe by north. A [...]et this conflu­ence it goeth on toward the south, til it méete with a prety brook, rising northeast of Whet­tel (goyng by Brunton regis) increased at the left with thrée r [...]les which come all from by north. These beyng once met, this water rū ­neth on by west of the beacon that beareth ye name of Haddon, and some after taketh [...] the Barle that receiueth in like sort ye Do [...]e at Hawkebridge,Barley. and from hence goeth by Daue [...]n, and Combe,Doue aliâs Doue stroke. and then doth méte with the Exe, almost in the very confines be­twene Dorset and Somersetshires. Beyng past this coniunction our Exe, passeth be­twene Brushford and Murba [...]h and then to [Page] Ere bridge, where it taketh in as I heare a water by Weast, from East Austye, and after thys likewyse another on eche side, whereof one commeth from Di [...]forde and Baunton,Woodburn. the other called Woodburne, somewhat by cast of Okeforde. From these méetinges it goeth to Caue & thorough ye for­rest and wooddes to Hatherland and Wash­fields vntill it come to Tiuerton, and here it receiueth the Lomund water, that ryseth a­boue Athebrittle, and commeth downe by Hockworthy vpper Loman, and so to Tiuer­ton that standeth almost euen in the very cō ­fluēce. Some cal this Lomūd the Simming brooke or Sunninges bathe.Lomund or Sim­ming. After this our Exe, goeth to Bickley, Theuerten (takyng in a rill by west) nether Exe, Bramford, be­neath which it ioyneth with the Columbe,Columb. that riseth of one heade, northeast of Clary Hayden, and of another south of Shildō, and méeting beneath Columbe stocke, goeth by Columbe and Bradfeld, and there crossing a rill that commeth by Ashforde [...] runneth south to Woode, More haies, Columbton, Brandnicke, Beare, Columbe Iohn, Hor­ham, and ioyning as I sayde wyth the Exe at Bradford it passeth vnder but one bridge, ere it méete wyth another water by west,Cride. Forten. growyng of the Forten and Cryde wa­ters, except it [...]ée so that I doe iudge amisse. The Cride riseth aboue Wollesworthy, and néere vnto Vpton, after it is past Dewrish, crosseth a rill from betéewne Puggill and Stockley by Stocke english, &c. From hence it goeth to Fulford where it méeteth with the Forten, whereof one braunche commeth by Caldbrook, the other from S. Mary Ted­burne, and ioyning aboue Crediton, the cha­nell goeth on to the Cride (which ere long al­so receiueth another from by north, cōming by Stockley & Combe) then betwene Haine and Newton Sires to Pines and so into the Exe which stayeth not vntill it come to Ex­cester. From Excester it runneth to Were there takyng in a rill from by west, and ano­ther lower by Exeminster, next of all vnto Toppesham,Cliuus. beneath which towne the Cliue entereth therinto, which rising about Plym­trée, goeth by Clift Haydon, Clift Laurence, Brode Clift, Honiton, Soutō, bishops Clift, S. Mary Clyft, Clyft S. George, & then in­to the Exe, that runneth forward by Notwel Court, Limstō and Ponderham castle. Here as I here,Ken. it taketh in the Ken (or Kenton brooke, as Leland calleth it) commyng from Holcombe Parke, by Dunsdike, Shilling­ford, Kenford, Ken, Kenton, and so into Exe hauen, at whose mouth lye certaine rockes, which they call the chekestones, except I be deceiued.

The next fal, wherof Leland sayth nothing at all, commeth by Ashecombe and Dul [...] and hath hys hed in the hils therby.

The Teigne mouth is the next fall that we came vnto, [...] and it is a goodly port. The hed of this water is alredy touched in my first [...] to be in Dartmore among the Gidley hilles▪ From whence it goeth to Gydley towne Teignton drue, [...] where it receyueth the Cro­kerne commyng from by north, and ljkewise another west of Fulford parke. Thē it goeth to Dufford, Bridforde, Kirslow, Chidley, Knighton, and beneath the bridge there re­ceyueth the Bo [...]y whose course is to north Bouy, Lilley, and Bouytracy. [...] Thence i [...] runneth to kinges Teingneton, taking in Eidis a brooke beneath Preston that cōmeth from Edeford by the way, [...] and whē it is past this confluence, at Kings Teigneton, it cros­seth the Leman which commeth from Sad­dleton rocke by Beckington, [...] and Newton Bushels, [...] and sone after the Aller that riseth betwene Danbury and War [...]g well, after­ward fallyng into the sea by bishops Teign­ton, south of Teignemouth towne.

From hence we goe still southwardes (as we haue done long alredy by southwest) by Worthstone, and finding thrée or foure smal crekes betwene Worthstone rocke and the Biry point, we go furder to Mewstone rock, and so into Dartmouth hauen, where into sundry waters haue their direct courses.

The riuer of Darnt commeth out of Da­rntmore, xv. myles aboue Tomesse (as I said before) from whence it goeth to Bucklande Hole, and soone after taking in the Ashebur [...] water on the one side that runneth frō Sad­dleton rocke by north, [...] and the Buckfastlich that commeth from north west, [...] it runneth to Staunton, Darington, Hemston, and there also crossing a rill on eche side, passeth forth to Totnesse, Bowden, and aboue Gabriell Stoke, [...] méeteth with the Hartburne that rū ­neth vnder Rost bridge, two miles aboue Totnesse, or as an other sayeth, by Ratter, Harberton, Painesford, and Asprempton in­to Darnt, which ere long also commeth to Cornworthy, Greneway, Ditsham, Darnt­mouth, betwene the Castels, and so into the sea.

From hence we went by Stokeflēming to another water, which commeth from blacke Auton, then to the second that falleth in ea [...] of Slapton, and so coasting out of this bay by the Start point, we saile almost directly west, till we come to Saltcombe hauē. Cer­tes this port hath very little fresh water cō ­myng vnto it, yet the hed of such as it is, ry­seth [Page 54] nere Buckland, and goeth to Do [...]ook, which standeth betwene two créekes. Thēce it hieth to Charelton, where it taketh in a ril whose hed commeth from south and north of Shereford. Finally, it hath another créeke that runneth vp by Ilton, and the last of all that falleth in north of Portlemouth, whose hed is so nere the bay last afore remembred, that it maketh it a sory peninsula, as I haue heard it sayd.

Then come we to the Awne, whose hed is in the hils farre aboue Brent towne, from whence it goeth to Dixford wood, Loddewel, Hache, Aunton, Thorleston, and so into the sea ouer against a rocke called insul borow.

Arme riseth aboue Harford, thence to St [...] ­ford, Iuy bridge, Armington bridge, Fléete, Orchardton and Ownewell.

Yalme goeth by Cornewood, Slade, Strat­ley, Yalmeton, Collaton, and Newton ferry.

Being past these Portlets, then next of all we come to Pli [...]mouth hauen, a very busie péece to describe, because of the [...] waters that resort vnto it, & small helpe that I haue for the knowledge of their [...], yet will I doe what I may [...] this, [...] the rest, and so much I hope by God [...] [...] performe, as shall iustice my purpose in [...] behalfe.

The Plinme or Plym, [...] the very [...] water that gyueth [...] vnto Plimpton towne. It ryseth in the [...] west of Cor [...] ­wood, and commeth [...] a short course of thrée miles to Newenh [...] [...] it b [...] out of the ground. From [...] them al [...] rūneth to Plimpton, and soone after into the Stour, [...]re [...] Cat­ [...]. which Stour aryseth northwest of Shopistour, and goeth from [...]hence to M [...] ­church, Hele, Shane Bic [...]ley, & so to Efor [...]e where taking in the Plym, it runneth downe as one vnder the name of Plyn [...]me, vntill it go past Plymmouth and fall into the ha [...]en South est of Plymmouth aforesayde. Plym­mouth it self standeth betwéene two créekes, not serued wyth anye backewater, therefore passing ouer these two, wée enter into the Thamar that dischargeth it selfe into the a­foresaid hauē, going therfore vp that [...] which for the most part parteth Deuonshire from Cornewall, [...]e or [...]y. the first [...] that I [...] withall on the est side is called Tauy, the heb wherof is amōg the mountaines foure m [...]es aboue Péeters Tauy, beneath which it m [...] ­teth with another water from by west, [...]o that these two waters include Marye Tauye, be­twéene them though nothing néere the con­fluence. From hence the Taue or Tauy run­neth to Tauistocke, aboue which it taketh in a rill [...], and another aboue [...] Bucklande whiche head is [...] Dart [...]re, and commeth the [...] and Hard row bridge. From hence it goeth into Tha­ [...], [...] Buckland, [...] Buckland, Beare, and [...]ametton Folly. Hauing th [...] dispatched the Tauy. The next that fulleth [...] on the est the [...] is the Lidde,Lidde. which ry [...]g in [...] aboue Lidforde, runneth [...] by [...], and so [...], aboue which [...] Trushell dr [...]ke,Tru [...]hell. which rising north east of [...], goeth by [...] I [...]ame, where it [...] & rill that commeth by [...]rad [...] from [...] and, after the [...], and [...] thence into the [...]. The next aboue this is the Cor [...]wa [...],Core. this riseth [...] or Helwell, and goyng by [...] ru [...] by the [...] without any [...] [...] to Tham [...]. Next of [...] in two brookes not much [...], wherof the one commte [...]h he by [...], the other [...], and both east of [...], which standeth the further banke, and other side of the Thamar, & west northwest of [...] the quarter de­ [...].

[...], the Thamar it selfe riseth in Sa­ [...],Thamar. [...] northeast of [...] offeth [...] whiche west country [...], shut [...] learned Corshewall, a buyle [...]ded or [...] therfore [...] the he [...], by a [...] of vj. my Us, it [...] to Denbo­row, [...] well, Bridge [...], Tan [...] ­ton, [...], Lu [...]ne [...]ce, Boyton, & Wir­rington,Artey. where it méeteth wyth [...] water on the west [...] called Artey, shal [...] short of [...] miles in like sort from this confluence, we met with the Kensey,Kensey. whose [...] is short of Warpeston, by south [...], frō whence it goeth by Tren [...], Tremone, Tresmore, Tr [...], [...], and so into the Th [...]mer that runneth frō hence by Low­whitton vnto Bradston, and goyng on to­ward Du [...]erton, taketh and tell from south [...], and by Leland Beneath Dun­terton also it crosseth the [...] ryuer riseth at Dauidston,Enian. and [...] his race by S. Clethi [...], Lania [...], [...] first, and then vnder sundry bridges, vntill it méete wt th [...] Thama [...]. From hence also the Thamar goeth by Siddenham to Ca [...]ocke bridge, Calstocke towne, Clifton, Cargreue (there aboutes takyng in a [...]réeke aboue Lan [...]ilip) and runnyng on from thence, hasteth toward S [...]ltashe, where it receiueth the Liuer wa­ter.Liuer. The head of Liuer is about Broomwelly [Page] hills from whence it goeth out to No [...]th hill, Lekenhorne, South hill, [...] king in a rill by east (from aboue Kellington) it runneth on to Newton, P [...]l [...]aton▪ Westō, [...]l [...]ss com­myng, S. Erne, and beneth this village cros­seth a rillet that runneth thither from Bicton by Quithiocke, S. Germaines and Sheui­ocke. But to procéede after the confluence, it goeth betwéene Erly & [...]ro Martine castle, and soone after takyng in a ril from by north, that passeth west of s. Steuens, it is not long [...]re it fall into the Thamar, which after this (receiuyng the Milbrooke crée [...]e) goeth on by Edgecomb, and betwene s. Mighels Isle and Ridden pointe into the maine sea. And thus haue I finished the descriptiō of Plimmouth water, and all such falles as are betwéene Mewston rocke on the east side, & the Rōme hed on the other.

Sutton.After this we procéeded on with one iour­ney toward the west, and passing by Long­stone, we came soone after to Sothan baie, where we crossed the Seton water, whose hed is about Liscard, and his course by My [...] ­henie [...], Chafrench, Tregowike, Sutton, and so into the sea.

Then came we to Lowe, and goyng in be­twéene it and Mount Isle,Low. we finde that it had a braunched course, and there to the con­fluence aboue Lowe▪ The chiefe heads ryseth in ye hils, as it were two miles aboue Gaine, and goyng by that towne, it ceaseth [...]t vs continue his course, cast of Dulce, til it calme a little aboue Low, where it crosseth and ioy­neth with the Brodoke water that runneth frō Brodokes by Trewargo▪ & fo [...] into ye sea. Nexte vnto these are two other rils before we come at Faw, or Fawy, whereof in my former treatise, I made some small intreaty. Foy or Fawy riuer riseth in Fawy more, on side of an hill,Fawy. from whence it runneth by cer­tayne bridges, till it méete with the Glin wa­ter west of Glyn towne,Glyn. which rising aboue Temple, and meting with a rill that cōmeth in from S. Ne [...]tes, doth fall into Fawy a mile and more aboue Resprin from by [...]st. After this confluēce then, it goeth to Resprin bridge, Lestermē castle, Lost withiel bridge, Pill, s. Kingtons, s. Winnow, and Golant, and here also receiueth the Lerine water out of a parke,Lerinus. that taketh his way into the main streame by Byconke, T [...]the, and the fi [...]ing house. Beyng thus vnited, it procéedeth vnto Fawy towne, taking in a rill or créeke from aboue it on the one side, and another beneath it south of Halling on the other, of which two this latter is the longest of course, sith it run­neth thrée good myles before it come at the Foy, and thus much had I to adde vnto the description of the sayd Fawy conteined [...] my former treatise. I might haue touched▪ the créeke that lyeth betwéene Knaueland [...] blackbottle pointes ere I came at Foye [...] Fawy, but sith it is serued only with the [...] I make small account to speake of it. [...] procéede, entering finally into the baie com­monly called Trewardith baie, which lyeth into the land betwene the Cannasse and the blacke head pointe, we sawe the fall of two small brookes, not one very far distant from another. The first of them entring west▪ o [...] Trewardith, the other east of s. Blayes and both directly agaynst Cur [...]arder rocke, ex­cept I mistake my compasse. Neyther of thē are of any great course, and the longest not full thrée miles and an halfe, wherefore sith they are neither braunched nor of any great quantity, what should I make long haruest of a little corne, and spende more tyme then may well be spared about them.

When we wer past the blackhed, [...] we came to Austell broke, which is increased with a water that commeth from aboue Mewan, & within a [...]le after the confluence they fall into the sea at Pentoren, from whence we went by the black cocke, and about the D [...] man pointe, till we came to Chare ha [...], where falleth in a prety water, [...] whose hed is two miles aboue s. Tues. Thēce we went by here & there in méere s [...]lt créeke, til we passed ye gray rocke, in Gwindraith baie, & s. Anth [...] ­nies point, where Leland maketh his accōpt to enter into Falam [...]th hauē, to the former description wherof I wil adde another here wherby the first shal be more plain and easie.

The Fala riseth a little by north of P [...] ­nenton towne, and goyng westwarde [...] come downwardes toward [...] Dionise, [...] it go­eth frō thence to Melader, s. Steuens Gr [...] ­pont, Goldon, Crede, Cornely, Tregne, [...] ­ran, Tregūnan, it falleth into the hauen with a good indifferent force, and this is the course of Fala But lest I should soone to omit those créekes that are betwene this and S. Anto­nies point, I will go a little backe again▪ and fetch in so many of them as come now to my remēbraunce▪ Entring therefore into ye [...] we haue a créeke that runneth vp by s. Anto­nies toward s. Gerens, then another that [...] ­eth into the lande by east of s. Maries castle, with a forked hed passing in the meane time by a great rocke, that lieth in the very midst of the hauen, in maner of the thirde poynte of a Triangle [...] betwéene S. Maryes castle and pendinant. Thence we cast about by the sayde castle, and came by another créeke, that falleth in by east, then the second aboue s. Iustus, the third at Ardenor [...], the fourth at [Page 55] Rilan, and [...] as it [...] these in order, we come backe againe about by Tregomitan, and then goyng vpward be­twene it and Taluerne, til we come to Fen­tangolan, we founde the con [...]uence of two great créekes beneath S. Cl [...]tes, wher­of one hath a fresh water comming down by s. Merther, ye other another frō Cruro, inces­sed wt sundry braūches, though [...] one of thē of any greatnesse, and therfore vnworthy to be handled. Pol [...] whole standeth vpon the had almost of the most easterly of them. S. Ken­ [...]en and Cruro stand aboue the confluence of other two. The fourth falleth [...] by west, frō certaine hils: as for the [...] and [...]t, as they be little créekes and no scosh, to haue I lesse language and talke to spend about them. Of s. Caie, [...]e. [...]ks. and s. Fe [...]kes créekes, I spake inough before, the towne of s. Fooke standyng be­twen thē both. That also called after ye saint, rising aboue Perānarwo [...]hill, and comming thence by Ryrklo, falleth into Falamouth, northeast of Milor, which standeth vpon the point betwene it & Milor créeke. Milor créek (for Lelād did kepe no order in their descrip­tion) is next Restronguet. Some cal it Milor poole, from whence we went by [...] point, and there found an other great call frō Perin, which beyng braunched in the t [...]ppe hath Perin towne almost in the very con [...] ­ence. Thus leauyng Fala hauen, as more troublesome for me to describe, then pro [...]ta­ble for seafaring men without good aduise to enter into, we left the rocke on our left hand, and came streight southwest to H [...]lford [...] ha­uen, whose water commeth downe from Wréeke (where is a confluence of two small rilles whereof that ryll consisteth) by M [...] ­gan and Trelawarren, [...]le. and then it receyueth a rill on the north ripe from Constantine, after whose confluence, it goeth a maine vn­till it come to the Oceane. Beneath thys also is another rill commyng from s. P [...]ti [...]s by whose course, and another ouer against it on the west side that falleth into ye sea by [...] ­niton, all Pen [...]ge is left almost in [...] of an Island. From hence we go south to ye [...] ­nacle point, then southwest to Lysar [...], and to north and by west to Preb [...]nke p [...], beyonde which we m [...]te [...] the fall [...]he said water, that riseth in the edge of [...] and goeth into ye sea by M [...]l [...] o [...] the n [...]th, and Winniton on the south. By north al [...] of Winniton, is the Cury water that ry [...]th short of Magan, and tou [...]he [...] with the [...] ­an south of Pengwe [...]an point.

From hence we fayled [...] the [...] which some call L [...]pole, [...] [...]is [...] ­er at the fall into the sea, [...] [Page] yet is it well watred with sundry rilles that come from those hils vnto the same.

Haile.The Haile riseth in such maner, and from so many heds, as I haue before described out of Leland. Howbeit, I will adde somewhat more vnto it for the benefite of my readers. Certes, the chiefe hed of Haile riseth by west of Goodalfin hils, and goyng downe toward s. Erthes, it receyueth the second and best of the other thrée rilles from Godal [...]n towne: Finally, commyng to s. Erthes, and so vnto the maine bay,Clowart. it taketh in the Clowart wa­ter from Guymer, south of Phelacke which hath two heds, the sayd village standyng di­rectly betwixt them both.

Caine.The Caine ryseth southeast of Caineburn towne, a myle and more, from whence it go­eth without encrease by west of Gwethian, and so into the sea west of Mara Darway. From hence we coasted about the point,Luggam. and left the bay till we came to a water that ry­seth of two heds from those hils that lye by south of the same: one of them also runneth by s. Vni, another by Redreuth, and méetyng within a myle they fall into the Oceane, be­neath Luggam or Tuggan. A myle and a halfe from this fall we come vnto an other small rill, and likewyse two other créekes betwixt which the towne of s. Agnes stādeth, and likewyse the fourth halfe a mile beyond the most easterly of these, whose head is al­most thrée myles within the land, in a town called s. Alyn.S. Pirās créeke. Thēre going by the Manrock, and west of s. Piran in the Sande, we finde a course of thrée myles and more from the hed, and hauyng a forcked braunch, the partes do méete at west aboue s. Kybbard, and so go in­to the sea. I take this to be s. Piranes créeke, for the next is Carantocke pill or créeke,Crantock. whose hed is at Guswarth, from whence it goeth to Trerise, and soone after takyng in a rill, from by west it runneth into the sea east of s. Carantakes. Beyonde this is an other créeke that ryseth aboue little s. Colan, and goeth by lesse s. Columb, and east & by north hereof, commeth down one more, whose hed is almost south of the nine stones, and goyng from thence to great s. Columbes, it passeth by Lanherne, and so into the sea. S. Merons créeke is but a little one, rysing west of Pad­stow,Padstowe. and fallyng in almost ouer against the G [...]ll rocke. Then turning betwene the point and the blacke rock, we entred into Padstow hauen, whose waters remayne next of all to be described.

Alen.The Alane ryseth flat cast from the [...] mouth of Padstow, well néere eight or nyne myles, about Dauidston, néere vnto which the Enyam also issueth,Enyam. that runneth into the Tham [...]: Goyng therfore for [...]hence [...] passeth to Camelford, s. Aduen, s. Bernard [...], (both Cornish saintes) and soone after recei­ueth a rill at northeast descending frō Row­ters hil. Thence, it goeth to Bliseland, & H [...]l­ham, the first bridge of name that standeth v­pon Alyn. E [...]e long also it taketh in one ryll by south from Bodman, another from s. Lau­rence, the third by west of this, and the fourth that commeth by We [...]hiell, no one of the [...] excedyng the course of thrée miles, and all by south. From hence it goeth towarde I [...]h [...] sale warde▪ and there receyueth a water [...] the east side, which cōmeth about two miles from aboue s. Tenth, by Michelston, s. T [...] ­choe, s. Ma [...]en (m [...] Cornish patrones) and fi­nally south of Iglesall, méeteth with the A­len that goeth from thence by s. Breaca to Woodbridge. [...] Here about I finde that vnto our Aleyn or Alen, there should fall two ri­uerets, wherof the one is called Carnsey, [...] the other Layne, and commyng in the end to the [...]ll notice of the matter, I sée them to issue on seuerall sides beneth Woodbridge almost directly the one against ye other. That which descendeth from northwest, and riseth about s. Kew, is named Carnesey as I heare, the o­ther that commeth in on the southwest banke hight Laine, and noted by Leland to rise two miles aboue s. Esse, but how so euer this mat­ter standeth, there are two other créekes on eche side also beneth these as Pethrike créek, [...] and Minner créeke, so called of two Cor [...]sh saintes (for that soyle bred many) wherewith I finish the description of Alen, or as some call it Dunmere, and other Padstow water. [...]

Beyng past Padstow hauen, and after we had gone thrée myles, we came to Pert [...]w [...] a poore fisher towne, where I finde a brooke and a péere. Then I came to Portissee two myles further, and founde there a brooke a péere, and some succour for fisher hotes. Next of all vnto a brooke that ran from south east, directly north into the Sauern sea, and with­in halfe a myle of the same lay a great black rocke lyke an Islande. From this water to [...]r [...]uenni is about a myle, where the paroch [...]hurch is dedicated to s. Symphorian, and in which paroch also Tintag [...]l castle standeth, which is a thyng inexpugnable for the situa­tion, and would be made with little repara­tions one of the strongest things in England. For it standeth on a great high terrible, [...]rag enuironned with the sea▪ There is a chappell [...]standyng in the dungeon thereof, dedica­ted to s. Vlet, Tintag [...]ll towne and Trepe [...] ­ [...]i▪ are not a myle in sunder. The next créeke is called Bo [...]ni which is a myle frō Tin­tag [...]ll, [...] and to the same Tredwy water resor­teth, [Page 56] [...] goe to the sea betwe [...]e with [...] hils, wherof that on the one fall lyeth [...] an [...], and [...] an hauenet or péere, whether shi [...]le is [...] tyme doe [...] for succour. [...] F [...]es [...] of [...]ate dayes to [...]e [...] hauen at [...] place, but in vayne. There [...] also two blac [...] rocks as [...], at the [...] northwest point, or side of this créeke, the one [...] little gu [...] doth part them) [...] with the other, [...] by [...] great [...] of gul [...]es. I cannot [...] whether this be the water that [...]eth by [...] or not, [...] be not, th [...] haue I this [...] ­p [...]ion of the [...].

[...]caf [...]le. [...]Boseas [...]le créeke that lyeth east of Tintag [...] ­el, is but a small thyng [...] at the most not aboue two myles into the land, yet it pas­seth by fo [...]re towned, wherof the first is cal­led Le [...]th▪ these callde s. [...]set, the third, Minster, and the fourth [...] or Bush­castle as some men doe pro [...]dence it.

[...].In Bode [...]ay, [...] the B [...]dewater, whose chiefe hed is not farre from Norton. Thence runnyng to S [...]tatton, [...]ncels. it receiueth the L [...]n­cels cal before it come at [...] here also it crosseth another whose hed is [...]a [...] of s. Mary w [...]e, from whence it runneth by Wolston and Whalesborow, and thence in­to the sea betwene [...] and Plough hyll. And thus much of ye waters that [...]e betwene the poynt of Cornwall, and the Hartland hed vpon the northside of Cornwall. Now [...] or do the lyke with those that remayne of De­uonshire, wherof the said Hartland is the ve­ry first point in this our poeticall voiage. Ha­uing therfore brought Hartland point on our backs, we come next of all to Barstable [...]ar, and so into the Hauen, wherinto two princi­pall streames do perpetually vnburden their chanels.

The first and more westerly of these is cal­led Deus, [...]. whose hed is not farre west of the hed of Darnt, & both in Darntmore. Rising therefore in the aforesayd place, it runneth northwest to Snorton, and so to Okeha [...]p­ton, beneath which towne it méeteth with an other water commyng from southeast, and riseth not much west from the hed of Tawe. From hence it goeth to Stowe Exborne, Munke Okington, and Iddesley, where it taketh in the Tanrige a very prety streame­let, [...]anridge. whose issue is not full a mile by east from the hed of Thamar. Commyng therfore by west and east Putforde, Bulworthy, Boc­kington, Newton, and Shebbor, it receiueth a forked rill that runneth from eche side of Bradworthy by Sutcombe, Treborow, Mil­ton, and so to Thornebiry, where méetyng with another [...]orked water▪ wherof one he a [...] commyng from Dunsland, ioyneth with the other north of Cockebiry) it goeth with speds into the T [...]ige water. After this confluēce it runneth on to [...]héepe wash (by west wher­of falleth in the Bucklād water frō by north) thence to high Hai [...]ton, and so▪ Haytherlay,Buckland. north wherof [...]t taketh in a rill frō by south, and endeth his race at Iddesley, by ioynyng with the [...]ke. Hence then the Deus hasteth to Dowland, and betwene it and D [...]ulton, receiueth [...] rill from by [...]ast, as it doth an­other betwene Doulton and Marton frō by west, and for procéeding on with his course, it commeth east of Torrington the lesse, and taking in a water at east, that runneth from thrée he [...]b [...] Wolly parke) betwene which Combe and Roughborow are situate, it des­cendeth to Torrington the more, and meting with the Langtrée water on the one side,Langtrée. and the Wa [...]e breake on the other, it procéedeth to Bediford,Were or Ware. crossing a rill by the way that commeth vnto it betwene Annary and Lit­th [...]. From Bediford bridge it goeth with­out any [...]crease to Westley, Norham, Ap­pl [...]ur, and so into the hauen.

The Taw of hath is the more noble water,Taw. and hath most rils descendyng into hys cha­ [...] ▪ Howbeit by these two is all the hart of Deuonshire well watered on the northside of ye Moores. The Tawy riseth directly at south, west of Throwley, and north of the head of Da [...]t. From thence also it runneth to Sele, South Toneton, Cockatre, Bathe, North­taueton, Asheridge, Colridge, and soone after receiueth the Bowmill créeke,Bowmill. whereof one hed riseth at Bow, the other at Mill, and me­ting beneth bishops Morchard, they fall into the Taue, north of Nimeth Rowland, as I haue bene informed. From hence then it run­neth by Edgeforth, to Chimligh, by south wherof, it méeteth with a ril comming down of two heds from about Rakenford, by We­theridge and Chawley. Thence it goeth to Burrington, and Chiltenholtwood, and there taketh in the Moul [...]bray water consisting of two in one chanell,Moule­bray. wherof the Mol doth ryse aboue north Moulton, and cōmyng to Moul­ton, receiueth another rill running frō Mol­land, and soone after the second that growing by two brookes ye hed of one beyng at Knaw­ston, and of the other west of Crokeham, and both vniting themselues beneath Mariston) doth fal into the same ere long also,Bray. and so go togyther till it crosse the Bray, which (beyng the second of the two that maketh the Moul­bray) riseth at Bray, commeth by Buckland and south of Holtwood doth make his conflu­ence with Taw. Beyng past the woode, it go­eth [Page] on to Brightley hall, Taueton, Taue [...] si [...]e [...]e, and Berstable, sometyme a pret [...]e walled towne with foure ga [...]es, but nowe l [...] little thyng and such in déede, [...] that the [...] burbes thereof, are greater [...] I suppose that the name of this towne in the Br [...]h speache, was Abertaw, because it stoode toward the mouth of Taw, and [...]er [...]a [...] pronounced short as I gesse, for [...]ber­nesse. As for Staple it is an addi [...]ion for [...] market, and therfore hath nothyng to doe in the proper name of the towne. King Athe [...] ­stane is taken here for the chiefe pr [...]l [...]g [...] of the towne, this is also worthy to be [...] hereof, that the houses there are of stone, and most are in all the good townes there about.

But to procéede with our purchase Be­neath this Towne there falleth in a water that hath one head nere about Cha [...]acombe, and another at cast Downe, whereof this descendyng by S [...]ol [...]e ry [...]er, and the other by S [...]erwell, they vnite themselues within thrée myles of Bernacle. Soone after a sort taketh in another that descende the [...]. B [...] ­tenden by Asheford, and the last of all [...]ast of S. Anthonies Chappell, named the Done­ham,Doneham. because one hed is at well Done, and the other at [...], both of them [...]yng west of Ashe. And thus is Daue [...] is no great water nor quick streames, a [...] may appeare in Low water mark at Berstable yet is it a pre [...]y ri [...]eret. This also is worthy to be noted therof, that it [...] brookes from by west, whereof I would somewhat mer [...]ake, if Dau [...]ge were not at hand.

Beyng past the Lane, Cride bay and Bug­point alias Bagpoint, we go by More daye, More [...]one, alias Mortstone, and then toward the northeast, till we come by a créekelet to I [...]fare combe, & so to Combe marton, where af (I meane eche of them) are sundry créekes: of saltwater,Paradine. but not serued with any fresh, that I as yet do heere of. Marry there is be­twene Martinbowe and Tre [...]sowe, a créeke that hath a backewater, which defo [...]deth frō Parracombe (so farre as I call to mynd na­med Parradine beck) but the gretest of all is betwene Linton and Connisbery called Ore, which riseth in Somersotshire in Exmore,Orus. ( [...]ast of Hore oke, more then a myle) and go­yng by Owre, falleth into the sea betwéene Linton & Connisbery, so that the whole race therof, amoūteth in & out to an 8. miles as I haue heard reported. Thus haue I finished ye discourse of the waters of Deuōshire, whose bredth in this place from hence ouerthwart to the checkest ones in the mouth of Exe,The bre [...] ­th o [...] De­uonshire [...] Cornewal. on the south side of the Isic, is 38. miles or vn­der 40. and so much likewyse is it frō Plim­mo [...] than [...] there or [...] 6. [...] where as the [...] part of C [...]enewell doth want [...]

[...]

Grant hears we go by Bottesall pointe, to Stert pointe, where two noble riuers doe make their con [...]nce; which I will seueral­l [...] describe as to my purpose appertayneth.

The first of these is called the Iuell.Iu [...] It ry­seth [...] [...]ne Oburne,.al [...] and at Shirbur [...]e recey­ueth a water wherof Lelād saith thus. There are [...]uen springes in an hill called the seu [...] sisters; northest frō Shireburn,The [...] si [...] which gather into [...] botom, & come into ye M [...]r [...]. Another brooke likewise cōmeth by [...]eydō frō Puscā [...]ell, thrée myles from thence by flat east, be­twix [...] the parke and the Merefull so great a [...] the [...]reame of the Mere, and ioyning at the low [...] mill of Shireburne, with the Mere water, it is not long ere it fall into the Euill. Thence our Euill goeth on toward Glasen, B [...]dford, and ere it come there taketh in a forked rill from by south, descending from a­bout west Chelbury and Chetnall in Dorset­shire, beneth which towne ye other hed falleth into the same, so that they run forth by Bear­haggard & Thornford (til they méet with the Iue [...]) & so to Clifton, Euil, Trent, Mutforde, Ashinton, and east of Limminton it méeteth with the Cade that runneth from Yarling­ton, by north Cadbiry,Cade. and soone after cros­sing a rill also from by east, that cōmeth frō Blackeford by Compto [...], it hasteth to south Cadbiry, Sparhford, Quéenes Camel, west Camell, & so into Iuell, which runneth on to Kimmington, Ilchester, Ilbridge; long Sut­ton, and ere it come at Langport, [...] taketh in two famous waters in one chanell next of all to be remembred before I go any further. The first of all these riseth southeast betwene the Parets (where it is called Parret water) and goeth to Crokehorne,Parret. and at Meri [...]t ta­keth in a brooke from the east, which cōsisteth [Page 57] of two courses vnited at Bowbridge, wherof the one descendeth from Pen by Hasilbury, the other from aboue the thrée Chenocks, as I doe vnderstand. From hence also they goe as one with the Parret water, toward south Pederton (takyng in at east a becke cōming from Hamden hil) thence to Pederton, Lam­brooke, Thorney bridge, & Muchelney where it méeteth with the seconde called Il or Ilus, whose hed is aboue Chellington, & comming down frō thēce by Cadworth, before it come at Dunniet, it taketh in a ril that runneth by Chafcomb and Knoll. Thence leauing Ilmi­ster on the east side, it méeteth with another from by East, descendyng from aboute Whitlakington. Then it goeth to Poking­ton (where it crosseth ye Ilton water by west) next to Ilbruers, [...]on. and there it ioyneth with a rillet that riseth by west at Staple, and run­neth by Bicknell and Abbots Ily, and after this confluence goeth on toward Langport. And here after some mens opinion, the Iuell looseth hys name, and is called Parret, but this coniecture cannot holde, sithe in the olde writers it is called Iuell, till it fall into the sea. Neuerthelesse, how so euer this matter standeth, beyng past Langport, it goeth by Awber toward s. Antonies, where it méeteth with the Tone next of all to be described. The Tone issueth at Clatworthy, [...]ne. and goeth by west of Wiuelscombe, to Stawley, Ritford, Runton, Wellington and Bradford, beneath which it taketh in a faire water commyng from Sanford Combe, Elworthy, Brunte Rafe, Miluerton, Oke and Hilfarens. After this confluence also it runneth to Helebridge and there below meteth with one water that runneth by Hawse, Hethforde and Norton, then another frō Crokeham by bishops Sle­diard, and the third and fourth at Tawnton, that descendeth from Kingston by north, and another by south that ryseth about Pidmi­ster, and thus is the Tone increased, which goeth from Taunton to Riston, Creche, Northcurry, Ling, and so by Anthony into ye Iuell, that after this confluence méeteth ere long with the Chare, [...]are or [...]re. a prety riuer that com­meth by east from Northborow, by Carletō, Badcare, Litecare, Somerton, Higham Au­dry more, Audry, and Michelsborow. From whence goyng on betwene Quéenes moore and North moore, it receyueth one brooke cal­led Peder from by southwest, that runneth thorough Pederton parke and Northmoore, [...]der. and likewyse another that passeth by Dur­ley, ere it doe come at Bridgewater. From Bridgewater it goeth by Chilton directly northwest, and then turnyng flat west, it go­eth northwardes towards the sea, takyng in two waters by the way, wherof one runneth by Coripole and Cannington, and beareth ye name of Cannington,Cāmingtō Brier. the other by Sidding­ton and Comage, and then receyuyng the Brier before it come at Start point, they fol as [...]ne into the Ocean, wherof let this suffice for the description of the Iuel, whose streame doth water al the west part of Somersetshire and leaue it very fruitfull.

The Brier, Bruer, or Bréer,Brier. ryseth of two waters, wherof one is in Selwood forest, and commeth downe by Bruecombe, Bruham,Lelād wryteth ye first Brieuelus & the seconde Mellodun [...] or ye Mil­ton water. and Bruton. The other which Lelād nameth Mellos, is northeast of Staffordell towne, & goyng by the same, it runneth by Redlinche, to Wike where it meteth with the other hed, and thence go on as one to Awnsford, Alford (where it taketh in a water called Dulis frō by north that ryseth nere Dolting,Dulis. and com­meth by Euerchurch parke) then to the Lid­fordes, Basborow wood, the Tor hil,Soway. Pont perilous bridg (wherinto they fable that Ar­thur beyng wounded to death did throw Ca­lybur hys sword) by Glassenbury and so into the Méere. Beside this riuer there are two o­ther also that fall into the said Méere, wherof the one called Soway commeth from Crée­church parke, & Pulton by Hartlack bridge, the other named Cos or the Coscombe wa­ter, from aboue Shepton,Cos. Mallet (which east of Wyke taketh in a water commyng from Welles) by Wyke, Gedney, and so into the Méere. Finally, returning all into one cha­nell it runneth to Burtlehouse, and soone af­ter diuiding it selfe, one arme goeth by Ba­stian aliâs Brent bridge, to High bridge, lea­uyng Huntespill a market towne by South west, the other by Marke to Rokes bridge, Hebbes passage, and so into the sea, leauing a faire Island wherin beside Brentmarsh are 7. or 8. townes, wherof Vphill is none, which is contrary to my former assertion, and here in therfore not onely the same, but also an o­ther errour in the name of this riuer is wor­thy to be redressed, beside a third touching the course of the said Axe, which brauncheth not so low, but rather runneth into the braunche of Brier that lyeth most easterly, as experi­ence by the eie of him that of set purpose hath of late ridden to view it, doth manifestly con­firme. Now as touching the water that com­meth from Wels, which falleth as I said in­to ye Coscomb water on the right hand of the Cawsey. You shall vnderstand that as many springs are in Wels, so the chiefe of them is named Andres well, which ryseth in a me­dow plat not farre from the east ende of the cathedrall church, and afterward goeth into the Coscomb, in such place as I haue noted. [Page] Leland speaketh of the Milton and Golafer waters,Milton. Golafer. which should fall likewyse into the Brier, but whether those be they wherof the one ryseth aboue Staffordell, and in the dis­cent runneth by Shipton, Pitcomb, and so to Awnsford on the one side, as the other doth rise betwene Batcomb and Vpton noble on the other halfe: or vnto whether of them ey­ther of these names are seuerally to be attri­buted, as yet I do not read.

Axe. 2. The Che­der brooke, driueth .12. milles within a quarter of a myle of his heade.The second Axe issueth out of Owky hole, from whence it goeth by Owky towne, af­terward meeting with the Chederbrook that commeth from the Cheder rocks, it runneth by Were, Ratcliffe, and after a little com­passe into the northeast braunch of the afore­sayde riuer last described, betwene Rokes bridge and Hebbes passage, as I haue bene informed.

Bane.From the fall of Axe we come to an other called Bane, northest of Woodspring, whose hed is about Banwel parke, or els in Smal­don wood. Then to another, and to the third, called Artro,Artro. which riseth about Litton, and goyng by the Artroes, Vbbey, Perrybridge (receiuyng a rill ere it come the [...]her from by south) beneth Cungesbiry, or as I learne be­twene Kingston and Laurens Wike it mée­teth with the sea.

Sottes­pill.Sottespill water ryseth betwene Cheue­ley and Nailesey, howbeit it hath no en­crease before it come into the sea at Sotte­spill, more then the next vnto it, which is na­med Cleueden water, of a certaine towne néere to the fall therof. It ryseth southeast of Barrow,Cleueden goeth by Burton Nailesey, and so vnto Cleuedon.

Auon. 3.The Auon commonly called the third Auon is a goodly water, and growen to be very fa­mous by sondry occasions, to be particularly touched in our descriptiō of Bristowe. It ry­seth in the very edge of Tetbury, and goeth by long Newtō to Brokenton, Whitchurch, and Malmsbury, where it receiueth two wa­ters, that is to say, one from by west cōming by Foxeley, and Bromleham, which rūneth so néere to the Auon in the west suburbe of Malmesbury, that the towne thereby is al­most made an Island. Another from Okesey parke by Hankerton, Charleton, and Gares­den. After this confluence it hasteth to Cole parke, then goeth it toward the southeast, till it méete with a water comming from south west (betwene Hullauington and Bradfield) by Aston: and soone after with another at the northside from Bynall by Wootton Basset (thorow the parke to Gretenham, and Ido­uer bridges) and after ye confluēce to Daunt­sey, Segar, Sutton, Christmalford, Auon, Calwaies house, & then to west Tetherton. Beneth this towne also it taketh in a water increased by two brokes, wherof one cōming from Cleue by Hilmarton, Whitley house and Bramble, (and there receiuyng another that commeth by Calne) passeth on by Stan­ley into the Auon, which from thēceforth go­eth to Chippenham, Rowdon, Lekham, and then receiuing Cosham water, [...] goeth to La­cocke, Melsham, and ere it come at Whad­don, crosseth two other in one chanell, wher­of one riseth about Brumham house, and go­eth to Sene, the other about the Diuizes, and frō thence runneth to Potterne wood, Creke­wood, Worton, Maston, Bucklington, and ioyning with the other aboue Litleton, they run by Semmington, and north of Whad­don aforesayd into the maine streame, wher­of I now intreat. From hence our Auon run­neth to Stauerton, and south west of that towne méeteth with the Were that cōmeth from Vpton by Dilton, Brooke parke (there crossing a ril from Westbiry vnder ye plane) then to north Bradley, Trubridge, [...] and so in­to Auon that goeth from thence to Bradford, and within a myle or there about, before it come at Freshford, it meteth with ye Frome, whose description doth insue.

The Frome ryseth in the east part of Mē ­dip hils, and from thence rūneth by Astwijc, [...] ye Cole pits, Lye vnder Mendippe, Whate­ley, Elmesbridge, and soone after taketh in the Nonney water, [...] comming from Nonney castle, thēce to Walles & Orcharley bridge, where it receiueth a prety brooke descending from Frome Selwoode west of Brackley, increased with sundry rils, wherof two come out of Selwood forrest (and one of them from the Fratry) another out of Long lead parke, from Horningsham, and the fourth from Cosley. Hence our Frome goeth to Lulling­ton, Beckington, Farley castle, Borde and Fresh foord, [...] and taking in the Silling brooke falleth into the Auon beneath Bradford, and east of Freshford. From thence goyng be­neath Stoke, it receyueth on the left hande a water commyng from southwest, increased by sundry brookes, whereof one commeth frō Camelet by Litleton, and Dankerton, the o­ther from Stone Eston, Midsommer Nor­ton, by Welston, Rodstocke, Wrigleton, Foscot, and Wellow (and there takyng in a rill from Phillips Norton, it goeth) by Cla­uerton to Hampton, & there it méeteth wyth another water commyng from Barthforde, whose hed is at Littleton, from whence it rū ­neth by west Kineton to Castle comb (where it ioyneth with a rill rising by north from Litleton drue) and thence commeth south to [Page 58] Slaughtenford, Haselbury, Box, Baithford, and so into the Auon, which turnyng playne west hasteth to Baithw [...]jc, and (méeting wt another in his passage from Coldaston) to Bathe the Tiuertons and Coston. Here also it taketh in a rill by the way from Markes­biry by Wilmerton and Newton, and then goyng on to Sawford, it méeteth with one rill soone after west of Northstocke, called Swinford, [...]ford and another by Bittō, from Dur­hain by Wike, and so procéedeth stil holding on his way to Cainsham, [...]ford [...]h [...]erset [...]oce­ [...] yres [...]er. where it crosseth the Chute, which issueth at Winford, and go­eth by bishops Chue to Penford, and there receiueth the Clue commyng from Cluton, and from thence to Chute, and so into Auon. The Auon likewyse after all these confluen­ces goeth to Briselton, and so to Bristow, be­neath which it receyueth a rill on eche side, (whereof one commeth from aboute Stoke lodge in Gloucester shire, beyng a faire wa­ter and running by Acton, Framptō, Ham­broch, Stapleton, and thorow Bristow, the other by south from Dundrey hill & towne, by Bisport and Bedminster) and so discen­ding yet lower, goeth to Rawneham passage & Clyfton, then by S. Vincentes rocke and Laie, next of all to Crocampill, and finally into the sea, whether all waters by nature do resort.

Beside this water, Leland maketh menti­on of Alderley brook, which in some auncient recordes is also called Auon, and runneth by Barkeley. In like maner he talketh of Dou­resley becke, [...]rley [...]esley. whose principal h [...]d is in Dou­resley towne, howbeit he saith no thing of it more, then that it serueth sundry t [...]cking l [...]o­king milles, [...]orth & goeth by Tortworth or foure miles further, before it come at the Sauern. Finally, making mention of an excellent quarrey of hard stone about Douresley, he telleth of the Tortworth becke that runneth within a flight shot of Barkeley towne, and faileth on the left hande into Sauerne mar­ches, taking with all the Alderley or Auon, except I mistake his meanyng, which may soone be done among his confused notes.

Of the Sauerne, and such riuers as fall into the same, as also of other, whereby the rest afore mencioned, are increased be­fore we come to the Humber. Chap. 2.

THe Sa [...]r [...]e springeth from the hyghe mountaines of southwales, as I haue before remembred, and run [...]yng frō the side, the first water that it re [...]eiueth of any name, is called Dulas, [...]. which commeth therinto o [...] the south side, & south west of Lan Idlos. It riseth as it should séeme of diuers heds in the edge of Radnorshire, and taking in sundry small rils,Brueham. it méeteth at the last with ye Brue­ham brooke, and so they go togither till they fal into the Sauerne. Beneth lan Idlos like­wise it taketh in the Clewdoghe from north west,Clewdogh producted by the influence of foure prety brookes, wherof one is called Bacho,Bacho. another Dungum (commyng out of lin Glaslin) the third Lhoid rising in lin Begilin,Dungum. Lhoid. Bigga. & the most southerly Bigga. After which confluēce our Sauerne procéedeth on by Berhlaid toward Landyman, taking in by the way on the east side the Couine, thence to Cairfuse castle,Couine. Carnon. Taran. where it méeteth with the Carnon and the Taran both in one chanell, and going not far from the aforesaid fortresse. After this it cros­seth the Hawes,Hawes. Dulesse. 2. on the north halfe beneth A­berhawes, next of all the Dulesse, that riseth in the edge of Radnorshire, and meteth with it before it come at Newton, otherwise cal­led Trenewith, as I finde in Brittishe lan­guage. Being past Newton, it runneth forth by Land [...]louarne, and so forth on till it come to the fall of the Mule,Mule. whose hed is in ye edge of Radnor also, and therto his passage by Ke­ry and Lamnereyw [...]g.Kenlet. Camalet. Tate. After this also it pro­céedeth further till it méete with the Kenlet or the Camalet (which taketh in also ye Tate or Tadbrookewater, rysing out of the hilles a myle from Bishops towne) the whole course therof beyng about seuen miles from the hed as I haue often heard. Of this also I find two descriptions, wherof one I borrow out of Le­land, who saith that it is a prety brooke run­nyng in the vale by Mountgomery, and com­myng within halfe a myle of the place where Chirbiry priory stood, it falleth into ye sauern, about a [...] from thence. Of the rils saith he that run from the hils thorow Mountgome­ry, which are a myle from the Sauern shore,Laindlos. & likewise of the Lan Idlos brooke that me­teth with all within foure miles of the hed, I speake not but thinke it sufficient to touche those of some estimation, onely leauing ye rest so such as may hereafter deale with thinges more particulerly, as time and trauaile may reueale the truth vnto them, and hitherto Lelande whole wordes I dare not alter. But another noteth this Camalet or Ken­let to ran by More, Lidd [...]om, Sned, Church­stocke, Chirbury, Walcote and Winsbiry, and so into the Sauerne. From hence then, and after this confidence it goeth on by For­don, Leighton and Landbrouy toward Mel­uerley, & there it méeteth with sundry waters in one chanell,Tauet. wherof the one called the Ta­uet, is a very prety water (wherinto the Pe­uerey [Page] or Murnewy doth fall,Peuery or Murnewy Auerney. which descēdeth from the hils by west of Matrafall not farre from Lhan Filin) the other Auerny, and ioy­ning beneath Abertannoth or aboue Lanna­monach nere vnto the ditch of Offa, it is not long ere they méete with the Mordant brook,Mordaunt and there loose their names so soone as they ioyne and mixe their waters with it. The hed of ye Mordant issueth out of Lanuerdan hils, where diuers say that the paroche church of crosse Oswald or Oswester sometimes stood. Certes, Oswester is 13. miles northwest frō Shrewsbury, and conteyneth a myle within the walles. It hath in like sort foure suburbs or great stréetes, of whiche one is called Stratlan, another Wulliho, the third Bete­rich (wherin are 140. barnes standyng on a row belonging to the citizens or burgesses) and the fourth named the black gate stréete, in which are 30. barnes mainteyned for corn and hay. There is also a brooke running tho­rough the towne by the crosse, comming frō Simons well,Simons beeke. a bowe shot without the wall, and goyng vnder ye same betwene Thorow­gate and Newgate, it runneth also vnder the blacke gate. There is an other in lyke sorte ouer whose course the Baderikes or Bete­rich gate standeth, and therfore called Bede­rich brooke.Bederiche. The third passeth by the Willi­gate or Newgate, and these fall altogether with the crosse brooke, a myle lower by south into the Mordant that runneth (as I sayd) by Oswester. From hence also it goeth to Mor­dant towne, and betwéene Landbreuy & Mel­uerley doth fall into the Sauerne. After this our principall streame goeth to Sheauerdon castle, Mountford, and Bicton chappell, and here it receiueth a water on the left hande, that riseth of two heds, whereof one is aboue Merton, the other at Ellismere, and ioynyng betwéene Woodhouses and Bagley, the con­fluence runneth on by Radnall, Haltō, Ted­desmer, Roiton, Baschurch, Walford, Graf­ton, Mitton, and so into the Sauerne. From hence it runneth to Fitz, Eton, or Leyton, Barwijc, Vpper Rossall, Shelton, and so to Shrewsbury, where it crosseth the Mele wa­ter, whose head as I heare, is sayd to bée in Weston.

Mele.The Mele therfore rising at Weston, go­eth by Brocton, Worthen, Aston Pigot, Westley, Asterley, and at Lea it méeteth with the Haberley water,Haberley. that cōmeth down by Pontesford and Aunston. After this con­fluence also it runneth to Newenham, and Crokemels (there taking in a ril on ye other side that descendeth by Westbury & Stret­ton) & thence goyng on to Hanwood, Noball, Pulley, Bracemele and Shrewsbury, it fal­leth as I sayd, into the open Sauerne. From hence our Sauerne hasteth to Vffington, Preston, and betwéene Chilton and Bram­pton taketh in the Terne a faire stream and worthy to be well handled if it lay in me to performe it. This riuer riseth in a Mere be­side Welbridge park, néere vnto Tern Mere village in Staffordshire. Frō whence it run­neth by the parkes side to Knighton, Norton, Betton, [...] and at Draiton Hales crosseth with a water commyng from aboute Adbaston, (where M. Brodocke dwelleth) and runneth by Chippenham and Amming: so that the Terne on the one side, [...] and this brooke on the other, do inclose a great part of Blore h [...]th, where a noble battaile was sōetime purpo­sed betwéene king Henry the vj. and ye Duke of Yorke, but it wanted execution. But to procéede after this confluence, it runneth to Draiton Hales, Ternehill bridge, & ere long takyng in a ril from Sandford by Blechley, it goeth to Stoke Allerton, Peplaw, and Ea­ton, where it crosseth with a brooke that ry­seth about Brinton, and goyng by Higham▪ Morton, the great Mere, Forton, Pilson, Pickstocke, Keinton, Tibberton and Bola [...], it ioyneth with the said Terne not far from Water Vpton. Thence passing to Crogen­ton, it meteth with another brooke, that com­meth from Chaltwen Aston, by Newport [...], Longford, Aldney, and so thorow the Wilde moore to Kinesley and Sléepe, and finally in­to the Terne, which hasteth from thence to Eston bridge, and nere vnto Walcote taketh in the Roden. [...] This water riseth at Halton in Cumber méere lake, and commyng to A­uerley crosseth a rill from: Cowlemere by Leniall. Thence it goeth to Horton, [...] and (ioy­ning with another rill beneth N [...]melay that commeth from Midle) runneth on to Wen, Aston (there crossing a rill beneth Lacon hall from Préesward) and so to [...]ée, Befford [...], Stanton, Morton, Shabrée, Paynton, Rodē, Rodington, and then into Terne that run­neth from thence by Charlton, Vpton, N [...] ­ton, Ba [...]wijc, Accham, & so into ye Sauerne two miles beneath Shrewsbery as I wéene. Thus haue I described the Terne in suche wyse as my simple skill is able to performe. Now it resteth that I procéede on as I may, with the Sauerne streame with which after this former confluence it goth vnto Roxater, Brampton, Eaton vpon Sauerne, [...] Drai­ton (where it ioyneth-with the Euerne that rūneth from Frodesleyward, by Withi [...]ll & Pitchford) Cressedge, Garneston Leighton, and betwéene the two Bilda [...]es crosseth the [...]he or W [...]ul [...]ke water, [...] and so goeth vnto Browsley and Hoord parke, where it vniteth [Page 59] it selfe with another brooke to be described in this place whilest the Sauerne rest, and re­create it selfe here among the pleasaunt bot­tomes.

This water ryseth aboue Tongcastle, and ere it haue run any great distaunce from the hed, it méeteth with a rill commyng by Shi­riffe Hales, and Staunton. Thence it goeth on to Hatton, Royton, & there crossing ano­ther from Woodhouses, [...]beck cōmyng by Haugh­ton and Euelin, it procéedeth to Bechebiry and Higford, and not omitting here to crosse ye Worse that runneth vnto it out of Snow­don pole, it passeth forth to Badger, Acleton, Ringleford, and so into Sauerne, somewhat aboue Bridgenorth except myne informati­on deceiue me. [...]brok. From Bridgenorth our Sa­uerne descendeth to Woodbury, Quatford, and there taking in the Marbrooke beneath Eaton (that riseth aboue Collaton, and goeth by Moruil and Vndertō) it runneth by Did­manston, Hempton, Aueley, and beneath in the way to Bargate, crosseth with a brooke commyng from Vpton parke, by Chetton, Billingsley, and Highley, which beyng ad­mitted, it holdeth on to Areley, Cyarnewood parke, Hawbache, and Dowlesse. Here also it méeteth with the Dowlesse water, [...]sse. a pretye brooke issuyng out of Cle hils in Shropshire, which are 3. myles from Ludlow, and run­ning thorow Clehiry park in Wire forrest, and takyng with all the Lempe, [...]e. doth fall in­to the Sauerne not very far from Bewdley. But to procéede. From Bewdley our Sa­uerne hasteth directly to Ribford, Areley and Redston, and here it méeteth with a water called Stoure, [...]re. descending from Eley, or out of the pondes of Hales owen in Worcester shire, where it receyueth one rill from ye left hand, and an other from the right, and then goeth on to Sturbridge (taking in there the third water ere long running from Sturton castle) then to Kniuer Whittenton, Ouerley and Kydormister, aboue which it crosseth one brookelet that commeth thyther by churche hill, and another beneath it that runneth by Belborow, betwixt which two waters lyeth and odde péece of Staffordshire included, and also the Cle hill. From hence the aforesayde Sauerne hasteth by Redston to Shrawley, and aboue this towne receiueth the Asteley water, [...]y. as beneath the same it doth an other. From Witley thē it goeth on to Holt castle, and so to Grimley, taking in therabout with the Dour, [...]r. [...]waye. and Sulway waters, whereof this riseth at Chadswijc, and runneth by Stoke priory, & Droitwiche, the other aboue Chad­desley, and commeth by Dourdale. After this it goeth forth vnto Worcester, in olde tyme called Cair Brangon, or Cair [...]rangon, where it méeteth with the Tiber,Tiber. or Tibertō water on the right hand aboue that city, and beneath it néere vnto Powijc with ye Temde, whose description shall be set downe before I procéede or goe any further wyth the Sa­uerne.

The Temde or as some name it ye Tame,Temde. riseth vp in Radnorshire out of the Melēnith hils, and soone after hys issue, méeting with a water from Withal, it runneth to Begeldy, Lanuerwaterden, and so to Knighton, which is v. or vj. miles as I heare from hys origi­nall. From Knighton it goeth ouer the ditch of Offa vnto Standish, and crossyng a rill that commeth from betwene the parkes, na­med Clude (and is a bound of Radnorshire) it goeth to Buckton, Walford, and Lanuarde,Clude. where it méeteth with the Bardwell or Ber­field, and the Clun both in one chanell, of which I find these descriptions here follow­yng worde for worde in Lelande. The Bar­dwell or Barfield riseth aboue new chappel,Berfielde. Clun. in the honour of Clun, hard by the ditche of Offa, and goeth by Bucknell. The Clun issu­eth out of the ground betwéene Lhan Vehan and Maiston, and going on by Bucton, Clun­castle, Clundon, Purslaw, and Clunbiry, it crosseth with a brooke that runneth along by Kempton and Brampton. Thence goyng forth by Clunbury, Brome, Abcot and Mar­low, it méeteth with the Bardwell, and so in-the Temde, not very farre from Temder­ton. I suppose that Lelād calleth the Barde­well by the name of Owke,Owke. but I will not a­bide by it because I am not sure of it. After these confluences therfore our Temde, goeth by Trippleton, Dounton, Burrington, and Broomefield,Oney. where it méeteth with the O­ney, which is an indifferent streame, and in­creased with sundry waters, wherof I say as followeth. The first of all is called the Bow.Bow. It riseth as I learne in the hilles betwéene Hissington and Shelue, and from thence cō ­meth down by Lindley and Hardwijc, where it crosseth the Warren that issueth out of the ground about Rotly chappell,Warren. and runneth by Adston and Wentnor. After the confluence also goyng on by Choulton and Cheynies, it taketh in the Queney and Strabroke both in one chanell,Queney & Strabrok. wherof the first riseth at Le­botwood, and commeth downe by the Stret­tons till it passe by Fellanton. The seconde mounteth about Longuill, & goeth by Rushe­bury, Newhall, Harton, and Alcaster, from whence it is not long ere it fal into the Que­ny, and so by Stratford into the Oney, which hath borne that name sithens the confluence of the Bow and Warrē at Hardwijc, wher­of [Page] I spa [...]te before. Finally, the Oney which some call the Somergill beyng thus increa­sed,Somergil. it runneth on to Hawford chappel, New­tō, Oneybury, Bromefield, & so into Temde, and next of all to Ludlow. The Temde be­yng thus brought to Ludlow, méeteth with ye Corue which commeth thorowe Coruedale frō aboue Brocton by Morehouses,Corue. Shipton, Hungerford, and a little beneath takyng in a ril that commeth by Tugford, and Brancost castle, goeth on to Corsham castle, and there crossing another from s. Margarets Clée, it hyeth to Stanton Lacy, and so likewyse to Ludlow. From Ludlow in lyke sort it goeth to Ludford, the Ashefordes, little Hereford, Burrington and at Burfford vniteth it selfe with the Ladwich that commeth beneth Mil­burne stoke,Ladwiche. from betwéene Browne, Clée­hill, and Stitlertons hill, to Middelton, Hen­ley, Ladwich, Conam, and so into Temde, which beneth Temdbury receyueth another rill on the other side, and the second on ye left hand called Rhe,Rhe. that commeth from aboue Ricton, Staterton, Hounde, Nene, Clebiry, Knighton, and then into the Temde. From hence the Temd goeth by Astha, Lingridge, Shelley Welch, Clifton, Whitburne (and crossing a water that commeth from ye Sa­pies) to Knightwijc and Bradwaies. Here about againe it intertaineth a rill that des­cendeth from aboute Kidbury on the right hand, and goeth by Collomathern, Credeley, Aufrike, and so into Temd, and then procee­dyng forwarde the said streame, renneth to Braunforde, & ere long (taking in the Lang­herne that ryseth about Martley,Lang­herne. and passeth by Kengewijc) it goeth to Powijc, and so in­to the Sauerne before it come at Wickece­ster. Thus haue I brought all such streames before me that fall into the Sauerne, from the hed, vntill I come to Powijc, wherof as you may easily perceiue the Temde, is the most excellent. Now it resteth that I procéed with the rest of the discourse intended con­cernyng this our riuer. Certes, frō Powijc mils which are about halfe a myle beneath Worcester, ye Sauerne runneth on to Kemp­sey and Cleueld, whence after it hath crossed a brooke commyng from Eowley, it hasteth first to Stoke, and so to Vpton, but ere it come there, it drouneth another fall descen­dyng from Maluerne hilles by Blackemore parke, and soone after the third growyng by two braunches, whereof one commeth also from Maluerne hils by little Maluerne and Welland, the other from Elderford by Pen­dock and Longdon. After these confluences in lyke sort, it runneth to Bushelley, & Tew­kesbiry, where it receiueth the Auon, that fo­loweth next of all in order to be described, before I procéed any further in my discourse of Sauerne.

The Auon riseth at Nauesby in the bor­ders of Northampton shire,A [...] a [...]ittle side hād of Gilleshnrow, and foote of the hils whereon Nauebey standeth, and euē out of the churchyard of the sayde village. From hence it go­eth to Welford, Stamforde, Lilburne, Clif­ton, and Rugby, by north wherof it crosseth a water called Swift, which commeth from aboue Kymcote, to Lutterworth, [...] Browne o­uer and Colsford. From thence also it goeth to Newbold, Wolston, Ruington, & betwene the Stonlies taketh in the Sow.So [...] This Sowe is a prety water cōming from aboue Calen­don to Whitley, & soone after méeting with a riueret from Couentry, which some doe call Shirburne water, it goeth thence to Bag­ginton where it taketh in a rill called Kynel, as I haue red from Kenelsworth,Ky [...] frō whence it runneth to Stonley, and so into the Auon. After this confluence the Auon procedeth on to Stonley Abbey, Ashehow, Miluerton, Ed­monds cote, and a pace to Warwijc. But ere it come there, it méeteth from south east with two waters in one chanell, wherof the least commeth to Marton from bishops Itching­ton, by Herburbiry and Thorpe, where it crosseth a rill from Southam. The other is called Leame,Le [...] or Lime that descendeth from about Helladon, or néere vnto Catosby in Northampton shire, and goyng by Ouēcote, Braunston, Lemington and Merton, it ioy­neth with the other, and then go from thence together vnder the name of Leame, to Hun­nington, Cobbington, and so into the Auon as I gaue notice before. At Warwycke also the Auon taketh in a water runnyng north­west from Groue parke. Thence it goeth on to Bereford, and there crossing another from Shirburne, it passeth forth to bishops Ham­pton, meting finally with the third, frō Kine­ton that runneth by Walton and Charlcot [...]. After this last rehersed confluence, it hasteth to Stretford vpon Auon, and thē to Ludding­ton ward, where it taketh in the Stoure that riseth aboue Cherington,St [...] and whose course from thence is such, as that beyng once past the head, it goeth by Weston, and ere long crossing a water from Campden, hangyng Aston, and Todnam, it runneth to Barche­ston, Aldermaston, Clifford, and so into the Auon. From hence then the sayd Auon goeth to Luddington, Burton, Bitford, and Cleue, and beyng parted from the said towne, ere it come at Sawford, it receiueth the Arrow or Aur,Arr [...] which rising in the blacke hils in Wor­cester shire, commeth by Alchurche, Beley [Page 60] parke, Ypsley, Studley, & thē taking in ano­ther ril called Alne, [...]lne. out of Fecknam forest, & going by Cowghtō park, it hasteth to Alces­ter, Arrow, Ragley, Wheteley, Bouington, Stādford, & so into Auō, which after this cō ­iunctiō goeth to Vffentō, & thē to Eouesholm: But ere it come there it receyueth twoo waters in one Chanell, whereof the first ry­seth about Willersey, ye other néere to Buck­land, and ioyning beneath Badsey, they fall into Auon, [...]ludor. vnder the name of Pludor brooke before it come to Eouesholme. Beyng past Eouesholme it crosseth ye Vincell, which ry­sing out of the hilles somewhere about Sud­ley, [...]ncêlus. runneth twoo myles farther to Win­chelcome, and Gretton, and taking in a ryll by the waye from Hayles, procéedeth on (go­ing within one quarter of a myle of Hayles Abbaie) to Tuddington, or Doddington, be­neath which when it hath crossed another rill that commeth from Stanwaie, it goeth to Warmington, Sedgeborow, and receyuing there the last on the ryght hande also (as all aboue rehearsed) it falleth into the Auon whē it is come by Hinton, vnto a towne called Hamptō, or as some do write it Ampton. Af­ter this confluence the Auon goeth to Charl­ton, to Crapthorne (and there taking in a rill on the left hand) to Fladbyry wike, & almost at Persore bridge, méeteth with a braunched water that commeth by Piddle, whereof one heade is at Alberton, [...]idle. an other at Pidle. Frō Persore it goeth to Birlingham, and soone after carrying a brooke withall discending from Fakenham, by Bradley, Himbleton, Huddenton, Crowley, Churchehill, Pibletō, Besseforde and Desseforde, it fléeteth to Ec­kington, Bredon, Twining, Mitton, & Tew­kesbiry, where it ioyneth with the Sauerne.

Now to resume the course of the Sauerne, you shall vnderstande that from Tewekes­biry it goeth to Derehirst, [...]hilus. thē how passage, and soone after receyuing the Chiltenham water that commeth thither by Bodenton, Sawton, & Nortō, it runneth to Ashelworth, Sainthirst, & here it parteth it self till it come to Glocester, where it vniteth it self againe. But in the meane time ye easterly braūch re­ceyueth a forked chanell, wherof one heade is not farre from Leke hāpton, the other about Witcōb, frō whēce it goeth to Brockworth. The other braunche or arme, taketh in the Leaden that cōmeth down by Prestō, Dim mock, Pantley vper Leadon, Leadon court and there taking in one rill that commeth from Linton by Axeknoll, [...]den. and another be­neath it frō Tainton by Rudforde, it falleth into the sayde braunche on the right side, be­fore it come at Glocester. The Sauerne therefore being past Glocester, it méeteth wyth a little ryll on the ryght hande, and thence holdyng on his course by Elmore, Minsterwoorth Longuey to Framilode, it re­ceyueth ere it come at this latter the Strowd brooke, which rising not farre from Syde,Strowd. goeth by Massade, Edgeworth Frampton Strowde, and receyuing there a water that commeth from Panneswijc Lodge, by Pit­tescombe on the one side, and another from Radbridge on the other, it prosequteth hys voyage to Stone house, Eflington, whyte Mysen, and so toward Framilode where the sayde Strowde doth fall into the Sauerne. After the fall of Strowde, the Sauerne go­eth from thence to Newenham, and Arling­ham, and soone after receyuing a water on eche side, whereof one commeth from Vley by Cham and Chambridge, the other by Blackney and Catcombe, it goeth forth tyll it méete with another water, on eche syde, whereof that on thenglishe halfe is forked, so that one heade thereof is to be founde about Boxwell, the other at Horton, and méeting a­boue Tortworthy, they runne by Stone and Barkeley Castell, and so into the Sauerne. That on ye welch halfe is named Newarne,Newarne. which commeth from the forrest of Deane, and so into the Sauerne.

The next ryuer that falleth into the sayde streame is the Wie, or Guy,Wy or Guy. whose descrip­tion I haue not so exactly as I would wish, & therfore I must be contented to set it down as I may, the like also must I doe wt the rest of those of wales, because mine information faileth me, without all hope of redresse.

The Guy therefore ryseth out of ye blacke mountaines of wales, in Radnor shire & cō ­ming by Lhāgerik, & Riadargoy it receiueth one ryll from northeast by s. Harmon, & ano­ther from the west called Darnoll.Darnol. Thence it goeth to Lhanuthel, and in the way betwixte Riadar and Lanuthell,Elland. it ioyneth wyth the Elland (whose heade is néere to Comeryst­with) & taketh likewise into him the Clard­wen that deuideth for a season Radnor shire from Brecknoch.Clardwē. From Lhanuthel it goeth west of Dissart, where it receyueth ye Ithan,Ithan. a riuer rising aboue Lhanibister, and from whence it runneth to Landwy, and Lanba­derne vawr. Beneath this also it crosseth a water on eche side, wherof that on the ryght hand consisteth of the Dulesse,Dulesse. Cluedoch. Lomaron. Hawy. and the Clue­doch, after their confluence, other the hight Lomaron whose heade is aboue Lanihan­gle. After these confluences, it runneth on crinkeling in straunge maner, till it come to Dissart, (taking in the Hawy on the left side ere it come there) and then into ye Wy, which [Page] directeth his course to Bealt, aliâs Lhanuear where it receyueth the Yrwon,Yrwon. a notable streame, and inlarged by sondry faire wa­ters,Weuery. Dulesse. Comarch. Dulesse. Dehon. as the Weuerey, the Dulas, and the Comarch on the one side, and likewise an o­ther Dulesse, beside sondry small rils on the other. After this our Irwon goeth to Lhan­nareth where it crosseth the Dehon on the one side, then to Aberedwy,Edwy. and there recey­ueth the Edwy on the other, and after that the Machawey that runneth by Castle pain,Machauy. and so going on méeteth in processe of tyme with the Leuēni,Leuenni, wherof Leland in his com­mentaryes, doth write as here insueth.

Euer. Euery.The Leuenni, otherwise called the Euer or Euery, is a faire streame rising in Welche Talgarth hard by Blain Leuenni, among the Atterill hilles, from whence it goeth to Brecknock Mere, which is two miles long, and a myle brode, and where mē fish in Vni­ligneis or botes of one péece, as they doe in Lhin Seuathan, which is foure myles from Brechnoch. Finally bringing great store of Red sande withall,Brennich. and there with the Bren­nich water (that hath his originall issue at Mennith gader, and is encreased with the Truffrin) it falleth into ye Wie aboue Gles­sebyry thrée miles from Haie,Trufrin. at a place that of the onelye fall of this brooke is named A­berleuenni. Being come to Haie (a pretye towne where much Romaine coine is found, which the people call Iewes money) it mée­teth with the Dulesse that cōmeth also from the Atterell by Kersop,Dulesse. and from thence go­eth to Clifford castel, the Whitneies, Win­ferton, Letton, Bradwarden, Brobery, Mo­nington, Byforde, Bridgesalers, Eaton, Brynton and Hereforde, where it méeteth with a water rysing shorte of Wormesley, and goeth by Maunsell, Lacy, Brinsop, Cre­dn [...]ll, Stretton and Huntington, and soone after into the Wye, beside a little ryll that runneth betwene them both euen into Here­forde towne. From hence in lyke sorte the Wye hasteth to Rotheras church, Hamptō, and Mordeford, where it taketh in sundrye waters in one chanell,Lug. of which the Lug or Luy is the principall, and next of all to be de­scribed before I go any furder with ye course of the Wye, whereinto it dischargeth the chanell. It ryseth as I reade, harde by Me­leninth neare to a chappell of our Ladye of Pylale, from whence it goeth to Kineton, Titley, Stanbach, Staunton, Pembridge, Arestande, Storbach, Euington, Bryarley, beneath which it crosseth the Wadele,Wadel. com­ming from new Radnor, Harton, olde Rad­nor, Nash, and hereabout méeting with an other running by Weston hall, to Monacht, Fulbrooke, Preston (a market towne) and so to Byton, where ioyning with ye Wadel, they run on as one to ouer Lée, Aliminster, Kingeslande, Elton, and Leon Minster (or Lemister) taking in the Oney by the waye,On [...] before we come at the towne. At Lemister it selfe in like sort thrée waters doe méete, and almost enuironne the towne, that is to say, the Lug,Pin [...] the Pinfulley or Pinsell (a ryue­ret rysing at Kingeslande two myles from Lemister) and the Kenbrooke, which com­meth out of the blacke mountaines.Ken [...] From Lemister the Lug or Luy goeth on to Eton, and there taketh in a rill beneath Hampton, whereof one heade is betwéene Hatfield and Buckleton, an other neare vnto Marston, & méeting both at Humber. From Hampton it goeth to Wellington, Morton, Sutton, Shelwijc, Lugwardine, & Longward, where it crosseth the Fromey or frome a pretie wa­ter, and woorthy to be remembred.Fro [...] It ryseth aboue Wolferelaw, from whence it com­meth downe to Bromeyarde, Auenbary, Frome castell, Stretton vpon Frome,Actō [...] Lod [...] and there taking in a water (called Acton, or Lo­den as I take it) comming from aboue By­shoppes Grendon, by Pencomb, Cowarne, Stoke Lacy, Cowarne, and Engleton, it (I meane Frome) goeth on to Yarkeley, Dor­nington, and Longwarde, and so into the Lug, which runneth furthwith to Mordford or Morthford, & so into the Wye, vnto whose description I nowe returne agayne. Being come therefore vnto Mordforde, it goeth to Hamlacy, Ballinghā, Capull regis (where it receyueth a water called Treske,Tres [...] from Berche by Treske) Fawley, Brokanton, Howe capull, Inkeston, Foy, Bramp­ton, Bridstowe, Wilton Castell, the Rosse (and there a rill from Bishoppes Opton by Budhall,) Wereferde, Ham, Glewston, Godderiche, (here in lyke sort méeting with another that commeth from Ecleswall, by Peniard Castell and Coughton) to Welche Bicknor, Englishe Bicknor, Huntesham & Whitchurch, where it taketh in Gaynar wa­ter that cōmeth from Birche, by Lanwarne,Gay [...] Michaell church, and at Langarran crossing the Garran brooke,Gar [...] that ryseth in Gregwood sixe myles from Monemouth by Norwest, these two doe runne as one, to Marston, Whitchurch and so into the Wye, which go­eth from thence to Dixton and Monemouth, where I will stay a whyle till I haue descri­bed the Mone, next of all to be remembred here.

The Mona ryseth in the forrest of Hene,Mon [...] twentie myles from Monemouth by west in Eirislande, and going by Creswell, or Cras­wall, [Page 69] after it hath runne a good distaunce frō the head, [...]on. it receyueth the Elkon on the one side, [...]ill. and the Oskill or Hesgill on the other: but first of all this last remembred that com­meth thither by Lanihengle, Eskill and the olde Court. As for the other it commeth frō aboue Knedoch by Landuehans churche, and this is all that I can say of these two. Af­ter these confluences therfore, the Mona go­eth to Cluedoch, [...]ney. & taking in the Hodiry that rūneth by [...]ne Capell, Lantony abbay, Stā ­ton, Michaell churche, it hasteth on to Wal­derston, Landsillo, and then ioyneth wyth the Dour, [...]r. that ryseth a little aboue Dour­ston, which is sixe miles aboue Dour abbay, so that it runneth thorow the Gilden dale, by Peterchurch, Fowchurche, Norhampton, Newcourt, [...]esse. Dour, and beneath Dour taketh in the Dulesse, from Lanueihengle, by Har­leswas castell on the one side, and eare long the Wormesbecke from aboue Keuernal by Didley, [...]mes­ [...]e. Deuerox, Workebridge and Ken­derchurch on the other, and so running all in one chanell vnto Mona, that riuer goeth on to Kinech churche, Grismonde, Cardway, Skenfrith, Warnethall, Perthire and so to Monemouth, where it méeteth wyth the Wye.

The Guy or Wye therfore being increa­sed with thus many brookes and waters, pas­seth on from hence, [...]olly. and going toward Lan­dogo, it méeteth with ye Trolly becke, whose head is aboue Lannam ferry and goeth from thence by Lhantellio, Lanihangell, Grace­dieu, Diggestow, Wonastow, Troy and so into Wye, that runneth also by Wies wood chase, [...]wy. taking in there the Elwy that cōmeth from aboue Landelwy by Langowen, Lan­nissen, Penclase, Trilegh, and Langogo, where méeting with the aforesayde streame, the Wye directeth his course from thence by Tinterne abbay, Chepstowe and so into the sea, leauing the Treacle (a Chappell stan­ding on a rocke) on the left hande betwéene it and Sauerne, ouer against the point that lyeth south of Bettesly. Next vnto the Wye, I finde a rill of no great course, comming downe from Mounton chappell, by a place of the bishops of Landaffe. Thence passing by Charston rocke, and the point whereon Trinitie chappell standeth, I come vnto the fall of Trogy, which rysch short of Trogy castell, [...]ogy. & runneth towarde the sea, by Land­uair, Dewston, Calycot and so into the O­cean.

[...]nny I­ [...]de in ye [...]ddest of [...] Sa­ [...]ne.The next fall is of a water that commeth from aboue Penho by Sainct Brides, north and by west of Denny Islande, which lieth midway betwene that Fall & Porshot point, and before I touche at Goldcleffe point, I crosse another fall of a freshe brooke, whose heade is aboue Landueigo, and course by Lhanbed, Langston, Lhanwarne, & thorowe the more to Witston.

The [...]ske or Wiske,Vske. in latin Osca riseth in such sort as I haue already described, & run­ning in processe of tyme, by Trecastell, it ta­keth in the Craie brooke,Craie. on the right hande before it come to Ridburne chappell. Going also frō thence toward Deuinock, it crosseth the Senney on the same side, (which riseth a­boue capel Senney) next of all the Camblas,Senny. Camblas. Brane. and at Abbraine the Brane, or the Bremich whose head is thrée miles from Brecknock, and running by Lanihengle, it méeteth I say with the Vske, about Mayster Awbries Ma­ner. Beneath Aber Yster, it receyueth the Y­ster, which riseth aboue Martir Kinoch and commeth by Battell chappell,Yster. and goyng from thence by Lanspythed, and Newton, it runneth in the ende to Brecknocke, where it taketh in the Hodney, on the one side, whose head is in Blaine Hodney,Hodney. and commyng downe from thence by Defrune chappell, Lamhāgle, & Landiuilog it méeteth with the Vske at Breknocke townes ende, which of the fall of this water, was sometime called Aberhodni, as I haue béene informed: on the other halfe likewise it receyueth ye Ter­tarith that ryseth among the Bane hylles,Tertarith. fyue myles from Brecknoch and commeth likewise into the very subburbes of ye towne beneath Trenewith, or newe Troy wherby it taketh the course.

After these confluēces, the Vske procéedeth on towarde Aberkinurike,Kynuricke or the fall of a wa­ter whose heade is in the rootes of Menuch­denny hil, and passage by Cantreffe. Thence it goeth by Lanhamlaghe, Penkethley ca­stell, Lansanfreid Landetty, Langonider, & soone after receyuing the Riangall (which ri­seth about the hill whereon Dynas Castell standeth,Riangall. and runneth by Lanyhangle and Tretoure) it passeth betwéene Laugattocke and Cerigkhowell, to Langroyny, and there crosseth the Groyny brooke,Groyni. that discendeth from Monegather Arthur hill, by Peter Church, as I finde. When the Vske is past this brooke, it taketh in thrée other short rils, from by south with in a little distance, wher­of the first hight Cledoch Vaur,Cledoch­vaur. Fidan. Cledoch­vehan. Geuenni. the seconde Fydan, & the thirde Cledochvehan. Of these also the last falleth in néere to Lanwenarth. From hence the Vske runneth to Aberge­uenni towne, where it méeteth with the Ge­uenni water from by north (that riseth short of Bettus Chappell) & so goeth on to Hard­wijc, beneath which it crosseth thrée nameles [Page] rilles on the right hande before it come at Lamhangle vpon Vske,Geuenni. of whose courses I know not any more then that they are not of any length nor the chanel of sufficient great­nes seuerally to entreate of. Betwéene Kem­meys and Trostrey it méeteth with [...]uch an other rill that commeth downe by Bettus Newith.Birthin. Cairuske standeth on one side of Vse, and Carliō on the other, but Cair vske by di­uers miles farder into the land. Thence it goeth to Cair Vske or Brenbigei, but eare it come there, it recey­ueth the Birthin on the right hande, which is a pretie water descending from two heades, wherof the first is north west of Manyhylot, as the other is of Lanyhangle & Pentmorell. Next vnto this it ioyneth with the Elwy a­boue Lanbadocke, whose heade is East of Penclase, and running westwardes by Pen­clase, Lannislen, Langowen (and beneath Landewy taking in a broket from Ragland castell, that commeth downe thither by Ra­glande parke) it bendeth southwest vntill it come at the Vske, which crinckling toward the South méeteth with thrée rilles before it come to Marthey chappell, wherof the first lyeth on the right hande, and the other on the left. Frō Marthelly it hasteth to Kemmeys, and care it come at Carleon, taketh in two waters on the ryght hande, of which the first commeth downe betwéene Landgwy & Landgweth, & by Lhan Henoch, without any farder increase: but the other is a more beau­tifull streame, called Auon, and thus descri­bed as I finde it among my pamphlettes.

Auon.The Auon ryseth in the hilles that séeme to part Monemouth and Breckenock shires in sunder, and running downe from thence by Capell Newith and Triuethin, it recey­ueth a water from by south almost of equall course, & from that quarter of the countrie and in processe of time, another little one frō the same side, eare it come to Lanyhangle, from whence it goeth to Gwennocke & Pen­rose, and so in Vse before it go by Carleon. Being past Carlion it runneth to Cryndy, where M. Harbert dwelleth, and there cary­ing another brooke withall, that descendeth by Henlis and Bettus chappell, it runneth furth to Newport (in Welch castel Newith) and from thence into the sea taking the Ebo­with water withall,Ebowith. whose race I described in my first booke, but hauing nowe more in­telligence of his course, I will ones againe deale with it in this manner as I reade it. The Ebowith riseth in ye very edge of Mone­mouth shyre, aboue Blainegwent, and com­ming downe by Lanheleth and Tumberlow hyll (crossing a ryll, from North east by the way) it taketh in therabout ye Serowy, that runneth by Trestrent, and is of lesse race hi­therto,Serowy. then the Ebowith, and frō that same quarter. After this confluence it goeth to Ri­sley, Rocheston castell, next of all thorowe a parke, and so to Grenefeld castell, and is not long ere it fall into the sea, being the last issue that I doe finde in the county, which beareth the name of Monemouth, & was in olde time a part of the region of the Silures.

The Remeney or as some corruptly call it the Nonney is a goodly water, [...] and from the head a march betwéene Monemouth & Gla­morgan shires. It receyueth no water on the east side, but on the west diuers smal beckes, whereof thrée are betwéene the rising & Bra­thetere chappell, the fourth commeth in by Capel Gledis, the fift from betwéene the Faldray and Lanvabor, the sixt and seuenth before it come to Bedwas, and the eyght o­uer against Bedwas it selfe, from chappell Martin: after which confluences it runneth on by Maghan, Keuen, Mabley and Rome­ney, and ere long crossing a becke at North east, that commeth by Lanyssen, and Rathe it falleth soone after into the Sauerne, Sea, but sée more of this in my former Treatize.

The Taffe riseth among the woddy hilles, [...] that lye west, and by north of Menuchdeny hill, and going downe to Capell Nanty, it taketh in a ryllet from by west, & afterward another from by east,Taffe [...]han. comming by Morlais castell, called Taffe vehan (as the former is named Taffe vaur) so that Menuch hill doth lye betwéene these two heades, and therto is an hill of no smal height and greatnesse. Be­ing ioyned they go on to Martyr Tiduill as one, & so procéede til they méete with Cunnō, [...] (or rather Kenon, tenne myles from Clauth constable, a faire Brooke running to Aber­dare, and after that with the Rodney, [...] before described) whereinto the Cledungh falleth, a myle from Retgowghe & an halfe, [...] on ye west side, after which confluence it hasteth to the sea without any farder increase, by Castell Coche, Whitchurche, Landaffe, and Car­diffe, as I gesse.

The Lay ryseth in the hylles aboue Lan­trissent (for all the regyon is very hillye.Lay.) From whence comming by Lantrissent, it runneth by Coit Marchan parke, Lambed­der s. Brides, Lhannihangel, Leckwith, Lā ­dowgh, Cogampyll, and so into the sea, with­out anye manner increase by anye rylles at all sauing the Dunelais, [...] which ryseth foure myles from his fall, east northeast, & méeteth withall a little more then a quarter of a myle from Pont Velim Vaur, and like­wise by west, the Methcoide that commeth from Glinne Rodeney, and wherein to the Pedware dischargeth that small water ga­thered in his chanell.

[Page 62]Leauing the Laie which some call Elaye, and passing the Pennarth baie, that lyeth betwéene the Pennarth and the Lauerocke pointes, we le [...] Scilley Islet (which lyeth in the mouth of Scilley hauen before described) and came vnto the Barry whose heade is a­boue wrinston castell, [...] and from whence hée runneth by Deinspowis, Cadoxton, Barry and so into the sea.

[...]Thawan is the next streame (sauing Come Kidy touched afore) nowe to be described. It ryseth of two headlettes aboue Lansan­tian, and thence goeth to Cowbridge, Lan­blethian, Landoghe, Beanpéere, Flymston, Gy [...]ton, and betwéene the east and the west Aberthawan into the Sauerne Sea. But ere it come all there it receyueth a brooke cal­led Kensan, or Karnsan, or Kensec, on the Eastsyde, whose heade is east of Bol­ston, and commyng by Charnethoyde, Lhancaruan, and Lhancadle, it falleth in­to the former aboue eyther of the Thawans, Lelande sayth, [...] that Kensan hath two heades whereof the more Northerly called. Brane, lieth in Luenlithan, & runneth seauen myles before it méete wyth the other. Leauyng this water we sayled on, casting about the nashe point, omytting two or thrée waters whereof I haue made mencion in my former treatise by the way, because I haue nothing more to adde vnto their descriptions, except it be that the Colhow taketh in a rill frō Lan Iltruit, of whose course (to saye the truth) I haue no manner knowledge.

[...]The Ogur or Gur, which some falsely call Ogmur, is a welfaire streame, (as we were wont to saye in our olde englishe) whose head is in the same hilles, where the Rodeneis are to be founde, but much more westerlye, and running a long course ere it come to any vil­lage, it goeth at the length beneth Langume­uere, to S. Brides vpon Ogur, then to newe castell, [...] and Marthermaure, beneath which it méeteth the Wenny, halfe a mile from Ogor castell on the east banke. It ryseth fiue or sixe miles from this place, among the hilles, and comming downe at last by Lanharne, it crosseth a ryll ere long from northeast, and the confluence passeth forth by Coitchurch, Ogor castell, and so into the Ogor. Lelande wryting of the waters that fall into thys Ogor sayth thus. [...]rrow, Into the Ogur also resor­teth the Garrow two myles aboue Lansan­fride bridge, [...]enne, descending from Blaingarow. It taketh furthermore sayeth hée ano­ther called Leuenny rysing in the Paroch of Glin Corug, [...]rug at Northwest, and then run­ning two myles lower, vniteth it selfe with the Corug brooke, a little short thing & wor­thie no longer speach. From this confluence the Leuenni goeth seuen myles farder eare it méete with the Ogor on the west side, at Lansanforde, two myles aboue Penbowt, and so farre Lelande. Next vnto the Ogur, is the Kensig water, that commeth downe by the Pyle and Kensige castell,Kensig. and being past the same we crosse the Margan rill,Margan. Auon. where Sir Edwarde Manxell dwelt, and so vnto A­uon, which hauing two heades as is said, the more easterly of them commeth downe by Hanudaport chappell, the other by Glin Co­rug, Michaell church, Aber Auon, and so into the sea. From hence we went along by the Cole pittes to the mouth of the Neth.Neth.

The Neth is a faire water, rysing of fine heades,Nethuehā. whereof the more easterlye named Nethvehan riseth not farre from the head of the Kennon,Neth Vaur. Trau­garth. Meltay. Hepsay. and comming downe to Aber­pirgwin, it recieueth Nethvaur, a litle aboue the towne, which rising not farre southeast of the head of Tauy, receiueth ye Trangarth, the Meltay and the Hepsay (all which are ac­compted, as members of his heade) in one chanell about a myle or more before it ioyne with Nethvehan. After those confluences, the maine streame runneth in and out by sundry myles till it mette with the Dulesse,Dulesse. whose head is aboue Chappel Krenaunt. Thence it goeth to Cadox towne, or betwéene it and Lamultyde, then to Nethtowne, and beneath the same receiuing the Cledoch,Cledoch. that rūneth by Kelebebisch, and also Neth abbay where M. Crumwell dwelleth, it goeth on by Coit­franke forrest, Nethwood, Bryton ferry and so into the sea.Tauy.

The Tauy (for I passe ouer the Crimline becke, bicause I want his description) riseth in the thickest of the blacke mountaines, and comming downe west of Calw [...]n chappell, it receyueth on the east banke a ryll,Coilus. named Coiell, that runneth thither by Coielburne chappell, and beyng thus vnited the chanell passeth forth by Istragnules,Torche. and then mée­ting with the Turche, or Torche water that commeth from the foote of the blacke moun­taine, it runneth to Langoge, Lansamled, S. Iohns, Swansey, and so into the Baie. Being past this we come by another litle fal, whose water runneth thrée or foure myles, ere it come into Swansey Baie, but without name. Thence going about by Oystermont castell & Mumbles point, we go forth toward the southwest, by Pennarth point,Ilston. tyll wée come to Ilston water, whose head is not far within the lande, and yet a rill or two doth fall into the same. Then castyng about by Oxwiche point, wée go onwarde there by and sayling flat north by the Holme, and S. [Page] Kennettes chappell and then North east by Whitforde point, we went at length to the Lochar,Lochar. or Loghor, or as Lhoyd nameth it the Lychwr. It ryseth aboue Gwenwy chap­pell, from whence it goeth to Landbea, and aboue Bettus receiueth a rill named Amone that entereth thereinto frō northeast.Amone. Being past Bettus it passeth by Laneddy, Arthelas bridge, and ouer against Landilo Talabout, it crosseth from by west the Combwily and afterwarde the Morlais aboue Langnarche on the same side.Comwilly. Morlais. Then comming to Loghor castell,Lhu. it taketh in on the east side, the Lhu whose course is not aboue fiue myles, and thence losing the name of Lochar, it is called Burray as I gesse vntill it come to the sea.Burray. From this water we passed by Bachannis Isle,Lheddy. to the Aberlheddy water, whose heade being aboue Prenacrois, it passeth by Lha­nelthey & thence into the sea. Then went we to the Dulesse,Dulesse. thence by the Pembray and Calicolt pointes, till we came about to the Wandres or Vendraith mouth,Wandres. whose de­scription is sufficiently set downe in the for­mer Treatize, and therfore but in vaine to be repeated here, except I might adde some­what therevnto therby to make it more per­fite.

Towy.The Towy rysing in such sorte and place as I haue sayde, parteth Brecknocke from Cardigon shyre, for a certaine season, till it come by the water of Trausnant (that fal­leth thereinto from by east,Trausnāt) vnto Pylin Ca­pell, and so to Istrodefine where it méeteth with the Tothée that commeth thether from Lhinuerwin where it ryseth and so thorowe Rescoth forrest,Tothe. till it vnite it selfe with the Pescotter,Pescotter. which moūting out of the ground in thedge of Cardigan shyre, runneth along as a limite and marche vnto the same, till it ioyne with the Tothée, & both come togither beneath Istrodefine into Towy. After this confluence it cōmeth to Lhanuair Awbrey, Lonyhowell and Landonuery, and here it receyueth two waters in one chanell, where­of the first is called Brane,Brane. Gutherijc. the other Guthe­rijc (which lyeth more southerly of the two) & fall as I sayd into Towy beneath Landon­verey,Dulesse. which rūneth on till it méete with the first Dulesse that goeth by Lanurdy, then with the Marlais,Morlais. & these on the Northwest. But a litle lower it taketh in many waters in one chanell beneath Langadocke, called Modewy from by east, whereof I haue thys aduertisement.Modwy. The Modewy or as some pro­nounce it Motheuy, ryseth of two heades, which ioyning aboue Lanyhangle, ye streame runneth on till it mette with the Cledoch on the left hande,Cledoch. procéeding also farder toward Langadocke, it receiueth not far from thence the Sawthey whose two heades descende frō the blacke mountaines or east edge of Car­mardiueshyre, [...] as mine information leadeth me. [...] After this confluence the seconde Du­lesse doth méete with the Towy (whose head is in the hilles aboue Talthogay abbay) then comming downe by Landilouaur, Dinefar castell, and Golden groue, it receyueth the thirde Dulesse, [...] from by north that commeth in by Drislan castell and after that the Co­they, whose race is somewhat long and ther­fore his description not vtterly to be passed ouer. Not farre from the head (whose place is alreadie set downe) and somewhat beneath Lanapinsent chappell, [...] it taketh in the Tur­chebecke, that runneth thither from Lana­croyes. Thence it goeth to Lansawell, Aber­gorlech, Breghuangothy, Lannigood and so into Towy, which hasting forwarde by chap­pell Dewy, receyueth the Rauelthy, [...] from by north, then the Gwily frō northwest, whose head is aboue Lany Pinsent, & race by Can­well, Eluert, Comewyly, and Merling hill, as I haue often heard, After this confluence with the Gwyly, the Towy goeth to Caer­mardine, then to Lanygang, then to Lanste­phan, s. Ismaeles and so into the sea.

Next vnto the Towy is the Taue, [...] whose head is in the blacke mountaines as is afore­sayde, at the rootes of Wrenni vaur hill in Pembrokeshyre, from whence it runneth by Lanunrieach, Langludien, Lanualteg, and taking in the Duddery from southwest, [...] out of the same countie by Lanbederuelfray, it goeth to Eglesware chappell, beneath which it crosseth the Marlais by North that run­neth by Lanbedy & Whitlande. [...] Thence mée­ting with one rill (called Venni as I take it) [...] that commeth thorow Cardith forrest on the one side,Ca [...] & the Cayre on the other that run­neth into it west of Landowrox, it hasteth to S. Clares where it taketh in the Karthkyn­ny, or Barthkinni, as Leland calleth it, [...] & the Gow both in one chanell, of which the first ryseth aboue Capell Bettus, from whence it runneth by Talacouthe, Kilsant and Lan­gynnyn, the other issueth out of the grounde aboue Trologh Bettus, by Mydrun, & ioy­ning with the former a little aboue s. Clares they runne into the Taue, and from thence to Lanyhangle, and betwéene it and Aber­cowen, admitteth finally the Gowē streame, [...] which comming likewyse from the blacke mountaines goeth by Ebbernant, and so in­to the Taue, who directeth his course, by La­charne castell and then into the sea.

The next water that we come to is the Gwair, [...] which is but a small thing rysing a­boue [Page 63] Crugwair, and going into the sea, at Argwaire. Then passed we by another com­ming out of Rath forrest called Coit Rathe, the water it selfe rising short of Templeton. Thence leauing the Monkeston rocke, we came to Tenby or Dy [...]bechy Piscood, and passing into the Port betwéene the castell and s. Catherines rocke, we founde it serued with two little backewaters, of so smal os­tenaunce, that they are not worthye of any farder talke to be spent in their descriptions. After this we passed betwéene Lo [...]dy and an other Islet or rock lying by northwest of the same,Lon­ [...] Cal­ [...]rtie [...]s. to Ludsop point, and so to Abertrewēt where I founde a silly freshe water, that ry­seth a myle or there about within the lande. [...]ent. Frō thence we went southwards by Brode hauen, til we came to S. Gowans point. Ehē gathering west & by North before we came at Shepe Islande, we founde another freshe water, that riseth short of Kyriog Maharen, and running south of Vggarston, Windmill hill, or betwéene it and Castell Norton and Gupton, it holdeth on flat west all the way, till it come at the Oceane. [...]pe I­ [...] The Shepe Isle not afore described is but a little plot, lying at the very point of the Bay before we came at ye Blockhouse, which standeth north of the same at the very entrie into Milfordtha [...] vpon the east side. By north of Shepe Isle & betwéene it and the Stacke rocke (which ly­eth in the very middest of the hauen) at ano­ther point is Rat Isle, yet smaller than the former. [...] Isle. Being therfore passed these, we c [...]st about towarde the northwest, by the P [...]pi [...] and Pennar, [...]nar. till wée come to the Pen [...]r mouth, out of which the Salt water [...] that in maner enuironmeth Pembrook Frō this (omitting sundry salt créekes on both sides of the hauen) we came to the fall of two waters in one chanel aboue whose cōfluence, Williamston parke standeth, & whereof [...] (a méere salt course,) incloseth thrée partes of Carew castell. The other rysing neare to Coit Rath forrest is a freshe, and going by Geffraiston, Creswel and Lawrenny, it lea­ueth the Sparek on the south side, and [...]eth into the hauen after confluence with the for­mer.

Nowe come I to the two swordes, afore­mencioned whose courses I finde described▪ in this order, [...]hey. The Cloth [...] ryseth at the foote of Wrenny vaur hill and comming downe to Monachlodge, Langelman, Lannabeden, and Egremond, it receyueth a ryll from by northwest before it come at La [...]haddon ca­stell. Eare long also it taketh in another on the east side from Narbarth castell, by R [...] ­beston, then going by Gsaston, Sle [...] Pict [...] castell, at Rise castell poynt west of Coit [...]eales (as I haue béene informed) it méeteth with the other sworde,Dugledy. named Du­gledy wherof I reade as followeth. The hed of the Dugledy, is somewhere at northwest, betwéene S. Laurences and S. Dugwel [...], from whence it rūneth to Trauegarne, Red­baxton, and taking in a rill by the waye from Camens [...] at the west, it goeth to Ha [...]rford west, and there vniteth it selfe with a water, which peraduenture, is the same that Lelād called Gwyly Certes it riseth about [...],Gwyly. and comming by S. K [...] [...] chappel and P [...]de [...]g oft it falleth, I say into the Du [...]l [...] ­dy, ouer against the towne of Hauer forde, or Herforde we [...]k, but i [...] Wea [...] Hu [...]forde [...] Lhoied dothe set it [...] it taketh [...] other to [...] from southwest, whose head is short of S. Margarattes chap­pell, and [...] betwéen Hart aldstone and Herforde, which Harraldstone, [...] the name of Harrald [...] the successour of Edwarde the [...] him, who was a grieuous [...]all vnto the [...] Britons that con [...]ned in the time of sayde Ed­wards [...] I haue no [...] alreadie.Cult [...]. Thē Cult­ [...] cōmeth into the Duwle [...] beneath Bo [...] ­shoff, with [...] course from by North, of thereof foure myles, after whose vniti [...] [...]ith the aforesayde watyer they ruine on as one till they mette with Elothy casting out by the waye sundry salt créekes as the ruine [...] doth from thenceforth vntill it passe the S [...]dy haue the Wale ro [...]e which ther a silly fresh [...] of small value and become about agayne [...] the large [...] a [...]e. Hauing thus shew the courses of those [...]fresh waters that come to Milford doeth we [...]ast about by the blackehouse [...] S. A [...]es chappell to Gatehole Isle,Gateholme Isle. Stocke­holme Isle than [...] and the Wil [...] ke [...] point; [...] against Stockeholme Island that is scituate farde [...] of worthy [...] towarde the [...] full [...] great as the [...] ye I before [...] further

Betwéene the Will [...] [...] still great as the Gre [...]holme.

The Gresholme lyeth [...] Midlande Isle. Gresholme whence if you sayle thyther on the south sside [...] past by the new [...] the [...]aith of Scalme [...], you must league the Yarlande Foxe on your lefthead. Whervnto [...] well therfor [...] eftsoones Islande already name [...], any conferre them with the [...] and S. Da­uids land, you shall finde them [...] it were [...], includyng the Bred [...], wherein (notwithstanding the [Page] greatnesse) are 1000. perilles, and no freshe Brookes for me to deale withall. Thus ha­uing doubled the Willocke point, we entred yet into the Baie, to sée what Isles were there against the nexte publication of thys booke, if it maye please God to graunt mée lyfe to sée it printed once againe, eyther by it selfe or otherwise.

S. Brides Islande.First of all therefore I sawe S. Brides I­slande, a very little patche of grounde, néere the lande, before I came at Galtroy rode. From thence we went aboute by the little hauen, Dolnach Hauen, Caruay Hauen, Shirelace rocke, Carnbuddy, and Carnay Bayes, Port [...]ai [...], and so into the sounde betwéene Ramsey and the point. In thys sound lykewise is a litle Isle, almost annex­ed to the maine, but in the middest thereof is a rocke called the horse (a myle and more by north of Ribby rocke, that lyeth south east of Ramsey) and more infortunate then tenne of Seianes coltes, but thanked be God I neuer came on his back. Thēce passing by S Ste­phens baie,A sorte of dangerous rockes ly­ing on a row vpon the west ende of southwals called the bishop and his clarkes and Whitesande baie, we saluted the Bishop and his Clarkes, as they went in Procession on oure left syde (beyng lothe to take any salted holy water at their hands) and came at last to the point called S. Da­uids head. From whence we coasted along toward the southeast, till wée came ouer a­gainst S. Catherins, where goyng north­wardes by the br [...]ade hauen, and the Strom­bles heade, we sayled thence northeast, and by north, to Langlas head, then [...]at south by the Cow and calfe (two cruell rockes) which we left on the [...] hande, and so costed ouer as Abergwin or Fiscarde, where we founde a freshe water named Gwin,Gwerne. or Gwernel, whose course is in manner directly out of the east into the West, vntill it come within a myle of the aforesayde Towne. It ryseth flat north of the peri [...]y hill, from whence it go­eth by Pont vain, Lauerellidoch, Lanchar, La [...]ilouair, and so to Abergwine, or Aber­gwerne, for I doe read both. Frō Abergwin, we cast about by Dyuas heade, till we come to the fall of Neuerne,Neuerne. where Newport stan­deth. The head of thys ryuer is aboue Capell Nauigwyn, from whence it runneth by Whitchurch, but care it come at Kylgwin, it taketh in a little water that ryseth short of Wreny vaur, & thence go foorth as one vntill they come to Newport. Cardigan hauen is the next fall that I dyd stumble on, wherein lyeth a little Islande ouer against the north point.Teify or Tiue. Hereinto also commeth the Teify, whereof I haue spoken somewhat in my for­mer treatise, but sith it sufficeth not for the for the full knowledge of the course of thys streame, I wyll supply the want euen here in such order as insueth.

The Teify or Tiue ryseth in Lintiue as is aforesayde, and after it hath runne from thence a little space, it receyueth a brooke frō southeast that commeth out of Lin Legnant and then after the confluence runneth on to Stradfleur Abbaie, beneath which it méeteth with the Myricke water (that ryseth aboue Stradmyrich) and soone after with the Lan­durch, [...] (both from the northwest) and finally the Bromis aboue Tregaron, that com­meth in by the east as Leland hath set down. [...] Néere to Landwybreuy also it crosseth the Brennige by east, & then goeth to Landuair, [...] Cledoghe, Kellan, & soone after taking in the Matherne from by East that parteth Car­digan partely from Carmardine shire, [...] and likewise ye Dulas aboue Lanbedder, [...] (which ryseth aboue Langybby, and goeth thence to Bettus) on the northwest, it goeth next of all to Lanbedder towne, then to La [...]ydair, be­neath which it crosseth the Grauelth, thence to Pēcarocke, Lanibether, Lanlloyny,Gra [...] La­nyhangle, and Landissel, and there it vniteth it selfe with the Clethor, which cōmeth down thither by Lantisilued chappell, Lanframe,deth [...] and finaly Landissell from by north as I doe here. After this confluence it procéedeth on to La [...]d [...]y, Alloyne, Bangor, Langeler, Lan­deureog and Newcastell, ere long taking in the Kery from by north,Kery. whose heade is not farre from that of Clethor, and whose course is somewhat inlarged by such rilles as dis­cend into the same. For west of Capel Kenō, two becks in one chanell doe fall into it, al­though they be namelesse, and but of a lyttle length Beneth Tredwair, also crosseth ano­ther from by west, that runneth along by Britus, Euan, and finally méeting wyth the Teify, they runne as one by Kennarth (still parting Cardigon shire, from Carmardin, as it hath done sith it met wyth ye Matherne) and so forth on till they ioyne with the Che­ach which rysing aboue Chapple Euan,Che [...] doth part Carmardine and Brecknecke shire in [...], till it come vnto the Teify. Frō this confluence, and being still a [...]nil [...]e [...] vnto Cardigon shire, it goeth by Marierdiue, and so to Cardigan, taking in one rill from by north and two on the south west side, but af­terwarde none at all, before it come to the sea.

Ayron rysyng as is aforesayde aboue Blain Pental,Ayr [...] runneth on by Lamber wod­dy Langy [...], Treg [...]garon hill, Treuilian, and soone after taking in a ryll from by south it rūneth by Istrade, Kylkēnen, Lanicharin, and finally into the Sea, crossyng by the way [Page 64] the Bidder brooke, which comming from Dehewide, doth fall into the same, betwéene Lanychayrin, and Henvenney.

The Arth is no great thing, neyther of any any long course, yet it ryseth thrée or foure myles or more within the lande slopewise, & cōming by Lambadern, & Treueglois, it fal­leth into the sea, northeast of Aberarth. The Ris or rather the Werey, ryseth of two hea­des, [...]ias aboue whose cōfluence standeth a town, named Lanyhangle, Redrod, & from whence it goeth by Lanygruthen to Laristed, and so into the Ocean.

[...]The Ystwith ryseth in the blacke moun­teynes, aboue Comerstwith from whence it runneth certeine myles, vntill it come vnto Yspitty, Istwith, Lanauon, Lanyler, Lan Nachairne, and so into the sea taking withal the Ridall or Redholl not far from the shore, whereof I haue this discription. [...] The Ridall ryseth in the toppe of Plimlymmon hyll out of a lake named Lin Ridal, from whence go­ing towarde Spitty Kinwen, it crosseth one water on the north, and another benoath it on the southeast, and so goth on by Lanbeder vaur, till it come to Aberistwith, the Istwith and so into the Ocean.

[...]The Salique brooke descendeth in like sorte from the blackmounteines, and going Vm­maboue, toward Gogarth, or Gogyrthar, it receyueth the Massalique, and from thence goeth into the sea. [...]ali­ [...]

The Lery ryseth toward the lower ground of the blacke hylles, and going by Lanihan­gle castell Gwalter, it runneth from thence northeast into the Ocean. Thus haue I brought me selfe out of Cardigon shire, vnto the Wy, that séemeth for a certeine space to be marche betwéene the same and Merion­neth, & here wt also I ende with the descripti­on of southwales, and likewise of all that re­gion remayning, [...]esse whereof I haue no farder knowledge, [...]esse [...] [...]nny [...]euen­ [...] [...]. [...]uer. [...]our. more then is alreadye set downe in my first booke, sith those yt promised helpe herein haue vtterlye deceyued me. Yet thus much will I note of such waters as fall into the sayde riuer on the south side, that aboue Mathanlaith it crosseth the Dowlasse Dée and Dowlasse Ruen both in a chanell, whose heades lye by west of ye Ruoluadian hill. Be­neath the sayde towne likewise I fynde the Leuennaunt, [...]og [...]hanell [...] by ye [...]uence [...] and [...]lais, [...]mite [...]éene [...]cke & which hauing two heades, the more southerly of them is Limes betwéene Radnor shire & Mōemoth. After these it cros­seth the Eynon, the Kinuer, and the Cledour, and thus farre for wales I saie againe, sith for the rest I yéelde vnto a non plus, vntill I come to ye Dée, of whose course I haue some informatiō, (after it hath receyued ye Kyriog & the Morlais, both in one bottome,) on the south side of Chirke castell, but not from the very head for want of information. Hauing therfore, mette with the aforesayde water, the De procéedeth to Bestocke, Orton Ma­docke, Orton bridge and Bangor, where the slaughter of monkes was made, or not far of from thence, and of which Monasterie I find this note insuing. Their abbaye of Bangor stoode sometime in Englishe Maylor,The scitu­ation of the mona­stery of Bangor. by hy­ther and south of the riuer Dée. It is nowe ploughed ground where that house stoode, by the space of a Welch myle (which reacheth vnto a myle and an halfe Englishe) and to thys daye the rillers of the soyle there, doe plowe vp bones as they saye of those monks that were slaine in the quarell of Augustine, and wythin the memorie of man, some of them were taken vp in their rotten wéedes, which were much lyke vnto those of our late monkes, as Lelād doth set it down, yet Eras­mus is of the opinion, that the apparel of the Benedictine monkes, was such as most men did were at their first institutiō. But to pro­céede, thys Abbaye stoode in a fayre valley, and in those tymes the ryuer ranne harde by it. The compasse thereof lykewise, was as ye ciruite of a walled Towne, and to this daye two of the the gates may easily be discerned, of which the one is named Port Hogan ly­ing by north, the other Port Clais, scituate vpō the south. But ye Dée hauing now chan­ged his chanell, runneth thorow ye very mid­dest of the house betwixt those two gates, the one of them being at the lest a full halfe myle frō the other. As for the squared stone that is founde hereabout, and the Romaine coine, there is no such necessity, of the rehearsell thereof, but that I maye passe it ouer with­out any farther mencion.

The Dée therefore beyng past Bangor, goeth to Wrothenbury, and there recey­ueth sundry waters into one chanell, wherof the chiefe ryseth néere to Blackmere (a ma­ner pertayning to the Earle of Shrewesbu­ry) from whence it goeth to Whitechurch, Ousacre hall, and soone after taketh in a ryll that discendeth from Coisley, after which cō ­fluence, it runneth on by nether Durtwiche, to Olde castell, Tallarne, and ere long cros­seth two other waters in one channell also, whereof one runneth by Penly chapell, ano­ther from Hawmere, and ioyning at Em­berhall, they go from thence to Worthenbu­ry, and so into the Dée, which by and by vni­teth it selfe with another at Shockebridge that commeth in from Ridding. Thence it runneth betwéene Holt castell, and Farue, and ere it come to Alford two waters com­myng [Page] out of Wales doe ioyne withal, wher­of the one is named Alin and descendeth by Grafforde,Alen. Marfforde, Cragwilly and Alen towne, the other goeth by Pewford & Pot­ton. Beneath Alford towne end likewise the Dée receyueth the Gowy,Gowy. whose heade is at Pecforten at two seuerall places, and after the confluence goeth by Beston castell, & Be­ston towne: thence to Tréerton and Hakesly where it deuideth it selfe, so that one arme runneth by Totnall, Gowburne (where M. Venables lyeth) Lée hall and beneath Alford againe into the other braunche of the ryuer Dée, which goeth in the meane time by Sta­pleforde, Hocknell plat, Plemstow, & a litle aboue Thorneton crosseth a water that com­meth from Chester, and goeth to Thornetō by the Baites, Charletō, Blackford, Crow­ton, and Stoke, whereby Wyrall is cut frō the maine of Englande and left as a very I­slande. Finally our Dée goeth from Alforde to Eaton hall, Eccleston, Huntungdon hall, Boughton and so by Chester towne into the hauen adioyning, and thus much of the Dée, which receyueth in like sort the Alen mencio­ned euen now wherof I gaue some notice in the former Treatize,Alen. and I haue found more sithens that time in Leland which I will not here omitte, to set downe worde for word as I reade it in his Commentaries. One of the greatest riuers, saith he, that falleth into this streame, (meaning Dée) is named Alen. It ryseth in a pole called Lin Alen, and goeth from thence by Lanteglan, Lan Armon, Lanueris, Molesdale, and at Hispalin rūneth into the grounde for a certaine space, about a quarter of a mile in length, and there after it is rysen againe with a great vehemencie, becommeth a marche betwéene Molesdale (a Lordship full of very fine riuerets, called in Welche Stradalyn) and Flint, for a fiue miles grounde. From thence going thorow Hoxedale, Bromefielde aliâs Maylor & Cam­ridge, halfe a myle beneath Holt, it falleth into the Dée, which hath the best Trowtes in England.Best Trowtes in Dée Rue De­doch. Beside this it receyueth also the Rue Dedoch, which commeth downe within a quarter of a myle of Wrexam, & méeteth wythall a myle aboue Holt, a verye pretie streame, and such a one in déede as bréedeth the same Trowt, for which the Dée is com­mended.Abon. The Abon falleth into ye Dée, with­in a myle of Ruabon churche. I had almost forgotten (saith the sayde Authour) to speake of the Terig otherwise named Auon Terig,Terig. which being almost so great as the Alen, cō ­meth thorow a péece of Yale Lordship into Molesdale,Howne. and so into Alin. I ouer passe also the Howne that commeth by the south ende of Molesdale towne, and soone after into this water. Also the Brone, [...] descending frō Regi­nalds tower, & after thre quarters of a myle lykewyse into the Alen.Wyr [...] Finally the Wyral which ryseth within lesse then a quarter of a myle of Chester, & falleth into Dée at Floc­kers brooke, without the north gate, wherein is a Docke called Port pole for great ships to ride at a spring tyde. Hitherto Lelande, whose sayings herein shal not perish, because they may be profitably vsed in the next publi­cation of this booke, yf it euer happen to be liked and come thereto.

Being past the Dée we come next of all vn­to the Wiuer,Wiuer. then the which I reade of no riuer in England that fetcheth more or halfe so many windlesses and crincklinges, before it come at the sea. It ryseth in Buckle hilles, which lye betwene Ridley & Buckle towns, and soone after making a lake of a myle and more in length called Ridley pole, it rūneth by Ridley to Chalmōdly. Thence it goeth to Wrenbury where it taketh in a water out of a moore that commeth from Marbury: [...] and beneath Sanford bridge the Combrus from Combermer or Comber lake: and finallye the thirde that commeth from about Mone­ton, and runneth by Langerflaw, then be­twéene Shenton and Atherly parkes, and so into the Wiuer, which watereth all the west part of England, and is no lesse notable then the fift Auon or thirde Ouze, whereof I haue spoken already. After these confluences it ha­steth also to Audlem, Hawklow, and at Bar­derton crosseth the Betley water,Bet [...] that run­neth by Duddington, Widdenbery and so by Barderton into the aforesayde streame. Thence it goeth to Nantwiche, but eare it come at Marchforde bridge, [...] it meeteth with a rill called Salopbrooke, as I gesse cōming from Caluerley warde, [...] and likewise beneth the sayde bridge, with the Lée and the Wul­uarne both in one chanell, wherof the first ri­seth at Weston, the other goeth by Copnall. From thence the Wiuer rūneth on to Min­chion and Cardeswijc, and the next water that falleth into it is the Ashe,Ashe (which passeth by Darnall Graunge,) and afterwarde go­ing to Warke, the vale Royall, and Eaton, it commeth finally to Northwiche where it receyueth the Dane,Dane▪ to be described as fol­loweth. The Dane riseth in the very edges of Chester, Darbyshyre, and Staffordshyre, and comming by Wharneforde, Switham­ley and Bosley, is a limite betwéene Staf­forde and Darby shyres, almost euen from the very head, which is in Maxwell forrest. It is not long also ere it met with the Bidle water, that commeth by Congerton,Bidle▪ and af­ter [Page 65] the cōfluence goeth to Swetham, the He­remitage, Cotton and Croxton, there taking in two great waters whereof the one is cal­led Whelocke, [...]elocke. which comming frō the edge of the countie by Morton to Sa [...]dbach cros­seth another that descendeth from Churche Cawlton, and after the confluence goeth to Warmingham (ioyning also beneath Mid­lewish with the Croco or Croxtō, the second great water, [...]roco. whose head commeth out of a lake aboue Bruerton as I heare) and thence both the Whelocke and the Croco go as one to the Dane, at Croxston, as the Dane doth from thence to Bostocke, Dauenham, She­bruch, Shurlach and at Northwiche into the aforesayd Wyuer. After this confluence the Wyuer runneth on to Barneton, and there in like sort receiueth two brookes in one cha­nell, wherof one commeth from aboue Allo­stocke, by Holme and Lastocke, the other from beyonde Birtles mill, by Chelforde (where it taketh in a [...], called Piuerey) thence to ouer Peuer, [...]iuerey. Holforde & there cros­sing the Waterlesse brooke [...]cowing of two beckes and ioyning at nether Tabley) it go­eth forth to Winshambridge, [...]terlesse and then mée­ting with the other, after this confluēce they procéede till they come almost at Barneton, where the saide chanell ioyneth with a pretie water running thorow two Lakes, whereof the greatest lyeth betwéene Cumberbach, Rudworth, & Marbury. But to go forwarde with the course of the maine riuer. After these cōfluences our Wiuer goeth to War­ham, Actonbridge, and Dutton, ouer against which towne, on ye other side it méeteth with a rill, comming from Cuddington, also the second going by Norley, and Gritton, final­lye the thirde soone after from Kimsley, and then procéedeth on in his passage, by Asheton chappell, Frodesham, Rockesauage, and so into the sea: and this is all that I doe finde of the Wyuer, whose influences might haue béene more largely set downe, yf mine in­sunctions had béene more amplye deliuered, yet this I hope maye suffice for his descrip­tion, and knowledge of his course.

[...]ersey.The Mersey riseth among the Peke hils, and from thence going downe to the Wood­house, and taking sundrie rilles withal by the waye, it becommeth the confines betwéene Chester and Darbyshyres. Going also to­ward Goitehal, it méeteth with a faire brooke increased by sundrye waters, [...]it. called Goyte, whereof I finde this short and briefe descrip­tion. The Goyte riseth not far frō the Shire méere hill (wherein the Doue and the Dane haue their original) that parteth Darbyshire and Chesteshyres in sunder, and thence com­meth downe to Goyte howses, D [...]rth, Ta [...] ­hall, Shawcrosse, and at Weybridge taketh in the Frith,Frith. Set. and beneath Berdhall the Set that riseth aboue Thersethall and rūneth by Ouersette. After this confluence also the Mersey goeth to Goyte hall, and at Storford towne méeteth with the Tame,Tame. which deui­deth Chestershire and Lancastershyres in sunder, and whose heade is in the very edge of Yorkeshyre, from whence it goeth South­warde to S [...]leworth Firth, then to Mu [...]el­hirst, S [...]aly hal, Ashdon Vnderline, Dunke­field, Denton, Reddish, and so at Stockeford or Stopford into the Mersey streame, which passeth forth in like sort to Doddesbyry, re­ceyuing a brooke by the waye that commeth from Litt [...] parke, by Br [...]thall parke and Chedley. From Doddesbury it procéedeth to Northen, Ashton, A [...]ston, Flixston, where it receiueth the Irwell a notable water,Irwell. and therefore his description is not to be omitted before I doe go forward any farder with the Mersey. It riseth aboue Bacop, and goeth thence to Rosendale, and in the waye to Ay­tenfielde it taketh in a water from Haselden. After this confluence it goeth to Newhall, Brandlesham, Brury, and aboue Ratcliffe ioyneth with ye Rache water,Raeus, or Rache. a faire streame and to be described when I haue finished the Irwell, as also the next vnto it beneath Rad­cliffe, bycause I woulde not haue so manye endes at once in hande wherewith to trouble my readers.

Beyng therfore past these two, our Irwel goeth on to Clifton, Holl [...]nde, Edgecroft,Lelande speaketh of of the Corue water a­boute Manches­ter, but I knowe no­thing of his course. Yrke. Medlocke. Strang wayes, and to Manchester, where it vniteth it selfe with the Yrke, that runneth thereinto by Royton Midleton, Heaton h [...]ll, and Blackeley. Beneath Manchester also it méeteth with the Medlocke that cōmeth thy­ther frō the north east side of Oldham, & be­twéene Clayton and Garret Halles, and so betwéene two parkes, falling into it about Holne. Thence our Irwel going forward to Woodsall, Whicleswijc, Erles, Barton, & Deuelhom, it falleth néere vnto Flixton, in­to the water of Mersey, where I will staye a while withall, till I haue brought the other vnto some passe, of which I spake before.

The Rache consisteth of sundrye waters,Rache. whereof eche one in a maner hath a proper name, but the greatest of all is Rache it self, which ryseth among the blacke stony hilles, from whence it goeth to Littlebrough, and beyng past Clegge, receyueth the Beyle,Beile. that commeth thither by Myluernaw chap­pell. After thys confluence also, it méeteth with a rill néere vnto Rachedale, and soone after with the Sprotton water,Sprotton. and then the [Page] Sudley brooke,Sudley. whereby his chanell is not a litle increased, which goeth from thence to Grisehirst and so into the Irwell, before it come at Ratcliffe.

Bradsha.The second streame is called Bradsha. It ryseth of two heades, aboue Turetō church, whence it runneth to Bradsha, and ere long taking in the Walmesley becke,Walmesley. they go in one chanell till they come beneath Bolton in the More. From hence (receyuing a water that commeth from the rootes of Rauenpike, hill by the way) it goeth by Deane and Bol­ton in the more, and so into Bradsha water, which taketh his way to Leuermore, Farn­worth, Leuerlesse, and finally into the Ir­well which I before described, and whereof I finde these two verses to be added at the last.

Yrke, Irwell, Medlocke, and Tame,
When they meete with the Mersey, do lose their name.

Nowe therefore to resume our Mersey you shall vnderstande that after his conflu­ence with the Irwel, he runneth to Parting­ton, and not farre from thence interteineth ye Gles,Gles. or Glesbrooke water, increased wyth sundrye armes whereof one commeth from Lodward, an other from aboue Houghton, the thyrde from Hulton Parcke, and the fourth from Shakerley: and beyng all vni­ted néere vnto Leighe, the confluence goeth to Holcroft,Bollein broke. and aboue Holling gréene into ye swift Mersey. After this increase the saide streame in lyke sort runneth to Rigston, & there admytteth the Bollein brooke water into his societie, which rising néere ye Cham­ber in Maxwell Forest goeth to Ridge, Sut­ton, Maxfield, Bollington, Prestbyry, and Newton, where it taketh in a water cōming frō about Pot Chappell, which runneth frō thence by Adlington, Woodforde, Wymsley Ryngey, and Ashley, there receyuing the Byrkin brooke that commeth from betwene Allerton and Marchall,Birkin. by Mawberly, and soone after the Marus or Mar,Mar. that cōmeth thereinto from Mar towne, by Rawstorne, and after these confluences goeth on to Downham, and ouer against Rixton beneth Crosforde bridge into the Mersey water, which procéeding on, admitteth not another that méeteth with all néere Lym before it go to Thelwall. Thence also it goeth by Bruche and so to Warrington, a little beneath cros­sing a brooke that commeth from Par by Browsey, Bradley and Saukey on the one side, and another on the other that commeth thither from Gropenhall, and with these it rūneth on to nether Walton, Acton grange, and so to Penkith, where it interteineth the Bolde, and soone after the Grundiche water on the otherside, that passeth by Preston, [...] and Daresbyry. Finallye our Mersey goyng by Moulton, it falleth into Lirepoole Hauen, when it is past R [...]ncorne. And thus much of the Mersey, comparable to the Wyuer, and of no lesse fame then most ryuers of thys I­slande.

Beyng past these two we come next of all to the Tarbocke water that falleth into the sea at Harbocke, [...] without finding any [...] tyll we be past all Wyrall, out of Leirpoole hauen, and from the blacke rockes, that lye vpon the north point of the aforesayd Island. Then come we to the Altmouth,Alt. whose fresh rysing not farre into the lande, commeth to Feston, and soone after receiuing another on the ryght hand, that passeth into it by Augh­ton, it is increased no more before it come at the sea. Neyther finde I any other falles till I méete with the mouth of the Yarrow and Duglesse, which haue their recourse to the sea in one Chanell as I take it.

The Duglesse commeth from by west of Rauenspike hill▪ [...] and ere long runneth by Andertonford to Worthington, & so (takyng in two or thrée rylles by the waye) to Wige, where it receyueth two waters in on chanel, of which one commeth in south from Bryn Parke, the other from northeast. Being past thys it receyueth one on the north side from Standishe, and another by south from Hol­lond, & then goeth on towarde Rufford chap­pell taking the Taude with all, that discen­deth from aboue Skelmersdale towne, [...] and goeth thorow Lathan Parke, belonging as I here vnto the Earle of Daxby. It méeteth also on the same side, [...] with Merton méere water, in which méere is an Islande called Netholme, and when it is past the hanging bridge, it is not long ere it fall into the Yar­rowe.

The Yarowe ryseth of two heades,Yar [...] Bag [...] wherof the second is called Bagen brooke, & making a confluence beneath Helby woode, it goeth on to Burghe, Egleston, Crofton, and then ioyneth next of all with the Dugglesse, after which confluence, the maine streame goeth forth to Bankehall, Charleton, How, Hes­ket, and so into the sea. Lelande wryting of ye Yarow, saith thus of the same, so farre as I now remember. Into the Duglesse also run­neth the Yarrow, which commeth wythin a myle or thereabout, of Chorleton towne, that parteth Leland shire, frō Darby shire, vnder the foote of Chorle also I finde a ryll, named Ceorle, and about a myle and an half frō thence a notable quarrey of stones wher­of the inhatants doe make a great bost and [Page 66] price, and hetherto Leland.

[...]ll.The Rybell as concerning his heade is sufficiētly touched already in my first booke. Beyng therefore come to Gisborne, it goeth to Sawley or Salley, Chatburne, Clithe­row castell, & beneath Mitton, méeteth with the Odder, [...]e. which ryseth not farre from the crosse of grete, and going thence to Shil­burne, Newton, Radholme parke, & Stony hirst, it falleth ere long into the Ribble wa­ter. From hence the Ribble hath not gone farre, [...]der. but it méeteth with the Calder. Thys brooke ryseth aboue Holme church, goeth by Towley and Burneley, (where it receiueth a trifeling rill) thence to Higham, and ere long crossing one water that commeth from Wicoler, by Colne, and another by and by named Pidle brooke that runneth by Newe church, [...]le. in the Piddle: it méeteth with ye Cal­der, which passeth forth to Paniam, & thence (receyuing a becke on the other side) it run­neth on to Altham, and so to Martholme, where the Henburne brooke, doth ioyne with all, [...]burne that goeth by Akingtō chappell, Church, Dunkinhalghe, Rishton, and so into ye Chal­der as I haue sayde before. The Chalder therefore being thus inlarged, runneth forth to Reade (where M. Nowell dwelleth) to Whalley, and soone after into Ribell, that goeth from this confluence to Salisbury hal, Ribchester, Osbaston, Sambury, Keuerden, Law, Ribles bridge, and then taketh in the Darwent, [...]rwent. before it goeth by Pontwarth in­to the sea.

The Darwent deuideth Lelande shire from Andernesse, and it ryseth by east aboue Darwent chappel, [...]cke­ [...]ne. [...]les­ [...]th. [...]nnocke and soone after vniting it selfe with the Blackeburne, & Rodlesworth water, it goeth thorowe Howghton Parke, by Howghton towne, to Walton hall, and so into the Ribell. As for the Sannocke brooke, it ryseth somewhat aboue Longridge chap­pell, goeth to Broughton towne, Cotham, Lée hall, and so into Ribell: and here is all that I haue to say of this ryuer.

[...]re.The Wire ryseth eight or ten miles from Garstan, out of an hill in Wiresdale, from whence it runneth by Shireshed chappell, & then going by Wadland, Garstan, & Kyrke­lande hall, [...]lder .2. it first receyueth the seconde Cal­der, that commeth down by Edmersey chap­pell, then another chanel increased with sun­drie waters, which I will here describe be­fore I procéede with the Wire. I suppose that the first water is called Plympton brooke. [...]mpton. It riseth south of Gosner, and cōmeth by Cawforde hall, [...]rton. and eare long receyuing the Barton becke, [...]ooke. it procéedeth forward till it ioyneth with the Brooke rill, that cōmeth by Claughton hall where M. Broke hales doth lie, and so thorow Mersco forrest. After this confluēce the Plime or Plimton water méeteth with the Calder, and then with the Wire which passeth forth to Mighel church, and the Raw cliffes,Skipton. and aboue Thorneton crosseth the Skipton, that goeth by Potton, then into the Wire rode, and finally into the sea, according to his nature.

Beyng past the fall of the Wire, wée coa­sted vppe by the salt cotes to Coker mouth,Cokar. whose shortnesse of course deserueth no dis­criptiō. The next is Cowdar,Cowdar. which cōming out of Wire dale (as I take it) is not increa­sed with any other waters, more then Co­ker, and therefore I wyll rydde my handes thereof so much the sooner. But beyng past these twoo, I came to a notable ryuer called the Lune,Lune. whose course doth reast to be de­scribed as followeth, & whereof I haue two descriptions, the first being set down by Le­land as M. More, of Catherine hall in Cam­bridge, deliuered it vnto him: the next I ex­habite as it was giuen vnto me, by one that hath taken paynes as he sayth to searche out and view the same, but very lately to speake of. The Lune saith M. More riseth at Crosse­hoe, in Dentdale, in the edge of Richmonde shire out of thrée heades. North also from Dentdale, is Garsdale, and thereby runneth a water, which afterward commeth to Seb­bar vale, where likewise is a brooke méeting with Garsdale water, so that a little lower they go as one into Dentdale becke, which is the ryuer that afterwarde is called Lune, or Lane, as I haue verye often noted it. Beside these waters also before mencioned, it receyueth at the foote of Sebbar vale, a great brooke which cōmeth out of ye Worth, betwéene Westmerlande and Richmonde shires, which taking with him the aforesaide chanelles, doth runne seauen myles ere it come to Dentdale foote. From hence it ente­reth into Lansdale, corruptlye so called per­aduenture for Lunesdale, and runneth therin eyght or nyne myles southwarde, and in this dale is Kyrby. Hetherto M. More (as Leland hath exemplified that percell of his letters) but mine other note wryteth hereof in thys maner. Burbecke water ryseth at Wustall heade, by west,Burbecke and going by Wustall foote to Skaleg,Breder. it admitteth the Breder that des­cendeth thither from Breder dale. From hence our Burbecke goeth to Breder dale foote, and so to Tybary, where it méeteth with foure rylles in one bottome, of which one commeth from besides Orton, another from betwéene Rasebecke and Sunbiggin: the thirde and fourth from eche side of Lang­dale, [Page] and after the generall confluēce made, goeth towarde Roundswathe aboue which it vniteth it selfe with the Barow.Barrow. Thence it runneth to Howgill, Delaker, Firrebanke, and Killingtō, beneth which it méeteth with a water comming from the Moruill hilles, and afterwarde crossing the Dent brooke (that runneth thither from Dent towne) be­neath Sebbor,Dent. they continue their course as one into the Burbecke, from whence it is called Lune. From hence it goeth to Bur­borne chappell, where it taketh in an other rill comming from by east, then to Kyrby Lansdale, and aboue Whittenton, crosseth a brooke comming from the Countie stone, by Burros, and soone after beneath Tunstal the Gretey,Gretey. which descēding from about In­gelborow hill passeth by Twyselton, Ingle­ton, Thorneton, Burton, Wratton & neare Thurlande castell toucheth finally with the Lune, which brauncheth and soone after vni­teth it selfe againe. After this also it goeth on towarde New parke, & receyueth the Wen­ny,Wenny. Hinburne. and the Hinburne both in one chanell, of which this riseth north of the crosse of Grete, and going by Benthams and Robertes hill, aboue Wray taketh in the Rheburne that ri­seth north of Wulfcragge.Rheburne After thys con­fluence also aboue New parke, it maketh his gate by Aughton, Laughton, Skirton, Lan­caster, Excliffe, Awcliffe, Sodday, Orton, and so into the sea. Thus haue you both the descriptions of Lune, make your conference or election at your pleasure for I am sworne to neyther of them both.

Docker. Kery.The next fall is called Docker, and perad­uenture the same that Lelande doth call the Kery, it ryseth north of Docker towne, and going by Barwijc hall, it is not increased be­fore it come at the sea.

Being past this we finde a forked arme of the sea called Kensandes: into the first of which diuers waters doe runne in one cha­nell, as it were from foure principal heades, one of them comming from Grarrig hall, another from by west of Whinfielde, & ioy­ning with ye first on the east side of Skelmere parke.Sprota. The third called Sprot or Sprota ry­seth at Sloddale, and commeth downe by west of Skelmer parke, so that these two brookes haue the aforesayde parke betwéene them, and fall into the fourth east of Barne­side, not very farre in sunder. The fourth or last called Ken,Ken. cōmeth frō Kentmeres side, and going to Stauelop it taketh in a rill frō Chappleton Inges. Then leauing Colnehed parke by east, it passeth by Barneside, to Kendall, Helston, Sigathe, Siggeswijc, Le­uenbridge, Milnethorpe, and so into the sea. Certes this Ken is a pretie déepe riuer, & yet not safely to be aduentured vpō with Botes and Balingers by reason of rolling stones, and other huge substaunces that oft annoy & trouble the middest of the chanell there. The other péece of ye forked arme,Win [...] is called Win­star, ye head wherof is aboue Winstar chap­pell, and going downe almost by Carpma­unsell, and Netherslake, it is not long eare it fall into the sea.

The Winander water ryseth about Dum­balrase stenes,Win [...] from whence it goeth to Lan­gridge, where it maketh a méere: thē to Am­bleside, and taking in eare it come there, two rilles on the left hande, and one on the right that commeth by Clapergate, it maketh as I take it the greatest méere, or freshe water in Englande, for as I reade it is well neare ten myles in length. Therinto also doe thrée or foure waters come, whereby the quantity thereof is not a little increased: finally com­ming to one smal chanell aboue Newbridge, it is not long eare it fall into the sea.

On the west side of the point also commeth another thorow Furnesse felles,Spa [...] and frō the hilles by north thereof, which eare long ma­king another Lake not farre from Hollin­how, and going by Bridge ende, in a narrow chanell, passeth forth by Cowlton & Sparke bridge, and so into the sea. There is in like sorte a water called the Fosse,Fosse that ryseth neare vnto Arneside, and Tillerthwates, & goeth forth by Grisdale, Saterthwate, Rus­lande, Powbridge, Bowth, & so falleth with the Winander water into the maine sea.

Hauing passed the Leuen or Conysandes or Winander fall (for all is one) I come to the Lew which riseth at Lewike chappell,Leu [...] & falleth into the sea beside Plumpton. The Rawther descending out of lowe Furnesse hath two heades,Raw [...] whereof one commeth frō Pennyton, the other by Vlmerstone abbay, and ioyning both in one chanell, they hasten into the sea whither all waters dir [...]ct theyr voyage. Then come we to another rill south west of Aldingham, descending by Glaiston castell, and likewyse the fourth that ryseth neare Lyndell, and running by Dawltō ca­stell and Furnesse abbay, not farre from the Barrow heade, it falleth into the sea ouer a­gainst Wauey and Wauey chappell, except myne aduertisementes misleade me.

The Dodon cōmeth frō the Shire stone hill bottome, & going by Blackhil,Dodon Southwake s. Iohns, Vffay parke, and Broughton, it fal­leth into the saltwater, betwéene Kyrby and Mallum castell, and thus are we now come vnto the Rauenglasse point.

Comming to Rauenglasse, I finde harde [Page 67] by the towne a water comming from two heades, and both of them in Lakes or Poles, wherof one issueth out of Denock méere, & is called Denock water, [...]enocke. the other named Eske from Eske pole, [...]ske. which runneth by Eskedale, Dalegarth, and soone after méeting with the Denocke, betwéene Mawburthwate, & Ra­uēglasse falleth into the sea. On the other side of Rauenglasse also cōmeth the Mite brooke, from Myterdale as I reade: [...]ite.

Then finde we another which commeth from the hylles, and at the fyrst is forked, but soone after making a Lake, they gather againe into a smaller chanell: finally méeting with the Brenge, [...]renge. they fall into the sea at Carleton southeast, as I wéene of Drig.

[...]ander.The Cander or as Lelande nameth it the Calder, commeth out of Copeland Forrest, by Cander, Sellefielde and so into the sea. Then come we to Euer water descending out of a pole aboue Coswaldhow, and thence going by Euerdale, it crosseth a water from Arladon, and afterward procéedeth to Egre­mond, S. Iohns, and taking in another ryll from Hide, it is not long ere it méeteth with the sea. The next fall is at Moresby, wherof I haue no skill. Frō thence therefore we cast about by s. Bées to Derwentset hauē, whose water is truely written Dargwent, or Der­uent.Dargwent It riseth in the hilles about Borrodale, from whence it goeth to the Graunge, thēce into a Lake, in which are certaine Islandes, and so to Keswijc where it falleth into the Bursemere, or the Burthmere pole. In like sort the Burthmere water,Burth­ [...]éere. rising among the hils goeth to Tegburthesworth, Forneside, S. Iohns and Threlcote: and there méeting with a water from Grisdale, by Waketh­wate,Grise. called Grise, it runneth to Burnesse, Keswijck and there receiueth the Darwent. From Keswijc in like sorte it goeth to Thor­neswate (& there making a plash) to Arman­swate, Isel, Huthwate and Cokermouth, & here it receyueth the Cokar,Cokar. which rising a­mong the hilles, commeth by Lowsewater, Brakenthwate, Lorton and so to Cokar­mouth towne, frō whēce it hasteth to Bridge­ham, and receiuing a rill called the Wire on the south side that rūneth by Dein, it leaueth Samburne and Wirketon behinde it, & en­treth in the sea.Wire. Leland sayth that the Wire is a creeke, where shippes lie oft at rode, and that Wirketon or Wirkington towne doth take hys name thereof. But to procéede, the Elme riseth in the mines aboue Amau­trée,Elmus. and from Amautre goeth to Yeresby Harby, Brow, and there taking in a rill on the left hande comming by Torpenny it go­eth to Hatton castell, Alwarby, Byrthy, De­reham & so into the sea. Thence we go about by the chappell at the point, and come to a baie serued with two fresh waters, whereof one rising westward goeth by Warton, Ra­by, Cotes, & so into the maine, taking in a ril withall from by south,Croco. called Croco that cō ­meth from Crochdale, by Bromefield.Vamus. The second is named Wampole brooke, and this riseth of two heades, whereof one is about Cardew, thence in lyke sorte, it goeth to Thuresby, Croston, Owton, Gamlesby, Wampall, the Larth, and betwéene White­ridge and Kyrby into the saltwater. From hence we double the Bowlnesse, and come to an Estuary, whether thrée notable ryuers doe resorte, (and this is named the Soluey mouth) but of all, the first excéedeth which is called Eden, and whose description doth fol­lowe here at hande.

The Eden descendeth as I heare from the hilles in Athelstane moore at the foote of Hus­siat Moruell hill where Swale also riseth and southeast of Mallerstang forrest.Eden. Frō thence in like maner it goeth to Mallerstāg towne, Pendragon castell, Wharton hall, Netby, Hartley castell, Kyrkeby Stephen, and eare it come at great Musgraue it receiueth thrée waters, whereof one is called Helbecke,Helbecke. Bellow. by­cause it commeth from the derne and elinge mountaines by a towne of the same denomi­nation, the other is named Bellow and des­cendeth frō the east mountaines by Sowars­by, and these two on the northeast: the thirde falleth from Rauenstandale, by Newbyg­gin, Smardale, Soulby, Blaterne and so in­to Eden,Orne. that goeth from thence by War­cop and taking in the Orne about Burelles on the one side, and the Moreton becke on the other, it hasteth to Appleby,Moreton. thence to Cowlby where it crosseth the Driebecke,Dribecke. Trowt becke. thence to Bolton, and Kyrby, and there mée­ting with the Trowt becke and beneath the same with the Liuenet,Liuenet. (whereinto falleth an other water frō Thurenly méeting wyth all beneath Clebron) it runneth finally into Eden. After the confluences also the Eden passeth to Temple, and soone after méeting with the Milburne and Blincorne waters,Milburne Blincorne in one chanell, it runneth to Winderwarth and Horneby where we will staie till I haue described ye water that méeteth withall néere the aforesayde place, called the Vlse.Vlse.

This water commeth out of a Lake, which is fedde with sixe rilles wherof one is called the Marke,Marke. and neare the fall therof into the plash is a towne of the same name: the se­conde hight Hartesop,Hartsop. & runneth frō Harte­shop hall by Depedale: the thirde is Pater­dale rill: the fourth Glent Roden,Paterdale. Roden. the fift [Page] Glenkwent,Glenk­guin. but the sixth runneth into the sayde lake, south of Dowthwate. Afterward when this lake cōmeth toward Pole towne, it runneth into a small chanell, and going by Barton, Dalamaine, it taketh in a rill by the waye from Daker castell. Thence it go­eth to Stockebridge, Yoneworth, and soone after méeteth wyth a prety brooke, called Lo­der,Loder. comming from Thornethwate by Bau­ton, and here a ril, then by Helton, and there another, thence to Askham, Clifton, and so ioining with the other called Vlse, they go to Brougham castel, Nine churches, Horneby, and so into Eden, taking in a ryll as it goeth that commeth downe from Pencath. Beyng past Hornby our Eden runneth to Langun­by and soone after receiuing a ryll that com­meth from two heades, and ioyning beneath Wingsel, it hasteth to Lasenby, then to kirke Oswalde, (on eche side whereof commeth in a ril from by east) thence to Nonney, & there a ryl, Anstable, Cotehyll, Corby castel. We­therall, Neweby, where I wyll staye till I haue described the Irding, and such waters as fall into the same before I go to Carleill.

Irding.The Irding ryseth in a Moore in the bor­ders of Tindale, néere vnto horse hed Crag, where it is called Terne becke vntil it come to Spycrag hill,Terne. that deuideth northumber­land and Gillesland in sunder, from whence it is named Irding. Beyng therefore come to Ouerhal, it receiueth the Pultrose becke, by east,Pultrose. and thence goeth on to Ouerdenton, Netherdenton, Leuercost, and Castelsteade, where it taketh in the Cambocke, that run­neth by Kyrke Cambocke,Cambocke Askerton castel, Walton, and so into Irding, which goeth from thence to Irdington, Newby, and so into Eden. But a litle before it come there, it crosseth with the Gilly that commeth by Tankin,Gilly. and soone after falleth into it. Af­ter these confluences, our Eden goeth to Lin­stocke castell, (and here it enterteyneth a brooke, comming from Cote hill warde by Aglionby) thē vnto Carleill, which is almost enuironed wyth foure waters. For beside ye Eden it receyueth the Peder,Pedar ali­as, Logus. which Leland calleth Logus from south east. This Peder ryseth in the hiles southwest of Penruddock, from whence it goeth to Penruddocke, then to Grastocke castell, Cateley and Ken­dersidehall, and then taking in a water from Vnthanke, it goeth to Cathwade, Pettrell way, Newbiggin, Carleton, & so into Eden, northeast of Caerleill. But on the north side the Bruferth brooke doth swiftely make hys entraunce running by Leuerdale,Bruferth. Scalby castell, and Housedon as I am informed. The thirde is named Candan, (if not De­ua after Lelande) which rysing about the Skidlow hilles, runneth to Mosedale, Cald­becke Warnell, Saberham, Rose Castell, Dawston, Brounston, Harrington, and west of Cairleill falleth into Eden, which goyng from thence by Grimsdale, Kyrke Andros, Beaumont, falleth into the sea beneath the Rowcliffe castell. And thus much of the E­den, which Lelande neuerthelesse describeth, after another sort, whose wordes I will not let to set downe here in this place, as I finde them in his commentaries.

The Eden after it hath runne a prety space from his head,Vlse after [...] méeteth in time with the Vlse water, which is a great brooke in Westmer­lande, and rysing aboue Maredale, a myle west of Loder;Loder. it commeth by the late dissol­ued house of Shappe Priory, thrée myles frō Shappe, and by Brampton village into Lo­der or Lodon. Certes thys streame within halfe a myle of the head, becommeth a great lake for two myles course, and afterwarde waxing narrow againe, it runneth forth in a meane and indifferent botome. The sayde Eden in lyke sort receyueth the Aymote a­bout thrée myles beneath Brougham castell and into the same Aymote,A [...]mot [...] falleth the Dacor becke (already touched) which riseth by north west in Materdale hilles, foure myles aboue Dacor castell,Dacor. and then goyng thorowe Da­cor Parke, it runneth by east a good myle lower into Eymote, a lyttle beneath Dela­maine, which standeth on the left side of Da­cor. In one of his bookes also he sayeth, how Carleill standeth betwéene two streames,Deua. that is to saye the Deua, which cōmeth the­ther from by southwest, and also the Logus that discendeth frō the south east. He addeth moreouer howe the Deua, in times past was named Vala or Bala,Vala. and that of the names of these two, Lugibalia for Caerleill hath béene deriued. &c▪ And thus much out of Le­lande, but where it had the cause of this hys coniecture as yet I haue not reade. Of thys am I certeine that I vse the names of most ryuers here and else where described, accor­cordingly as they are called in my time, al­though I omitte not to speake here and there of such as are more auncient, where iust oc­casion mooueth me to remember them, for ye better vnderstāding of our histories, as they doe come to hande.

Blacke Leuen and white Leuen waters,Leuen. fall into the sea in one chanel, and with them the Lamforde and the Eske,Lamforde Eske. the last conflu­ence beyng not a full myle from the mayne sea. The white & black Leuen, ioyning there­fore aboue Bucknesse, the confluence goeth to Bracken hill, Kirkleuenton,Tomunt. & at Tomunt [Page 68] water méeteth with the Eske. In lyke sorte the Kyrsop ioyning with the Lydde out of Scotland at Kyrsop foote, [...]irsop. [...]ydde. running by Stan­gerdike side, Harlow, Hath water, & takyng in the Eske aboue the Mote, it looseth the for­mer name, and is called Eske, vntill it come to the sea.

Hauing in this maner finished the descrip­tion of the courses of most of the ryuers ly­ing vpon the west coast of our country: now it resteth that wée cut ouer vnto the west side of the same, and as it were call backe vnto mynde, the most notable of such as wée erst omitted, vntill we come at the Humber, and from thence vnto the Thames.

[...]wede.First of all therfore as touching ye Twede, this I haue to note, that the olde and aunci­ent name of the Till that falleth into ye same is not Bromis,Till. from the heade as some doe nowe call it, [...]romis. (and I following their asserti­ons haue set downe) but rather Brenniche, [...]renniche & beside that Lelande is of the same opinion. I finde howe the kingdome of Brenicia, tooke denomination of thys water, and that only therof it was called Brenicia, or Bren­nich, and vpon none other occasion.

In my tractatiō also of ye Tine, I reserued the courses of one or two waters vnto this booke of purpose, but sithens the impressiō of the same, I haue found the names & courses of sundrye other, which I will also deliuer in this place, after I haue touched the Alen or Alon, and one or two more which I appoin­ted hether, because that at the first I vnder­stoode but little of them.

[...]st Alen.The Alen or Alon, hath two heades wher­of one is called east Alen, ye other west Alen. The first of them riseth south east of Sibton Sheles, and going by Simdorp, it taketh in a rill withall from by east: After which con­fluence it runneth to Newshele, Allington, Caddon, Olde towne, and in hys waye to Stauertpele, méeteth with the west Alen. The West Alen ryseth in the hilles aboue Wheteley shéeles, [...]est Alen from whence it goeth to Spartwell, Hawcopole, Owston, & taking in a rill thereaboutes, it procéedeth on to Permandby, and crossing there another ril in lyke maner from by West, it goeth to Whitefielde, and ioyning soone after with ye east Alen, they run as one to Stauert poole, Plankforde, and so into the Tine.

[...]dde.Into the north Tine likewise falleth the Ridde, at Riddesmouth. It riseth within thrée myles of the Scottishe marshe, as Lelande saith & commeth thorowe Riddesdale where­vnto it giueth the name. Another writeth howe it ryseth in the rootes of the Carter, & Redsquire hylles, [...]elhop. and ere it hath gone farre from the heade,Cheslop. it taketh in the Spelhop frō the north and the Cheslop on the south, beside sundrye other w [...]ld rylles namelesse and ob­scure, and therfore not worthy to be remem­bred here. After it hath passed Otterburne, it goeth to the medow Howgh, Woodburne, Risingham, Leame, and so into the Tine, a little lower, then Belindgeham, which stan­deth somewhat aloofe from north Tine, and is as I take it ten myles at the least aboue the towne of Hexham. Beneath ye confluence in like sort of both the Tines, standeth Cor­bridge, a towne sometime inhabited by the Romaines,Corue. and about twelue myles from Newcastell, and hereby doth the Corue run, that méeteth ere long with the Tine. Not far of also is a place called Colchester, wher­by Lelande gesseth that the name of ye brooke should rather be Cole then Corue, and in my iudgement his coniecture is very lykely, for in the lyfe of S. Oswijn (otherwise a féeble authoritie) the worde Colbridge is alwaies vsed for Corbridg, wherof I thought good to leaue this short aduertisement, and hether­to of part of my former reseruatiōs. Now it resteth that I touch ye names of a few riuers & beckes togither as Lelande hath left them, whose order and courses may peraduenture hereafter be better knowne then they are to me at this present, for lacke of sound instruc­tion. The Deuilles brooke,Dill. he supposeth to be called Dill, of a town not far of that is com­monly called Dilstan,Darwent. wherby ye Tine doth runne. As the Darwent also doth fall into ye Tine, beneth Blaidon, so doe sundry brookes into the Darwent in two chanels,Blacke­burne. Horslop. as Black­burne, which goeth into Horslop burne, as Horslop doth into Darwent, on the east side, and on the other banke the Hawkesburne,Roueslop. that rūneth into Roueslop, as Roueslop doth finally into Darwent, which is sayde to ryse of two heades, whereof one is néere Knedon, the other at Kidlamhope, and after the con­fluence, going to Hunsterworth,alias Rid­lamhope. Blaunche­lande, Acton, Aspersheles, Blackehedley, Pansheales, Newlande, Darwent cote (by by north east whereof commeth in a ryll on the other side) Spen, Gibside, Hollinside, Swalwel, and so into the Tine.Hedley. In like sorte Lelande speaketh of a water called Hedley, that should fall into the Tine, whose heade is at Skildrawe, from whence it runneth to Vptthelde, Lamsley, Rauensworth towne,Wickham. Rauensworth castell, Redhughe, and so into Tine, Southwest of Newcastel, but he omit­teth wickham brooke (he sayth) because it ry­seth short of the towne, and is but a little rill. Finally ye Themis doth fal into Tine a mile or therabout aboue Getishead,Themis. & not very far [Page] beneth Rauensworth castell, rising ten miles by south into the land, as Lelande hath like­wise set downe.

Were. Ptolomy wryting of the Were, calleth it Vedra, a ryuer well knowne vnto Beda the famous Priest, who was brought vp in a monastery yt stood vpon his bankes. It recei­ueth saith Lelande the Dernesse,Dernesse. Brome. whereinto the Brome also doth emptie his chanell, that ryseth aboue Repare parke, as I haue béene informed. In lyke sorte I fynde howe it ad­mitteth lykewyse the Coue, that commeth from Lanchester,Coue. which is sixe myles high­er then Chester in the Streate, and then go­eth to Chester it selfe, whereabout it méeteth with the Hedley.Hedley. Gaund­lesse. Finally the Gawndelesse, that ryseth sixe myles by west of Akelande castell, and running by the south side thereof passeth by west Akeland S. Helenes Ake­lande, s. Andrewes Akeland, Bishops Ake­land and eare long into the Were, and thus much of waters omitted in ye Tine & Were.

These.Lelande writing of the These, repeateth the names of sundry riuerets, whereof in the former Treatize I haue made no mencion at all, notwithstanding ye some of their cour­ses may perhaps be touched in the same, as the Thurisgill whose heade is not farre frō the Spittle that I do reade of in Stanmoore.Thuresgil The Grettey commeth by Barningham & Mortham and falleth into the These aboue Croftes bridge.Gretty. The Dare or Dere runneth by Darlington,Dare. & likewise into the These a­boue the aforesayd bridge.Wiske. As for the Wiske it commeth thereinto from by south vnder Wiske bridge, Danby, Northalberton, and eare long also into a greater streame, which going a little lower vnder an other bridge doth runne by one chanell into the aforesayd ryuer before it come at the These. And these are the brookes that I haue obserued sith the impression of my first booke in Leland, those that followe I referred hither of purpose.

Thorpe. alias Le­uend.The Thorpe, riseth of sundry heads, wher­of one is aboue Pinching Thorpe, from whence it goeth to Nonnethorpe, and so to Stokesley. The seconde hath two braunches, and so placed that Kildale standeth betwéene them both: finally méeting beneath Easby they go by Eaton and likewise vnto Stokes­ley. The last hath also two braunches, wher­of one commeth from Inglesby, and méeteth with the seconde beneath Broughton, & go­ing from thēce to Stokesley they mete with the Thorpe aboue the towne, as the other fal into it somewhat beneath the same. From hence it goeth to Ridley and there taketh in another rill comming from Potto, thence to Crawthorne brooke,Craw­thorne. Leuanton, Miltō, Hil­ton, Inglesby & so into the These, betwéene Yarne and Barwijc, whereof I made men­tion before although I neither named it, nor shewed ye descriptiō. Some cal it not Thorpe but the Leuend brooke, or Leuen water, and thus much of some of the waters eyther o­mitted or not fullye touched in the former Treatize.

Of such streames as fall into the maine ri­uers betweene Humber and the Thames. Cap. 3.

THe course of the Ouze is alreadie set forth in the first booke of this description & so exactely as I hope that I shall not néede to adde any more thereunto at this time.Ouze. Wherefore I will deale onely with such as fall into the same, ymagining a voyage frō the Rauenspurne, vntill I come néere to the heade of These, and so southwardes about a­gaine by the bottome of the hilly soyle vntill I get to Buxston, Sheffelde, Scroby, and the very south point of Humber mouth, wherby I shall crosse them all that are to be found in this walke, and leaue I doubt not some espe­ciall notice of their seuerall heads & courses.

The course of the Hul is already described,Hul [...] yet here I will not let to insert Lelandes de­scription of the same, and that more for those odde notes which he hath set down in the pro­cesse of his matter, then that I thincke his dealing herein to be more exacte then myne, if so much may be sayde without all cause of offence. The Hulne (saieth he) riseth of thrée seuerall heads, whereof the greatest is not farre from Dryfielde, nowe a small village sixtéene myles frō Hull. Certes it hath béene a goodly towne, and therein was the pallace of Egbright king of the Northumbers, and place of Sepulture of a noble Saxon king, whose name I now remember not although his Tōbe remaine for ought that I do know to the contrarie, with an inscription vpon the same written in Latine letters. Neare vnto this towne also is the Danefielde, wherein great numbers of Danes were slaine, and buried in those hils, which yet remaine there to be séene ouer their bones and carkasses. The second head saith he is at Estburne, and the thirde at Emmeswell, and méeting alto­gither not farre from Dryfielde, the water there beginneth to be called Hulne, as I haue sayde alreadie. From hence also it goeth thorowe Beuerley medowes, and comming at the last not farre from an arme led from the Hulne by mans hande (and able to beare great vessels) almost to Beuerley towne,Cott [...] ham. & méeting thereabout also with the Cottinghā [Page 69] becke comming frō Westwood by the way, it hasteth to Kingston vpon Hulne, and so in­to the Humber without any maner impeche­ment.

[...]wlney.The Fowlney riseth about Godmanham, from whence it goeth by Wighton, Hares­well, Seton, Williams bridge, and soone af­ter spreading it selfe, one arme called Skel­flete, [...]elflete. goeth by Cane Cawsey to Browneflete and so into the Ouze. The other passeth by Sandholme, Gilbertes dike, Scalby chap­pell, Blacketoft and so into the aforesayde Ouze, leauing a very pretie Islande, which is a percel as I here of Walding fen more, though otherwyse obscure to vs that dwell here in the south.

[...]rwent.The Darwent ryseth in the hilles that lye west of Robin Whodes baie, or two myles aboue Ayton bridge, west of Scarborow as Lelande sayth: and eare it hath runne farre from the head, it receyueth two rilles in one bottome from by west, which ioyne withall about Langdale ende. Thence they go togy­ther to Broxey and at Hacknesse take in an other water comming from about Silsey. Afterwarde it commeth to Ayton, then to Haybridge, [...]nford. and there crosseth the Kenforde that descendeth from Roberteston. After this also it goeth on to Pottersbrumton where it taketh in one rill, as it doth another beneath running from Shirburne, and the thirde yet lower, on the fader bancke, that descendeth from Brumpton. From these confluences, it runneth to Fowlbridge, Axbridge, Yel­dingham bridge, and so to Cotehouse, recey­uing by the way many waters. Lelande re­coning vp the names of the seuerall brookes, numbreth them confusedly after his accusto­med order. The Darwent saith he receyueth diuers streames as the Shyrihutton. [...]hirihut­ [...]n. [...]rambeck The se­conde is the Crambecke, descending from Hunderskell castell, [...]rambeck (so called tanquā a cen­tum fontibus, or multitude of Springes that ryse about the same) and goeth to Rie, which comming out of the Blacke moores, passeth by Riuers abbay, taking in the Ricoll on the left hande, [...]. [...]coll. [...]euen. [...]ostey. [...]ckering then the Seuen, the Costey and Pickering brooke. The Seuen also sayeth he riseth in the side of Blackmoore, and thence goeth by Sinnington foure myles frō Pic­kering, and about a myle aboue a certayne bridge ouer Rie goeth into ye Streame. The Costey in like sorte springeth in ye very edge of Pickering towne, at a place called Keld head, and goeth into the Rie two myles be­neath Pickering, about Kyrby minster. Fi­nally Pickering water ariseth in Blacke­more, and halfe a myle beneath Pickering falleth into Costey, meting by the way with the Pocklington becke,Pockling­ton. and an other small rill or two of whose names I haue no know­ledge. Hitherto Lelande, but in mine opiniō it had béene far better to haue described them thus. Of those waters that fal into the Dar­went beneath Cotehouse, the first commeth from Swenton, the seconde from Ebberstō, the thirde from Ollerston, the fourth from Thornetō, and Pickering, and the fift on the other side that commeth thither from Win­tringham, for so shoulde he haue dealt in bet­ter order, & rid his hands of them with more expeditiō, referring the reast also vnto their proper places. But to procéede after myne owne maner. Being past Cotehouse, & eare the Darwent come at Wickham, it crosseth the Rie, which riseth of two heades,Rie. and ioy­ning west of Locton they run thorow Glans­by parke.Costey. Finally receyuing the Costey it méeteth at the last with an other streame in­creased by the falles of sixe waters & more, eare it come into ye Darwent. The most ea­sterly of these is called Seuen,Seuen. & ryseth as is aforesayde in Blackemore, from whence it goeth by Sinnington, Murton, Normanby, Newsounde, How & so into the Rie.Doue or Doue. The se­conde named Dou hath his original likewise in Blackemore, and descēding by Rasmore, Keldon and Edston, (where it receyueth the Hodge becke, that commeth by Bernesdale,Hodge­becke. Ricoll. Kirkedale, and Welburne) it goeth to Sawl­ton, and there taketh in first the Ricoll, that goeth by Careton, & whereof Ridall as some think (but falsly) doth séeme to take the name. Then Fesse, which ryseth aboue.Fesse. Bilisdale chappell, & méeteth with the Rie at the Sha­king bridge, from whence they go togyther vnder the Rie bridge, to Riuis abbaye, and thence (after it hath crossed a becke from the west) thorowe a parke of the Earle of Rut­landes to Newton, Muniton, and so to Saw­ton, or Sawlton, as I doe finde it written: Here also it taketh in the Holbecke brooke,Holbecke. that commeth thither from by west by Gyl­ling castell, and Stangraue, from whence it goeth on to Braby, next into the Seuen, then into the Rie, and so into the Darwent, which from thēce doth run to Wickhā. Being past Wickhā, it meteth with a water that cōmeth thereinto from Grynston to Setterington at southeast, and thence it goeth on to Malton & Malton, Sutton, Wellam, Furby, & Kirk­ham, receyuing by ye way one rill on the one side and another on the other, whereof this commeth from Burdfall, that other frō Co­nisthorpe. From Kyrkeham it goeth to Crā ­burne and Owsham bridge, (crossing by the way an other brooke comming from S. Ed­wardes gore, by Faston) then to Aldby, But­tercram, [Page] (alias Butterham) bridg, Stamford bridg, Kexby bridg, Sutton, Ellerton, Augh­ton, Bubwith, Wresill, Babthorpe & so into ye Ouze, wherwith I finishe the description of the Derwent, sauing that I haue to let you vnderstand how Leland heard that an arme ran sometime from the hed of Darwent also to Scarborow till such time as two hils be­twixt which it ran, did shalder & so choke vp his course.

Fosse.The Fosse (a slow stream yet able to beare a good vessell) ryseth in Nemore Calaterio, or among the wooddy hilles now called Gal­ters forrest, and in his descent frō the higher ground, he leaueth Crake castel, on his west side: thence he goeth by Marton abbay, Mar­ton, Stillington, Farlington, Towthorpe, Erswijc, Huntingdon, and at Yorke into the Ouze.

Kile.The Kile ryseth flat north at Newborow, from whence it goeth by Thorneton on the hyll, Ruskell parke, Awne, Tollerton, and so into the Ouze about Newton vpon Ouze.

Swale.The Swale is a ryght noble ryuer. It ri­seth in the hilles aboue Kyrkedale, and from this towne it goeth to Kelde chappell, Car­ret house, Crackepot, Whiteside, and néere vnto Yalen,Barney. taketh in the Barney water, which commeth from the north east. Thence it goeth by Harcaside to Reth (where it mée­teth with the Arcley) and so to Flemington,Arcley. Holgate. Grinton, Marrike (taking in the Holgate that commeth from by south: & in the way to Thorpe,Mariske becke. the Mariske becke, or peraduēture Applegarth water, as Leland calleth it, that discendeth from the north) then to Thorpe, Applegarth, Richmonde, Easby and Brun­ton. Here by North it entertayneth two or thrée waters in one chanell, called Rauen­swathe water, whereof the twoo fardest doe ioyne not far from the Dawltons, & so go by Rauenswath,Rauens­wathe. Hartforth, Gilling, & at Ske­by méete wyth the thirde, comming from Richmonde Beaconwarde. By west also of Brunton,Rhe. the Swale méeteth with the Rhe, runnyng from Resdale, and beyng past Brunton, it goeth to Caterijc bridge beneath Brunton, then to Ellerton, Kyrkeby, Lang­ton parua, Thirtoft, Anderby Steple, and before it come vnto Gatenby, it méeteth wt ye Bedall brooke,Bedall alias Le­ming. alias Leminges becke, that cōmeth west of Kellirby, by Cūstable, Bur­ton, Langthorpe, Bedall, and Leming chap­pell. From Gattenby lykewise it goeth to Mawby, and at Brakenbyry, receiueth the Wiske,Wiske. which is a great water, rysing be­twéene two parkes aboue Swanby in one place, and southeast of Mountgrace Abbaie in another, and after the confluence which is about Siddlebridge, goeth on betwéene the Rughtons to Appleton, the Smetons, Byrt­by, Huttō Coniers, Danby, Wijc, Yafford, Warlaby, and taking in there a ryll from Brunton, by Aluerton, it procéedeth to Ot­teringtō, Newley, Kyrby Wiske, Newson, and Blackenbury, there méeting as I sayde with the Swale, that runneth from thence by Skipton bridge, Catton, Topcliffe, and Ranyton, and aboue Eldmyre, méeteth with sundrye other rylles in one botome, whereof the northwesterley is called Cawdebec: [...] the south Easterly Kebecke, which ioyne east of Thornton moore, and so go to Thorneton in the streate, Kiluington, Thruske, Sowerby, Grastwijc, and soone after crossing another growing of the myxture of the Willow, and likewyse of the Cuckwolde beckes,Cuckwol [...] becke. which ioyne aboue Bridforth, and running on till it come almost at Dalton, it maketh confluence with the Swale, and go thence as one by Thornton bridge, Mitton vpon Swale, and so into the Ouze.

The Skell ryseth out of the west two my­les from Fountaines Abbay,Skell and commeth as Lelande sayth with a fayre course by the one side of Rippon, as the Vre doth on the o­ther. And on the bankes hereof stoode the fa­mous Abbaie called Fountaines, somuch re­noumed for the lusty monkes that dwelled in the same. It receiueth also the Lauer water,Lauer. (which ryseth thrée myles from Kyrby, and méeteth withall néere vnto Rippon) and fi­nally falleth into the Vre, a quarter of a mile beneath Rippon Towne, and almost midde waye betwéene the North and Huicke brid­ges.

The Nidde ryseth among those hilles that lye by west northwest of Gnarresborowe,Nidde. fyue myles aboue Pakeley bridge, & going in short processe of time by West houses, Lodg houses, Woodhall, Newehouses, Midles­more, Raunsgill, Cowthouse, Gowthwall, Bureley, Brymham, Hampeswale, & soone after méeting with the Killingale becke,Killing [...] it goeth after the confluence, by Bylton parke, Gnaresbridge, Washforde, Cathall, Willes­thorp, Munketon, or Nonniocke, and so into the Ouze, fouretéene miles beneath Gnares­borow, beyng increased by the waye wyth very fewe or no waters of any countenance. Lelande hauing said thus much of ye Nidde, addeth herevnto the names of two other wa­ters, that is to say, the Couer & the Burne,Couer. Burne. which doe fal likewise into the Vre or Ouze, but as he sayth little of the same, so among all my Pampheletes, I can gather no more of them, then that the first ryseth sixe myles aboue Couerham by west, and falleth into ye [Page 70] Vre, a little beneath Middleham bridge, which is two myles beneath the towne of Couerham. As for the Burne, it ryseth at More hylles, and falleth into the sayde ryuer a lyttle beneth Massham bridge, and so much of these two.

[...]harfe [...]ias [...]werfe.The Wharffe or Gwerfe, ryseth aboue Vghtershaw, from whence it runneth to Beggermons, Rasemill, Hubberham, Backden, Starbotton, Kettlewell, Cunnistō in Kettlewell, and here it méeteth with a rill comming from Haltongill chappel, bp Arne­cliffe, & ioyning withal north east of Kilnesey crag, it passeth ouer by the lower groundes to Gyrsington, and receyuing a ryll there al­so from Tresfelde parke, it procéedeth on to Brunsall brydge. Furthermore at Appletre­wijc, it méeteth wyth a ryll from by north, & thence goeth to Barden Towre, Bolton, Beth and Misley hall, where it crosseth a rill comming frō by west. Thence to Addinghā, taking in there also a another from by west, and so to Ikeley, and receyuing ere long a­nother by north from Denton hall, it hasteth to Weston Vauasour, Oteley, and Letheley where it taketh in the Padside, & the Wash­burne, [...]adside. [...]ashburn. both in one streame from Lyndley ward, and thence to Casley chappell, & there it crosseth one from by north, & another ere long from by south, and so to Yardwoode ca­stell, Kereby, Woodhall, Collingham, Lin­ton, Wetherby, Thorpatche, Newton, Tad­caster, and when it hath receyued the Cocke­becke from southwest, [...]ocke­ [...]cke. that goth by Barwy, Aberforth, Leadhall, and Grymston, it run­neth to Exton, Kyrby Wharf, Vskel, Rither Nunapleton, and so into the Ouze, beneath Cawood, a castell belonging to the Arche bi­shop of Yorke, where he vseth oft to lye when he refresheth himselfe, with chaunge of ayre & shift of habitation, for the auoiding of such infection as maye otherwise engender by his long abode in one place, for want of due pur­gation, and aiering of his house.

[...]ir.The Air ryseth out of a Lake, South of Darnbrooke, wherin as I here is none other fish but red Trowt, & Perche. Leland saith it riseth néere vnto Ortō in Crauen, wherfore the oddes is but litle. It goeth therfore from thence to Mawlam, Hamlithe, Kyrby Mol­dale, Calton hall, Areton, and so forth tyll it come almost to Gargraue, there crossing the Otterburne water on the west, [...]tter­ [...]rne. [...]inter­ [...]rne. & the Win­terburne on the north, which at Flasby, re­ceiueth a ryll from Helton as I here. Being past Gargraue, our Air goeth on to Eshton, Elswoode, and so forth on, first receyuig a brooke from southwest, (wherof one braunch commeth by Marton, the other by Thornet, which méete about Broughton) then another from northeast, that runneth by Skipton ca­stell. After this confluence it hasteth to Newebiggin, Bradley, and Kildwijc, by south east whereof, it méeteth with one wa­ter from Mawsis, and Glusburne or Glu­kesburne, called Glyke,Glyke. another lykewyse a lytle beneath from Seton, beside two rylles from by north, after which confluence it run­neth by Reddlesdē, & ouer against this towne the Lacocke and the Worth doe méete with­all in one chanell,Lacocke. Woorth. Moreton. as the Moreton water doth on the north, although it be somewhat lower. Thence it goeth to Risheforth hall, & so to Bungley, where it taketh a ryll from Denholme parke to Shipeley, & there cros­sing another from Thorneton, Leuenthorpe, and Bradley, it goeth to Caluerley, to Chri­stall, and so to Léedes, where one water run­neth thereinto, by north from Wettlewoode, and two other from by south in one chanell, whereof the first hath two armes, of which the one commeth from Pudsey chappell, the other from Adwalton, their confluence being made aboue Farnesley hall. The other lyke­wise hath two heades, whereof one is aboue Morley, the other cōmeth from Domingley, and méeting with the first not far south west of Léedes, they fall both into the Aire, and so runne with the same to Swillington, & there taking in ye Rodwel becke south of the bridg, it procéedeth to Ollerton, Castelforde,Redwell. Went. Bro­therton and Ferribridge there receiuing the Went, a becke from Pontifract which ry­seth of diuers heads, wherof one is among ye cole pits. Thēce to Beall, Berkin, Kelling­tō, middle Hodlesey, Tēplehirst, Gowldall, Snath [...], Rawcliffe, Newlande, Army, and so into the Ouze wyth an indifferent course. Of all the ryuers in the North, Lelande (in so many ot hys bookes as I haue séene) sayth least of this. Mine annotations also are very slender in the particular waters whereby it is increased: wherfore I was compelled of necessity to conclude euen thus with the de­scription of the same, & had so left it in déede if I had not receyued one other note more to adde vnto it (euen when the leafe was at the Presse) which saith as followeth in maner worde for worde.

There is a noble water that falleth into Aire, whose heade as I take it is about Stā ­forde. From whence it goeth to Creston cha­pell, to Lingfield, and there about receyuing one ryll, néere Elfrabright bridge,Hebden. and also the Hebden by northwest, it goeth to Brear­ley hall, and so taking in the thirde by north it procéedeth on eastwarde by Sorsby bridge chappell, (and there a ryll from southwest) [Page] and so to Coppeley hall. Beneath this place I finde also that it receyueth one ryll from Hallyfaxe, which ryseth of two heades, & two other from southwest, of which one commeth by Bareslande, and Stanelande in one cha­nell, as I reade, so that after this confluence the aforesayd water goeth on toward Cow­forde bridge, and as it taketh in two rilles a­boue the same on the North side, so beneath that bridge, there falleth into it a prety arme increased by sundry waters comming from by south, as from Marsheden chappell, from Holmesworth chappell, and Kyrke Heton, eche one growyng of sundrie heades, wherof I woulde say more, if I had more intelligēce of their seuerall gates and passages. But to procéede from Cowford bridge it runneth to Munfeld, & receiuing ere long one ryll from Leuersage hall, and another from Burshall by Dewesburye, it goeth on North east of Thornehul, south of Horbyry thornes, & ther­about crossyng one ryll from by south from Woller by newe Milner Damme, and soone after another from northwest,Chalde. called Chald, rysing in the Peke hilles, whereon Wake­fielde standeth, and likewise the thirde from south east, and Waterton hall, it goeth by Warmefield, Newelande, Altoftes, and fy­nally into the Aire, west of Castelworth, as I learne. What ye name of this ryuer should be as yet I here not, and therefore no mer­ueile that I doe not set it downe, yet is it po­sible such as dwell thereabout are not igno­raunt thereof, but what is that to me, if I be not pertaker of their knowledge. It shal suf­fise therefore thus farre to haue shewed the course thereof, and as for the name I passe it ouer vntill another time.

Trent.The Trent is one of the most excellent ry­uers in the lande, and increased wyth so ma­ny waters, as for that onely cause it may bée compared either with the Ouze or Sauerne, I meane the seconde Ouze, whose course I haue lately described. It ryseth of two heads which ioyne beneath Norton in the moore, & from thence goeth to Hiltō Abbay, Bucknel church, and aboue Stoke, receyueth in the foule brooke water,Foulbrook which commeth thyther from Tunstall, by Shelton, and finally ma­king a confluence they go to Hanflete, where they méete wyth another on the same side, that discendeth frō Newcastell vnder Line, which Lelande taketh to bée the very Trent it selfe, saying, that it ryseth in the hylles a­boue Newcastell, as maye be séene by hys commentaryes. But to procéede. At Trent­ham or not farre from thence, it crosseth a riueret from northeast, whose name I know not, & thence goyng to Stone Aston, Stoke Burston, the Sandons and Weston, a little aboue Shubburne and Hawood, it receyueth the Sowe, a great chanell increased wyth sundry waters, which I will here describe, leauyng the Trent at Shubburne, tyll I come backe agayne.Sow [...]. The Sowe discendeth from the hylles, aboue Whytemoore cha­pell, and goeth by Charleton, and Stawne, and beneath Shalforde ioyneth wyth ano­ther by northeast that commeth from By­shoppes Offeley, Egleshal, Chesby, Rauntō. After thys confluence also, it runneth by Bridgeforde, Tillington, and Stafforde, be­neath which Towne, it crosseth the Penke becke, that ryseth aboue Nigleton,Penke. & Bere­wood, and aboue Penke bridge, vniteth it self with another comming frō Knightley ward, by Gnashall church, Eaton, and so goyng forth as one, it is not long ere they fall into Sow, after they haue passed Draiton, Dun­stan, Acton, and Banswiche, where loosing their names, they with the Sow & the Sow with them, doe ioyne wyth the Trent, at Shubburne, vpon the southerly bank. From Shubburne ye Trent goeth on, to lytle Har­woode, (méeting by the way one ryll at Ous­ley bridge, and another south of Riddlesley) thence by Hawkshery, Mauestane, Ridware and so towarde Yoxhall, where I must staye a whyle to consider of other waters, where­with I mete in this voiage. Of these therfore the lesser commeth in by south frō Farwall, the other from by west, a fayre streame, and increased with two brookes, whereof the first ryseth in Nedewoode forrest, northeast of Haggarsley parke, wherinto falleth another west of Hamsted Ridware, called Blythe,Blithe. which ryseth among the hylles in Whate­ley moore, aboue Weston Cony and thence goyng to the same Towne, it commeth to Careswel Druicote, alias Dracote, Painsley Gratwitch, Grymley, Aldmaston, Hamsted Ridware, and finally into the Trent, direct­ly west of Yoxhall, which runneth also from thence, and leauing kinges Bromley, in a parke (as I take it) on the left hand, and the Blacke water comming from Southton, and Lichefielde on the ryght, goeth streight waye to Catton, where it méeteth wyth the Tame, whose course I describe as follow­eth.Tame. It riseth in Staffordshyre (as I remē ­ber) not farre from Petteshall, & goeth foorth by Hamsted, towarde Pyrihall and Brimi­chams Aston, taking in by the way a rill on eache side, whereof the first groweth through a confluence of two waters, the one of them comming from Typton, the other from Ald­bury, and so rūning as one by Wedbury till they fall into the same. The latter commeth [Page 71] from Wolfhall and ioyneth with it on the left hande. After this and when it is past the aforesayd places, it crosseth in like sort a rill frō Smethikewarde: thence it goeth to Yar­neton hall, beneath which it méeteth with the Rhe, [...] and thence thorow the parke, at Parke hal by Watercote crossing finally the Cole, whose heade is in the forrest by Kingesnortō wood, and hath this course, whereof I nowe giue notice. It riseth as I sayde in the for­rest by Kingesnorton wood, & going by Yare­ley and Kingeshirst, it méeteth betweene that & the parke, with a water running betwéene Helmedon and Sheldon. Thence it passeth on to Coleshull, by east whereof it ioyneth with a brooke, mounting southwest of Soly­hull called Blithe, which going by Henwood and Barston, [...]lithe. crosseth on eche side of temple Balshall a rill, whereof one cōmeth thorow the Quéenes parke or chase that lyeth by West of Kenelworth, and the other by Kenelworth castell it selfe, from about Hase­ly parke. After which confluences it procée­deth in like maner to Hampton in Arden, & the Packingtons and so to Coleshull, where it méeteth with the Cole, [...]urne. that going a little farder vniteth it self with the Burne, on the one side, (whereinto runneth a water com­ming frō Ansley on the east) & soone after on ye other doth fal into ye Tame. That which some call the Rhée, Leland nameth the Brimichā water, [...]hée. whose head as I heare is aboue Norf­field, so that his course shoulde be by Kinges­nortō, Bremicham, Budston hall, till it fall beneath Yarneton into the Tame it self, that runneth after these confluences on by Lée, Kingesbyry parke, & going by east, of Dray­ton Basset Parke to Falkesley Bridge, it méeteth with another water, called Burne also comming from Hammerwich churche, by Chesterforde, Shenton, Thickebrowne, and the north side of Drayton, Basset parke, whereof I spake before. From hence our Thame runneth on to Tamworth, there ta­king in the Ancre by east, [...]ncre. whose description I had in this maner deliuered vnto me. It riseth aboue Burton, from whence it goeth by Nonneaton, Witherley and Atherstone. Ere long also it taketh in a water frō north­east, which commeth by Huglescote, Shap­ton, Cunstō, Twicrosse (vniting it self with a water from Bosworth) Ratcliffe and so into Ancre: which after this confluence passeth by Whittendō, Crindō, Pollesworth Armimg­ton, Tamworth and so into Tame, that ha­steth to Hopwash, Cōberford hall, Telford, & soone after crossing a rill that ryseth shorte of Swinfelde hall, and commeth by Festyrike, it runneth not farre from Croxhall, and so to Catton, there about receyuing his last in­crease not worthie to be omitted.Mese. This brooke is named Mese, & it riseth in the great parke that lyeth betwéene Worthington, & Sme­thike, from whence also it goeth by Asheby de la souche Packington, Mesham & Stret­ton, & therabout crossing a ril about Nether­sale Graunge, from Ouersale by east, it pro­céedeth by Chilcote, Clifton, Croxal, into the Thame and both out of hand into the maine riuer a mile aboue Reptō. Leland writing of this riuer as I earst noted laith therof in this wise. Into the Thame also runneth the Bre­micham brooke, which ryseth foure or fiue myles about Bremicham in the Blacke hils in Worcestershyre, and goeth into the a­foresayde water a myle aboue Crudworth bridge. Certes sayth he this Bremicham is a towne maintayned chiefly by smithes, as Naylers, Cutlers, Edgetoole forgers, Lori­mers or Bitmakers, which haue their yron out of Stafforde, and Warwijc shyres, and coles also out of the first countie, & hitherto Leland. Nowe to resume the Trent, which being growen to some greatnesse, goeth on to Walton, Drakelow, and there crossing a water that commeth by Newbold hall, it rū ­neth to Stapenell, Winshull, Wightmere, and Newtō, Souche, where it receyueth two chanels within a short space, to be described a part. The first of these is called the Dow or Doue.Dow. It ryseth about the thrée shyres méere, & is as it were Limes betwéene Staf­forde and Darbyshyres vntill it come at the Trent. Descending therfore from the head, it goeth by Erles Booth, Pilsbury Graung, Hartington, Wolscot, Eaton, Himsington Graunge, and aboue Thorpe receyueth the Manifolde water,Manifold. so called bycause of ye sun­drie crinckling rils that it receyueth & tur­nagaines that it selfe sheweth before it come at the Dow. Rising therefore not farre from Axe edge crosse, (in the bottome thereby) it runneth from thence to Longmoore, Shene, Warslow Chappell, and Welton. Beneath Welton also it taketh in the Hansby water,Hansley. that commeth out of Blackemoore hilles to Watersall, where it falleth into the ground, and afterwarde mounting againe is recey­ued into the Manifold north of Throwley as I heare, which goeth from thence to Ilam & aboue Thorpe doth cast it selfe into Dowe. Hauing therefore mette togither after this maner, the Dow procéedeth on to Mapling­ton, beneath which it crosseth one water de­scending from Brassingtō by Fenny Bent­ley, and another somewhat lower that com­meth from Hocston hall by Hognaston and Asheburne, and then going to Matterfielde, [Page] Narbury, Ellaston, Rawston, Rowcester, it méeteth with the Churne,Churne. euen here to be de­scribed before I go any farder. It riseth a good waie aboue Delacrasse abbay, and com­ming thither by Hellesby wood, it taketh in the Dunsméere betwéene Harracrasse,Dunsmere and Leike. Thence it goeth to the Walgraunge, and a little beneath receyueth ye Yendor, that commeth frō aboue Harton,Yendor. thence to Ched­dleton, & hauing crossed the Ashenhirst brooke aboue Cnutes hall,Aula Ca­nuti. Ashenhirst it runneth by Ypston, Froghall, Below hill, Alton castell, Prest­wood & at Rowcester falleth into the Dow, which eare long also receyueth a rill from Crowsden, and then going to Eton meeteth first with the Teine that commeth thither from each side of Chedley by Teinetwone,Teine. Bramhirst and Stranehill. Secondly with the Vncester or Vttoyeter water,Vttoyeter or Vnce­ster. and then going on to Merchington, Sidbery, Cawltō, it crosseth a brooke from Sidmister colledge, by Saperton. From this confluence in lyke sorte it passeth foorth, to Tilbery castel, Mar­ston and at Edgerton, méeteth with the wa­ter that commeth from Yeldersley by Long­forde (whereinto runneth another that com­meth from Hollington) and so to Hilton. These waters being thus ioyned and many endes brought into one, the Dow it selfe fal­leth eare long, lykewyse into the Trent, aboue Newton Souche: so that the maine ri­uer being thus inlarged, goeth onwardes with his course, and betwéene Willington and Reptō méeteth with two waters on sun­dry sides, whereof that which falleth in by Willington ryseth néere Dawbery Lyes, & runneth by Trussely and Ashe: the other that entreth aboue Repton descendeth from Har­tesburne, so that the Trent being past these hasteth to Twiforde, Ingleby, Staunton, Weston, Newton, and Aston, eare long also méeting with the Darwent, next of all to be dispatched.Darwent. The Darwent riseth plaine west néere vnto the edge of Darbyshyre, aboue Blackewell a market towne, and from the heade runneth to the new chappell within a few miles after it be risen. Frō hence more­ouer it goeth by Howden house, Darwent chappel,Neue. Yorkeshyre bridge, and at Witham bridge doth crosse the Neue or Nouius that commeth from Newstole hill, by Nether­burgh, Hope, (crossing there one rill frō Ca­stelton, another from Bradwell, & the thirde at Hathersage, from stony ridge hill) and so goeth on to Padley, Stockehall, receyuing a rill by the way from by west, to Stony Mid­dleton, and Bastow,Burbroke and hauing here taken in the Burbrooke on the one side, and another from Halsop on the other, it goeth to Chat­worth and to Rowseley, where it is increa­sed with the Wye comming from by west, & also a rill on the east, a little higher, but I will describe the Wye before I go any far­der.

The Wye ryseth aboue Buxston well,Wye. and there is increased with the Hawkeshow, and the Wyle broke, whose heades are also far­der distaunt from the edge of Darbyshyre, [...] Wyle. then that of Wye, and races somewhat lon­ger, though neither of them be worthie to be accompted long. For the Wyle, hauing two heads, the one of them is not farre aboue the place where Wilebecke abbaye stoode, the o­ther is farder of by west, about Wilebecke towne, and finally ioyning in one they runne to Cuckney village, where receiuing a beck that commeth downe from by west, it hol­deth on two miles farder, there taking in the seconde rill, and so resort to Rufforde,Rufford [...] alias [...] becke. or the Man becke: Vnto this also do other two rils repaire, wherof the one goeth thorowe & the other harde by Maunsfield, of which two al­so this latter ryseth west about foure miles, and runneth foorth to Clipston (thrée myles lower) and so likewise to Rufforde, whereof I will speake hereafter. In the meane tyme to returne againe to the Wye. From Bur­ston well, it runneth to Staddon, Cowdale, Cowlow, New medow, Milhouses, Banke­well, and Haddon hall, beneath which it re­ceyueth the Lath kell,Lath [...] that runneth by Ouer­haddon,Brad [...] and the Bradforde both in one bot­tome after they be ioyned in one, at Alport, & this is the first great water that our Der­went doth méete withall. Being therfore past the Rowsleies, the sayde Derwent goeth to Stancliffe, Darley in the peke, Wensley, Smitterton hall, and at Matlocke taketh in a rill by northest, as it doth another at Crū ­forde that goeth by Boteshall. From Mat­tocke, it procéedeth to Watston, or Wat­sond, Well bridge, Alderwash and ioyneth with an other streame called Amber com­ming in from by North by Amber bridge, [...] whose description shall insue, in this wise as I finde it. The heade of Amber is aboue Ed­leston hal, or as Leland saith east of Chester­fielde, and comming from thence by Midle­ton, to Ogston hall, it taketh with al another brooke, descending from Hardwijc woode, by Alton and Stretton. Thence it goeth to Hig­ham, Brackenfelde, and aboue Dale bridge, méeteth with a brooke running from Huck­nall warde to Shirelande parke side (there crossing the Moreton Becke) & so to Alfer­ton, except I name it wrong. [...] From Dale bridge it goeth by Wingfelde, to Hedge, Fritchlin, and so into Darwent, takyng the [Page 72] water withall that discendeth from Swans­wijc by Pentridge, as Leland doth remēber. From this confluence likewise it runneth to Belper, where it méeteth with a ryll com­ming from Morley parke: thence to Make­ney, [...]gles­ [...]ne. and at Du [...]felde, receyueth the Egles­burne, which ryseth about Wirkesworth or Oresworth but in ye same parish out of a rock & commeth in by Turnedich [...]. From Du [...] ­feld, it passeth to Bradsall, Darley Abbaie, and at Darby Towne, taketh in a ryll com­ming from Mirkaston, by Weston vnder­woode, Kidleston, and Merton.

If a man shoulde saye that Darwent ry­uer giueth name to Darby towne, he should not well knowe [...]owe euerye one woulde take it, and thereby he might happen to of­fende some. In the meane tyme. I beléeue it, let other iudge as pleaseth them, sithe my coniecture can preiudice none: to procéede therfore. From Darby it runneth on by Al­uaston, Ambaston, the Welles, and so into Trent, which goeth from hence to Sawley, & north of Thrumpton taketh in the Sore, [...]ra, or [...]us. a fayre streame and not worthy to be ouer­passed.

It ryseth in Leicester shyre aboue Wig­ton & thence goeth to Sharneford, Sapcote, and beneath Staunton; taketh in a ryll that commeth by Dounton and Broughton Ast­ley. Thence to Marleborowe and before it come to Eston crosseth another on the same side (discending by Burton, Glen, Win­stowe, Kilby and Blabye) then to Leirce­ster towne, Belgraue, Burstall, Wanlippe, & ere it come at Cussington or Cositon, cros­seth the Eye, [...]. which riseth aboue Bramston, goeth by Knawstow, Somerby, Pickewell, Whitesonden, [...]ande [...]eth one [...]hese [...]es [...]co. & beneath (a little) receyueth a ryll on the ryght hande from Coldnorton. Thence to Stapleforde, and soone after cros­sing a brooke from aboue Sproxton, Coson, Garthrope and Saxby, it runneth to Wi­uerby, Brentingby, and ere it come at Mil­ton, méeteth with two other smal rils, from the right hand wherof one commeth from a­bout Caldwell by Thorpe Arnolde, & Wal­tham in the woulde, the other from Skale­forde warde, & from Melton goeth by Sison­by, there méeting with another from north­east ouer against Kirby Hellars, after which tyme ye name of Eye is changed into Wark, or Vrke, [...]rke, [...]ke or [...]ke. and so continueth vntill it come at the Soure. From hence also it goeth to Asterby, Radgale, Haby, Trussington, Rat­cliffe, and soone after crosseth sundry waters not very farre in sunder, whereof one com­meth from Oueston, by Twiforde, Ash­by and Gadesby, another from Loseby, by Baggraue, and Crawston, and ioining with ye first at Quennyhow, it is not long ere they fall into the Warke. The seconde runneth from Engarshy, by Barkeley, and Sison. But the thirde and greatest of the thrée, is a chanell increased with thrée waters, whereof one commeth from Norton, by Burton, Kylby, Folton and Blaby, the other from Dounton, by Broughton, and Astley, and méeting with the thirde from Sa [...]th, and stony Staunton, they run togyther by Nar­borow, and [...]e after ioyning aboue Elstō, wyth the first of the thrée, they go as one by Elston to Leircester, Belgraue, Wanlippe, and aboue Cussington, doe fall into ye Wark and soone after into the Soure. The Soure, in lyke sorte goyng from thence to mounts Sorrel, & taking in another brooke southwest from Leircester forrest, by Glenfield, Austy, Thurcaston and Rodeley, ioyneth wyth the Soure, which goeth from thence to mount Sorrell, and Quarendon (where it taketh in a water comming from Charnewoode for­rest, and goeth by Bradegate and Swyth­lande) and then procéedeth to Cotes, Lugh­borow and Stanforde, there also taking in one ryll out of Notingham shyre, by north east, and soone after another from southwest; comming from Braceden to Shepesheued, Garrington and Dighely graung, and like­wise the thirde, from Worthington, by Dis­worth, long Whitton, & Wathorne. Fynal­ly after these confluences, it hasteth to Sut­ton, Kingston, and Ratclife, and so into the Trent.

These things being thus brought togither, and we nowe resuming the discourse of the same riuer. It doth after his méeting wyth the Soure, procéede withal to Barton, where it taketh in the Erwash,Erwashe. which ryseth about Kyrby, and thence goeth to Selston, Wans­by, Codnor castell, Estwoode, and crossyng a water from Beual, runneth to Coshal Tro­wel (& there taking in another rill comming from Henor, by Shypeley) it procéedeth on to Stapleforde, long Eaton, and so into the Trent. This beyng done it goeth to Clifton, and ere it come at Wilforde, it méeteth with a brooke that passeth from Staunton, by Bō ­ny and Rodington, and thence to Notinghā, where it crosseth the Line, which ryseth a­boue Newsted, and passyng by Papplewijc, Hucknall, Bafforde, Radforde and Linton, nexte of all to Thorpe and Farmdon, where it brauncheth and maketh an Island, and in­to the smaller of then goeth a broke frō Be­uer castell, which rising betwéene east Well & Eaton in Leircester is called the Dene,Dene. & from thence runneth by Bramston to Knip­ton, [Page] & beneth Knipton méeteth with a brooke that commeth by west of Croxston, & thence holdeth on wt his course, betwéene Willes­thorp & Beuer castel aforsaid, & so to Bottes­worth, Normantō, Killington, Shilton there receyuing the Snite frō by south (whose head is néere Clauston,Snite. and course from thence by Hickling, Langer, Whalton▪ Orston, and Flareborow and ere long another comming from Bingham, and Sibthorpe. Thence our Trent runneth to Coxam, Hawton, New­acke castel, and so to Winthorpe, where the braunches are reunited, and thence go on by Holme, to Cromwell (and soone after taking in a brooke comming frō Bilsthorpe, by Ker­sal, Cawnton, Norwel & Willowby) to Carl­ton, and to Sutton, there making a litle Isle, then to Grinton, where it toucheth a streame one eche side, whereof one commeth from Morehouse by Weston, and Gresthorp, ano­ther from Langthorpe, by Collingham, and Bosthorpe. From hence lykewyse it passeth to Clifton, Newtō, Kettlethorpe, Torkesey, Knath, Gainsborow, Waltrith, Stockwith, and leauing Axholme on the left hande, it ta­keth with all Hogdike water, out of the Isle, and so goeth foorth to Wildsworth, Eastfer­rye, Frusworth, Burringham Gummeis, Hixburghe, Burton, Walcote, & at Anker­bury into the Humber, receiuing the Downe with by the way, which for his noblenesse is not to be ouerpassed.

The Done therfore riseth in Yorkeshire a­mong the Pekehils,Done alias Donne. & hauing receiued a wa­ter cōming by Ingbirchworth goth to Pen­niestō, which is foure myles frō the hed, then by Oxspring, to Thurgoland, and soone after (ioining by the way with the Midhop water, that runneth by Midhop chappell, & Honde­shelfe) it méeteth with another comming frō Bowsterstō chapell. Then goeth it by Wad­desley wood to Waddesley bridge, and at Al­uerton receiueth the Bradfelde water. Then passeth it to Crokes, and so to Sheffelde ca­stell, (by east whereof it receyueth a brooke from by south that commeth thorowe Shef­feldpark.) Thence it procéedeth to Westford bridg, Briksie bridg & southwest of Timsley receyueth the Cowley streame,Cowley. that runneth by Ecclefeld.Rother. Next of al it goeth to Rotherhā where it méeteth with ye Rother a goodly wa­ter, whose head is in Darbyshyre, about Pil­sley, from whence it goeth vnder the name of Doley, till it come at Rotheram, by north Winfielde churche, Wingerworth, & Fore­lande hall twelue myles from Rotheram, to Chesterforde, where it méeteth with the Iber,Iber. Bramptō. and Brampton water that commeth by Holme hall, both in one chanel. Thence it runneth to Toptom castell, & ere long cros­sing one water comming from Drouefeld [...] by Whittington on the one side, and the se­conde from aboue Brimington on the other, it goeth thorowe Staley parke, and ere long meeteth with the Crawley becke, wherof I finde this note. The Crawley ryseth not far from Hardwijc, [...] and going by Stanesby and Woodhouse, it receiueth aboue Netherhorpe, one water on the one side comming from the olde parke, and another from Barleborowe hill on the other, that runneth not far from Woodthorpe. After this confluence likewyse they run as one into the Rother, which hast­eth from thence to Eckington (there crossing a ryll that runneth by Byrley hill) and so to Kilmarshe, in the confines of Darby shire, where it taketh in the Gunno from by east, [...] thence to Boughton, vniting it selfe therea­bout wyth another by west from Gledles, called Mesebrooke,Mes [...] ­brooke. which deuydeth Yorke shyre from Darby shyre, and so runneth to Treton, Whiston, there taking in a ryll frō Aston and so to Rotheram, where it méeteth wyth the Donne, & from whence our Done hasteth to Aldwarke, Swaiton, Mexburge, there takyng in the Darne, which I wyll next describe, and staye with the Done, vntil I haue finished the same. It ryseth at Comb­worth and so commeth about by Bretton hall, to Darton warde, where it crosseth a water that runneth from Gunthwake Hall, by Cawthorne vnited of two heades. From hence it goeth to Burton graunge, then to Drax, where it toucheth wyth a water from southwest & then goeth to Dexfielde & Gold­thorpe, but ere it come to Sprotborowe, it v­niteth it selfe with a faire ryuer, increased by dyuers waters, before it come at ye Done, & whereinto it falleth as I here northeast of Mexburghe. After this confluence lykewyse the Done goeth by Sprotborowe, to War­nesworth, Doncaster, [...] Wheatley (there mée­ting wyth the Hampall créeke on the north­east side, which ryseth east of Kyrby) thence to Sandal, Kyrke Sandall, Branwith ferry Stanford, Fishelake, and so to Thuorne, or Thurne, where it crosseth the Idle (whose description followeth) & finally into Trent, & so into the Humber. But before I deale with the description of the Idle, I wil adde some­what of the Rume which is a fayre water▪ for although the description thereof be not so exactly deliuered me as I looked for, yet such as it is I wyll set downe, conferring it wyth Lelandes booke and helping their defecte so much as to mée is possible. It ryseth by south of Maunsfielde, fyue myles from Rumforde abbaye, & when the streame commeth néere [Page 73] the abbay, it casteth it selfe abroade and ma­keth a fayre lake. After this it commeth a­gaine into a narrowe chanell, and so goeth on to Rumford village, [...]dby. [...]rbertō, carying the Budbye and the Gerberton waters wyth all. From thence & with a méetely long course, it goeth to Bawtry or Vautrye, a market towne in Nottingham shyre, fiue myles from Don­caster, and so into the Trent. Beneth Rum­ford also commeth in the Gyrt, which goeth vnto Southwel mylles, [...]rt. & so into the Trent. Nowe as concerning our Idle. The Idle ryseth at Sutton in Ashfelde, from whence it runneth to Maunsfelde, Clypston and Al­lerton, [...]. where it taketh in a water that riseth in the forrest, one myle north of Bledworth, and runneth on by Rughforde abbaye, tyll it come at Allerton. The forresters call thys Man becke, whereof Lelande also speaketh, who describeth it in this maner.Man [...]. Man brooke ryseth some where about Linthirst woode, from whence it goeth to Bilsthorpe, and so to Allerton. But to procéede the Idle hauing taken in the Manbecke, it runneth to Bo­thomsall, by Boughton, and Perlethorpe but ere it come there, [...]eding [...]ke. it méeteth the Meding Mayden, or Midding brooke, which rysing a­bout Teuersall, goeth to Pleasley, Nettle­worth, Sawcan, Warsop, Budley, Thures­by, Bothomsall & so into the Idle. After thys it procéedeth to Houghton, west Draiton, but ere it touche at Graunston or Gaunston, it taketh in the Wily, which commeth from Clowne, [...]. to Creswell, Holbecke, Woodhouse Wilebecke, Normanton, Elsley, Graunstō, and so into the Idle. Beyng thus increased the Idle runneth on to Idleton, Ordsal, Ret­forde, Bollam, Tilney, Mattersey abbaye, & so to Bawtry, where it méeteth another frō the shire Okes, that ryseth aboue Geytford, passeth on to Worksop (or Radfurth) Osber­ton, [...]lithe. Bilby, and Blythe, there vniting it self wyth thrée rylles in one botome, wherof one commeth from Waldingwel to Careleton, and so thorowe a parke to Blithe towne, a­nother from by west Furbecke thrée myles and so to Blithe, but the thirde out of ye white water néer to Blithe, and there being vnited they passe on to Scroby, and so into the Idle. From hence it runneth on to Missen, to Sad­lers bridge, & next of all to Santoft, where it méeteth with the Sandbecke, [...]ande [...]ke. which rysing not farre from Sandbecke towne, passeth by Tickhill, Rosington bridge, Brampton, Ril­holme, Lindholme, & one myle south of San­toft into the Idle water, which runneth from thence to Thorne, where it méeteth with the Done, & so with it to Crowley. Finally en­uironning the Isle of Axeholme, it goeth to Garthorpe, Focorby, and so into the Trent, Leland wryting of the Wily, Wile or Gwi­ly, as some wryte it, saith thus thereof. The Wile hath two heades, whereof one is not far aboue the place where Wilbecke abbaie stoode, the other ryseth farder of by west a­boue Welbecke, or Wilebecke Towne: finally ioyning in one, they runne to Cucke­ney village, where crossing a becke that con­meth in frō by west, it holdeth on two myles farder, there taking in the seconde ryll, and so resort to Rufforde. To thys ryuer likewise saith he do two other waters repaire, wherof ye one goeth hard by Maunsfeld (rising foure myles from thence by west) & then commeth thrée myles lower vnto Rufford, the other so far as I remember goeth quite thorowe the towne. Hauing thus finished ye course of the Trent, & such notable waters as discharge themselues into the same. I find none of any coūtenance omitted before I come to Lindis or Witham, where I haue to make supplie of foure or fiue as followeth, albeit that their courses be not of any quantitie in compari­son of those, whereof I spake in the Trent. Into Witham therefore from by north and seuen myles beneath Lincolne,Witham. there falleth a faire water, the heade whereof is at Hake­thorne, from whence it goeth by Hanworth,Hake. Snarford, Resby, Stainton, and at Bulling­ton méeteth with a water on each side, wher­of one commeth from Haytō and Turring­ton, the other from Sudbrooke, and likewyse beneath Byrlinges with the third comming from Barkeworth by Stansted, and ioining all in one soone after, it is not long ere it fall into the chanell of Witham, and so are ne­uer more hearde of. There is also a brooke by southwest, that commeth from Kyr [...]y to Cateley, Billingai [...], and the ferry.Bane. At Ta­tersall it méeteth with the Bane, which ry­seth aboue Burghe, and néere vnto Ludford goeth downe to Dunnington, Stanygod, Hemmingsby, Bamburghe, Fillington, Horne castell (where it crosseth a rill from Belcheworth) Thorneton, Marton, Halton, Kyrkeby, Comsby, Tatersall and so to Dog­dike ferry. Aboue Boston, likewise it taketh in a water comming from Luseby by Bo­lingbrooke, Stickeford, Stickney, Sibbesey and Hildrike. And to Boston towne it selfe doe finally come sundry brookes in one cha­nell, called Hammond becke, which rising at Donesby runneth on to Wrightbold where it casteth one arme into Holly well water. Thence it hasteth towarde Donnington,Bolling­borow. Sem­pringham. re­ceyuing foure brookes by the waye, whereof the first commeth from Milthorp, the second from Fokingham, called Bollingbrowe or [Page] Sempringham water, the thirde frō Bridge ende, the fourth from Sempringham, and afterwardes the maine streame is founde to runne by Kyrton holme, and so into the Wi­tham. Into the Wylande likewyse falleth the Hallywell, which ryseth of a spryng that runneth towarde the east from Halywell to Oneby, Esonden, Gretforde, and so to Cat­bridge, where it receyueth another rysing at Witham and West of Manthorpe, and the seconde comming from Laund, and so runne from thence togither to Willesthorp & Cat­bridge, and then into the Hallywell, which after these confluences, goeth to Tetforde, & Eastcote, where it méeteth with a Drayne, comming from Bourne, and so thorowe the Fennes to Pinchebeck, Surflete, and Fos­dike, where it méeteth with the Welland, in ye mouth of the washe as I haue béene aduer­tised. And thus much of the smaller brookes, wherby the greater are augmented, ouer all the realme of Englande. Certes I would if it had béene possible, haue dealt more orderly in their descriptions, but sith many occasiōs hindered my purpose, that which I haue done I hope shall suffice for this time, sith here after I may happen to take farder trauaile herein, & bring the whole discourse to some more perfite order, as better instruction and good acceptation of that which is done alrea­die shall encourage me thereto.

Of the deuision of Englande as it is now generally named into Shyres Cap. 4.

Trinoban­tes. Ordolukes. Tegenes. Silures. Brigantes. Cankes. Canges.IN reading of auncient writters as Caesar Tacitus and others, we finde mention of sundrie regions to haue béene sometyme in this Islande, as of the Trinobantes, Ordolu­kes, Tegenes, Silures, Icenes, Brigantes, Cāges, and Kentishmen and such like, but sith the se­uerall places where most of them laye, are not perfitelye knowne vnto the learned of these dayes, I doe not meane to pronounce my iudgement also vpō such doubtfull cases, least that in so dooing I shoulde but increase coniectures, and leading peraduenture the reader frō the more probable, intangle him in the ende with such as are of lesse value & nothing so lykely to be true,Alfride brought Englande into shires which the Britons diuided by Cantredes and the Daxons by famil­lies. as those which other men haue set downe before me. It shall suffice therfore to begin with such a ground, as from whence some better certaintie of thinges may be deriued, and that is with the estate of our Islande in the time of Alfrede, who first deuided England into shyres, whi­che before his tyme, and sithence the cōming of the Saxons, was limited out by familes and hydelandes, as Wales hath also béene by hundreds of townes, which then were cal­led Cantredes, as olde recorde doth witnesse. Into how many shyres the sayde Alfrede did first make this particion of the Islande, it is not yet founde out, howbeit if my coniecture be any thing at all, I suppose that he left not vnder eyght and thirtie, sith we finde by no good author that aboue fiftéene haue bene ad­ded by any of his successours, [...] sh [...]re [...] one. sith the time of his decease. This prince therefore hauing made the generall partition of his kingdome into shyres, or shares, he deuided againe the same into lathes, as lathes into hundreds, & hundredes into tithinges, or denaries, as di­uers haue written, and M. Lambert follo­wing their authorities, hath also giuen out, saying almost after this manner in his de­scription of Kent. The Danes (saith he) both before, and in the time of king Alfrede, had flocked by the sea coastes of this Islande in great numbers, sometimes wasting and spoi­ling with sworde and fire, wheresoeuer they might arriue, & sometime taking great bo­ties with thē to their ships, [...] s [...]me [...] their [...] without dooing any farder hurt, or damage to the countrey. Thys inconuenience continuing for manye yeares togither, caused our husbandmen to abandon their tillage, and gaue occasion and hardnesse to euill disposed persons, to fall to the lyke pillage, as practising to followe the Danes in these theyr theftes and robberies. And the better to cloake their mischiefe with all, they feigned thēselues to be Danish Py­rates, and woulde sometime come alande in one port, and sometime in an other, driuing dayly great spoyles as the Danes had done vnto their ships before them. The good king Alfrede therfore (who had marueylously tra­ueyled in repulsing the barbarous Danes) espying this out rage, & thinking it no lesse the part of a politicke prince to roote out the noysome subiect, then to holde out the forren aduersarie: by the aduice of his nobilitie, and thexample of Moses (who followed the coun­sell of Iethro his father in law to the like ef­fect) deuided the whole realme into certaine partes or sectiōs, which (of the Saxon worde, Schyran, signifying to cut) he termed shires or as we yet speake, shares, or portions,Erle [...] and appointed ouer euery such one shire an Erle or Alderman or both, to whome he commit­ted the gouernement of the same. These shyres also he brake into lesser partes, wher­of some were called lathes, of the worde Ge­lathian, which is to assemble togither, other hundredes for that they coined iurisdiction ouer an hundred pledges, & other tithinges, bycause there were in eache of them to the [Page 74] number [...] persons, whereof euery one frō time to time was [...] for others good abearing. He prouided also that euery man shoulde procure himselfe to be receyued into some tithing, to the ende, that if any were founde of so small and h [...]sse a credite that [...] man woulde become pledge or suretie for him, he shoulde foorthwith [...]e committed to pryson, lest otherwise he might happen to do more harme abr [...]de. Hitherto M. Lambe [...] ▪ by whose [...] we may gather very [...] of the state of this Islande in the time of [...] ­fride, whose institution continued after a sort vntill the comming of the Normans, who chaunged the gouernement of the realme [...] such wise (by bringing in of new officers and offices, after the maner of their countries) that very little of the olde regiment remay­ned more then the bares names of some offi­cers (except [...] aduenture in Kent) so that [...] these dayes it is hard to set downe any great certainty of thing▪ as they stoode in Alfreds time, more then is remembred, & touched at this present. [...]at a [...]th is. Some as it were roming or [...] ­uing at ye name Lath affirme that they were certen circuites in euery c [...]ūty or shyre, cō ­tayning an app [...]ynted number of townes, whose inhabita [...]ntes alwayes assembled to know and vnderstande of matters touching their portions, in to some one appoynted place or other within their limites, especial­lye whylest the causes were such as required not the ayde or assista [...]nce of the whole coun­tye. Of these Lathes also (as they saye) some shyres had more some lesse, as they were of greatnesse. [...]les. And M. Lābert séemeth to be of the opinion that the le [...]s of our tyme (wherein these pledges be yet called Franci plegij of the worde Frée burghe) doe yéelde some shadow of that politike institutiō of Al­frede: but sith my skill is so small in these ca­ses that I dare not iudge any thing at all as of myne owne knowledge, I will not se [...]te downe any thing more then I read, and re [...] ­ding no more of lathes, my next talke shal be of hundredes. [...]ndred [...]eapō ­ [...]. The hundrede, and the wa­pentake is all one, and by this diuision not a name appertynent to a sette number of townes (for then [...] hundrede shoulde be of equall quantitie) out a limited iurisdiction, within the compas [...]e whereof were an hun­dred persons called pledges, [...]arie [...]ithing or ten de [...]aries, or tithings of men, of which eache one was bounde for other good abering, and laudable behauiour in the cōmon welth of the realme. [...]hing [...] in la­ [...] Decu­ [...] The chiefe man lykewyse of euerie Dena­rie or Tithing was in those dayes called a ti­thing man in latine Decurio, [...]shol­ [...] but now in most places a borsholder as in Kent, where euery tithing i [...] [...]re ouer named [...] Burrow,Burrow. al­though that in the West countrie he be still called a Tithing man, and his [...] a Ti­thing as haue hearde at large. I reade [...]ur­ther more and it is partly afore n [...]ted, that the sayde Alfr [...]de caused [...]che man of frée condicion (for the better maintenaunce of his peace) to be [...] into some hundred by placing himselfe in one Denarie or other, where he might alwa [...]es haue such as should swer [...] or saye vppon [...] for his honest be [...] if it should happen at any time, that his credite should [...] in question. In like sort, I gather out of Leland and other, that if any sm [...] [...] did fall out worthie to be [...], the Tithing man or bo [...]sholder (now of­ficers, [...] the cōmandement of ye Constable) should [...] same in their Letes, wher­as the greatest causes were referred to the Hundredes, the greater to the Lathes, and the greatest of all to the shire daies, where the Earles or Aldermen dyd set themselues, and make finall endes of the same, accor­ding vnto Iustice. For this purpose like­wise in euery Hundred were [...] men chosen of good age and wisdome,Twelue men. and those [...] to gyue their sentences without respect of person, and in this maner, as they gather were thinges [...] in those daies. In my tyme there are found to be in Englande 40. shyres and likewise 13. in Wales,Fourtie shyres in Englande thirtéene in Wales. and these l [...]tter er [...] [...], by King Henry ye eyght, who made the Brythe or Welchmē, [...] in all respectes vnto the Englishe, and brought to [...]asse, that both nations should in­differently [...] gouerned by one law, which in times past [...] ordred by diuers, & those far descrepa [...]t, & [...]isagreyng one wyth an other, as by the seuerall view [...] ye same, is yet easy to be deser [...]ed. The names of the shyres in England [...] these wherof the first [...] be­twéene the B [...]ittish sea and the Thames.

  • Kent.
  • Sussex.
  • Surrey.
  • Hampshyre.
  • Barkeshyre.
  • Wilshyre.
  • Dorset shyre.
  • Somerset.
  • Deuon.
  • C [...]mewall.

There are moreouer on the north side of the Thames, & betwéene the same & the riuer▪ Trent, which passeth thorowe the middest of Englande as Polidore sayth 16. other shires, whereof sixe lye towarde the east, the rest to­warde the west, more into the middest of the countrye.

  • Essex.
  • Middlesex.
  • Hartfordshire.
  • Suffolke.
  • Norfolke.
  • Cambridge shyre.
  • Bedforde.
  • Huntingdon.
  • [Page]Buckingham.
  • Oxford.
  • Northampton.
  • Rutland.
  • Lewcestershire.
  • Nottingham shyre.
  • Warwicke.
  • Lincolne.

We haue 6. also that haue there place west­ward towardes wales, whose names insue.

  • Glocester.
  • Hereford.
  • Worcester.
  • Shropeshi [...].
  • Stafford.
  • Chestershire.

And these are the 32. shires which lie by south of the Trent. Beyonde the same ryuer we haue in lyke sort other 8. as

  • Darby.
  • Yorke.
  • Lancaster.
  • Comberlande.
  • Westmerland.
  • Richemonde.
  • Durham.
  • Northumberland.

So that in the portiō sometime called Lhoe­gres, there are nowe fourtie shyres. In Wales furthermore are 13. wherof 7. are in south Wales.

  • Cardigan, or
  • Cereticon.
  • Penmoroke, or
  • Penbrooke.
  • Caermardine.
  • Glamorgan.
  • Mone [...]h.
  • Breckenocke.
  • Radnor.

In Northwales likewise are 6. that is to say

  • Anglesey.
  • Carnaruon.
  • Merioneth.
  • Denbighe.
  • Flint.
  • Montgomery.

Which being added to those of Englād yéeld 53. shires or coūties,Odde par­celles of shyres. so ye vnder the Queenes Maiesty are so many Counties, whereby it is easily discerned, that hir power farre ex­céedeth that of Offa, who of olde time was highelye honoured for that he had so much of Brytaine vnder hys subiection as after­warde conteined 39. shyres, when the diuisi­on was made, whereof I spake before.

Thys is moreouer to be noted in our de­uision of shyres, that they bee not alwayes counted or laid togither in one percel, wher­of I haue great marueyle. But sith the occa­sion hath growen as I take it either by Pri­uyledge or some lyke occasion, it is better bryefelye to set downe howe some of these partes lye then to spende the tyme in séeking a iust cause of thys their odde diuision. First therfore I note that in the part of Bucking­ham shyre betwéene Amondesham, and Be­consfelde, there is a péece of Hartforde shyre to be founde, enuironed rounde about wyth the countye of Buckingham, and yet thys patche is not aboue thrée myles in length & two in breadth at the verye most. In Barke­shyre also betwéene Ruscombe and Oking­ham is a péece of Wilshyre, one myle in breadth and foure myles in length, whereof one side lyeth on the Loden riuer. In the bor­ders of Northamton shyre directlye ouer against Luffelde a towne in Buckingham­shyre, I fynde a percell of Oxford [...] shyre not passing two miles in compasse.

With Oxford shyre diuers doe participat [...] in so much that a péece of Glocester shyre, lyeth halfe in Warwicke shyre and halfe in Oxforde shyre, not very farre from Hor [...] ­ton. Such another patche is there, of Gloce­ster shyre not farre from long Compton, but lying in Oxforde county: and also a péece of Worcester shire, dyrectly betwéene it and Glocester shyre: Glocester hath ye third péece vpon the North side of the W [...]r [...]she née [...] Falbrocke, as Barkeshyre hath one percell also vpon the selfe side of the same water, in the verye edge of Glocestershyre▪ Lykewyse an other in Oxforde shyre, not verye farre from Burford: and the thirde ouer agaynst Lache lade, which is parted from the mayne countye of Barkeshyre by a lyttle strake of Oxford shyre. Who woulde thinke that twoo Fragmentes of Wilshyre were to be séene in Barkeshyre vpon the Loden, and the ry­uer that falleth into it: whereof and the lyke sith there are verye manye, I thinke good to gyue thys briefe admonition. For although I haue not presentlye gone thorowe wy [...] them al, yet these maye suffice to giue notice of thys thinge, whereof most readers as I perswade my selfe are ignorant. But to pro­céede with our purpose, ouer eache of these shyres in time of necessity is a seuerall Lée [...] ­tenant chosen vnder the Prince, [...] who beyng a noble man of calling, hath almost regall authoritie ouer the same for the tyme beyng in many cases which doth cōcerne his office: otherwyse it is gouerned by a Shirife, [...] who is resident & dwelling somewhere within the same coūty, whom they call a Vicount, in re­spect of ye Erle (or as they called him in time past the Alderman) that beareth his name of the Countye, although it be seldome séene in Englande, that the Earle hath any great store of possessions, or oughtes to doe in the County whereof he taketh hys name, more then is allowed to him, thorowe his perso­nall resiauns, if he happen to dwell and bée resident in the same. In the election also of these Magestrates, dyue [...]able Persons as­well for wealth as wisdome, are named by the commons, at a tyme and place appointed for theyr choyse, whose names beyng dely­uered to the Prince, he foorthwyth prick­eth some suche one of them, as he pleaseth to assigne vnto that office, to whome he cōmit­teth the charge of the county, and who here­vpon is Shirife of that shyre, for one whole yeare, or vntill another be chosen. [...] The Shi­rife also hath his vnder Shirife that ruleth & [Page 75] holdeth the shyre courtes, & law daies vnder hym, vpon sufficient caution, vnto the high Shirife for hys true execution of Iustice, and yéelding of accoumpt, when he shall be ther­vnto called. There are likewyse vnder him certayne Bayliffes, [...]ifes. whose office is to serue & returne such writtes & processes as are di­rected vnto thē frō the high Shirife, to make seazure of the goodes and cattelles, and ar­rest the bodyes of such as doe offende, pre­senting eyther their persons vnto him, or at the leastwyse taking sufficient bonde, or o­ther assuraunce of them for theyr due appe­rance at an appointed tyme, when ye Shirife by order of law ought to present them to the Iudges according to his charge. [...]e [...]nsta­ [...] In euerye hundred also are one or moe high constables according to the quātity of the same, who re­ceyuing writtes and iniunctions from the high Shirife vnder his seale, doe forthwith charge the pety constables of euery towne, with in their limites, [...]y con­ [...]es. with the execution of ye same.

In eche countye likewise, are sundrye law dayes holden at their appointed seasons, of which some retaine the olde Saxon name, and are called Motelaghe. [...]. They haue also an other called the Shirifes turne, which they holde twyse in their times, in euery hundred, and in these two latter such small matters as oft aryse amongst the inferior sorte of people, are hard and determined. They haue finally their quarter sessions, wherein they are assisted by the Iustices and Gentlemen of the countrey, and twise in the yeare Gaile deliuerye, [...]e de­ [...]y or [...] assi­ [...] at which time the Iudges ride a­bout in theyr circuites, into euerye seuerall countye (where the nobilitye and Gentlemen wyth the Iustices there resiaunt associate them) and mynister the lawes of the realme, wyth great solemnity and Iustice. Howbeit in doing of these things, they retayne still the the olde order of the lande, in vse before the conquest, for they cōmit the full examination of al causes there to be heard, to ye cōsideratiō of 12. sober graue, [...]uests. & wise men, chosen out of ye same countye (which number they call an en­quest) and of these inquests there are more or lesse impaniled a [...]euery assize as the nūber of cases there to be handled, doth craue and re­quire (albeit that some one inquest hath often diuers to cōsider of) & when they haue to their vttermost poure consulted and debated of such thinges as they are charged with all, they returne againe to the place of Iustice, wyth theyr Verdicte in wryting, according whereunto the Iudge doth pronounce his sē ­tence, be it for life or death or any other mat­ter, whatsoeuer is brought before him. Beside these officers afore mencioned, there are sū ­dry other in euery countye, as Crowners, whose duety is to enquire of such as come to their death by violence, to attache and pre­sent the plées of the Crowne,Iustices of peax and quorum. to make inqui­rye of treasure founde. &c. There are dy­uers also of the best learned of the lawe, be­side sundry Gentlemen, where the number of Lawyers doe not suffise (and whose re­uenues doe amount to aboue twenty pound by the yeare) appointed by especiall com­mission from the prince, to looke vnto the good gouernement of hir subiectes, in the Coun­ties where they dwell, and of these the least skilfull in the lawe are of the peace, the other both of the peace and quorum other­wise called of Oyer & Determiner, so that the first haue authoritie onely to heare, the o­ther to heare & determine such matters as are brought vnto their presence. These also doe dyrect theyr warrantes to the kéepers of the Gayles which in their limitations for the safe keping of such offenders as they shal iudge worthie to be kept vnder warde, vntill the great assizes, to thende their causes may be further examined before the residue of the countye, & these officers were first deuised in the eightéene yeare of Edwarde the thyrde, as I haue béene informed.

They méete also and togither with the Shy­rifes, doe hold their Sessions at foure times in the yeare,Quarter sessions. whereof they are called quarter Sessions, and herin they inquyre of the com­mon anoyaunces of the kings léege people, & sundrie other trespasses determining vppon them as iustice doth require. There are al­so a thyrde kinde of Sessions holden by the high Constables and Baylifs afore mencio­ned, called Petie Sessions,Pety ses­sions. wherein the wei­ghtes & measures are perused by the Clarke of the market for the countey, who sitteth with thē. At these méetings, also Victuallers, & in like sort seruants, labourers, roges, and runnagates are often reformed for their ex­cesses, although the burning of vagabounds thorow their eares, be referred to ye quarter sessiōs or higher courts of Assise, where they are adiudged also to death, if they be takē the third time & haue not sith their second appre­hention applyed thēselues to labor. And thus much haue I thought good to set downe ge­nerally of the sayde counties and their ma­ner of gouernaunce, although not in so perfit order as the cause requireth, bycause that of all the rest there is nothing wherewith I am lesse acquainted then with our temporall re­giment, which to saye truth doth smally con­cerne my calling.

Of the number of Bishoprijcks in Englande and Wales, and of the present state of the churche there. Cap. 5.

Two pro­uinces.THere are two prouinces in England, of which the first and greatest is subiect to the sie of Cauntorbury, the seconde to that of Yorke. And of these eyther hath hir Archbi­shop resident continuallye within hir owne limits, who hath not onely the chiefe dealing in things appertaining to the Hierarchy and iurisdiction of the church, but also great au­thoritie in ciuile affayres, touching the go­uernement of the common wealth so farre foorth as their seuerall circuites doe extende. The Archbishop of Cantorbury is cōmonly called Primate of all Englande, and in the coronation of the kings of this lande, his of­fice is to set the Crowne vpon their heades. They beare also the name of their high chap­lens perpetually, although not a few of them haue presumed in tyme past to be their e­qualles and voide of any subiection vnto thē, which maye easilye appeare by their owne actes, epistles, and aunsweres, wherein they haue sought not onely to match, but also to mate them with great rigour and more then opē tirannie. Examples hereof I could bring many,Anselme. but this one shall suffice of Anselme, who making a showe as if he had béene very vnwilling to be placed in the sée of Cantor­bury, gaue his aunswere to the letters of such his friendes as made request vnto hym to take that charge vpō him. Scecularia negotia nescio, quia scire nolo, eorum nam (que) occupa­tiones horreo, liberum affectans animum. Vo­luntati sacrarum intendo scripturarum, vos dissonantiam facitis, verendum (que) est ne ara­trum sancte Ecclesiae, quod in Anglia duo bo­ues validi & pari fortitudine, ad bonū certan­tes, id est rex & Archepiscopus, debeant tra­here, nunc oue vetula, cum Tauro indomito iugata, distorqucatur a recto. Ego ouis vetu­la, qui si quietus essem, verbi Dei lacte, & ope­rimento lanae, aliquibus possem fortassis non ingratus esse, sed si me cum hoc tauro coniun­gitis, videbitis pro desparilitate trahentium, aratrum non recte procedere. &c. Which is in English thus. Of seculer affayres I haue no skil, bycause I will not know them, for I euen abhorre the troubles that ryse about them, as one that desireth to haue his minde at libertie. I applye my whole indeuour to the rule of the scriptures, you lead me to the contrary. It is to be feared lest the plough of holy church which two strong Oxen of equal force, and both like earnest to contende vnto that, which is good (that is the king and the Archebishop) ought to draw, shoulde thereby now swarue from the right forrow, by mat­ching of an olde shepe, with a wilde vntamed bull. I am that olde shepe, who if I might be quiet, coulde peraduenture shew my selfe not altogither vngratfull vnto some, by féeding them with milke of the worde of God, and couering them with wooll, but if you matche me with this bull, you shall sée that thorowe want of equalitie in draught the plough will not go to right. &c. as followeth in the pro­cesse of his letters.Th [...] Beck [...] Thomas Becket was so proude, that he wrate to king Henry the se­conde, as to his Lord, to his king, and to his sonne, offering him his counsell, hys reue­rence and due correction. &c. Others in like sort haue protested, that they ought nothing to the kinges of this lande, but their counsell onely, reseruing all obedience vnto the sée of Rome: whereby we may easily sée the pride & ambition of the cleargie in the blinde tyme of ignorance. But as the Archbishop of Can­torbury hath lōg since obtayned the preroga­tiue aboue York, (although not without gret trouble, sute, some bloodshed and contention) so the Archbishop of Yorke, is neuerthelesse primate of Englande, as one contentyng himselfe with a péece at the least when (all) coulde not begotten. And as he of Cantorbu­ry crowneth the king, so thys of Yorke doth the like vnto the Quéene, whose perpetuall Chaplin he is, and hath béene from time to time as the writers doe reporte.21. [...] vnder [...] vnder Arch [...] ­shop [...] Yorke The first al­so hath vnder his iurisdiction to the number of one and twentie inferiour bishoppes, the other hath onely foure by reason, that the churches of Scotland are now remooued frō his obedience vnto an Archbishop of their owne, wherby the greatnesse & circuit of the iurisdiction of Yorke, is not a little dimini­shed. In like sort eache of these seuen & twen­ty sées, haue their Cathedral churches, wher­in the Deanes doe beare the chiefe rule, be­ing men especially chosen to that vocation,Dea [...] both for their learning & godlinesse so néere as can be possible. These Cathedrall chur­ches haue in like maner other dignities and Canonries still remayning vnto thē as here­tofore vnder the Popish regiment.Ca [...] Howbeit those that are chosen to the same are no ydle and vnprofitable persons, (as in times past they haue béene when most of these liuinges were either furnished with straungers, espe­ciall out of Italy, or such Ideots as had least skill of all in discharging of those functions, wherunto they were called by vertue of these stipendes) but such as by preaching and tea­ching can, and doe learnedly set foorth the glorie of God, and farder the ouerthrow of Antichrist to the vttermost of their powers. [Page 76] Moreouer in the sayde Cathedrall churches vpon Sondayes and Festiual dayes,Ordinary [...]rmons. the Ca­nones doe make certayne ordinary sermons by course, whervnto great numbers of all e­states doe orderly resort, and vpon the wor­king daies thrise in the wéeke one of the sayd Canons doth reade and expounde some péece of holy scripture,Ordinary [...]positions [...] the [...]riptures. wherevnto the people doe very reuerently repaire. The bishops them­selues in lyke sorte are not ydle in their cal­lings, for being nowe exempt from Court & counsell,The By­ [...]hopes [...]each [...]iligent­ [...], whose [...]redeces­ [...]ors here­ [...]ofore haue [...]éene occu­ [...]ied in [...]emporall [...]ffayres. Archdea­ [...]ons. they so applye their myndes to the setting foorth of the worde, that there are ve­rie few of them, which doth not euery Sun­day or oftner resorte to some place or other, within their iurisdictions, where they ex­pounde the scriptures with much grauitie & skill. They haue vnder them also their Arch­deacons, some one, diuers two, & many foure or mo, as their circuites are in quantity, whi­che Archedeacons are termed in law the by­shoppes eyes: and these beside their ordina­rie courtes (which are holden by themselues or their officials once in a moneth at ye least) doe kéepe yearly two visitations or Sinodes, (as the Byshop doth in euery thirde yeare) wherin they make diligēt inquisition & serch, aswel for ye doctrine & behauiour of the Mini­sters, as the orderly dealing of the Parishio­ners in resorting to their parish churches & conformity vnto religiō. They punish also wt great seuerity al such trespassers as are pre­sented vnto them: or if the cause be of ye more weight, as in cases of Heresie, pertinacie, cō ­tempt & such lyke, they refer them eyther to ye Bishop of the Diocesse, or his chauncellour, or else to sundrie graue persons set in autho­ritye by vertue of an high cōmission directed vnto them frō the Prince to that end,Highe Commis­ [...]ioners. who in very courteous maner doe sée the offenders gētly reformed, or else seuerly punished if ne­cessitie so inforce.A pro­ [...]hesye or conference. Beside this in many of our Archedeaconries, we haue an exercise lately begunne, which for the most part is called a prophecie or conference, and erected only for the examination or triall of the diligence of the cleargie in their study of holy scriptures. Howbeit such is the thirstie desire of the peo­ple in these dayes to heare the worde of God, yt they also haue as it were with zealous vio­lence intruded themselues among them (but as hearers only) to come by more knowledg thorowe their presence at the same. Herein also for the most part two of the yonger sorte of Ministers doe expounde eache after other some péece of the scriptures ordinarily ap­pointed vnto them in their courses (wherein they orderly go thorow with some one of the Euangelistes or of the Epistles, as it plea­seth thē to choose at the first in euery of these conferences) and when they haue spent an houre or a little more betwéene them, then commeth one of the better learned sort, who supplyeth the rowme of a moderator, ma­king first a briefe rehearsall of their discour­ses, and then adding what him thinketh good of his owne knowledge, wherby two houres are thus cōmonly spent at this most profita­ble méeting. Whē al is done if the first spea­kers haue shewed any péece of diligence, they are commended for their trauaile and encou­raged to go forward. If they haue béene foūd to be slacke, their negligence is openly repro­ued before all their brethren, who go aside of purpose from the laitie after the exercise en­ded, to iudge of these matters and consulte of the next speakers & quantie of the text to be handled in that place. The laytie neuer spake but are onely hearers, & as it is vsed in some places wéekely, in other once in fouretéene dayes, in dyuers monethly, and elsewhere twise in a yere, so is it a notable spurre vnto all the ministers, therby to apply their bookes which otherwyse as in tymes past dyd giue themselues to hawking, hunting, tables, cardes, dyce, typling at the Alehouse, shooting and other like vanities, nothing commenda­ble in such as shoulde be godly and zealous stewards of the good gifts of GOD, faith­ful distributers of his worde vnto the people, and diligent pastours according to their cal­ling.Ministers Deacons. Our Elders or Ministers and Dea­cons (for subdeacons and the other inferiour orders, sometime vsed in the Popish church we haue not) are made according to a cer­taine forme of consecration concluded vpon in the time of king Edwarde the sixt, by the clergy of Englande, and soone after confir­med by the thrée estates of the realme, in the high court of Parliamēt. And out of the first sort, that is to saye of such as are called to the ministery, are Bishops, Deanes, Arche­deacons, & such as haue the higher places, in the Hierarchy of the church elected, & these also as al ye rest, at the first cōming vnto any spirituall promotion doe yéeld vnto ye Prince the entire taxe of their liuings for one whole yeare, if it amount in value vnto ten pounde and vpwardes, and this vnder the name of first fruites. They paye the tenthes yearely also of theyr sayde liuynges,First frui­tes and tenthes. accordyng to such valuations as haue béene made latelye of the same: for the receyt of which two pay­mentes, an especial office or court is erected, which beareth name of first fruits and ten­thes, wherevnto if the party to be preferred, doe not make his duetifull repayre by an ap­pointed tyme after possession taken there to [Page] compounde for the payment of his fruites, he incurreth the daunger of a great penalty, lymited by a certayne estatute prouided in that behalfe, against such as doe intrude into the ecclesiasticall functiō. They pay likewise subsides wyth the temporaltie, but in suche sort that if these paye after foure shillinges for lande,Subsidies the cleargye paye commonly af­ter sixe shilings of the pounde, so that of a be­nefice of twentye pounde by the yeare the in­cumbent thinketh himselfe well acquited, if all thinges being discharged he may reserue fiftéene pounde towarde his owne sustenta­tion and maintenance of his family. Seldom also are they without the compasse of a sub­sidye, for if they be one yeare cleare from this payment they are lyke in the next to here of another graunt, so that I saye a­gayne they are seldome wythout the limite of a subsidie. The laity maye at euery taxa­tion also helpe themselues, and so they doe thorowe consideration had of their decaye, and hinderaunce, and yet their impouerish­mēt cannot but touch also the Parson or Vi­car, as is daily to be séene in their accounpts and tythings.

The other paimētes due vnto the Archbi­shop and Bishop at their seuerall visitatiōs, (of which the first is double to the latter) and suche also as the Archedeacon receyueth at hys Synodes. &c. remaine still as they dyd, wythout any alteration: onely thys I thynke be added within memory of man, that at the comming of euery prince, hys appointed of­ficers doe commonly visite the whole realme vnder the forme of an ecclesiasticall inquisi­tion, in which the cleargy doe paye double fées, as vnto the Archbishop. Hereby thē & by those already remembred, it is founde that the Church of Englande, is no lesse commo­dious to the Princes coffers then the laitye, if it doe not farre excéede the same, since their paimentes are certayne continuall and sel­dome abated, howesoeuer they gather vppe their owne dueties, or haue their lyuinges otherwise hardly valued vnto the vttermost fardings, or shrewdely canceled by the coue­tousnesse of the patrones,The very cause why weauers, pedlers & glouers haue béene made Mi­nisters, for ye learned refuse such matches, so that yf the Bishops in times past hadde not made such by o­uersight & friendship I wote not howe such men shold haue done wyth their ad­uousons. as for a glouer or a tayle [...] [...] [...]e [...] or 10. [...] by the [...] and [...] shalt [...] all the [...] so he [...] be [...]. of whom some do bestowe aduousons of benefices vpon theyr Bakers, Butlers, Cokes, and horsekéepers, in stéede of other recompēce, for their long & faithful seruice which they employ vnto their most aduantage. But to procéede wyth our purpose. The names moreouer vsually giuē vnto such as féede the flocke remaine in lyke sort as in tymes past, so yt these wordes, par­son, Vicar, curate, and such are not, as yet a­bolished more then the Canon lawe it selfe, which is daily pleaded as I haue sayde else­where, although the estatutes of the realme haue greatly infringed the large scope, and brought the exercise of the same into some narrower limits. There is no thing redde in our churches but the canonicall Scriptures, whereby it commeth to passe that the Psal­ter is sayd ouer once in thirtie dayes, ye new Testament foure times, and the olde Testa­ment once in the yeare. And herevnto if the Curate be adiudged by the Bishop or his de­puties, sufficientlye instructed in the holye scriptures, he permitteth him to make some exposition or exhortation in his parishe, vnto amendment of lyfe. And for as much as our churches and vniuersities haue béene so spoi­led in tyme of errour, as there cannot yet be had such number of learned pastours as may suffise for euery parish to haue one: there are certaine sermones or homelies, deuised by sundry learned men, confirmed for sounde doctrine, by consent of the diuines, and pub­like authoritie of the prince, and those ap­pointed to be read by the Curates of meane vnderstanding, (which Homelies doe com­prehende the principall partes of christian doctrine, as of originall sinne, of Iustificatiō by fayth, of charity and such lyke) vpon the Sabbaoth dayes, vnto the congregation. Likewise in our common prayer, the lessons are onely certeine appointed chapters, taken out of the olde and newe Testament. The administration moreouer of the sacraments and residue of the seruice, is done in the chur­ches, wholly in our vulgare tong, that eche one present, maye here and vnderstande the same, which also in Cathedrall and Collegi­ate churches is so ordered, that the Psalmes onely are song by note, the rest being redde (as in common parishe Churches) by the Minister wyth a loude voyce, sauynge that in the administration of the Communion the Quier singeth the answeres, the crede, and sundry other thynges appointed, but in so plaine (I say) and distinct maner, that eche one present may vnderstand what they sing, euery worde hauing but one note, though the whole Harmony consist of many partes, and those very cunningly set by the skilful in that science. As for our Churches themselues, Belles, and times of morning and euening praier, they remaine as in times past, sauing that all Images, shrines, tabernacls, rood­loftes, and monumentes of Idolatry, are re­mooued, taken downe, and defaced, onely the storyes in glasse windowes excepted, which for want of sufficient store of newe stuffe, & by reason of extreame charge that shoulde growe, thorow the alteration of the same in­to white panes thorowe out the realme, are [Page 77] not altogither abolyshed in most places at once, but by lyttle and little suffered to de­caye, that white glasse may be prouided and set vp in their roomes. Finally wheras there was woont to be a great particion betwéene the Quire and the body of the Church, nowe it is either very small or none at all: and to saye the truth altogither néedelesse, sithe the Minister sayth his seruice commonly in the bodye of the church, wyth his face towarde the people, in a little tabernacle of wainescot prouided for the purpose, by which meanes the ignoraunt doe not onely learne dyuers of the psalmes and vsuall prayers by heart, but also such as can read doe pray togither with him, so that the whole congregation at one instant doe poure out their peticions, vnto the liuing God, for the whole estate of hys church in most earnest and feruent maner. Thus much briefly of the estate of the church of England, I meane touching the regimēt of the same, ye seruice of God, & forme of common Prayer: now will I returne to the par­ticular limites of eache seuerall Byshoprijc, whereby we shall sée theyr boundes, and how farre theyr iurisdictions doe extende, begin­ning first with the Sie of Cantorbury in such briefe order as foloweth here at hand.

[...]antorbu­ [...].The iurisdictiō of Cantorbury (erected first by Augustine the Monke) yf you haue respect to his prouinciall regiment, extendeth it selfe ouer all the south part of this Island. But if you regarde the same onely that belongeth vnto his Sie, it reacheth but ouer one parcell of Kent: the Diocesse of Rochester enioying the rest: so that in thys one countey the grea­test Archbishoprijcke and at the lest Bishop­rijcke of all are vnited & strictly lincked togi­ther. That of Cantorbury hath vnder it one Archedeacō, who hath charge ouer xj. Dea­neries or a hūdred thrée score and one parishe churches, and in the Popish time there went out of this Sie to Rome at euery alienation for first fruites 10000. Ducates or Florens (for I reade both) beside 5000. that the new elect vsually payed for hys pall. I woulde speake somewhat of his peculiers dispersed here & there in other shires, but sith I haue no certaine knowledge of them, I passe thē ouer vntill an other tyme.

[...]ochester.The Sie of Rochester is also included with­in ye limits of Kent, whose Archedeacon hath onelye thrée Denaries vnder his iurisdiction contayning 132. Parishe churches: so that hereby it is to be gathered that there are at the least 393. Parishe churches in Kent, ouer which these two Archdeacons afore re­membred doe exercise Ecclesiasticall autho­ritie. This Byshop at euery alienation was woont to pay to the Sie of Rome 1300 Du­cates or florens. He was also crossebearer in tyme past to the Archbyshop of Cantorbury and Iustus was the first Byshop that was in­stalled in the same.

The Sie of London,London. whereof Mellitus is accoūted to be the first Pastor in the Popish Cataloge, is nowe contented to be vnder the gouernaunce of a Bishop, which in olde time had hir Archebishop vntill Cantorbury be­reft hir of that honour by the practise of Au­gustine the monke, who I wote not vpō what priuie occasion, remooued his Archebishops Sie from thence farder into Kent. It inclu­deth Essex, Midlesex and part of Her [...]forde shyre, and is neyther more nor lesse in quan­titie then the auncient kingdome of the east Saxons before it was vnited to that of the west Saxons, as our hystories doe report. The iurisdiction of this Sie vnder the bishop is committed to foure Archedeacons, that is of London, Essex, Midlesex, and Colchester and those haue amongst them to the number of 363. Parishes or thereabouts, beside the peculiers belonging to the Archebishop, and at euery alienation the new incumbent was bounde to pay to the Bishop of Rome 3000. Ducates or florenes as I reade.Chichester

Chichester (the beginning of which sie was in ye Isle of Selesey, but afterward trāslated to Chichester) hath now Sussex only, and the wight vnder which are sixtéene Deaneries, containing to ye nūber of 551. parishs. It paid at euery alienatiō to ye Sie of Rome 333. du­cates, as I haue reade of late. One Edbert was the first bishop there, thē one Cella suc­céeded, after whom the sie was voyd by ma­ny yeres. It was erected also 711. by ye decrée of a Synode holden in Sussex,Winche­ster. The By­shoppe of Winche­ster was sometime called bi­shop of the Westsaxōs or of Dor­chester, which town was giuen to Birinus & his succes­sours, by Kinigils of the West saxons and Oswald king of the Northū ­bers. which separa­ted it frō the iurisdiction of ye sie of Winche­ster, wherof before it was reputed a parcell.

Winchester hath Hamshyre and Surry, & in olde time the Wight wherein are eyght Deanaries and 276. Parish churches, and beside that the Bishoppe of thys Diocesse is perpetuall Prelate vnto the honorable order of the Garter, his taxe at his institution was 12000. ducats or florens. If the old cataloge of the Bishoppes of this Sie be well conside­red of, and the actes of the greatest parte of them indifferently weighed, as they are to be reade in our Hystories, you shall finde the most egregious hypocrites, the stoutest war­riours, the cruellest tyrauntes, the richest money mongers, & polliticke counsellours in temporall affayres, to haue I wote not by what secrete worcking of the diuine proui­dence béene placed here in Winchester, sith the foundation of that Sie, which was erec­ted [Page] by Birinus, 639. (whome Pope Honorius sent hycher out of Italy) and first planted at Dorchester, in the tyme of Kynigils, then translated to Winchester, where it doth yet continue.

SalisburySalisbury hath nowe Barckeshyre, and Wilshyre onely, for after ye death of Hedda, which was 704. Winchester was deuided in two, so that onely Hampton and Surrey were left vnto it, & Wilton, Dorset, Barke­shyre, Somerset, Deuon, & Cornwall, assig­ned vnto Salisbury, tyll other order was ta­ken. The valuation hereof in Rome was lately 4000. Ducats or florens, as the taxe therof yet recordeth. Certes I haue not read of any bishop that hath béene a greater orna­ment to this Sie then Bishop Iewell lately deceased, sith the tyme that Adelme dyd first beginne that Byshoprijcke 704. which was before a percell of the iurisdiction of Win­chester, founded at Shirburne, & afterward translated to Salisbury, but I can not well tell in what yeare after the conquest.

Excester.Excester hath Deuonshyre and Cornewall & the valuation of this liuing was 6000. du­cates, which were payde at euery alienation vnto the Bishoppe of Rome.

Bathe.Bathe, whose Sie was sometyme at Welles, hath Somersetshyre onely, and the value therof was rated at 430. Ducates in ye Popish taxation, except I be deceyued. This Bishoprijcke was erected 905. in a counsell holden among the Gewises, whereat king Edwarde of the Westsaxons, & Plegimund Archebishop of Cātorbury were present. For that part of the country had béene seauen yeres without any Pastorall cure, and ther­fore in this counsel it was agréed that for the two Bishoprijcks (wherof one was at Win­chester another at Shireburne) there should be fiue ordayned, whereby the people there myght be the better instructed. By thys meanes Frithstan was placed at Winche­ster,The By­shoprijck of Shire­burne diui­ded into 3. and Etheline at Shireburne, both of thē being then voyde. Shireburne also sustained the subdiuision, so that Werstane was made Bishop of Cridioc or Deuonshire (whose Sie was at Kyrton) Herstan of Cornewall, and Eadulf of Welles, vnto whome Barkshyre & Dorsetshyre were appointed, but now you see what alteratiō is made, by consideration of the limites of their present iurisdictions.

Worcester sometime called Epātus wicci­orum hath Worcester & part of Warwijc­shyres,Worcester. and before the Bishoprijc of Gloce­ster was taken out of the same, it payde to the Pope 2000. Ducates of golde at euery chaunge of Prelate. This Sie was begunne either in or not long before the time of Offa, king of the east Angles, and Boselus was the first Bishop there, after whome, succéeded Ostfort, then Egwine who went in pilgri­mage to Rome, with Kinredus of Mercia & the sayde Offa, and there gate a Monasterie (which he buylded in Worcester) confirmed by Constantine the Pope.

Glocester hath Glocestershyre only,Gloces [...] wher­in are nyne Deanaries and to the number of 294. Parishe churches, as I finde by good record. But it neuer payd any thing to rome, bycause it was erected by king Henry the eyght, after he had abolished the vsurped au­thoriyt of ye Pope, except in Quéene Maries, if any such thing were demeaned, as I doubt not but it was.

Hereforde hath Herefordeshyre and part of Shorpshyre and payde to Rome at euery chaunge of Bishop 1800.Heref [...] Ducates or florens at the least.

Lechfield wherunto Couētry is added,Liche [...] whose [...] was h [...] ­den [...] time at West [...] ­ter, th [...] now h [...] a [...] of Bi [...] owne. hath Staffordeshyre Darbyshire part of Shrop­shire & the rest of Warwijc, that is voyde of subiection to the sie of Worcester. It was e­rected in the time of Peada king of the south Mertians which lay on this side of ye Trent, & therin one Dinas was enstalled about the yeare of grace 656. after whom succéeded Kellac, thē Tunher an Englishman, but con­secrated by the Scottes. It paid to the Pope 1733. Ducates, in mine opinion a good round fine, but not without a iust punishment, sith that in times past vz. 765. Eldulf Bishoppe there vnder king Offa of Mertia woulde haue bereft the sie of Cantorbury of hir pall in the time of Pope Adriane, and so dyd for a season till thinges were reduced into their former order.

Oxforde hath Oxforde shyre onely,Oxfor [...] a verye yonge Iurisdiction, erected by kyng Henry the eyght, and where in the time of Quéene Mary, one Goldwell was Bishop, who as I remember was a Iesuite, dwelling in Rome and more conuersant as the fame went in the blacke Arte, then skilfull in the Scrip­tures, and yet he was of great countenaunce amongst the Romayne monarches. It is said that obseruyng the Canons of hys order, he regarded not the temporalities, but I haue heard sithens that he wist well ynough what became of those commodities.

Ely hath Cambridgeshyre, & the Isle of E­ly. It was erected 1109. by Henry the first,Ely. being before a riche and welthy abbay. One Heruy also was made Bishoppe there, as I haue foūd in a Register, belōging sometime to that house. Finallye it payde to the Pope at euery alienation. 7000. Ducates, as the Registers there doth testifie at large.

[Page 78] [...]wiche.Northwich called in old time Episcopatus, domucensis, (whose sée was first at Helmehā, then at Thetforde) hath Suffolke and Nor­folke. The circuite hereof was once all one, with that of the Kinges of the east Angles, till Ely was taken from the same, & it began about the yeare 632. vnder Eorpenwalde king of the East Saxons, and one Felix of Burgundy, was first Bishop there, who sate seuentéene yeares, and was placed therein by Honorius the Pope, finally it payde at e­uery alienation. 5000. Ducates to Rome of curraunt money as I reade.

[...]terbo­ [...].Peterborow sometime a notable monaste­ry hath Northampton, and Rutlande shires, a diocesse erected also by king Henry ye eight. It neuer payde first fruites to the Pope, but in Queene Maries dayes, if ought were then demaunded, because it was a sie not recorded in the auncient Register, of hys first fruites and tenthes.

[...]istow.Bristowe hath Dorcet shyre, sometime belongyng to Salisbury, a sie lately erected by Kyng Henry the eyght, who tooke no small care for the Churche of Christ, & ther­fore eased a number of the auncient sies, of theyr superfluous circutes, and bestowed the same vppon such other, as he had appoynted for the better regimente and féeding of the flocke.

[...]ncolne.Lincolne of all other in times past was the greatest, for although that out of it were taken the Bishoprijckes of Oxforde, and Peterborow, yet it reteineth still Lincolne, Leicester, Huntyngdon, Bedforde, Buc­kingham shyres, and the rest of Hartford­shyre, so that it extended from the Thames vnto the Humber, and payde vnto the Pope for the whole 5000. Ducates, as appeareth by record at euery alienation. It beganne a­bout the beginning of William Rufus, by one Remigius who remooued his Sie to Lin­colne frō Dorchester, as Math. Westmin­ster doth report, & thus much of such Bishop­rijcks as lye within Lhoegres or Englande as it was left vnto Locrinus, nowe it follo­weth that procéede with Wales.

Lhandaffe or the churche of Tau, contay­neth Glamorgan, [...]andaffe. Monmouth, Brecknoch and Radnor shyres, and paide to Rome 700. Ducats as I reade at euery chaunge of Pre­late.

[...]. Da­ [...]ds.S. Dauides hath Pembrooke, and Caer­mardine shyres, whose liuerie or first fruites to the Sie of Rome was 1500. Ducates at the hardest as I thincke.

Bangor.Bangor is in north Wales, & hath Caer­nar [...]on, Anglisey and Merioneth shyres vn­der hir iurisdiction, it paid also to Rome 126. Ducates or florence, as their bookes doe yet declare.

S. Asaphes hath Prestholme and parte of Denbigh & Flintshyres,S. Asa­phes. which beyng layde togither doe amount to little more then one good countye, & therfore iustly supposed to be ye lest Bishoprijcke that is to be founde with­in Wales, yet it paide to Rome 470. Du­cates, except my memory doth fayle. And hi­therto of the Prouince Caunterburye, for so much thereof as lyeth in thys Islande, nowe it resteth that I procéede with the other of Yorke in such order as I may.

The Sie of Yorke beganne aboute the yeare of grace. 625.Yorke. vnder Iustus of Caun­terburye, who ordeyned Paulinus the first Bishop there, in the time of Edwine [...] king Northumberland. Of it self it hath Iurisdic­tion ouer Yorkshyre, Nottingham shyre, & the rest of Lancaster shire, not subiect to the Sie of Chester, and when the Pope bare au­thority in this realme it payde vnto his Sie. 1000. Ducates, beside also 5000. for the pal of the newe elect, which was more then he coulde well spare, considering the diuinution of hys Sie, by meanes of the erection of a new Metropolitane in Scotland, as I haue shewed else where.

Chester hath Chestershire, Darbishire,Chester. the most part of Lancaster shyre (vnto the Ry­bell) Richemonde, and a part of Flinte and Denbighe shyres in Wales also vnder due subiection for ecclesiasticall matters. In the olde popish tyme, there was no Bishoprijck, called by that name (although the Byshop of Léechfielde had sometime his Sie pitched in that place, and therefore of some was called Bishop of Chester) sith king Henry the eight was the first, that erected any there.

Durham hath the county of Durham one­ly, and Northumberlande,Durham or Lindes­farme. whereof the By­shoppes haue béene sometimes Earles Pa­latines, and ruled the rost vnder the name of the Bishoprijcke, a Sie in my opinion more profitable, & of lesse countenaunce, then his prouinciall. But whatsoeuer it be for exter­nall apparaunce, sure it is that it payde to Rome 9000. Ducates or Florenes, at eue­ry chaunge, as the recorde yet expresseth, Aydan a Scot was the first Byshop of this Sie, who helde himselfe as did also manye of his successours, in Lindsfarne Isle, till one came that remooued it to Durham.

Careliel erected 1132. by Henry the first,Caerleill. & whereof Ethelwoolf confessor to Osmond Byshop of Salisbury, was made originall Bishop, hath Cumberland & Westmerland, as for the Deanerses and number paryshes conteyned in the same, as yet I haue no [Page] knowledge, more then of many of the other, howbeit of this I am sure, that the Pope re­ceyued out of it at euery chaunge of Byshop 1000. florenes, albeit that it might haue spared much more as an aduersarie thereto confessed sometyme euen before the Pope himselfe, supposing no lesse but to haue gai­ned by hys tale.

Man.Beside all these we haue another Bishop­rijcke yet in England, but very obscure, be­cause the Byshoppe thereof hath not where­with to maintaine his countenaunce suffici­entlye, and that is, the Sie of Mona or Man, sometime named Epātus Sodorensis, where­of one Wimundus was ordeyned the first bi­shop, and Iohn the seconde, in the reigne of king Stephē. The gift of this prelacy resteth in ye Erles of Darby, who nominateth such a one from time to tyme, thereto as to them doth séeme conuenient. Howbeit if that Sie might reape hir owne commodities, I doubt not but the estate of hir Bishop would quick­ly be amended. And thus much of our bishop­rijcks, and maner how the ecclesiastical iu­risdiction of the church of England, is deuy­ded among the shyres, and countyes of thys realme. Whose Bishops as they haue béene heretofore of greater port and dooings in the common wealth, then at this present, so are they nowe for the most part the best learned that are to be founde, in any country of Eu­rope, sith neither high parentage, nor great ryches as in other countreyes, but onelye learning and vertue doe bring them to thys honour. I might here haue spoken of diuers other Bishoprijcks, sometime in this part of the Islande, as of that of Caerlheon, where Dubritius gouerned, which was afterwarde translated to S. Dauides, and taken for an Archbishoprijck: secōdly of the Bishoprijc of Leircester, whose fourth bishop called Vn­won went to Rome with Offa king of Mer­tia:Glocester a very auncient bishoprijc. thirdly of Ramsbyry or Wiltō, & of Glo­cester (of which you shall reade in Math. West. 489) where the bishop was called El­dad: also of Hagulstade, one of the thrée mē ­bers wherinto the Sie of Yorke was deuided after thexpulsion of Wilfrid. For as I reade when Egfrid the king had driuen him away, he deuided his Sie into thrée partes, making Bosa ouer the Deiranes that helde his Sie at Hagulstade: Eatta ouer the Bernicians, who sate at Yorke: and Edhedus ouer Lind­far, whose successours were Ethelwine, Ed­gar and Kinibert, notwithstanding that one Sexulfus was ouer Lindfarre before Edhe­dus, who was Bishop of the Mertians and middle England till he was banished from Lindisse and came into these quarters, to séeke his refuge and succour. I coulde lyke­wyse entreate of the Bishoppes of White­herne, or ad Candidam Casam, nowe a par­cell of Scotland, and of diuers chaūges and alterations hapning in these sies frō time to time, but sith my purpose is to touch only the estate of thinges present, it may suffice to haue sayde thus much of them, though alto­gither beside mine intended purpose.

Of Vniuersities. Cap. 6.

THere are within the realme of England two noble & famous Vniuersities, wher­in are not onely diuers goodly houses builded foure square for the most part of harde frée­stone, with great numbers of lodginges and chambers in the same for Students after a sumptuous maner, thorow the excéeding li­beralitie of Kings, Quéenes, Bishops, No­ble men, and Ladies, of the lande: but also large liuinges and great reuenues bestowed vpon them (the lyke wherof is not to be séene in any other region as Peter Martyr dyd oft affirme) to the maintenaunce onely of such cōuenient numbers of poore mens sonnes as the seuerall stipendes bestowed vpō the saide houses are able to support. Of these two that of Oxforde (which lyeth west and by North from London) standeth most pleasauntly of both, being enuironned in maner rounde a­bout with pleasaunt wooddes on the hilles a­loft and goodly riuers in the medowes be­neath, whose courses woulde bréede no small commoditie to that Citie, yf such impedi­ments were remooued, as greatly annoy the same. That of Cambridge is distaunt from London about fourtie and sixe myles north & by east, and standeth very well, sauing that it is somewhat low & néere vnto the Fennes, whereby the holsomnesse of the ayre there, is not a little corrupted. It is excellently well serued with all kindes of prouision, but espe­cially of fresh water fishe and wildefowle, by reason of the Isle of Ely, which is so néere at hande. Onely woodde is one of the chiefe wants to such as studdie there, wherfore this kind of prouisiō is brought them either from Essex, & other places thereabouts, as is also their cole, or otherwise the necessity therof is supplyed with gall, and sea coole, wherof they haue great plenty lead thither by the Grant. Moreouer it hath no such stoore of medowe grounde as may suffice for the ordinarie ex­penses of the towne, and Vniuersitie, wher­fore they are inforced in lyke sort to prouide, their haye from other villages about which minister the same vnto them in verye great abundaunce. Oxforde is supposed to con­taine [Page 79] in Longitude eyghtéene degrées and eyght and twentie mynutes, and in Lati­tude one and fiftie degrées and fiftie minuts, whereas that of Cambridge standing more northerly, hath twentie degrées and twentie minutes in Longitude, and therevnto fiftie & two degrées and fiftéene minuts in Latitude as by exact supputacion is easie to be founde. The Colledges of Oxford for curious work­manship and priuate commodities, are much more stately, magnificent, and commodious then those of Cambridge: and therevnto the stréetes of the towne for the most part more large and comedy. But for vniformitie of buylding, orderly compactiō and regiment, ye towne of Cambridge excéedeth that of Ox­ford (which otherwise is & hath béen the grea­ter of the twoo) by many a folde, although I know diuers yt are of the contrarie opinion Castels also they haue both, and in my iudg­ment is harde to be sayde, whither of them woulde be the stronger, if both were accor­dingly repaired: howbeit that of Cambridge is the higher both for maner of buylding & scituation of grounde, sith Oxforde castell, standeth low and is not so apparant in sight. The commō schooles of Cambridge also are farre more beautifull then those of Oxforde onely the diuinitie schoole at Oxforde excep­ted, which for fine and excellent workeman­ship commeth next the mowlde of the Kings chappell in Chambridge, then the which two with ye chappell that king Henry the seuenth dyd buylde at Westminster, there are not in my opinion made of lime & stone thrée more notable pyles within the cōpasse of Europe. In all other thinges there is so great equali­tie betwéene these twoo Vniuersities as no man cā imagine how to set down any grea­ter, so that they séeme to be the bodye of one well ordered common wealth, onely deuided by distaunce of place and not in friendly con­sent. In speaking therefore of the one I can not but describe the other: and in commēda­tion of the first I can not but extolle the lat­ter, and so much the rather for that they are both so déere vnto me, as that I can not re­dily tell, vnto whyther of them I owe the most good wyll. Woulde to God my know­ledge were such as that neither of thē might haue cause to be ashamed of their pupill, or my power so great that I might woorthily requite them both for those manifolde kinde­nesses that I haue receyued of them. But to leaue these things & procéed with other more conuenient for my purpose. The maner to liue in these Vniuersities is not as in some o­ther of forren countries we sée dayly to hap­pen, where the Studentes are inforced for wa [...]te of such houses, to dwell in common Innes, and T [...]ernes, wythout all order or discipline: but in these our Colledges we liue in such exact order and vnder so precise rules of gouernmēt, that the famous learned man Erasmus of Roterodam being here amongest vs fiftie yeares passed, dyd not let to com­pare the trades of liuing of students of these twoo places, euen with the very rules and or­ders of the auncient Monkes: affirming moreouer in flatte wordes, our orders to be such as not onely came neare vnto, but ra­ther farre excéeded all the Monasticall insti­tutions that euer were deuised. In most of our Colledges there are also great numbers of studentes, of which many are founde by the reuenues of the houses, and other by the purueighances & helpe of their riche friēds, wherby in some one Colledge you shall haue two hundred schollers, in others an hundred and fiftie, in diuers a hundred and fourtie, & in dyuers lesse numbers as the capacitie of the sayde houses is able to receyue: so that at this present of one sort and other there are about thrée thousande studentes nourished in them both as by a late suruey it manifestly appeared.Readers in priuate houses. Euery one of these colledges haue in lyke maner their professours or readers of the tongues and seuerall sciences, as they call thē, which daily trade vp the youth there abiding, priuately in their halles, to the ende they may be able afterward whē their turne commeth about, to shewe themselues abrode by going frō thence into the commō schooles, and publicke disputations (as it were into the playne battaile) there to trie their skilles, and declare howe they haue profited sithence their comming thither. Morouer in the pub­licke schooles of both the Vniuersities,Publicke readers maintay­ned by the Prince. there are founde at the Princes charge (and that very largely) fiue professours and readers, that is to say, of diuinitie, of the ciuile lawe, Phisicke, the Hebrue & the Gréeke tongues: and for the other publicke lectures as of Phi­losophie, Logicke, Rethoricke, & the Quadri­uials.Study of the Qua­driuialles & perspec­tiues neg­lected. (Although the later I meane Arithme­ticke, Musicke, Geometrie, and Astronomie, and with them all skill in the perfectiues are now smally regarded in eyther of them) the Vniuersityes themselues doe allowe compe­tent stipendes to such as reade the same, whereby they are sufficiently prouided for, touching the maintenaunce of their estates, and no lesse incouraged to be diligent in their functions. These professours in like sort haue all the rule of disputations and other schoole exercises, which are dayly vsed in common schooles seuerally assigned to eache of them, and such of their hearers as by their skil she­wed [Page] in the sayde disputacions, are thought to haue attayned any conuenient ry [...]enesse of knowledge, (according to the custome of o­ther Vniuersities although not in like order) are permitted solemly to take their deserued degrées of schoole in the same science, and fa­cultie, wherin they haue spent their trauaile. From that tyme forwarde also, they vse such difference in apparell as becommeth their callings, tendeth vnto grauitie, & ma­keth them knowne to be called to some coun­tenance. The first degrée of all, is that of the general [...] Sophisters,Sophi­sters. frō whence when they haue learned more sufficiently the rules of Logicke, Rethoricke, and obtayned thereto competent skill in Philosophie, and in the Mathematicalles, they ascende hygher to the estate of Batchelers of arte.Batche­lers of Art Frō thence also giuing their minds to more perfit know­ledge in some or all ye other liberal sciences, and the tongues, they ryse at the last to be called Maisters of art,Masters of Arte. eche of them being at that time reputed for a Doctor in his facul­tie if he professe, but one of ye said sciēces, (be­side philosophie) or for his general skill, if he be exercised in them all. After this they are permitted to chose what other of the higher stodyes them lyketh to follow, whether it be Diuinity, Law, or Phisicke, so that beyng once Maisters of Arte, ye next degrée if they follow Phisick, is the Doctorship belonging to that profession, and lykewyse in the study of the Law, if they bende their mynds to the knowledge of the same. But if they meane to go forward with Diuinitie, this is the or­der, vsed in that profession. First after they haue necessarily procéeded maisters of Arte, they preach one sermon to the people in En­glishe, and another to the Vniuersitie in La­tin. They aunswere a [...]l comers also in theyr owne persons vnto twoo seuerall questions of Diuinity in the opē Scholes (at one time) for the space of two houres, & afterwarde re­ply twise against some other man, vpō a like number, and on two seuerall dayes in the same place: which beyng done wyth comen­dation, he receyueth the fourth degrée, that is Bacheler of Diuinitie, but not before he hath beene mayster of Arte,Batcheler of Diuini­tie. by the space of seauen yeares, according to theyr statutes. The next & last degrée of all, is the Doctor­ship after other thrée yeares,Doctor. for the which he must once againe performe all such exer­cises & actes as are afore remembred, and then is he reputed able to gouerne and teach other, and lykewyse taken for a Doctor. Thus we sée that from our enteraunce into the Vniuersity, vnto the last degrée receiued is commonly eyghtéene or twentie yeares, in which tyme if a Student hath not obtey­ned sufficient learning, thereby to serue h [...] owne turne, & benefite hys common wealth, let him neuer looke by [...]arying longer to come by any more.

A man maye if he will [...] his study [...] with the Lawe, or Phisicke [...] [...] commeth to the Vniuersity, [...] in the tongues: and rypenesse [...] serue therefore: which if he [...] degrée is Bacheler of Law, [...] and for the same he must perfour [...]e such [...] in his owne science, as the [...]achele [...] [...] Doctors of Diuinitie, do for their partes, ye onely sermons except, which belongeth [...] to his calling: but as these are not matters of such importance as may deserue any fur­ther tractation, I so will leaue them & go [...] hande with the rest.

There is moreouer, in euery house a Ma [...] ­ster, who hath vnder him a president, and certeine Censors or Deanes, appointed to looke to the behauiour, & maner of the Stu­dentes there, whom they punish very seuer [...] ­ly if they make any default, according to the quantitye & qualitye of their trespasses. [...] ­uer eche Vniuersitie also, there is a seuerall Chauncelour, whose Offices are perpetual, howbeit their substitutes, whome wée call Vicechauncelors, are chaunged euery yere, as are also the Proctors, Taskers, Maister [...] of the streates & other officers, for the better maintenāce of their policie & estate. And [...] much at this time of both our Vniuersities.

To these two also we maye in lyke sorte adde the thirde, [...] which is at London (seruyng onelye for such as studye the Lawes of the Realme,) where there are sundrye fa­mous houses, of which thrée are called by the name of Iunes of the Court, the reast of the Chauncery, and all buylded before time for the furtheraunce and commoditie of such as applye their minds vnto the cōmon Lawes. Out of these also come Schollers of great [...] fame, whereof the most part haue heretofore béene brought vp in one of ye aforesaide Vni­uersities, & prooue such commonly as in pro­cesse of time, rise vp (only thorow their pro­found skil) to great honor in the cōmon welth of England. They haue also degrées of lear­ning among thēselues, & rules of discipline, vnder which they lyue most ciuilye in their houses, albeit that the younger sort of them abroade in the stréetes, are scarce able to be brydled by any good order at all. Certes this errour was woont also greatly to raigne in Cābridge & Oxforde, but as it is well left in these two places, so in forreine Countryes it cannot yet be suppressed. Besides these Vni­uersities, [Page 80] also there are great number of Grammer scholes thorowe out the Realme, and those very lyberally indued, for the bet­ter reliefe of poore schollers, so that there are not many corporate townes now vnder the Quéenes dominion, yt hath not one Gramer­schoole at the least, with a sufficient liuing for a Mayster and Vsher, appointed to ye same. There are in lyke maner dyuers collegiate churches, [...]indsor. [...]inchester [...]aton. [...]estmin­ [...]r. as Windsor, Wincester, Eaton, Westminster, and in the later thrée of those a great number of poore Schollers, dailye maintayned by the liberalitie of the foun­ders, with meate, bookes, and apparrel, from whence after they haue béene well entered in the knowledge of the Lattin and Gréeke tongues, and rules of versifiyng, they are sent to certeine especiall houses in eche Vni­uersitye, where they are receyued and tray­ned vp, in the pointes of higher knowledge in their priuate halles, till they be adiudged méete to shewe their faces in the Schooles, as I haue said already. And thus much haue I thought good to note of our Vniuersities, & lykewyse of Colledges in the same, whose names I wyl also set downe here, with those also of their founders, to the ende the zeale which they bare vnto learning may apeare, and their remembraunce neuer perish from among the wyse and learned.

Of the Colledges in Cambridge.
Yeares of the foundations.Colledges.Founders.
1546.1 Trinity Colledge.K. Henry. 8.
1441.2 The Kinges Colledge.K. Henry. 6. Edward. 4. Henry. 7. and Henry. 8,
1511.3 S. Iohns.L. Margaret grandmother to Henry. 8.
1505.4 Christes Colledge.K. Henry. 6. and the L. Margaret aforesaide.
1446.5 The Queens Colledge.L. Margaret wife to K. Henry. 6.
1496.6 Iesus Colledge.Iohn Alcocke Byshop of Ely.
1342.7 Bennet Colledge.The Brethren of a Popish guild called Corporis Christ.
1343.8 Pembroke hall.Maria de Valentia, Countesse of Pembroke.
1256.9 Peter Colledge.Hugh Balsham Byshop of Ely.
1348.10 Gundeuill and Caius Colledge.Edmund Gundeuill, Parson of Terrington, and Iohn Ca­ius. D. of Phisicke.
1557.
1354.11 Trinity hall.William Bateman Byshop of Norwiche.
1326.12 Clare hall.Richarde Badow Chauncelour of Cambridge.
1459.13 Catherin hall.Robert woodlarke. D. of Diuinity.
1519.14 Magdalen Colledge.Edward Duke of Buckinghā, & Thomas Lord Awdley.

Of Colledges in Oxforde.
Yeres.Colledges.Founders.
1539.1 Christes Church.King Henry. 8.
1459.2 Magdalen Colledge.William wainflet B. of winchester.
1375.3 New colledge.William wickham B. of winchester.
1276.4 Merton Colledge.Walter Merton B. of Rochester.
1437.5 All soules Colledge.Henry Chicheley Archbishop of Caunterbury.
15166 Corpus christi Colledge.Richarde foxe Bishop of Winchester.
1430.7 Lincolne Colledge.Richarde Fleming B. of Lincolne.
1323.8 Auriell Colledge.Adam Browne almoner to Edward. 2.
1340.9 The Queenes Colledge.R. Eglesfeld chaplen to Philip Queene of England, wife to Ed. 3.
1263.10 Balioll Colledge.Iohn Ballioll King of Scotland.
1557.11 S. Iohns.Sir Thomas white Knight.
1556.12 Trinity Colledge.Sir Thomas Pope Knight.
1316.13 Excester Colledge.Walter Stapleton Bishop of Excester.
151314 Brasen nose.William Smith Bishop of Lincolne.
873.15 Vniuersity Colledge.William Archdeacon of Duresme.
 16 Glocester Colledge. 
 17 S. Mary Colledge. 
 18 Iesus Colledge nowe in hande. 

There are also in Oxforde certayne Hos­telles or Halles, which may rightwel be cal­led b the names of Colledges, if it were not that there is more lyberty in those then is to be séene in the other. In myne opinion the Studentes of these are verye lyke to those that are of the Innes of the chauncery.

  • [Page]Brodegates.
  • Hart hall.
  • Magdalen hall.
  • Alburne hall.
  • Postminster hall.
  • S. Mary hall.
  • White hall.
  • New Inne.
  • Edmond hall.

Besides which there is mention & recorde of diuers other Halles or hostelles, that haue béene ther in times past, as Béefe hal, Muttō hal. &c. whose ruines yet appeare: so that if an­tiquitie be to be iudged by ye shew of auncient buyldinges, which is very plentifull in Ox­forde to be séene, it shoulde be an easie mat­ter to conclude that Oxford is the elder Vni­uersitye. Therein are also manye dwelling houses of stone yet standing,Erection of Colle­ges in Oxforde the ouer­throwe of Halles. that haue béene Halles for students of verye antique worke­manship, beside the olde walles of sundrie o­ther, whose plots haue béene conuerted in­to gardens, sithence Colledges were erected.

In London also the houses of studentes at the Common law are these.
  • Sergeaunts Inne.
  • Gra [...]es Inne.
  • The Temple.
  • Lincolnes Inne.
  • Dauids Inne.
  • Staple Inne.
  • Furniualles Inne.
  • Clyffordes Inne.
  • Clements Inne.
  • Lions Inne.
  • Barnardes Inne.
  • New Inne.

Of Cities and townes, within the realme of Englande. Cap. 7.

AS in olde time we read that there were 28.26. Cities in Eng­lande. flamines and Archflamines in the south part of this Isle, and so many great ci­ties vnder their iurisdiction, so in these our dayes there is but one or two fewer, & eache of them also vnder the Ecclesiasticall regi­ment of some one Bishop or Archbishop, who in spirituall cases haue the charge, and ouer­sight of ye same. So many cities therefore are there in Englande and Wales, as there be Bishoprijcks and Archbishoprijcks: for not­withstanding that Lichfielde and Couentry: and Bathe and Welles, doe séeme to extend the aforesayde number vnto nyne and twen­tie, yet neyther of these coples are to be ac­compted, but as one intier citie, and Sie of the bishop, sith one Bishoprijcke can haue re­lation but vnto one Sie, and the sayd Sie be scituate but in one place, after which the bi­shop doth take his name. It apeareth by our olde and auncient hystories, that the cities of thys southerly portion haue béene of excée­ding greatnesse and beautie, whereof some were buylded in the time of the Samotheās, and of which not a few in these our times are quite decayed, & the places where they stoode worne out of al remembrance. Such also for the most part as yet remayne are meruay­lously altered, insomuch that whereas at the first they were large & ample, nowe are they come eyther vnto a very fewe houses, or ap­peare not to be much greater in comparison then poore and simple villages.Sitomag [...] ▪ Nouio [...] ­gus. Neoma [...] Nioma [...] Antoninus the most diligent writer of the thorow fares of Brytaine, noteth among other these aun­cient townes following, as Sitomagus (which he placeth in the way frō Norwitch as Le­lande supposeth wherein they went by Col­chester to London) Nouiomagus that lyeth betwéene Carleill and Cantorbury, within tenne myles east of London, and likewyse Neomagus, and Niomagus which take their names of their first foūder Magus, the sonne of Samothes, and second king of the Celtes that reigned in this Islande. Of these more­ouer Sir Thomas Eliot supposeth Neoma­gus to haue stood somewhere about Chester, and George Lilly in his booke of the names of auncient places, iudgeth Niomagus to be the verye same that we doe nowe call Buc­kingham. And as these & sundry other nowe perished tooke theyr denomination of thys prince, so their are dyuers causes, which mooue me to coniecture, that Salisbury it self doth rather take the first name Sarron the sonne of the sayde Magus, then of Caesar, Salis [...] ­ry of S [...] ­ron. Cara­doc or Seuerus as some of our writers doe imagine. But sith coniecturs are no verities & mine opinion is but one mans iudgement,Sar [...] ­um. Sar [...] ­bury. I will not stande now vpon the proofe of this matter, least I shoulde séeme to take great paines in adding new coniectures vnto olde, in such wyse to deteyne the heades of my readers about these trifles, that otherwyse peraduenture woulde be farre better occu­pyed. To procéede therfore, as soone after the first inhabitation of this Islande, our Cities began no doubt to be buylded, and increased, so they ceased not to multiplye from tyme to tyme, till the lande was thorowly furnished, with hir conuenient numbers, whereof some at this present with their auncient names, doe still remaine in knowledge, though dy­uers be doubted of, & many moe peryshed by continuance of time, and vyolence of the ene­mie. I doubt not also but the least of these were comparable to the greatest of those which stand in our tyme, for sith that in those dayes the most part of the Islande, was re­serued vnto pasture,Great [...] cities [...] times [...] when h [...] ­bands also [...] Citizens [...]cause [...] in­ [...] of [...]ges. the townes and villages eyther were not at all (but all sortes of peo­ple dwelled in the cities indifferentlye an I­mage, of which estate may yet be séene in Spaine) or at the lest wise stoode not so thick, as they dyd afterward in the time of the Ro­maines, [Page 81] but chiefely after the comming of the Saxons and Normans, whē euery Lord buylded a church neare vnto his owne man­sion house, & are imputed the greatest part of his lands vnto sundrie tennants, wherby the number of townes and villages was not a little increased among vs. If any man be de­sirous to know the names of those auncient cities, that stoode in the time of the Romain [...] he shall haue them here at hand, in such wise as I haue gathered them out of our writers obseruing euen their maner of writing of thē so neare as to me is possible.

1. London otherwise called
  • Trenouanton.
  • Cair Lud.
  • Londinum or Longidinium
  • Augusta of the legion Augusta that soiourned there, when the Romaines ruled here.
2 Yorke o­therwise called
  • Cairbranke.
  • Vrouicum or Yurewijc.
  • Eorwijc.
  • Yeworwijc.
  • Eboracum.
  • Victoria of the legion victrix that laye there sometime.
3. Cantor­bury
  • Duroruerno alias Duraruenno.
  • Dorobernia.
  • Cantwarbyry.
4. Colche­ster
  • Cair Colon.
  • Cair Colden.
  • Cair Colkin.
  • Cair Colun, of the riuer that runneth thereby.
  • Colonia, of the Colonia pl [...] ­ted there.
  • Coloncester.
  • Camulodunum.
5. Lincolne
  • Cair Lud Coit, of the woodes that stoode about it.
  • Cair loichoi [...], by Corruption.
  • Lindum.
  • Lindocollinum.
6. Warwijc
  • Cair Guteclin.
  • Cair Line.
  • Cair Gwair.
  • Cair vmber.
  • Cair Gwaerton.
7. Chester vppon Vske
  • Cair legion.
  • Carlheon.
  • Cairlium.
  • Legecester.
  • Ciuitas legionum.
8. Carleill
  • Cair Lueill.
  • Cair Leill.
  • Lugibalia.
9. S. Al­banes
  • Cair Maricipit.
  • Cair Municip.
  • Verolamium.
  • Verlamcester.
  • Cair wattelin, of the streete whereon it stoode.
10. Win­chester
  • Cair Gwent.
  • Cair Gwin.
  • Cair Wine.
  • Venta Simenorum.
11. Cisce­ter.
  • Cair Chume.
  • Cair Kyrne.
  • Cair Ker [...].
  • Cair Cery.
  • Cirnecester.
  • Churnecester.
12. Silce­ster.
  • Cair Segent.
  • Selecester.
13. Bathe
  • Cair Badon.
  • Thermae.
  • Aquae solis.
14. Shaftes­byry.
  • Cair palado [...].
  • Septonia.
15. worcester
  • Wigornia.
  • Cair Gworangon.
  • Brangonia.
  • Caer Frangon.
  • Woorkecester.
16. Chiche­ster
  • Cair Key.
  • Cair Chic.
17. Bristow
  • Cair Odern [...]nt Badon.
  • Oder.
  • Cair Br [...].
  • Venta Belgar [...].
  • Brightstow.
18. Ro­chest.
  • Durobrenis co [...]ruptly
  • Roficester.
  • Roffa.
  • [...].
  • Dubobrus.
  • Du [...]ob [...]ius.
19. Fortche­ster.
  • Cair Peris.
  • Cair pore [...]s.
20. Cair­marden
  • Cair Maridunum.
  • Cair Merdine.
  • Maridunum.
  • Cair Marlin.
  • Cair Fridhin.
21. Glocester
  • Cair Clowy.
  • Cair Glow.
  • Claudiocestria.
[Page]22. Leir­cester.
  • Cair Leir.
  • Cair Lirion.
  • Wirall te [...]te math west. 895.
23. Cam­bridge.
Cair Graunt.
*
  • 24. Cair vrnach.
  • 25. Cair Cucurat.
  • 26. Cair Draiton.
  • 27. Cair Celennon.
  • 28. Cair Megwaid.

As for Cair Dorme (another whereof I read likewsie) it stood somewhere vpon Nen in Huntingdon shire, but nowe vnknowen, sith it was twise raced to the grounde, first by the Saxons, then by the Danes, so that the ruines therof are not extaunt to be séene. And in like sort I am ignoraunt where they stood,When Albane was mar­tyred, Asclepio­dotus was Legate in Britaine. that are noted the star. It should séeme when these auncient cities flourished, that the same towne which we nowe call Saint Albons, did most of all excell: but chiefely in the Romaines time, and was nothing infe­riour to London if self, but rather preferred before it, bycause it was newer, & a colony of the Romaines, wheras the other was old and ruinous, and inhabited only by the Bri­taines. Good notice hereof also is to be taken by Mathew paris, & other before him, out of whose wrytings, I haue thought good to note a fewe thinges whereby the maiesty of thys auncient citie, may appeare vnto posterity, and the former estate of Verlamcester not lie altogither, as it hath done hitherto raked vp in forgetfulnesse, thorowe the negligence of such as might haue deserued better of theyr successours, by leauing the description thereof in a booke by it selfe, sith many parti­culers thereof were written to their hands, that nowe are lost and perished. Tacitus in the fouretéenth booke of hys historie, maketh mencion of it, shewyng that in the rebellion of the Brytons, the Romaines there were myserablye distressed, Eadem clades (sayth he) municipio Verolamio fuit, and herevpon Nennius in his Cataloge of cities, calleth it Cair Minucip, as I before haue noted. Ptolo­my speaking of it,Sulomaca and Bar­net all one, or not far in sunder. doth place it among the Catyeuchlanes, but Antoninus maketh it one and twentie Italyan myles from London, placing Sullomaca nyne myle from thence, wherby it is euident, that Sullomaca stood ve­ry néere to Barnet, if it were not the same. Of the cōpasse of the walles of Verolamium there is yet some mencyon by the ruines, but of ye beauty of the citye it selfe, you shal part­ly vnderstand by yt which followeth at hand.

In the time of King Edgar, it fell out that one Eldred was Abbot there, who being de­sirous to enlarge that house, it came into his mynde, to search about in the ruines of Ve­rolamium, (which nowe was ouerthrow [...] by the fury of the sa [...]ons & Danes) to sée if [...] might there come by any curious péeces [...] worke, wherewith to garnishe hys buylding taken in hand. To be short, he had no [...] begonne to digge among the r [...]bbis, but [...] founde an exceeding number of Pillers, p [...]ces of Antique worke, thresholdes, doore fra­mes, and sundry other péeces of [...]ne mas [...] ­ry for windowes and such lyke, very co [...] ­mēt for his purpose. Of these also some [...] of porphirite stone, some of dyuers kyndes of marble, touch, and Alablaster, beside ma­ny curious deuises of harde mettall, in fyn­ding whereof he thought himselfe an happy man, and his successe to be greatlye guyded by s. Albane: Besides these also he found sun­dry pyllers of Brasse, and socketes of Lat­ton, al which he laide aside by great heapes, determinyng in the ende, I say, to laye the foundation of a newe Abbaie, but God so preuented his determinatiō, that death tooke him awaye, before his buylding was begon. After him succéeded one Eadmerus, who prosequuted the dooinges of Eldrede to the vttermost: and therefore not onely perused what he had left with great diligence, but al­so caused his pioners to searche yet farder, with in ye olde walles of Verolamium, where they not onely found infinite péeces of excel­lent workemanship, but came at the last to certaine vaultes vnder the ground, in which stoode dyuers Idolles, and not a fewe aul­tars, very supperstitiouslye, & religiouslye a­dourned, as the Paganes left thē (belike) in tyme of necessytie. These Images were of sūdry mettals, & some of pure gold: their aul­ters likewise were rychly couered, all which ornamentes, Edmerus tooke away, and not only conuerted them to other vse in his buil­ding, but also destroyed an innumerable sort of other ydols, whose estimation consisted in their formes: & substaunces could doe no ser­uice. He tooke vp more [...]uer sundrye curious pottes, Iugges, and cruses of stone, & woode most artificially wrought, and carued, & that in such quantitye besides infinite store of fine housholde stuffe, as if the whole furniture of the city had béene brought thither of purpose to be hidden in those vaultes. In procéeding further he tooke vp diuers pots of golde, syl­uer, brasse & glasse, wherof some were fylled with the ashes and bones of the Gentyles, & not a fewe with the coynes of the olde Bry­tons, and Romaine Emperours. All which vessels the sayde Abbot brake into péeces, and melting the mettalle, he reserued it in lyke sorte for the garnyshing of hys church. [Page 82] he founde lykewyse in a stone wall two olde bookes, wherof one conteined the rytes of the gentiles, about the sacrifices of their gods, the other as they now say, ye Martyrdome of S. Albane, [...]S soū ­ [...] lyke a [...] both of thē written in old brittish letters, which eyther bycause no man then lyuing could read them, or for that they were not woorth the kéeping, were both consu­med to ashes, sauing that a fewe notes were first taken out of this later, concerning the death of their Albane. Thus much haue I thought good to note of the former beautie of Verolamium, whereof infinite other tokens haue béene found, since that tyme, and diuers within the memory of man of passing work­manship, the lyke wherof hath no where else béene séene in anye ruynes wythin the com­passe of the Isle, eyther for cost or quanti­tye of stuffe.

Furthermore where as dyuers are not a frayde to saye that the Thames came some­times by thys citie, in déede it is nothing so, but that the Verlume, (afterwarde called Vere and the Mure) did or doth so (whatsoe­euer Gildas talketh herof, whose bookes may be corrupted in that behalfe,) there is yet e­uident proofe to be confirmed by experience. But thus standeth the case. As those afore­sayd workemen digged in those ruines, they happened oftentimes vpon Lempet shelles, péeces of rusty ancres, and Keles of great vesselles, wherevpon some by & by gathered that either the Thames or some arme of the Sea, did beate vpon that towne, not vnder­standyng that these thinges might aswell happen in great lakes and meres, whereof there was one adioyning to the north side of the citie, which lay thē vnwalled. This mere at the first belonged to the king, and thereby Offa in hys time did reape no small commo­ditie. It continued also vntill the time of Al­f [...]ijc the seauenth Abbot of that house, who bought it out ryght of the king then liuing, & by excessiue charges dreined it so narrowly, that within a whyle he left it [...]e, bycause there was alwaies contention betwéene the monkes & the kings seruaunts, which fished on that water.

In these dayes there remayneth no ma­ner mencion of this poole, but onelye in one streate, which yet is called fishpoole streate, whereof this may suffise, for the resolution of such men, as séeke rather to yeeld to an in­conuenience, then that their Gildas shoulde séeme to mistake thys ryuer.

Hauing thus digressed to giue some remē ­braunce of the olde estate of Verolamium, it is now time to returne againe vnto my for­mer purpose. Certes I woulde gladlye set downe with the names and number of the cities, all the townes & villages, in england and wales▪ but as yet I cannot come by thē, in such order as I woulde: howbeit the tale of our cities is soone founde by the Byshop­rijckes, sith euery Sie hath such prerogatiue giuen vnto it, as to beare the name of a ci­tie, As

  • London.
  • Yorke.
  • Cauntorbury.
  • VVinchester.
  • Cairleil.
  • Durham.
  • Ely.
  • Norwiche.
  • Lincolne.
  • VVorcester.
  • Glocester.
  • Hereforde.
  • Salisbury.
  • Excester.
  • Bathe.
  • Lichefielde.
  • Bristow.
  • Rochester.
  • Chester.
  • Chichester.
  • Oxforde.
  • Peterborow.
  • Landaffe.
  • S. Dauids.
  • Bangor.
  • S. Asaph.

Whose particular plots & models with their descriptiōs shal insue, if it may be brought to passe, that ye cutters can make dispach of thē before this hystory be published. Of townes and villages likewise thus much will I say, that there were greater store in olde tyme then at this present, & thys I note out of dy­uers recordes, charters, & donations (made in times past, vnto sundry religious houses, as Glessenburye, Abbandon, Ramsey, E­ly, and such like) that there were many tow­nes and villages, whereof at this present I fynde not so much as the ruines. Lelande in sundrye places complayneth likewise of the decaie of paryshes in great cities and townes, missing in some sixe, or eyght, or twelue churchs, of all which he giueth parti­culer notice. For albeit yt the Saxōs builded many townes & villages, and the Normans well mo: yet since the first hundred yeares, after the latter conquest, they haue gone a­gaine so fast againe to decaye, that the aun­cyent number of them is very much abated. Ranulphe the Monke of Chester, telleth of a generall suruey, made in the fourth of the reign [...] of William Conquerour, surnamed the Bastarde, wherein it was founde that (nowithstanding ye Danes had ouerthrowne a great many) there were to the number of 52000. townes, 45002. parish churches, and 75000. Knightes fées, whereof the clergy helde 28015. He addeth moreouer that there were dyuers other buylded since that tyme, wythin the space of an hun­dred yeares after the comming of the Ba­starde, as it were in lieu or recompence of those that William Rufus pulled downe for the erection of his newe Forrest. Howbeit if [Page] the assertions of such as wryte in our tyme concerning this matter, eyther is or ought to be of any credite, in this behalfe, you shall not finde, aboue 17000. townes and villa­ges in the whole, which is little more then a fourth part, of the aforesayd number, yf it be thorowly scanned. But to leaue this lamen­table discourse of so notable an inconueniēce (growing by incroching & ioyning of house to house, and lande to lande, whereby the in­habitaunts of any country are deuoured and eatē vp.) It is so that our soyle being deuided into Champaigne ground & woodlande, the houses of the first lye vniformely buylded in euery towne togither with stréetes & lanes, whereas in the woodlande countries (except here and there in great market townes) they stande scattered abroad, eache one dwelling in the midst of his owne occupying. And as in euery one of the first, there are comonly thrée hundred or foure hundred families or mansion houses, and two thousande commu­nicantes, or peraduenture moe: so in the o­ther we finde not often aboue fourtie or fiftie housholdes, & two hundred communicantes, whereof the greatest part neuerthelesse are very poore folkes, oftentymes without all maner of occupying, sith the grounde of the parishe is often gotten vp into a fewe mens handes, yea sometimes into the tennure of two or three, wherby the reast are compelled eyther to be hyred seruaunts vnto the other, or else to begge their bread in misery from doore to doore. A great number complayne of thincrease of pouertie, but few men do sée the verye roote from whence it doeth procéede, yet the Romaines founde it out, when they florished, and therefore prescribed limites to euery mans tenure and occupying. Homere commendeth Achilles for ouerthrowing of fiue and twentie cities, but in myne opinion Ganges is much better preferred by Suidas for buylding of thrée score in Inde, where he dyd plant himselfe. I coulde if néede requy­red set downe in this place, the number of religious houses and Monasteries with the names of their founders that haue béene in this Island, but sith it is a thing of small im­portaunce, I passe it ouer as impertinent to my purpose. Yet herin I will commēde ma­nye of the monasticall votaries, especiallye Monkes, for that they were authors of many goodly borowes and endwares, neare vnto their dwellinges, although otherwyse they pretended to be men separated from the world. But alas their couetous mindes one waye in enlarging their reuenues, & carnall intent an other appeared herein to to much, for being bolde from tyme to tyme to visite their tennants, they wrought oft great wic­kednesse, & made those end wares litle better thē bordelhouses, especially where Nonri [...] were farre of, or else no safe accesse vnto thē. But what doe I spende my tyme in the r [...] ­hearsall of these filthinesses, woulde to God the memorie of them might perishe with the malefactours. My purpose was also at them of this chapter to haue set downe a table of the Parishe churches and market townes thorowout all England and Wales, but sith I can not performe the same as I woulde, I am inforced to giue ouer my purpose, yet by these fewe that insue you shall easily sée what order I woulde haue vsed according to the shyres.

Shyres.Market townes.Parishes.
Middlesex3.73.
London within the walles, and without.120.
Surrey.6.140.
Sussex.18.312.
Kent.17.398.
Cambridge.4.163.
Bedford.9.13.
Huntingdon.5.78.
Rutlande.2.47.
Barckeshyre.11.150.
Northampton.10.3 [...]6.
Buckingham.11.196.
Oxforde.10.216.
Southampton.18.248.
Dorset.19.279.
Norffolke.26.625.
Suffolke.25.575.
Essex.18.415.

And these I had of a friende of myne, by whose traueyle and hys maisters excessiue charges I doubt not, but my country men eare long shall sée all Englande set foorth in seuerall shyres after the same maner that Ortelius hath dealt wyth other countries [...] the mayne, to the great benefite of our na­tion and euerlasting fame of the aforesayde parties.

Of Castelles and holdes. Cap. 8.

THere haue béene in tymes past great store of Castelles and places of defence within the realme of Englande, of which some were buylded by the Brytons, many by the Romaynes, Saxons, and Danes, but most of all by the Barons of the realme, in & about the tyme of king Stephen, who licen­sed eache of them to buylde so many as they would vpon their owne demeasnes, hoping therby that they would haue employed their [Page 83] vse to his aduauntage and commoditie, but finally when he sawe that they were rather fortified against hymselfe in the ende, then vsed in his defence, [...]ry the [...] also [...]. he repented all to la [...]e of his inconsiderate dealing, sith now there was no remedie but by force for to subdue them. After his decease king Henry the seconde came no sooner to the crowne, but he called to minde the inconuenience which his pre­dessour had suffred and he himselfe might in time sustaine by those fortifications. There­fore one of the first things he dyd was an at­tempt to race and deface the most parte of these holdes. Certes he thought it better to hazarde the méeting of the enimie nowe and then in the playne field, then to liue in perpe­tuall feare of those houses, and the rebellion of his Lordes vpon euery light occasion con­ceyued, who then were full so strong as he, if not more strong, and that made them the re­dier to withstande & gainesay many of those procéedinges, which he and his successours from time to tyme intended. Hereupon ther­fore he caused more then aleauen hundred of their castelles to be raced and ouerthrowne, whereby the power of his nobilitie was not a litle restrained. Sithence that time also not a few of those which remained, haue decayed of themselues: so that at this present, there are very few or no castels at all maintayned within England, sauing only vpō the coasts and marches of the countrie for the better kéeping backe of the forrein enemie, when­soeuer he shall attempt to enter and annoye vs.

The moste prouident Prince that euer reigned in this lande for the fortificatiō ther­of agaynst all outwarde enemies, was the late Prince of famous memory king Henry the eyght: sith beside that he repaired most of such as were alreadie standing, he buylded sundrie out of the grounde. For hauing sha­ken of the more then seruile yoke of the Po­pish tyrannie, and espying that the Empe­rour was offended for hys dyuorce from Quéene Catherine his aunt: and therto that the Frenche king had coupled the Dolphin his sonne with the Popes nece: and maryed his daughter to the king of Scottes, (where­by he had cause more iustly to suspect then safely to trust any one of the all as Lambert saith) he determined to stand vpon his owne defence, [...] these [...]es the [...] of [...]rfolke [...]e wea [...] as [...]ye ap­ [...]re by [...]burne [...] [...]e and [...]er pla [...] of the [...]e. and therefore with no small spéede, and like charge, he buylded sundrie Blocke­houses, Castelles, and Platformes vpon dy­uers frontiers of his realme, but chiefely the east and southeast partes of England, wher­by no doubt he dyd very much qualifie the conceyued grudges of his aduersaries and vtterly put of their hasty purpose of [...]. And thusmuch briefly for my purpose at this present. For I néede not to make any [...] discourse of castels, sith it is not the nature of a good Englishman to regarde to be caged vp in a c [...]pe, & hedged in with stone walles, but rather to méete wyth hys enemie in the playne field [...] at handstrokes, where he may trauaise his grounde, choose his plot, and vse the benefite of sunne shine, winde & wether, to his best aduauntage and commoditie. As for those tales that go of B [...]ston castell, how it shall saue all England on a day, & likewise the brag of a rebellious Barron in olde time that sayde in contempt (of king Henry the thirde, as I gesse)

If I were in my Castell of Bungey
Vpon the water of Waueney,
I woulde not set a button by the king of Cockney.

I repute them but as toyes, the first méere vaine, the seconde fo [...]dly vttered if any such thing were sayde, as many other wordes are and haue béene spoken of lyke holdes, (as Wallingforde. &c.) but nowe growen out of memorie, and with small losse not hearde of among the common sort.

Of Pallaces belonging to the prince, and court of Englande. Cap. 9.

IT lyeth not in me to set downe exactly the number and names of the palaces, belong­ing to the Prince, nor to make any descrip­tion of hir Graces Court, sith my callyng is and hath béene such, as that I haue scareely presumed to péepe in at hir gates, much lesse then haue I aduentured to serch out & know the estate of those houses, and what magnifi­cent behauiour is to to séene wythin them. Yet thus much will I saye generallye of all the houses and honours appertaining vnto hir grace, that they are buylded, eyther of square stone or bricke, or else of both, & ther­vnto although their capacity and hugenesse be not so monstrous, as the lyke of dyuer [...] Forren Princes, are to be séene in ye maine, yet are they so curious, nete, and commodi­ous as any of them, both for conueighaunce of offices and lodginges, and excellencye of scituation, which is not the least thing to bée considered of. Those that were buylded be­fore the tyme of King Henry the eyght, re­taine to these daies the shew & Image of the auncient kinde of workmanship vsed in this lande, but such as he erected doe represent a­nother maner of paterne, which as they are supposed to excell all the rest that he founde standing in thys Realme, so they are & shal­be [Page] be a perpetuall president, vnto those that doe come after, to followe in their workes, and buyldinges of importaunce. Certes Mason­ry did neuer better flourish in England then in hys tyme, and albeit that in these dayes there be manye goodly houses erected in the sundry quarters of thys Island, yet they are rather curious to the eye, then substaunciall for continuaunce, where as such as hée did set vp excel in both, and therefore may iust­ly be preferred aboue al the rest. The names of those which come now to my rēmebrance, are these.White hall. First of al White hall at the west ende of London (which is taken for the most large and principall of all the rest) was be­gun by Cardinall wolsey, and enlarged and finished by king Henry ye eyght. Néere vnto yt is.S. Iames S. Iames, sometime a Nonry, builded likewise by the same prince. Hir grace hath also Otelande, Asheridge, Hatfelde, Haue­ring,Oteland. Asheridge. Hatfelde. Enuelde. Richemōd. Hampton. Woodstocke Enuéeld, Richemond, Hampton court, (begonne sometime by Cardinall Wolsey, and finished by hir Father) and therevnto Woodstocke, erected by king Henry the seconde, in which the Quéenes maiesty de­lighteth greatly to soiourne, notwythstan­ding that in time past it was the place of hir captiuity, when it pleased God to try hir by affliction and calamity.

Windsor.For strength Windlesor or Winsore, is supposed to be the chiefe, a castell buylded in tyme past by king Arthur, as it is thought, & repayred by Edwarde the third, who erec­ted also a notable Colledge there. After him diuers of his successours, haue bestowed ex­céeding charges vpon the same, which not­withstanding are farre surmounted, by the Quéenes maiesty nowe lyuing, who hath appointed huge sommes of money to be em­ployed vpon the ornature, and alteration of the mould, according to the fourme of buyl­ding vsed in our dayes. Such also hath béene the estimatiō of this place, that diuers kings haue not onely béene enterred there but also made it the chiefe house of assemblye, and creation of the Knightes, of the honoura­ble order of the Garter, then the which there is nothing in this lande, more magnificent and stately.Gréene­wiche. Gréenewiche was first buylded, by Humfrey Duke of Glocester, vpon the Thames side 4. miles east from London, in ye tyme of Henry the sixt, & called Plesance. Afterwards it was gretly inlarged by king Edwarde the fourth, garnyshed by king Henry the seauenth, and finallye made per­fite by king Henry the eyght, the onely phe­nir of his time, for fine and cutious mason­rye.Dartforde. Not farre from this is Dartforde, and not much distaunt also from the south side of that sayd streame, sometime a Nonnery, but now a very cōmodious Pallace, wherevnto it was also cōuerted by king Henry ye eight El [...]ham as I take it, was buylded by king Henry ye third if not before. [...] There are be [...] these moreouer dyuers other, but what shal I néede to take vpon me to repeate all, & tell what houses the Quéenes maiestie hath, sith all is hirs, and when it pleaseth hir in the sō ­mer season, to recreate hir selfe abroade, and viewe the estate of the countrey, euery no­ble mans house is hir Pallace, where sh [...] continueth d [...]ring pleasure, and till shée re­turne againe to some of hir owne, in which she remaineth so long as pleaseth hir.

The court of England which necessarily is holden alwayes where the Prince lyeth, [...] is in these dayes one of the most renowmed and magnificent courtes, that are to be found in Europe. For whether you regard the ryche and infinite furniture of housholde, order of Officers, or the interteinement of such strā ­gers as dailye resorte vnto the same, you shall not finde many equall thervnto, much lesse one excelling it, in any maner of wise. I myght here if I woulde (or had sufficient dis­position of matter conceyued of the same) make a large discourse, of the honourable ports of such graue councellours, and noble personages, as giue their dailye attendance vpon the Quéenes maiesty there. I could in lyke sorte set forth a singular commendati [...] of the vertuous beautie, or beautiful vertues of such Ladies and Gentlewomen, as waite vpon hir person, betwéene whose amiable counntenaunces and costlinesse of attyre, there séemeth to be such a daily conflict and contention, as that it is verye difficulte for me to gesse, wheter of the twaine, shal beare away the preheminence. [...] This farder is not to be omitted to the singular commendation of both sorts & sexes of our Courtyers here in Englande, that there are verye fewe of them, which haue not the vse and skyll of sundry speaches, beside an excellent vaine of wryting, before time not regarded. Truely it is a rare thing with vs nowe, to here of a courtier which hath but his own language, & to say how many Gentlewomen & Ladies there are that beside sound knowledge of the Gréeke & Latin tongues, are therto no lesse skilful in ye Spanish Italian & French, or in some one of them, it resteth not in me: sith I am perswaded, that as the noble men, & gen­tlemen, doe surmount in this behalf, so these come very litle or nothyng at all behind thē, for their parts, which industry go [...] continue.

Beside these thinges I coulde in like sorte set downe the wayes and meanes whereby [Page 84] our auncient Ladies of the Court doe shun & auoyde ydlenesse, some of them exercysing their fingers with the néedle, other in caule­worke, diuers in spinning of silke, some in continuall reading either of the holye scrip­tures, or hystories of our owne, or forren na­tions about vs, whilest the yonger sort in ye meane time, applie their Lutes, Citharnes, prickesong, and all kindes of Musick, which they vse only for recreation and solace sake, when they haue leysure, and are frée from attendaunce vpon the Quéenes maiestye, or such as they belong vnto.

I myght finally describe the large allow­ances in offices, and yerely lyueries, & ther­vnto the great plentie of Golde and Syluer Plate, the seuerall péeces whereof, are cō ­monlye so great and massye, and the quan­ty therof so abundantly seruing all the hous­holde, that if Midas were nowe liuing and once againe put to his choise, I thinke hée coulde aske no more, or rather not halfe so much, as is there to be seene and vsed. But I passe ouer to make such néedelesse discour­ses, resoluing my selfe, that euen in this also the excéeding mercy and louing kindenesse of God doth woonderfullye appeare towardes vs, in that he hath so largely indued vs with these his so ample benefites.

In some great Princes Courtes, it is a worlde to sée what lewde behauiour is vsed among dyuers of those that resorte vnto the same, & what whoredōe, swearing, rybaldry atheisme, dicing, carding, carowsing, drun­kennesse, Glotony, quareling, and such lyke inconueniences, doe daily take holde, and sometimes euen among those, in whose e­states such behauiour is least conuenient: all which inormities, are eyther vtterly ex­pelled out of the Court of Englande, or else so quallified by the diligent endeuour of the chiefe officers of hir graces housholde, that seldome are any of these thinges apparantly séene there, with out due reprehension, & such seuere correction, as belongeth to those tres­passes. Finally to auoyde ydlenesse, and pre­uent sundrye transgressions, otherwise like­lye to be commytted and done, such order is taken, that euerye offyce hath eyther a Byble, or the bookes of the Actes and mo­numentes of the Church of Englande, or both, beside some hystoryes and Chronicles lying therin, for the exercise of such as come into the same: whereby the straunger that entereth into the Court of Englande vpon the sodeine, shall rather imagine himselfe to come into some publicke schoole of ye vniuer­sities, where many giue eare to one that rea­deth vnto thē, then into a Princes Pallace, if you conferre this with those of other nati­ons. Would to god al honorable personages woulde take example of hir Graces Godly dealing in this behalfe, and shewe their con­formitie, vnto these hir so good beginninges: which if they woulde, then shoulde manye grieuous enormities (where with GOD is highelye displeased) be cut of and restreined, which nowe doe reigne excéedingly, in most Noble and Gentlemens houses, wherof they sée no paterne within hir Graces gates.

The firme peace also that is mainteyned within a certaine compasse of the Princes Pallace, is such, as is nothing inferiour to that we sée daily practized in the best gouer­ned holds, & fortresses. And such is the seuere punishment of those that strike, wythin the limites prohibited, that without all hope of mercy, benefite of clergie, or sanctuary, they are sure to loose their ryght handes, at a stroke, and that in very solemne maner, the fourme whereof I will set downe, and then make an ende of this Chapter, to deale with other matters.

At such time therefore as the party trans­gressing is conuicted by a sufficent enquest impanelled for the same purpose, and the tyme come of thexecution of the sentence, the Sergeaunt of the kings woodyarde pro­uydeth a square blocke, which he bringeth to some appointed place, & therwith al a great béetle, staple, and cordes, wherwith to fasten the hande of the offendor, vnto the sayde blocke, vntill the whole circumstance of his execution be perfourmed. The Yoman of the Scullary lykewyse for the tyme beyng doth prouide a great fire of coales harde by the blocke, wherein the searing yrons are to be made readie against the chiefe Surgeon to the Prince or his Deputie shall occupie the same. Vpon him also [...]oth the sergeaunt or chief farrour attend with those yrons, whose office is to deliuer them to the sayd Surgeō when he shalbe readie by searing to vse the same. The grome of the Salary for the time beyng or hys Deputie is furthermore ap­pointed to be readie with vineger and colde water, and not to depart from the place vn­till the ari [...]e of the offender be [...]ounde vp & fully dressed. And as these thinges are thus prouided so ye Sergeaunt Surgeon is bound from time to time to be readie to execute his charge, and seare the stump, when the hande is taken from it. The sergeaunt of the sellar is at hande also with a cup of red wine, and likewyse the chiefe officer of the pantry with Manchet bread to giue vnto the sayde partie, after the execution done, and the stomp sea­red, as the sergeaunt of the Ewery is with [Page] clothes, wherein to winde and wrap vp the the arme, the yoman of the pultrie with a cocke to lay vnto it, the yoman of the Chaū ­drie with seared clothes, and finally the mai­ster cooke or his Deputie with a sharpe dres­sing knyfe, which he delyuereth at the place of execution to the Sargeaunt of the Lar­der, who doth holde it vpright in hys hande, vntill thexecution be performed, by the pub­licke Officer appointed therevnto. And this is the maner of punishment ordayned for those that stryke within the Princes pallace, or limites of the same. The lyke priuilege is almost giuen to churches and churchyardes, although in maner of punishment great dif­ference doe appeare. For he that bralleth or quarrelleth in eyther of them, is by and by suspended ab ingressu ecclesiae, vntil he be ab­solued, as he is also that striketh wyth ye fist, or layeth violent handes vpon any whome so euer. But yf he happen to smite wyth staffe, dagger, or any maner of weapon, and the same be sufficiently founde by the Verdict of twelue men at his arrainement, beside ex­communication, he is sure to lose one of hys eares wythout all hope of recouerye. But if he be such a one as hath béene twyse con­demned and executed, whereby he hath now none eares, then is he marked with an hote yron vpon the chéeke, & by the letter F, which is seared into his flesh, he is frō thencefoorth noted as a common barratour, & fray ma­ker, and thereunto remayneth excommuni­cate, till by repentaunce he deserue to be ab­solued.

Of the maner of Buylding and furniture of our houses. Cap. 10.

THe greatest parte of our buylding in the cities and good townes of Englande consisteth onely of timber, for as yet fewe of the houses of the comminalty (except here & there in the west country townes) are made of stone, although they may in my opinion in diuers other places be builded so good cheape of the one as of the other. In olde tyme the houses of the Brytons were slitely set vppe with a few postes and many radles, the like whereof almost is to be séene in the fenny countries vnto this day, where for lacke of wood they are inforced to continue this aun­cient maner of buylding. It is not in vayne therefore in speaking of buylding to make a distinction betweene the playne and wooddye countrie, for as in these, our houses are com­monly strong & wel timbered, so that in many places, there are not aboue 6. or nine ynches betwéene studde and studde, so in the open & champaine soyles they are inforced for want of stuffe to vse no studdes at all, but only ray­sines, groundselles, transomes, and vpright principalles, with here and there an ouer­thwart post in their walles, whereunto they fasten their Splintes or radles, and then cast it all ouer wyth clay to kéepe out the winde, which otherwyse woulde anoy them. In like sort as euery country house is thus apparel­led on the out side, so is it inwardly deuided into sundrie rowmes aboue and beneth, and where plentie of wood is, they couer thē with tyles, otherwyse with straw, sedge, or réede, except some quarry of slate be neare hande, from whence they haue for theyr money, so much as may suffice them. The clay where­with our houses are empanelled is eyther white, redde, or blewe, and of these the first doth participate very much with the nature of our chalke, the seconde is called lome, but the thirde eftsoones changeth coulour so soo [...]e as it is wrought, notwithstanding that it looke blew when it is throwne out of the pit. Of chalke also we haue our excellent whyte lime made in most places, wherewith we stricke ouer our clay workes & stone walles, in Cities, good Townes, riche fermers, and gentlemens houses: otherwyse in stéede of chalke (where it wanteth for it is so scant that in some places it is solde by the pounde) they are compelled to burne a certaine kind of redde stone, as in Wales, and else where other stones, as I haue séene by experience. Within their doores also such as are of abili­tie doe oft make their flowers, and parget of fine Alabaster burned, which they cal plaster of Paris, whereof in some places we haue great plentie, & that very profitable agaynst the rage of fire. In plastering likewise of our fayrest houses ouer our heades, we vse to lay first a Laire or two of white m [...]rter tempe­red with heire vpon Lathes, which are nay­led one by an other, (or sometimes vpō rede or wickers more daungerous for fyre and made fast here and there with sappelathes for falling downe) and finallye couer all with the aforesayde plaster, which beside the delectable whitenesse of the stuffe it selfe, is layed on so euen and smouthly as nothing in my iudgement can be done with more exact­nesse. This also hath bene cōmon in england, contrarie to the customes of all other Na­tions, and yet to be séene (for example in most stréetes of London) that many of our grea­test houses haue outwardly béene very sim­ple and plaine to sight, which inwardly haue béene able to receyue a Duke with his whole trayne and lodge them at their ease. Hereby moreouer it is come to passe, that the frontes [Page 85] of our stréetes haue not béene so vniforme & orderly buylded as those of forrain cities, where to saye truth, the vtterside of theyr mansions and dwellings, haue oft more cost bestowed vpon them, then all the reast of the house, which are often very simple and vn­easie within, as experience doth confirme. Of olde tyme our country houses in stéede of glasse dyd vse much lattis and that made ey­ther of wicker or fine riftes of oke in cheker­wyse. I reade also that some of the better sorte in and before the tymes of the Saxons did make panels of horne in stéede of glasse, and fixe them in woodden calmes, but as horne is quite layde downe in euery place, so our lattises are also growne into lesse vse, bycause glasse is come to be so plentifull, & within a very little so good cheape as the o­ther. Heretofore also the houses of our prin­ces and noble men were often glased wyth Beril, (an example wherof is yet to be séene in Sudley castell) & in diuers other places, with fine christall, but this especially in the time of ye Romaines, wherof also some frag­mentes haue béene taken vp in olde ruines. But nowe these are not in vse, so that onely the clearest glasse is most estéemed for we haue diuers sortes some brought out of Bur­gundie, some out of Normandy, much out of Flaunders, beside that which is made in Englande so good as the best, and eache one that may, will haue it for his building. More­ouer the mansion houses of our country tow­nes & villages, (which in champaine groūde stande altogither by stréetes, and ioyning one to an other, but in woodelande soyles dispersed here and there, eache one vpon the seuerall groundes of their owners) are buil­ded in suche sort generally, as that they haue neither dairy, stable, nor bruehouse, annexed vnto them vnder the same roose (as in many places beyonde the sea) but all separate from the first, and one of them from an other. And yet for all this, they are not so farre distant in sunder, but that the goodman lying in his bed may lightly heare what is done in eache of them with ease, and call quickly vnto his meney if any daunger shoulde attache hym. The auncient maners & houses of our gen­tlemen are yet & for the most part of strong tymber. Howbeit such as be lately buylded, are commōly either of bricke or harde stone, their rowmes large and stately and houses of office farder distaunt frō their lodginges. Those of the Nobility are likewise wrought with bricke and hard stone as prouision may best be made: but so magnificent and stately as the basest house of a Barren doth often match with some honours of princes in olde tyme, so that if euer curious buylding dyd florish in Englande, it is in these our dayes, wherein our worckemen excell, and are in maner comparable in skill with olde Vitru­nius, and Serlo. The furniture of our houses also excéedeth, and is growne in maner euen to passing delicacie: & herein I do not speake of the Nobilitie and gentrie onely, but euen of the lowest sorte that haue any thing at all to take to. Certes in Noble mens houses it is not rare to sée abundance of Arras, riche hangings of Tapistry, siluer vessell, and so much other plate, as may furnish sūdrie cup­bordes to the summe oftētimes of a thousand or two thousande pounde at the least: wher­by the value of this and the reast of their stuffe doth grow to be inestimable. Likewise in the houses of Knightes, Gentlemē, Mar­chauntmen, and some other wealthie Citi­zens, it is not geson to beholde generallye their great prouision of Tapistrie, Turkye worke, Pewter, Brasse, fine linen, and ther­to costly cupbords of plate woorth fiue or sixe hundred pounde, to be demed by estimation. But as herein all these sortes doe farre ex­céede their elders, and predecessours, so in time past, the costly furniture stayed there, whereas now it is descended yet lower, euen vnto the inferiour Artificers and most Fer­mers, who haue learned also to garnish their cubbordes with plate, their beddes with ta­pistrie, and silke hanginges, and their tables with fine naperie, whereby the wealth of our countrie doth infinitely appeare. Neyther do I speake this in reproch of any man God is my Iudge, but to shew that I doe reioyce ra­ther to sée how God hath blessed vs with hys good giftes, and to behold how that in a time wherein all thinges are growen to most ex­cessiue prices, we do yet finde the meanes to obtayne and atchieue such furniture as here­tofore hath béene vnpossible.Thrée thinges greatly amended in Eng­lande. There are olde men yet dwelling in the village where I re­mayne, which haue noted thrée things to be marueylously altered in Englande within their sound remembraunce. One is the mul­titude of chimnies lately erected,Chimnies wheras in their yoong dayes there were not aboue twoo or thrée if so many in most vplandish townes of the realme, (the religious houses, & man­nour places, of their Lordes alwayes excep­ted, & peraduenture some great personages) but eache one made his fire against a rere­dosse, in the hall where he dined and dressed his meate. The second is ye great amende­ment of lodginge,Hardlodg­ing. for sayde they our fathers & we our selues haue lyen full oft vpon straw pallettes couered onely with a shéete vnder couerlettes made of dagswain or hopharlots [Page] (I vse their owne termes) and a good round logge vnder their heades in steade of a boul­ster. If it were so that our fathers or ye good man of the house, had a matteres or flockbed, and thereto a sacke of chafe to rest hys heade vpon, he thought himselfe to be as well lod­ged as the Lorde of the towne, so well were they contented. Pillowes sayde they were thought méete onely for women in childebed. As for seruants if they had any shéete aboue them, it was well, for seldome had they any vnder their bodies, to kéepe them from the pricking strawes, that ranne oft thorow the canuas, and raced their hardened hides.

The thirde thinge they tell of,Furniture of hous­hold. is the ex­change of tréene platters into pewter, and woodē spoones into siluer or tin. For so cōmon were al sorts of tréene vesselles in old time, ye a man should hardly find four peces of pew­ter (of which one was peraduenture a salte) in a good Farmers house, and yet for al this frugaltie (if it may so be iustly called) they were scarse able to lyue and paye their ren­tes,This was in the time of generall ydlenesse. at their dayes without selling of a cow, or a horse, or more, although they payde but foure pounds at the vttermost by the yeare. Such also was their pouerty, that if a Fer­mour or husbundman had béene at the ale­house, a thing greatly vsed in those dayes, amongst sixe or seauen of hys neyghbours, and there in a brauery to shewe what store he had, did dast downe his purse, and therein a noble or sixe shillings in siluer vnto them, it was very likely that all the rest could not lay downe so much against it: wheras in my tyme although peraduenture foure pounde of olde rent be improued to fourty or fiftye pound, yet will the farmer thinke his gaines very small toward the middest of his terme, if he haue not sixe or seauen yeres rent lying by him, therewith to purchase a newe lease, beside a faire garnishe of pewter on his cow­borde, thrée or foure feather beddes, so many couerlettes and carpettes of Tapistry, a sil­uer salte, a bowle for wine (if not an whole neast) and a dussen of spoones, to furnishe vp the sute. Thys also he taketh to bée his owne cleare, for what stocke of money soe­uer he gathereth in all his yeares, it is often séene, that the landlorde will take such order with him for the same, when he renueth his lease (which is commoly eight or ten yeares before it be expyred, sith it is nowe growen almost to a custome, that if he come not to his his lorde so long before, another shall step in for a reuersion, & so defeate him out right) that it shall neuer trouble him more then the heare of his bearde, when the barber hath washed and shauen it from his chinne.

Of Fayres and Markettes. Cap. 11.

THere are as I take it, few great townes in England, that haue not their weekely Markets, in which al maner of prouision for houshold, is to be bought and soulde, for ease and benefite of the countrey rounde about, wherby as it commeth to passe that no buy­er shall make any great iourney in the pur­ueighaunce of his necessities, so no occupies shall haue occasion to trauayle farre of with his commodities, except it be to séeke for the highest prices, which commonly are néere vnto great cities, where rounde and spée­diest vtteraunce is alwayes to be had. And as these haue béene in tymes past erected for the benefite of the realme, so are they in many places to to much abused: for the relief and ese of the buyer, is not so much intended in them, as the benefite of the seller. Neyther are the Maiestrats for the most part so care­full in their offices, as of ryght and dewtye they shoulde bee, for in most of these mar­kettes neyther sizes of breade nor orders for goodnesse of graine and other commodities, that are brought thither to be soulde are any whit looked vnto, but eache one suffered to sell or set vp, what, and how himselfe lysteth, & this is one euident cause of darth in time of great abundance.

I coulde if I woulde exemplifie in many, but I will touch no one particularly. Certes it is rare to sée in any market the assize of breade well kept according to the statute, howbeit I finde, in lieu thereof such headdy ale and béere in most of them, as for the mightynesse thereof among such as séeke it out, is commonlye called huffecappe, the madde Dogge, father whoresonne, Aungels foode, Dragons milke &c. And this is more to be noted, that when one of late fell by Gods prouidence, into a troubled conscience, after he had considered well of his rekelesse lyfe, and daungerous estate: another thinking be­lyke to change his colour and not his mind, caryed hym straight to the strongest ale; as to the next Phisition. It is incredible [...] say how our Maultbugges lug at this liquor, euen as pigges shoulde lye in a rowe, lug­ging at their dames teates, tyll they lye still againe, & be not able to wagge. Neyther [...] Romulus and Remus sucke their shée Wolfe Lupa, wyth such eger & sharpe deuotion as these men, hale at hufcappe, tyll they be read as cockes, and litle wyser thē their combe [...]; But howe am I fallen from the mercate, into the Ale house. In returning therfore vn­to [Page 86] to my purpose, I find therfore that in corne great abuse [...] daily suffered, to the great preiudice of the towne & countrey, especially the poore artificer & householder, which til­leth no lande, but labouring all the wéeke to buy a bushell or two of corne on the merra [...]e daie, can there haue none for his money, be­cause bodgers, loders, and common carry­ers of Graine, doe not onely buy vp all, but gyue about the pryce, to be serued of great quantities. Shall I go any farther, well I will saye yet a little more, and somewhat by mine owne experience. At Myghelmas tyme poore men must sell theyr graine that they may paye their rentes. So long then as the poore man hath to sell, ryche men wyll brynge out none, but rather buy vppe that which the poore bring vnder pretence of séede corne, because one wheat often sowen with­out chaunge of séede, will soone decay and be conuerted into darnell. For this cause there­fore they must néedes buy in the markettes, though they be twentye myles of and where they be [...] knowne, promising there to send so much to theyr next market, to performe I wote not when.

If thys shyft serue not (neither doth the foxe vse alwayes one tracke for feare of a snare) they wil compound wt some one of the towne where the market is holden, who for a pot of hufcappe or mery go downe, wyll not let to buy it for them, & that in his owne name. Or else they wage one poore man or other, to become a bodger, & thereto get him a ly­cence vpon some forged surmize, which be­ing done, they will féede him with money, to buy for them till he hath filled theyr losses, and then if he can doe any good for himselfe so it is, if not, they wyll gyue him somewhat for his paines at this [...]y [...]le, and reserue him for another yeare. How many of these pr [...] ­ders stumble vppon blynde créekes at the sea cost, I wote not well, but that some haue so done vnder other mens winges, the cause is to playne. But who dare finde faulte with thē, when they haue once a lycence, though it be but so serue a meane Gentlemans house with corne, who hath cast vp at his talage be­cause he b [...]astreth how he can buy his graine in ye market better cheape, thē he can s [...]w his lād, as the [...] grasier often doth also vpon ye like deuise. If any man come to buy a bushel or two for his expences vnto ye market crosse, aunswere is made, forsooth here was one e­uen nowe that badde me money for it, and I hope he will haue it. And to saye the truth, these bodgers are faire [...], for there are no more words with them, but let me sée it, what shall I giue you, kniti [...] it vp, I will haue it, go c [...]ry it to such a chamber. But to [...] by this [...]y [...]ke this poore occupie [...] hath all [...] his croppe for [...] of money, be­yng [...] againe [...] longe. And [...] the whole sale of corne in the great [...] handes▪ who hyther­to [...] lyttle [...] of their own, [...] men, so much as they [...] Hencefoorth also they begin to [...] by the quarter or made at the first,For ma­ring of the mar­ket. but by the [...] or two, or an [...] the most, therby to be [...] [...]o kéepe the mar­ket, eyther for a shewe, or to made men [...]ge [...] to buy, and so as they maye haue it for mo­ney, not to regarde what they pay. And thus corne [...] deare, but it will be dearer the next [...] day. It is possible also that they myslyke the pryce in the begynnyng for whole yeare [...], as m [...]n [...] that corne [...] of bet­ter price in the next [...] wyll they threshe out thrée partes of [...] corne, toward the [...], when newe commeth a [...] to hande, and cast the same into the fourth vnthreshed, where it shall lye vntyll the next Spryng, or peraduenture tyll it must [...]. Or else they [...]ill gyrde their [...] of by the hand and st [...]cke it vp of newe in [...] to thende it may not onely appeare lesse in quantity, but also gyue place to the corne that is yet to come into the [...]arne, or grow­ing the field. If there happen to be such plen­tye in the market vpon any [...] day, that they can not [...]ell at their owne [...] they set it vp in some friendes house, against an other or the thirde day, and not bringe it foorth vntyll they lyke of the [...]. If they [...]ell any at home, beside harder measure, it shal be dearer to the poore man by two pence or a groate in a bushell then they maye [...] in the market. But as there things are wor­thy redresse, so I wyshe that God woulde once open their eyes that [...] thus, to sée there owne errours: for as yet some of them lyttle care howe many poore men suffer ex­tre [...]ie, so that they may [...] their [...], and carye aldaye the gaine. I coulde saye more but this is euen ynough, and more per­aduenture then I shall be well thanked for: yet true it is though some [...] it no [...] This moreouer is to be lamented, that one generall measure is not in vse thorow­out all Englande, but euery [...] towne hath in a maner a seuerall measure, and the lesser it be, the [...] sellers it draweth [...] vnto the same. It is oft [...]ounde likewise, that diuers [...] haue one measure to [...] by, and another to buy with­all, [Page] the lyke is also in weightes. Wherfore it were verye good that these two were re­duced vnto one standerd, that is, one bushell, one pound, one quarter one hūdred, one tale, one number, so should things in time fal into better order, & fewer causes of contention be mooued in this land. But more of this heraf­ter in the next booke, where I haue inserted a litle treatize, which I sometimes collected of our weights, & measures, and their compa­rison with those of the auncient Gréekes and Romaines. To cōclude therfore in our mar­kets all things are to be solde necessarie for mans vse, and there is our prouision made commonly for all the wéeke insuing. There­fore as there are no great townes without one wéekely market at the least, so there are very fewe of them that haue not one or twoo fayres or more within the compasse of the yeare assigned vnto them by the prince. And albeit that some of them are not much bet­ter then the common kirkemesses beyonde the sea, yet there are diuers not inferiour vn­to the greatest martes in Europe, as Stur­bridge Faire neare to Cambridge, Bar­tholomewe fayre at London, Linne mart, Cold fayre at Newport pond for cattell, and diuers other, all which or at the leastwyse the greatest part of them (to the end I may with the more ease to the reader & lesse tra­uayle to my self fulfill my taske in their reci­tall.) I haue set down according to ye names of the monethes wherin they are holden at ye end of this booke, where you shall finde them at large, as I borowed the same frō Stow.

Of Armour and Munition. Cap. 12.

HOw well or how strongly our countrey hath béene furnished in tymes past with armor and artillery, it lyeth not in me as of my selfe to make rehearsall. Yet that it lac­ked both in the late tyme of Quéene Mary not onely thexperience of myne elders, but also the talke of certaine Spaniards, not yet forgotten, dyd leaue some manifest notice. Vpon the first I néede not stand, for few wil denye it. For the seconde I haue hearde that when one of the greatest péeres of Spaine e­spyed our nakednesse in this behalfe, and did solemnely vtter in no obscure place, that it shoulde be an easie matter in shorte tyme to cōquere England bycause it wanted armor, his words were thē not so rashly vttered, as they were pollitickly noted. For albeit that for the present tyme theyr efficacie was dis­sembled, and semblaunce made as though he spake but meryly, yet at the very enteraunce of thys our gracious Quéene vnto the pos­session of the Crowne, they were so proui­dently called to remembrance; and such [...] die reformation sought of all handes for the redresse of this incōuenience, that our [...] was sooner furnished wyth armour and munition, from diuers partes of the [...] (beside great plentie that was forged here [...] home) then our enemies could get vnderstā ­ding of any such prouision to be made. [...] this pollicie also was the no small hope c [...] ­ceyued by Spanyardes vtterly cut of, [...] of open friendes being nowe become our [...] ­crete enemies, and thereto watching a [...] wherein to atchieue some heauie exploite a­gaynst vs and our countrye, dyd there vpon chaunge their purposes, whereby Englande obtayned rest, that otherwyse might haue ben sure of sharp & cruel wars. Thus a Spa­nish worde vttered by one man at one time▪ ouerthrew or at ye leastwise hindered sun [...] priuy practises of many at another. In times past the chiefe force of Englande consisted in their lōg bowes, but now we haue in maner generally giuen ouer that kinde of artillerie and for long bowes in déede doe practize to shoote compasse for our pastime: which kinde of shooting can neuer yeld any smart stroke nor beate downe our enemies as our coun­try men were woont to doe, at euery time [...]f néede. Certes the Frenchmen and Rutt [...] [...]eriding our new archerie in respect of their corslets, will not let in open skirmish yf [...] leysure serue to turne vp their tailes and [...] shoote Englishe, and all bycause our strong shooting is decayed and layed in bedde. But if some of our English men nowe lyued [...] serued king Edward the third in his warr [...] with Fraunce, the bréeche of such a Ver [...] should haue béene nailed to his [...] with one arrow & an other fethered in his bowels before he shoulde haue turned about to [...] who shotte the first. But as our shooting [...] thus in maner vtterly decayed amōg vs [...] way, so our countrie men were skilful in [...] other poyntes as in shooting in small Pieces, the Cal [...]uer, and handling of the Pyke, in the seuerall vses whereof [...] are become very experte. Our armour [...] ­fereth not from that of other nations, & th [...] ­fore consisteth of corslets, almaine [...] shirtes of mayle, Iackes quilted and couered ouer wyth leather, fustien o [...] [...] thicke plates of yron that are fowed in [...] same, and of which there is no towne [...] [...] ­lage that hath not hir conuenient furniture. The sayd armour and munition also [...] in one seuerall place appoynted by the [...] ­sent of the whole parish, where it is alwayes ready to be had and worne within an houres warning. Sometime also it is occupyed [...] [Page 87] pl [...]seth the Magistrate, eyther to view the a [...]men and take note of the wel kéeping of the same, or finally to sée those that are inrol­led to exercise eache one his seuerall weapon according to his appointment. Certes there is almost no village so poore in Englande (be it neuer so small) that hath not sufficient fur­niture in a readines to set forth thrée or foure soldiors, or one archer, one gunner, one pike & a byll man at the least. No there is not so much wanting as their verye lyueries and cappes, which are lest to be accounted of, if any haste required. What store of [...]nition & armour the Quéenes maiestie hath in hir store houses, it lyeth not in [...] to yelde ac­compt, sith I suppose the same to be infinite. And where as it was com [...]ily sayde after the losse of Calais that Englande should ne­uer recouer their Ordinance, there left, that same is at this time prooued false, sith euen some of the same persons doe now confesse, that thys lande was neuer better furnished wyth these thinges in any kinges dayes that raigned since the conquest. As for the armou­ries of diuers of the Nobilitie (wherof I also haue séene a part) they are so well furnished wyth in some one Barons custodie, that I haue séene thrée score corslets at once, beside calyuers, handgunnes, bowes, sheiefes of arrowes, pykes, bylles, pollaxes, flaskes, touchboxes, targettes. &c. the verye sight wherof appalled my courage, what would ye wearing of some of thē haue done this trow you, if I should vse them in the field. I would write here of our maner of going to ye wars, but what hath the long blacke gowne to doe with glistering armour, what acquaintance can there be betwixt Mars and the Muses, or how should a man write any thing to the purpose of that, wherewith he is nothing ac­quainted.

Of the Nauie of Englande. Cap. 13.

THe Nauie of England may be deuided into thrée sortes, of which the one ser­ueth for the warres, the other for burden, & the thirde for fishermen, which get their ly­uing by fishing on the sea. How many of the first order are maintained within the realme it passeth my cunning to expresse, yet sith it may be parted into the Nauie Royall and common fléete, I thincke good to speake: of those that belong vnto the Prince, & so much the rather, for that their number is certaine & well knowne to very many. Certes there is no Prince in Europe that hath a more beautifull sorte of shippes then the Quéenes maiestie of Englande at this present, & those generally are of such excéeding [...] that [...] of them being well appoynted and fur­nished as they ought [...] let to encounter with thrée or foure of them of other coun­tries, and eyther [...] them or put them to [...]ght, yf they may not bring them home.

Neyther are the moulde [...] of any forrain Barckes so conueniently [...] to broke the seas in any part of the [...], as th [...]se of England, & therfore the [...] report that straungers make of our ships amongst thē ­selues i [...] dayly [...] to be true, which [...] that for strength, assurance, [...] swiftnesse of sayling, there are no vesselles in the world to be compared with [...]. The Quéenes highnesse hath at this present al­readie made and furnished, to the number of one and twenty great shippes, which lye for the most part in Gillingham Rode, beside thrée Gallies, of whose particular names it shall not be amisse to make reporte at this time.

The first of them therefore is called Bon­aduenture.

The next hight the Elizabeth Ionas, a name deuised by hir grace in remembraunce of hir owne deliuerance from the fury of hir ene­mies, from which in one respect she was no lesse myraculously preserued, then was the prophet Ionas frō the belly of the Whale.

  • The White boate is the thirde.
  • And after them she hath the Philip and Mary.
  • The Triumph.
  • The Bull.
  • The Tygre so called of hyr excéedyng nimblenesse in say­ling & swiftnesse of course.
  • The Antlop.
  • The Hope.
  • The Lyon.
  • The Victorie.
  • The Mary rose.
  • The Foresight.
  • The Cadish.
  • The Swift sute.
  • The Ayde.
  • The Handmaide.
  • The Dread not.
  • The Swallow.
  • The Genet,
  • The Barke of Bullen.

Beside these hir grace hath other in hande also, of whome hereafter as their [...] come about, I will not let to leaue some fur­ther remēbraunce. She hath likewise thrée notable Gallies: The Spéede wel, the Trye ryght, and the blacke Galley, with the sight wherof & rest of the Nauy Royal, it is incre­dible to saye how marueylously hir Grace is delighted: and not without great cause, sith by their meanes hir costes are kept in quiet, and sundrye forren enemies put back, which otherwyse woulde inuade vs. The number of those that serue for burden, wyth the other, wherof I haue made mencion al­ready, and whose vse is daily séene, as occasi­on [Page] serueth, in time of the warres, is to mée vtterly vnknowne [...]. Yet if commō estimatiō be any thing at all to be credited, there are 17. or eightéene hundred of one & other of thē, besides fisher boates, & smal Craiers, which I referre vnto the thirde sort. Of these also there are some of the Quéenes maiesties subiectes that haue twoo or thrée, some foure or sixe, and as I hard of late, one man whose name I suppresse for modesties sake, hath béene knowne, not long since to haue hade sixtéene or seuentéene, and employed them whollye to the wastyng in and out of our marchauntes, whereby he hath reaped no small commoditye and gaine. I myght take occasion, to speake of the notable and difficult voiages made into straūge coūtries by Englishmen, and of their dayly successe there, but as these thinges are nothing inci­dent to my purpose, so I surcease to speake of them: onely thys will I adde therefore, to the ende all men shall vnderstande some­what of the great masses of treasure, daylye employed vpon our Nauie, howe there are fewe of those shippes, of the first and seconde sorte that being apparelled and made readie to sale, are not woorth one thousand pounds, or thrée thousande Ducates at the least, if they shoulde presently be folde. What shall we shall thinke then of the greater, but espe­cially the Nauy Royall, of which some one Vessell is woorth two of the other, as ye ship­wryghtes haue often tolde me. It is possible that some couetous person hearing thys re­port, will eyther not credite it at all, or sup­pose money so employed to be nothing profi­table to the Quéenes coffers, as a good hus­band said once when he harde there should be prouisiō made for armor, wishing ye Quéenes money to be rather laide out to some spéedier returne of gaine vnto hir Grace. But if he wist that the good kéeping of the sea, is the safegared of our lande, he woulde alter hys censure, and soone giue ouer his iudgement. For in times past when our nation made small account of Nauigation, how soone dyd the Romaines, then the Saxons, and last of all the Danes inuade thys Islande, whose cruelty in the ende inforced our countrimen as it were euen agaynst their owne wylles, to prouyde for shippes from other places, and buylde at home of theyr owne, wherby their enimies were oftentymes distressed. But most of all were the Normans therein to be commended. For in a short processe of tyme after the conquest of thys Islande, and good consideration had for the well kée­ping of ye same, they supposed nothyng more commodious for the defence of the countrey, then the maintenaunce of a strong [...] which they spéedily prouided, mainteyne [...] [...] thereby reaped in the ende their wished sec [...] ­ritye, wherewyth before their times this I­slande was neuer acquainted.The [...]. Before the comming of the Romaines, I doe not reade▪ that we had any shippes at all, except a fewe▪ made of wicket & couered with Buffle hides. In the beginning of the Saxons wée had a fewe, but as their number and moulde was lyttle and nothing to the purpose, so Egbert: was the fyrst prince that euer thorowlye be­gan to knowe thys necessitie of a Nauy, [...] ye defence of his country. After him also other▪ princes as Alfrede & Ethelred &c. indeuou­red more & more to store thēselues at the [...] with ships of al quantities, but chiefly Ethel­dred, who made a law, yt euery man holding 310. hidelandes, should finde a ship furnished to serue him in the warres. Howbeit, and as I sayde bfore when all theyr Nauie was at the greatest, it was not comparable to that which afterwarde the Normains prouided, neyther that of the Normaines anye thing lyke to the same, that is to be séene nowe in our dayes. For ye iourneys also of our ships, you shal vnderstand, that a well builded ves­sell, wyll runne or sayle thrée hundred lea­gues, or nine hundreth myles in a wéeke, or peraduenture some will go 2200. leagues in sixe wéekes and an halfe. And surely if their lading be ready against they come thi­ther, there be of them that will be here, at the west Indies, and home agayne in twelue or thirtéene wéekes from Colchester, al­though the sayd Indies be eight hundred lea­gues from the cape or point of Cornewall, as I haue béene informed.

Of Bathes and hote welles. Cap. 14.

AS Almightie God hath in most plenty­full maner bestowed infinite and those very notable benefits vpon this Isle of Bri­taine, whereby it is not a little enriched, so in hote and naturall Bathes, (whereof we haue diuers in sundrie places) it manifestly appeareth that he hath not forgotten Eng­lande. There are foure Bathes therefore to be found in this realme, of which the first is called [...]. Vincentes, the second Hally Well, both being places in my opinion more ob­scure then the other twoo, & yet not seldome sought vnto by such as stande in néede. For albeit the fame of their forces be not so gene­rallye spreade, yet in some cases they are thought to be nothing inferiour to the other, as diuers haue often affirmed by their owne experience and triall. The third place wher­in [Page 88] hote Bathes are to be founde is neare vn­to Bu [...]stone (a towne in Darbyshyre, sci­tuate in the high Peke not passing sixetéene myles from Manchester or Marketchester­forde, & twenty from Darby) where aboute eight or nine seuerall Welles are to be séene of which thrée are counted to be most excel­lent. But of al the gretest is the hottest, void of corruption and compared as Iones sayth, wyth those of Somersett shyre so colde in­déede, as a quarte of boyling water woulde be made, if fiue quartes of running water were added thervnto: whereas on the other-side, those of Bathe likened vnto these, haue such heate appropriated vnto them, as a gal­lon of hote water hath when a quart of colde is mixed with the same. Herevpon the effecte of thys Bath worketh more temperatelye and pleasantlye (as he writeth) then the o­ther. And albeit that it maketh not so great spéede in cure of such as resort vnto it for helpe, yet it dealeth more effectuallye and cō ­modiously then those in Somerset shyre, and inferre withall lesse grieuous accidentes, in ye restreyning of natural issues, strēgthening the affebeled members, assisting the lyuelye forces, dispersing annoious appilations, and qualifiyng of sundry griefes, as experience hath oft conffirmed. The like vertues haue the other two, but not in such measure and degrée, and therefore their operation is not so spéedily perceyued.

The fourth and last place of our Bathes, is a Citie in Sommerset shire, which taketh his name of ye hote waters thereto be séene & vsed. At the first it was called Cairbledud & not Cair Bledune, as some woulde haue it, for that is the olde name of ye auncient castel at Malmesbury, which the Saxons named Yngleburne. Ptolomy afterwa [...]de called it Therme, other Aquae solis, but nowe it hight generally Bathe in Englishe, & vnder that name it is likely to cōtinue. The city of it self is a very aunciēt thing, no doubt as may yet appeare by dyuers notable antiquities in­graued in stone, to be séene in the walles thereof. And first of all betwéene the south gate and the west, and betwixt the west gate and the north.

The first is the antique heade of a man, made all flatte, with great lockes of heire, much like to the coine that I haue séene of Antius the Romaine. The seconde betwéene the south & the north gate is an ymage, as I take it of Hercules, for he helde in each hand a serpent, & so doth this. Thirdely there stan­deth a man on foote with a sworde in his one hand, & a buckler stretched out in the other. There is also a braunch that lyeth foulded & wrethed into [...], like to the wrouth of A [...] ­cimedon. There are more ouer two [...] I­mages, wherof the one [...] the other, beside sundrye antique [...], with [...] heire, a greye hounde [...], and a [...] hys tayle certeine Romain [...] [...], but [...] be [...] ­ced that no man liuing [...] this present. There is [...] ymage of Lac [...]n, in [...]irone [...] with two serpents, & an other inscrip [...]ion, and all th [...]se betwéene the south and the west gates, as I haue sayd be­fore.

Now betwéene the west & north gate are two inscriptions, of which some [...] are euident to be red, the residue are [...] def [...] ­ced. There is also ye ymage of a naked man, & a stone in like sort, which hath cup [...]dines et labruscas intercurrentes, & a table hauing at eche hand an ymage v [...]ned & [...] florished both aboue & beneath. Finally (sauing [...] I sawe afterwarde the ymage of a naked man grasping a serpent in eache hand) there was an inscription of a tombe or buriall, wherein these wordes did plainely appeare vixit an­nos, xxx. but so defusedly written, that let­ters stoode for who [...]e wordes, and two or thrée letters combined into one. Certes I will not saye whether these were set into the places where they nowe stande by the Gen­tiles or, brought thither from other [...] of the towne it selfe, & placed afterwarde in those walles, in their necessary rep [...]ations. But howsoeuer ye matter standeth this is to be gathered by our hystories, that Bladud first buylded that citie there, and peraduen­uenture might also kindle the [...] vaines of purpose to burne continuallye, [...]n the honour of Minerua: by which [...] ye springs thereabout did in processe of [...] become hote & not vnprofitable, for sundry kinds of diseases. Indéede the later Paga [...]s dreamed that M [...]nerua [...] ye chiefe goddes and gouernesse of these waters, because of the néerenesse of hir temple vnto the same. Solinus addeth furthermore,Cap. 25. howe [...] h [...]r sayde temple, the fire which was conti­nuallye kept, did neuer consume into [...] sparcles, but [...] as the embers the roof were colde, they [...]gealed into clots of hard stone, all which I take to be nothing else thē the effecte of the aforesayde fyre, of the Sul­phurous vaine kindled in the earth, from whence the waters doe come. That these ba­ches or waters are deriued from such, the Marchasites & stones mixed with some cop­per, and daily founde vpon the mountaynes thereabout will beare sufficient witnesse, though I would write the contrary. Doctor Turner also the father of English Phisicke, [Page] and an excellent Diuine, supposeth that these springs doe drawe theyr forces from Sul­phur, or if their be any other thing mingled withall, he gesseth that it shoulde be salt pe­ter, because he founde an obscure likelyhoode of ye same, euen in the crosse Bath. But that they participate wt any allume at al, he could neuer til his dying day, be induced to beleue. I myght here if I thought it necessary, in­treat of ye notable scituation of Bath it self, which standeth in a pleasant botome, enui­roned on euery side wyth great hylles, out of the which come so many springs of pure wa­ter by sundrye wayes vnto the Citye, and in such abundance as that euery house is ser­ued with the same by pypes of leade, the said metall being the plentious and lesse of value vnto them, because it is had not far of from these quarters. It should not be amysse also to speake of ye foure gates, number of parish churches, bridges, religious houses dissolued, and their founders, if place doe serue there­fore: but for so much as my purpose is not to deale in this behalfe, I will omit the menti­on of these thinges, and go in hand wyth the Bathes themselues, whereof in thys cha­piter I protested to intreate.

Crosse Bath.There are two springes of water as Le­lande sayth, in the west south west part of the towne whereof the biggest is called the crosse Bath, of a certeine crosse that was e­rected sometime in the middest thereof. This Bath is much frequented by such as are dis­eased with leapry, pockes, scabbes, & great aches: yet of it selfe it is very temperate, & pleasaunt, hauing a leuen or twelue arches of stone in the sydes thereof, for men to stand vnder, when rayne doth oughts annoy them.

Common Bathe.The common Bathe, or as some call it, the hote Bathe, is two hundreth foote, or ther about from the crosse Bathe, lesse in cōpasse within the wall then the other, and with on­ly seauen arches, wrought out of the mayne inclosure. It is worthily called ye hote Bath, for at the first comming into it, men thinke that it would scald their flesh, and lose it frō the bone: but after a season, and that the bodyes of the commers thereto be warmed thorowlye in the same, it is more tollera­ble & easie to be borne. Bothe these Bathes be in the middle of a little streate, and ioyne to S. Thomas Hospitall, so that it maye bée thought that Reginalde Byshop of Bathe, made his house néere to these comon Baths, onely to succour such poore people as shoulde resort vnto them.

Kinges Bathe.The Kings Bathe is very faire and large, standing almost in the middle of the towne, at the west ende of the Cathedrall Church. It is compassed about with a very high stone wall, and the brimmes thereof are mure [...] rounde about, where in be two an thirtie ar­ches for men and women to stande in sepe­rately, who beyng of ye gentry for the most part, doe resort thither indifferently, but not in such lasciuious sort, [...] as vnto other Bathes & hote houses of ye maine, wherof some writ [...] more a greate deale, then modesty should [...] ­ueale, and honesty performe. There went a fluse out of this Bath, which serued in times past the Priory with water, which was de­riued out of it vnto twoo places, and com­monlye vsed for Bathes, but nowe I d [...] not thinke that they remaine in vsage.

As for the colour of the water of all the Ba­thes, it is most like to a déepe blewe, [...] and r [...] ­keth much after the manner of a sée thing potte, commonly yéelding somewhat a sul­pherus taste, and very vnpleasant sauour. The water that runneth from the two small Bathes, goeth by a dyke into the Auon by West, and beneath the Bridge, but the same that goeth from the Kings Bathe tur­neth a myl, [...] and after goeth into Auon abou [...] Bath bridg, where it loseth both force & tas [...], & is like vnto the rest. In all the thrée Bath [...] a man may euidently sée how the water bub­beleth vp from the springes. [...] This is also to be noted that at certaine times all entraun­ces into them is vtterly prohibited, that is to say, at highe noone and midnight, for at those two seasons & a while before and after, they boyle very feruently, and become so hote, that no man is able to indure their heate, or any whtie sustaine their force and vehement working. They purge themselues further▪ more from all such filth as the dyseased doe leaue in eache of them, wherefore wée doe forbeare the rashe entraunce into them, at that time, & so much the rather for that we wolde not by contractiō of any new diseas [...] departe more grieuouslye affected them an came vnto the citie, which is indéede a thing that eche one should regard. [...] For these causes they are commonlye shut vp from halfe [...] houre after ten of the clocke in the foren [...] to halfe an houre after one in the afternoone, & likewise at midnight: at which tymes the kéeper of them resorteth to his charge, ope­neth the gates, and leaueth frée passage vnto such as come vnto them, hytherto Lelande [...] what cost hath of late béene bestowed vpon these Bathes, by diuers of the Nobility, ge [...] ­try, cōmonalty and clergy, it lieth not in [...] to declare, yet as I here they are not onely verye much repaired and garnished, wyth sundry curious péeces of workemanship [...] [Page 89] partely touchyng their commendation, and partely for the ease and benefite of such as resorte vnto them: but also better ordered, cle [...]ier kept, and more friendely prouision made for such pouerty as daily repaire the­ther. But notwythstanding all this, such is the general estate of things in Bath, that the rich men may spend while they will & the poore be [...]ge wh [...]est they lis [...], for their main­tenaunce and dyet so long as they remaine there. And yet I deny not but ythere is very good order there for all degrées, but where shall a man find any equal regard of poore & rich, though god do giue these h [...] gifts fréely vnto both alyke. I woulde here intreate fur­ther of ye customes vsed in these bath [...], what nūber of Phisitions daily attend vpon those (especially such as be able to enterteine them) doth enter into these Ba­thes before he consult with the Phisition: al­so, what diet is to be obserued, what particu­lar diseases are healed there, & to what ende the comers thither doe drinke oft times of that medicinable liquor, but thē I should ex­céede the lymittes of a description, wherfore I passe it ouer vnto other, hoping that some man ere long wyll vouchsafe to performe that at large, which the famous clarke Doc­ter Turner hath brefely yet happily begun, touching the effects and working of the same, for hitherto I doe not knowe of manye that haue trauayled in the natures of those Ba­thes of our countrey, wyth any great com­mendation, much lesse of any that hath re­uealed them at the full for the benefite of our nation, or commoditie of straungers.

¶Of Parkes and Warrens. Cap. 15.

IN euery shyre of Englande there is great plentye of Parkes, whereof some here and there appertaine vnto the Prince, the rest to such of the Nobilitye and Gentlemen, as haue their lands and patrimony lying néere vnto ye same. I would gladly haue set downe the iust number of these inclosures, to bée founde in euery countye, but sith I can not so doe, it shall suffise to say, that in Kent and Essex only are to the number of an hundred, where in great plentie of fallowe Déere is cherished and kept. As for Warrens of Co­nies, I iudge thē almost innumerable, & dai­ly like to increse, by reasō that ye black skins of those beasts are thought to counteruaile, ye prises of their naked carkases, & this is the onely cause why the gray are lesse estéemed. Néere vnto London their quyckest mar­chaundise is of the yong rabets, wherfore ye [...] of, where there is [...] of Rabbet [...] [...] [...] l [...]sse by their [...] they are [...] to grow vp to these [...] greatnesse wt [...]. Our [...] are generally [...] wyth strong [...] of [...], of which [...] there [...] from time to tyme [...] the main­ta [...] of the sayde [...], and safe kée [...]g of the [...] about the countrey. The [...] of th [...]se [...] in lyke maner [...] a walke of foure or fiue myles, and [...] more or [...], whereby it is to be [...] what store of ground to employed vpon that [...] which bringeth no [...] of ga [...]e or [...] to the owner, sith they [...] giue awaye their fleshe, [...] penny for the same, because [...] england is nei­ther bought [...] by the tight owner, but maintained only for hys pleasure, to the no smal decay of husbandry, & [...] of mankinde. For where in times past, many large and welthy occupiers, were dwelling within the compasse of some one parke, and therby great plenty of corne & cattell séene and to be [...] amongst them, [...] a more copious [...] of huma [...]ne issue, wher­by the realme [...] alwaies [...] furnishe [...] with able [...] serue the [...] in his [...]: n [...]w there is almost [...] kept but a sort of wilde & sauage [...] for pleasure and delite, and yet the owners styll desirous to enlarge those groundes, doe not let daily to take in more, affirming that we haue already to great store of people in eng­land, and that youth by [...] to soone doe nothing [...] the countrey but [...]ll it full of beggers.

Certes if it be not one curse of the Lorde,The de­caie of the people is the destruction of a kingdome, neyther is any man borne to possesse the earth a­lone. to haue our countrey conuerted in such sorte from the [...] of mankinde, into the walkes and shrowdes of [...], I know not what is any. How many [...] also these great and small ga [...]es (for so most kéepers call them) haue eaten vp, & are like­ly hereafter to deuoure, some men may con­iecture, but many more lamēt: sith there is no hope of restraint to be looked for in this be­half, but if a man may presētly giue a gesse at ye vniuersality of this euill by contemplation of the circumstances, he shall saye at ye last, that the twentieth parte of the realme is imployed vpon Déere and C [...]ntes already, which séemeth very much, if it be duely con­sidered of. We had no Parkes [...] Englande before the [...] of the Normanes, wh [...] added this calamity also to the seruitude of [Page] our nation, making men of the best sort fur­thermore to become kéeper [...] of their game; whilest they lyued in the meane time vppon the spoyle of their reue [...]ues, and daily [...] threw townes villages, & an infinite sort of families, for the maintenance of their Vene­ry. Neyther was any park s [...]pposed in these times to be stately enough, th [...] conteined not at the least eyght or [...]enne hidelandes, that is so many hundred acres, or families, or as they haue béene alwaies called in some places of the Realme, carr [...]eat [...]s or cart­wares, of which one was sufficient in olde time to maintaine an honest Ye [...]man.

It should sée me that forrests haue alwaies béene had and religiously preserued in thys Islande for the solace of the Prince, and re­creation of his nobilitie: howbeit I read not that euer they were inclosed more then at this present, or otherwise fenced then by vsu­al notes of limitacion, wherby their bounds were remembred from time to tyme for the better preseruation of such [...]e [...]ery and vert of all sortes as were nourished in the same. Neyther are any of the auncient lawes pre­scribed for their maintaynaunce before the dais of Canutus now to be had, sith time hath so dealt with them, that they are perished & lost. Canutus therfore séeing the daily spoyle that was made in all places of his game, dyd at the last make sundrie Sanctions and De­crées, whereby from thenceforth the red and fallow déere, were better looked vnto thorow out his whole Dominiōs. We haue in these dayes diuers forrestes in England & Wales as Waltham forrest, Winsor, Pickering, Fecknam, Delamore, Deane, Penrise, and many other nowe cleane out of my remem­braunce, and which although they are farre greater in circuit then many Parckes and Warrennes, yet are they in this our tyme lesse deuourers of the people then these later, sith beside much tillage, many Townes are founde in eache of them, whereas in Parkes and Warrēns we haue nothing else then ei­ther the kéepers lodge, or at the lest wise the manour place of the chiefe Lorde, & owner of the soyle. I coulde say more of forrestes and the aforesayde inclosures, but it shall suffice at this time to haue sayde so much as is set downe alreadie. Howbeit that I may restore one antiquitie to light, which hath hytherto lyen as it were raked vp in the embers of obliuion, I will gyue out the same Lawes that Canutus made for his forrest, whereby many thinges shall be disclosed concerning the same (wherof peraduēture some lawiers haue no knowledge) & diuers other notes ga­thered touching the ancient estate of ye real [...] not to be founde in other. But before I [...] with the great charter, ( [...] you [...] perceyue [...]s i [...] many places imperfit by rea­son of corruption cropt in by length of tyme, not by me to be restored) I will [...] other driefe law, which he made [...] fi [...]st [...] of his reigne at Winchester, and afterward inserted into these his latter constitutio [...] Canone 32. and beginneth [...] his [...] Saxon tongue. ‘I will that [...]. &c. I will and graunt that eache one shal be [...] of such venery as he by hunting can take ey­ther in the p [...]aynes or in the [...], or with in his owne sée or dominiō (out of the [...]) but eache man shall abstaine from [...] v [...]n [...] ­rie in euery pla [...]e, where I will that my be [...] ­s [...]es shall haue [...] pea [...]e: and quietnesse vpō paine to forfaict so much as [...] forfaict. Hytherto the statute made by the a­foresayde Canutus, which was afterward [...] confirmed by king Edwarde surnamed the confessour in the fourth yeare of his reign [...].’ Now followeth the great Charter it selfe in Latine, as I finde it worde for worde, & whi­che I woulde gladly haue turned into Eng­lish if it might haue sounded to any benefite of the vnskilfull and vnlearned.

Incipiunt constitutiones Canuti re­gis de Forresta.

HAe sunt sanctiones de forresta, quas ego Canutus rex cum confilio primariorum hominum meorum condo & facio, vt conctis regni nostri Angliae ecclesijs & pax & Iustitia fiat, & vt omnis delinquens secundum mo­dum delicti, & delinquentis fortunam patia­tur.

1. [...] Sint iam deinceps quatuor ex liberaliori­bus hominibus qui habent saluas suas debitas consuetudines (quos Angli pegened appellāt) in qualibet regni mei prouincia const [...]euti, a [...]l Iustitiam distr [...]buendam vna cum pena merita & materijs forrestae cuncto populo meo, [...] Anglis quam Danis per totum regnum me [...] Angliae, quos quatuor primarios forrestae ap­pellandos censemus.

2. Sint sub quolibet horum, quatuor ex me­diocribus hominibus (quos Angli Lespegen [...], [...] nuncupant, Dani vero young men vocant) [...]o­cati, qui curam & onus tum viridis tum ven [...] ­ris suscipiant.

3. In administranda autem Iusticia nuilla [...] ­ [...]rus volo vt tales se intromittant: medioctes (que) tales post ferarum curam susceptam, pro libe­ralibus semper habeantur, [...] quos Dani Ealder­men appellant.

4. [...] Sub liorum iterum quolibet sunt duo minutorū hominū quos Tineman Angli di­cunt [Page 90] hi nocturnam curam & veneris & viridis tum seruilia opera subibunt.

5. Si talis minutus seruus fuerit, tam cito quam in fornesta nostra locabitur, liber esto, omnes (que) hos ex sumptibus nostris manutene­bimus.

6. Habeat etiam quilibet primariorū quo­libet anno de nostra warda quam Michni An­gli appellant, [...]hni. duos equos, vnum cum sella, al­terum sine sella, vnū gladium quin (que) lanceas, vnum cuspidē, vnum scutum & ducentos so­lidos argenti.

7. Mediocrium quilibet vnum equum, vnā lanceam, vnum scutum & 60, solidos argenti.

8. Minutorum quilibet, vna [...] lanceam, v­nam arcubalistam & 15. solidos argenti.

9. Sint omnes tam primarij, quam medio­cres, & minuti, immunes, liberi, & quieti ab omnibus prouincialibus summonitionibus, & popularibus placitis, [...]dred [...] quae Hundred lagbe Angli dicunt, & ab omnibus armorū oneribus quod Warscot Angli dicunt & forincesis querelis.

10. Sint mediocrium & minutorum causae & earum correctiones tam criminalium quam ciuilium per prouidam sapientiam & rationē primariorum Iudicate & decisae: primariorum vero enormia si quaefuerint (ne scelus aliquod remaneat inultum) nosmet in ira nostra regali puniemus.

11. Habeant hi quatuor vnam regalem po­testatem (salua nobis nostra presentia) qua­ter (que) in anno generales forestae demonstra­tiones & viridis & veneris forisfactiones quas Muchebunt dicunt, [...]che­ [...]t. vbi teneant omnes calum­niam de materia aliqua tangente forestam, e­ant (que) ad triplex Iudiciū quod Angli Ofgang­fordell dicunt. [...]gang­ [...]ell. [...]gatio [...]s, tri­ [...] orda­ [...] Ita autem acquiratur illud tri­plex Iudicium. Accipiat secum quinque & sit ipse sextus, & sic iurando acquirat triplex Iu­dicium, aut triplex iuramentum. Sed purga­tio ignis nullatenus admittatur nisi vbi nuda veritas nequit aliter inuestigari.

[...]gen.12. Liberalis autem homo. 1. Pegen, modo cri­men suum non sit inter mariora, habeat fide­lem hominem qui possit pro eo iurare iura­mentum. [...]athe. 1. Forathe: si autem non habet ipsemet iuret, nec pardonetur ei aliquod iuramentum.

13. Si aduena vel peregrinus qui de longin­quo venerit sit calumpniatus de foresta, & ta­lis est sua inopia vt nō possit habere plegium ad primam calumniam, qualē * nullus Anglus iudicare potest: tunc subeat captionem regis & ibi expectet quousque vadat ad iudicium ferri & aque: attamen si quis extraneo aut pe­regrino de longe venienti * [...] sibi ipsi nocet si aliquod iudiciū iudicauerint.

14. Quicunque coram primarios homines meos forestae in falso testimonio steterit & vi­ctus fuerit, non sit dignus imposterū stare aut portare testimoniū, quia legalitatē suam per­didit, & pro culpa soluat regi decem solidos quos Dani vocant Halfebange, alins halshang. Halshang.

15. Si quis vim aliquā primarijs foreste meae intulerit, si liberalis sit amittat libertatem & omnia sua, si villanus abscindatur dextra.

16. Si alteruter iterum pe [...]cauerit reus sit mortis.

17. Si quis cōtra autē cū primario pugnaue­rit in plito, emendet secundū praecium sui ip­sius quod Angli Pere & pite dicunt,Pere and Pite. & soluat primario quadraginta solidos.

18. Si pacem quis fregerit ante mediocres forestae quod dicunt Gethbreche emendet regi decem solidis.Gethbrech

19. Si quis mediocrium aliquem cum ira percusserit, emendetur prout interfectio ferae regalis mihi emendari solet.

20. Si quis delinquens in foresta nostra ca­pietur, poenas luet secundū modum & genus delicti.

21. Pena & forisfactio non vna eademque e­rit liberalis (quem Dani Elderman vocant) & illiberalis: domini & seru: noti & ignoti:Ealdermā nec vna eadem (que) erit causarum tum ciuilium tum criminaliū, ferarū forestae, & ferarumregalium: Viridis & veneris tractatio: nā crimen veneris ab antiquo inter maiora & non inmerito nu­merabatur: viridis vero (fractione chaceae no­stre regalis excepta) ita pusillum & exiguum est, quod vix ea respicit nostra constitutio: qui in hoc tamen deliquerit, fit criminis forestae reus.

22. Si liber aliquis feram forestae fugerit, siue casu, siue praehabita voluntate, ita vt cursu ce­leri cogatur fera anhelare, decem solidis regi emendet, si illiberalis dupliciter emendet, si seruus careat corio.

23. Si vero horum aliquot interfecerit, soluat dupliciter & persoluat, sitque praecij sui reus contra regem.

24. Sed si regalem ferā quam Angli à stag­gon appellant alteruter coegerit anhelare,Staggon. al­ter per vnum annum, alter per duos careat li­bertate naturali: si vero seruus, pro vtlegato habeatur quem Angli Frendlesman vocant.Frendles­man.

25. Si vero occiderit, amittat liber scutum libertatis, si sit illiberalis careat libertate, si ser­uus vita.

26. Episcopi, Abbates & Barones mei non calumnibuntur pro venatione, si non regales feras occiderint: & si regales, restabunt rei re­gi pro libito suo, sine certa emendatione.

27. Sunt aliae (praeter feras forestae) bestiae, que dum inter saepta & saepes forestae continentur, emendationi subiacent: quales sunt capreoli, lepores, & cuniculi. Sunt & alia quam pluri­ma animalia quae quanquā infra sep [...]a forestae viuunt, & oneri & curae mediocrium subiacēt, [Page] foreste tamen nequaquā ce [...]iseri possunt, qua­lia sunt equi,Bubali o­lim in An­glia. Bubali, vaccae, & similia. Vulpes & Lupi, nec forestae nec veneris habentur, & proinde eorum interfectio nulli emendationi subiacet. Si tamen infra limites occiduntur, fractio sit regalis chaceae, & mitius emendetur. Aper vero quanquam foreste sit nullatenus tamen animal veneris haberi est assuetus.

28. Bosco nec Subbosco nostro sine licentia primariorum forestae nemo manum apponat, quod si quis fecerit reus sit fractionis regalis chaceae.

29. Si quis vero Ilicem aut arborem aliquam qui victum feris suppeditat sciderit, praeter fractionem regalis chaceae, emendet regi vigin­ti solidis.

30. Volo vt omnis liber homo pro libito suo habeat venerem siue viridem in planis suis super terras suas, sine chacea tamen. Et deui­tent omnes meam, vbicunque eam habere vo­luero.

31. Nullus mediocris habebit nec custodiet canes quos Angli Griehunds appellant.Greyhūds Liberali vero dum genuiscissio eorum facta fuerit eoram primario forestae licebit, aut sine genu­iscissione dum remoti sunt à limitibus forestae per decem milliaria: quando vero proprius venerint, emendet quodlibet miliare vno soli­do Si vero infra septa forestae reperiatur, do­minus canis forisfaciet & canem, & decem so­lidos regi.

Velter Langerā.32. Velteres vero quos Langeran appellant quia manifeste constat in ijs nihil esse pericu­li, cuilibet licebit sine gemiscissione eos custo­dire.Ram­hundt. Idem de canibus quos Rambundt vocant.

33. Quod si casu inauspicato huiusmodi ca­nes rabidi fiant & vbique vagantur negli­gentia dominorum, redduntur illiciti, & emē ­detur regi pro illicitis. &c. Quod si intra septa forestae reperiantur, talis exquiratur herus, & emendet secundum precium hominis medio­cris, quod secundū legem merimorum est du­centorum sollidorum.

34. Si Canis rabidus momorderit ferā, tunc emendet secundum precium hominis liberalis quod est duodecies solidis centū. Si vero fera regalis morsa fuerit, reus sit maximi criminis.

And these are the constitutions of Canutus concerning the forrest very barbarously trā ­slated by those that tooke the same in hande. Howbeit as I finde it so I set it downe with out any alteration of my copie in any iote or tytle.

Of Wooddes and marrises. Cap. 16.Great a­bundance of wood sometime in Eng­land.

IT shoulde séeme by auncient recordes, and the testimony of sundrie authors, that the whole countries of Lhoegres and Cambria now England and Wales, haue sometimes béen very well replenished with great woods and groues, although at this tyme the sayde commoditie be not a little decayed in both, and in such wyse that a man shall oft ryde tenne or twentie myles in eache of them and finde very little or rather none at all, except it be neare vnto townes, gentlemens houses and villages where the inhabitauntes haue planted a few Elmes, Okes, Haselles, or A­shes about their dwellings for their defence from the rough windes, and kéeping of the stormie weather frō anoyaunce of the same. This scarfitie at ye first grew as it is thought eyther by the industrie of man, for main­taynaunce of tillage (as we vnderstand the lyke to be done of late by the Spaniards in the West Indes, where they fiered whole wooddes of very great compasse thereby to come by groūd wheron to sow their graines) or else thorowe the couetousnesse of such as in preferring of pasture for their shéepe and greater cattell, doe make small account of firebote and tymber: or finally by the cruel­tie of the enemies, whereof we haue sundrie examples declared in our hystories. Howbe­it where the rockes and quarry grounds are I take the swart of the earth to be so thinne, that no trée of anye greatnesse other then shrubbes & bushes is able to grow or prospe [...] long therein for want of sufficient moysture wherwith to féede them with fresh humour, or at the least wyse of mould, to shrowd stay vpright, and chearish the same in the bluste­ring winters weather, till they may growe vnto any greatnesse, and spread or yeld their rootes down right into the soyle about them: and this either is or may be one other cause, wherefore some places are naturally voyde of woodde. But to procéede, although I must néedes cōfesse that there is good store of great wood or tymber here and there, euen nowe in some places of England, yet in our dayes it is farre vnlike to that plentie, which our auncesters haue séene hertofore, when state­ly buylding was lesse in vse. For albeit that there were then greater nūber of mesuages & mansions almost in euery place, yet were their frames so slite and slender, that one meane dwelling house in our time is able to counteruayle very many of them, if you con­sider the present charge with the plentie of timber that we bestow vpon them. In times past men were contented to dwell in houses, buylded of Sallow, Willow, Plummetrée, Hardebeame, and Elme, so that the vse of Oke was in maner dedicated wholy vnto churches, religious houses, Princes palaces [Page 91] Noblemens lodgings and nauigation, but now all these are reiected and nothing but oke any whit regarded: & yet sée the chaūge, for when our houses were buylded of Wil­lowe then had we Oken men, but nowe that our houses are come to be made of Oke, [...]esire of [...]uch wea [...] and [...], aba­ [...]th man­ [...]d, and o­ [...]rthrow­ [...]h a man­ [...] courage. our mē are not only become willow, but a great many altogither of straw, which is a sore al­teratiō. In those the courage of ye owner was a sufficient defence to kepe the house in safe­tie, but now the assurance of the timber must defende the man from robbing. Nowe haue we manye chimnyes and yet our tender­linges complaine of rewmes, catarres and poses, then had we none but reredosses, and our heades did neuer ake. For as the smoke in those dayes was supposed to be a suffi­cient hardning for the timber of the house, so it was reputed a farre better medicine to kéepe the goodman and his family from the quacke or pose, wherewith as then very few were acquainted.

We haue manye wooddes, forrestres and parkes which chéerish trées abundantly, al­though in the woodlande countries there is almost no hedge that hath not some store of the greatest sort, beside infinite numbers of hedgerowes, groues, and springes, that are maintayned of purpose for the buylding and prouision of such owners as doe possesse the same. Howbeit as euery soile doth not beare all kindes of wood, so there is not any wood, park, hedgerow, groue, or forrest, that is not mixed with many, as Oke, Ashe, Hasell, Hawthorne, Byrche, Béeche, Hardbeame, Hull, Sorfe, wilde Chéerie, and such lyke, wherof Oke hath alwayes the preheminēce as most méete for buylding wherevnto it is reserued. This trée bringeth foorth also a pro­fitable kinde of mast, whereby such as dwell neare vnto the aforesayde places do cherishe and bring vp innumerable herdes of swine. In tyme of plentie of this mast, our redde and fallowe déere will not let to participate with our hogges, more then our other nete, yea our common poultrie also if they may come vnto them: but as this abundance doth prooue very pernicious vnto the first, so the egges which these latter doe bring foorth be­side blackenesse in color & bitternesse of taste haue not seldome béene founde to bréede dy­uers diseases vnto such persons as haue ea­ten of the same.The lyke [...]aue I [...]éene wher [...]ennes do [...]ade vpon [...]he tender [...]lades of [...]arlike. I might adde in lyke sort the profite insuing by the barke of this woodde, wherof our tanners haue great vse in dres­sing of leather, and which they buy yearly in May by the fadame, as I haue oft sene, but it shall not néede at this time to enter into any such discourse, only this I wish that our soole & vpper lethering, may haue their due time and not be hasted on by extraordinarie sligh­tes, as with Ashe barcke. &c. Whereby as I graunt that it séemeth outwardly to be very thicke and wel done, so if you respect the sad­nesse thereof, it doth prooue in the ende to be very hollow and not able to holde out water. Of Elme I haue not séene any great store togither in wooddes or forrestes, but where they haue béene first planted and then suffe­red to spreade at their owne willes. Yet haue I knowen great wooddes of Béeche & Hasell in many places, especially in Barckeshyre, Oxfordshyre and Buckinghamshyre, where they are greatlye cherished, and conuerted vnto sundry vses by such as dwell about thē. Ash commeth vp euery where of it selfe, and with euery kinde of woodde, and as we haue very great plenty and no lesse vse of these in our husbandrie, so are we not wythout the plane, the Vghe, the sorfe, the chestnutte, the line, the blacke chéerie, and such like. And al­though that we enioye them not in so great plentie now in most places, as in times past or the other afore remembred, yet haue we sufficient of thē all for our necessarie turnes and vses, especially of Vghe as may be séene betwixt Rotheram and Sheffilde, and some stéedes of Kent also as I haue béene infor­med. The Firre, Frankencence, and Pine, we doe not altogither want, especially the firre, wherof we haue some store in Chatley more in Darbyshyre, Shropshyre, Ander­nesse, and a mosse néere Manchester. As for the Franckencense & Pine, they haue béene planted in Colledges, and Cloysters, by the the cleargie and religious in tymes past, wherefore in my opinion we may rather say that we want thē altogither, for except they dyd growe naturally & not by force, I sée no cause why they shoulde be accounted for parcell of our cōmodities. I might here take oc­casion to speke of the great sales yerly made of wood, wherby an infinite deale hath béene destroyed within these few yeres, but I giue ouer to deale in this behalfe, howbeit thys I dare affirme that if wooddes doe go so fast to decay in the next hundred yeare of grace as they haue done & are like to doe in this (some­tymes for increase of shepe walkes, & some maintaynaunce of prodigalitie & pompe, for I haue known a This gē ­tleman caught such an heate with this sore loade yt he was faine to go to Rome for phisicke, yet it could not saue his life, but he must néedes die home-wardes. gentlemā that hath borne thrée score at once in one paire of galigascōs to shew his strēgth & brauery) it is to be fea­red that brome, turfe, gal, heth, firze, brakes, whinnes, ling, dies, hassocks, flags, straw, ledge, réede, rush, & seacole will be good mar­chādize euen in the citie of Londō, whervnto some of them alreadie haue gotten readie [Page] passage & taken vp their Innes in the grea­test marchauntes parlers. A man woulde thincke that our lawes were able ynough to make sufficiēt prouision for ye redresse of this error, and enormitie likely to insue: but such is the nature of our country men, yt as many lawes are made, so they wil kepe none, or if they be vrged to make aunswere, they wyll rather séeke some crooked construction ther­of to the encrease of their priuate gaine, then yelde themselfes willing to be guided by the same, for a common wealth and profite: so that in the ende, whatsoeuer the lawe sayeth we will haue our willes, whereby the whole­some ordinances of ye prince are contemned, the trauaile of the nobilitie and counsellours as it were derided, the common wealth im­pouerished, and a tewe only inriched by this peruerse dealing: whereas many thousande persons doe suner hinderance, by this their crooked behauior, whereby the wholesome lawes of the Prince are oft defrauded, the good meaning maiestrate in consultation a­bout the common wealth seduced. I woulde wishe that I might liue no longer then to sée foure thinges in thys lande reformed. That is, the want of discipline in the church. The couetous dealing of most of our marchants, in the preferment of other countries, & hin­derance of their owne. The holding of faires & markets vpon the sondaie, to be abolished and referred to the wednesdayes. And that euery man wyth in what soeuer soile enioy­eth foure Acres of lande (and vpwards after that rate) either by frée déede, or copple hold, or fee farme, might plant one Acre of wood, or sow the same with mast, beside that which re­mayneth already to be cherished & kept. But I feare me that I should then liue to long, & so long that I should eyther be weary of the worlde, or the world of me, & yet they are not such things, but they may easily be brought to passe.

Certes euery small occasion in my time is inough to cut downe a great woode, & euery trifle suffiseth to laye infinite Acres of corne ground vnto pasture. As for ye taking downe of houses, a small fine will beare out a great manye. Woulde to God we might once take example of the Romaines, who in restreint of superfluous grasinge made an exact limi­tation, how many head of Cattel eche estate myght kéepe, and what numbers of Acres shoulde suffise, for that and other purposes, neyther was woode euer better cherished or mancion houses maintained, then by their lawes and statutes. But what doe I meane to speake of these sith my purpose is onely to talke of woods▪ well take this then for a final conclusion in woodes, that within this fortie yeares, we shall haue little newe Timber, growing aboue two and fortie yeares olde, for it is cōmonly séene that those yong stad­dles which we leaue standing, at one and twenty yeres fal, are vsually at the next sale cut downe, without any daunger of the sta­tute, & serue for fire bote, if it please the ow­ner, to burne them.

Marises and Fenny Bogges we haue ma­ny in England, but more in Wales, [...] if you haue respect vnto the seuerall quantities of ye countries, howbeit as they are very profi­table, in sōmer half of the yere, so are a num­ber of them to small commoditie in the win­ter part, as common experience doth teach, yet this I find of many of these moores, that in times past they haue béene harder groūd, and sundrye of them well replenished wyth great woodes, that now are voyde of bushes: and for example hereof, we maye sée the try­all (besides the rootes that are daily found in the depes of Monemouth, where turfe is dig­ged, also in Wales, Abergeyny, and Merio­neth) in sundry parts of Lancasshyre, where the people go vnto this daye into their Fen­nes, and Marises with long spittes, which they dashe here and there, vp to the verye cronge into the grounde, in which practise, (a thinge commonly done in winter) if they happen to smite vpon a trée or blocke, they note the place, and about haruest time, when the ground is at the driest, they come againe and get it vppe, and afterwarde carrying it home, applye it to their vses. The lyke doe they in Shroppeshyre with fire woode, which hath béene felled in olde time, wyth­in seauen miles of Salop, so me of them foo­lishlye suppose the same to haue lyen there sith Notes floud: and other more fonde then the rest, imagine them to growe, euen in the places where they finde them, without all consideration, that in times past, the most parte, if not all Lhoegres and Cambria was generally replenished with woode, which be­ing felled or ouerthrowne, vpon sundry oc­casions, was left lying in some places still on the grounde, and in procéesse of time, be­came to be quite ouergrowen with earth and mouldes, which mouldes, wanting their due sadnesse, are nowe turned into moory plots, whereby it commeth to passe also, that great plentye of water commeth betwéene the new loose swart and the olde hard earth, that being drawne awaie, might soone leaue a drie soyle to the great lucre and aduantage of the owner. We find in our histories, that Lincolne, was sometime buylded by Lud, brother to Cassibillane, who called it Cair [Page 92] Ludcotte of the great store of woodes, that enuironed the same, but now the comodity is vtterly decayed there, so that if ad were a­liue againe in our time, he woulde not call it his Citie in ye woode, but rather his towne in ye plaines: for the wood I say, is wasted alto­gither about ye same, the hils called ye Peke, were in lyke sort named Men [...]ith C [...]it, that is, the wooddy hiles, but howe much woode is now to bee séene in those places, let him that hath béene there testifie, if he liste, for I h [...] of none by such as trauayle that waye, and & thus much of woodes and marises, and so farre as I can deale with the same.

¶Of the Antiquities, or auncient Coines found in England. Cap. 17.

HAuing take some occasion to speak here and there in thys treatize of Antiqui­ties, it shall not be amysse to deale yet more in this chapter, with some of them apart, & by themselues, whereby the secure authori­rie of the Romaines ouer thys Island maye in some cases more manifestly appéere. For such was theyr possession of this Islande on this side of the Tynethat they helde not one or two or a fewe places onely vnder there subiection, but all the whole countrey from the east to west, from the Tyne to the Bri­tish Sea, so that there was no region voyd of theyr gouernaunce, notwythstanding that vntil the death of Lucius & extinction of his issue, they did permit ye successors of Lud & Cimbaelyne to reigne & rule amongst thē, though vnder a certeine tribute, as else where I haue declared. The chief cause that vrgeth me to speake of Antiquities, is the paines that I haue taken to gather great numbers of them togither, entending if euer my Chronology shal happē to come abroad, to set downe the liuely protraitures of euery Emperour ingraued in the same: also the fa­ces of Pompey, Crassus, the seauen kinges of the romaines, Cicero and diuers other which I haue prouided ready for the purpose, beside the monuments & liuely Images of sundrye Philosophers, and Kinges of thys Islande, sithens the time of Edwarde the confessor, whereof although presently I want a fewe, yet I doe not doubt but to obtaine them all, if eyther friendeship or money shall be able to preuaile. But as it hath done hetherto, so the charges to be employed, vpon these bra­sen or coper Images, will hereafter put by the impression of my booke, whereby it maye come to passe, that long trauaile shall soone prooue to be spent in vaine, and much cost come to very small successe, whereof yet I force not greatly, sith by this meanes, I haue reaped some commoditie vnto my selfe, by searching of the histories, which often my­nister store of examples, ready to be vsed as occasion shall compell me. But to procéede with my purpose. Before the comming of the Romains, ther was a kind of copper money currant herein bryteine as Caesar confesseth in ye sith booke of his comentaries, whervnto he addeth a report of certeine rings, of a pro­portionate weight, which they vsed in his time, in stéed likewise of money. But as he­therto it hath not béene my lucke to haue the certeine viewe of any of these, so after the cō ­ming of ye Romaines, they inforced vs to a­bandon our owne and receiue such imperiall coine, as for the payment of ye Legions was daily brought ouer vnto vs. What coynes ye romaines had it is easie to be knowne, & frō time to time much of it is founde in manye places of this Islande, aswell of Golde and Siluer, as of copper, brasse, and other met­tall, much lyke stéele, almost of euery Empe­rour, so that I account it no rare thyng to haue of the Romaine coyne, albeit, that it stil represent an ymage of our captiuity, & maye be a good admonition for vs, to take heede howe we yéelde our selues to the regiment of straungers. Of the store of these monies, found vpon the Kentishe coast, I haue alrea­dy made mencion, in the description of Rich­borowe, and chapiter of Isles Adiacent vnto the Brittish Albion, and there shewed also howe simple fisher men haue had plentye of them, and that the very conyes in makyng profers and holes to bréede in, haue scraped them out of the grounde in very great abun­dance. In speaking also af S. Albanes, in the chapter of townes and villages, I haue not omitted to tell what plenty of these coynes haue béene gathered there, wherfore I shall not néede here to repeate the same againe: Howbeit this is certaine, that the most part of all these Antiquities, to be founde with in the lande, & distant from the shore, are to be gotten eyther in the ruines of auncient Ci­ties & Townes decayed, or in inclosed boro­wes, where their legions acustomed some­time to winter, as by experience is dailye confirmed. What store hath béene séene of them in the citie of London, which they cal­led Augusta, of the Legion that soiourned there, & likewise in Yorke named also Vic­trix, of the Legion, Victoria or (Altera Roma, because of beautie and fine buylding of the same) I my selfe can partely witnesse, that haue séene, and often had of them, if better testimony were wāting. The like I may af­firme of Colchester, where those of Claudius Hadriane, Traiane, Vespasian and other, are [Page] oftentymes plowed vp or founde, by other meanes: also of Cantorbury, Andreschester, (now decayed) Rochester then called Duro­breuum, Winchester and diuers other be­yonde the Thames, which for breuities sake I doe passe ouer in silence: onely the chiefe of all & where most are founde in deede is néere vnto Carleon & Cairgwent in Southwales, about Kenchester, thrée myles aboue Here­forde, Aldborow, Ancaster, Bramdon, Do­dington, Cirnechester, Binchester, Cama­let, Lacock vpō Auon, Lincolne, Dorchester, Warwick, & Chester, where they are often had in verye great abundaunce. It séemeth that Ancaster hath béen a great thing, for ma­ny square & coloured pauemēts, vaults, and arches are yet found, & of [...] layde open by such as digge and plowe in the fieldes about the same, & amongst these, one Vresby or Rose­by, a plowmā, did ere vp not lōg since a stone lyke a troughe couered wyth an other stone, wherein was great abundaunce of the afore­sayde coynes: the lyke also was seene not yet fourtie yeare agone about Grantham: but in kyng Henryes the eyght hys dayes an hus­bandman had far better lucke at Hariestone, two miles from the aforesaid place, where he founde not only great store of this coyne, but also an huge brasse pot, and therein a large helmet of pure golde, rychely fretted wyth pearle, & set with all kindes of costly stones: he tooke vppe also cheanes much lyke vnto beades of siluer, all which, as being (if a man might gesse any certaintie by their beautie) not likely to be long hidden, he presented to Quéene Catherine then lying at Peterbo­row, and therewithall a few auncient rowles of Parchment written long agone, though so defaced with mouldinesse, and rotten for age, that no man coulde well holde them in hys hand without falling into péeces, much lesse reade them by reason of their blindnesse. In the beginning of the same kinges dayes also at Killey a man foūd as he eared, an arming girdle, harnised wyth pure golde, & a great massy pomell with a crosse hilt for a sworde of the same mettalle, beside studdes and har­nesse for spurres, and the huge long spurres also of lyke stuffe, wherof doctor Ruthall got part into his handes. The borowghes or bu­ries whereof, I spake before, were certaine plots of ground, wherein the Romaine soul­diours dyd vse to lye when they kept in the open fieldes as chosen places, from whence they might haue easie accesse vnto their ad­uersaries, yf any outrage were wrought or rebellion mooued against them. And as these were the vsuall abodes for those able Legiōs that serued dayly in the warres, so had they other certaine habitations, for the olde an [...] forworne souldiours, whereby diuers cities grewe in time to be replenished with Ro­maine colonie, as Cairleon, Colcester, Che­ster, and such other, of which, Colcester bare the name of Colonia long tyme, and wherin A Plautius builded a temple vnto the goddes of victorie (after the departure of Claudius) which Tacitus calleth Aram sempiternae dominationis, a parpetuall monument of that our Brittish seruitude. But to returne vnto our borowes they were generally wal­led about wyth stone walles, and so large in cōpasse that some dyd contayne thirtie, four­tie, thrée score, or eyghtie Acres of grounde within their limites: they had also diuers gates or portes vnto eache of them, and of these not a fewe remayne to be séene in our time, as one for example not far from great Chesterforde in Essex, néere to the limites of Cambridgshire, which I haue often viewed, and wherein the compasse of the very wall wyth the places where the gates stoode is easie to be discerned: the lyke also is to be séene within two miles south of Burton, cal­led the borow hilles. In these therefore and such lyke, is much of their coyne also to be founde, and some péeces or other are dayly taken vppe, which they call borowe pence, dwarfes mony, hegges pence, feiry groates, Iewes money, and by other foolishe names not woorthie to be remembred. At the com­ming of the Saxons the Britons vsed these holdes as rescues for their cattell in the daye and night when their enemies were abrode, the lyke also dyd the Saxons agaynst the Danes, by which occasions (and nowe and then by carying of their stones to helpe for­warde other buyldings néere at hand) many of them were throwne downe and defaced, which otherwyse myght haue continued for a longer time, and so your selues would say, yf you shoulde happen to pervse the thicke­nesse and maner of buylding of those walles & borowes. It is not long since a siluer sau­cer of verye auncient making, was founde néere to Saffron Walden, in the open field among the Stertbyry hilles, [...] and eared vp by a plough, but of such massy greatnesse, that it weighed better then twentie ounces, as I haue hearde reported, but yf I shoulde stand in these thinges vntill I had sayde all that might be spoken of them, both by experience and testimonie of Lelande in his Commen­taries of Britayne, and the report of diuers yet liuing, I might make a greater chapter then woulde be eyther conuenient or profita­ble to the reader: wherefore these shall serue the turne for this time that I haue sayde al­readie [Page 93] of antiquities founde within our I­slande, especially of coyne, whereof I pur­posed chiefely to treate.

Of the Marueyles of Englande. Cap. 18.

SVch as haue written of the woonders of our countrie in olde time, haue spoken no doubt of many things which deserue no cre­dite at all, and therefore in séeking thanckes of their posteritie by their trauayle in thys behalfe, they haue reaped the rewarde of iust reproch, and in steade of fame purchased vn­to thēselues, nought else but méere discredit in theyr better Treatizes. The lyke commō ­lye happeneth also to such as in respect of lu­cre doe publishe vnprofitable and pernicious volumes, whereby they doe consume theyr tymes in vayne, and in manifolde wyse be­come preiudicial vnto their cōmon we [...]thes: For my part therefore, hauing (I hope) the feare of God before my eyes, I purpose here to set downe no more, thē either I know my selfe to be true, or am credible informed to be so, by such godly men, as to whom nothing is more deare then to speake the truth, & not any thing more odious then to defile them­selues by lying. [...]oure [...]onders Eng­ [...]de. In writing therefore of the woonders of England, I finde that there are foure notable thinges, which for their rare­nesse amongst the cōmon sort, are takē for the foure myracles & woonders of the lande. The first of these, is a vehement & strong wynde, which issueth out of certaine hilles called the Peke, so violent & strong that certaine times if a man do cast in his cote or cloake into the caue frō whence [...] issueth, it driueth ye same backe againe hoysing it aloft into the open ayre with great force and vehemencie. Of this also Giraldus speaketh. The seconde is the myraculous standing or rather hanging of certaine stones vpon the playne of Salis­bury, wherof the place is called Stonehēge, and to say the truth, they may well be woon­dered at, not onely for the maner of position, whereby they become very difficult to be nū ­bered, but also for their greatnesse & strong maner of lying of some of them one vpon an other, which séemeth to be with so ticle holde that fewe men go vnder them without feare of their present ruyne. Howe and when these stones were brought thyther, as yet I can not reade, howbeit it is most likely that they were raysed there by the Brytons after the slaughter of their nobilitie at the deadly ban­ket, which Hengest and his Saxons prouided for them, where they were also buried and Vortigerme, their king apprehended & ledde away as captiue: I haue hearde that the like are to be séene in Irelande, but how true it is as yet I can not learne [...]the report goeth also that these were brought from thence but by what shippe on the sea and caryage by land, I thinke few men can imagine. The third is an ample and large hole vnder the ground, which some call Carcer Eoli, but in English Chedderhole, where into many men haue en­tred and walked very farre. Howbeit, as the passage is large and nothing noysome, so di­uers that haue aduentured to go into ye same coulde neuer as yet find the end of that way, neyther sée any other thing then pretie riue­rettes and streames, which they often cros­sed as they went from place to place: Thys Chedderhole or Cheder rocke, is in Somer­setshyre, and thence the sayde waters runne til they méete with the second aye that riseth in Owky hole. The fourth is no lesse nota­ble then any of the other, for westwarde vp­pon certaine hils a man shall sée the clowdes of raine gather togither in faire weather vn­to a certaine thickenesse, & by & by to spreade themselues abroade, and water their fieldes about them, as it were vpon the sodaine, the causes of which dispersion, as they are vtter­ly vnknowne, so many men coniecture great store of water to be in those hilles, and very néere at hand, if it were néedeful to be sought for. Beside these foure marueyles there is a litle rocky Isle in Aber barry (a riueret that falleth into the Sauerne sea) called Barry, which hath a rift or clift next the first shore, whereunto if a man doe lay his eare, he shall heare such noyses as are commonly made in smithes forges vz. clincking of yron barres, beating with hammers, blowing of bellow­ces, and such like, whereof the superstitious sorte doe gather many toyes, as the gentiles dyd in olde tyme of their lame God Vulca­nes potte. The riuer that runneth by Che­ster chaungeth hir chanel euery moneth, the cause whereof as yet I cannot learne, ney­ther doth swell by force of any lande floude, but by some vehement winde, it oft ouerrū ­neth hir banckes. In Snowdony are twoo lakes, whereof one beareth a mooueable I­slande, which is caryed to & fro as the winde bloweth, the other hath thrée kindes of fishes in it, as éeles, trowtes, & perches, but herein resteth the woonder, that all those haue but one eye a péece onely, and the same scituate in the right side of their heades, & this I find to be confirmed by authours. There is a Well in the forrest of Guaresborow, where­of the sayd forrest doth take the name, which in a certaine periode of time knowne, cōuer­teth wood, flesh, leaues of trées, and mosse in­to harde stone, without alteratiō or chaung­ing [Page] of shape. The lyke also is séene there in frogges, wormes, and such lyke lyuing cre­atures as fall into the same, & find no ready issue. Of this spring also Lelād writeth thus, a litle aboue March, but at the farder bank of Nidde ryuer as I came, I sawe a Well of woonderfull nature, called Dropping wel, because the water thereof Distilleth out of great rockes harde by into it continuallye, which is so colde, and thereto of such nature, that what thing soeuer falleth out of ye rocks into this pitte, or groweth néere thereto, or be cast into it by mans hande, it turneth in­to stone. It maye be saith he, that some sand or other fine groūd issueth out wt this water, from these harde rockes, which cleauing vn­to those thynges, gyueth them in tyme the fourme of stone▪ &c. In parte of the hylles east southeast of Alderly, a myle frō Kinges­woode, are stones daily founde, perfitly fashi­oned like cocles, and mighty Oysters, which some dreame to haue lyen there since ye floud. In the cliftes betwéene the blacke heade and Trewardeth baie in Cornwal, is a certeine caue, where thinges appéere lyke ymages gilded, on the sides of the same, which I take to be nothing else but the shining of ye bright Ore of copper & ther mettals, redy at hād to be foūd ther, if any diligēce were vsed. How­beit bicause it is marueled at as a rare thing I do not think it vnmete to be placed amōgst our woonders. M. Guise had of late and styll hath for ought yt I knowe, a maner in Glo­cester shyre, where certeine okes doe grow, whose rootes are verye harde stone. And be syde thys the grounde is so fertyll there as they saye, that if a man hews a stake of anye woode, and pitche it into the grounde, it wyll growe and take rooting beyond all expectati­on. Is it any woonder think you to tel of sun­drye caues néere vnto Browham, on the west side of the ryuer Aymote, wherein are halles, chambers, and al offices of houshold, cut out of the harde rocke. If it be, then maye we increase the number of marueyles very much by the rehearsall of other also, for wée haue many of ye like, nere as of to s. Asaphes, vpō the bank of Elwy, and about the head of Vendrath vehan in Wales, whereinto men haue often entered and walked, & yet founde nothing but large rowmes, & sandy ground vnder their féete, and other elsewhere. But sith these thinges are not strange, I let them alone, and go forward with the rest.

In the paryshe of Landsarnam in wales, and in the side of a stony hil, is a place wher­in are foure and twentye seates, hewen out of the harde rockes, but who did cut them, & to what ende, as yet it is not learned. As for the huge stone that lyeth at Pember, in Guythery parish, and of the notable carkas that is affirmed to lye vnder the same, there is no cause to touch it here, yet were it well done to haue it remooued though it were but onely to sée what it is, which the people haue in so greeat estimation & reuerence. There is also a poole in Logh Taw, among ye black mounteines in Breknocke shyre, (where as some saye, is the head of Taw that commeth to Swansey) which hath such a property that it will bréede no fishe at all, and if any be cast into it, they dye without recouerye. There is also a Linne in Wales, which in the one side beareth trowtes so redde as samons, and on the other which is the westerlye side, ve­ry white and delicate.

There is a Well not farre from stonye Stratforde, which conuerteth many things into the stone, and another in Wales, which is sayde to double or trible, the force of any edge toole that is quenched in the same. In Tegeuia a percell of Wales, there is a no­ble Well, I meane in the parysh of Kilken, which is of marueilous nature, for although it be sixe myles from the Sea, it ebbeth and floweth, twise in one daye, alwayes ebbyng when the sea doth vse to flowe, & in flowing likewise when the sea doth vse ebbe, whereof some doe fable, that this Well is lady & my­sterys of the Oceane. Not far from thence also is a medicinable spring, called Schy­naunt of olde time, but nowe Wenefrides Wel, in the edges wherof doth bréede a very odoriferous and delectable mosse, wherewith the heade of the smeller is marueylouslye re­freshed. Other Welles we haue lykewise, which at some times burst out into huge streames, though at other seasons they run but very softly, whereby the people gather some alteratiō of estate to be at hand. Some of the greater sort also giue ouer to runne at all in such times, whereof they conceyue the like opinion. What the foolish people dreame of the hell Kettles, it is not worthy the reher­sall, yet to the ende the lewde opinion con­ceyued of them, maye growe into contempt, I will say thus much also of those pits. Ther are certeine pittes or rather thrée litle poles, a myle from Darlington, and a quarter of a myle distant from the These bankes, which ye people call the Kettes of hell, or the deuils Ketteles, as if he shoulde sée the soules of sin­full men and women in them: they adde also that the spirites haue oft béene harde to crye and yell about them, wyth other like talke sauouring altogether of pagane infidelitye. The truth is (& of this opiniō also was Cuth­bert Tunstall Byshop of Durham) that the [Page 94] Colemines, in those places are kindled or if there be no coles, there may a mine of some other vnctuous matter be set on fire, which beyng here and there consumed, the earth falleth in, and so doth leaue a pitte. In déede the water is nowe and then warme as they saye, and beside that it is not cléere, the peo­ple suppose them to be an hundred faddame déepe, the byggest of them also hath an issue into the These. But ynough of these woon­ders least I doe séeme to be touched in thys description, & thus much of the hel Kettles.

There is a Well in Darby shyre, called Tiddeswell, whose water often séemeth to ryse and fall, as the Sea which is fortye mile from it: doth vsually accustome to ebbe and flowe, and hereof an opinion is grow­en, that it kéepeth an ordinary course, as the sea doth, howbeit sith dyuers are knowne to haue watched the same, it may be yt at some­times it ryseth but not continually, and that it so doth I am fullye perswaded to beléeue. But ynough of the woonders lest I do séeme by talking longer of them, woonderouslye to ouershoote my selfe, and forget howe much doth rest behynde of the dyscription of my countrey.

¶The thirde Booke of the historicall description of Brytaine, conteyning these chap­ters insuing.

  • 1. Of the foode and dyet of thenglish.
  • 2. Of their apparrell and attyre.
  • 3. Of the Lawes of Englande, sithens hir first inhabitation.
  • 4. Of degrees of people in the common wealth of Englande.
  • 5. Of prouision made for the poore.
  • 6. Of sundry kindes of punishment, pro­uided for offenders.
  • 7. Of Sauage beastes and Vermines.
  • 8. Of Cattell kept for profite.
  • 9. Of wylde and tame Foules.
  • 10. Of fishe vsually taken vpon our coastes.
  • 11. Of Hawkes and rauenous Foules.
  • 12. Of venimous Beastes.
  • 13. Of English Dogges.
  • 14. Of English Saffron.
  • 15. Of quarries of Stone for buylding.
  • 16. Of sundry Mineralles.
  • 17. Of Salt made in Englande.
  • 18. Of Mettalles.
  • 19. Of precious Stones.
  • 20. Of the Coynes of Englande.
  • 21. Of our accompt of time, and hir parts.
  • 22. Of our maner of measuring, the length and bredth of thinges.
  • 23. Of English weightes.
  • 24. Of liquide measures.
  • 25. Of drie measures.
  • 26. Of thorowfares.

¶ Of the foode and diet of the Englishe. Cap. 1.

THe scituation of our region, lying néere vnto the north, doth cause the heate of our stomaches somewhat to increase, and become of greater force, wherefore our bodies doe craue some­what more ample nourishment, then the in­habitantes of the hotter regions are accu­stomed wythall: whose dygestyue force is not altogither so vehement, because theyr internall heate is not so strong as ours, which is kept in by the coldnesse of the ayre, that from time to tyme especially in winter doth enuiron our bodies.

It is no marueyle therfore that our tables are oftētimes more plētifully garnished thē those of other nations, & this trade hath con­tinued with vs euen sithence the very begin­ning, for before the Romaines founde out & knewe the waye vnto our country, our pre­decessours fedde largely vpon fleshe & m [...]ke, whereof there was great abundance in thys Isle, because they applyed their chief studies vnto pasturage and féeding. After this ma­ner also did our Welch Brytons order thē ­selues in theyr dyet so long as they liued of themselues, but after they became to be vni­ted & made equal with the English, they fra­med their appetites to liue after our maner, so that at thys day there is very litle diffe­rence betwéene vs in our dyets. In olde time the north Brytons did giue themselues generally to great abstinence, and in tyme of warres their souldiours would often feede but once or twice at the most in two or thrée dayes, especially if they helde themselues in secrete, or coulde haue no issue out of theyr Bogges and maryses, thorowe the presence of the enimie. In this penurye also they vsed to créepe into the water or moorish plots vp vnto the chinnes, and there remaine a long tyme, only to quallify the heates of their sto­mackes by violence, which otherwyse would haue wrought and béene readye to oppresse them for hunger and want of sustinance. In those daies likewise it was taken for a great offence amongst them, to eate eyther goose, hare, or henne, bicause of a certaine supersti­cious opinion which they had conceyued of those thrée creatures, howbeit after that the Romaynes had once founde an entraunce in­to this Island, it was not long ere open ship­wracke [Page] was made of this religious obserua­tion, so that in processe of time, so well the Brytons as ye Romaines, gaue ouer to make anye such difference in meates, as they had done before time.

From thenceforth also vnto our dayes, & euen in this season wherein we liue, there is no restraint of any meate, eyther for re­ligions sake, or publike order, but it is law­full for euery man to féede vpon whatsoeuer he is able to purchase, except it be vpon those dayes whereon eating of fleshe is especially forbidden, by the lawes of the realme, which order is taken only to the ende our numbers of cattell maye be the better increased, and that abundaunce of fishe which the sea yéel­deth, more generally receyued. Beside this there is great consideration had in making of this law for the preseruatiō of the nauy, & maintenaunce of conuenient numbers of sea faryng men, both which woulde otherwyse greatlye decaye, if some meanes were not found, wherby they might be increased. But howsouer this case standeth, white meates, as milk, butter & chéese, which were woont to be accoūted of as one of the chiefe stayes tho­rowout the Island, are now reputed as foode appertinent only to the inferiour sort, why­lest such as are more wealthie, doe féede vp­pon the fleshe of all kindes of cattell accusto­med to be eaten, all sortes of fishe taken vpō our coastes and in our freshe ryuers, & such diuersitie of wilde and tame foules as are eyther bredde in our Islande or brought ouer vnto vs from other countries of the maine.

In number of dishes and change of meate, the nobilitie of Englande doe most excéede, sith there is no daye in maner that passeth o­uer their heades, wherein they haue not one­ly béefe, mutton, veale, lambe, kidde, porke, conie, capon, pigge, or so many of these as the season yeldeth: but also some portiō of the redde or fallow déere, beside great varietie of fishe and wildefowle, and thereto sundrie o­ther delicates wherin the swéet hande of the Portingale is not wāting: so that for a man to dine with one of them, and to tast of euery dishe that standeth before him (which fewe vse to doe, but to féede vppon that him best li­keth for the time) is rather to yéelde vnto a conspiracie with a great deale of meate for the spéedie suppression of naturall health, thē to satisfie himselfe with a competent repast, to sustayne his lyfe withall. But as thys large feeding is not séene in their gestes, no more is it in their owne persons, for sith they haue dayly much resort vnto their tables, (& many tymes vnlooked for) and thereto re­tayne great numbers of seruaunts, it is very requisite for them to be somewhat plentifull in this behalfe. The chiefe part lykewyse of their dayly prouisiō is brought in before thē, & placed on their tables, whereof when they haue takē what it pleaseth thē, the rest is re­serued & afterward sent downe, to their ser­uing men & waiters, who fed thereon in lyke sort with conuenient moderatiō, their reuer­sion also being bestowed vpō the poore, which lye ready at their gates in great numbers to receyue the same. This is spokē of the chiefe tables whereat the nobleman, his ladie and guestes are accustomed to sit, beside which they haue a certayne ordinarie allowaunce dayly appointed for their halles, where the chiefe officers, and housholde seruaunts, (for all are not permitted to wayte vppon theyr maister) & with them such inferiour guestes do féede as are not of calling to associate the noble mā himself: so that besides those afore mencioned which are called to the principall table, there are commonly fourtie or thrée score persons fed in those halles to the great reliefe of such strāgers, as oft be partakers thereof. As for drincke it is not vsually set on the table in pottes or cruses, but each one calleth for a cup of such as he listeth to haue, or as necessitie vrgeth him: so yt whē he hath tasted of it he deliuereth the cuppe againe to some one of the standers by, who making it cleane, restoreth it to the cubborne frō whēce he fetched the same. By this occasion much ydle tippling is furthermore cut of, for whereas if the full pottes shoulde continual­lye stande néere the trencher, diuers woulde alwayes be dealing with them, whereas now they drincke seldome only to auoide the note of great drinkers, or often troubling of ye seruitours. Neuerthelesse in the noble mēs halles, this order is not vsed, neyther in any mans house commonly vnder the degrée of a knight or Squire of great reuenues. The gentlemen and marchant kéepe much about one rate, and eache of them contenteth him­selfe with foure, or fiue or sixe dishes, when they haue but small resorte, or peraduenture with one or two, or thrée▪ at the most, when they haue no straungers to accompanie them at their owne table. And yet their ser­uauntes haue their ordinarye dyet assigned, beside such as is left at their masters bordes, and not appointed to be brought thither the seconde time, which is often séene generally in venison, or some especiall dishe, whereon the Marchaunte man himselfe lyketh to féede whē it is colde, or peraduenture is bet­ter so then yf it were warme or hote. To be short, at such time as the marchauntes doe make their ordinarie or voluntarie feasts, it [Page 95] is a worlde to sée what great prouision is made of all maner of delicate meates, from euery quarter of the country, wherein beside that they are oftē comparable herein to the nobilitie of the lande, they will seldome re­garde any thing that the butcher vsually kil­leth, but reiect the same as not woorthie to come in place. In such cases also geliffes, conserues, suckeites, codinacs, marmilates, marchepaine, sugred bread, gingerbreade, florentines, wildfowle, venison of all sortes, & outlandish confectiōs do generally beare ye sway, with other infinite deuises of our owne not possible for me to remember. But amōg all these, the kinde of meate which is obtay­ned with most difficultie is commonly taken for the most delicate, & thervpon eache guest will soonest desire to féede. And as all estates doe excéede herein, (I meane for number of costly dishes) so these forget not to vse ye like excesse in wine, insomuch as there is no kind to be had (neither any where more store of al sortes then in Englād) wherof at such great méetinges there is not some portion proui­ded. Furthermore when these haue had their course which nature yeldeth, sundry sortes of artificial stuffe, imust in like maner succéede in their turnes, beside Ale & béere which ne­uerthelesse beare the greatest brunt in drinc­king, and are of so many sortes & ages as it pleaseth the Bruer to make them. The bere that is vsed at noble mens tables is commō ­lye of a yeare olde, (or peraduenture of twoo yeres tunning or more, but this is not ge­nerall) it is also brued in Marche & therefore called Marche bere, but for the housholde it is vsually not vnder a monethes age, eache one coueting to haue ye same stale as he may so that it be not soure, and his breade new as is possible, so that it be not hote. The arti­ficer, and husbandman, make greatest ac­compt of such meate, as they maye soonest come by and haue it quicklyest readie: their foode also consisteth principally in Béefe and such meate as the Butcher selleth, that is to say Mutton, Veale, Lamb, Porke. &c. wher­of the Artificer findeth great store in the markets adioyning, beside Souse, Brawne, Bacon, Fruite, Pyes of fruite, Foules of sundrie sortes, Chéese, Butter, Egges. &c. as the other wāteth it not at home, by his owne prouision, which is at the best hande, & com­monly least charge. In festing also this lat­ter sort doe excéede after their maner: espe­cially at Brydales, purifications of women, and such like odde méetinges, where it is in­credible to tell what meate is consumed and spent, eache one bringing such a dishe, or so many, as hys wyfe and he doe consult vpon, but alwayes with this consideration that the léefer friende, shall haue the best intertaine­ment. This also is commonly séene at these bankets, that the goodman of the house is not charged with any thing sauing bread, drinke, house rowme and fire. But the artificers in cities and good townes doe deale farre other­wyse, for albeit that some of them doe suffer their iawes to go oft before their clawes, & diuers of thē by making good cheare do hin­der themselues and other men, yet the wiser sort can handle the matter well ynough in these Iunkettinges, and therefore their fru­galitie deserueth commendation. To con­clude both the arficer and the husbandman, are sufficiently liberall, and very friendly at their tables, and when they méete, they are so merie without malice, and plaine without inwarde craft & subtilty that it woulde doe a man good to be in companie among them. Herein onely are the inferiour sort to be bla­med, that being thus assembled their talke is now and then such as sauoureth of scurrilitie and ribaldrye a thing naturallye incident to carters, & clownes, who thincke themselues not to be merie and welcome, yf their foolish vaines in this behalfe be neuer so little re­strayned. This is moreouer to be added in these assembles, that if they happen to stum­ble vpon a péece of venison and a cup of wine or very strong béere or ale, which latter they commonly prouide agaynst their appoynted dayes, they thincke their cheare so great, and thēselues to haue fared so well,I haue dined so well as my Lorde Mayor. as the Lorde Mayor of London, with whome when their bellies be full they will often make compa­rison. I might here talke somewhat of the great silence that is vsed at the tables of the honorable & wyser sort, generally ouer all ye realme, likewyse of the moderate eating and drincking that is dayly séene, and finally of the regard that eache one hath to kéepe him­selfe from the note of surffetting and drunc­kennesse, (for which cause salt meate except béefe, bacon, and porke are not any white e­stéemed, and yet these three may not be much powdered) but as in rehearsall thereof I should commende the noble man, marchant, and frugall artificer, so I coulde not cleare the meaner sort of husbandmen, and country inhabitaunts of very much babbling (except it be here and there some odde man) & nowe & then surfeting and drunkennesse, which they rather fall into for want of héede taking, thē wilfully following or delighting in those er­rours of set minde and purpose. The breade thorowout the lande is made of such graine as the soyle yeldeth, neuerthelesse the genti­litie commōly prouide themselues sufficient­ly [Page] of wheate for their owne tables, whylest their houshold and poore neighbours are in­forced to content themselues with Rye, or Barley, yea & in tyme of dearth with breade made eyther of beanes, peason, or Otes, or of al togither, of which scourge the poorest do soonest tast, sith they are least able to prouide themselues of better. I will not say that this extremitie is oft so well to be séen in tyme of plentie, as of dearth but if I should I could easily bring my trial: for albeit that there be much more grounde eared nowe almost in e­uerye place, then hath béene of late yeares, yet such a price of corne continueth in eache towne and markete wythout any iust cause, that the artificer and poore laboring man, is not able to reach vnto it, but is driuen to cō ­tent hymselfe with horsecorne, I meane, beanes, peason, otes, tares, and lintelles: and therefore it is a true prouerbe, and neuer so well verified as now,A famine at hand is first séene in ye horse maunger, when the poore doe fall to horsecorne that hunger setteth his first foote into the horse manger. If the world last a while after this rate, wheate and rye will be no graine for poore men to féede on, & some catterpillers there are that can saye so much already. Of breade made of wheat we haue sundry sortes, daily brought to the ta­ble, wherof the first and most excellent is the manchet, which we commonlye call white breade, in latin primarius panis, Primarius panis. whereof Bu­deus also speaketh, in his first booke de asse. The second is the cheate, or wheaton bread, so named because the colour thereof resem­bleth the graie wheat, and out of this is the coursest of the brennes (vsually called gurge­ons or pollarde) taken. The raueled is a kinde of chete breade also, but it reteyneth more of the grosse, and lesse of the pure sub­stance of the wheate: and this beyng more sleightly wrought vp, is vsed in the houses of the nobilitie, and gentry onely, whereas the other is baked in cities and good townes of an appointed size (according to such price as the corne doth beare) by a statute prouided in that behalfe.The size of breade is very ill kept or not at all loo­ked vnto in the coū ­trey townes & markets. Panis Ci­barius.The next sort is named browne breade of the colour, of which we haue twoo sortes, one baked vp as it commeth from the mille, so that neyther the brennes nor the floure, are any whit diminished, thys Celsus called Autopirus panis. lib. 2. and putteth it in the seconde place of nourishment. The o­ther hath little or no floure left therein at al, howbeit he calleth it panem Cibarium, and it is not onely the woorst and weakest of all the other sortes, but also appointed in olde tyme for seruants, and the inferiour kinde of peo­ple. Hereunto likewise because it is dry and brickle in the working (for it will hardely be made vp handsomely into loues) some adde a portion of rye meale, wherby the rough dry­nesse or drie roughnesse thereof is somewhat quallified, and then it is named misselen, that is, bread made of mingled corne, albeit that dyuers doe mingle wheate and rye of pur­pose at the mille, & sell the same at the mar­kettes vnder the aforesayde name.

In champeigne countryes much rye and barly breade it eaten,Sspan [...] but especiallye where wheate is scant and geson. As for the diffe­rence that is betwéene the summer & winter wheate, most husbandmen knowe it not, sith they are neyther acquainted with summer wheat, nor winter barley: yet here and there I finde of both sortes, but in so small quanti­ties, as that I dare not pronounce them to be any thing common among vs.

Our drinke whose force and continuance is partly touched already, is made of barley,Dr [...]n [...] water, and hoppes, sodden and mingled to­gither, by the industry of our bruers, in a certaine exact proportion. But before our barley doe come vnto their handes, it sustai­neth great alteration, and is conuerted into mault, ye making wherof,M [...] I wil her set down in such order, as my skill therein may extend vnto, (for I am scarse a good maultster) chief­ly for that forreine writers haue attēpted to describe the same, & the making of our béere, wherein they haue shot so farre wyde as the quantity of ground was betwéene thēselues and their marke. In the meane tyme beare with me gentle reader, (I beséech thée) that leade thee from the description of the plenty­full dyet of our countrey, vnto the fonde re­porte of a seruyle trade, or rather from a ta­ble delicately furnished, into a mustye mault house, but such is now thy hap, wherefore I praye thée be contented.

Our Mault is made of the best Barley,Ma [...] of [...] which is stéeped in a cysterne, in greater or lesse quantitye, by the space of thrée dayes, and thrée nyghtes, vntyll it be thorowelye soked. This beyng done the water is dray­ned from it by lyttle and lyttle, tyll it bée quite gone. Afterwarde they take it out, and laying it vpon the cleane floure on a rounde heape, it resteth so vntill it be ready to shoote at the roote ende, which maltsters call com­ming. When it beginneth therefore to shoote in thys maner, they saye it is come, and then foorthwith they spreade it abroade, first thick and afterwarde thinner and thinner vppon the sayde flower (as it commeth) and there it lyeth (with turning euery daye foure or fiue times) by the space of one and twenty daies at the least, the workeman not suffring it in any wise to take any heate, whereby the bud ende shoulde spire, that bringeth foorth the [Page 96] blade, and by which out [...]ght [...]he maulte woulde be spoyl [...]d, and to its [...]o small como­ditie. When it hath gone or [...] turned so long vpon the floure, they carye it to a hyll couered wyth heire cloth, where they gyue it gentle heates (after they haue sprede it there very thinne abroad) till it be drye, and in the meane while they turne it o [...]ten, that it may be vniformly dried. For the more it be dryed the better the mault is and the longer it will continue, whereas if it be not dryed downe (as they call it) but slackely handled, it wyll bréed a kind of worme, called a wiuel, which groweth in the flowre of the corne, and in processe of time, will so eate out it selfe, that nothing shal remaine of the graine but euen the rinde or huske. The best mault is tryed by the hardnesse & colour, for if it will write lyke a péece of chalke, after you haue bytten a kyrnell in sunder in the middest, then you may assure your self yt it is dryed downe. In some places it is dryed with woode alone, or strawe alone, in other with woode and straw togither, but of all the strawe dryed is the most excellent. For the woode dryed mault when it is brued, beside that if is higher of collour, it doth hurt and annoye the heade of him that is not vsed thereto because of the smoke. Such also as vse both indifferētly do cleane and drye theyr woode, to remooue all moysture that shoulde procure the smoke, & thys mault is in the seconde place, and with the same likewise, that which is made wyth dryed fyrze, brome, &c. whereas if they also bée occupyed gréene, they are in manner so preiudiciall to the corne, as the moist woode. And thus much of our Maultes in bruyng whereof they grynde the same somewhat groselye, [...]ruing Béere. and in séethyng well the liquour that shall bée put vnto it, they adde to euerye nine quarters of mault one of headecorne, which cōsisteth of sundry graine, as wheate, Otes, Peason. &c. They séeth theyr woort al­so twise, that is once before they mashe, or mixe it with the mault, and once after after, adding furthermore vnto this later seething, a certeine number of englishe hops, (for the outlandish are founde nowe to be the woorst) according to whose quantitie, the continu­aunce of the drinke is determined. For it fée­deth vpon the hoppe, and lasteth so long as the force of the same continueth, which being extinguished the drinke dyeth, and becōmeth of no value. In this trade also our bruers obserue very diligently the nature of the wa­ter which they daily occupye, for all waters are not of lyke goodnesse in thys busynesse, wherefore the diligent workeman doth re­déeme the iniquity of that element, by chan­ging of his proportions, which trouble in ale (sometime our onelye, but nowe taken with many only for olde & s [...]ct [...]ens drinke) is neuer seene nor harde of. Howbeit as the béere well brued and stale, is c [...]ere and well coloured as mu [...]a [...]ell or m [...]l [...]esey, so our ale which is not at all or verye little sodden, and without hoppes, is more thicke, fulsome and of no such continuance, which are thrée o [...]able thynges, to bée considered in that liquor, but what for that. Certes I knewe some ale knightes so much addicted therevn­to, that they will not cease from morow vn­tyll euen, to [...]ist [...]e the same, clensing house after house, till they deale themselues. Such sleights also haue the alewines for the vtter­raunce of this drinke, that they wyll mixe it with rosen and salt, but if you heate a knyfe redde hotte, and quench it in the ale, so néere the bottome of the pot as you can put it, you shal sée the rose hanging on the knife. As for the force of salt, it is well knowne by the ef­fecte, for the more the drinker tipleth ye more he may, and so doth hée cary a dry drunken soule to bed with him, except his lucke be the better, but to my purpose. In some places of england, there is a kind of drink, made of ap­ples, which they call cidar or pomage,Cidar. Perry. but yt of peares is named pirry. Certs these 2. are very common in Kent, Worcester, & other stéedes, where these kindes of fruites doe abounde, howbeit they are not theyr onelye dryncke, at all tymes, but referred vnto the delicate sortes of drinke, as Metheglin is in Wales,Methe­glin. wherof the welchmen make no lesse accompt, then the Gréekes did of theyr Ambrosia, or Nectar, which for the pleasant­nesse thereof, was supposed to bée such as the goddesse themselues did vse. There is a kind of swish swash made also in Essex, and dy­uers other places, wyth Hony and water, which the countrey wines putting some pep­per & a little other spice among, call meade,Mede. verye good in myne opinion for such as loue to bée losse bodied, otherwise it differeth so much from the true Metheglin, as chalke doth from chéese. Truely it is nothing else but the washing of the combes, whē the hony is wrong out, and one of the best things that I knowe belonging thereto is, yt they spend but little labour and lesse cost in making of the same, and therefore no great losse if it were neuer occupyed.

Hetherto of the dyet of my Countrey­menne, and some what more at large peraduenture then manye menne will like of, wherefore I thinke good nowe to fynishe thys chapter, and so will I when I haue ad­ded a few other thinges incident vnto that [Page] which goeth before, wherevy the whole pro­cesse of the same shall fully be deliuered, and my promise to my friend in this behalfe per­formed. Heretofore there hath béene much more tyme spent in eating and drincking thē commonly is in these dayes,Lesse time spent in eating thē heretofore. for whereas of olde we had breakfastes in the forenoone, be­uerages, or nuritions after dinner, & therto rere suppers generally when it was tyme to go to rest (a toy brought in by hard Canutus) nowe these odde repastes thancked be God are verye well left, and eache one in maner (except here in there some young hungry stomacke that cannot fast till dinner tyme,) contenteth himselfe with dinner and supper onely. The Normans mislyking the gur­mandize of Canutus, ordayned after their ar­riualle, that no table shoulde be couered a­boue once in the day, which Huntingdon im­puteth to their auarice: but in the ende either wexing weary of their owne frugalitie, or suffering the cockle of olde custome to ouer­growe the good corne of their newe constitu­tion, they fell to such libertie, that in often féeding they surmounted Canutus surnamed the hardy.Canutus a gloutton but the Normans at the last excéeded him in that vice. For wheras he couered his table, but thrée or foure times in the day, they spred their clothes fiue or sixe tymes, and in such wise as I before rehearsed. They brought in also the custome of long and stately sitting at meate, which is not yet left, although it be a great expence of tyme, and woorthye reprehension. For the nobilitie gentlemen & marchant men, especially at great méetings doe sit cōmonly till two or thrée of the clocke at afternoone, so that with many it is an hard matter,Long fit­ting repre­hended. to ryse from the table to go to eue­ning prayer, & returne from thence to come tyme ynough to supper. For my part I am perswaded that the purpose of the Normans at the first was to reduce the auncient Ro­maine order in féeding once in the day, and towarde the euening as I haue reade & no­ted. In déede the Romaines had such a cu­stome, and lykewyse the Gretians as maye appeare by the wordes of Socrates, who sayd vnto ye Atheniens Oriente sole consilium, oc­cidente conuiuium est cogitandum. Plato called the Siciliens monsters in that they v­sed to eate twise in the day. Among the Per­sians onelye the king dined when the sonne was at the highest, and shadowe of the stile at the shortest: the reast (as it is reported) went alwayes to meate as their stomackes craued it. Howbeit at the last they fell gene­rally to allow of suppers toward the setting of the sunne, bycause they woulde haue all their family to go to meate togither, & wher­vnto they woulde appoynt their guestes to come at a certayne length of the shadow, to be perceyued in their dialles. Their slaues in lyke sort were glad, when it grewed to the tenth foote for then were they sure soone af­ter to go to meate. In the scripture we read of many suppers and fewe dinners, only for that dining was not greatly vsed in Christs tyme, but taken as a thing lately sprong vp, when pampering of the belly began to take holde, occasioned by ydlenesse and great a­bundaunce of riches. It is pretie to note in Iuuenall, how he taunteth Marius for that he gaue himself to drincking before the T [...] at t [...] the [...] at [...]. ninth houre of the day, for thincking thrée houres to be to litle for the filling of his belly, he be­ganne commonly at eyght, which was an houre to soone. Afterwards sixe houres one­ly were appointed to worke and consult in, and the other sixe of the day to féede & drincke in, as the Verse sayeth.

Sex horae tanto rebus tribuantur agendus
viuere post illas littera zetha monet.

But how Martial deuided his day, and with him the whole trowpe of the learned and wi­ser sort, these verses following doe more eui­dently declare.

Prima salutantes, atque altera continet horas,
L [...]. 4. [...] 8
Exercet raucos tertia causidicos.
In quintam varios extendit Roma labores,
Sexta quies lassis, Septima finis erit.
Sufficit in nonam nitidis octaua palestris,
Imperat extructos frangere nona thoros.
Hora libellorum decima est Eupheme meorū,
Temperat Ambrosias, cum tua cura dapes.
Et bonus ethereo laxatur Nectare Caesar,
Ingentique tenet pocula parca manu.
Tunc admitte iocos: gressu timet ire licenti,
Ad matutinum nostra Thaleia Iouem.

Thus we sée how the auncient maner of the gentils was to féede but once in the day and that towarde night, till glotonie grewe on, and altered that good custome. With vs the nobilitie, gentrie and students, doe ordinari­ly go to dinner at a leauen before noone, and to supper at fiue, or betwéene fiue and sixe at afternoone. The marchaunts dine and suppe seldome before 12. at noone, & sixe at night e­specially in London. The husbandmen dine also at high noone as they call it, & sup at sea­uen or eyght: but out of the terme in our V­niuersities the schoolers dine at tenne. As for the poorest sort they generally dine and sup when they, may so that to talke of their order of repast, it were but néedelesse matter.

Of our apparell and attire. Cap. 2.

AN Englishman indeuouring sometime to write of our attire, made sundry plat­formes for his purpose, supposing by some of [Page 97] them to finde out one stedfast ground where­on to builde the summe of his discourse. But in the ende (like an oratour, long without ex­ercise) when he saw what a difficult péece of worke he had taken in hande, he gaue set his traueile, and onelye drue the picture of a naked man, vnto whome he gaue a paire of sheares in the one hande, and a péece of cloth in the other, in the ende he should shape his apparrell after such fashion as himselfe liked, sith he could [...]de no kind of garment that coulde please him [...]ny whyle togyther, and this he called an Englishemen. Certes thys writer (otherwise being a leawde and vngracious priest) shewed himselfe herein not to be voyde of iudgement, [...]rewe. [...]rd. sith the phan­tasticall follye of our nation is such, that no forme of apparrell liketh vs longer then the first garment is in the wearing, if it conti­nue so long and be not layde aside, to receyue some other trinket newly deuised by the ficle headded Taylours, who couet to haue seue­rall trickes in cutting, thereby to draw fond customers to more expence of money. For my part I can tell better howe to inueigh a­gainst this enormitie, then describe our at­tire: sithens such is our mutabilitie, that to day there is none to the Spanishe guise, to morowe the French toyes are most fine and delectable, ere long no such apparell as that which is after the high Almaine fashion, by and by the Turkish maner is generally best liked of, otherwise the Morisco gownes and the Barbarian sléeues make such a comelye Vesture, that except it were a dog in a dub­let, you shall not sée anye so disguised, as are my coūtry men of england. And as these fashiōs are diuers, so likewise it is a worlde to se the costlinesse and the curiositie: the ex­cesse and the vanitie: the pompe and the bra­uery: the chaunge and the variety: and final­ly the ficlenesse and the folly that is in all de­grées: insomuch that nothing is more con­stant in england then inconstancie of attire. Neither cā we be more iustly burdened with any reproche, then inordinate behauiour in apparrell, for which most nations deride vs, as also for that we men doe séeme to bestowe most cost vpon our arses & much more then vpon all the rest of our bodies, as women do likewise vpon their heads and shoulders. In women also it is most to be lamented, that they doe now farre excéede the lightnesse of our men (who neuerthelesse are transformed from the cap euen to the very shoe) and such staring attire as in time past was supposed méete for none but light housewiues onely, is now become an habit for chast & sober ma­trones. What should I say of their dublets wyth p [...]nd [...]nt c [...]pises on the breast [...] tags and c [...], and [...]ée [...] of s [...]dy [...], theyr g [...]g [...]soons, couloured [...] their [...], and such lyke, whereby their bodies [...] ther deform [...] then co [...] I haue [...] with some of them in London so but disgui­sed, that it hath passed my skill to discerne whyther they were men or women. Thus it is now come to passe, that womē are become men, and men turned into monsters: & those g [...] giftes which almightie God hath giuen vnto vs to reléeue our necessitie withall, not otherwyse bestowed them in all exce [...]e as if we wist not otherwise howe to consume and wast them. I pray God that in this behalfe our sinne be not lyke vnto that of Sodome and Gomorha, whose errors were pride,Ezech. 16. ex­cesse of diet, & abuse of Gods benefits abun­dantly bestowed vpon them, beside want of charitie toward the poore, and certaine other pointes which ye Prophet shutteth vp in sci­lence. Certes the commōwealth can not be sayde to florishe where these abuses reigne, but is rather oppressed by vnreasonable ex­actions made vpō farmers & tenants, wher­with to maintayne the same. Neither was it euer meryer with Englande then when an Englishmā was knowne by [...]owne cloth, and contented himselfe with his fine carsie hosen, and a meane slop: his coate, gowne & cloake of browne blew or putre, with some pretie furniture of veluet or furre, & a doub­blet of sadde Tawny, or blacke Veluet, or other comelye Sylke, without such gawrish coulours as are worne in these dayes, & ne­uer brought in but by the consent of ye french, who thincke thēselues the gaiest men, when they haue most diuersitie, & chaunge of cou­lours about them. I might here name a sort of hewes deuised for the nones, wherewith to please fantasticall heades, as gooseturde gréene, the Deuell in the heade, (I shoulde say the hedge) and such like, but I passe them ouer thincking it sufficient to haue sayd thus much of apparell generally, when nothing can particularly be spoken of any constancie thereof.

¶ Of the Lawes of England. Cap. 3.

THat Samothes or Dis gaue the first Lawes vnto the Celtes (whose King­dome he erected about the fiftéene of Nym­brote) the testimonye of Berosus, Samo­thes. is proofe suf­ficient. For he not only affirmeth him to pub­lish the same in the fourth of Ninus, but also addeth thereto, howe there lyued none in hys dayes of more excellent wisdome, nor polli­tike [Page] inuention then he, whereof he was na­med Samothes, as some other doe affyrme. What his lawes were it is now altogyther vnknowne,Albion. as most things of thys age, but that they were altered againe at the cōming of Albion, no mā cā absolutly deny, sith new Lordes vse commonly to gyue newe lawes, and conquerours abolish such as were in vse before them.

The lyke also maye be affirmed of our Brute,Brute. notwythstanding that the certayne knowledge so well of the one as of the other is perished, & nothing worthy memory left of all theyr doyngs. Somewhat yet we haue of Mulmutius, Mulmutius who not only, subdued such prin­ces as reigned in this land, but also brought the Realme to good order, that long before had béene torne wyth ciuill discorde. But where his lawes are to be found, and which they be from other mens, no man lyuing in these dayes is able to determine.

The praise of Dun­wallon.Certes there was neuer Prince in Bry­teyne, of whome his subiectes conceyued bet­ter hope in the beginning, then of Bladudus, and yet I reade of none that made so ridicu­lous an ende: in lyke sorte there hath not reigned any Monarche in thys Isle, whose wayes were more feared at ye first, thē those of Dunwallon, (king Henry the fift excep­ted) & yet in the end he proued such a Prynce, as after hys death, there was in maner no subiecte, that did not lament his funerralles. And this only for his pollicy in gouernance, seuere administration of iustice, and proui­dent framing of his lawes, and constituti­ons. His people also coueting to continue his name vnto posterity, intituled those his ordi­naunces according to theyr maker, callyng them by the name of the lawes of Mulmuti­us, which indured in execution among the Brytons, so long as our homelynges had the dominiō of this Isle. Afterward when the Saxons had once obteyned the superioritie of the kingdome, the maiestie of these laws fell for a time into such decaye, that although non penitus cecidit, tamen potuit cecidisse videri, as Leland sayth, and the lawes them­selues had vtterlye perished in deede at the very first brunt had they not béene preserued in wales, where they remayned amongst the reliques of the Brytons, and not onely vntil the comming of the Normans, but euen vn­till the time of Edwarde the first, who obtei­ning the souereinty of that portion, indeuou­red to extinguishe those of Mulmutius, and to establishe his owne.

But as the Saxōs at their first arriuall did what they coulde to abolishe the Bryttishe lawes, so in processe of time they yéelded a li­tle to relent and not so much to abhorre [...] mislike of the lawes of Mulmutius, as to [...] receyue and embrace the same, especially at such time as the Saxon princes entered in­to amitie with the Brittish Princes, and af­ter that ioyne in matrimonie, with the Bry­tishe Ladyes. Hereof also it came to passe in the ende, that they were contented to make a choise and insert no small [...]n [...]rs of them into their own volumes, as may [...] gathered by those of Atherbert ye great sur­named king of Kent, Inas & Alfrede, kinges of the west Saxons, and diuers other yet ex­tant to be séene. Such also was the lateward estimation of them, that when anye of the Saxon Princes went aboute to make anye newe lawes, they caused those of Mulmutius which Gildas sometime translated into La­tine, to be expounded vnto them, and in thys perusall if they founde anye there alreadye framed, that might serue their turnes, they foorthwith reuiued the same, and annexed them to their owne. But in this dealing, the diligence of Alfrede is most of all to bée commended, who not onelye choose out the best, but gathered togither all such whatso­euer the sayde Mulmutius had made: & then to the ende they shoulde lye no more in cor­ners as forlorne bookes and vnknowne, he caused them to be turned into the Saxon tongue, wherein they continued long after hys decease. As for the Normans, who nei­ther regarded the Brittish, nor cared for the Saxon lawes, they also at the first vtterlye misliked of thē, till at the last when they had well weighed that one kinde of regiment is not cōuenient for al peoples, & that no stran­ger beyng in a forriene Countrey newely brought vnder obedience, coulde make such equall ordinaunces, as he might thereby go­uerne his new cōmon wealth without some care of trouble: they fell in so wyth a desire to sée by what rule the estate of the land was gouerned in time of the Saxons, that hauing perused the same, they not onely commended their maner of regiment, but also admitted a great part of their lawes, (nowe currant vnder the name of S. Edwardes lawes, and vsed as principles and groundes) whereby they not onely qualified the rygor of theyr owne, and mittigated their almost intollera­ble burden of seruitude which they had late­ly layde vpon the shoulders of the English, but also left vs a great number of Mulmu­tin lawes, wherof the most part are in vse to thys daye as I sayde, albeit that we knowe not certeinly howe to distinguish them from other, that are in strength amongst vs.

After Dunwallon, the next lawe gyuer [Page 98] was Martia whome Lelande surnameth Proba, [...]ia. & after him Iohn bale also, who in hys Centuries doth iustely confesse himselfe to haue béene holpen by the sayde Leland, as I my selfe doe likewise for many thinges con­teined in thys treatize. Shée was wyfe vnto Gutteline king of ye Brytons: & being made protrectrix of the realme, after hyr husbands decease in the nonage of hyr sonne, and sée­ing many thinges daily to growe vp among hir people worthy reformation, shée deui­sed sundry and those very pollitike lawes, for the gouernaunce of hyr kingdome, which hir subiectes when shée was deade and gone, did name the Mertian statutes. Who turned them into latine, as yet I doe not read, how­beit as I said before of the lawes of Mulmu­tius, so the same Alfrede caused those of thys excellently well learned Lady (whome dy­uers cōmende also for hir great knowledge, in the Gréeke tong) to bée turned into hys owne language, wherevpon it came to passe that they were dailye executed among hys subiectes, afterwarde allowed of (among the rest) by the Normans, and finally remaine in vse in these dayes, notwithstanding that we can not disseuer them very redily from the other.

The 7. alteratiō of lawes was practised by the Saxons, for I ouerpasse the lawes made by the Romaines, whose order do partly re­maine in publike notice, vnder ye names of the mercian, [...]ercian [...]. [...]xon [...]. [...]ne law. and the Saxon Lawe. Beside these also I reade of the Danelawe, so that the people of middle england, were ruled by the first, the west Saxons by the seconde, as Essex, Norffolke, Suffolke, Cambridgshire, and part of Herford shyre, were by the third, of al the rest the most inequal & intollerable. Among other things also vsed in the time of ye Saxons, it shal not be amysse to set downe the forme of their Ordalian law, which they brought hither with them from beyonde the Seas, and vsed onely in the tryall of giltye and vngiltinesse. Certes it conteyned not an ordinary procéeding by dayes and termes, as in the Ciuile and common lawe we sée practised in these dayes but a shorte dispatch and tryall of the matter, by fyre, or water, whereof at this present I wil deliuer the cir­cumstance, as I haue faithfully translated it out of an auncient volume, and conferred wyth a prynted coppie, lately published by M. Lambert, nowe extaunt to be redde.

The Ordalian saith the aforesayd authour, was a certaine maner of purgation vsed two wayes, whereof the one was by fire, the other by water. In thexecution of that which was done by fire, the party accused shoulde go a certaine number of paces, with an hote péece of yron in his hande, or else bare footed vpon certaine plough shares, redde hotte, ac­cording to the maner. This Iron was some­time of one pounde weight, and then was it called single Ordalium, sometimes of three, & then named treble, Ordalium, and whosoe­uer did beare or treade on the same without hurt of his body, he was adiudged giltlesse, otherwyse if his skin were scorched, he was foorthwith condemned as gylty of the tres­passe wherof he was accused.

There were in lyke sorte two kinds of tri­all by ye water, that is to say, either by hote, or colde: & in this tryall the partye thought culpeable, was eyther tumbled into some pond, or huge vessel of colde water, wherein if he continued for a season, without wrest­ling or strugling for lyfe, he was foorthwyth acquited as giltlesse of the facte whereof hée was accused: but if he beganne to plunge, & labor once for breath immediately vpon his falling into that lyqour, he was by and by condemned, as gilty of the crime. Or else he did thurst his arme vp to the shoulder into a leade, copper, or Caldron of séething water, from whence if he withdrewe the same with­out any maner of damage, he was dischar­ged of farder molestation: otherwyse hée was taken for a trespasser, and punished ac­cordingly. The fiery maner of purgation be­longed onely to noble men and women, and such as were frée borne, but the husbandmen and villaines, were tryed by water, whereof to shewe the vnlearned dealing and blynde ignoraunce of those times, it shall not bée impertiment to set foorth the whole maner, which continued here in England vntill the time of King Iohn, who séeyng the manifold subtilties in the same, did extinguish it alto­gither as flat lewdenesse and bouerye. The Rubrik of ye treatize entereth thus. Here be­ginneth ye execution of Iustice, whereby the giltie or vngiltie are tried by hote Iron. Thē it followeth. After accusatiō lawfully made, and thrée dayes spent in fasting and prayer, the Priest being cladde in all his holly ve­st [...]es, sauing his vestiment, shall take the Iron layde before the alter with a payre of tongues, and singing the himme of the thrée children, that is to saye, O all yée wookes of God the Lorde, and in latine Benedicite om­nia opera, &c. he shall cary it solemly to ye fire (already made for ye purpose) & first say these words ouer the place where ye fire is kindled wherby this purgation shall bée made in la­tin as insueth Benedic domine deus locum, is­tum vt sit nobis in eo sanitas, sanctitas, castitas, virtꝰ et victoria, et sanctimonia, humilitas, bo­nitas, [Page] lenitas, et plenitudo Legis, et obediētia deo patri et filio etspiritui sancto, Hec Be­nedictio, sit super hunc locum, et super omnes habitantes in eo, in English: Blesse thou O Lorde this place that it may be to vs health holynesse, chastity, vertue, and victory, pure­nesse, humilitie, goodnesse, gentlenesse, and fulnesse of the lawe, and obedience to God the father, the sonne, & the holy ghost. This blessing be vpon this place, and all that dwel in it. Then followeth the blessing of the fire. Domine deus, pater omnipotens lumen inde­ficiens, exaudi nos, quia tu es conditor, omni­um luminum. Benedic domine hoc lumen, quod aute sanctificatum est, qui illuminasti omnē hominem, venientem in hunc mundū, (vel mundum) vt ab eo lumine accedamur igne claritatis tuae, & sicut igne illuminasti, Mosen, ita nunc illumina corda nostra, et sen­sus nostros, vt ad vitam eternam, mereamur peruenire, per christum. &c. Lord God father almightie, light euerlasting, heare vs, sith yu art the maker of all lyghtes. Blesse O Lord this light, yt is already sanctified in thy sight, which hast lightned all men that come into the worlde, (or the whole worlde) to the ende that by the same lyght, we may be lightned wyth the shining of thy brightnesse. As thou diddest lighten Moyses, so nowe illuminate our hearts, and our senses, that we may de­serue to come to euerlasting lyfe, thorowe Christ our &c. Thys beyng ended let him saye the pater noster. &c. then these wordes. Sal­uum fac seruum &c. Mitte ei auxilium deus. &c. De Sion tuere eum. &c. Dominus vobiscū. &c, that is. O Lorde saue thy seruant, &c. Sende him helpe O God frō thy holy place defende him out of Syon. &c. Lorde here. &c. The Lorde be with you. &c.

The prayer. Benedic domine sancte pater omnipotens deus, per inuocationem sanctis­simi nominis tui, et per aduentum fihj tui, at­ (que) per donum spiritus paracleti, ad manifestā ­dum verum iudicium tuum, hoc genus metal­li, vt sit sanctificatum, et omni demonum fal­sitate procul remota, veritas veri iudicij tui fi­delibus tuis manifesta fiat, per eundem domi­num. &c. in Englishe. Blesse we beséech thée O Lorde, holy father, euerlasting God▪ tho­rowe the inuocation of thy most holy name, by the comming of thy sonne, and gyft of the holy ghost, and to the manifestation of thy true iudgement, this kinde of mettall, that being hallowed, and all fraudulent practises of the deuils vtterly remooued, the manifest truth of thy true iudgement, maye be reuea­led, by the same Lorde Iesus &c.

After this let the yron be layde into the fyre, and sprinckled with holy water, and whilest it hea­teth, let the Priest go to masse, and doe as order re­quireth, and when he hath receiued the host, he s [...]d, call the man that is to be purged (as it is written hereafter) first adiuring him, and then permitting hym to communicate according to the maner.

The Office of the masse. Iustus es domine, &c. O Lord thou art iust. &c.’

The Prayer. ABsolue quesumus domine delicta famu [...] ­li tui, vt a peccatorum suonim nexibus quae pro sua fragilitate contraxit, tua benig­nitate liberetur, & in hoc iudicio quoad me­ruit iustitia tua praeueniente, ad veritatis ce [...] ­suram peruenire mereatur. per Christum do­minum. &c. That is▪ ‘Pardon wée beséech thée O Lorde, the sinnes of thy seruaunt, that be­ing deliuered from the burden of his offen­ces, wherewith he is intangled, he may be cleared by thy benignitie, and in thys hys tryal (so farre as he hath deserued, thy mercy preuenting him) he maye come to the know­ledge of the truth, by christ our Lorde. &c.’

The Gospell. Mar. 10. IN illo tēpore, cum egressus esset Iesus in via, procurrens quidā genu flexo ante eum, ro­gabat eum dicens, Magister bone, quid faciam vt vitam eternam percipia. Iesus autem dixit ei, quid me dicis bonum? &c. ‘In those dayes when Iesus went foorth towarde hys iour­ney, & one méeting in him the way running [...] & knéeling vnto him, asked him saying, God Maister what shal I doe that I may possesse eternall lyfe. Iesus sayd vnto him, why cal­lest yu me good. &c.’ Then followeth the secrete and so foorth all of the rest of the masse. But be­fore the partye doth communicate, the Pryest shall vse these wordes vnto hym. Adiuro [...] per patrem, & filium, & spiritum sanctum, & per veram christianitatem quam suscepisti, & per sanctas relliquias quae in ista eeclesiasu [...] & per baptismum quo te sacerdos regenera [...] vt non presumas vllo modo communi [...]a [...] neque accedere ad altare, si hoc fecisti aut cō ­sensisti &c. ‘I adiure thee by the Father the sonne and the holy Ghost, by the true christendome which thou hast receyued, by the holly relliques which are in this Church, and [...] the baptisme, wherewith the Priest hath re­generated thée, that thou presume not by a­ny maner of meanes, to communicate, nor come about the aultar, if thou hast done or consented vnto thys, whereof thou art accu­sed. &c.’ Here let the Priest suffer him to com­municate, saying. Corpus hoc, & sanguis do­mini nostri Iesu Christi, sit tibi ad probatiou [...] hodie. The [...] yet [...] This body & this bloud of our Lord Iesus Christ, be vnto thée a tryall this daye▪’

[Page 99] The prayer. Perceptis domine deus noster sacris muneribus, supplices deprecamur, vt huius participatio sacramenti a proprijs nos reatibus expediat, & in famulo tuo veritatis sententiam declaret. &c.Hauing receaued O Lord God these holy misteries, we humbly beséeche thée that the participation of thys sacrament, maye rydde vs of our guilty­nesse, and in this thy seruaunt set foorth the truth.’ Then shall followe Kyrieleson, the Leta­nye, and certayne Psalmes, and after all them Oremus, Let vs praye, Deus qui per ignem signa magna ostendens Abraham puerum tu­um de incendio Chaldeorum quibusdam pe­reuntibus eruisti, Deus qui rubum ardere an­te conspectum Moysis & minime comburi permisisti. Deus qui de incēdio fornacis Chal­daicis plerisque succensis, tres pueros tuos il­lesos eduxisti. Deus qui incendio ignis popu­lum Sodomae inuoluens, Loth famulum tuū cum suis salute donasti, Deus qui in aduentu sancti spiritus tui, illustratione ignis fideles tuos ab infidelibus decreuisti. Ostēde nobis in hoc prauitatis nostrae examine virtutē eius­dem spiritus &c. Et per ignis huius feruorem discernere infideles, vt a tactu eius cuiꝰ inquisi­tio agitur, conscius exhorrescat, & manus e­ius comburatur, innocens vero poenitus illae­sus permaneat, &c. Deus cuius noticiam nul­la vnquam secreta effugiunt, fidei nostrae tua bonitate responde, & presta vt quisquis pur­gandi se gratia, hoc ignitum tulerit ferrum, vel absoluatur vt innocens vel noxius detega­tur. &c. in Englishe thus. O God which in showing great tokens by fire diddest deliuer Abraham thy seruaunt frō the burnyng of ye Chaldeis, whilest other perished. O god whi­che susseredst the bushe to burne, in ye sight of Moyses, & yet not to consume. O God which deliueredst the thrée childrē frō bodily harme in the Fornace of the Chaldies, whilest dy­uers were consumed. O God which by fyre diddest wrap the people of Sodome in their destruction, and yet sauedst Lot & his daugh­ters from peryll. O God which by the shy­ning of thy brighnesse at the comming of the holly ghost in likewyse of fire, diddest sepe­rate the faithfull, from such as beléeued not: shew vnto vs in ye tryall of this our wicked­nesse, the power of the same spirit. &c. And by ye heate of this fire descer [...]e the faithful from the vnfaithfull, that the giltie whose cause is nowe in tryall, by touching thereof, maye tremble and feare, and his hande be burned, or beyng innocent, that he maye remaine in safety. &c. O God frō whom no secretes are hidden, let thy goodnes answere to our faith, & graunt that whosoeuer in thys purgation, shall touch and beare thys Iron, may either be tryed an innocent, or reuealed as an offē ­der. &c.’ After this the Priest shall sprynckle the Iron wyth Holly water, saying. ‘The blessing of God, the Father, the Sonne, and the Ho­ly ghost, be vpon this Iron, to the reuelation of the iust iudgement of God.’ And foorthwith lette hym that is accused, beare it by the length of nyne foote, and then lette his hande be wrap­ped and sealed vppe for the space of three dayes, after thys yf anye corruption or rawe fleshe ap­peare where the Iron touched it, lette him be con­demned as guiltie: yf it be whole and sounde, let hym giue thankes to God. And thus much of the fierye Ordalia, wherevnto that of the water hath so precyse relation▪ that in set­ting foorth of the one, I haue also described the other, wherefore it shall be but in vaine, to deale any farder withall. Hetherto also as I thinke, sufficiently of such lawes as were in vse before the conquest. Nowe it resteth that I should declare the order of those, that haue béene made sith the comming of the Normās, but for asmuch as I am no lawier, & therfore haue but lyttle skyll to procéede in the same accordingly, it shall suffice to set downe some generall dyscourse of such as are vsed in our daies, and so much as I haue gathered by report and common here saye. We haue therfore in Englād sundry lawes, and first of all the ciuile, vsed in the chaunce­ry, admiraltie, and dyuers other courtes, in some of which, the seuere rygor of Iustice is often so mittigated by conscience, that dyuers thinges are thereby made easie and tollerable, whyche otherwyse woulde ap­peare to be méere iniurye and extremity. We haue also a great part of the Cannon lawe daily practised among vs, especially in cases of tithes, contracts of matrimony, and such lyke, as are vsually to be séene in the consistories of our Bishoppes, where the ex­ercyse of the same is verye hotely follow­ed. The third sorte of lawes, that we follow, are our owne, and those alwaies so variable, and subiect to alteration and change, that oft in one age, diuers iudgementes doe passe vpon one maner of casse, wherby the saying of the Poet Tempora mutantur, & nos mutamur in illis. maye very well be applyed vnto such as be­yng vrged with these wordes in such a yeare of the Prince this opinion was taken for sounde lawe, doe aunswere nothing else, but that the iudgement of our lawyers is nowe altered, so that they saye farre otherwyse. The regiment that we haue therefore after our owne ordinaunces dependeth vpon Sta­tute lawe, Common law, Customary law, & Prescription.

[Page] Parlia­ment law.The first is deliuered vnto vs by Parlia­ment, which court is the highest of all other, and consisteth of thrée seuerall sortes of peo­ple, that is to say, the Nobility, Clergy, and commons of thys Realme, and there to is not somoned, but vppon vrgent occasion when the prince doth sée his time, and that by seueral writtes, dated commonly ful sixe wéekes before it begin to be holden. Such lawes as are agréed vpō in the higher house by the Lordes spirituall and temporall, and in the lower house by the commons and bo­dye of the realme, (wherof the conuocation of the cleargy holden in Powles is a mem­ber,) there speaking by the mouth of the knights of the shire and burgesses, remaine in the ende to be confirmed by the Prince, who commonly resorteth thither vppon the first and laste daies of thys court, there to vnderstande what is done, & giue his royall consent to such estatutes as him lyketh of. Comming therefore thither into the higher house, and hauing taken his throne, the spea­ker of the Parliament (for one is alwayes appoynted to go betwéene the houses, as an indifferent mouth for both) readeth openlye the matters there determined by the sayde thrée estates, and then craueth the Princes consent and confirmation to the same.

The king hauing heard the somme & prin­cipall pointes of each estatute briefly recited vnto him, aunswereth in French with great deliberation vnto such as he lyketh, (Il nous plaist) but to the rest Il ne plaist, whereby the latter are vtterly made voyde and frustrate. That also which his Maiestie liketh of, is e­uer after holden for law, except it be repealed in any the lyke assembly. The number of the commons assembled in the lower house, be­side the clergie cōsisteth of ninetie Knights. For eache shyre of England hath twoo gen­tlemen or knights of greatest wisedome and reputation chosen out of the bodye of the same for that only purpose, sauing that for wales one only is supposed sufficient in eue­rie countie, whereby the number afore men­tioned is made vp. There are likewyse four­tie and sixe Citizens, 289. Burgeses, and fourtéene Barons, so that the whole assem­bly of the layetie of the lower house, cōsisteth of foure hundred thirtie and nine persons, if the iust number be supplyed. Of the lawes here made lykewyse some are penall and re­straine the common lawe, and some againe are founde to inlarge the same. The one sort of these also are for the most part takē strict­lye according to the letter, the other more largely and beneficially after their intende­ment and meaning.

The Common Lawe standeth vppon Sundrye Maximes or Princyples,Common Lawe▪ and yeares or tearmes, which doe conteine such cases as by great studye and solemne argu­ment of the iudges, and thereto the déepest reach & foundations of reason, are ruled and adiudged for lawe. Certes these cases are o­therwise called plées or actiōs, wherof there are two sortes the one criminall & the other ciuile. The meanes & messengers also to de­termine those causes are our writtes, wher­of there are some Originall and some Iudi­ciall. The parties plaintife and defendant when they appeare procéede (if the case do so require) by plaint or declaration, aunswere, replication and reioynder, and so to issue, the one side affirmatiuely, the other negatiuely. Our trialles, and recoueries are eyther by verdict and demourre, confession or default, wherein if any negligence or trespasse hath béene committed, eyther in processe & forme, or in matter & iudgement, the partie grieued may haue a writte of errour to vndoe ye same but not in the same court where the former iudgement was giuen.Custo [...] La [...] Customarie law con­sisteth of certaine laudable customes vsed in some priuate country, entended first to be­ginne vppon good and reasonable considera­tions, as gauell kinde which is all the male children to inherite, & cōtinued to this day in Kent: or Burrow kinde where the yongest is preferred before the eldest, which is the custome of many countries of this region, & so forth of such like to be learned else where.

Prescription is a certayne custome,Prescrip [...] ­tion. which hath continued time out of minde, but it is more particular then customarie lawe, as where onely a parish or some priuate person doth prescribe to haue common, or a way, in another mans soyle, or tithes to be payde af­ter this or that maner, I meane otherwyse then the common course & order of the lawe requyreth, whereof let thys suffice at thys tyme, in stéede of a larger discourse of our owne lawes, least I shoulde séeme to enter farre into that whereof I haue no skill. For what hath the meditation of the lawe of God to doe with any precise knowledge of the law of man, sith they are seuerall trades and in­cident to diuers persons. There are also sun­drie vsuall courtes holdē once in euery quar­ter of the yeare, which we commonlye call tearmes of the latin worde Terminus, Ter [...]. wher­in all cōtrouersies are determined, that hap­pen within the Quéenes dominions. These are commonly holden at London except vpō some great occasion they be transferred to o­ther places, at what times also they are kept the table insuing shal easily declare. Finally [Page 100] howe well they are followed by sutet [...] the great welth of our lawiers without any tra­ueyle of mine can easily [...]. This fur­thermore is to be noted▪ that albeit the prin­ces heretofore reigning in this lande [...] [...]e­rected sundry courtes especially of the th [...] ­ [...]erie at Yorke and Lu [...] the case of poore men dwelling in [...], yet will the poorest (of all [...] most con­tencious) refuse to haue his cause hearde so néere home, but indeuoureth rather [...] vtter vndooing to trauelle vpon Londō, th [...] king there soonest to pr [...] against his ad­uersary, though his [...] so doubtful. But in this toye [...] [...]oe exc [...] of all that euer I hearde, for [...] shall here & there haue some one adde poore Dauid of the giuen so much to contention and strife, that without all respect of charges he will vp to London, though he go bare legged by the waye, and carye his hosen on his necke (to saue theyr féete from [...]) bycause he hath no chaunge. When he commeth there also he will make such importunate begging of his countreymē, and hard shift otherwise, that he will sometymes carye downe sixe or seuen writtes in his purse, wherwith to mo­lest his neighbour, though the greatest quar­rell be scarsely woorth the price that he payd for any one of thē. But ynough of this leas [...] in reuealing the superfluous follye of a fewe brablers in this behalfe, I bring no good wil to my selfe amongst the wysest of that natiō. Certes it is a lamentable case to sée further­more how a number of poore men are dayly abused and vtterly vndone, by sundrie var­lets that go about the countrey as brokers betwéene the petty foggers of the lawe,Thrée Varlettes worthie to be chroni­cled. and the common people, onely to kyndle coales of contention, wherby the one side may reape commodity and the other be put to traueyle. But of all that euer I knew in Essex, Denis and Mainford excelled, till Iohn of Ludlow aliâs Mason came in place, vnto whome in comparison they two were but children and babes, for he in lesse thē thrée or foure yeres, did bring one man (among many else where in other places almost to extréeme misery, (if beggery be the vttermost) who before hée had the shauing of his bearde, was valued at two hundred pounde (I speake with the lest) who finally féeling that he had not sufficent wherwith to susteine himself, & his familie, & also to satisfie that gréedie rauenour, that stil called vpon him for new fées, he went to bed and within foure dayes made an ende of hys wofull life, euen with care & pensiuenesse. Af­ter his death also he so hādled his sonne, that there was neuer shéepe shorne in Maie, so néere clypped of hys [...]ée [...]e present, as hée was of manye to come, so that he was com­pelled to let away his lease land, because his cattell and stocke were consumed, and he no longer able to occupie the ground. But here­of let this suffise, [...] [...]stée [...]e of these enor­mities, two tables shall [...], whereof the first shall containe the names of the Coun­tyes, Cities, Borowes and Portes, which send knightes, Burgeses and Barons to the Parliament house, the other an [...] report of the beginnings and endes of tearme with their returnes, according to the maner, as I haue borrowed them [...] my friende Iohn Stow, whyche this impression was in hande.

The names of Counties, Cities, Borowghes, and Portes, sending Knightes, Citizens, Burgeses and Barons, to the Par­liament of Eng­lande.
  • Bedforde.
    • KNightes 2
    • The borowgh of Bedforde. 2
  • Buckingham.
    • Knightes 2
    • The borowgh of Buckingham. 2
    • The borowgh of Wickombe. 2
    • The borowgh of Ailesbury. 2
  • Barcleeshyre.
    • Knightes 2
    • The borowgh of New Windsore. 2
    • The borowgh of Reding. 2
    • The borowgh of Wallingforde. 2
    • The borowgh of Abington. 2
  • Cornewall.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The borow of Launceston alias Newport 2
    • The borowgh of Leskero. 2
    • The borowgh of Lost wythiell. 2
    • The borowgh of Danheuet. 2
    • The borowgh of Truro. 2
    • The borowgh of Bodmin. 2
    • The borowgh of Helston. 2
    • The borowgh of Saltash. 2
    • The borowgh of Camelforde. 2
    • The boro. of Portighsam alias Portlow. 2
    • The borowgh of Graunpount. 2
    • The borowgh of Eastlow. 2
    • The borowgh of Prury. 2
    • The borowgh Tregonye. 2
    • The borow. of Trebenna alias Bossinny. 2
    • The borowgh of S. Ies. 2
    • The borowgh of Foway. 2
    • The borowgh of Germine. 2
    • The borowgh of Michell. 2
    • The borowgh of Saint Maries. 2
  • Cumberlande.
    • [Page]Knightes. 2
    • The citie of Caerlile. 2
  • Cambridge.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The borowgh of Cambridge. 2
  • Chester.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The Citie of Chester. 2
  • Darby.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The borowgh of Darby. 2
  • Deuon.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The citie of Excester. 2
    • The borowgh of Totnes. 2
    • The borowgh of Plimmouth. 2
    • The borowgh of Bardnestable. 2
    • The borowgh of Plimton. 2
    • The borowgh of Tauestocke. 2
    • The borowgh of Dartmouth, Cliston, and Herdynes. 2
  • Dorset shyre.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The borowgh of Poole. 2
    • The borowgh of Dorchester. 2
    • The borowgh of Linne. 2
    • The borowgh of Melcombe. 2
    • The borowgh of Waymouth. 2
    • The borowgh of Bureport. 2
    • The borowgh of Shaftesbury. 2
    • The borowgh of Warham. 2
  • Essex.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The borowgh of Colchester. 2
    • The borowgh Malden. 2
  • Yorkeshire.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The citie of Yorke. 2
    • The borowgh of Kingston vpon Hull. 2
    • The borowgh of Knaresbrugh. 2
    • The borowgh of Skardborowgh. 2
    • The borowgh of Rippon. 2
    • The borowgh of Hudon. 2
    • The borowgh of borowghbridge. 2
    • The borowgh of Thuske. 2
    • The borowgh of Aldebrugh. 2
    • The borowgh of Beuerley. 2
  • Glocestershyre.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The Citie of Glocester. 2
    • The borowgh of Cirencester. 2
  • Huntingtonshyre.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The borowgh of Huntingdon. 2
  • Hertfordshyre.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The borowgh of Saint Albons. 2
  • Herefordeshyre.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The Citie of Hereford. 2
    • The borowgh of Lempster. 2
  • Kent.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The citie of Cantorbury. 2
    • The citie of Rochester. 2
    • The borowgh of Maideston. 2
    • The borowgh of Qranborowgh. 2
  • Lincolne.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The citie of Lincolne. 2
    • The borowgh of Bostone. 2
    • The borowgh of great Grinesby. 2
    • The borowgh of Stamforde. 2
    • The borowgh of Grantham. 2
  • Leicester shyre.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The borowgh of Leicester. 2
  • Lancastershyre.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The borowgh of Lancaster. 2
    • The borowgh of Preston in Andernes. 2
    • The borowgh of Liuerpole. 2
    • The borowgh of Newton. 2
    • The borowgh of Wigan. 2
    • The borowgh of Clithero. 2
  • Middlesex.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The citie of London. 4
    • The citie of Westminster. 2
  • Monmouth.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The borowgh of Monmouth. 1
  • Northampton.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The citie of Peterborowgh. 2
    • The borowgh of Northampton. 2
    • The borowgh of Barkley. 2
    • The borowgh of Higham Ferres. 1
  • Notingham.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The borowgh of Notingham. 2
    • The borowgh Estreatforde. 2
  • Norfolke.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The citie of Norwich. 2
    • The borowgh of Linne. 2
    • The borowgh of great Iernemouth. 2
    • The borowgh of Thetford. 2
    • The borowgh of castell Rising. 2
  • Northumberland.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The borowgh of New Castell vpon Tine. 2
    • The borowgh of Morpeth. 2
    • The borowgh of Barwike. 2
  • Oxforde.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The citie of Oxforde. 2
    • [Page 101]The borowgh of Bambiley. 2
    • The borowgh of Woodstocke.
  • Rutlando.
    • Knightes. 2
  • Surrey.
    • Knightes. P 2
    • The borowgh of Southwac [...]. 2
    • The borowgh of Bleching [...]g [...] 2
    • The borowgh of Rigate. 2
    • The borowgh of Guildford. 2
    • The borowgh of Gatton. 2
  • St [...]atford.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The citie of Lichfielde. 2
    • The borowgh of St [...]acforde. 2
    • The borowgh of New [...]as [...]e [...] vnder Linne. 2
    • The borowgh of Tainworth. 2
  • Salop.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The borowgh of Salop. 2
    • The boro. of Bruges alias bridgenorth. 2
    • The borowgh of Ludlow. 2
    • The borowgh of Wenl [...]e. 2
  • Southampton.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The citie of Winton. 2
    • The borowgh of Southampton. 2
    • The borowgh of Portesmouth. 2
    • The borowgh of Peterfielde. 2
    • The borowgh of Stockebridge. 2
    • The borowgh of Christ Church. 2
  • Suffolke.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The borowgh of Ippeswich. 2
    • The borowgh of Dunwich. 2
    • The borowgh of Ortford. 2
    • The borowgh of Aldeborowgh. 2
    • The borowgh of Sudbury. 2
    • The borowgh of Eya. 2
  • Somerset.
    • Knightes.
    • The citie of Bristow. 2
    • The citie of Bath. 2
    • The citie of Welles. 2
    • The borowgh of Taunton. 2
    • The borowgh Bridgewater. 2
    • The borowgh of Minched. 2
  • Sussex.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The citie of Chichester. 2
    • The borowgh of Horsham. 2
    • The borowgh of Midhurst. 2
    • The borowgh of Lewes. 2
    • The borowgh of Shorham. 2
    • The borowgh of Brember. 2
    • The borowgh of Stening. 2
    • The borowgh of Eastgrenested. 2
    • The borowgh of Arundell. 2
  • Westmerland.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The borowgh of App [...]sby. 2
  • Wilton.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The citie of New Satum. 2
    • The borowgh of Wilton. 2
    • The borowgh of Dounton. 2
    • The borowgh of Hindon. 2
    • The borowgh of Heytesbury. 2
    • The borowgh of Westbury. 2
    • The borowgh of Caine. 2
    • The borowgh of Deus [...]es. 2
    • The borowgh of Chypenham. 2
    • The borowgh of Malmes [...]ury. 2
    • The borowgh of Cricklade. 2
    • The borowgh of Bu [...]wln. 2
    • The borowgh of Ludge [...]a [...]e. 2
    • The borowgh of Olde Sarum. 2
    • The borowgh of Wotton Basset. 2
    • The borowgh of Matleborowgh. 2
  • Worcester.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The citie of Worcester. 2
    • The borowgh of Withée. 2
  • Warwike.
    • Knightes. 2
    • The Citie of Couentry. 2
    • The borowgh of Warwike. 2
  • Barons of the portes.
    • Hastings. 2
    • Winchelsey. 2
    • Rye. 2
    • Rumney. 2
    • Hithe. 2
    • Douer. 2
    • Sandwich. 2
  • Mountgomery.
    • Knightes. 1
    • The borowgh of Mountgomery. 1
  • Flint.
    • Knightes. 1
    • The borowgh of Flint. 1
  • Denbigh.
    • Knightes. 1
    • The borowgh of Denbigh. 1
  • Merionneth.
    • Knightes. 1
    • The borowgh of Hauerfordwest. 1
  • Carneruan.
    • Knightes. 1
    • The borowgh of Carneruan. 1
  • Anglesey.
    • Knightes. 1
    • The borowgh of Beaumares. 1
  • Carmarden.
    • Knightes. 1
    • The borowgh of New Carmarden. 1
  • Pembroke.
    • Knightes. 1
    • [Page]The borowgh of Pembroke. 1
  • Cardigan.
    • Knightes. 1
    • The borowgh of Brecknocke. 1
  • Radnor.
    • Knightes. 1
    • The borowgh of Radnor. 1
  • Glamorgan.
    • Knights. 1
    • The borowgh of Cardiffe. 1
  • ¶ The Summe of the foresayde number of the common house videlicet, of
    • Knights. 90.
    • Citizens. 46.
    • Burgesses. 289.
    • Barons. 14.
    • 439.

A perfect rule to knowe the beginning and ending of euery terme, with their returnes.

HIllary terme beginneth the xx [...]ij. day of Ianuary, if it be not Sunday, otherwise the next daye after, & endeth the twelfth of February, and hath foure returnes.

  • Octabis Hilarij.
  • Quind. Hilarij.
  • Crastino Purific.
  • Octabis Purific.

¶ Easter terme beginneth xvij. daies after Easter, and endeth foure dayes after the as­cention day, and hath fiue returnes.

  • Quind. Pasch.
  • Tres Paschae.
  • Mense.
  • Paschae.
  • Quinquae Paschae.
  • Crast Ascention.

¶ Trinitie terme beginneth the next daye after Corpus Christi daye, and endeth the wednesdaye fortnight after, and hath foure returnes.

  • Crast. Trinitatis.
  • Octabis Trinitat.
  • Quind. Trinitatis
  • Tres Trinitatis.

¶ Michelmas terme beginneth the ix. of October if it be not Sunday, and endeth the xxviij. of Nouember, and hath viij. returnes

  • Octabis Michael.
  • Quind. Michael.
  • Tres Michael.
  • Mense Michael.
  • Crast. anima.
  • Crast. Martini.
  • Octa. Martini.
  • Quind. Martini.

Note also that the Eschequer openeth eight dayes before any terme begin, except Trinitie terme, which openeth but foure dayes before.

¶ And nowe followeth the lawe dayes in the court of Tharches, and audience of Can­terbury, with other Ecclesiasticall & Ciuill lawes, through the whole yeare.

These dayes are not chaunged excepte they lyght on a Sunday or holy daye, and e­uery daye is called a lawday, vnlesse it bée Sunday or holyday.

Michelmas terme.
  • S. Faith.
  • S. Edward.
  • S. Luke.
  • Simon & Iu.
  • All Soules.
  • S. Martin.
  • Edmond.
  • Katherin.
  • S. Andrewe.
  • Conception of our Lady.

¶ It is to be noted that the first day follow­ing euery of these feastes noted in euery terme, the court of the Arche [...] is kept in Bowe church in the forenoone▪ And the same first daye in the afternoone i [...] the Admyralty Court for Ciuill causes kept in South­warke.

The seconde daye followyng euery one of the sayde feastes, the court of Audience of Caunterburye is kept in the Consistory in Paules in the forenoone. And the same daye in the after no [...]ne, in the same place is the Prerogatiue court of Caunterbury holden.

The thirde daye after any such feast in the forenoone, the consistory court of the Bishop of London is kept in Paules Church in the consistory, and the same thirde daye in the afternoone is the court of the Delegates and of the Quéenes highnesse Commissyoners vpon appeales kept in the same place.

Hilary terme.
  • S. Hilary.
  • S. Wolstan.
  • Conuersion of S. Paule.
  • S. Blase.
  • S. Scolastic.
  • S. Valentine.
  • Ash wednesd.
  • S. Mathie.
  • S. Chad.
  • Perpet. & Fel.
  • S. Gregory.
  • Anunciation of our Ladye.

Note that the foure first dayes of thys terme be certain and vnchanged. The other are altered after the course of the yere, and sometime kept and somtime omitted. For if it so happen that one of those feastes fall on wednesdaye cōmonly called Ashwednesday, after the day of S. Blase (so that ye same law day after Ashwednesday cannot bée kept by­cause the lawday of thother feast doth lyght on the same) then the seconde law day after Ashwednesday shall be kept, and the other o­mitted. And if the lawday after that wednes­day be ye next daye after the feast of s. Blase, then shall all & euery those court daies be ob­serued in order, as they may be kept cōueni­ently. And marke although that Ashwednes­day be put the seauenth in order, yet it hath no certaine place, but is chaunged as the course of Easter causeth it,

Easter Tearme. The fithtéene day after Easter.
  • S. Alphege.
  • S. Marke.
  • Inuention of the Crosse.
  • Gordiane.
  • S. Dunstane.
  • Ascention day.

¶ In thys terme the first sitting is al­waye kept the Munday beyng the 15. day af­ter Easter, and so foorth after the feasts here [Page 103] noted, which next followe by course of the yeare after Easter. And the lyke space be­ing kept betwéene other feastes.

The rest of the lawe dayes are kept to the thirde of the Ascention, which is the last day of this terme. And if it happen that the feast of ye Ascention of our Lord, doe come before any of the feastes aforesayde, then they are omytted for that yeare. And lykewise if anye of those dayes come before the xv. of Easter those dayes are omitted also.

Trinitie Tearme.
  • Trinitie Sunday.
  • Corpus Christi.
  • Boniface Bishop.
  • S. Barnabie.
  • S. Butolphe.
  • S. Iohn.
  • S. Paule.
  • Transla. Thomas,
  • S. Swythune.
  • S. Margaret.
  • S. Anne.

¶ Note that the lawedayes of this tearme are altered by meane of Whitsuntyde, & the first sitting is kept alwayes on the first law daye after the feast of the holy Trinitie, and the seconde session is kept the first lawe daye after Corpus Christi, except Corpus christi daye fall on some daye aforenamed: which chaunceth sometime, and then the fitter daye is kept. And after the second session account foure dayes or thereabout, and then looke which is the next feast daye, and the fyrst lawe daye after the sayde feast, shall bée the thirde session. The other lawe dayes followe in order, but so many of them are kept, as for the time of the yere shalbe thought méete.

¶ And note generally that euery day is cal­led a lawe daye that is not Sundaye or holly daye: and that if the feast day being knowne of any court day in any terme, the first or se­conde daye followyng be Sundaye, then the court daye is kept the daye after the sayd ho­ly daye or feast.

Of the degrees of people in the common wealth of Englande. Cap. 4.

WE in Englande deuide our people commonlye into foure sortes, as Gentlemen, Citizens or Burgeses, Yeomē, and Artificerers or labourers. Of gentlemē the first & chiefe next the king be the Prince, Dukes, Marquises, Earles, Viscontes and Barons: and these are called the Nobilitie, they are also named Lordes and noble men, and next to them be Knightes and Esquires, and simple gentlemen.

Prince.The tytle of Prince doth peculiarly be­long to the Kinges eldest sonne, who is cal­led Prince of Wales, and is the heire ap­parant to the Crowne, as in Fraunce the kings eldest sonne hath ye title of Dolphine, and is named peculiarly Monsieur. So that the Prince is so termed of the latine worde, quia est principalis post Regem. The Kinges yonger sonnes be but gentlemen by byrth, till they haue receyued creation of hygher estate to bée eyther Viscontes, Earles or Dukes: & called after their names, as Lord Henry, or Lorde Edwarde wyth the additiō of the worde Grace, properly assigned to the king and prince, and by custome conueighed to Dukes, Marquises, and their wyues.

The title of Duke commeth also of the La­tine worde Dux, à ducendo, Duke. bycause of hys valoir and power ouer the army. In times past a name of Office due to the chiefe go­uernour of the whole armie in the warres, but now a name of honour.

In olde tyme he onely was called Mar­quise Qui habuit terram limitaneam, a mar­ching prouince vpon the enemies countreis. But that also is chaunged in common vse, & reputed for a name of great honour next the Duke, euen ouer Counties and sometimes small cities, as the Prince is pleased to be­stowe it.

The name of Earle likewyse was among the Romaines a name of Office,Erle. who had Comites sacri palatij, Comites aerarij, Comi­tes stabuli and such like, howbeit it appereth that with vs it hath the next place to ye Mar­quise, and he that beareth it is called per­aduenture Comes à comitiua, quia dignus est ducere comitiuam in bello. Or else bicause he is Comes Ducis, a companiō of the Duke in the warres. And he hath his follower the Viscont, called eyther Pro Comes, Viscont. or viceco­mes: who in tyme past, gouerned in the coū ­tie vnder the Earle, and nowe without any such seruice or office, it also is become a name of dignitie next after the Earle, and in degrée before the Baron.

The Baron is such a frée Lorde,Baron. as hath a Lordship or Barony, whereof he beareth his name, & holding of him diuers Knightes & fréeholders: who were woont to serue the king in the warres and helde their landes in Baronia, for doing such seruice. These Brac­ton (a learned wryter of the lawes of Eng­lande in king Henry the thirdes tyme) tear­meth Barones, quasi robur belli. The worde Baro is older thē that it may easily be found frō whence it came: for euen in the oldest hi­stories both of the Germaines & French­men, we reade of Barons, and those are at this day called among the Germaines Libe­ri, vel ingenui, as some men doe coniecture.

Vnto this place I also refer our Bishops,Byshops. who are accounted honourable, and whose countenaunces in time past was much more glorious then at this present it is, bycause those lusty Prelates sought after earthly e­stimation, [Page] and authoritie wyth far more di­ligence then after the lost shéepe of Christ, whereof they had small regarde, as men be­ing otherwise occupyed & voyde of leysure to attende vnto ye same. Howbeit in these daies their estate remayneth still honourable as before, and the more vertuous they are that be of this calling, the better are they estée­med with highe and lowe. Herein there­fore their case is growen to be much better then before, for whereas in tymes past the cleargie men were feared bycause of theyr authoritie and seuere gouernement vnder the Prince, now are they beloued generally (except peraduēture of a few hungrie wōbes that couet to plucke and snatch at their lose endes) for their painefull diligence shewed in their calling, and vertuous conuersation. Finally how it standeth with the rest of the cleargie, I neyther can tell nor greatly care to know, neuerthelesse wyth what degrées of honour and woorship they haue béene mat­ched in times past Iohannes Bohemus in hys De omnium gentium moribus and other doe expresse.De Asia. cap. 12. But as a number of these compari­sons and ambitions tytles are now decayed & woorthily shronke in the wetting, so giuing ouer in these daies to maintayne such pom­pous vanitie, they thincke it sufficient for thē to preache the worde and holde their liuinges to their sies from the handes of such as inde­uour to diminishe them. This furthermore will I adde generally in commendation of the cleargie of Englande that they are for their learning reputed in Fraunce, Portin­gale, Spaine, Germany & Polonia, to be the most learned deuines, & therto so skilfull in the two principal tongues that it is accoun­ted a maime in any one of them, not to be ex­actely séene in the Gréeke and Hebrue, much more then to be vtterly ignorant or nothing conuersaunt in them. As for the latine ton­gue it is not wanting in any, especiallye in such as haue béene made within this twelue or fourtéene yeares, whereas before there was small choyse, and many cures were left vnserued bycause they had none at all.

Dukes, Marquises, Earles, Viscontes, and Barons, either be created of the Prince, or come to that honour by being the eldest sonnes or highest in successiō to their parēts. For the eldest sonne of a Duke during hys fathers lyfe is an Earle,Duke. the eldest sonne of an Erle is a Baron, or sometymes a Vis­cont, according as the creation is. The crea­tion I call the originall donation and condi­tion of the honour giuen by the Prince for the good seruice done by the first auncestor, with some aduauncement, which with the ti­tle of that honour is alwayes giuen to hym & to his heires masles onely. The rest of the sonnes of the nobilitie▪ by the rigour of the law be but Esquires: yet in common speach all Dukes and Marquises sonnes, & Earle [...] eldest sonnes be called Lordes, the which name commōly doth agrée to none of lower degrée then Barons, yet by lawe & vse these be not estéemed Barons. The Baronny or degrée of Lords doth aunswere to the degrée of Senatours of Rome: and the tytle of [...] ­bilitie as we vse to call it in England to the Romaine Patricij. Also in Englād no man is created Baron except he may dispende of yerly reuenues so much as may fully main­tayne and beare out his countenaunce and port. But Visconts, Earles, Marquises and Dukes excéede them according to the pro­portiō of their degrée & honor. But though by chaunce he or his sonne haue lesse, yet he kée­peth his degrée: but if the decay be excessiue & not able to maintayne the honour, as Se­natores Romani were moti Senatu: so some­tymes they are not admitted to the vpper house in the parliament, although they kep [...] the name of Lord still, which cannot be takē from them, vpon any such occasion.

Knightes be not borne, [...] neytheir is any mā a knight by succession, no not the Kyng or Prince: but they are made eyther before the battaile to encourage them the more to ad­uenture and trie their manhoode, or after, as an aduauncement for their courage & prow­esse alreadie shewed, or out of the warres for some great seruice done, or for the singular vertues which doe appeare in them. They are made eyther by the king himselfe, or by his commission and Royall authoritie giuen for the same purpose: or by his lieutenaunt in the warres. This order seemeth to aun­swere in part to that which the Romaines called Equitū Romanorum. For as Equites Romani were chosen ex censu, that is accor­ding to their substaunce and riches: so be Knightes in Englande most commonly ac­cording to their yearelye reuenues or sub­staunce and riches, wherewith to maintaine the estate. Yet all that had Equaestrem cen­sum, were not chosen to be knights, no more be all made knightes in England that maye spende a knightes landes, but they onelye whom the Prince will honour. The number of the knightes in Rome was vncertaine: and so is it of knyghtes wyth vs, as at the pleasure of the Prince. We call him Knight in English that the French calleth Cheualier, and the latine Equitem, or Equestris ordinis virum. And when any man is made a knight, he knéeling downe is striken of the Prince [Page 103] or his substitute with his sworde naked vpō the shoulder, the Prince. &c. saying, S [...]yes che­ualier au nom de I [...]ieu. And when he ryseth vp the Prince sayth Aduances [...] cheualier. Th [...] is the maner of dubbing knightes at th [...] present, and the tearme (dubbing) is the [...] terme for that purpose and not creation.

[...]ghtes [...].At the Coronation of a King or Quéene there be knightes made with longer & more curious ceremonies, called Knightes of the Bath. But howsoeuer one be dubbed or made Knight, his wyfe is by and by cal [...]d Madame, or Ladye, so well as the Barons wyfe, he himselfe hauing added to his name in common appellatiō this siliable Sir, which is the title whereby we call our Knightes here in Englande.

The other order of Knighthod in Englād & the most honorable is that of ye Garter, [...]ghtes [...] gar­ [...] in­stituted by king Edwarde the third, who af­ter he had gayned many notable victories; taken king Iohn of France, & king Iames of Scotland (& kept them both prysoners in the Tower of London at one time) expulsed king Henry of Ca [...]stil the bastarde out of his realme, and restored Don Petro vnto it (by ye helpe of the Prince of Wales & Duke of Aquitaine his eldest sonne called the black Prince) He then inuented this societie of ho­nour, & made a choise out of his owne realme & dominions, & thorowout all Christendome of the best most excellent and renowmed persons in all vertues & honour, & adourned thē with ye title to be Knightes of his Order; giuing thē a Garter garnished with golde & precious stones, to were daily on the left leg only, also a Kirtle, gowne, cloke, chaperon, coler & other solemne and magnificent ap­parell, both of stuffe and fashion exquisite & heroicall to weare at high feastes, as to [...] high and Princely an Order apperteyneth. Of this company also he and his successours Kinges and Quéenes of Englande, be the Soueraignes, and the reast by certaine sta­tutes and lawes amongst themselues be ta­ken as brethren and fellowes in that order to the number of sixe and twentie, as I finde in a certayne Treatize written of the same an example whereof I haue here inserted worde for worde as it was deliuered vnto me, beginning after this maner.

I might at this present make a long tra [...] ­tation of the Rounde table and order of the knightes thereof, erected sometymes by Ar­thur the great monarche of thys Island: and thervnto intreate of the number of his Kni­ghtes and ceremonies belonging to the or­der, but I thincke in so dooing that I shoulde rather set downe ye latter inuentions of other men, then a true description of such [...] as were performed in déede. I could furthermore with more [...] describe the Royaltie of Charles [...] Péeres, with their [...] and [...] but vnto [...] also I haue [...], considering the [...] hereof is nowe so stay­ned wyth errours and fadles inserted in­to the s [...]nne by the [...] sort, that except a man shoulde professe to lye with thē for companye, there is little founde know­ledge to be gathered hereof woorthie ye remē ­braunce. In lyke maner dyuers aswell sub­iectes as Princes haue [...] to restore againe a [...]ounde table in this lande, but such was ye excessiue charges appertayning th [...] ­vnto (as they dyd make allowa [...]nce) and to great molestation dayly insued there vpō be­side the bréeding of sundr [...]e quarrels among the knightes and such as resorted hyther frō forrien countries (as it was first vsed) that in [...]ne they gaue it ouer & suffred their whole inuentions to perishe and decaye, vntill Ed­warde the third deuised an other order not so much pestered with multitude of Knightes as the rounde table, but much more honou­rable for princely port and countenance, as shall appeare hereafter.

The order of the Garter therefore was de­ [...]ised in the time of King Edward the third, and [...]s some write vppon this occasion. The Quéenes maiestie thē liuing; being departed [...] his presence the next way towarde hir lodging, he following soone after, happened to finde hir Garter which stacked by chaunce and so [...] from hir legge. His gromes & gen­tlemen passed by [...] & take vp [...]: but he knowing ye owner [...] one of them to [...]aye & take [...] vp. Why and like your Grace [...] a Gen­tleman [...] but some womans ga [...]ter that hath fallen [...] hir as she folowed ye Quéenes [...]. Whatsoeuer it be qu [...]th the [...]yng take it vp into giue it me. So whē he had re­ [...]ey [...]ed the [...], he sayde to such as [...] about [...] my maisters doe make small account of this blew garter here (and there­with he [...]e it out) but if God lende me lyfe for a fewe monethes,Peraduē ­ture it was but a blew Rib­bon. I will make the prow­dest of you all to reuerence the like: and euen vpon this [...]ender occasion he gaue himselfe to the [...] of this order. Certes I haue not read of any thing that hauing had so sim­ple a beginning hath growne in the ende to so great honour and estimation. But to pro­céede, after he had stu [...]yed a whyle about the performaunce of his deuise & had set downe such orders as he himselfe had inuented con­cerning ye same, he proclaimed a royall feast [Page] to be holden at Windsore, whyther all his nobilitie resorted with their Ladyes, where he published his institutiō, and furthwith in­uested an appointed number into the afore­sayd fellowship, whose names insue, himself being the Soueraigne and principall of that companie. Next vnto him also he placed.

  • Edwarde Prince of Wales.
  • Henry duke of Lan­caster.
  • N. Earle of Warw.
  • N. Capt. de Bouche.
  • N. Earle of stafford.
  • N. Earle of Sarum.
  • N. L. Mortimer.
  • Sir Iohn Lis [...]e.
  • Sir Bartholomewe Burwash.
  • N. Sonne of S. Iohn Beauchamp.
  • Sir N. de Mahun.
  • S. Hugh Courtnay.
  • S. Thomas Holland
  • S. Iohn Gray.
  • S. Rich. Fitzsimon.
  • S. Miles Stapleton.
  • S. Thomas Wale.
  • S. Hugh Wrotosley.
  • S. Neale Lording.
  • S. Iohn Chandos.
  • S. Iames Dawdley.
  • S. O [...]ho Holland.
  • S. Henry Eme.
  • Sir Sanchet Dam­bricourt.
  • Sir Walter Pan­nell alias Paganell.

What order of electiō, and what estatutes were prescribed vnto the elected at this first institution, as yet I can not exactely vnder­stande, neyther can I learne what euerye Prince afterwarde added therevnto before the sixe and thirtieth yeare of king Henry the eyght, and thirde of king Edwarde the sixt: wherfore of necessitie I must resort vnto the estate of the sayde order as it is at this pre­sent, which I will set downe so briefely as I may. When any man therefore is to be e­lected (vpon a rowme found voyd for his ad­missiō) into this fellowship, the king directeth his letters vnto him, notwithstanding that he before hande be nominate vnto the same, to this effect. Right trustie and welbeloued we greete you well, assertayning you, that in consideration aswell of your approoued trueth & fidelitie, as also of your couragious and valiant actes of knighthoode, with other your probable merites knowne by experiēce in sundrie parties and behalfes: we with the companions of the noble order of the Gar­ter assembled at the election holden this day within our manour of N. haue elected & cho­sen you amongst other to be one of the com­panions of the sayd Order, as your desertes doe condignely require. Wherfore we will yt with conuenient diligence vpō the sight her­of, you repaire vnto our presence, there to re­ceyue such thinges as to the sayde order ap­pertayneth. Dated vnder our signet at our maner of Grenewich the 24. of April. These letters as it shoulde séeme were written An. 3. Edwardi sexti, vnto the Earle of Hun­tingdon, & the Lorde George Cobham your Lordshippes honourable father, at such time as they were called vnto the aforesaide com­pany. I finde also these names subscribed vnto the same.

  • Edwarde Duke of Somerset, Vncle to the king.
  • The Marq. of North­hampton.
  • Earle of Arundell L. Chamberleine.
  • Earle of Shrewes­bury.
  • L. Russell Lord pri [...]y seale.
  • L. S. Iohn L. great maister.
  • Sir Iohn Gage.
  • S. Anthony Wing­fielde.
  • Sir Wylliam Pa­get.

Beyng elected preparation is made for his enstalling at windsore (the place appoin­ted alwaies for this purpose) wherat it is re­quired that his Banner be set vppe, at twoo yardes and a quarter in length, and thrée quarters in bredth, besides the frynge. Secondly his sworde of whatsoeuer length hym séemeth good, thyrdely his helme, which frō the charnell vpwards ought to be of thrée ynches at the least, fourthly the crest, wyth mantelles to the helme belonging of such conuenient stuffe and biggenesse, as it shall please him to appoint.

Item a plate of armes at the backe of hys stall, and crest with mantelles and beastes supportant, to be grauen in mettall.

Item lodging scoucheons of hys armes in the garter, to be occupyed by the way.

Item two mantelles one to the remayne in the colledge at Windsore, the other to vse at hys pleasure, with the scocheon of the armes of S. George in the garter with La­ces Tasselettes, and knoppes of blewe silcke and Golde belonging to the same.

Item a Surcote or Gowne of redde or crimosine veluet, with a whodde of the same lyned wyth white Sarcenet or Damaske.

Item a collor of the garter of thirtie oun­ces of golde troye weight.

Item a tablet of S. George, rychely gar­nished with precious stones, or otherwyse.

Item a Garter for his (left) legge, hauing the buckle and Pendaunt garnished wyth Golde.

Item a booke of the statutes of the sayde order.

Item a scocheon of ye armes of S. George in ye garter to set vpon the mantell. And thys furniture is to be prouided against his insta­lation.

When any Knight is to bée installed, he hath, with hys former letters, a garter sent vnto him, and when he commeth to be instal­led, [Page 104] [...] or his dep [...]tie, [...] him hys collor, and so he shall haue the [...] of his habit. As for his [...] not giuē ac­cording vnto the calling, & [...] of the receyuer, but as the place [...] that happe­neth to be v [...]yd [...], so that eache one called vn­to this knyghthoode, (the s [...]uereigne, & Em­perours, and Kinges, and Princes alwaies excepted) shall haue the same [...] which be­came voyd by the death of hys predecessor, howsoeuer it fall out, whereby a knight one­ly oftentimes, doth sit before a Duke, wyth­out anye murmuring or g [...]dgyng at hys roome, except it please the souereigne, once in hys lyfe, to make a generall alteration, of those seates, and so sette eache one accor­ding to hys degrée.

Nowe as touching the apparell of these Knyghtes, it remaineth such as King Ed­warde the first deuisor of thys order left it, that is to say, euery yere one of the cullours, that is to say, Scarlet, Sanguine in graine, blewe and white. In lyke sorte the Kinges Grace, hath at his pleasure the content of cloth for hys Gowne & whodde, lyned wyth white Satine, or Damaske, and multitude of garters with letters of Golde.

The Prince hath fiue yardes of cloth for his Gowne and whoodde, and garters with letters of Golde at his pleasure, beside fiue timber of the fynest mineuer.A tymber containeth fourtie skinnes.

A Duke hath fiue yardes of wollen cloth, fyue timber of mineuer, 120. garters with title of Golde.

A Marquise hath fiue yardes of woollen clothe, fiue timber of mineuer 110. garters of silke.

An Earle fiue yardes of woollen clothe, fiue timber of mineuer, and 100. garters of silke.

A Viscount, fiue yardes of woollen cloth, fiue timber of mineuer, 90. garters of silke.

A Baron fiue yardes of woollen cloth, thrée timber of mineuer: gres [...]e 8 [...]. garter [...] of silke.

[...]

[...] degrées of repr [...]h, which [...] from the [...] into this order [...] which ye first is [...] lawfully [...], the seconde high treason, the thirde is flight [...] batt [...]ill, the fourth [...] and prodigall [...] ex­pences, wherby he [...], and [...] of knight of this or­der, according to the dignitie thereof. More­ouer touching [...] apparell it is their [...], [Page] [...] a vnto the cha­pel, or vnto the Colledge, and likewyse back againe vnto the aforesayde place, not put­ting it from them, vntill suppe [...] be ended, & the auoyde done. The next daye they resorte vnto the chappell also in the lyke order, and from thence vnto diner, wearing afterward theyr sayde apparell vnto euening prayer, & lykewyse all the supper tyme, vntill the avoyd be finished. In the solemnity likewise of these feastes, the thirtéene chanons there, & sixe and twentie poore knightes, haue man­telles of the order, whereof those for the cha­nons are of Murrey with a roundell of the armes of S. George,Sicke or absent. the other of redde, with a scocheon onely of the sayde armes. If a­nye Knyght of thys order bée absent from thys solemnety vpon the euen and daye of S. George, and be inforced not to be present eyther through bodily sickenesse, or hys ab­sence out of the land: he doth in the Church Chappell, or Chamber where he is remay­ning, prouide an honorable stall for ye kings maiestie in the ryght hande of the place with a cloth of estate, and cushions, & sco­chion of the Garter, and therein the armes of the order. Also his owne stal of which side soeuer it be distaunt from the kinges or the Emperours in his owne place, appoynted so nyghe as he can, after the maner & scituation of his stall at Windsore, there to remaine, ye first euening prayer on ye euen of S. George, or thrée of the clocke, & likewise the next day duryng the time of the diuine seruice, vntyll the Morning prayer, and rest of the seruyce be ended: and to weare in the meane time his mantell onely, wyth the George and the the lace, without eyther whoodde, collor or surcote. Or if he be so sicke that he doe kéepe his bedde, he doth vse to haue that habite laid vpon him during the times of diuine seruice aforesaide. At the seruice time also vpon the morrow after S. George, two of the chyefe knights (sauing the deputy of the souereigne if he himselfe be absent) shall offer the kings banner of armes, then other two the sworde with the hyltes forwardes, which being done the first two shall returne againe and offer the helme and crest, hauing at eache time two Harraldes of armes going before, ac­cording to the statutes. The Lorde Deputy or Leeftenaunt vnto the kings Grace, for the tym [...] [...] to offer for himselfe, whose [...] beyng made, euery knight according to their [...], wyth [...] H [...]rald before him procéedeth to the [...].

What solemnitie is vsed at ye [...] of any knight of ye [...], [...] it is but in vain to declare wherefore I will shewe generally what is done at ye disgrading of one of these knights, if thorowe any grieuous offence he be sepa­rated from this companye. Whereas other­wyse the signe of the order is neuer taken from him vntill death doe ende and finishe vp his dayes. Therfore when any such thing is to be done, promulgation is made ther­of much after thys maner insuing. [...]

Be it knowne vnto all men that. N. N. knyght of the most noble order of the Gar­ter, is founde gylty of the abhominable and detestable cryme of high treason, for he hath most trayterously cōspired against our most high and mightie Prince souereigne of the sayde order contrary to all ryght, his duety, and the faithful othe, which he hath sworne & taken. For which causes therfore he hath de­serued to be deposed from thys noble order, & felowship of the Garter. For it may not be suffred that such a traytour & disloyall mem­ber remayne among the faithfull knights of noble stomacke and bountifull prowesse, or that hys armes should be myngled wyth those of noble chiualry. Wheerfore our most excellent Prince and supreame of this noble order, by the aduyse and counsell of his Col­leges, wylleth and commaundeth that hys armes which he before time had deserued shall be from hencefoorth taken awaye and throwne downe: and he himselfe cleane cut of from the society of this renowmed order, and neuer from this day reputed any more for a member of the same, that all other by hys example may hereafter beware howe they committe the lyke trespasse, or fall in­to such notorious shame and rebuke. Thys notice beyng gyuen, there resorteth vnto the party to be desgraded certaine officers with diuers of his late fellows appointed, which take frō him his George, & other inuestiture, after a solemne maner. And thus much of this most honorable order, hoping yt no man wil be offēded wt me, for vttering thus much. For sith the noble order of the Toyson D [...]r or Golden flées, with the ceremonies apper­teyning [Page 105] vnto the creation and inuestiture of the sixe and thirtie knightes thereof: [...]ome [...]ink that [...]is was [...]e aun­ [...]er of the Queene, [...]hen the [...]ng asked [...]hat men [...] think [...]her, in [...]ing the [...]rter af­ [...] suche a [...]aner. And lykewyse that of S. Michaell and hys one & thirtie knights, are discoursed vpon at large by the hystoryographers of those countreys, wtout reprehension or checke, I trust I haue not gyuen any cause of displeasure, briefely to set foorth those things that appertaine vn­to our renoumed order of the Garter, in whose compasse is written commonly, Honi soit qui mal y pense. which is so much to say, as euill come to him that euill thinketh: a very sharpe imprecation; and yet such as is not contrary to the worde, which promyseth lyke measure to the meater, as he doth meat to others.

There is yet an other order of Knights in Englande called Knightes Bannerets,Bānerets. who are made in the fielde with the ceremony of cutting of the point of his pennant of armes, and making it as it were a Banner. He be­ing before a Bacheler Knight, is nowe of an higher degrée & alowed to display his armes in a banner as Barrons doe. Howbeit these Knights are neuer made but in the warres, the kinges Standard being vnfolded.

[...]squire.Esquire (which we call commonly Squire) is a Frenche word, and so much in latine as Scutiger vel armiger, and such are all those which beare Armes, or Armoires, testimo­nies of their race from whence they be dis­cended. They were at the first Costerelles or the bearers of the Armes of Barrons, or knightes, and therby being instructed in Ar­mes, had that name for a dignitie giuen to di­stinguishe them from common souldiours, when they were togither in the fielde.

[...]entlemē.Gentlemen be those whome their race and bloode doth make noble and knowne. The la­tines call them Nobiles & generosos, as the Frenche doe Nobles. The Etimologie of the name expoundeth the efficacie of the worde & for as Gens in latin betokeneth the race and surname. So the Romaines had Cornelios, Sergios, Appios, Fabios, Aemilios, Iulios, Bru­tos. &c. of which, who were agnati and ther­fore kept the name, were also called Gentiles, gentlemen of that or that house and race. As the king or Quéene doth dubbe knights, and createth the Barons and higher degrées, so gentlemē whose auncestours are not knowē to come in with Williā Duke of Norman­die, do take their beginning in Englād, after this maner in our tymes. [...]yers [...]ents Vni­ [...]sities. [...]isitiōs [...]pteines Whosoeuer stu­dieth ye lawes of the realme, who so studieth in the Vniuersitie, or professeth Phisicke and the liberall Sciences, or beside his seruice in the rowme of a capitaine in the warres, can liue ydlely and without man [...]ell labour, and therto is able and wil beare the port, charge and countenaunce of a gentleman, he shall be called Master (which is the title that men giue to Esquires and Gentlemenne) and reputed for a Gentleman, which is so much the lesse to be disalowed, as for that ye Prince doth lose nothing by it, ye gentlemā being so much subiect to taxes and publicke paymēts as is the Yeoman or husbandman, which he also doth beare the gladlyer for the sauing of his reputation. Being called in the warres, whatsoeuer it cost him, he will both arraye and arme himselfe accordinglye, and shewe ye more manly courage and all the tokens of ye person which he representeth: No mā hath hurt by it but himself, who peraduenture wil now and then heare a bigger sayle then hys boate is able to sustaine.

Citizens and Burgeses haue next place to gentlemen,Citizens. who be those that are frée with­in the cities, and are of some substaunce to beare. Office in ye [...]au [...]e. But these citizens or Burgeses are to serue the cōmon wealth in their cities and Borowghes, or in corporate towne [...] where they dwell. And in the com­mon assembly of the realme to make lawes (called the Parliament,) the ancie [...]t Ei [...]e [...] appoint foure, and the borowghe tw [...] Bur­geses to haue voy [...]es in it, and to giue their consent or dissent vnto such thinges as passe or stay there in the name of the citie or Bo­rowe, for which they are appointed.

In thys place also are our Marchauntes to be ens [...]alled as amōg the Citizens,Marchāts whose number is so increased in these our dayes, that theyr onely maintenaunce is the cause of the excéeding prices of forreine wares, which otherwyse when eache nation was permitted to bring in hir owne commodi­tyes, were farre better cheape and more plentifully to be had. Among the Lacedemo­nians it was founde out that great num­bers of Merchauntes were nothing to the furtheraunce of the state of the common wealth [...]: wherefore it is to be wyshed that the heape of them were somewhat restreig­ned, so should the rest lyue more easily vpon theyr owne, & few honest chapmē be brought to decaye, by breaking of the bankcrupt. I doe not denie but that the nauie of the lande is in part maintained by their [...]a [...]c [...] and so are the highe prices of thinges kept vp now they haue gotten the only sale of things into their handes: whereas in times past when the strange bottomes were suffered to come in, we had Suger for foure pence the pounde, that nowe is worth halfe a crowne, Ra [...]sons [Page] of Corinth for a peny that now are holden at six pence, and sometime at eight pence & ten pence the pounde: nutmegges at two pence halfe peny the mince: Gynger at a penny an ounce, Proynes at halfe penye fardyng: Great reysons thrée pounde for a peny, Ci­namon at foure pence the ounce, Cloues at two pence, and Pepper at twelue, and sixe­tene pence the pounde. Whereby we maye sée the sequele of thinges not alwayes to be such as is pretended in the beginning. The wares that they carry out of the Realme, are for the most part brode clothes & carsies of all coulours, lykewyse cottons, fréeses rugges, tinne, wooll, leade, felles. &c. which being shipped at sundry ports of our coasts, are borne from thence into all quarters of the worlde, and there eyther exchaunged for other wares, or ready money: to the great game and commoditie of our Merchauntes. And whereas in times past our chiefe trade was into Spaine, Portingall, Fraunce, Flaunders, Danske, Norway, Scotlande, and Iseland onely: so in these dayes, as men not contented wyth those iourneyes, they haue sought out the east and west Indies, & made voyages not only vnto the Canaries, and newe Spaine, but likewyse into Catha­ia,Not séene in a bate­ment of price of thinges. Moscouia, Tartaria, & the regions there­about, from whence as they pretende they bring home great commodities.

Our Yeomen, are those which by our Lawyers are called Legales hommes, fre mē born English, and maye dispende of theyr owne frée lande in yerely reuenewe, to the summe of 40. s. sterling. This sorte of people haue a certaine preheminence and more estimation then labourers and artificers, and commō ­ly lyue welthely, kéepe good houses, & trauei­leth to get ryches. They are also for the most part fermers to gentlemen, & with grazing frequenting of markets and kéeping of ser­uants ( [...]ot ydle seruaunts as the gentlemen doth, but such as get both their owne & part of theyr Ma [...]sters lyuing) doe come to great wealth, insomuch that many of them are a­ble and doe buy the landes of vnthrifty gen­tlemen, & often setting theyr sonnes to the Scholes, to the Vniuersities, and to ye Innes of the Court or otherwise leauing them suf­ficient landes wherevpon they maye lyue without labour, doe make their sayde sonnes by that meanes to become gentlemē. These were they yt in times past made al Fraunce afrayd. And the kings of England in fough­ten battailes, were woont to remaine among these Yeomen who were their footemen, as the French Kings did amongst theyr horse­men: the Prince thereby shewing where his chiefe strength did consist.

The fourth and last sort of people in Eng­lande are day labourers, poore husbandmē, and some retaylers (which haue no frée lande) copy holders, & al artificers, as Tay­lours, Shoomakers, Carpenters: Bricke­makers, Masons. [...] &c. As for slaues & [...] we haue none. These therfore haue neither voice nor authoritie in ye common welth, but are to be ruled, & not to rule other: yet they are not altogither neglected, for in cities and corporalte Townes, for default of Yeomen they are fayne to make vp their enquestes [...] of such maner of people. And in Villages they are commonly made Church wardens Sidemen, Aleconners, Constables, & many tymes enioye the name of hedborowghes. Thys furthermore amonge other thynges I haue to saye of our husbandmen and ar­tificers, that they were neuer so excellent in theyr trades as at this present. But as the workemanshippe of the later sort was neuer more fine and curious to the eye, so was it neuer lesse strong and substanciall for conti­nuance and benefite of the buyers. Certes there is nothing that hurteth our artificers more then hast, and a barbarous or slauishe desire, by ridding their work to make spéedy vtteraunce of theyr wares: which inforceth thē to būgle vp & dispatch many things they care not howe so they be out of theyr hands, whereby the buyer is often sore defraude [...], and findeth to hys cost, that hast maketh wast; accordyng to the prouerbe. But to leaue, these thinges and procéede wyth [...] purpose, and herein (as occasion serueth) generally to speake of the common wealth of Englande, I find that it is gouerned and maintained by thrée sortes of persons.

1 The Prince Monarch and heade gouer­nour which is called the king, or (if ye crown fall to the Woman) the Quéene: in whose name and by whose authoritie, all thynges are administred.

2 The Gentlemen, which be deuided into two parts, as ye Barony or estates of Lord [...], (which conteyneth Barons and all aboue that degrée) and also those that be no Lords, as Knightes, Esquiers, and simple Gentle­men. &c.

3 The third and last sort is named the Yeo­manrye, of whome and their sequele, the la­bourers and Artificers, I haue sayde some­what euen nowe.

Of these also someare by the Prince, chose & called to great offices, in the cōmon welth, of which offices diuers concerne the whole realme, some be more pryuate and peculyar to the kinges house. And they haue their pla­ces [Page 106] and degrées, prescribed by an Act of par­liament made Ann [...]. 3 [...]. H [...]octaui, after this maner insuing.

These foure the Lorde Chauncelour, the Lorde Treasorour, the Lord president of the Counsell, and the Lorde Pri [...]e Seale bée­yng persons of the degrée of a Ba [...]on or a­boue, are in the same act appointed to sit in ye Parliament and in all assemblies or counsel aboue all Dukes, not being of the bloud roy­all, Videlicet the kinges Brother, Vncle or Nephewe.

And these sixe, the L. great Chamberlein of Englande: the L. high Constable of Eng­lande: the Lorde Marshall of Englande: the Lorde Admirall of Englande: the Lorde great Maister, or Kings Stewarde of the Kings house: and the Lorde Chamberleyne: by that acte are to be placed in all assemblies of Counsell, after the Lorde Priuie Seale, according to their degrées & estates: so that if he be a Barron, then to sitte aboue all Ba­rons: or an Earle, aboue all Earles.

And so likewyse the kynges Secretarye beyng a Barron of the Parliament, hath place aboue all Barons, and if he be a man of higher degrée, hée shall [...]tte and be placed according therevnto.

The Temporall Nobilitie of England ac­cording to the auncientie of theyr creations or first calling to their degrées.

  • [...] Duke [...] Eng­ [...]de.
    The Marquise of Winchester.
  • The Earle of Arondell.
  • The Earle of Oxforde.
  • The Earle of Northumberlande.
  • The Earle of Shrewesbury.
  • The Earle of Kent.
  • The Earle of Derby.
  • The Earle of Worcester.
  • The Earle of Rutlande.
  • The Earle of Cumberlande.
  • The Earle of Sussex.
  • The Earle of Huntingdon.
  • The Earle of Bath.
  • The Earle of Warwicke.
  • The Earle of Southampton.
  • The Earle of Bedforde.
  • The Earle of Penbrooke.
  • The Earle of Hertforde.
  • The Earle of Leycester.
  • The Earle of Essex.
  • The Earle of Lincolne.
  • The Viscont Montague.
  • The Viscont Byndon.
  • The Lorde of Abergeuenny.
  • The Lorde Awdeley.
  • The Lorde [...].
  • The Lorde [...].
  • The Lorde [...].
  • The Lorde [...].
  • The Lorde [...] of the [...].
  • The Lorde Cobham.
  • The Lorde Talbot.
  • The Lorde Stafforde.
  • The Lorde Grey of Wilton.
  • The Lorde Scrope.
  • The Lorde Dudley.
  • The Lorde La [...]ymer.
  • The Lorde St [...]urton.
  • The Lorde Lumley.
  • The Lorde Moun [...]y.
  • The Lorde Ogle.
  • The Lorde Darcy of the North.
  • The Lorde Mountegie.
  • The Lorde Sandes.
  • The Lorde [...].
  • The Lorde Wind [...]ore.
  • The Lorde Wen [...]woorth.
  • The Lorde Borough.
  • The Lorde [...].
  • The Lorde Cromwell.
  • The Lorde [...].
  • The Lorde [...].
  • The Lorde Riche.
  • The Lorde [...].
  • The Lorde [...].
  • The Lorde Paget.
  • The Lorde D [...]rcy of [...].
  • The Lord H [...]warde of Ossingham.
  • The Lord North.
  • The Lord Chaundes.
  • The Lord of Hunsdon.
  • The Lord Saint Iohn of Blesso.
  • The Lorde of Buckhirst.
  • The Lord Delaware.
  • The Lorde Burghley.
  • The Lorde Compton.
  • The Lorde Cheyney.
  • The Lorde Norreys.
Byshoppes in their aunciencie, as they [...] in Parliament in the fift of the Queenes Maiesties the reigne.
  • The Arch Byshop of Caunterbury.
  • The Arch Byshop of Yorke.
  • London.
  • Durham.
  • Winchester.

The rest had theyr places in Seniority of Consecration.

  • Chichester.
  • Landaphe.
  • Hereforde.
  • Ely.
  • Worceter.
  • Bangor.
  • [Page]Lincolne.
  • Salisbury.
  • S. Dauids.
  • Rochester.
  • Bathe & Welle [...].
  • Couentre and Lich­fielde.
  • Exceter.
  • Norwiche.
  • Peterborough.
  • Carleile.
  • Chester.
  • S. [...]e.
  • Glocester.

¶Of prouision made for the poore. Cap. 5.

THere is no common wealth at this day in Europe, wherein there is not great store of poore people, and those necessarily to be relieued by the welthier sort, which other­wise would starue and come to vtter confu­sion. With vs the pore is commonly deuided into thrée sortes, so that some are poore by impotencie,Thrée sor­tes of poore. as the fatherlesse childe, the a­ged, blind and lame, and the diseased person that is iudged to be in [...]urable: the second are poore by casualtie, as the wounded souldier, the decayed housholder, and the sicke person visited with grieuous and vncurable disea­ses: the third consisteth of thriftlesse poore, as the riotour that hath cōsumed all, the vaga­bond that will abide no wheres, but runneth vp and downe frō place to place (as it were séeking woorke and finding none) and finally the roge and strumpet which are not possi­ble to be diuided in sonder.

For the first two sortes, that is to say the poore by impotencie and the poore by casual­tie, which are there ye true poore in dede, & for whome the woord doth bind vs to make some daily prouision: there is order taken thorow­out euery parish in the Realme, that wéeke­ly collection shalbe made for their helpe and sustentation, to the end they should not scat­ter abrode, and by begging here and there, annoy both towne and countrey. Authoritie also is gyuen vnto the Iustices in euery Countie (and great penalties appoynted for such as make defaulte) to sée that the in­tent of the statute in thys behalfe be truely executed, according to the purpose and mea­ning of the s [...]me so that these two sortes are sufficiently prouided for: and such as cā liue within the limites of their allowance (as eache one wyll doe that is godly and well di­sposed) may well forbeare to rome & range abrode: But if they refuse to be supported by this benefite of the lawe, and will rather in­deuour by going to and fro to maintayne theyr idle trades, then are they adiudged to be parcell of the third sort, and so in stead of curteous refreshing at home, are often cor­rected wt sharpe executiō, & whip of iustice a­brod. Many there are, which notwithstāding the rigour of the lawes prouided in that be­halfe, yelde rather with this [...]bertie (as they call it) to be daily vnder the feare & terrour of the whippe, then by abiding where they were borne or bred to be prouided for by the parish. I found not long since a note of these latter sort, ye effect wherof ins [...]eth Idle beg­gers are such eyther thorow other mens oc­casiō, or throwgh their own default. [...] By other mens occasion, (as one way for example, when some couetous man espying a further commoditie in theyr commons, holdes, and tenures, doth find such meanes as therby to wipe many out of their occupyings, & turne the same vnto their priuate gaynes. Here­vpon it followeth, that although the wise & better minded,At [...] these [...]. do so behaue themselues that they are worthyly to be accompted among the second sort, yet the greater part commō ­ly hauing nothing to stay vpon are wilfull, and thervpō doe eyther prooue idle beggers, or else continue starke théeues till the gal­lowes doe eate them vp.

Such as are ydle beggers thorow theyr owne default are of two sortes, and cōtinue theyr estates either by casual or [...]ere volō ­tary meanes: Those that are such by casuall meanes, are iustly to be referred either to the first or second sort of poore: but degenera­ting into the thriftlesse sort, they doe what they can to cōtinue their miserie, & with such impediments as they haue to stray and wa­der about as creatures abhorring all labour and euery honest exercise. Certes I call these casuall meanes, not in respect of the originall of their pouertie, but of the conti­nuance of the same, from whence they will not be deliuered thorow their owne vngraci­ous lewdnesse, and froward disposition. The volūtary meanes procede frō outwarde cau­ses, as by making of corrosiues, and apply­ing the same to ye more fleshie parts of their bodies: and also laying of Ratsbane, Spere­woort, Crowfoote, and such like vnto theyr whole mēbers, thereby to raise piteous and odious sores, and mooue the goers by such places where they lie, to lament their mise­rie, and bestowe large almes vppon them.

Vnto this neast is another sort to be re­ferred, more sturdie then the rest, which ha­uing sound and perfite lymmes doe yet not­withstanding sometime counterf [...]ict the pos­session of al sortes of diseases. Diuers times in their apparell they will be like seruing men or labourers: Often tymes they can play the mariners, and séeke for ships which they neuer lost. But in fine, they are all théeues and Caterpillers in the common wealth, and by the word of God not permit­ted [Page 107] to eate, sith they doe but licke the sweate from the true laborers browes, and bereue ye godly of that which is due vnto thē, to main­teine their excesse, consuming the charitie of well disposed people bestowed vpon them, af­ter a most wicked, horrible, and detestable maner.

It is not yet .50. yeares sith this trade be­gan: but how it hath prospered sithens that tyme, it is easye to iudge, for they are nowe supposed of one sexe and another, to amount vnto aboue .10000. persons, as I haue harde reported. Moreouer, in counterfaiting the E­gyptian roges, they haue deuised a lāguage among themselues, which they name Ga [...] ­ting, but other pedlars Frenche. A speache compact 30. yeares since of English, & a great nomber of odde words of their owne diuising without all order or reason: and yet such is it as none but themselues are able to vnder­stand. The first deuiser thereof was hanged by the necke, a iust reward no doubt for his desartes, and a common ende to all of that profession. [...]homas [...]rman. A Gentleman also of late hath t [...] ­ken great paines to search out the secrete practizes of this vngracious rable. And a­mong other things he setteth downe and de­scribeth .22. sortes of them, whose names it shal not be amisse to remēber whereby each one may gather, what wicked people they are, and what villany remaineth in them.

The seueral disorders and degrees a­mongst our idle vagabonds.
  • 1. Rufflers.
  • 2. Vprightmen.
  • 3. Hookers or An­glers.
  • 4. Roges.
  • 5. Wilde Roges.
  • 6. Priggers of praū ­cers.
  • 7. Palliardes.
  • 8. Fraters.
  • 9. Abrams.
  • 10. Freshwater ma­riners, or whip­iackes.
  • 11. Dummerers.
  • 12. Dronken Tin­kars.
  • 13 Swadders or ped­lers.
  • 14 Iackemen or pa­tricoes
Of vvomen kinde.
  • 1. Demaunders for glimmar or fire.
  • 2. Bawdie baskets.
  • 3. Mortes.
  • 4. Autem Mort [...].
  • 5. Wa [...]king Mort [...].
  • 6. Dores.
  • 7. Delles.
  • 8. Kinching Mortes.
  • 9. Kinching Cooes.

The punishment that is ordained for this kind of people is very sharpe, and yet it can not restraine them frō their gadding: wher­fore the ende must néedes be Martiall lawe to be exercised vpon them, as vpon théeues, robbers, despisers of all lawes, and enemies to the commō wealth and welfare of ye land. What notable roberies, p [...]feries, [...], rapes, and stealings of children they doe vse (which they disfigure to begg withal) I nede not to rehearse: but for their idle r [...]ging a­bout the countrie, the law ordeineth this ma­ner of correction. The Roge being apprehē ­ded, committed to prison, and tried in ye next assizes (whether they be of G [...]ole deliuerie or se [...]ions of the pear) if he happen to be con­uicted for a vagabond either by inquest of of­fice, or the testimonie of two honest and cre­dible witnesses vpon theyr other, he is then immediatly adiudged to be gréeuously whip­ped & burned thorow the gristell of the right eare wt an hot iron of the compasse of an inch about, as a manifestation of his wicked life, and due punishment receyued for the same. And this iudgement is to be executed vpon him, except s [...]me honest person worth fiue pounde [...] [...] the Quéenes, bookes in goods, or twentie shillings in lands, or some rich [...]ou­sholder to be a [...]owed by the Iustices, wil be boūd in a recognisance to retaine him in his seruice for one whole yeare. If he be takē the seconde time and proued to haue forsaken his sayd seruice, he shall then be whipped a­gaine, bored likewise thorowe the other eare and sette to seruice: from whence if he depotte before a yeare be expired, and happen afterward to be attached againe, he is condemned to suffer paines of death as a fell [...] (except before excepted) without bene­fite of clergie or sanctuarie, as by the statute doth appere. Among roges and idle persons finally, we finde to be comprised al Proctors that go vp and downe with counterfeit li­cences, Cosiuers, and suche as go about the countrey vsing vnlawfull games, practizers of Phis [...]ognomie and Palmestrie, te [...]ers of fortunes [...]en [...]ers, bearwards, players, min­strel [...]s, iugglers, pedlers, tinkers, schollers, shipmen, prisoners gathering for fées, and o­thers so oft as they be taken without suffici­ent licence. Each one also that harboroweth or aideth them with meat or money, is tared and compelled to fine with the Quéenes ma­iestie for euery time that he shall so succoure them as it shall please the Iustices of peace to assigne, so that the taxation excéede not xx. shillings as I haue bene informed. And thus much of the poore, and such prouision as to appoynted for them within the Realme of England.

Of sundrie punishments appoynted for malefactors. Cap. 6.

THe greatest and most gréeuous punish­ment vsed in Englād, for such as offend [Page] against the state, is drawne from the prisone to the place of execution vpon an hardle or Sled, where they are hanged til they be half dead, and then taken downe and quartered, after that their mēbers and bowels are cut from their bodies, and throwne into a fire prouided neare hand and within sight, euen for the same purpose. Sometimes if the tres­passe be not the more hainous, they are suf­fred to hang til they be quite dead, and when so euer any of the Nobilitie are conuicted of high treason, this maner of their death is cō ­uerted into the losse of their heads onely, not­withstanding that the sentence doe runne af­ter the former order. In triall of cases cōcer­ning treason, fellonie, or any other gréeuous cryme, the partie accused doth yelde yf he be a noble man to be tryed by his Péeres: if a gentleman, by gentlemen: and an inferiour by God and by the countrie: and being con­demned of fellonie, manslaughter. &c. he is eftsoones hanged by the necke til he be dead, and then cut downe and buryed. But yf he be conuicted of wilfull murder, he is eyther hanged aliue in chaynes néere the place where the facte was commytted, (or else first strangeled with a rope) and so continu­eth till his bones consume to nothing. We haue vse neither of the whéele nor of ye barre, as in other countries, but when wilfull man­slaughter is perpetrated, beside hanging the Offendour hath his right hande commonly stricken of at the place where the acte was done, after which he is led foorth to the place of execution, & there put to death according to the law. Vnder the worde fellonie are ma­nie grieuous crimes contained, as breche of pryson An. 1. of Edward the second. Disfigu­rers of ye Princes lege people. An. 5. of Hen­ry the fourth. Hunting by nyght wyth pain­ted faces and Visours An. 1. of Henry the se­uenth. Rape or stealing of women and may­dens An. 3. of Henry the eight. Conspiracy a­gainst the person of the Prince An. 3. of Hen­ry the seauenth. Embefilling of goodes com­mitted by the maister to the seruaunt, aboue the value of fourtie shillings. An. 17. of Hen­ry the eyght. Carying of horses or mares in­to Scotland. An. 23. of Henry the eyght. So­domy and Buggery An 25. of Henrye the eyght. Stealing of Hawkes egges. An. 31. of Henry the eyght. Cōsuring, sorcerie, Witch­crafte and digging vp of Crosses. An. 33. of Henry the eyght. Prophecying vpō armes, cognisaunces, names, and badges. An. 33. of Henry ye eyght. Casting of slanderous billes. An. 37. of Henry ye eyght. Wilfull killing by poyson. An. 1. of Edward ye sixt. Departure of a soldier frō the field. An. 2. of Edward ye sixt. Diminution of c [...]y [...], al offences within cas [...] premunire, embeseling of recordes, goodes taken frō dead men by their seruaunts, stea­ling of whatsoeuer cattell, robbing by the high way, vpon the sea, or of dwelling houses letting out of pondes, cutting of purses, stea­ling of Déere by night, counterfectous [...] coyne▪ euidences, charters, and writings, & diuers other néedlesse to be remembred. Periury is punished by the pillorie, burning in the forehead wt the letter P. and losse of all ye mooueables. Many trespasses also are puni­shed by ye cutting of one or both eares from the heade of the offendour, as the vtteraunce of sedicious words against the maiestrates, fraymakers, pettie robbers. &c. Roges are burned thorow the eares, caryers of shéepe out of the land by the losse of their hāds, such as kill by poyson are eyther skalded to death in lead or séething water. Heretiks are bur­ned quicke, harlottes & their mates by car­ting ducking and dooing of open pennaunce are often put to rebuke. Such as kill thēsel­ues are buryed in the fielde with a stake dri­uen thorow their bodies. Witches are han­ged or sometymes burned, but théeues are hāged euery where generally, sauing in Ha­lifax where they are beheaded after a strāge maner, & wherof I find this report. There is & hath ben of ancient tyme a law or rather a custome at Halifax, that whosoeuer doth cō ­mit any fellony: and is taken with the same, or confesse the facte vpon examination, yf it by valued by fower counstables to amount to the somme of thirtéene pence halfe peny, he is forthwt beheaded vpon the next market day (which fall vsually vppon the tuesdayes, thursdayes, and saterdayes,) or else vpon the same day yt he is so conuicted, yf market be then holdē. The engine wherwt the execution is done, is a square blocke of wood of the len­gth of foure foote and an halfe, which doeth ryde vp and downe in a slot, rabet, or regall betwéene twoo péeces of timber, that are fra­med and set vpright of fiue yards in height. In the neather ende of the slyding blocke is an Axe keyed or fastened wyth Iron into the wood, which being drawne vp to the top of the frame is there fastned with a woodden pinne, (the one ende set on a péece of woodde, which goeth crosse ouer ye two rabets, & the other ende being let into the blocke, holding the Axe, with a notche made into the same after the maner of a Sampsons post,) vnto the middest of which pinne there is a long rope fastened that commeth downe among the people, so that when the offendour hath made his confession, and hath layde his neck ouer the neathermost blocke, euery man [Page 108] there present doth eyther take hold of ye rope, (or putteth foorth his arme, so néere to ye same as he can get, in token that he is willing to sée true iustice executed,) and pulling out the pinne in this maner, ye head blocke wher­in the axe is fastened doth fall downe wyth such a violence that yf the necke of the trans­gressour were so bigge as that of a bull, it should be cut in sunder at a strocke, and roll from the bodie by an huge distaunce. If it be so that the offendour be apprehended for an oxe, or oxē, shéepe, kine, horse, or any such cat­tell: the selfe Beast or other of the same kinde, haue the ende of the rope tyed some­where vnto them, so that they drawe out the pin whereby the offendour is executed. And thus much of Halifax law, which I set down onely to shew the custome of that country in this behalfe. Roges and vagabondes are often stocked and whipped, scoldes are duc­ked vpon cuckingstooles in the water. Such fellons as stand mute and speake not at their arraynement are pressed to death by huge weightes, and these commonly holde theyr peace thereby to saue their goodes vnto their wyues and children, which yf they were con­demned shoulde be confiscated to the prince. Théeues that are saued by their bookes and cleargie, are burned in the left hande, vppon the brawne of the thombe with an hote Irō, so that yf they be apprehended agayne, that marke bewrayeth them to haue béene array­ned of fellonie before, whereby they are sure at that time to haue no mercy. I do not read that this custome of sauing by the booke is vsed any where else then in Englande, ney­ther doe I finde after much diligent inquiry what Saxon Prince ordayned that lawe. Howbeit this I generally gather therof, that it was deuised at the first to traine the inha­biters of this lande to the loue of learning, which before contempned letters, & all good knowledge, as men only giuing themselues to husbandrie and the warres, the like wher­of I read to haue béene amongst ye Gothes, & Vandales, who for a time woulde not suf­fer euen their princes to be learned for wea­kening of their courages, nor any learned men to remayne in the counsel house, but by open proclamation woulde commaunde thē to auoyde. Pyrates and robbers by sea, are condemned in the court of the Admyraltie, & hanged on the shore at lowe water marke, where they are left til thrée tides haue ouer­washed them. Finally such as hauing wals & bankes néere vnto the sea, and doe suffer the same to decay (after cōuenient admonition) wherby the water entreth and drowneth vp the country: are by a certayne custome ap­prehended, condemned & staked in ye breache, where their remayne for euer as parcell of the foundation of the newe wall that is to be made vpon them, as I haue hard reported.

Of sauuage beastes and vermines. Cap. 7.

IT is none of the least blessings wherewith God hath indued thys Islande, that it is void of noysome beasts, as Lions, Beares, Tygers, Pardes, Wolfes, and such like: by meanes whereof our countrymen may tra­uaile in safetie, and our herdes and flockes remayne for the most part abroade in the fielde, without any herde man or kéeper.

This is chiefely spoken of the south & south­west part of the Islande. For whereas we that dwell on this side of the Twede, maye safely boast of our securitie in this behalfe. Yet can not the scottes doe the lyke in euery point with in their kingdome, sith they haue grieuous Wolfes continually conuersaunt among them to the generall hinderaunce of their husbandmen, and no smal damage vn­to the inhabiters of those quarters. The hap­py & fortunate want of these beasts in Eng­lande is vniuersally ascribed to the pollitike gouernement of king Edgar, who to the in­tent the whole Countrie might once be clen­sed and clerely ridde of them, charged the conquered Welchmen (who were then pe­stured with these rauenous creatures aboue measure) to paye him a yearely tribute of Wolfes skinnes, to be gathered within the lande. He appointed them thereto a certaine number of thrée hundred, with frée liberty for their prince to hunt and pursue them ouer al quarters of the realme as our Chronicles doe report. Some there be which write how Ludwall Prince of Wales payde yearely to king Edgar this tribute of 300. Wolfes, and that by meanes thereof within the com­passe and terme of foure yeres none of those noysome creatures were left within Wales and England. Since this tyme also we read not that anye Wolfe hath béene séene here that hath bene bredde within the bondes and limites of our country. Howbeit there haue béene diuers brought ouer from beyonde the sea for gréedinesse of gaine & to make money onely by the gasing and gaping of the people vpon them, who couet oft to sée them beyng straunge beastes in their eyes and seldome knowne in Englande.

Of Foxes we haue some but no great store,Foxes Badgiers. and also Badgiers in our sandy & light groundes, where woodes, firzes, broome, and plentie of shrubbes are to shrowde them in, [Page] when they be from their borrowes, and ther­to Warrens of Coneys at hand to féede vp­on at will. Otherwise in claie which we call ye cledgie mould, we seldome here of any, be­cause the moisture and toughnesse of the soile is such, as will not suffer them to drawe and make their borrowes depe. Certes if I may fréely say what I thinke, I suppose that these two kindes (I meane Foxes and Badgers) are rather preserued by Gentlemē to hunt & haue pastime with all at their owne plea­sures, then otherwise suffered to lyue, as not able to be destroyed because of theyr greate numbers. For such is the scantitye of them here in England in comparison of the plen­tie that is to be séene in other countryes, and so earnestly are the inhabitants bent to roote thē out: that except it had bene to beare thus wt the recreations of their superiors, it could not otherwise haue ben chosen, but that they should haue bene vtterly destroyed by many yeares agone.

I might here intreat largely of other ver­mine, as the Polcate, the Miniuer, the Wea­sel, Stote, Squirrill, Fitchew, and such like. Also of the Otter and Beuer,Beuers. of which, as the first sortes are plentifull in euery woode and hedgerow: so these latter, especially the Ot­ter,Otters. (for to say the truth we haue not manye Beuers, but only in the Teisis in Wales) is not wanting or to séeke in many streames & riuers. But it shal suffice in this sort to haue named them as I doe also the Martern,Marter­nes. al­though for number I worthily doubt whe­ther that of our Beuers or Marternes, may be thought to be the lesse.

Other pernicious beastes we haue not ex­cept you repute the great plentie of red and fallow Deare, and store of Conies amongst the hurtful sort. Which, although that of thē ­selues they are not offensiue at all, yet theyr great numbers are thought to be very preiu­dicial, and therfore iustly reproued of many as are in lyke sort our huge flocks of shéepe, where on the greatest parte of our soyle is emploied almost in euery place. The male of the red Deare was sometime called among the Saxons a staggon,Stagges. but now a stagge, or vpon some consideratiō an Harte, as the fe­male is an Hinde. And this is one parcell of the Venery wherof we intreated before, and whose proper dwelling is in the large and wooddy forrests. The fallow deare as Bucks and Does, are nouryshed in Parkes, & Con­nys in warrens and borrowes. As for Hares they runne at theyr owne aduenture, except some Gentleman or other for hys pleasure doe make an inclosure for them. Of these also the stagge is accompted for the most no­ble game, the fallow Deare is the next, the [...] the Roe (whereof wée haue indifferent store) and last of all the Hare: all which (notwyth­standing our custome) are pastimes more méete for Ladies and Gentlewomen to ex­ercise, then for men of courage to followe, whose hunting should practise theyr armes in tasting of theyr manhoode and dealing wt such beastes as eftsoones wyll turne agayne and offer them the hardest, rather then theyr féete, whych many tymes may cary dyuers from the fielde. Surely this noble kinde of hunting onely did great Princes frequent [...] times past, as it may yet appeare by the hy­stories of theyr times, and there to (bes [...] that whych we read of the vsuall hunting of the Princes and Kings of Scotland, of the wild Bull, Woolfe. &c.) the example of king Henry the second of England: who disday­ning as he termed it to followe or pursue to­wards, cherished of set purpose sundry kinde of wilde beastes at Woodstocke, and one or two other places in England, whych he wal­led about wyth hard stone, & where he would often fight wyth them hande to hande, when they did turne againe & make any reise vpon him.

King Henrye the fift in hys beginning, thought it a mere scoffery to pursue any fol­low Deare wyth hounds or greyhounds, but supposed hym selfe alwayes to haue done a sufficient acte, when he had tired them by his owne trauaile on foote, and so kylled them wyth hys handes, in the vpshot of that exer­cise and ende of hys recreation. And thus [...] very many in lyke sort wyth the Harte, as I doe reade. But I thincke yt was very long [...] ­gone, when men were farre higher and swif­ter then they are now, and yet I deny not but any hunting of the redde Deare is a ryght Princely pastime. In diuers forren cuntries they cause theyr redde and fallow Deare to draw the plowgh as we do our Oxen and hor­ses. In some places also they milke theyr Hindes as we doe here our Kine and Got [...]s. [...] And the experience of this latter is noted by Gyraldus Cambriensis to haue béene séene and vsed in Wales, where he did eate chée [...]e made of hindes milke, at such time as Bald­wine Archbishop of Caunterburie preached the Croysaide there, when they were both lodged in a Gentlemans house, whose wy [...]e of purpose kept a dairy of the same. As for ye plowing wyth Vres (whych I suppose to be vnlikely) and Alkes a thyng commonly vsed in the East countries, here is no place to speake of it, since we now want these kinde of beasts. Neither is it my purpose to intreat of other thyngs then are to be séene in Eng­land, [Page 109] wherfore I wil omitte to say any more of wilde and sauage beastes at thys tyme, thinking my selfe to haue spoken already suf­ficiently of this matter, if not to much in the iudgement of the curious.

¶Of Cattell kept for profite. Cap. 8.

THere is no kinde of tame Cattell vsual­ly to be séene in these parts of the world whereof we haue not some, and that great store in England, as Horses, Oxen, Shéepe, Goates, Swine, & far surmounting the like in other countries, as maye be prooued with ease. For where are Oxen commonlye more large of bone, Horses more decent & pleasant in pace, Shéepe more profitable for wooll, Swine more holsome of fleshe, & Goa­tes more gaineful to their kéepers, then here wyth vs in England. But to speake of them peculiarly, [...]xen. I suppose that our Oxen are such as the lyke are not to be founde in any coun­trye of Europe both for greatnesse of bo­dye and swéetenesse of fleshe: or else woulde not the Romaine wryters, haue preferred them before those of Liguria. Their hor­nes also are knowne to be more fayre and large in England then in any other places, which quantity albeit that it be giuen to our bréede generally by nature, yet it is oft hel­ped by arte. For when they be verye yonge, many Grasiers will oftentimes annoynte their budding hornes, or typpes of hornes, with Hony, which mollyfieth the naturall hardenesse of that substaunce, and thereby maketh it to growe vnto a notable great­nesse. Certes, it is not straunge in England, to sée Oxen whose hornes haue ye length of a yarde or thrée foote betwéene the typpes, and they themselues thereto so tall, as the heigth of a man of meane and indifferent stature, is scarce comparable vnto them.

[...]orses.Our Horses moreouer are highe, and al­though not commonly of such huge great­nesse as in other places of the maine, yet yf you respect the easinesse of theyr pace, it is harde to saye where their lyke are to be had. Our lande doth yéelde no Asses, and there­fore the most parte of our caryage is made by these, which remaining stoned, are either reserued for the cart, or appointed to beare such burthens, as are conuenient for them: Our Carte horses therfore are commōly so strong, that fiue of them will drawe thrée thousande weyght of the greatest tale wyth ease for a lōg iourney. Such as are kept also for burden, will cary foure hundreth waight commonly without any hurt, or hinderance. Thys furthermore is to be noted, that our Princesse and the Nobilitye, haue their ca­riage commonly made by cartes, whereby it commeth to passe, that when the Quéenes maiestie doth remooue from any one place to another, there are vsually 400. carewares, appointed out of the Countryes adioyning, whereby hir caryage is conueighed safely vnto ye appointed place, & herby also the aun­cient vse of sommers and sumpter horses, is in maner vtterly relinquished.

Such as serue for the saddle are cōmon­ly gelded,Geldings. and now growne to be very dere among vs, especially if they be well colou­red, iustly lymmed, and haue thereto an ea­sie ambling pace. For our coūtrimen séeking their ease in euery corner where it is to bée had, delight very much in these qualyties, but chiefly in their excellent paces, which be­sides that it is in maner peculiar vnto hor­ses of our soyle, and not hurtfull to the rider or owner sitting on their backes: it is more­ouer verye pleasaunt and delectable in hys eares, in that the noyse of theyr well pro­potioned pase doth yéeld confortable sounde. Yet is there no greater deceit vsed any wher then among our horsekéepers, horsecorsers, and Hostelers: for such is the subtill knaue­ry of a great sort of them (wythout excepti­on of anye be it spoken which deale for pry­uate gaine) that an honest meaning mā shall haue verye good lucke among them, if he be not deceyued by some false tricke or other.

Our shéepe are very excellent sith for swet­nesse of fleshe they passe all other,Shepe. & so much are our woolles to be preferred before those of other places, that if Iason had knowne ye value of them that are bredde and to be had in Englande, he woulde neuer haue gone to Colchos, to looke for any there. What fooles then are our countrymen, in that they séeke to bereue themselues of this commoditie, by practizing dayly howe to transferre the same to other nations, in carying ouer their ram­mes and ewes to bréede an increase among them. But such is our nature, and so blinde are we in déede, that we sée no incōuenience before we féele it: and for a present gaine we regarde not what damage may ensue to our posterity. Hereto some other mā would adde also the desire, that we haue to benefite other countries, and to impeche our owne. And it is so sure as God lyueth, that euery tryfle which cōmeth from beyonde the sea, though it bée not woorth thrée pence, is more estée­med then a continuall commoditie at home, which farre excéedeth that value. It is fur­thermore to be noted, for the lowe Countries of Belgy knowe it, and dailye experience [Page] (notwithstanding the sharpenesse of oure lawes to the contrarye) doth yet confirme it:Shéepe without hornes. that although our Rammes & Wethers doe goe thether from vs neuer so well head­ded according to their kinde, yet after they haue remained there a whyle, they cast there theyr hornes, and from thencefoorth re­mayne polled without any hornes at all.

Certes this kinde of Cattell is more chery­shed in Englande, then standing well wyth the commoditie of the commons, or prospe­ritie of dyuers townes, whereof some are wholy conuerted to their féeding: yet such a profitable swéetenesse is founde in theyr fléece, such necessity in their flesh, & so great a benefite in ye manuring of barraine soyle with their dung & pisse, that their superfluous numbers are the better borne withall, and there is neuer an husbande man, (for now I speake not of our great shéepemaisters) but hath more or lesse of thys cattell féedyng on his fallowes. There are & peraduenture no small babes, which can make accompt of e­uery tenne kine to be clerely woorth twenty pound in common and indifferent yeares, if the milke of fyue shéepe be daily added to the same: but as I wote not howe true this sur­myse is, so I am sure hereof, that some hus­wyues can and doe adde daily a lesse propor­tiō of ewes milke vnto so many kine, wher­by their chéese doth the longer abyde moist, and eateth more brickle and mellowe then o­therwyse it woulde.

Goates we haue plenty in the west partes of England,Goates. especially in & toward Wales, and amongst the rocky hilles, by whom the owners doe reape no small aduantage: some also are cheryshed else where in sundrye stéedes for the benefite of such as are disea­sed with sundry maladies, vnto whom (as I here) it is iudged very profitable and ther­fore inquired for of many farre and néere.Swine.

As for Swine there is no place that hath greater store nor more wholsome in eating, thē are séene here in england, & of these, some we eate gréene for porcke, & other dryed vp into Bacon to haue it of more continuance, Larde we make little because it is chargea­ble, neyther haue we such vse thereof as is to be séene in other Countries, sith we do either bast all our meate with butter, or suffer the fattest to baste it selfe by leysure.

Bores.Of our Boores we make Brawne, which is a kinde of meate not vsually knowen to straungers (as I take it) otherwyse woulde not the swart Rutters and frenche cookes, at the losse of Callis, (where they founde great store of this prouision almost in euery house) haue attempted with ridiculous successe to rost, bake, broyle, and frye the same for their masters, til they were beter informed. I haue harde moreouer, howe an noble man of eng­land did send ouer an hoggeshead of brawnne ready soused to a Catholike Gentlemen of Fraunce, who supposing it to be fishe re­serued it vntill Lent, at which time hée did eate thereof with verye great frugalitye. Therto he so wel liked of the prouision it self, that he wrote ouer for more of the same fish, againe the yeare insuing: whereas if he had knowen it to haue béene fleshe, he would not haue touched it I dare saye for a thousande crownes, without ye popes dispensatiō. With vs it is accompted a great péece of seruice at the table from Nouember vntyll February be ended, but chiefely in the Christmas time. Wyth the same also we begin our dinners eche day after other: & bicause it is somwhat harde of digestion, a draught of Madluesy, Bastarde or Muscadell, is vsually druncke after it, where either of them may conueny­ently to be had, otherwyse the meaner sorte content themselues wyth their owne drink, which at that season is cōmonly very strong, and stronger in déede, then in all the yeare beside.

It is made commonly of the fore part of a tame Bore, set vppe for the purpose by the space of an whole yeare or two especially in Gentlemens houses (for the husbandman & farmers neuer francke them for their owne vse aboue thrée or foure monethes, or halfe a yeare at the most) in which time he is dyeted with otes and peason, and lodged on the bare planckes of an vneasie coate, tyll hys fat be hardened sufficiently for their purpose. Af­terwarde he is killed, scalded and cut out, & then of his former partes is our Brawne made, the reast is nothing so fat and there­fore it beareth the name of souce only, and is commonly reserued for the seruing man and and hinde. The necke péeces being cut of rounde are called collers of Brawne, the shoulders are named shildes, only the ribbes retayne the former denomination, so yt these foure péeces deserue the name of Brawne. The bowels of the beast are commonly cast away bycause of their ranckenesse, & so were also his stones, till a foolish fantasie gat hold of late amongst some delicate Dames who haue now founde the meanes to dresse them with great cost for a delicate dish and bring them to the boarde as a seruice though not without note of their desire to ye prouocation of fleshly lust, which by thys one acte is not a lyttle reuealed. But to returne againe vnto our purpose. When the Bore is thus cut out, eache péece is wrapped vp, eyther with bul­rushes, [Page 110] osier peles, packethréed or such like, and then sodden in a leade or caldron togy­ther tyll they be so [...]ender that a manne may thruste a brused rushe or soft strawe cleane through the fatte, whyche being done they take it vp and laye it abroade to coole. After­ward putting it into close vessels, they poure either good small ale or béere mingled wyth vergeous and salt thereto tyll it be couered, and so let it lye (nowe and then altering and changing the sowsing drincke least it should ware foure) till occasion serue to spend it out of the way. But of Brawne thus much, and so much may séeme sufficient.

Of vvilde and tame Fowles. Cap. 9.

ORder requireth that I speake somewhat of the Fowles also of Englande, which I may easily deuide into the wilde and tame, but alas such is my small skill in Fowles, that to say the truth I cā neyther recite their nombers nor well distinguishe one kinde of them from an other. Yet thys I haue by generall knowledge, that there is no nation vnder the sunne which hath in time of ye yere more plentie of wild Fowle then we, for so many kindes as our Iland doth bring forth: We haue therfore the Crane, the Bitter, the wilde and tame Swanne, the Bustarde, the Hieron, the Curlew, the Snite, the Wilde­goose, Dotcrel, Brant, Larke, Plouer, Lap­wing, Téele, Wigeon, Mallard, Sheldrake, Shoueler, Pewet, Seamewe, Barnacle, Quaile, Woodcocke, Partrich and Feasant, besides diuers other, whose names to [...]e are vtterly vnknowne, and much more the taste of theyr flesh wherewt I was neuer acquain­ted. But as these serue not at al seasons, so in theyr seuerall turnes, there is no plentye of them wanting, wherby the tables of the No­bilitie and Gentrie should séeme to be dayly vnfurnyshed. But of all these the production of none is more maruellous then that of the Barnacle, whose place of generatiō we haue fought oft times so farre as the Orchades, where as peraduēture we myght haue found the same nearer home, and not onely vppon the coastes of Ireland, but euen in our owne riuers. If I shoulde saye howe either these or some such other Fowle not muche vnlyke vnto them doe bréede yéerely in the Thames mouth, I doe not thincke that many will be­leue me, [...]e more [...]he. 11. [...]pter of [...] descrip [...]n of [...]cotland. yet such a thing is there to be séene, where a kinde of Fowle hath hys beginning vpon a short tender shrubbe standing vppon the shore from whēce when theyr time com­meth they fall downe either into the salt wa­ter and liue, or vpon the dry land and perish, as Pena the French Herbarien hath also no­ted in the very ende of hys Her [...]all. As for Egretes, Pawperes and such like, they are daily brought vnto vs from beyonde the sea, as if all the Fowle of our countrey could not su [...]fice to satisfie our delicate appetites. Our tame Fowle are such for the most parte as are common both to vs and to other Coun­treys, as Cockes, H [...]rnes, Géese, Duckes, Pecockes of Inde, blew Pecocks, Pigeons and such lyke whereof there is great plenty in euery Fermours year [...]. They are kepte there also to be solde eyther for ready money in the open markestes, or else to be spent at home in good company amongst theyr neigh­bours wythout reprehension or [...]n [...]s. Ney­ther are we so miserable in England (a thing only graunted vnto vs by the especiall grace of God and liberty of our Princes) as to dine or suppe wyth a quarter of a Hen, or to make so great a repast with a cocks combe as they doe in some other Countreys: but if occasion serue the whole carcases of many Capo [...]s, Hennes, Pigeons and such lyke doe oft goe to wracke, beside Béefe, Mutton, Veale and Lambe: all which at euery feast are taken for necessary dishes amongst the comminal­tye of England. The gelding of Cockes, where by Capons are made, is an auncient practise brought in of olde time by the Ro­maines when they dwelt here in thys lande: but the gelding of Turkies or Indish Pea­cockes is a newer deuise: and certainely not vsed amisse, sith the rancknes of that byrde is very much abated therby, and the tast of the flesh in sundry wise amended. If I should say that ga [...]s growe also to be gelded, I sup­pose that no man will beleue me, neyther haue I taste [...] a [...] any tyme of such a fowle so serued, yet haue I heard it more then once to [...] vsed in the Countrey, where theyr Géese are driuen to the fielde like herdes of cattell by a Gooseheard, a toy also [...]le [...] to be mer­uailed at then the other. For as it is rare to heare of a gelded gander, so it is straunge to me, to sée or heare of Géese to be ledde to the field lyke shéepe: yet so it is, and theyr Gose­herd caryeth a cattle of paper or parchement wyth hym when he goeth about in the mor­ning to gather the Goslings together, the noyse whereof commeth no sooner to their eares, then they fall to gaggling, and has [...]n to goe wyth hym. If it happen that the gates be not yet open, or that none of the house be stirring, it is ridiculous to sée how they will péepe vnder the dores, and neuer leaue cry­ing and gagling til they be let out vnto him to ouer take theyr fellowes. I might héere [Page] make mention of other fowles which we re­pute vncleane, as Crowes, Pies, Choughs, Rookes, &c: but sith they abound in all coun­tries, (though peraduenture most of all in Englande by reason of our negligence) I shall not néede to spend any tyme in ye reher­sall of them. Neyther are they cherished of purpose to catch vp the woormes that breede in our soyles, (as Pollidore supposeth,) sith there are no vplandishe townes but haue or shoulde haue nettes of their owne in store to catche them withall. Sundrie actes of Par­liament are likewyse made for their vtter destruction. Nothing therefore can be more vnlykely to be true, then that these rauinous and noysome foules are nourished amongst vs to deuour our Woormes, whych doe not abounde much more in Englande then else where in other countries of the mayne.

Of fishe taken vpon our Coastes. Cap. 10.

AS our foules haue their seasons, so lyke­wise haue all sorts of fish, wherby it co­meth to passe that none, or at the leastwyse very few of them are to be had at all tymes. For my part I am greatly acquainted ney­ther with the seasons nor yet with the fish it selfe, and therefore yf I shoulde take vppon me to describe or speak of either of them ab­solutely, I should enterprise more then I am able to performe, & go in hande with a grea­ter matter then I can well bring about. It shall suffice therefore to declare what sortes of fishes I haue most often séene, to the ende I may not altogither passe ouer this chapter without ye rehearsall of some thing, although the whole somme of that which I haue to say be nothing in déede, yf the full discourse hereof be any thing duly considered.

Of fishes therfore as I finde fiue sorts, the flat, the roūd, the long, the legged & shelled, so the flat are deuided into the smoothe, scaled & tailed. Of the first are the Plaice, the Butte, the Turbut, Dorrey, Dabbe, &c. Of the se­conde, the Soles, &c. Of the thirde, oure Chaites, Maidens, Kingsones, Flathe and Thornebacke, whereof the greater be for the most parte eyther dryed and caryed into o­ther countries, or soddē, sowsed, & eaten here at home, whylest the lesser be fryed or butte­red, sone after they be takē, as prouision not to be kept long for feare of putrefaction. Vn­der the round kindes are commonly compre­hended Lumpes an vgly fish to sighte, and yet very delicate in eating, yf it be kindlye dressed. The Whighting, (an olde waiter or seruitor in the Court) the Rochet, Gurnard, Hadocke, Codde, Herring, Pilchard, Sprat, & such like. And these are they wherof I haue▪ best knowledge and be commonly to be had in their tymes vppon our coastes. Vnder this kinde also are all the great fishe contai­ned as the Seale, the Dolphin, the Porpasse, the Thirlepole, Whale, and whatsoeuer is round of body, be it neuer so great and huge. Of the long sort are Cungres, Eles, Gare­fishe and suche other of that forme. Fi­nallye of the legged kinde we haue not ma­nye, neyther haue I séene any more of thys sort then the Polipus, called in Englishe the Lobstar, the Craifish, and ye Crabbe. As for the little Craifishes, they are not taken in the sea, but plentyfully in our freshe ryuers in banckes and vnder stones where they kepe themselues in most secret maner, and oft by lykenesse of coulour with the stones among which they lye, they deceiue euen the skilful takers of them, except they vse great dili­gence. I might here speake of sundrie other fishes nowe and then taken also vppon our coastes, but si [...]h my minde is onely to touche eyther all such as are vsually gotten, or so many of them onely as I can well rehearse vpon certayne knowledge, I thincke it good at thys tyme to forbeare the further intrea­tye of them. As touching the shelly sorte we haue plentie of Oysters, Muscles and Co­cles. We haue in lyke sort no small store of great Whelkes, and Perewincles, & eache of them brought farre into the land from the sea coast in their seuerall seasons. And albe­it our Oysters are generally forborne in the foure hote monethes of the yeare, that is to say, May, Iune, Iuly, & August. Yet in some places they be continallye eaten, where they be kept in pittes as I haue knowen by experience. And thus much of our sea fishe, as a man in maner vtterlye vnacquainted with their diuersitie of kindes: yet so much haue I yéelded to do, hoping hereafter to say somewhat more, and more orderly of them, if it shall please God that I may liue and haue leasure once againe to peruse this treatize, & so make vp a perfit péece of work of yt, which as you now sée is very slenderly begunne.

Of Hawkes and Rauenous foules. Cap. 11.

I Can not make as yet any iust report howe many sortes of Hawkes are bredde wyth­in this realme. Howbeit which of those that are vsually had amongest vs are disclosed with this lande, I thincke it more easie and lesse difficulte to set downe. First of all ther­fore that we haue the Eagle, common expe­rience [Page 111] doth euidently confirmed and diuers of our rockes whereon they brede, yf speach did serue, could wel testifie the same. But the most excellent [...]ry of all is not much from Chester at a castle called D [...]s Br [...]n▪ some­time buylded by Brennuis, as our writters do coniecture. Certes this castell is no great thing, but yet a pyle very strong and in ac­cessible for enemyes, though nowe all rui­nous as many other are. It standeth vpon a harde rocke in the side whereof an Eagle bréedeth euery yeare. Certes this is notable in the ouerthrow of hir neast (a thing oft at­tempted) that he which goeth thither must be sure of two large baskets, and so prouide to be let downe thereto, that he may sitte in the one and be couered with the other: for other­wyse the Egle would kill hym and teare the fleshe from his bones with their sharpe ta­lons though his apparell were neuer so good. Next vnto ye Egle we haue the Irō or Erne (as the Scottes doe write) who call the E­gle by ye name. Certes it is a Rauenous bird & not much inferiour to the Egle in déede. For though they be black of colour & some­what lesse of bodie, yet such is their great­nesse that they are brought by diuers into sundrie partes of this realme and shewed as Egles onely for hope of [...]aine, which is got­ten by the sight of thē. Their chiefe bréeding is in the West country, where the commons complaine of great harme to be done by thē in their fieldes, for they are able to beare a yong lambe or kidde vnto their neastes, ther­with to feede their yong and come againe for more. Some call thē Gripes. We haue also the Lanner & the Lanneret: the Tercell and the Gosehawke: the Musket and the Spar­hawke: the Iacke and the Hobby: and final­lye some though very fewe Marlions. And these are all the Hawkes that I doe here to be bredde within this Islande. Howbeit as these are not wanting with vs, so are they not very plentifull: wherfore such as delite in Hawking doe make their chiefe prouision for the same out of Danske, Germany, and the Eastcountries, from whence w [...] haue thē in great aboundaunce & at excessiue prices, whereas at home and where they be bredde they are solde for almost right [...]ght and vsually brought to the markets as chickins, pullets and Pigeons are with vs, and there bought vp to be eaten (as we doe the afore­sayde foules) almost of euery man. But to procede with ye rest. Other rauenous birdes we haue also in very great plentye, as the Bussarde, the Kite, the Ringtaile Di [...]te, and such as often annoye oure Countrie dames by spoyling of their yong broodes of chickins, Duckes and G [...]in [...] wherevn­to our very [...] and [...] and Cr [...]wes haue lear­ned also the way: and so much are [...] rauēs giuen to this kinde of sp [...]yle that some of set purpose haue [...] and vsed there in stéede of Hawkes, when other could [...] had. I haue séene Crowes so cunning also of theyr owne selues that they haue vsed to [...] great riuers (as the Thames for example) & sodenly comming downe haue caught a small fishe in their féete and gone away withall wtout wetting of their wings. And euen at this present the aforesayde ry­u [...]r is not without some of them, a thing in my opiniō not a litle to be wondred at. There is no cause wherfore I shoulde describe the Cormorant amōgst Hawkes (except I shold call him a Water Hawke) but sith such dea­ling is not conuenient, let vs nowe sée what may be sayde of our venemous Wormes, & how many kindes we haue of them within our realme and countrie.

¶ Of venemous beastes. &c. Cap. 12.

IF I shoulde go about to make any long discourse of venemous Beastes, or Wor­mes bredde in Englande, I should attempt more then occasion it selfe woulde offer, sith wée haue very fewe Wormes but no Bea­stes at all, that are thought by nature to bée eyther venemous or hurtfull. First of all therefore wée haue the Adder, which some men doe not rashely take to bée the Vyper. Certes if it bée so, then is not the Vyper Authour of the death of hir Galenus de Theria­ca ad Piso­nem. Plin. lib. 10. cap. 62. Parents, as some hystories affyrme. And it may well be, for I remember that I haue reade in Philostrate, howe he sawe a Vyper lycking of hyr yong. I did sée an Adder once my self that laye as I thought sléeping on a moule­hyll, out of whose mouth came aleuen yong Adders of twelue or thirtéene ynches in length a péece, which plaied to and fro in the Grasse one wyth another, tyll some of thm [...] espyed me.Se Aristo­tle, Anima­lium lib. 5. cap. vltimo & Theo­phrast lib. 7 cap. 13. So soone therefore as they sawe me, they ran againe into the mouth of theyr damme whome I kylled, and then founde eache of them shrowded in a [...]stinct celle, or pa [...]uirle in hyr belly, much like vnto a soft white tally, which maketh one to be of the o­pinion that out Adder [...] the Viper in dée [...]. Their colour is for ye most part ruddy blew, and their stinging bryngeth death wythout present remedie be at hand, the wounded ne­uer ceasing to swell, neyther the venyme to worke till the skin of the one breake, and the other ascende vpwarde to the hart, where it [Page] finisheth. The effect, the length of thē is most commonly twoo foote and somewhat more, but seldome doth it extende vnto twoo foote sixe ynches, except it be in some rare and monsterous Adder: whereas our Snakes are much bygger and séene sometymes to surmount a yarde, or thrée foote, although their poyson be nothing so grieuous & deadly as ye others. Our Adders lie in winter vnder stones in wholes of the yearth, rotten stubs of trées, & amōgst the dead leaues: but in the heate of the sommer they come abroade, and lye eyther rounde in heapes, or at length vp­on some hillocke, or else where in the grasse. They are found only in our woodland coun­tryes and highest groundes: as for our sna­kes they commonlye are séene in moores, fennes, and low bottomes. And as we haue great store of Todes where Adders cōmon­ly are found, so doe Frogges abound where Snakes doe kéepe their residence. We haue also the Sloworme, which is black & grayish of colour, and somewhat shorter then an Ad­der. We haue in lyke sort Eftes, both of the land and water, & likewise Swiftes, wherof to say any more it should be but losse of time, sithe they are well knowne and no regyon voyd of many of them. As for flies (sith it shal not be amysse a lyttle to touch them also) wée haue none that can doe hurt or hynderance naturally vnto any, for whether they be cut wasted, or whole bodyed, they are voyde of poyson & all venimous inclination. The cut wasted, for so I Englishe the worde Insecta are the Hornettes, Waspes, Bées, and such lyke whereof wée haue great store, and of which an opinion is conceiued, that the first doe bréede of the corruption of deade horses, the second of Peares and Apples corrupted, and the last of Kine and Oxen: which maye be true, especially the first and latter in some partes of the beast, and not their whole sub­staunces, as also in the seconde, sith we haue neuer Waspes, but whē our frute beginneth to waxe rype. In déede Virgill and others speake of a generatiō of Bées, by kyllyng or smouthering of a broused bullocke or calfe, and laying hys bowels or hys fleshe wrap­ped vp in hys hyde in a close house for a cer­taine season, but how true it is as yet I haue not tryed. Yet sure I am of thys that no one liuing creature corrupteth with out the pro­ductiō of an other as we may sée in shepe also for excessiue numbers of flesh flies, if they be suffered to lye vnburyed or vneaten by the dogges and Swine, who often preuent such néedelesse generations.

Thus much farder wyll I adde of Bées, that whereas some ancient wryters affirme thē to be a cōmodity wanting in our Is [...] it is nowe founde to be nothing so. In [...] time peraduenture we had none in déede, but in my dayes there is such plenty of them [...] maner euery where, that in some vplandysh Townes, there are one hundreth, or two hun­dreth hiues of them, although the saide hiues are not so huge as they of the east countrey; but farre lesse, as not able to containe aboue one bushel of corne, or fiue peckes at ye [...] Our hony also is taken and reputed to be the best bycause it is harder, better wrought & clenlyer vesselled vp, thē that which cōmeth from beyond the sea, where they stampe and straine their combes, Bées, & young Blow­inges altogither into the stuffe, as I haue béene informed. In vse also of medicine our Phisitions and Appothicaries eschewe the forren, & choose the home made, as bréeding lesse cholo [...], which is oftentimes (and I haue séene by experience) so white as suger, and corned as if it were salt. Our hiues are made commonly of Rye straw, and wadled about with bramble quarters. But some make thē of wicker and cast them ouer with clay. We cherish none in trées, but set our hiues some­where on the warmest side of the house, pro­uyding that they may stande drye and: with out daūger of the mouse. This furthermore is to bée noted, that whereas in vesselles of oyle, that which is néerest the toppe is ac­counted the best, and of wine that in the m [...] ­dest, so of hony the best is alwaies next the bottome, which euermore casteth and dry­ueth his dragges vpwarde toward the very top, contrary to the natures of other liquide substaunces, whose groundes and lies, doe generally settle downewardes. And thus much as by the waye of our Bées and Eng­lishe Hony.

As for the whole bodied, as the Cantharides and such venymous creatures, we here not of them. Yet haue we Bettles, Horseflyes, Turdbugges (called in latine Scarabei) the Locust or the Greshopper and such lyke, whereof let other intreate, that make an ex­ercise in catching of Flyes, but a farre greater sport in offering them to spyders as did Caligula sometyme and an other Prince yet lyuing, who delyted so much to sée the io­ly combattes betwixt a stout flye and an old Spider, that diuers men haue had great re­wardes giuen them for their paineful proui­sion of flyes made onely for thys purpose, Some also in the time of Caligula coulde de­uyse to set their Lorde on worke, by lettyng fleshe flies into his chamber, which he forth­with: woulde egerly haue hunted all other businesse set apart, & neuer ceased til he had [Page 112] caught hir into his fingers. There are some Cockescombes here and there in England [...]eruing [...]broadde men [...]nfregi­ [...]te. which make account also of this pastime as of a notable matter, telling what a fight is séene betwéene thē, if either of them be lusty and couragious in his kinde. One also hath made a booke of the Spider & the Fly, wher­in he dealeth so profoundly and beyonde all measure of skill, that neyther he himself that made it, neither any one shal readeth it, can reache vnto the meaning therof. But if those iolly fellowes in stéede of the straw that they thrust into the Flies tayle (a great iniurie no doubt to such a noble champion) woulde bestow the cost to set a fooles cap vpon there owne heades: then might they with more se­curitie, and lesse reprehension beholde these notable battayles.

Of Englishe Dogges. Cap. 13.

THere is no country that may (as I take it) compare with ours in number, excel­lencie, and diuersitie of Dogges: all which the learned Doctour Caius in his Treatize vnto Gesnere de canibus Anglicis doth bring into thrée sortes: that is, the gentle kinde ser­uing for game: the homly kind apt for sundry necessarie vses: and the currish kinde, méete for many toyes. For my part I can saye no more of them then he hath done alreadie, wherfore I wil here set downe only a somme of that which he hath written of their names and natures, with the addicion of an example or twoo now lately had in experience, wher­by the courages of our Mastisses shall yet more largely appeare.

The first sort therefore he deuideth eyther into such as rowse the beast and continue the chase: or springeth the Birde, and bewrayeth hir flyght by pursute. And as these are com­monly called Spanyels, so the other are na­med Hounds, wherof he maketh eight sorts, of whych the foremoste excelleth in perfite smelling, the seconde in quicke espying, the third in swiftnesse and quicknesse, the fourth in smelling and nimblenesse. &c. & the last in subtilty and deceitfulnesse: The first kinde of these are also commonlye called Haryers, whose game is the Foxe, the Hare, Wolfe, (if we had any) Hart, Bucke, Badger, Ot­ter, Polcat, Lobstart, Wesell, Conye. &c: the second hight a Terrer, & it hūteth the Bad­ger ang Grey onely: the third a bloudhound, whose office is to follow the fierce, and nowe and then to pursue a théefe or beast by hys dry foote: the fourth a Gaschounde, who hun­teth by the eye: the fifth a Greyhounde, che­rished for hys strength and swiftnesse: the sixt a Lyei [...]er, that excelleth in smellyng and swift r [...]i [...]g: the seuenth a humbler, and the eight a théefe, whose offices (I meane of the l [...]r two) outline onely to deceite, wherein they are oft [...]o skilfull, that fewe men woulde thinke so mischeuous a witte to remayne in such two treatur [...]s. Hauing made thys enu­meration of Dogges which serue for ye chase and Hunting▪ he commeth next to suche as serue the Falcons in theyr times, whereof he maketh also two sortes. One that findeth hys gaine on the lande▪ an other that putteth vp such Fowle as kéepeth the water. And of these thys [...] commonly moste vsuall for the nette or traine, the other for the Hawke, as he doeth shewe at large. Of the first, he say­eth that they haue no peculiar names assig­ned vnto them seuerally, but eache of them is called after the birde whych by naturall appoyntmēt he is allotted to hunt: for which consideration some be named Dogges for the Feasant, some for the Falcon, and some for the Partriche. Howe be it, the common name for all is Spanniell, as if these kindes of Dogges had bene brought hyther out of Spaine. In like sort we haue of water Span­niels in theyr kinde. The third sort of Dogs of the gentle kinde is the Spaniell gentle, or conforter: or as the common terme is the [...]stinghound, and called Melitri, of the Iland Malta, frō whence they were brought hither. These Dogges are little and prettie, proper and [...]ine, and sought out far and néere to sa­tisfie the nice delicatie of daintie dames, and wanton womens willes. Instrumēts of fol­ly to play and dally withal, in trifling away the treasure of time to wythdrawe theyr mindes from more commendable exercises, and to content theyr corrupt concupiscences wyth vaine disp [...]rt, a silly poore shift to them theyr irkesome ydlenesse. Those puppies the smaller they be (and thereto if they haue an hole in the forepartes of theyr heads) the but­ter they are accepted, the more pleasure also they prouoke as méere plane [...]owes for min­sing mistresses to beare in theyr bosomes, to keepe company wyth all in theyr chambers, to succour wyth sléepe in bedde, and nourysh wyth meate at bord [...], to lye in theyr lappes; and licke theyr lippes as they lie (like yonge Dianaes) in their wagons. And good reason it should be so, for coursenesse wyth finenesse hath no fellowship, but featnesse wt neatnesse hath neighborh [...]ad inough. That plausible prouerbe therfore verifies sometime vpon a tyrant, namely yt he loued hys Some better then hys sonne, may well [...]e applied to some of thys kinde of people, who delight more in theyr dogges, that are depriued of all possibi­litye [Page] of reason, then they doe in children that are capable of wisdom and iudgement. Yea, they ofte féede them of the best, where the poore mans child at theyr dores can hard­ly come by the worst. But the former abuse peraduenture raigneth where there hath ben long want of issue, els where harēnes is the best blossom of beauty: or finally, where pore mens children for want of theyr owne issue are not redy to be had. It is thought of some that it is very holesome for a weake stomake to beare such a Dogge in ones bosome, as it is for hym that hath the palsie to féele the dai­ly smell of a Foxe. But how truly thys is af­firmed let the learned iudge: onely it shall suffi [...]e for D. Caius to haue sayd thus much of Spaniels and Dogges of the gentle kinde.

Dogs of ye homely kinde, are eyther shep­heardes curres, or Mastiffes. The first are so common, that it néedeth me not to speake of them: Theyr vse also is so well known in ke­ping ye herd together (either when they grase or go before the shepheard,) that it should be but in vaine to spend any time about them. Wherfore I will leaue thys curre vnto hys owne kinde, and goe in hande wyth the Ma­stiffe or banddogge, which is an huge dogge, stubborne, ougly, eagre, burthenous of bo­dy, (and therfore but of litle swiftnesse,) ter­rible and feareful to behold, and more fearse and fell then any Archadien curre. Our En­glish men to the enfe [...]t that these Dogges maye be more fell and fearse, assist nature wyth some art, vse & custome. For although thys kinde of dogge be capeable of courage, violent, valiant, stout and bolde: yet wil they increase these theyr stomackes by teaching them to bait the Beare, the Bull, the Lyon, and other such lyke cruell and bloudy beasts wythout any coller to defende theyr throtes, and oftentimes thereto, they traine them vp in fighting and wrastling wyth a man, ha­uing for the sauegard of his life either a pike staffe, olubbe, sword, or priuie coate, wherby they become the more fearse and cruell vnto straungers. Of Mastiffes, some barke onely with fearse and open mouth but wil not bite, some do both barke and bite, but the cruellest doeth eyther not barke at all, or bite be­fore they barke, and therefore are more to be feared then any of the other. They take also theyr name of the word mase and théefe (or master théefe if you will) because they often put such persones to theyr shiftes in townes and villages, and are the principall causes of theyr apprehension and taking. The force whych is in them surmoūteth all beléefe, and ye fast holde whych they take with theyr téeth excedeth all credite, for thrée of them against a Boare, fowre against a Lion are suffici [...] both to [...]rie mastries with them, and vtter [...] ouermatch them. King Henrye the seuent [...] as the reporte goeth, commaunded all such [...] curres to be hanged, because they durst p [...] sume to fight against the Lion: who is th [...] king and soueraigne. The like he did with [...] excellent Falcon, because he feared not h [...] to hand to match wyth an Eagle, willing [...] Falconers in his owne presence to plucke [...] hys heade after he was taken downe, sayin [...] that it was not méete for any subiect to off [...] such wrong vnto his Lord and superior▪ [...] if king Henrye the seuenth had liued in [...] time, what would he haue done to one Eng­lish Mastiffe, which alone and wythout an [...] help at al, pulled downe first an huge Beare [...] then a Parde, and last of al a Lyon, eache after other before the Frenche King in one day: wherof if I should wryte the circumstā ces, that is, how he toke his aduantage being let lose vnto them, and finally draue them [...] to such exceding feare, that they were al [...] to runne away when he was taken frō them I should take much paines, and yet rea [...] but small credite, wherfore yt shall suffice [...] haue sayd thus much thereof. Some of our Mastiffes will rage onely in the nyght, some are to be tied vp both day and night. Such [...] so as are suffered to go lose about the [...] and yarde, are so gentle in the day time; th [...] children may ride vpon theyr backes & pl [...] with thē at theyr pleasures. Some of them also will suffer a straunger to come in and walke about the house or yarde where him li­steth, without giuing ouer to folow him. Bu [...] if he put forth his hand to touche any thyng▪ then wil they flie vpon him & kill hym if they may. I had one my selfe once, whych woulde not suffer any man to bring in hys weaping farder then my gate: neither those that were of my house to be touched in his presence. Or if I had beaten any of my children, he would gently haue assayed to catch the rodde in hys téethe and take it out of my hande, or else plucke downe theyr clothes to saue them t [...] yt stripes: which in my opinion is worthy to be noted, & thus much of our Mastiffes. The last sort of Dogges consisteth of the currish kinde méete for many toyes: of whyche the wap or prickeard curre is one. Some mē cal them warners, because they are good for no­thing else but to giue warning when any bo­dy doth sturre or lie in waite about the house in the nyght season. It is vnpossible to de­scribe these curres in any order, because they haue no one kinde proper vnto themselues, but are a confused companye mixte of all the rest. The seconde sorte of them are called [Page 131] turne spiltes, whose office is not [...] to any. And as these are onely reserued for this purpose, so in manye places our Mas­tiffes are made to drawe water in greate whéeles out of déepe welles; going much li [...]e vnto those which are framed for ouer t [...]ne spittes, as is to be séene at Royston, where this feate is often practised.

The last kind, of toyish curres, are named dauncers, and those being of a m [...]ngerel sor [...] also, are taught & exercised to daunce in mea­sure at ye musicall sound of an instrument, [...] at the iust stroke of a drownie, swéete acco [...] of the Citharne, and pleasaunt harmony of the Harpe, shewing many tryckes by the gesture of theyr bodyes. As to stand bolt vp­ryght, to lye flat vpon the grounde, to tourne round as a ryng holding their tayles in their téeth, to saw and begge for meate, & sundrye such properties, which they learne of theyr ydle rogishe maisters, whose instrumentals they are to gather gaine, as olde Apes [...]l [...] ­thed in motley, and colloured short wastes Iacketes are for the lyke vagaboundes, who séeke no better lyuing, then that which they may get by fonde pastime and ydlenesse. I myght here intreat of other Dogges, as of those which are bredde betwéene a bytche & a Woolfe, and betwéene a [...]yche a & foxe, or a beare and a mastife. But as we vtterly want the first sort, except they be brought vnto vs, so it happeneth sometime, that the other tw [...] are ingendred and séene amongst vs. But of all the rest heretofore remembred, in this Chapter there is none more vglye in sight, cruell and fearce in déede, nor vntrac­table in hande, then yt which is begotten be­twéen the Beare & the banddoge. For what­souer he catcheth hould of, he taketh it so fast that a man may sooner teare & rend his body in sunder, then get open his mouth to sepa­rate his chappes. Certes he regardeth ney­ther Woolfe, Beare, nor Lyon, and therfore may wel be compared with those twoo dogs which were sent to Alexander out of India (and procreate as it is thought betwéene a Mastiffe and male Tyger as bée those also of Hyrcania) or to them that are bred in Ar­chada, where copulation is oft séene betwéen Lions and Byches, as the like is in fraunce betwéene the Woolfes and Dogges, where­of let this suffise.

¶ Of English Saffron. Cap. 14.

AS the Saffron of England is the most excellent of all other, (for it giueth place neyther to that of Cilicia, whereof Solinus speketh, neither to any that commeth from Etolia, Sicilia, Cirena, or Licia, in swéetenesse [...]) so of that which is to be his [...] that greiu­eth about [...] in the edge of Essex such [...] all the re [...], and the [...] beareth w [...]thilye the higher price, by [...] pence, or twelue pence [...] the pounde.

The [...] of the herbe that beareth this commonlie is [...]b [...]ndē, much like vine and [...] dyfferent Onion, and yet it is not [...] as the lylly, nor flakes as the Sea [...]on, but hath a sad substaunce in [...] bulb [...]sa, as Or­chis and Sta [...]tion. The coll [...]t also of the r [...]n [...] is not much [...] from the innermost shell of a chestnutte, although it be not alto­gither so blacke as the sayd shell, neither al­togither so b [...]le as is the pill of the Onion.

The leafe or rather the blade thereof is long and narrowe as [...]rasse; & in the [...] times out Cattel delight [...] much to féede vpon the same, which come vppe alwaies in October after the flowres [...] gathered and gone. The whole hearbe is named in gréed [...] Crocos, but of some as Dioscorides saith Ca [...] ­ster, Cynomorphos or Hercules bloud. Yet [...] the s [...]rab [...] speach, from whence we take the name that we giue thereunto, I find [...] it is called Zahafaran, as Remb [...]r [...] both bere witnesse. The cause wherefore it was called Crocus was this as the P [...]rtes [...]eigne, espe­cially from whome Galen & hath borowed the hystorye which he noteth in hys ninth booke, demedica [...]tis secundum loc [...], where hée writeth after thys maner. A certaine yong Gentleman called Crocus went to playe at c [...]ytes in the fielde with Mercury, and beyng hedelesse of himselfe, Mercuries coite happe­ned by his mishappe to hit him on the heade whereby hée receyued a wounde, that ere long killed him altogither, to the great discō ­fort of his friends. Finally in the place wher he bled, Saffron was after found to grow, whereupon the people séeyng the color of the chiue as it stoode, (although I doubt not but it grewe there long before) adiudged it to come to the bloude of Crocus, and therefore they gaue it his name.

In déede the chiue while it remaineth whole vnbrused resembleth a darke redde, but being broken and conuerted into vse, it yeldeth a yelow tincture. But what haue we to do wyth fables. The heads of Saffron are raised in Iuly either wyth plough or spade, and being scowred from theyr Rose, and se­uered from such heades as are ingendred of them since the last setting, they are enterred againe out of hand by rankes or rowes, and being couered wyth moulds, they rest in the earth, where they cast forth litle filets & smal [Page] rotes like vnto a scalion vntill September; in the beginning of whych moneth ye ground is pared,Paring. and all weedes and grasse that gro­weth vpon the same remoued, to the intents that nothing may annoy the flower when his time, doth come to rise.

GatheringThese things being thus ordered in the la­ter ende of the aforesayd moneth, the flower beginneth to appeare of a whitish blewe co­lour, and in the ende shewing it selfe in the owne kinde, it resembleth almoste the Len­co [...]ion of Theophrast,Sée Rem­bert. sauing that it is lōger, and hath in middest thereof, either thrée or four chiues, very red and pleasant to behold. These flowers are gathered in the mornyng before the rising of the Sunne, whyth would cause them to welke or flitter: and the chiues being picked from the flowers, these are throwne in to the dunghill, the other dry­ed vpon little kelles couered wyth straigned canuasses ouer a soft fire: wherby and by the weight that is layed vpon thē, they are dried & pressed into cakes, & then, bagged vp for ye benefite of theyr owners. In good yeares we gather an 100. poundes of the wette Saffron of an aker, which being dried doth yeld twentie pound of dry and more. Wherby and sith the price of Saffron is commonly about twen­tie shillings in money, it is easie to sée what benefit is reaped by an acre of thys commo­ditie, toward the charges of the setter.

Raising.The heads are raised euery third yeare a­bout vs, and commonly in the first yeare af­ter they be set they yéelde very litle increase, yet that which commeth is coūted the finest, and called Saffron du hort. The next crop is much greater, but the third excéedeth, and then they raise againe. In thys Periode of time also the heads are sayd to childe, that is to yelde out of some partes of them dyuers other hedlets, wherby it hath bene séene that some one head hath bene increased to 3. or 4. or 5. or 6. whych augmentation is the onely cause whereby they are sold so good cheape. For to my rēembrance I haue not knowne a quarter of them to be valued much aboue two shillings eight pēce, except in some odde yeres, when ouer great store of winters wa­ter hath rotted ye most of them as they stood wtin the ground. It is thought that at euery raising they encrease cōmonly a third part.

In Norffolke and Suffolke they raise but once in seuen yeres, but as theyr Saffron is not so fine as that of Cambridge shyre and about Walden: so it wil not tigne nor holde colour wyth all, wherin lieth a great part of the value of thys stuffe. Some craftie iackes vse to mixt it wyth the flower of Sonchus, whych commeth somewhat neare in déede to the hew of our good, Saffron▪ but it is [...] bewrayed both by the colour and [...]ard [...] Such also was the plenty of Saffron on a [...] 20. yeares passed, that some of the tow [...] men of Walden not thankful for the ab [...] dance of Gods blessing bestowed vpon th [...] [...]s wishing rather more scarcitie the ro [...] because of the keping vp of the prices in [...] contemptuous manner murmured aga [...] him, saying that he [...]id shite Saffron [...] present, therwith to choke ye market. But [...] they shewed them selues unlesse the [...] ing [...] infidels in thys behalfe, so the Lord con [...] ring theyr vnthankfulnesse, gaue them [...] since suche scarsitie, as the greatest mutherers haue now the least store, and moste of them are eyther wor [...]e out of [...]crupying▪ or remain scarse able to maintain there gre [...] wythout the helpe of other men▪ Cert [...] hath generally decayed about Walden since the sayd time, vntill now of late wythin the two yeares, that men began againe to ph [...] and renew the same. But to procéede, when the heads be raised and taken vp, they [...] remaine 16. or 20. daies out of the earth [...] I know it by experience, in that I haue [...] ed some of them to London wyth me, and n [...]twythstanding that they haue remayned there vnset by the space of. 25. daies, yet s [...] of them haue brought forth 2. or 3. flowere [...] péece, and some flowers 4. or 5. chiues to the great admiration of such as haue gathered the same, and not bene acquainted wyth the countrey where they grew. The Crokers i [...] Saffron men doe vse an obseruation a lit [...] before the comming vppe of the flower [...] opening of the heads, to iudge of plentye [...] scarcitie of thys commoditie to come. Fo [...] they sée as it were many small heary vaines of Saffron to be in the middest of the bul [...], they pronounce a frutefull yeare: And to say truth, at the cleauing of each head a mā shall discerne the Saffron by the colour, and s [...] wherabouts it will issue out of the roote.

Warme nights, swéete dewes, fat groūds (chiefly the chalky) and misty mornings are very good for Saffron, but frost and cold doe kill and kéepe backe the flower: And this much haue I thought good to speake of En­glish Saffron whych is hote in the seconde and dry in the first degrée.

Now if it please you to heare of any of the vertues thereof, I will note these insuing at the request of one who required me to touche a fewe of them wyth whatsoeuer breuitye I listed. Therfore our Saffron is very profita­bly mingled with those medicines whych we take for the diseases of the brest, of ye longes, of the liuer, and of the bladder. It is good al­so [Page 114] for the stomacke if you take it in meate; for it comforteth the same and maketh good digestion: being sodden also in wine, it not only kéepeth a man from dronkennesse, but encourageth also vnto procreation of issue. If you drinke it in swéete wine it enlargeth the breth and is good for those that are trou­bled with the tesike and shortnesse of ye wind. Mingled wyth milke of a woman and layed vpon the eyes it stayeth such humors as de­send into the same, and taketh away the red wheales and pearles that oft groweth about them. It is verye profitably layde vnto all inflammations, painefull Apostemes, and the shingles, and doth no small ease vnto dy­uers if it be mingled wyth such medicines as are beneficiall vnto the eares. It is of great vse also in riping of botches and al swellings proceding of raw humors. Or if it shal please you to drinke the roote therof with Maluesie it will maruellously prouoke vrine, dissolue and expell grauell, and yéelde no small ease vnto them that make theyr water by droppe meales. Finally, thrée drammes thereof ta­ken at once (whych is about the weighte of one shil. 9. pence halfepeny) is deadly poyson as Dioscorides doth affirme. There groweth some Saffron in many places of Almaine, and also about Vienna in Austria, whych la­ter is taken for ye best that springeth in other quarters. In steade of thys also some doe vse the Carthamus (called amongst vs bastarde Saffrō) but neyther this is of any value, nor the other in any wise comparable vnto ours, whereof let this suffice as of a commoditye brought into this Ilande not long before the time of Edward the third, and not common­ly planted vnitll Richard ye second did raign. It would grow very well as I take it about Chiltern hilles, & in all the vale of the whyte horse.

Of Quarries of stone for buylding. Cap. 15.

QVarryes with vs are pittes or Mines out of which we digge our Stone to builde withall, and of these as we haue great plentie in Englande, so are they of diuers sortes and those very profitable for sundrie necessary vses. In times past ye vse of stone was in maner dedicated to the buylding of churches religious houses, princely pallaces Bishoppes manours and holdes onely: but now that scrupulus obseruatiō is altogither infringed, and buylding with stone so com­monly taken vp that amongest noble men & gentlemen the timber frames are supposed to be not much better then paper worke, of little countinuaunce and least countinuance of all. It farre passeth my cunning to set down how many sortes of stone for buylding are to be founde in Englande; but much far­der to call each of thē by their proper names. Howbeit such is the curiosity of our country men that notwithstanding Almightie God hath so blessed our realme in most plentifull maner with such and so many Quarries apt and meete for pyles of longest countinuance, yet we as lothsome of this aboundaunce, or not liking of the plenty, doe commonly leaue these naturall giftes to moulde and sinder in the ground, and take vp an artificiall bricke, in burning whereof a great part of the word of this lande is dayly consumed and spent to the no small decay of that commoditie and hinderaunce of the poore that perish oft for colde. Our elders haue from tyme to tyme following our naturall vice in mislyking of our owne commodities at home, and desiring those of other countries abroade, most estée­med the Cane stone that is brought hyther out of Normandie, & many euen in these our dayes folowing the same vaine doe couet in their workes almost to vse none other. How­beit experience on the one side and our skilful Masons on the other (whose iudgment is no­thing inferiour of those of other countries) do affirme that in the North partes of Englād and certayne other places, there are some quarries which for hardenesse & beautie are equall vnto the outlandish gréete. This may also be confirmed by the kinges chappell at Cambridge, the greatest part of the squared stone wherof was brought thyther out of the North. Some commend the vaine of white frée stone, flate, & méere stone which is be­twixt Pentowen and the black head in Cor­newall, for very fine stuffe. Other doe speake much of the quarries at Hamden nine miles from Mylbery, & pauing stone of Burbecke. For Tophe stone not a few allow of ye quar­rey that is a Drisley, diuers mislyke not of the vaine of harde stone that is at Oxforde and Burford. One prayseth the frée stone at Manchester and Prestburye in Glocester shyre. Another the quarryes of the lyke in Richemont. The third liketh wel of the hard­stone in Clée hill in Shropshire. The fourth of that of Thorowbridge, Welden, & Ter­ringtō. Where by it appeareth that we haue quarries ynough in Englande sufficient for vs to buylde withall, if the peuish comtempt of our owne commodities and delectacions to enriche other countries dyd not catch such foolishe holde vppon vs. Thereby it is also veryfied (as any other waye) that all Na­tions haue rather néede of Englande, then [Page] Englande of any other. And thys I thincke may suffice for the substance of our works. Now if you haue regarde to their or [...]ature, how many Mines of sundrie kindes of course and fine marble are then to be had in Eng­lād. But chiefly one in Staffordshyre, an o­ther néere to the Peke, the thirde at Vaul­dry, the fourth at Snothill, (longing to the Lord Chaindois) the fifth at Eglestone, whi­che is of blacke Marble spotted with gray or white spottes, the sixt not farre from Durhā. But what meane I to go about to recite all or the most excellent, sith these which I haue named alreadie are not altogither of ye least nor scarcely of any value in comparison of those whose places of growth are vtterly vn­knowne vnto me, & wherof the blacke mar­ble spotted with gréene is none of the vylest sort, as may appeare by parcell of the paue­ment of the lower part of ye quire of Paules in London where some péeces thereof are yet to be séene and marked, yf any will looke for them. If marble will not serue then haue we the finest Alabaster that may elsewhere be had, as about S. Dauides of Wales. Also néere to Bean Maner, which is about foure or fiue miles from Leicester, and taken to be the best, although there are diuers o­ther quarries hereof beyond ye Trent, whose names at this tyme are out of my remem­braunce. What shoulde I talke of the pla­ster of Axeholme, (for of that which they dig out of the earth in sundrie places of Lincolne & Darbyshyres wherwith they blaūch their houses in stéed of lime, I speake not). Certes it is a very fine kinde of Alabaster, but sith it is solde commonly but after twelue pence the loade, we iudge it to be but vyle and course. For my part I cannot skill of stone, yet in my opiniō it is not without great vse for plaster of parisse, and such is the Mine of it that the stones lye in flakes one vppon an other like planckes or tables, and vnder the same is an harde stone verye profitable for building as hath oft tymes béene prooued. If neyther Alabaster nor Marble doth suffice, we haue the Touche stone called in latin Ly­dius lapis, eyther to matche in sockets with our pillers of Alabaster or contrariwise: if it pleaseth the worke man to ioyne pillers of Alabaster or Touche with sockets of brasse, pewter, or copper, we want not these met­talles: So that I thincke no nation canne haue more excellent and greater diuersitie of stuffe for buylding, then we may haue in Englande, yf our selfes coulde so like of it: but such alas is our nature that not our own but other mens do most of all delite vs: and for desire of noueltie we oft exchange our fi­nest Cloth, Corne, Tinne and Woolles for halfe penny cockhorses for children, dogges of were, two penny tabers, leaden swordes; painted feathers, gewgawes for fooles, dog [...] trickes for doltes, hawkes whoodes, and such lyke, whereby we reape iuste mockage any reproch. I might remember here our pitte [...] for Milstones that are to be had in diuers places of our country as in Anglesey, also [...] Quene hope of blew gréete, of no lesse value then the collein, yea then the French stones Our gryndstones for hardware men. Our whetstones and slate of sundry coullours are euery where in maner to be had, as is ye flint and chalke, the shalder and the peble: How­beit for all this we must fetch them stil from farre, as dyd the hull men their stones out of Iselande, wherwith they paued their towne for want of the like in Englande: or as Sir Thomas Gresham dyd, when he bought the stones in Flanders, wherewith he paued the Burse, but as he will aunswere that he har­gened for the whole moulde and substaunce of his workmanshippe in Flaunders: so the Hullanders or Hull men will say, howe that stockefishe is light loding and therefore they dyd baiase their vessels with these Iselande stones to kéepe them from turning ouer in their so daungerous a voyage.

¶Of sundry Mineralles. Cap. 16.

WYth howe great benefites thys I­lande of oures hathe béene indued from the beginning, I hope there is no god­ly man but wyll redily confesse, and yéelde vnto the Lorde God his due honour for the same. For we are blessed euery way, & there is no temporall commoditie necessary to bée had or craued by any nacion at Gods hand, that he hath not in most abundaunt maner bestowed vpon vs Englishmen if we coulde sée to vse it, and be thankefull for the same. But alas (as I sayd in ye chapter precedent,) wée loue to enrych them that care not for vs, but for our great commodities: and one tryfling toye not woorth the caryage, cōming (as the prouerbe saith), in thrée shyps from beyonde the sea is more woorth with vs, thē a ryght good Iewel, easie to be had at home. They haue also the cast to teach vs to neg­lect our owne thinges, for if they sée that wée beginne to make any accounte of our com­modities (if it be so that they haue also ye like, in theyr owne countryes) they will sodaine­ly abase the same, to so lowe a price that our gaine not beyng woorthy our trauaile, & the same commoditie with lesse cost ready to be had at home from other countries (though [Page 115] but for a whyle) it causeth vs to gyue ouer our indeuours, and as it were by and by to forget the matter whereabout we went be­fore to, obteine them at their hands. And this is the onely cause wherefore one commody­ties are oft so litle estemed. Some of them cā say wtout any teacher, that they wil by ye case of a Foxe of an English man for a grote, & make him afterward giue twelue pence for the tayle. Woulde to God wée myght once wexe wyser, and eache one indeuour that the common wealth of Englande may flourish againe in hir olde rate, and that our cōmo­dities may bée fully wrought at home, as cloth if you will, for an example and not ca­ryed out to be shorne and dressed abroade, whiles our clothworkers here doe sterue and beg their bread, & for lacke of dayly practise, vtterly neglect to be skilfull in thys science: But to my purpose. We haue in englād gret plēty of quick Syluer, Antimony, Sulphur, black Lead, and Orpiment red and yealow. We haue also the finest Alume (wherein the diligence of one of the greatest fauourers of the common wealth of England (of a sub­iect) hath béene of late egregiously abused, & euen almost with barbarous inciuility) the natural Cinnabarum or Vermilion the Sul­phurus glebe called Bitumen, in olde tyme vsed for morter, and yet burned in lampes: where Oyle is scant and geason, the Cry­socolla, Coperous, ye Minerall stone, wher­of Petreolum is made) and that which is most straunge, the minerall Pearle, which as they are for greatnesse and coulour most excellent of all other, so are they digged out of the maine land, and in sundry places farre distāt from the shore. Of Colemines we haue such plentie in the North. And Westerne partes of our Islande as may suffice for all the Realme of Englande, and so must they doe hereafter in déede, if woode be not better cherished then it is at this present, and to say the truth, notwithstanding that very many of them are caryed into other Countryes of the maine, yet theyr greatest trade begin­neth nowe to growe from the Forge into ye Kitchin and Hall appeare already as maye in most Cities and Townes that lye about the cost, where they haue little other fewell, except it be turfe, and hassocke. I marueyle not a little that there is no trade of these into Sussex and Southampton shire, for want whereof the Smithes doe worke theyr yron with charre coale. I thinke that farre carri­age be the only cause, which is but a slender excuse, to inforce vs to carye them vnto the mayne from thence.

Beside our coale pittes we haue pyttes in lyke sorte of white plaster, and of f [...]lte and white Marie, wherewith in many places the inhabitors doe compest their soile. We haue Salte Peter for our ordinaunce, and Salt Soda for our glasse, and therto in one place a kinde of earth (in Sothe [...]ey as I wéene harde by Codington, and sometime in the tenure of one Croxton of London) which is so fine to make mouldes for goldsmithes & casters of mettal, that a lode of it was worth fiue shyllinges thirtie yeares a gone. None such againe they say in England. But whe­ther there be or not, let vs not be vnthanke­full to God for these and other his benefites bestowed vpon vs, wherby he sheweth hym­selfe a louing and mercifull father vnto vs, which contrarywyse returne vnto hym in lew of humilitie and obedience, nothing but wickednesse, auarice, méere contempt of hys will, and notable ingratitude.

¶ Of common or artificiall Salt made in Englande. Cap. 17.

THere are in Englande certaine welles where Salt is made, whereof Lelande hath written aboundantly in his comenta­ryes of Brytaine, and whose words onely. I wyll set downe in Englishe as he wrate th [...], because he séemeth to haue had diligent con­sideration of the same, without adding any thing of my owne vnto hym, except it bée where necessitie doth infore me for ye méere aid of the reader, in the vnderstanding of his mynd. Directing therefore his iourney from Worcester in his peregrination and labo­rious iourney ouer Englande, he saith thus. From Worcester I rode to the Wiche by inclosed soyle, hauing méetely good Corne grounde, sufficient woode and good pasture, aboute a sixe myles of. Wiche standeth somewhat in a valley or lowe grounde, be­twixt two small hylles on the left ripe (for so he calleth the bancke of euery brooke thorow out all his Englishe treatizes) of a pretie ryuer which not farre beneathe the Wiche is called Salope brooke. The beautye of the Towne in maner standeth in one streat, yet be there many lanes in the Towne besides.

There is also a meane Church in ye maine streate and once in the wéeke, an indifferent rounde markette. The Towne of it selfe is somewhat foule and durty when any rayne falleth by reason of much caryage thorowe ye streates, which are very yll paued or rather not paued at all. The great aduauncement also here, is by makyng of Salte, and though the commoditye thereof be singuler great, yet the Burgesses be poore, generally [Page] because Gentlemen haue generallye for the most parte gotten the great gaine of it into their handes,A cōmon plage in all thinges of any great commodity for one beateth ye bushe but another catcheth ye the birdes, as we may sée in Bat­fowling. whilest the poore Burges­ses yéelde vnto all the labour. There are at this present time thrée honored Salters: and thrée Salt springs in the Towne of Wiche, whereof the principall is within a bu [...]shoote of the ryght rype (or banke) of the riuer that there commeth downe: and this spring is double so profitable in yéelding of Salte ly­quor, as both the other. Some say (or rather fable) that this Salte spring did fayle in the tyme of Richarde dela Wiche Byshoppe of Chichester, and that afterwardes by his in­tercession it was restored to the profit of the olde course (such is the superstiton of the peo­ple) in remembraunce whereof, or per­aduenture for the zeale which the Wiche men and Salters did beare vnto Rycharde Dela Wiche there countryman, they vsed of late times on his daye (which commeth once in the yere) to hange this Salt spring or Wel about which tapissery, and to haue sun­dry games, drinkinges, and foolish reuelles at it. But to procede. There be a great num­ber of Salte cotes about this Well, wherin the Salte water is sodden in leades, and brought to the perfection of pure white salt. The other two Salte springes be on the left side of the ryuer a prety waye lower then ye first, and as I founde at the very ende of the Towne. At these also be diuers fornaces to make Salt, but the profite & plenty of these two are nothing comparable to the gayne, yt ryseth by the greatest. I asked of a Salter how many fornaces they had at all the thrée springes, and he numbred them to eightéene score that is thrée hundred and sixtie, saying howe euery one of them payde yearely sixe shillings and eight pence to the king. The truth is that of olde they had liberties giuen vnto them for thrée hundreth furnaces or mo, and therevpon they gyue a fée farme (or vectigall) of one hunnreth pounde yearely. Certes the pension is as it was, but the num­ber of fornaces is nowe increased, to foure hundreth. There was of late serch made for another Salte spring there aboutes by the meanes of one Neweport a Gentleman dwelling at the Wiche, and the place where it was appeareth, as doth also the woode and Timber which was set aboute it, to kéepe vp the earth frō falling into the same. But thys pitte was not sence occupied, whether it were for lacke of plentie of the salt spring, or for letting, or hindering of the profite of ye other thrée. Me thinke that if woode and sale of Salte would serue, they might digge and find more salt springes about the Wich thē thrée, but there is somewhat else in the w [...] ▪ For I hard that of late yeares a salt spri [...] was founde in an other quarter of Wor [...]ster shire, but it grew to be without any [...] sith the Wich men haue such a priuiledg [...] that they a [...]ne in those quarters shall ha [...] the making of salte. The Pittes be so set a­bout with gutters that ye salt water is easily turned to euerye mans house, and at Na [...] wich very many troughes go ouer the riuer for the commoditie of such as dwell on the o­ther side of ye same. The séeth also their salt water in fornaces of leade, and lade out the Salte some in Cases of wicker, [...]hor [...] which the water draineth, and the Salt re­maineth. There be also two or thrée but very lyttle Salt springes at Dertwitche in a lo [...] bottome, where Salt is sometyme made. Of late also a myle from Cumbremere ab­bay a péece of an hill dyd sincke & in ye same pit rose a spring of salt water where the Ab­bot begunne to make salt, but the men of the Citie compounded with the Abbot and Co­uent that there shoulde be none made there, whereby the pit was suffered to go to lo [...]. And although it yéelded salte water stil of it selfe, yet it was spoyled at the last and filled vp with filth. The Wich men vse the com­moditie of their salt spring in drawing and decocting the water of them only by sixe mō ­nethes in the yere, that is from Midsomer to Christmasse, as I gesse to maintayne ye price of salte, or for sauing of wood, which I thinke to be their principall reason. For making of salt is a great and notable destructiō of wood and shall be greater hereafter, except some prouision be made for the better increase of fiering. The lacke of wood also is alredy per­ceiued in places néere the Wiche, for where as they vsed to buye and take their woodde néere vnto their occupyings, those woonted springes are nowe decayed, and they be in­forsed to séeke their wood so farre as Wor­cester towne and all the partes about Bre­nisgraue, Alchirche, and Alcester. I asked a salter how much wood he supposed yearly to to be spent at these fornaces, and he aunswe­red that by estimation there was consumed about sixe thousande load, and it was rounde poale woode for the most, which is easy to be cleft, and handsomely reuen in péeces. The people that are about the fornaces are very ill couloured, and the iust rate of euery for­nace is to make foure loades of salt yearely and to euery loade goeth fiue or sixe quar­ters as they make their account. If the for­nace men make more in one fornace then foure loades it is as it is sayde imployed to their owne auayle. And thus much hath Le­lande [Page 116] left in memorie of our whyte salt, who in an other booke not now in my handes hath touched the making also of Bay salt in some part of our coūtry. But sith yt is boke deliue­red againe to the owner, the tractaciō of bay salt can not be framed in any order, bycause my memorie will not serue to shew the true maner and the place. It shall suffice therfore to haue gyuen such notice of it, to thende the reader may knowe that aswell the Baye as whyte are wrought and made in Englande, and more white also vpon the west coast, to­warde Scotlande out of the salt water be­twéene Wyre and Cokermouth. Fnally ha­uing thus intermedled our artificiall Salt with our Minerals, let vs giue ouer and go in hande with such mettals as are growing here in Englande.

Of Mettalles. Cap. 18.

[...]de. [...]uer.IT was not sayde of olde tyme without great reason that all countries haue néede of Britainc and Britaine it self of none. For truely yf a man regarde such necessities as nature onely requireth, there is no Nation vnder the sun, that can say so much as ours: sith we doe want none that are conuenient for vs. Certes if it be a benefite to haue any golde at all, we are not voyde thereof, ney­ther lykewyse of siluer. And albeit that we haue no such aboundaunce of these as some other countries doe yéelde, yet haue my rych countriemen store ynough of both in theyr purses, where they were woont to haue least, bycause the garnishing of our churches, ta­bernacles, ymages, shrynes and apparell of the Priestes consumed the greatest part as experience hath confirmed.

[...]ne. [...]de.Tinne and Lead are very plentifull wyth vs, the one in Cornewall, Deuonshire, & else where in the North, ye other in Darby shire, Weredale, and sondry other places of thys Iland: whereby my countreymen doe reape no small commodity, but especially our pew­terers, who in time past employed the vse of pewter only vpon dishes and pottes, and a fewe other trifles for seruice, whereas nowe they are growen vnto such exquisite cūning, that they can in maner imitate by infusion a­ny forme or fashion of cuppe, dish, salt, bowle or goblet, whyche is made by Goldsmithes craft though they be neuer so curious & very artificially forged. In some places beyond the sea a garnish of good flat English pewter (I say flat, because dishes and platters in my time begyn to be made depe like basons, and are in déede more conuenient both for sawse and kéeping the meat warme) is almost este­med so precious as the like number of ves­sels that are made of fine siluer, and in man­ner no lesse desired amōgst the great estates, whose workemen are nothing so skilfull in that trade as ours, neyther theyr mettall so good, nor plenty so great, as we haue héere in England. There were mines of Lead some­times also in Wales, which indured so long till the people had consumed all theyr woode by melting of the same, as they did also at Comerystwith, sixe miles from Stradfleur. And here by the way it is worthy to be noted of a Crow which a miner of tinne, dwelling néere Comerystwith had made so tame that it would daily flie & folow him to hys worke and other places where so euer he happened to trauaile. Thys laborer working on a time in the bottome where the first Myne was knowne to be, did lay his purse and girdle by him, as men cōmonly doe that addresse them selues to apply theyr businesse earnestly, and he him selfe also had vsed from time to time before. The Crow likewyse was very busie flittering about him, and so much molested hym in déede, that he waxed angry wyth the byrde & in his fury threatned to wring of his necke, if he myght once gette hym into hys hands: To be short, in the ende the Crow ha­stily caught vp his girdle and pursse, & made away wyth all so fast as hir wyngs coulde cary hyr. Héerevpon, the poore man fallyng into great agony (for he feared to lose perad­uenture all hys money) threwe downe hys mattocke at aduenture and ranne after the bird, curssing and menacing that he should lose hys life if euer he gotte him againe: but as it fell out, the Crow was ye meanes wher­by hys lyfe was saued, for he had not bene long out of the mine, ere it fell downe and killed all his fellowes. If I should take vpon me to discourse of the dealing of thys byrde at large, I should peraduenture set my selfe further into the bryers then wel finde which way to come out agayne: yet I am perswa­ded that the Crow was Gods instrument herein, wherby the lyfe of thys poore laborer was preserued. It was done also in an other order then that whych I reade of an other tame Crow kept vp by a shomaker of Dutch lād in hys shop or stone: who séeing the same to sitte vpon the pearch very heauily & drou­sie, sayde vnto the birde. What ayleth my Iacke, why art thou so sad and pensiue? The Crow hearyng his master speake after this sort vnto him, answeared (or else the Deuill wythin it) out of the Psalter.Psal. 76. Cogitaui dies antiquos & eternos in mente habui, but whe­ther am I digressed, frō lead vnto Crowes, and from Crowes vnto Deuils. Certes it [Page] is now high time to retourne vnto our met­tals, and resume the tractation of such things as I had earst in hand.

Iron.Iron is found in many places, as in Sus­sex, Kent, Weredale, Mendip, Walshall, Manchester and elsewhere in Wales: of which mines diuers doe bryng forth so fine and good stuffe as any that commeth from beyond the sea. It is also of such toughnesse, that it yéeldeth to the makyng of Claricord wire in some places of the realme. Copper is lately not foūd,Copper. but rather restored againe to light, for I haue read of Copper to haue béene heretofore gotten in our Ilande. How­beit, as straungers haue most commonly the gouernaunce of our mines, so they hytherto make small gaines of thys in hande in the North partes: for as I am informed the pro­fit doth very hardly counteruaile the char­ges, whereat wyse men doe not a little mar­uayle, considering the aboundaunce whych that mine do séeme to offer and as it were at hande. Lelande our countryman noteth sun­drie great lykelyhoodes of copper Mines to be Eastwardes, as betwéene Dudman and Trewardith in the sea cliffes, beside sundry other places, wherof diuers are noted here & there in sundry places of this booke already, and therfore it shalbe but in vaine to repete them here agayne. In Dorset shyre also a copper Mine lately found is brought to good perfection.Stéele. As for our stéele it is not so good for edge toole as that of Cullen, and yet the one is often solde for the other, and lyke tale vsed in both, that is to say thirtie gaddes to the shiefe and sixe shiefes to the burdē. Our Alchumy is artificiall & thereof our spoones and some saltes are commonly made & pre­ferred before our pewter. The common sort call it Alcamine,Some tell me yt it is a mixture of brasse, lead and tinne. but when I know more of the substance and mixture of this metall my selfe, I will not let to write thereof at large, wheras now I must néedes conclude bicause I haue no more to say of the mettalles of my country, except I should talke of brasse, bell mettall, & such as are brought ouer for mar­chandize from other countries, but what is that to my purpose.

Of precious stones. Cap. 19.

THe olde writers remember fewe other stones of estimation to be founde in this Island then that which we call Geat,Geat. & they in latine Gagates: wherevnto furthermore they ascribe sundry properties as vsually practized here in times past, whereof none of our writers doe make any mencion at all.Laon. Calchō ­dyle. Howbeit whatsoeuer it hath pleased a num­ber of strangers to write of ye vsages of thi [...] oure Countrie, aboute the tryall of the vir­ginitie of our maidens by drincking of the powder of thys stone against the tyme of their bestowing in maryage: certaine it is than euen to this day there is some plenty to be had of this commoditie in Darby shyre & about Barwticke, although that in many mens opinions nothing so fine as that which is brought ouer by marchauntes from the mayne. But as these men are drowned with the common errour of our nation, so I am sure that in discerning the price and value of things, no man now liuing can go beyond ye iudgemēt of the old Romaines, who prefer­red the geate of Britain before ye like stones bred about Luke & all other coūtries. Moreo­uer as Geat was one of ye first stones of this Isle wherof any forrein account was made, [...] so our pearles also did match with it in re­nowne, in so much that the only desire of thē caused Caesar to aduenture hyther, [...] after h [...] had séene the quantities & hard of our plenty of them, whylest he abode in France. Certes they are to be founde in these our dayes, and thereto of diuers coulours, in no lesse num­bers then euer they were in olde tyme. Yet are they not now so much desired bycause of theyr smallnesse, and also for other causes, but especially sith churchwork as copes, ve­stements, Albes, Tunicles, altar clothes, canapies, and such trash are woorthily abo­lished, vpon which our countrymen hereto­fore bestowed no small quantities. For I thinke there were fewe churches and Reli­gious houses besides Bishoppes Myters & Pōtifical vestures, but were either thorow­ly fretted or notably garnished wt huge nū ­bers of them. But as the Brittish Geat or o­rient Pearle were in olde tyme estéemed a­boue those of other countries, so tyme hath since the conquest of the Romaines reuealed many other: in so much yt at this season there are founde in Englande the Aetites and the Hematite and these very pure and excellent, also ye Calcedony, the Porphyrite, ye Christal, & those other, which we call Calaminares, & speculares beside a kinde of Diamōd or Ada­mant, which although it be very fair to sight is yet much softer thē [...] those yt are brought hyther out of other countries. We haue also vpon our coastes the white corall and other stones dayly founde in cliffes and rockes, whereof such as finde them haue eyther no knowledge at all, or else doe make but small account, being seduced by outlādish Lapida­ries, whereof the most part discourage vs frō the fetching and séeking out of our owne cō ­modities, to the ende that they may haue the [Page 117] more frée vtterance of their naturall and ar­tificial wares, wherby they get great gaines amongst such as haue no skill. [...]all of [...]ne. I haue harde that the best triall of a stone is to laye it on the nayle of our thombe, and so to go abroade into the cléere light, where if the coulour hold in all places a like, the stone is thought to be natural. &c. But if it alter especially towarde ye nayle, thē is it not sound, but rather an ar­tificiall practize. If this be true it is an expe­riment worthy ye noting. (Cardane also hath it in his De subtilitate) yf not I haue reade néere more lies then this, as one example out of Cato, who sayeth that a cuppe of Iuy will holde no wine at all, but I haue made some vessels of ye same wood, which refuse no kind of liquor, and therefore I suppose that there is no such Antipatha betwéene wyne & Iuy as some of our reading Philosophers with­out all maner of practize wil séeme to inferre amongest vs. What shoulde I saye more of stones? truely I can not tell, sith I haue sayde what I may already & peraduenture more then I thought. This yet will I adde that yf those which are founde in Muskelles (for I am vtterly ignoraunt of the generatiō of pearles) be good pearle in déede I haue at sundrie times gathered more then an ounce of them, of which diuers haue holes already entred by nature, some of them not much in­feriour to great peason in quantitie, & there­to of sundrie colours as it happeneth amōgst such as are brought from the Easterly coast to Saffron Walden in Lent, when for want of fleshe,Neuer [...]s our [...]ed and [...]sh fishe [...]eare as [...]w sith [...]n must [...]s haue stale stincking fishe & welked Mus­kles are thought to be good meate for other fishe is to to déere amongst vs.

¶Of the Coynes of Englande. Cap. 20.

THe Saxon Coyne before the Conquest is vtterly vnknowne vnto me: how bée it if my coniecture be any thing, I suppose that the shillynges of siluer, in those dayes did counterpeise our common ounce, though afterwarde it came to passe that it arose to twentie pence, and so continued vntyll the tyme of King Henry the eyght, who first brought it to thrée shillings and foure pence, [...]pper [...]oney. and afterwarde our Syluer Coyne vnto brasse & copper monies, by reason of those in­estimable charges, which dyuers wayes op­pressed him. But as king Edward his sonne began to restore ye aforesayde Coine againe vnto fine siluer: so Quéene Mary his succes­sour did continue his good purpose: notwith­standing that in hir time the Spanish mo­ney was very common in England, by rea­son of hir mariage with Philyp King of Spayne.

After hir discease the Lady Elizabeth hyr sister, and now our most gracious Quéene,Siluer re­stored. and souereigne Princes, did finish the mat­ter wholly, vtterly abolishing the vse of cop­per Coine, and conuerting the same into fine Syluer, as péeces of halfpeny fardyng, of a po [...]y, of thrée half pens, péeces of twoo pence, of thrée pence, of foure pence (called ye groate) of sixe pence vsually named the tes­tone, and shilling of twelue pence, whereon shée hath imprinted hir owne ymage, & em­phaticall superscription.Olde gold Our Gould is ey­ther olde or new. The old is that which hath remained since ye time of king Edwarde the thirde, or béene Coyned by such other Prin­ces, as haue reigned since his discease, with­out abasing of the fynest of that mettall. Therof also wée haue yet remayning, the Ryall, the George noble, the Henry Ryall, the Saint, the Angell, and their smaller pée­ces, as halfes or quarters, though these in my time, are not so common to be séene. I haue also behelde the Souereine of twen­ty shillinges, & the péece of thirtie shillyngs, I haue harde lykewise of péeces of forty shil­lings, thrée pounde, fiue pounde, and tenne pound. But sith there were fewe of them coi­ned, and those only at the commaundement of the kings, yearely to bestow where their maiesties thought good in lieu of new yeres gyftes and rewardes: it is not requisite that I should remember them here amongst our currant coynes.

The newe Golde is taken for such as be­ganne to be coyned in the latter dayes of king Henry the eyght,New gold at which time the fi­nesse of the mettall began to be very much alayed, and is not likely to bée restored for ought that I can sée: & yet is it & such as hath béene coyned since by hys successours prin­ces of this Realme in value and goodnesse equall and not inferiour to the coyne and currant Golde of other nations, where eche one doth couet to gather vppe our olde finer Golde: so that the Angels, Ryalles, & No­bles, are more plentifully séene in Fraunce and Flanders, then they be by a great deale within the Realme of England. Our péeces nowe currant are of tenne shillinges, fiue shillings, & two shillinges and sixe pence on­ly: and those of sundry stampes and names, as half souereines, quarters of Soueraines, (otherwyse called Crownes,) & halfe Crow­nes: lykewise Angels, halfe Angels, & quar­ters of Angels, or if there be any other, in good sooth I knowe them not, as one scasely acquainted with any siluer at all, much lesse then God it wote with any store of Goulde.

[Page]The first currant shilling, or péeces of twelue pence were coyned by kyng Henry the eight: those of fyue shillinges, & of 2. shil. & 6. pence, & the half shil. by king Edward ye sixt: but the odde péeces aboue remēbred vn­der the groat, by our high & mighty Pryn­ces Quéene Elizabeth, the name of ye groat peny: 2. pence: ob. & farding, being more aun­cient then yt I can wel discusse of the time of their beginnings. Yet thusmuch I read that king Edwarde the first in the eight yeare of his reigne, did first come the peny & smallest péeces of siluer roundewyse, which before were square, and woont to haue a doubble crosse wyth a crest, in such sorte that the peny might easily be brokē, eyther into halfs or quarters, by which shift onely the people came by halfe pence and fardinges, that o­therwyse were not stamped nor coyned of set purpose.

Of forren coynes we haue both the Duc­cates, the single and the double: the Crusa­does, with the lōg crosse & the short: ye Por­tigue, a péece very solemly kept of dyuers, & yet oft times abased with washing, or else absolutely coūterfeicted: and finally ȳe french and flemish crownes, onely currant among vs, so long as they holde weight. But of sil­uer coynes none at all: yet are the Dalders and such, often tymes brought ouer, but neuerthelesse exchanged as Bullion, accor­ding to their finenesse and weight, and after­warde conuerted into coyne, by such as haue authority.

In olde time we had sundrye Mintes in Englande, and those commonly kept in Ab­baies and religious houses before the con­queste, where true dealing was commonly supposed: most of all to dwel. As at Ram­seye, Bury, Caunterbury, Glassenbury and such like, sundry exemplificats of ye graunts whereof are yet to be séene in wryting. But after the Normans had once gotten the ma­sterye, they trusted themselues best wyth the ouersight of their Mintes, and therefore erected diuers of their owne, although they afterwarde permitted some for small péeces of Siluer, vnto sundry of the houses afore­sayd. In my time diuers mints are suppres­sed as Southworke, Brystow, &c. and al coi­nage is brought into one place, that is to say the Tower of London, where it is continu­ally holden and perused, but not without great gaine to such as deale wtall. There is also coinage of Tin holdē yearly at two se­uerall times, that is to saye Midsomer and Michaelmas in the west country, which at the first hearing, I supposed to haue béene of money of the sayde metall and graunted by Priuiledge from the Prince, vnto ye townes of Haylstone, Trury, & Lostwithiel. How­beit vpon farder examinatiō of the matter, I finde it to be nothing so, but an office one­ly erected for the Prince, wherein he is al­lowed the ordinary customes of the mettall▪ and such blockes of Tinne as haue passed ye handes of his Officers, are marked wyth an especiall stampe, whereby it is knowne that the custome due for the same, hath ordinari­ly béene aunswered. It should séeme & in my opinion is very likely to be true, that whyle Romains reigned here, Kingstone vppon Thames was the chiefe place of their coy­nage for this prouince. For in earing of the grounde about that Towne in tymes past, and nowe of late (besides the curious funda­tion of many goodly buyldinges that haue béene ripped vp, and diuers coines of brasse, siluer, and Golde, with Romaine letters in painted pots that haue béene found there) in the dayes of Cardinall Wolsey, one such pot was discouered ful as it were of new sil­uer lately coined. Another with plates of sil­uer ready to be coyned. And the thirde wyth cheanes of siluer, ready as it should appears to bée melted into coine, whereof let thys su­ffice to countenaunce out my coniecture.

Of our accompt of time, and partes thereof. Cap. 21.

AS Libra is As or Assis vnto ye Romains for theyr waight, & the foote in standard measure: so in our accompt of the partes of time, we take the houre to be the greatest of ye least, and least of the greatest, wherby we kéepe our reckening. For my part I do not see any great difference vsed in the obserua­tyon of tyme and hir partes betwéene oure owne and any other forreine nation, where­fore I shal not néede to stand long vpon this matter. Howbeit, to the ende our exact order héerein shall appeare vnto all men, I wil set downe some short rehearsall therof, and that in so briefe maner as vnto me is possible. As for our Astronomicall practises, I meane not to meddle wyth them, sith theyr course is v­niformely obserued ouer all. Our common order therfore is to begin at the minute, as at the smallest part of time knowne vnto the people, notwythstanding that in most places they descend no lower then the halfe quarter or quarter of the howre, and from whence they procéede vnto the houre, whych is the 24. part of that whych we call the common and naturall day, & doth begin at midnight. Of vnequall houres or dayes, our natiō hath no regard, and therefore to shew theyr quan­tities [Page 118] & differences, it should be [...]t in value. In lyke sort, whereas the Egyptiand, Itali­ans, Bohemians, and Iewes begin their day at the Sunne set ouer night i [...] the P [...]rsians, Babylonians, Grecians, and Northergians at the Sunne rising (each of them accoūting theyr dayes and nights by vnequall houres) also the Athenienses, Arabians, Dutchmen and Astronomers at hygh [...] W [...] after the Romain maner vsed in the Church there of long time chose the very poynte of mid­night, from whence we accompt [...] 2. equall houres vnto midday ensuing, and other 12. againe vnto the aforesaid poynt. And this is our generall order for the naturall day. Of the artificiall we make so farre account, as that we recken it to be day when the Sunne is vp, and nyght when it leaueth our Horri­zon: otherwyse also we deuide it into two partes, that is to say, forenoone and after­noone, not regarding the ruddy, shining, bur­ning and warming seasons (of thrée vnequal houres a péece,) whych other séeme to ob­serue, and wherof I read these verses.

Solis equi lucis dicuntur quatuor horae.
Haec rubet, haec splender, hae c [...]ilec, illa teper:

In déede out Phisitians haue another par­tition of the day, as men of no halfe learning no doubt then the best of for [...]ir countryes if we could so conceaue of them. And héerein they concurre wyth those of other nations, who for distinction in regiment of our hu­mours, diuide the artificiall day and night in such wise as these verses doe import, and are in déede a generall rule whych each of them doth follow.

Tres lucis primas, noctis tres sanguinis imas.
Vis cholere medias lucis sex vendicat horas.
Dat (que) melam primas noctis, tres lucis & imas.
Centrales ponas sex noctis phlegmatis horas.

Or thus, as Tansteter hath geuen them forth in hys Prelections.

A nona noctis donec sit tertia lucis,
Est dominus sanguis, sex inde sequētibꝰ horis
Est dominans ch [...]lera, dum lucis nona sit hora
Post niger humid inest donec sit tertia noctis.
Posthaec phlegma venit, donec sit nona quietis

In English thus in effect.

Three houres ere sun do rise, & so many after, Blud,
Frō 9. to 3. at after none, hot choler beares the sway,
Euen so to 9. at night, swart Choler hath to rule,
As Phlegme from thence to 3. at morne: 6. houres eache one I say.

[...]ght.In like sort for the nyght we haue none o­ther partes then the twylight, darkenyght, midnight, and cockes crowing. Wheras the Latines diuide the same into .7. partes, as Vesper the Euening, which is immediately after the setting of the Sunne. Crepusculum the twylight, when it is betwéene day and night, lyght and darknesse or properly ney­ther day nor night. Conticirium the still of the nyght when each one is layd to rest. In­tempest [...] the [...] or dead of the night, when [...] in theyr first or dead sléepe Gallicinium the [...]ch [...]s [...] r [...]wing. Matutinum the breache of the day: and Diliculum siue aurora, the rud­dy, orenge, golden or shining coloure, séene immediately before the rising of the Sunne. Other there are whych doe recken by wat­ches, diuiding the nyght into 4. equal partes. Of whych the first beginneth at Euening;watche. called the first watch, and continueth by 3. vnequall [...]ras, and so forth vntill the ende of the nynth h [...]e, wherat the fourth watch entreth whych is called the morning watch, because it partly concurreth with ye morning & breache of the day before the rising of the Sunne.Houre. As for the originall of the worde houre, it is very auncient, but yet not so olde as that of the watch whych was deuised first among souldiers for theyr better safegarde and chaunge of watchmen in theyr campes, the lyke whereof is almost vsed among our seafaring men▪ whych they call clearing of the g [...]affe, and performed from time to time wyth great héede and some solemnitie. Cer­tesse the worde Hora among the Grecians, signified so well the 4. quarters of the yeare, as the 24. part of ye day, but what stand I vp­on these things to let my purpose stay. To procéede therefore.wéeke. Of naturall dayes is the wéeke compacted, which consisteth of 7. of them. The first entreth with Monday, wher­by it commeth to passe that we rest vpon the Sunday, whych is the 7. in number, as al­mighty God hath commaunded in his word, The Iewes begin theyr weke vpon our Sa­terday at the setting of the Sunne, and the Turkes with the Saterday: wherby it com­meth to passe; that as the Iewes make our last day the first of theyr wéeke, so the Turks make the Iewish Sabaoth the beginning of theyr Hebdoma because Mahomet theyr pro­phet (as they say) was borne & dead vpō ye fri­day, & so he was in dede, except their Alcharō deceaue me. The Iewes doe recken theyr dayes by theyr distance from theyr sabaoth, so that the first day of theyr wéeke, is the first day of the sabaoth, and so forth vnto the sixte. The Latines accompted theyr dayes after the 7. Planets, chosing the same for the deno­minator of the daye, that entreth hys regi­ment wyth the first vnequall houre of the same after the Sunne be risen. Howbeit, as thys order is not wholly reteined wyth vs, so the vse of the same is not yet altogither a­bolyshed, as may appeare by our Sonday, [Page] Monday, and Saturday. The rest were chā ­ged by the Saxons, who in remembrance of Woden, Oth [...]n, or Oden, The [...] tsometime theyr prince called the second day of ye wéeke Thewesday the iij. day Wodensdach. Lyke­wise of Thor, they called the iiij day Thors­dach, and of Frea wyfe to Woden the v. was named Freadach. Albeit there are (and not amisse as I thinke) that suppose them to meane by Thor, Iupiter, by Woden Mercu­ry, by Frea Venus, and finally by Theut Mars: which if it be so, then it is an easie ma­ter to find out the Germaine Mars, Venus, Mercury and Iupiter, wherof you may read more héereafter in my Chronologie. The truth is, that Frea had 7. sonnes by Woden, as Woden the first, father to Wecca, of whome descēded those that were afterwards kings of Kent, Fethelgeta was the seconde. and of hym came the kings of Mertia. Bal­day 3. father to the kings of the Westsaxōs. Beldagius 4. parent to the kings of Bren­nicia or Northumberland. Weogodach 5. author of the kings of Deyra. Caser. 6. rote of the Estangle race, and Nascad originall burgeaunt of the kings of Essex. As for the kings of Sussex, although they were of the same people, yet were they not of the same streigne, as our old monuments do expresse. But to procéede. Of wéekes, our monethes are made whych are so called of the Moone, each one conteing 28. dayes, or 4. wéekes, wythout any further curiosity. For we reckē not our time by the yeare of the Moone, as the Iewes, Grecians or Romains did at the first, or as the Turks, Arabians & Persians do now: neyther any parcell therof by ye sayd part as they do in ye West Indies, wher they haue neither weke, moneth nor yere, but on­ly a general accoūt of hundreds & thousands of Moones, wherfore if we say or wryte a mo­neth, it is to be expounded of 28. dayes or 4. wéekes only. Or if you take it at large for a moneth of the common Kalender, whych ne­uerthelesse in plées and sutes is nothyng at all allowed of, sith the Moone maketh hir ful reuolutiō in 28. dayes, that is, vnto the place where she left the Sunne, notwythstanding that he be now gone, and at hir returne not to be found where shée departed from hym.

In olde time eche Moneth of the Romaine Calender, was reconed after the course of ye Moone, and theyr entraunces were incer­taine, as were also the changes of that Pla­net. But after Iulius Caesar had once correc­ted the same, the seuerall beginninges of e­uerye one of them dyd not onely remayne fyxed, but also the olde order in the deuisi­on of their partes continued still vnaltered: so that the Moneth is yet deuided as before i [...] Calendes, Ides, and Nones, albeit that [...] mydaies, the vse of the same be but small, & their order retained only in our Calenders for the better vnderstanding of such tymes as the historiographers and olde authors do remember. The reconing also of ech of the [...] goeth as you sée after a preposterous order whereby the Romaynes dyd rather now howe many daies were to the next chaunge from the precedent then contraywyse, as b [...] perusall of ye same you shall more easily per­ceyue. The daies also of the change; of ye Mo­neth of ye Moone, called are Callendae, which in time of Paganisme were consecrated by Iuno, & sacrifice made to that goddesse on ye same. On these daies also, and on ye Ides an Nones they would not marye. Likewise the morow after eche of thē, were called dies A­cri, blacke daies, as some bookes doe yet re­member. The word Calendae in Gréeke Ne­omenia, is deriued of the worde Calo, to call: for vpon the first daye of euery Moneth, the Priest vsed to call the people of the Citie & country togither, and shewe them by a cus­tome howe many daies were from the saide Calendes to the Nones, and what feasts were to be celebrated betwéene that and the nexte chaunge. The Nones commonly are not aboue 4. or 6. in euery Moneth, and so long as the Nones lasted, so long did the Mercates continue, & therfore they were called Nones quasi Nundinae. In them also were neyther Hollydayes (more then at thys present ex­cept ye day of the Purification of our Lady) nor sacrifice offred to the gods, but each one applied hys businesse, and kept hys market, reckening the first day after the Calends or chaūge, to be the 4. or 6. day before the faire ended. Some thinke that they were called Nonae, of the word Non, quia in ijsdem dij non coluntur, or as Ouide sayeth. Nonarum tutela deo caret. But howsoeuer it be, sure it is that they were ye mart dayes of euery mo­neth wherein the people bought, solde, and dyd nothing else. The Idus are so named of the Hethruscien word Iduare to deuide, and before that Cesar altered the Calender, they deuided the moneth commonly by the myd­dest. But afterward when he had added cer­taine dayes thereto, thereby to make it a­grée wyth the yeare of the sunne (whych he intruded about the ende of euerye mo­neth, because he woulde not alter the ce­lebration of theyr vsuall Feastes: then came they shorte of the myddest, some­time by two or thrée daies. In these theefore which alwaies are eyght, the Marchauntes had laysure to packe vp and conueigh them [Page 119] marchaundise, to paye their creditors and make merry with their friendes. After the Idus do the Calendes followe, but in a decrea­sing order, as the Moone doth in light when shée is past the full. But herein lyeth all the mysterie, if you can saye so many dayes be­fore the next chaunge or newe Moone, as the number there expressed doth betoken. As for 16. cal. so many dayes before the next con­iunctiō. &c. Of these Calendes, I meane touch­ing their number in euery Moneth, I fynde these verses insuing.

Ianus & Augustus denas nouem (que) Decēber,
Iunius, Aprilis, Septēber & ipse Nouember,
Ter senas retinent, Februus bis Oeto. Calēdas
Iulius October Mars Mains Epadecem (que)

In Englishe thus,

December, Ian, and August moneth full nyneteene
Calendes haue.
September, Iune, Nouember and Aprill twyse nine desire,
Syxteene foule Februarie hath, no more can he well craue.
October, Maye and Iuly hote, but seauenteene doe require,

In lyke maner of nones and Ides.

Sex maius Nonas, October, Iulius & Mars;
Quatuor at reliqui, dabit Idus quilibet octo.
To Iuly, March, October, May, sixe nones I hight,
The rest but 4, as for your Ides they aske but eight

Agayne touching the number of dayes in euery moneth.

Iunius, Aprilis, Septem (que), Nouem (que) tricenos
vnū plus reliqui, Februꝰ tenet octo vicenos,
At si bissextus fuerit super additur vnus.
Thirty dayes hath Nouember
Aprill, Iune and September,
Twentie and eyght hath February alone,
and all the rest thirty and one,
But in the leape you must adde one.

[...]re.Our yeare is accounted after the course of the sunne, and although the church hath some vse of that of the Moone for the obseruation of certaine mooueable feastes, yet it is reduc­ted to that of the Sunne, which in our ci­uile dealinges is chiefly had in vse. Herein onely I finde a scruple that the beginning thereof is not vniforme and certaine, for our recordes beare Date the 25. of March, and our Calenders of the first of Ianuary. Our sundrie officers also haue sundrie enteraun­ces into their charges of custome, which bréedeth great confusion, whereas if all these might be referred to one originall (and that to be the first of Ianuarie) I do not thincke but there would be more certaintie and lesse trouble for our historiographers and offices in their account of the yeare. Furthermore, whereas our intercalation for the Leape yeare is somewhat to much by certayne mi­nutes (which in 309. yeares do amount vnto an whole day) yf one intercalation in [...]o ma­ny were o [...]ted, our Calender would be the more perfite: & I woulde wish that the same yeare wherein the saide intercalation should be ouerpassed, might be called Annus mag­nus Elizabethae in perpetual remembrance, of our noble and soueraign princesse▪ Certes the next [...] is to be performed yf all Princes woulde agree thereto in the Leape yeare that shall be about the yeare of grace 1700. If it shall please God that the worlde may last so long. Aboue the yeare we haue no mo partes of Time, that cary any seuerall names with them, except you will affirme the worde age, to be one which is taken for 100 yeares, & signifieth in Englishe so much as Seculum or Euum doth in latine, whereof this may suffice. But to conclude withal, you shall haue a table of the names of the dayes of the wéeke, after the olde Saxon and Scot­tish maner, which I haue borowed from a­mongest our auncient wryters.

The present names.
  • Monday.
  • Tuesday.
  • Wednesday.
  • Thursday.
  • Fryday.
  • Saterday.
  • Sunday.
The olde Saxon names.
  • Monendeg.
  • Tuesdeg.
  • Wodnesdeg.
  • Thunresdeg.
  • Firgesdeg.
  • Saterdeg.
  • Sunnandeg.
The Scottish vsage.
  • Diu Luna.
  • Diu Mart.
  • Diu Yath.
  • Diu Ethamon.
  • Diu Friach.
  • Diu Satur.
  • Diu Serol.

Of the maner of measuring the length and bredth of things after the English vsage. Cap. 22.

THe first and smallest of our measures is the Barly corne, whereof thrée being taken out of the middest of the ere, well dried and layde endewardes one to another, are sayde to make an ynche,Inche. which the Latines measure after the bredth of the thombe, and therfore of some is called Pollicare, although the true name thereof be Vncia, as I haue often reade.Finger bredth. That which they call Digitus or the finger bredth, is not in vse with vs: yet is it the sixtenth part of theyr foote, as the inche is the twelfth of ours.Palme. Each palme or hand bredth cōtaineth also foure of theyr fingers, as by the figure héere insuing, may easily be perceyued, whych I haue set downe onely to the ende that who so listeth may beholde the [Page] diuersity not onely betwéene the Romaine measure & ours, but also of their owne stan­dard which hath chaunged oft among them.

Certes it coulde not well be brought to passe, to giue out the whole foote because the quantitie of the page would not suffer mée so to doe, wherefore I haue exemplified only in the halfe, which I hope shall abundauntly satisfie eche one that is desirous to sée and perceyue their difference. The first columne therefore setteth downe the halfe foote, after the standerd of Englād. The 2. séemeth to be a Romain foote, found out of late by Bartho­lomeus Marlianus, and set downe to be séene in his Topography of Rome. Therin also e­uerye

[figure]

fynger breadth contei­neth two of the old assize, wher­by hée maketh not 16. but one­ly eyght in the whole, as you may there be­hold. The third is that which Budeus had sōe­time delyuered vnto him, who was very cury­ous in serching of the weights, and measures, of olde tyme as maye yet ap­peare by his ex­cellent treatize De asse, wherin hys syngular skill in thys be­halfe doth eui­dently appeare.

The fourth was foūde long since, by Leo­nardꝰ de Portis, in a Garden at Rome, belong­yng to Angelus Colotius. The fift is the halfe foote of Paris, diuyded by the ynche, and yet equall to ye Ro­maine standerd described by Budeus. The last showeth the the quantitie of their Palme, whereof their foote hath foure, and eche Palme conteyneth 4. fingers as I haue saide already. By this Tablet also as you may sée, howe eche stan­derde excéedeth or commeth shorte of other, Wherefore it shall not néede for me to [...] any longer vppon theyr differences, which may so well and better be determined by the eye. Of our measures therefore.

Thrée Barly cornes do make an ynche.

Twelue ynches yéelde a foote.

Thrée foote are our yarde.

One yarde and nyne ynches giue an el [...]

Seauen foote yéelde a fadam.

By the standerde. Although we vse com­monly to call the space betwéene the toppes of our middle fingers (when our armes bée stretched out at length) by that name also: the same likewyse beyng called Passus some­times, as the height of a man is Status, & sup­posed to be all one with the lesser fadam, or or extention of his armes. But to procéede.

Sixtéene foote & an halfe, or 5. yardes & an halfe do make a pole in whose Area are 272. of our feete & an half. Foure poles in length, and one in breadth, do yéeld a rodde, or rode of grounde, which some call a fardendele or yardlande. Foure roddes doe gyue an Acre, whose plotte hath 43600. or fortie poole in length, and thereto foure in bredth.

The auncient Romaynes had for theyr land as Columella saith. lib. 5. cap. 1.

The finger bredth.

The foote of sixtéene finger bredthes.

The pace fiue foote.

Actus euery way had a 120. foote. In Hispa­nia Betica, it hight Agna: but in Gallia Arepē.

Iugerum, had two Actus and was so called tāquam a iunctis Actibus: so that it conteined one way 240. foote, and 120. another, that is, 28800. foote in the whole plot.

Porca. 7200. féete.

Versus, 8640. Agna. 14400.

The furlong hath 125. paces, or 625. féete. Eyght furlonges also made a myle.

Centuria, hath 200 Iugera, but in olde time onely, 100. for notwithstanding that the first be doubbled, yet it retaineth still the pristi­nate denomination, as we sée in the worde tribe, which was at the first but one part of the thrée, wherinto ye whole people of Rome were seuered & deuided. But let vs returne vnto our owne againe.

¶ It lyke sort for such as trauaile.

Fyue foote measured by the sayde ynche make a pace & 125. paces doe yéelde a fur­long.

Eyght furlonges or 1000. paces is a mile, and after ths Geometricall pace are ou [...] myles measured, which some notwithstan­ding doe recone by about 278. tournes of a [Page 120] Carte whéeles, whose compasse is common­ly of eyghtéene foote of the stand [...]rd, and and height fyue foote and an halfe, as I haue béene informed by W [...]ele [...] [...]hthes in the citie.

By the foote also we measure glasse, and Tymber and all others our buyldings. By the yarde our woollen cloth, tapissery, Arras Sylkes, and Laces: but our li [...]en by ye [...]l [...]e. Finally our woodes and pastures are layed out by the p [...]le, and therto our hedging, and ditching, after the same note: although the depth of our ditches is measured by the foote & likewise their bredth as experience dayly cōfirmeth. Besids this we haue also another kind of measuring, & that is by the fadam, the vse whereof is onely: seene in the dig­ging of pittes, welles & mines, measuring of ropes, & sounding the depth of the sea, when dreade of perill inforceth our mariners to sée vnto their safegarde. It is furthermore a common opinion amongst vs, that euery hundred acres of grounde, containe iust a myle in compa [...]e rounde aboute: but as I haue not yet examined howe truely thys is saide, so I am most sure that a plot of 400. Acres, shall not yéelde a lyke proportions, by the one halfe, whensoeuer you walke a­bout it. And euen thus woulde I ende with this chapter, concerning our maner of mea­suring before remēbred were it not that I thinke good to set downe what I haue ga­thered of the lyke measurynges as they haue ben vsed in other countries where they also doe reconne by the Graine, making their accompt much after such maner as fol­loweth.

The Digitus or finger breadth hath foure graines layd side to side.

The Vncia maior, thrée fingers.

The palme hath foure fingers.

Their dichas two hande breadthes or eyght fingers.

Their spanne thrée hand bredthes or twelue fingers bredthes.

Their foote is sixtéene fingers or foure hand­bredthes.

Their foote and halfe in latine, Sesquipes or Cubitus, 24. finger bredthes.

The steppe two foote and an halfe.

The common pace thrée foote.

The Geometricall fyue foote.

The Orgia sixe foote, as I gather out of Su­das.

The league thrée myles English.

The common dutche myle ▪4000. paces.

The greate dutch myle 5000 paces.

¶ In lyke sorte the Latines & we doe mea­sure our iourneys by myles.

The Grecians by furlonges.

The french and spanishe by leagues.

The Egiptians by Signes.

The Persians by Paras [...]ngas, of which ech one conteyneth thirtie furlonges.

As for the olde Brytishe myle that inclu­deth 1500. paces english, it shal not greately néede to make any discourse of it, & so much the lesse, sith it is yet in vse and not forgottē among the Welch men, as Leland hath no­ted in his commentaries of Bryteine▪ wher­fore it may suffise to haue saide thus much of the same, and so of all the rest, beyng mind­full to goe forwarde and make an ende of this treatize.

Of English weightes and their compa­rison with others. Cap. 23.

THe least of our waightes is a grayne, betwéene which and the ounce we haue the halfe quarter, the half, and thrée quarters of the ounce. In olde tyme these smaller partes were commonlye reconed by péeces of coyne and not by quarter and halfe quar­ter as we doe nowe. As by the farding or fourth part of a peny, which waighed eyght graines, the halfepeny that peysed sixtéene, and peny that counterpeysed 32. and was in [...]éede the 32. part of an ounce, so that for the halfe quarter we sayd two pence halfepeny, for the quarter fiue pence, and halfe ounce tenne pence, which is nowe growne out of vse, & our coine so inhaunced that 6.0. of our pence doe hardly make an ounce, and aleauē graines suffice with the more to counter­peyse a peny.

The Athenien ounce was lesse then ours by 64. graynes, and deuided into his partes after this maner following.

Lepta the seauenth part of two graynes.

Granum, A graine.

Chalcus two graines and seauen Leptae.

Siliqua foure graines.

Semiobolus sixe graines or thrée Chalchi.

Obolus hath twelue graines.

Scriptulum two Obolos.

Drachma 3 Scriptula or 72. graines.

Vncia 8 Drachmes: 24. Scriptulas: 48. Ob: 576 graines, whereby they differed not al­so from the Romaines in their vncia who reconed their small waightes after this ma­ner following.

A graine the least of all.

Siliqua had 4. graines.

Semiobolus 6. graines.

Obolus 12. graines.

Victoriatus one thirtenth part of an ounce [Page] or 41. graines and 1/14 of a graine.

Denarius the seauenth part of an ounce.

Sextula the sixt part.

Sicilicus the fourth part.

Duella the thirde part.

Semuncia the second part, or half an ounce otherwyse called a Stater.

Vncia the ounce which had two Semuncias 3. Duellas: 4. Sicilicos: 6. Stextulas: 7. Dena­rios: 14. Victoriatus: and 576. graines, as they themselues doe number them.

Epiphanius in his De mensuris & pon­deribus, speaking of the ounce deuideth it in­to twoo Stateres, 4. Siclos, and 8. Drach­mes, whereby he maketh the Stater to con­taine halfe an ounce or two Didrachmas. And as he agréeth with vs in 8. Drachmes to the ounce, so he maketh the lesse Holcen to counteruaile the Drachme, and the greater the Sicle: after which also the heare of Ab­solon was weighed and founde to haue Hol­cen siclorum 125. that is two pounde and an halfe as he maketh vp his reckening.

That the Siclus was once called [...]alen­tum I referre you to Eusebius his 9. booke De preparatione Euangelica, where he alled­geth the authoritie of Eupolemus, writing of Dauid, Salomon and the buylding of the Temple at large. In the 30. of Exodus wée finde the Iewish Sicle to containe 20. obolos, which Iosephus expounding in the thirde of his Antiquities, sayth that the Sicle of the Hebrues dyd counteruaile foure Drachmes of Athens. The like doeth Ierome affirme vpon the fourth of Ezechiel. Hereof also Eu­polemus gathereth manifestly that the 10. talentes of golde which Salomon gaue vnto eache of those workemen that wrought vpon his Temple, were but so many Sicles yf his authoritie be sounde. But to our owne.

We haue also a weight called the pounde, whereof are two sortes the one taking name of Troy contayning twelue ounces (after which our liquide & drie measures are wei­ghed and our plat solde) the other commonly called Haberdupois, whereby our other arti­ficers and chapmen doe buye and sell theyr wares. The first of these contayneth 7680. graines wheras the other hath 10240. Each of them also are deuided into the halfe quar­ter, quarter, and halfe pounde, & thrée quar­ters as we haue sayde before in the descrip­tion of the ounce. Nowe in conference of the same with the Gréecian weightes if you re­spect the Mna commonly vsed amongest the Phisitiōs and Surgeons (I meane for num­ber of ounces) you shall finde small difference betwéene these and our Haberdupois, but yf you better cōsider of their difference in oun­ces, you shall sée some oddes which I will hereafter sette downe. Furthermore as we haue twoo sortes of poundes in Englande, so the Gréekes [...]de the sore alleadged, haue thrée kindes of Mnas, whereof the first called the greater or the newe, hath

  • 12. ounces and foure Drachmes, or
  • 100. Drachmes, or
  • 600. Obolos, or Semiobolos. 1200.
  • 3600. Calchos, or
  • 25200. Leptas & of these Liuie speaketh.

Their second is called the olde Mna, whose proportion is giuen out after thys maner, and hath

  • 9. ounces and thrée Drachmes, or
  • 75. Drachmes, or
  • 450. Obolos, or
  • 900. Semiobolos, or
  • 2700. Calchos
  • 18900. Leptas.

As for theire Apothecary Mna, it conteined after their common accoupt,

  • 15. ounces or
  • 112. Drachmes, and an halfe, or
  • 337. Scruptulas and an halfe, or
  • 675. Obolos, whereof let this suffice.

In lyke sort the Romaines hauing but one Libra, deuided it also into these euen partes insuing,

  • 12. ounces or 576. graines.
  • 2. Semisses or 6. ounces.
  • 3. Trientes, or 4. ounces.
  • 4. Quadrantes, or 3. ounces.
  • 6. Sextantes, or 2. ounces.
  • 8. Sescuncias or one ounce and an halfe.

Beside these also they had certaine odde weightes (percelles of their Libra) which did hit in as it were betwéene these, and whose names for helpe of the diligent in hystoricall studie I will set downe as thus,

  • Denux of 11. ounces.
  • Dextans of 10. ounces.
  • Dodrans of 9. ounces.
  • Bes of 8. ounces.
  • Septunx of 7. ounces.

Quincunx of fiue ounces, whereby we sée that the Romaine Libra is not all one with the Athenien Mna as may likewyse be farther séene by this diuision insuing for the Romaine Libra hath

  • 12 Vncias.
  • 24 Semuncias.
  • 36 Duellas.
  • 48 Sicilicos.
  • 72 Sextulas.
  • 84 Denarios.
  • 168. Victoriatus & 288. Scriptula.

And as Libra surmounteth the olde Mna, so the new Mna excéedeth the Libra, and so dyd [Page 121] also the Apothecarie weight as I haue sayde before. But yet to say somewhat more of the Romaine Libra or pounde▪ & other like poy­ses, I thincke it very expedient for the helpe of such as shall méete wyth the same in rea­ding of the Hystories, & better conference of their proportion with ours.

It is to be noted that As or Assis is a worde properly to be applyed vnto any thing that may be deuided into partes, wherby it com­meth to passe that as the foote is As vnto the smaller measure, and Libra vnto the smaller coyne, so Libra or Pondo is As or Assis, vnto the partes of hys diuision being left of the greatest, & greatest of the smallest weights.

Of Libra also the pound weight was some­tyme called Libralis, 2. pounde Bilibris, thrée pounde Trilibris &c. And in like sort was Pondo vsed and also As, so that for the afore­sayde poyses we shall reade Pondo, dupon­dius, trepondius in the one: and for 3. pound, 4. pounde 9. pounde, and 10. pounde, Tressis, Quadrassis, Nonussis, and Decussis in the o­ther. Also for two Decusses 3. Decusses and 10. Decusses: Vicessis, Tricessis, and Centus­sis, that is, 20. Asses, 30. Asses and 100. Asses or poundes as the authours doe expound it. In like sorte Apondus or Assipondius is a pounde weight, Dua pondo, two pound, Tre­pondo thrée pounde, as by reading may be found out. Whensoeuer you find Pondo put with an other worde of weight, it signifieth the worde simply whervnto it is referred, as Pondo, Libra a pound, Pondo vncia an ounce and so forth in the rest. I might here say that the brasse penny of the Romaines weight at the first wayed 10. pounde, of which Sester­tius being the fourth parte contayned twoo pounde and an halfe: but when they begunne to coyne siluer money, the siluer denarius or Libra was valued after the estimation of the substaunce at 10. pounde of the brasen met­tall, and yet ye shall not reade that the Ro­maines did euer vse the worde As, Assis at any time for the siluer coine, but Libella whi­che I doe take as a thing woorthie to be no­ted. In like sort Quinarius was the halfe of the denarius, and Quadrans, a coyne of thrée ounces in brasse, whereof this may suffice. Furthermore in obseruation of the word Se­stertium. You shall vnderstande that mille Sestertium, mille Sestertium numum, mille Numum and mille Sestertij are all one. In like sort Sestertia in the Neuter gender, doe counteruaile mille Sestertios in the Mascu­line gender. But if any Aduerbe of number be added vnto them, it signifieth hundreds of thousandes. Decem Sestertia therefore are 10000. Sestertium or Sestertios. And decies Se­stertios, or Sestertiū is all one with 100000. Sestertios or Sestertium, as Budens Glarean and other haue set downe.

Thus it shall nowe be an easie matter to finde the difference betwéene these here re­membred▪ our English poises, if the num­ber of odde graines be duely considered, and these resolued into ounces or lesse weight, as occasiō doth require. Hitherto also I haue spoken of small weightes, nowe let vs sée what they be that are of the greater sort, but first of such as are in vse in Englande, reco­ning not after troye weight, but Haberdu­pois, whose pounde hath sixtéene ounces, as I haue sayde before. Of great waight ther­fore we haue

  • The cl [...]ue weighing 7. pound or half a stone.
  • The halfe quarterne of 14. pounde, in wooll a stone, whereof 26. do make a sacke.
  • The quarterne of 28. pound, in wool a Todde.
  • The halfe hundred of [...]6. pounde.
  • The hundred of 112. or 1792. ounces.

And these are vsually rec [...]ed next vnto the hundred weight, which is the greatest of all that we doe commonly vse, and of which dy­uers other are commonly made about the sale of our Tinne, Leade, Flaxe, Spyce, and all kinde of marchaundize with others, whose quantities & names are vtterly vn­knowne vnto me. Béefe is eyther solde by ye stone of eyght pounde or by the score. Chéese by the weigh. And hereof we finde two seue­rall weightes, whereof one containeth 32 Cloues, eache cloue being of seauen pound, (although some Bookes haue one but of sixe) whereby the one weigh hath 224. the other 256. pound, that is 36. cloues & foure pounde ouer weight. This is moreouer to be noted, that the worde hundred, is not alwayes vsed after one sort in waight or tale, for as fiue score are oft taken for an hundred in some respect as in money & men: so 120. do make but an hundred as in cattell. &c. after ano­ther accoūt. But if you deale by waight thē 112. is alwayes your iust number. And as the hundred is the greatest here in England, so the talent was the greatest in Grece & other countries. Howbeit as our hundredes in tale doe differ from our hundredes in waight, so did the talents differ one from another, and also from them selues, for

  • The great talent of Athens weyghed 1000. of theyr ounces.
  • The lesse of Athens 750. ounces, or 6000. drachmes.
  • That called Egyneū 1250. ounces (of theirs) or 10000. drachmes.
  • That of Syria 187. oūces, or 1500. drachms.
  • That of Babylon 875. ounces, or 7000. [Page] drachmes.

And all after the rate of the Athenian ounce, vnto whose talent also the Euboske did séeme to come very neare, as may appeare by con­ference. Now to make some collation of our weightes and these afore remembred togi­ther, and so farre as shalbe necessary for the reading of forreine hystories.

¶ Of the Ounce.

You shall vnderstand that our ounce excée­deth the ounce of the Romains or Grecians by 64. grains, as may easily be gathered by that whych is already set downe.

Out drachme therfore must néedes cōtaine 80. graines, which is 8. more then any of the other.

Our Scriptulum (if we had any) 26. grains, and a third part of two graines.

Our Obolus 13. graines and third part of a grain, so that in our mony after 5. shillings to the ounce 7. pence ob. is the iust waight of a drachme, wherby it is easie to cast the true quantitie of the lesse.

¶ Of the Mna.

The first also of the thrée Mnas afore re­membred called the greater, being cast af­ter his proportion, hath 11. ounces and two drachmes, that is 56. shillings and 3. pence, whereby it wanteth somewhat of a pounde of Troy waight.

The olde Mna hath 67. drachmes and an halfe, that is 8. of our ounces, & thrée drams, or 42. shillings, and 2. pence ob. after our En­glish reckening.

The thirde Mna hath 13. ounces & a halfe, that is 3. pound English, 7. shillings 6. pence farding, and halfe farding.

The fourth Mna first of all remembred, (I meane of 16. ounces) hath in like sort 14. ounces, 3. drachmes 16. graines or 3. pounde 12. shillings of currant money of Englande, after 5. shillings to the ounce.

¶ In lyke sort of Talents.

The great talent of Athens hath 900. oun­ces, that is of our money 225. pound.

The small talent of Athens, hath 671. oun­ces and 7. drachmes: or 167. pounde 19. shil­lings 4. pence ob. English.

The third talent of Aegyneū 1156. ounces 2. drachmes, that is 289. pound English, one shilling and 3. pence.

The fourth of those afore remembred 168. ounces 2. drachmes or 42. pound, one shilling 6. pence English.

The last, 787. ounces and 4. drachmes, or 196. pound, 17. shil. 6. pen. englysh, as I haue truely cast it, except I mistake oughts in my reckening, whych is a thing soone done: only thys can not faile, that 3. pounde in coyne is one pound in waight, after 5. shillings to the ounce, wherof let thys suffice, for the tale [...] in waight. I say in waight, because there was a péece of coyne called also a talent, as I haue noted out of Eupolemus before, [...] confoundeth it wyth a sicle. And thereof [...] read furthermore that the Hebrues Tetr [...] drachma was such a talent. As for that of the Athenienses, it contained 3. Stateres and of thys also ynough.

Of liquide measures. Cap. 24.

HItherto haue I spoken of waights, [...] it resteth that I doe the lyke of suche [...] quide measures as are presently vsed in En­gland, and haue bene of olde time amongst the Grecians and Romaines. Wherin I [...] deale so faithfully as I may, to the ende thys trauaile of mine may be some helpe to suche as shal come after in conferring forren with our home made weights and measures, and for the better vnderstanding of the histories, wherein such thyngs are spoken of. The [...] therfore of our English measures, is

A spooneful, which hath one of our drachmes and 6. graines.

An assay, taste or sippet 4. spoonefuls: or 4. drachmes and 24. graines.

A fardendele is a quarter of a poūd, pinte, [...] 3. ounces of Troy.

An Muytch 6. ounces or halfe a pinte.

A pinte 12. ounces, or a pounde, or 4. farden­deles.

A quart 24. ounces, two pintes, or 2. [...] Troy.

A pottle, 48. ounces or 4. pounde, or so many pintes.

A gallon 96. ounces, or 8. pound, or 8. pintes▪

A firkin 8. gallons or 64. pound, and thys i [...] Ale, Sope, and Herring.

The kilderkin 16. gallons.

The barrell 32. gallons. And these are [...] meare English liquide measures. The rest [...] we haue are outlandish vessels, and such as are brought ouer vnto vs wyth wares from other countreys. And yet are we not altogi­ther guided by thys rate (the more pitye) but in some things seuerall measures are vsed and receyued, as for example.

The fyrkin of beare hath 9. gallons.

The kilderkin 18. gallons.

The barrel 36. As for the hogshead of [...] it is lately come vp, and because I sée [...] made of thys assize, but onely the emptye caskes of wine reserued to thys vse, I passe ouer to say any thing thereof. If it were ac­cording to the standarde for béere, it shoulde [Page 122] containe 72. gallons, which now hath but [...]4

¶ But of Eles and Sa [...]n [...].

The firkin 10. gallons and [...] halfe.

The halfe barrell. 21. gallons.

The barrell 42. gallons.

The butte 84. gallons. Yet some est a [...] limite our Ele measure in an equal it is vnto that of Herrings, of whych 1 [...]0. go to the hū ­dred and 10000. to the last, as they are com­monly solde.

Of wine and such vessels thereof as come from beyond the seas we haue the ru [...]et of 18. gallons and a pottle.

The barrell (whych is rare) of 3. gallons.

The hogshed of 63. gallons.

The tiers of 84. gallons.

The pipe or butte of 126. gallons.

The tunne of 252.

There are also thirdes of pipes or hoggesheads, and of barrelles, which are likewise called tertians, but of these I sayd nothing, because theyr deuision is easie. [...]uche also hath bene the [...]re of our [...] here­tofore, that these very vessels [...] had theyr limitation of wright, in so much that

The firkin should wey 6. pound 6. ounces.

The halfe barrell or kilderkin 13. [...].

The barrell 26. li. whereof let th [...] [...]suffice.

And these are the quantities and names of most of our liquide measures, where vnto we wil adde first those of the old Greekes, wher­by they measured theyr wines, oyle and ho­ney, and wherof the formost is.

The sponeful, which weygheth one drachme halfe a Scriptula, 2. graines & 2. fifth partes of a graine.

Cheme hath 2. spoonefuls or 2. drachmes, one scriptulum 4. graines and ⅘ of a graine in waight.

Mystrum 2. spoonefulles and an halfe, or 3. drachmes in weight of theyrs.

Concha: 2. Mystra, or 5. spoonefulles, or sixe drachmes:

Cyathus 2. Conchas, or one oūce & a drachme

Oxybaphon 3. Conchas or 15. sponefulles, in weight 2. ounces 3. drachmes.

Quartarius 2. Oxybapha, or 4. ounces and 4. drachmes.

Cotyla alias Hermina or Tryblion, 2. quarta­ries, in weight 9. ounces of their owne.

Sextarius 2. Cotylas or 120. sponefulles: in weight 18. of theyr ounces.

Chus, Choa, or Choeus, 6. sextarios 108. oun­ces or 9. pound.

Metretes, Cadus, Ceraunius. or Chous 1296. ounces, and these were certē: howbeit they had other measures that bare the name of some of these, as

Concha the grantes, of 2. ounces 2. drachmes equall wyth the Oxybapha.

Mystrum the greater of 3. drachmes [...] drachme.

Mystrum the lusse of two [...] ­tulum and 4/ [...] partes of a graine.

Cheme the greater of 3. drachmes.

The lesse of 2. drachmes.

Cocicarium the greatest as afore.

The lesser the tenth part of a Erathus.

The lesse hath the 24. or 30. part of a Cya­thus, for this was also diuers, as I do finde in Budeus, Agricola and the Grecian wry­ters, (especially for theyr townes) because I read of an other standeth to the rurall poyse whereof I will not let also to make mention, because I would omitte nothing that may be beneficiall to the reader▪ so neare as I can pou [...]ly. Of rurall [...] therefore in the aforesayde, measures. I finde that the

Mystrum wey [...]eth 4. drachmes and a halfe.

Cyathus 4. Mystra or 2. ounces [...]2. drachmes.

Oxybapha 6. Mystra or 3. ounces and thrée drachmes.

Cotyle. 4. Oxybapha one [...] an halfe.

Clids hath 12. Cotylas or thirtéene pound.

Amphora 4. Cotylas, or 54. pound.

Metretes 2. Amphoras 108. pound, as likewise the Medymnus.

Now let vs sée the liquide measure of the Romaines, whych is all one wyth theyr dry, therfore theyr Ligula Coclearu or spone full hathe 240. graines or 3. drachmes in weight, whereby it farre sormounteth the Grecian spoonefull.

Cyathus 4. sponefuls, or 960 graines.

Acetabulum a Cyathus and an halfe, or sixe sponefuls, or 2. ounces and an halfe.

Quartarius 2. Acetabula or 5. ounces.

Hemina 2. Quartario or 10. ounces.

Sextarius 2. Heminas or 20. ounces.

Congius 6. Sextarios or 10. pound.

Vrna 4. Congios or 40. pound.

Amphora 2. Vrnas or 80. pound.

Culeus 20. Amphoras or 1600. pound. After the Romaine standerd, so well in the drye as in the liquide measures. And thus muche of these in generall.

¶ Now let vs compare them with ours & set what proportion or oddes is to be had be­twéene them.

Our sponefull hath a Drachme and sixe graines and two fift partes of a graine after our standard of Drachmes, whereof one is alwayes the eyght part of an ounce.

Theyr Cheme is of ours Drachmes 12. [Page] graines and [...] part of a graine.

Their Mystrum one Drachme and one graine.

Concha fiue Drachmes or 32. graines or 3. shillinges and peny halfe peny after fiue shillinges to the ounce.

Cyathus one ounce and eyght graines.

Oxybaphon two ounces and 16. graines.

Quartarius foure ounces and 32. graines.

Cotyla eyght ounces 64. graines or thrée quarters of a Drachme and foure graines.

Sextarius sixetéene ounces, one Drachme 48. graines.

Choa 97. ounces one Drachme or eyght pounde Troy, one ounce one Drachme and 48. graines.

Metretes 1166. ounces and thrée Drach­mes, or 97. pounde Troye two ounces and thrée Drachmes, which is all one with 12. gallons & a pint after our english measure.

Their rurall measures also being compa­red with ours, yéelde thys proportion.

Mystrum hath foure Drachmes 4. graines

Cyathus two ounces and sixtéene graines.

Oxybapha 3. ounces 24. graines or a quar­ter of a pint and somewhat more.

Chus twelue pounde one ounce 6 Drach­mes and 32. graines: thrée pottels and odde measure.

Amphora 47. pounde seauen ounces and an halfe and 48. grains which wanteth not full fiue ounces of 6. gallons, after our English measures.

Metretes hath 97. pounde two ounces thrée Drachmes 16. graines or twelue gallons & a pinte. &c. that is, thrée gallons and a pint. &c. aboue our Kilderkin of béere.

¶ Hauing thus procéeded in extent & com­parison of the Grecian measures with ours, let vs do the like with those of the Romaines and then our taske is performed.

The Romaine spoonful is exactly 3. Drach­mes english.

The Cyathus twelue Drachmes, that is, one ounce and an halfe.

Acetabulum two ounces & 2. Drachmes.

Quartarius foure ounces, and 4. Drach­mes English.

Hemina nine ounces or thrée quarters of a pinte.

Sextarius one pinte and an halfe.

Congius thrée quartes or 72. ounces.

Vrna thrée gallons or 24. pounde.

Amphora 6. gallons or 48. pounde.

Culeus 120. gallons, which is two hoggesheades of our auncient measure, sauing 8. gallons: or thrée barrelles and a kilderkin, sauing that there are 6. gallons ouer mea­sure, whereby our account excéedeth that of the Romaines.

And thus much briefly of liquid meas [...], wherein yf I haue béene more long & [...] ­ous then thou peraduenture diddest [...] at the first, yet the benefite gotten ther [...] shall, I hope, counteruaile the trauail [...] [...] reading of the same. And as I haue dispat­ched my handes in this sorte of the [...], now it resisteth that I doe the lyke with the drie measures, & then shall that little On [...] ti [...]e haue an ende, Whereof I spake before & might otherwyse haue perished her [...] (for me) yf it had not béene inserted here vppon this necessarie occasion.

Of the drie measures of Englande, and their comparison with others. Cap. 25.

AS before we sée in the moyst, so doe all our drie measures fetch their originall from the sponefull &c. vntill they come al the gallon: beyonde the which wée haue [...] Pecke or farthendeale of a bushell (for that is our Englishe worde for a fourth part) [...] twoo gallons.

Halfe bushell of foure gallons.

Bushell of eyght gallons, or 64. pounde, Troye.

Strike of two Bushelles or 128. pounded by 16. gallons.

Coome rasor or corn [...]cke of foure burshell or 256. pounde or 32. gallons.

Quarter or seame of 8. Bushelles or 512. pounde or 64. gallons.

Way, or 6. quarters of 5702. pounde or 384. gallons as by the rule of proportion is easie to be founde.

By these measures also we measure our Mustard séede, Rape séede, Carot rootes, salt, and fruite, notwithstanding that the filling of the Bushell be diuers, sith in Corne, salte, and séedes we strike with a rule, but in Ap­ples & Rootes we poure them on by heape [...] ▪ This is furthermore to be considered, that although one wheate or barly be heauyer then an other, as the soyle is wette or drie, Barly cōmonly then Otes, Rye then [...]arly, wheate then Rye. &c. also in liquide wares, Oyle compared with wine, and both wyth hony, yet ye measure framed after the afore­sayde weightes doth meate them all indiffe­rently so that the quantitie of the standarde and not the qualitie of ware measured, is al­wayes to be looked on. In déede it is founde by experience that a lyke measure of wyne Oyle and hony being weighed togither, the Oyle shalbe lighter by a ninth part then the [Page 123] wine, and the hony heauyer then the Wine almost by a thirde. Certes there is nothing that cōmeth néerer the weight of wine then the purest water, and yet one Wine is hea­uyer then an other as waters also are, of which the most grosse is euer more ye weigh­tiest. And these thinges haue not béene vn­knowne in tymes past also vnto the Gre­cians: for weyghing theyr Culeus of Oyle, it peysed but 1333. pound, 4 oūces, wheras that of Wine came vnto 1481. li. fiue oun­ces sixe Drachmes and foure Silquas. But of hony vnto 2222. pounde, twoo ounces, 9. Drachmes, one Scriptula. &c. whereof this maye suffice for an admonition to the rea­der. Nowe let vs see those of the Grecians for my former purpose, whose

Cyathus hath tenne spoonfulles, or an ounce and one Drachme.

Oxybaphon 15. spoonfulles or two ounces and two Drachmes.

Cotyle foure Oxybapha or nine ounces.

Sextarius 2. Cotylas or 18. ounces.

Chenix. 3 Cotylas or 27. ounces, so called bycause that quantitie suffised to finde a man breade for an whole daye. [...]er [...]enice ne [...]eas, [...], is stay [...] vpon [...] dayes [...]ision, [...]ouerbe [...]sed by [...]hagoras

Medimnus or Metretes: 48. Chenices, or 108. pounde.

¶ In lyke sort in Rurall measures their Mystrum hath 2. spoonfulles and an halfe.

Cyathus 4. Mystra, or sixe spoonfulles.

Oxybaphon 4. Mystra 2. ounces 2. Drach­mes.

Cotyle foure Oxybapha, nyne ounces.

Chenicx 3. Cotylas 27. ounces.

Semiduodecima Medymni 2. Chenicas 4. pounde 6. ounces.

Semisextarius 9. pounde.

Sextarius 18. pounde.

Tertiarius 16. Chenicas 36. pounde.

Semimedymnū 24. Chenicas or 54. pound.

[...]you [...]de of a [...]dymnus [...]. Modi­ [...] [...] you [...]st ac­ [...]ept it as [...]ewe [...]cilian [...]asure, ye [...]erwise Rome or [...]hens [...]teined [...]nd the [...] Sici­ [...] mea­ [...] 4. and [...]alfe. Medymnus 28. Chenicas or 108. pound and these of the Gréekes.

Now shall those of the Romaines followe in such order as in sueth.

Cloclearium a spoonefull 3. Drachmes and one Scriptula.

Cyathus 4. spoonefuls one ounce & an halfe, one Drachme one Scriptula.

Acetabulum a Cyathus & an halfe 2. oun­ces and foure Drachmes.

Hemina or Cotula foure Acetabula or tenne ounces.

Sextarius two Heminas or 20. ounces.

Semodius eyght Sextarios 13. pounde foure ounces.

Modius 16. Sextarios [...]6. pounde 8. ounces.

These aforesayde measures compared al­so with our English haue such proportion.

Cyathus as aforesayde, one ounce & eight graines, Englishe.

Cotyle, 6. ounces 48. graines English.

Chenix one pounde 6. ounces, one Drach­me 64. graines English.

Medymnus 72. pounde, 10. ounces, 32. grains English.

Their Rurall measures conferred with ours.

Chenix a quarte.

Semiduodecima a Pottle & 4. Drachm.

Semisextarius, a gallon and an ounce.

Sextarius, two gallons and two ounces.

Tertiariꝰ, foure gallons & foure ounces.

Semimedimnus 6. gallons & halfe a pint.

Medymnus exactly 13. gallons.

Whereby we sée that their lyquide mea­sure is somewhat greater then the drye by two ounces and thrée Drachmes. Nowe it resteth yt I do the like wt the weightes of the Romaine dry measures, after which I will gyue out the weightes of Venice as Au­gustinus Pantheus in his de rebus Voarcha­dumicis and other doe set them downe.

Cyathus one ounce and an halfe.

Semodius, 12. pounde Troy, that is, a gallon and an halfe.

Modius 24. pound, that is, thrée gallons,

And more I remember not at this pre­sent of their drye measure,

I might here adde other measures of the Hebrues also. But I find such variety in thē as maketh me rather to omit then publishe them in this treatize. And fyrst of all theyr Chor, which signifieth an heape of graine,Chor. & is not onely the iust loade of a Camell, but also containeth 30. Modios as Epiphanius doth set downe, notwithstanding that Budeꝰ hath 41. Medimmos. Lethec. The Lethec also (wherof Osee speaketh, saying, Morcede conduxi mihi Lethec hordei. &c.) is al one with the Gomor or halfe Cor, and called Lethec of lifting vp,Gomor. because a yong man might easely lift it vp to laye it vpon his asse. Their Batos of Oyle,Batos. with Epiphanius hath, 50. Sextarios, with Budee 27. The Modius of ye Iues, 22. Sextarios in the first, but in the treatize of this later, only 16. In lyke sorte there is difference in the Cab. as fourth part of the Modius. Modius. Cab. Mnasis. Also in ye Mansis, or Medimnus, which after Epipha­nis hath 10. Modios, ye Salanien or Constan­tinuan 5. Modios and that of Paphos and Si­cilia, onely 4¼ all which discordances I am not able to reconcile, especially being things of such antiquitie, and therfore I giue vppe to speake any longer of them. Furthermore in turning ouer such old bookes as came vn­to [Page] my handes I finde also this note insuyng 6. which

Charette hath 4. graines.

Peny 8 Carettes.

Euery graine of Batement a Peny in Gold, but after Fraunce, Venice, and some other places, they haue but sixe Carettes in the peny, and 4. graines in the Carette, which oddes groweth by the difference of weightes, for beyonde the sea they haue 24. pence in the ounce, which is 4. pence more in value, then the ounce English, after the olde occount of pence. By these Carettes pearles and stones are valued and solde, but not gold, which hath neuerthelesse the name of Carettes in his Pois, but after an other proportion.

Of Weightes of Venice, also Augustinus Pantheus, saith thus.
  • Eximo is the 156. parte of a graine.
  • A graine conteineth 156. Eximos.
  • Charattus or Siliqua 4 graines.
  • Quartus 36. Carattes, or the olde guilden,
  • Ounce 4. quartes. 144. Carattes.
  • Marca or Bes 8. ounces or 1152. Carattes.
  • Marchus 16. ounces, or 2304. Carattes.
  • Rubus 20. Marcas.
  • Posta 40. Marchas, whereof let this suffice, & for the settyng forth of the iust proportion of weights and measures, I hope that which is already spoken shall be ynough.

¶I haue thought good to deliuer the names of the Archbyshops and Byshops of London, as they succeded since the Brytons were first con­uerted into the faith.

Archbishops.
  • Theon.
  • Eluanus.
  • Cadocus.
  • Ouinus.
  • Conanus.
  • Palladius.
  • Stephanus.
  • Iltutus.
  • Theodwinus.
  • Theodredus.
  • Hillarius.
  • Guittelinus.
  • Vodinus, slaine by the Saxons.
  • *Theonus.

The Sie voide many yeares.

  • Augustus Monachus.

¶ The Archebishop remouing his Sie to Cantorbury these Byshops succeeded.

  • Mellitus.

The Sie voyde a season.

  • Wina.
  • Erkenwaldus.
  • Waldherus.
  • Iugaldus.
  • Egulphus.
  • Wigotus.
  • Eadbricus.
  • Edgarus.
  • Kiniwalchus.
  • Eadbaldus.
  • Eadbertus.
  • Oswinus.
  • Ethelmothus.
  • Ceadbertus.
  • Cernulphus.
  • Suithulphus.
  • Eadstanus.
  • Wulfinus.
  • Ethelwaldus.
  • Elstanus.
  • Brithelmus.
  • Dunstanus.
  • Theodoricus.
  • Alwijnus.
  • Elswoldus.
  • Robertus.
  • Wilhelmus.
  • Hugo.

The Sie voide 11. yeares.

  • Mauricius.
  • Richardus Beaumish.
  • Gilbertus.
  • Robertus.
  • Richardus.
  • Gilbertus.
  • Richardus.
  • Wilhelmus.
  • Eustathius.
  • Rogerus.
  • Fulco.
  • Henricus.
  • Richardus.
  • Radulphus.
  • Gilbertus.
  • Richardus Biutworth.
  • Stephanus.
  • Richardus.
  • Radulphus Baldoc.
  • Michaell.
  • Simon.
  • Robertus.
  • Thomas.
  • Richardus.
  • Thomas Sauagius.
  • Wilhelmus.
  • Wilhelmus warham.
  • Wilhelmus Barnes.
  • Richardus fitz Iames.
  • Cuthbertus Tunstall.
  • Iohanes Stokesley.
  • Edmundus Boner.
  • Nicholas Ridley.
  • Edmonde Boner a­gaine.
  • Edmond Grindall.
  • Eadwijn Serides.
  • Elmer.

¶Here followeth the principall Fair [...] kept in Englande.

Faires in Ianuary. THe sixt day being Twelfe day, at S [...] ­bury. The 25. being S. Paules day, [...] Bristowe, at Grauesende, at Churching [...] at Northalertō in Yorkeshire, where is kept a faire euery wednesday from Christ made vntill Iune.

[Page 124] Fayres in February. THe first day at Bromley. The second at Linne, at Bath, at Maidstone, at Bic­kelsworth, at Budworth. The 14. at Feuer­sham. On Ashwednesday at Lichfielde, at Tamworth, at Royston, at Excestet at, A­bington, at Ciceter. The 24. at Henley vpon Thames, at Tewkesbury.

Fayres in March. ON s. Georges daye, at Stamforde, and at Sudbury. The 13. day at Wie, at the Mount, and at Bodmin in Cornewall. The 5. Sunday in Lent, at Grantham at Salis­bury. On Monday before our Lady daye in Lent, at Wisbich, at Kendale, Denbigh in Wales. On Palmesundaye euen, [...] Pum­phret. On Palmsunday, at Worcester. The 20. day at Durham. On our Ladye daye in Lent at Northamton, at Maiden, at great Chart, at Newcastell. And all the Ladyē daies at Huntington.

Fayres in Aprill. THe 5. day at Walingforde. The 7. at Darbye. The 9. at Bickleswoorthe, at Bilingworth. On monday after, at Eueshā in Worcester shire. On Twesday in Easter wéeke, at Northflete, at Rochford, at Hitchin. The thirde Sunday after Easter, at Louth. The 22. at Stabford, on S. Georges day, at Charing, at Ipswich, at Tāworth, at Amt­hill, at Hinningham, at Gilforde, at S. Pombes in Cornewall. On saint Markes day at Darby, at Dunniow in Essex. The 26. at Tenderden in Kent.

Fayres in May. ON May daye at Rippon, at Perin in Corn [...]wall, at Osestrie in Wales, at Lexfield in S [...]olke, at S [...]old ye old, at [...] ­ding, at Leicester, at Che [...]ford, at M [...]e at Brickehill, at Blackeb [...]ne, [...] The 3. at Bramyarde, at [...], at El [...]ow. The 7. at Beuerley, at Newton, at Oxforde. On Ascention day a [...] Newcas [...]l, at Yerne, at Brimechame, at S. Edes, at Byshop Stratforde, at Wicham, at M [...]e­wiche, at Stopforde, at Chappell Frith. On Whitsun euen, at Skipton vppon [...]a [...]e [...] On Whitsunday, at R [...], and euery wednesday fortnight at Kingston vpō Thames, at Ratesdale, at Kirby Stephin in Wēstmerlande. On munday in Whitsunne wéeke, at Darington, at Excester, at Brad­forde, at Rygate, at Burton, at Salforth, at Whitechurch, at Cokermouth, at Appelby, at Bicklesworth, on Tewsday on Whitsun-wéeke, at Lewse, at Rochford, at Cantorbu­ry, at Ormeskirke, at Herith. On wednes­day in Whitsun wéeke, at Sandbarre. On Trinitie sunday, at Kendall, and at Rowell, On thursday after Trinitie sunday, at Pres­cote, at Stapforde, at S. Annes, at Newdu­ry, at Couentry, at S. Edes, at Bishoppe Stotforde, at Rosse. The 9. at Lochester, at Dunstable. The 27. day at Lenham. The 29. at Crambrooke.

Fayres in Iune. THe 9. day at Maydestone. The 11. at O­kingham, at Newborowgh, at Maxfield at Holte. The 23. at Shrewesbury, at Saint Albons. The 24. day at Horsham, at Bedel, at Strackstocke, at s. Annes, at Wakefield, at Colchester, at Reading, at Bedforde, at Barnewell, at Wollerhampton, at Cram­brooke, at Glocester, at Lincolne, at Peter­borough, at Windsore, at Harstone, at Lan­caster, at Westchester, at Hallifaxe, at Ash­borne. The 27. at Falkestone. The 28. at Hetcorne, at S. Pombes. The 29. at Wind­hurst, at Marleborough, at Hollesworth, at Wollerhampton, at Peterfielde, at Lemp­ster, at Sudbury, at Gargra [...]ge, at Br [...] ­ley.

Fayres in Iuly. THe 2. at Congreton, at Ashton vnder Li [...]. The [...] at Partney, & at [...]. The 15. at Pichbacke. The 17. at [...]. The 20. at Vxbridge, at Catesby, at Bolton The 22. at Marleborough, at Winchester, at Colchester, at Tetbury, at Bridgenorth, at E [...]the [...]all, at Norwiche in Cheshire, at Cheswine, at Battelfielde, at Bikelwoorth. The 25. at Bru [...]we, at Donee, at Chilh [...] at Darby at Ipswich, at Northamton, at Dudley in Standfordshire, at S. Iames be [...] London, at Reading, at Louth, at Ma [...]tte [...] bury, at Bromeley, at Chichester, at Liuer­poole, at Altergam, at Rauenglasse in the North. The 27. at Canterbury, at Northam at Richmonde in the North, at Warington, at Chappell Frith.

[Page] Fayres in August. THe first day at Excester, at Feuersham at Dunstable, at S. Edes, at Bedford, at Northam Church, at Wisbich, at Yorke, at Rumney, at Newton, at Yelande. The x. at Waltham, at Blackemore, at Hunger­forde at Bedforde, at Stroydes, at Farnam at Saint Laurence by Bodmin, at Walton, at Croily, at Seddell, at Newe Braineford. The 15. at Dunmow, at Carleile, at Prestū at Wakefielde ye two Lady daies. On Bar­tholomew day at London, at Beggers bushe beside Rye, at Tewkesbury, at Sudbury, at Rye, at Nantwiche, at Pagets, at Bromly. at Norwiche, at Northalerton, at Douer, at the Sundaye after Bartholomewe daye at Sandbiche. The 27. at Ashforde.

Fayres in September. THe first daye at S. Giles at the Bushe. On our Lady day, at Wakefielde, at Sturbridge, in Southwarke at London, at Snide, at Recoluer, at Gisbroughe both the Lady daies, at Partneye. The thrée Ladye daies, at Blackborne, at Gisborne in Yorke­shire, at Chalton, at Vtcester. On Holy Roode day, at Richmonde in Yorkeshire, at Ripond a horse faire, at Penhad, at Berse­ley, at Waltham Abbay, at Wotten vnder hedge, at Smalding, at Chesterfield, at Dē ­bigh in Wales. On Saint Mathies day at Marleborough, at Bedforde, at Croidon, at Holden in Holdernes, at saint Edmondsbu­ry, at Malton, at saint Iues, at Shrewesbu­ry, at Lanehā, at Witnall, at Sittingborne, at Brainetry, at Katherine hill beside Gil­forde, at Douer, at Eastrie. The 29. day be­ing Michaelmas daye, at Cantorbury, at Lancaster, at Blackeborne, at Westchester at Cokermouth, at ashborne, at Hadley, at Malden at horse faire, at Way hill, at New­bury, at Leicester.

Fayres in October. THe fourth-day at Michell. The 6. day at Saint Faithes beside Norwiche, at Maidestone. The 8. at Herborough, at Har­uorde, at Byshop Stotforde. On Saint Ed­wardes day at Roiston, at Grauesende, at Windsore, at Marshfield, at Colchester. On Saint Lukes daye at Ely, at Wricle, at Vpane, at Thirst, at Bridgenorth, at Stan­ton, at Charing, at Burton vpon Trent, at Charleton, at Wigan, at Friswides in Ox­forde, at Tisdale, at Midlewiche, at Holt in Wales. The 21. day at Saffron Waldon, at Newemarket, at Hertforde, at Cicester, at Stokesley. The 23. at Preston, at Bikels­worth, at Ritchdale, at whitechurch. On all Sainctes euen at Wakefielde, at Rithen.

Fayres in Nouember. THe second, at Blechingly, at Kingstone at Marfielde. The 6. day, at Newport [...] ponde, at Stanley, at Tregney, at Salford, at Lesforde. The 10. at Leuton. The 11. at Marleborough, at Douer. The 13. at Saint Edmondes bury, at Gilforde. The 17. day at Low, at Hide. The 19. at Horsham. On S. Edmondes daye, at Hythe, at Ingerst [...] The 23. day at Sandwiche. On Saint An­drewes day at Colingborough, at Roches­ter, at Peterfield, at Maidenhead, at Bew [...]ley, at Warington in Lancashire, at Bed­forde in Yorkeshire, at Osestrie in Wales.

¶ Fayeres in December. ON Saint Nicholas euen at Pluckeley. On Saint Nicholas day, at Spalding, at Excester, and Sinocke, at Arnedale, and at Northwiche in Cheshire. The 7. day at Sandhurst. The eyght day being the Con­ception of our Lady, at Clitherall in Lanca­shire, at Malpas in Cheshire. The 29. day at Canterbury, and at Salisbury.

¶ How a man may iourney from any notable towne in England, to the Citie of London, or from London to any notable towne in the Realme.

¶ The way from Walsingham to London.
  • FRom Walsingham to Picke­nam xij. mile
  • From Pickenam to Brandonfe­ry x. mile
  • From Brandonfery to Newmarket x. mile
  • From Newmarket to Babram x. mile
  • From Brabram to Barkeway xx. mile
  • From Barkeway to Puchrich vij. mile
  • From Puchrich to Ware v. mile
  • From Ware to Waltham viij. mile
  • From Waltham to London xij. mile
¶The way from Barwike to Yorke, and so to London.
  • FRom Barwike to Belforde xij. mile
  • From Belforde to Anwike xij. mile
  • [Page 125]From Anwike to Morpit xij. mile
  • From Morpit to Newcastell xij. mile
  • From Newcastell to Durham xij. mile
  • From Durham to Darington xiij. mile
  • From Darington to Northalertō xiiij. mile
  • From Northalerton to Toplife vij. mile
  • From Toplife to Yorke xvj. mile
  • From Yorke to Ladcaster viij. mile
  • From Ladcaster to Wantbridge xij. mile
  • From Wentbridge to Dancaster viij. mile
  • From Dancaster to Tutforde xviij. mile
  • From Tudforde to Newarke x. mile
  • From Newarke to Grantham x. mile
  • From Grantham to Stanforde xvj. mile
  • From Stanforde to Stilton xij. mile
  • From Stilton to Huntington ix. mile
  • From Huntington to Roiston xv. mile
  • From Roiston to Ware xij. mile
  • From Ware to Waltham viij. mile
  • From Waltham to London xij. mile
¶The way from Carnaruan to Chester and so to London.
  • FRom Carnaruan to Conway xxiiij. mile
  • From Conway to Denbigh xij. mile
  • From Denbigh to Flint xij. mile
  • From Flint to Chester x. mile
  • From Chester to Wiche xiiij. mile
  • From Wiche to Stone xv. mile
  • From Stone to Lichfield xvj. mile
  • From Lichfielde to Colsill xij. mile
  • From Colsill to Couentry viij. mile

And so from Couentry to London, as here­after followeth.

¶ The waye from Cokermouth to Lancaster, and so to London.
  • FRom Cokermouth to Kiswike vj. mile
  • From Kiswike to Grocener viij. mile
  • From Grocener to Kendale xiiij. mile
  • From Kendale to Burton vij. mile
  • From Burton to Lancaster viiij. mile
  • From Lancaster to Preston xx. mile
  • From Preston to Wigam xiiij. mile
  • From Wigam to Warington xx. mile
  • From Warington to Newcastell xx. mile
  • From Newcastell to Lichfield xx. mile
  • From Lichfield to Couentrie xx. mile
  • From Couentry to Daintrie xiiii. mile
  • From Daintrie to Tocester x. mile
  • From Tocester to Stonistratford vi. mile
  • From Stonistratforde to Brichill vij. mile
  • From Brichill to Dunstable vij. mile
  • From Dunstable to Saint Albons x. mile
  • From Saint Albons to Barnet x. mile
  • From Barnet to London x. mile
¶The waye from Yarmouth to Col­chester, and so to London.
  • FRom Yarmouth to Becclis viij. mile
  • From Becclis to Blybour vij. mile
  • From Bly [...] [...]o Snapdrydyes viij. mile
  • From Snapbridge to Woodbridgs vi [...]j. mile
  • From Woodbridge [...]o Ipswich [...]. mile
  • From Ipswich to Colche [...] xij. mile
  • From Colchester to Eastforde viij. mile
  • From Eastforde to Chelm [...]forde x. mile
  • From Chelmesford to Brentwood x. mile
  • From Brentwood to London xv. mile
The way from Douer to London.
  • FRom Douer to Cantorbury xij. mile
  • From Cātorbury to Sittingborne xij. m.
  • From Sittingborne to Rochester viij. mile
  • From Rochester to Grauesende v. mile
  • From Grauesende to Datforde vj. mile
  • From Datforde to London xij. mile
The way from Saint Burien in Corne­wall to London.
  • FRom Saint Burien to the Mount x [...]. mile
  • From the Mount to Thury xij. mile
  • From Saint Thury to Bod [...]an xx. mile
  • From Bod [...]n to Launstone xx. mile
  • From Launstone to Ocomton xv. mile
  • From Ocomton to Crokehorndwell x. mile
  • From Crokehornewell to Excester x. mile
  • From Excester to Honiton xij. mile
  • From Honiton to Chard x. mile
  • From Chard to Crokehorne vij. mile
  • From Crokehorne to Shirborne x. mile
  • From Shirborne to Shaftsbury x. mile
  • From Shaftsbury to Salisbury xviij. mile
  • From Salisbury to Andeuor xv. mile
  • From Andeuor to Basingstocke xvijj. mile
  • From Basingstocke to Hartford viij. mile
  • From Hartford to Bagshot viij. mile
  • From Bagshot to Stanes viij. mile
  • From Stanes to London xv. mile
The way from Bristowe to London.
  • FRom Bristow to Maxfield x. mile
  • From Maxfield to Chipnam x. mile
  • From Chipnam to Marleborough xv. mile
  • Frō Marleborough to Hungerford viij. mile
  • From Hungerford to Newbury vij. mile
  • From Newbury to Reading xv. mile
  • From Reading to Maidenhead x. mile
  • [Page]From Maidenhead to Colbroke vij. mile
  • From Colbroke to London xv. mile
The way from Saint Dauids to London.
  • FRom Saint Dauids to Axford xx. mile
  • From Axforde to Carmarden x. mile
  • From Carmarden to Newton x. mile
  • From Newton to Lanbury x. mile
  • From Lanbury to Brecknocke xvj. mile
  • From Brecknocke to Hay x. mile
  • From Hay to Harford xiiij. mile
  • From Harford to Roso ix. mile
  • From Roso to Glocester xij. mile
  • From Glocester to Cicester xv. mile
  • From Cicester to Farington xvj. mile
  • From Farington to Habington vij. mile
  • From Habington to Dorchester vij. mile
  • From Dorchester to Henlay xij. mile
  • From Henlay to Maydenhead vij. mile
  • From Maydenhead to Colbroke vij. mile
  • From Colbroke to London xv. mile
¶Of thorowfarres. From Douer to Cambridge.
  • FRom Douer to Cantorbury. 12 myle.
  • From Cantorbury to Rofchester. 20 mi.
  • From Rofchester to Greuesende. 5. mile.
  • Frō Grauesende ouer Thames, to Horne­don. 4. miles.
  • From Hornedon to Chelmesford. 12. mile.
  • From Chelmesforde to Dunmow. 10. mile.
  • From Dunmowe, to Thaxsted. 5. miles.
  • From Thaxsted to Radwinter. 3. miles.
  • From Radwinter to Linton. 5. miles.
  • From Linton to Babrenham. 3. miles.
  • From Babrenham to Cambridge. 4. mile.
From Cantorbury to Oxforde.
  • FRom Cantorbury to London. 43. mile.
  • From London to Vxbridge or Col­broke. 15. mile.
  • From Vrbridge to Baccansfelde. 7. mile.
  • From Baccansfeld to east Wickhā. 5. mil.
  • From Wickham to Stocking church. 5. m.
  • From Stocking church to Thetisford. 5. m.
  • From Thetisford to Whatley. 6. mile.
  • From Whatley to Oxforde. 4. mile.
From London to Cambridge.
  • FRom London to Edmendton. 6. mile.
  • From Edmondton to Waltham. 6. mi.
  • From Waltham to Hoddesdon. 5. mile▪
  • From Hoddesdon to Ware. 3. mile.
  • From Ware to Pulcherchurch. 5. mile.
  • From Pulchurchurch to Barkewaie. 7. mile.
  • From Barkeway to Fulmere. 6. mile.
  • From Fulmere to Cambridge. 6. mile.
Or thus better waye.
  • From London to Hoddesdon. 17. mile.
  • From Hoddesdon to Hadham. 7. mile.
  • From Hadham to Saffron Walden. 12. mi.
  • Frō Saffron walden to Cambridge. 10. mi.
¶ Of certeine waies in Scotland, out of Regnald Wolfes his Anno­tations. From Barwijc to Edenborowe.
  • FRom Barwijc to Chirneside. 10. mile
  • From Chirneside to Coldingham. 3. mi.
  • From Coldingham Pinketon. 6. mile.
  • From Pinketon to Dunbarre. 6. mile.
  • From Dunbarre to Linton. 6. mile▪
  • From Linton to Haddington. 6. mile.
  • From Haddington to Seaton. 4. mile.
  • From Seaton to Aberlady or Muskel [...] row. 8. mile▪
  • From thence to Edenborow 8. mile
From Edenborow to Barwijc ano­ther waye.
  • FRom Edenborow to Dalketh. 5. mile.
  • From Dalketh to Newe Battell and Lander. 5. mile.
  • From Lander to Vrsyldon. 6. mile.
  • From Vrsyldon to Dryburg. 5. mile.
  • From Dryburg to Caryton. 6. mile.
  • From Caryton to Barwijc. 14. mile.
From Edenborow to Dunbrittaine westwarde.
  • FRom Edenborow to Kirkelifton. 6. mile.
  • From Kirkelifton to Lithco. 6. mile.
  • Frō Lithco to Farekirke ouer Forth. 6. m.
  • From thence to Striuelin vpō Forth. 6. mi.
  • From Striuelin to Dunbrittaine. 24. mi.
From Striuelin to Kinghorne Eastwarde.
  • FRō Striuelin to Downe in menketh. 3. m.
  • From Downe to Campskenell. 3. mile.
  • Frō Campskenel to Alwey vpō forth. 4. m.
  • From Alwey to Culrose on Fiffe. 10. mile.
  • [Page 124]From Culrose to Dunfermelin. 2. mile.
  • From Dunfermelin to Euerkennin. 2. mi.
  • Frō Euerkennin to Aberdore on forth. 3. mi.
  • Frō Aberdore to Kinghorne vpon forth. 3. m
From Kinghorne to Taymouth.
  • FRom Kincorne to Dissard in Fiffe. 3. m.
  • From Dissarde to Cowper. 8. mile.
  • From Cowper to S. Andrewes. 14. mile.
  • From S. Andrewes to the Taymouth. 6. mi.
From Taymouth to Stockeforde.
  • FRom Taymouth to Balmerinoth Ab­bay. 4. mile.
  • From thence to Londores Abbay. 4. mile.
  • From Londores to s. Iohns Towne. 12. mi.
  • From s. Iohns to Schone 5. mile.
  • From thence to Abernithy, where ye Erne runneth into the Tay. 15. mile.
  • From Abernithy to Dundée. 15. mile.
  • From Dundée to Arbroth & Muros. 24. mil.
  • From Muros to Aberden 20. mile.
  • Frō Aberden to the water of Doney. 20. m.
  • From thence to the ryuer of Spay. 30. mi.
  • From thence to Stockeford in Rosse, and so to the Nesse of Haben, a famous point on the west side. 30. mile.
From Carleil to Whiteherne westwarde.
  • FRom Carleil ouer the Ferry against Redkyrke. 4 mile.
  • From thence to Dunfrées. 20. mile.
  • From Dunfrées to the ferry of Cre. 40. m.
  • From thence to Wygton. 3. mile.
  • From thence to Whitherne. 12. mile.

Hitherto of the commō wayes of England and Scotland, where vnto I will adioyne ye old thorowfares ascribed to Antoninus, to the end yt by their conferēce the diligent rea­der may haue farder consideratiō of ye same then my leysure wyll permitte me: In set­ting foorth also thereof, I haue noted such di­uersitie of reading, as hath happened in the sight of such written and printed copies, as I haue séene in time.

Iter Britanniarum.
A GESSORIACO. de Gallis Ritupis in portu Britanniarum stadia numero. CCCCL.

A LIMITE, ID EST A VALLO Praetorio vsque M. P. CLVI. sic:
  • [...]nnia.
    A Bramenio Corstopitum. M. P. XX.
  • Vindomora M. P. VIIII.
  • Viconia * M.P.XVIIII. Vinouia Vinouium.
  • Cataractoni M. P. XXII.
  • Isurium M. P. XXIIII.
  • Eburacum legio. VI. Victrix M.P. XVII.
  • Deruentione M.P. VII. Tadcaster.
  • Delgouitia M. P. XIII. Wenthridge
  • Praetorio M. P. XXV. Tudforde.
ITEM A VALLO AD portum Ritupis M. P. CCCC. LXXXI. 491. sic.
  • Ablato Bulgio * castra exploratocum M. P. x. 15. âlias à Blato.
  • Lugu-vallo * M.P. XII. âlias à Lugu-valio. Cairleft.
  • Voreda M. P. XIIII.
  • Brouonacis * M. P. XIII. Br [...]uoniacis.
  • Verteris M. P. XX. 13.
  • Lauatris M. P. XIIII.
  • Cataractone * M. P. XVI. Catarractonium.
  • Isuriam * M. P. XXIIII. Isoriam.
  • Eburacum * M. P. XVIII. Eboracum.
  • Calcaria * M.P. VIIII. Cacaria.
  • Camboduno M. P. XX.
  • Mammuncio * M. P. XVIII. Manucio.
  • Condate M. P. XVIII.
  • Deua legio. XXIII. CI. M. P. XX.
  • Bouio * M. P. X. Bonio.
  • Mediolano M. P. XX.
  • Rutunio M. P. XII.
  • Vrio Conio * M. P. XI. Viroconiu [...].
  • Vxacona M. P. XI.
  • Penno-Crucio M. P. XII.
  • Etoceto M. P. XII.
  • Mandues Sedo M. P. XVI.
  • Venonis M. P. XII.
  • Bennauenta * M. P. XVII. Banna venta.
  • Lactorodo * M. P. XII. Lactodoro.
  • Maginto * M. P. XVII. 12. Magiouintum.
  • Duro-Cobriuis M. P. XII. Dunstable.
  • Vero-Lamio M. P. XII. S. Albanes.
  • Sullomacis * M. P. IX. Barnet.
  • Longidinio M. P. XII. Londinio. London.
  • Nouiomago M. P. X.
  • Vagniacis m. p. xviij.
  • Durobrouis m. p. ix. Duroprouis.
  • Duroleuo M. p.xvj. 13.
  • Duror-Verno * m. p. xij. Drouerno Durouerno.
  • Ad portum Ritupis m.p. xij. Duraruenno Daruerno.
ITEM A LONDINIO ad portum Dubris M.P.I. VI. 66. sic:
  • Dubobrus * m. p. xxvij. Durobrouis Durobrius.
  • Duraruenno m. p. xv. 25.
  • Ad portum Dubris m.p. xiiij. Douer hauen.
ITEM A LONDINIO AD portum Lemanis M.P. LXVIII. sic:
  • Durobrius m. p. xxvij.
  • Duraruenno m. p. xv. 25.
  • Ad portum Lemanis m. p. xvj.
ITEM A LONDINIO Lugu-Valio ad Vallū M.P. CCCCXLIII. sic:
  • Caesaromago m. p. xxviij.
  • Colonia m. p. xxiiij.
  • Villa Faustini m. p. xxxv. 25.
  • Icianos m. p. xviij.
  • Camborico m. p. xxxv.
  • Duroliponte m. p. xxv.
  • Durobriuas m. p. xxxv.
  • Gausennis m. p. xxx.
  • Lindo m. p. xxvi.
  • Segeloci. m. p. xiiij.
  • [Page]Dano m. p. xxj.
  • Lege-Olio * m. p. xvj. Logetium.
  • Eburaco m. p. xxj.
  • Isubrigantum * m. p. xxj. Isurium Brigantum.
  • Cataractoni m. p. xxiiij.
  • Leuatris * m. p. xviij. Leuatrix.
  • Verteris m. p. xiiij.
  • Brocouo * m. p. xx. Broc [...]um.
  • Lugu-Vallo m. p. xxv. 22.
ITEM A LONDINIO Lindo M. P. CLVI. sic:
  • Verolami m. p. xxj.
  • Duro Cobrius m. p. xij.
  • Magiouinio * m. p. xij. Maginto.
  • Lactodoro m. p. xvj. Magis.
  • Isanna Vantia * m. p. xij. Isannae vatia.
  • Tripontio m. p. xij. Isanna variae.
  • Venonis m. p. ix.
  • Ratas m. p. xij.
  • Verometo m. p. xiij.
  • Margi-duno m. p. xij.
  • Ad Pontem * m. p. vij. Pons Aelij.
  • Croco Calana * m. p. vij. [...]rorolanae.
  • Lindo m. p. xij.
ITEM A REGNO Londinio M. P. CXVI. 96. sic:
  • Clausentum m. p. xx.
  • Venta Belgarum m. p. x.
  • Galleua * Atrebatum m. p. xxij. Gelleua.
  • Pontibus m. p. xxij. Calleua.
  • Londinio m. p. xxij.
ITEM AB EBVRACO. Londinium m. p. ccxxvij. sic:
  • Lagecio m. p. xxj.
  • Dano m. p. xvj.
  • Ageloco * m. p. xxj. Segoloco.
  • Lindo m. p. xiiij.
  • Crococalano m. p. xiiij.
  • Margi-duno m. p. xiiij.
  • Vernemeto * m. p. xij. Verometo.
  • Ratis m. p. xij.
  • Vennonis m. p. xij.
  • Bannauanto m. p. xix.
  • Magio Vinio m. p. xxviij.
  • Durocobrius m. p. xij.
  • Verolamo m. p. xii.
  • Londinio m. p. xxj.
ITEM A VENTA ICINORVM. Londinio. m. p. cxxviij. sic:
  • Sitomago m. p. xxxj.
  • Combretouio * m. p. xxij. Cumbr [...]tonio
  • Ad Ansam m. p. xv.
  • Camoloduno m. p. vj.
  • Canonio m. p. ix.
  • Caesaromago m. p. xij.
  • Durolito m. p. xvj.
  • Londinio m. p. xv.
ITEM A GLAMOVENTA Mediaolano m. p. cl. sic:
  • Galaua m. p. xviij
  • Alone * m. p. xij. Alauna * Aliona Alione.
  • Galacum * m. p. xix. Galacum Brig [...]at [...].
  • Bremetonaci m. p. xxvij.
  • Cocci om. p. xx.
  • Manc [...]nio * m. p. xviij. Ma [...]cio vel [...].
  • Condate m. p. xviij.
  • Mediolano m. p. xix.
ITEM A SEGONTIO. Deuam mp. lxxiiij. sic:
  • Canouio m. p. xxiiij.
  • Vatis m. p. xix.
  • Deua m. p. xxxij.
ITEM A CALEVA alias MVRIDONO. alias Viroconiorum. Per viroconium.
  • Vindonu * m. p. xv. Vindo [...].
  • Venta Belgarum m. p. xxj.
  • Brige * m. p. xj. Brage.
  • Soruioduni. m. p. ix.
  • Vindogladia m. p. xiij. 15.
  • Durnouaria m. p. viij.
  • Muriduno m. p. xxxvj.
  • Scadum Nunniorum * m. p. xv. 12. Isca [...].
  • Leuearo m. p. xv.
  • Bomio m. p. xv.
  • Ni [...]o m. p. xv.
  • Iscelegua Augusti. * m. p. xiiii. Iscelegia.
  • Borrio m. p. ix.
  • Gobannio m. p. xii.
  • Magnis m. p. xxii.
  • Brauinio * m. p. xxiiii. Bro [...]nio.
  • Viriconio m. p. xxvii.
ITEM AB ISCA Calleua m. p. cix. sic:
  • Burrio m. p. ix.
  • Blestio m. p. xi.
  • Ariconio m. p. xi.
  • Cleuo m. p. xv.
  • Durocornouio m. p. xiiii.
  • Spinis m. p. xv.
  • Calleua m. p. xv.
ITEM ALIO ITINERE ab Isca Calleua m. p. CIII. sic:
  • Venta Silurum m. p. ix.
  • Abone m. p. ix.
  • Traiectus m. p. ix.
  • Aquis Solis m. p. vi.
  • Verlucione m. p. xv.
  • Cunetione m. p. xx.
  • Spinis m. p. xv.
  • Calleua m. p. xv.
ITEM A CALLEVA Iscadum Nunniorum m. p. CXXXVI. sic:
  • Vindomi m. p. xv.
  • Venta Belgarum m. p. xx [...].
  • Brige m. p. xi.
  • Sorbiodoni m. p. viii.
  • Vindocladia m. p. xii.
  • Durnonouaria * m. p. viiii. Durnouaria.
  • Moriduno m. p. xxxvi.
  • Iscadum Nunniorum m. p. xv.
FINIS.

¶Faultes escaped.

In the First Booke.

  • IN the first leafe columpne .1. & 23. lin, reade thorow the trade.
  • In the 3. leafe col. and 20. line, reade so a comeling.
  • In the 3. leafe col. 4. and 43. lin, reade Gyants were.
  • In the 4. leafe co. 1. lin 1. read S. Augustine therfore.
  • fol. 5. col. 3. lin 32. reade liue in these dayes.
  • fol. 6 lin 1. col. reade or Gwinhead.
  • ibid lin 23. col 1. reade limites of this.
  • ibid lin 25. reade consisted.
  • ibid lin 36. for Shropshire reade Shrewesbyry.
  • ibid col. 2. lin 25. and 53. read extended themselues.
  • ibid col. 3. lin 45. read Sussex in the south.
  • ibid col. 4. lin 25. put out yeares after 35.
  • fol 7. col 4. lin 26. reade easily.
  • fol 8. col 1. lin 29. reade put out also saying.
  • ibid col 4. line 49. for will I begin, reade woulde I begin.
  • fol 9. col 3. lin 33. for infinity reade infinite.
  • fol 10. col 2. lin 51. reade holde this opinion.
  • Ibid lin 54. reade they shall sée.
  • ibid col 4. lin 49. reade those 45. for those fewe.
  • fol 11. col 1. lin. reade 25. errour of their founder.
  • ibid col 2. lin 19. reade pittes of errour.
  • ibid lin 20. put out (as) and reade welles in déede that holde no water.
  • Ibid col 3. lin 50. reade withstande him there.
  • fol 13. col 1. lin 10. for Chichester reade Winchester.
  • fol 13. col 1. lin 38. reade and thereby gathered.
  • fol 16. col 1. lin 10. reade themselues lying néere hand, or within this Isle also.
  • fol 17. col 2. lin, 46. reade S. Ninians.
  • ibid lin 59. reade it séemeth hereby.
  • ibid col 3. lin 2. reade vnto Mona onely.
  • fol 18. col 1. lin 33. reade northeast and other also be­yond them in like sort subiect to Scotland.
  • fol 20. col 2. in the margent reade as I heare néere Cantorbury for about Gaunt.
  • ibid col 3. lin. 1. read Stoure whereof.
  • ibid. put out parenthesis in the margine.
  • ibid lin 39. reade diuided it selfe.
  • fol 24. col 1. lin 52. reade also to the point.
  • fol 26. col 1. lin 49. reade another great streame.
  • ibid col 2. lin 16. for to a village, read and a village.
  • fol 27 where you reade Towz reade Towy.
  • ibid col 4. lin 26. reade into the mayne sea.
  • fol 30. col 1. lin 40. for Dunrith reade Drurith.
  • ibid. col 2. lin 55. read Harleswell.
  • ibid. lin 58. reade by north of Beltingham.
  • ibid. col 4. lin 6. for Tine reade were.
  • fol 31. co 2. li 18. for Cockingham read Cottingham.
  • ibid col 3. lin 9. reade lyke in the next booke.
  • fol 32. col 3. lin 24. put in (to) in the ende of the line.
  • ibid lin 42. for Magey reade Maxey.
  • fol 33. col 3. lin 10. for Mores reade Meres.
  • ibid lin 18. for his place, reade this place.
  • fol 36. col 4. lin 28. reade forth by west of Marton.
  • fol 37. col 2. lin 52. read sing of cattel, and put out the.
  • fol 39. col. 1. lin. 33. read history, & after him Bodinus.
  • fol 45. col 1. lin. 11. reade in these dayes.
  • fol 47. co 4. li 32. read touching it, for touching by it.
  • ibid. lin 41. read wall was of stone.

In the seconde Booke.

  • FOl 74. col 3. lin 1. reade Leircester for Lewcester.
  • fol 75. col. 1. lin. 18. reade quantitie thereof.
  • ibid. col 2. lin 22. reade gayles within.
  • fol 76. col 3. in the margine, reade howe those men shoulde haue done, in the name note col 4. lin 1. tayler he.
  • fol. 77. col 2. lin 32. and 33. put out (and the wight) for I mistooke it.
  • ibid lin 43. for (in olde time) read also the weight.
  • fol 84. col 3. lin 26. for hope of recouery, reade hope of realese.
  • fol 85. col 3. lin. 53. reade before the olde be expyred.
  • fol. 85. col 1. lin 1. put out therefore, and reade I finde therefore.
  • ibid col 4. lin 49. for riuerets reade riuettes.
  • fol 87. col 1. li 19. for their ordinaunce reade the store of ordinaunce.
  • ibid lin 27. reade that in some one barons house I haue.
  • ibid lin 33. reade done then trow you.
  • ibid. col 4. lin 9.10. reade we had some also, for (a few.)
  • ibid lin 15. put out and betwéene Alfrede (&) E­theldred.
  • fol 88. col 3. lin 17. reade being the more plenteous.
  • ibid lin 22. reade if place did serue therefore.
  • ibid col 4. lin 46. reade for these causes therefore.
  • fol 89. col 4. lin 58. for sunt duo reade sint duo.
  • fol 90. col 1. Canone 13. beside the misplacing of the point, lin 52. there is (n) to much in ye last word of the 56. line.
  • ibid col 2. lin 9. the whole line is peruerted for Siquis autem cum primario pugnauerit.
  • ibid lin 39. for aliquot reade aliquam.
  • ibid col 3. li 34. for Gemiscisione read Genuscisione.
  • fol 91. col 3. lin 19. for whereas reade thus.
  • ibid li 21. for behauiour whereby, read behauiour: and hereby.
  • ibid lin 22. reade defrauded and the.
  • ibid lin. 33. reade euery man which.
  • ibid col 4. reade of Salop. Some 10.11
  • fol 92. col 1. lin 34. reade Cymbelline.
  • fol 93. col 1. lin 34. reade out of the hilles.
  • ibid lin 35. reade that at certaine times.
  • ibid lin 47. reade straunge for strong.
  • ibid lin 58. reade vertigerne.
  • ibid col 2. lin [...]8. for seconde Aye, read second Axe.
  • ibid lin 44. reade doth it swell.
  • ibid col 3. line 37. reade into the earth, for into the grounde.
  • ibid 47 reade as one néere to S. Asaphes.
  • fol 94. col. 1. the 10.11. and 12. lines are to much almost by euery worde, by meanes of an odde pamphlet of Tideswell latewarde inserted into the booke.
  • fol 96. col 2. lin 39. for goddesse reade gods.
  • fol 96. col 3. line 10. for harde Cantus reade hardie Canutus.
  • ibid col 4. vers. 21. reade tantum & agendis.
  • fol 107. col 3. line 1. for drawne reade drawing.

THE HISTORIE of Englande.

WHAT manner of people did first inha­bite this our coūtrey which hath most ge­nerally 10 & of longest continuaunce bene knowne among all nations by ye name of Britaine, as yet it is not certainly knowne: neither can it be de­cided from whence the first inhabitantes thereof came, by reason of such diuersitie in iudgements as haue risen amongst the learned in this behalfe. But sith the originall in maner of all nations is 20 doubtful,The originall [...] nations [...]r the moste [...] vncertain. and euen the same for the more parte fabulous (that always excepted which we fynde in the holy scriptures) I wishe not any man to leane to that whiche shall be heere set downe, as to an infallible truth, sith I do but only shewe o­ther mennes coniectures, grounded neuerthelesse vppon likely reasons (concernyng that matter wherof there is now left but little other certayn­ti [...], [...]hether Bri [...] vvere an [...]de at the [...]st. or rather none at all. To fetche therfore [...] matter from the furthest, and so to stretch it for­ward, 30 it se [...]eth by the report of Dominicus Marius Niger, [...]ogr. com­ [...]ent. lib. 2. yt in the beginning whē God framed the worlde and diuided the waters aparte from the earth, this Isle was then a partel of the con­tinent, [...]o ylande at [...] fyrste, as [...] cōiecture. & ioyned without any separation of sea to the mayne lande. But this opinion as al other the lyke vncertaynties, I leaue to be decided of the learned: Howbeit for the first inhabitation of this Isle with people, I haue thought good to set down in part what may be gathered out of such 40 writers as haue touched that mater, & may seene to giue some light vnto the knowledge thereof.

[...] the first part [...] the actes of [...]e Englishe [...]taries.Fyrst therfore Iohn Bale our countreyman, who in his tyme greatly trauayled in the searche of suche antiquities, [...]itayn inha­ [...]ed before [...]oud. dothe probably coniectu [...]e, that this lande was inhabited and replenished with people long before the floud at that tyme in the which the generation of mankinde (as Moy­ses writeth) began to multiplie vpon the vniuer­sall face of the earth: [...]en. [...] and therefore it followeth, 50 that as well this land was inhabited with people long before the dayes of Noe, as any the other countreys and partes of the worlde beside.

[...]But when they had once forsakē the ordinan­ces appointed them by God, and betaken them to new ways inuented of themselues, such loosenesse of lyfe ensued euerywhere, as brought vpon them the great deluge & vniuersall floud, in the whiche perished as well the inhabitants of these quarters as the residus of the race of mankinde generally dispersed in euery other part of the whole world, [...]uing only Noe & his familie, who by the pro­uidence and pleasure of almightie God, was pre­serued from the rage of those waters, to reconti­nue and repaire the newe generation of manne vpon the earth.

Noe.

[figure]

After the floud (as Annius of Viter­bo recordeth) & reason also enforceth,In commen [...]. super. 4. lib. Beros. de an­tiquit. li. 2. Noe was the only Monark of al the world, and as the same Annius ga­thereth by the accounte of Moyses in the .100,Annius vt supra. yeare after the [...]oud▪ Noe deuided the earth among his three sen [...]e assigning to the possessi­on of his eldest sonne, all that portion of la [...]de, which [...]owe is knowne by the name of ASIA, and to his second sonne Ch [...], he appointed all that part of the world which now is called Af­frica. Vnto his thirde sonne I [...]phet, was allotted all. [...]ur [...]pa, with all the Ale [...] thereto belongyng, wherin among other was conteined this our Ile of Britayn, with the other yles therto belonging.

Iaphet.

[figure]

THis Iaphet third son of Noe, who is of some called Ia­petus, and of o­ther, Atlas M [...] ­rus (bycause hee departed this life in Man [...]itania) was the firste as Bodinus affyr­meth by the authoritie and cōse [...]t of the Hebrue Greke & latin writers) that peopled the coūtreys. of Europe,Iohannes Bo­dinus ad sac. [...]ist. cogn. which afterward he deuided among his sonnes of the which Tubal (as Tarapha af­firmeth) obteined the kingdom of Spain.Franciscus Tarapha. Gomer had dominion ouer the Italians, and as Berdsus and diuers other authors agree, Samothes was the founder of the kingdom of Celtica, which cō ­teined in it as [...]ale witnesseth) a great parte of Europe, but specially those coūtreys, which now are knowne by ye names of Galli [...] & Britannia.

[Page 2]Thus was this Ilande inhabited and people [...] within .200.Britayn inha­bited shortly after the floud. yeres after the floud by the children of Iaphet the sonne of Noe: and this is not on­ly proued by Annius, writing vpō Berosus, but also confirmed by Moyses in the scripture, where he writeth, that of the ofspring of Iaphet, the yles of the Gentils (wherof Britayn is one) were sor­ted into regions in the tyme of Phaleg, the son of Hiber,Theophilus e­piscop. Antio­chi. ad Antol. lib. 2. The vvordes of Theophilus a doctor of the church [...], vvho liued An. Chri­sti. 160. who was born at the tyme of the diuision of languages. Herevpon Theophilus hath these 10 words: Cū priscis temporibus pauci foret homines, in Arabia & Chaldaea post linguarum diuisionem aucti & multiplicati paulatim sunt▪ hinc qui­dam abierunt versus Orientem, quidam conces­sere ad partes maioris continentis, alij porrò profecti sunt ad Septentrionem sedes quaesituri, nec prius desierunt terrā vbi (que) occupare, qua etiā Britāno [...] in Arctois climatibus accesserīt. &c. englished thus. VVhen at the first there were not many men in Arabia & Chaldea, it came to passe, that after the 20 deuision of tongs, they began somwhat better to increase & multiplie, by which occasion some of them went toward the east, & some toward the parties of the great mayn land: Diuers went also northwards to seeke them dwellyng places, ney­ther stayed they to replenishe the earth as they went, til they came vnto the yles of Britain, lying vnder the north pole. &c. Hitherto Theophilus.

These things considered, Gildas the Briton had great reason to think that this countrey had 30 bin inhabited from the beginning: and Polydore Vergil was with no lesse cōsideration hereby in­forced to cōfesse that the Ile of Britayne had re­ceiued inhabitauntes forthwith after the floud.

Samothes.

Gen. 2. De migr. gen.

[figure]

SAmothes ye 6. begottē son of Iaphet called by Moyses Mesech, by others Dis, receyued for his portion, (according 40 to the reporte of Wolf­gangus Lazius) all the countrey lying betwene the riuer of Rheyn & the Pyrenian mountayns, where hee founded the kingdome of Celtica ouer his people called Celtae. Which name Bale affirmeth to haue bin indif­ferent to the inhabitants both of the countrey of Gallia,Cent. 1. and the Ile of Britain, and that he plan­ted 50 colonies of mē broght forth of the east parts) in either of them,Anti. lib. 1. fyrst in the mayne land, & after in the Iland. He is reported by Berosus to haue excelled al men of that age in leening and know­ledge:Bale script. Brit. cent. 1. and also is thought by Bale to haue im­parted the same among his people, namely the vnderstanding of the sundry courses of the star­res,Caesar cōmen. lib. 8. the order of inferiour things, with many o­ther matters incident to the morall and politike gouernement of mans life: & to haue deliuered the same in the Ph [...]nician letters:In qui [...] temp. De [...] Contra [...] pio [...]. out of whiche the Grekes (according to the opinion of Archilochus) deuised & deriued the greke charecters, in somuche that Xenophon & Iosephus do constantly report (although Diogenes Laertius be against it) that both the Grekes and other nations receyued their letters and lerning first from these countreys. Of this king and his lerning, arose a sect of Phi­losophers, saith Annius, first in Britain,li. de [...] succes [...] & after in Gallia, the whiche of his name were called S [...] ­mothes. They, as Aristotle & Secion write, were passing skilful both in the law of god & man: and for that cause excedingly giuen to religion, espe­cially the inhabitants of this yle of Britain, in so much that the whole nation did not only take the name of thē, but the yland it selfe,Script. [...] cent. 1. De [...] cent. lib. [...] This [...] Sa [...]thea as Bale & doc­tor Cay agree, came to be called Samothea, which was the firste peculiar name that euer it had, and by the which it was especially known: before the arriuall of Albion.

Magus.

[figure]

MAgus ye son of Sa­mothes, after ye deth of his father was the se­cond king of Celtica, by whō (as Berosus wri­teth) there were manye townes builded among the Celtes,Lib. 3. which by the witnesse of Annius,Anni [...] co [...] [...] per [...] Ge [...]ge. dyd bear the addition of their foūder Magus: of which townes diuers are to be found in Ptolomie: and Antoninus a painful surueyor of the world & ser­cher of cities, maketh mencion of .4. of them here in Britain, Sitomagus, Neomagus, Nioma­gus, and Nouiomagus. Neomagus, sir Tho­mas Eliot writeth to haue stoode where the citie of Chester nowe standeth: & Niomagus George Lilly placeth where the towne of Buckinghā is now remaining: beside this, doth Bale so highly comend ye forsaid Magus, for his lerning renou­med ouer al the world, yt he wold haue ye Persiās & other nations of the south & west partes, to de­riue the name of their diuines called Magi from him. In dede Rauisius Textor & sir Iohn Prise affirme, yt in the days of Plinie, the Britons wer so expert in arte Magike, yt they might be thoght to haue firste deliuered the same to the Persians. What the name of Magus importeth,De diui. i [...] De fasti [...] & of what profession ye Magi were, Tulli declareth at large, and Mantuan in brief, after this maner:

Ille penes Persas Magus est qui sidera norit,
Qui sciat herbarum vires cultum (que) deorum,
Persepolifacit ista Magos prudentia triplex.
The Persians terme him Magus, that the course of starres doth knowe,
The power of herbes and worship due to god that man doth owe.
H.i.
By threefolde knowledge, thus the name of Magus then doth growe.

Sarron.

De ant. Cant. [...]. [...].

[figure]

SArron the third king of ye Celtes, succeded hys father Magus in Gouernemente of the countrie of Gallia, and the Isle Samothea, wherein (as Doctoure Caius writeth) he foū ­ded 10 certain publike pla­ces for them that pro­fessed learning, whiche (Berosus affirmeth) to be done to the intente to restrayne the wilfull outrage of men, [...]ale script. Brit. cent. 1. beeing as then but rawe and voyde of all ciuilitie. Also it is thought by Annius, that he was the firste au­thor of those kinde of Philosophers, which were called Sarronides, Lib. 6. of whom Diodorus Siculus writeth in this sort: There are (sayth he) among 20 the Celtes certain diuines & philosophers whom they call Sarronides, hauing them of all other in greatest estimation: For it is the maner among them, not without a Philosopher to make anye sacrifice: for they are of beleefe, that sacrifices ought only to be made by suche as are skilfull in the diuine misteri [...]s, as of those who are neerest vnto God, by whose intercession they thinke all good things are to be required of God, and whose aduise they vse and followe, as well in watte as 30 in peace.

Druis.

[figure]

DRuis, whō Seneca calleth Dryus,De morte Cl [...]ud. be­ing the son of Sarron, was after his father e­stablyshed the fourthe king of Celtica, indif­ferentely reignyng as 40 well ouer the Celtes as Britons, or rather (as the inhabitantes of this Isle were then called) Samothians.

This Prince is cōmended by Berosus to bee so plentifullye endued with wisedome and ler­ning, that Annius taketh him to be the vndoub­ted authour of the beginning and name of the famous secte of Philosophers called Druides, 50 whome Cesar and all other auncient Greeke and Latine writers doe affirme to haue had their be­ginning in Brytayne, and to haue bin brought from thence into Gallia, in so muche that when there arose any doubt in that countrey touching any point of their discipline, they did repaire to be resolued therin into Britayne, where, especi­ally in the Ile of Anglesey, as Humfrey Llhuyd witnesseth, they made their principal aboade.

Touching their vsages many things are wri­ten by Aristotle, Secion, Plinie, Laertius,Anti. lib. 5. Annius su­per eundem. De bello Gal­lico. lib. 9. De bello Gal­lico. lib. 6. Bo­dinus, and others: which I will gather in brief, and set downe as followeth.

They had (as Cesar sayth) the charge of cō ­mon and priuate sacrifices, ye discussing of poin­tes of religion, the bringing vp of youth, the de­termining of matters in variance, with full po­wer to inte [...]ite so manye from the sacrifice of their goddes, and the company of men, as diso­beyed their awarde.

Polidore affirmeth,Hist. an. li. 1. how they taught ye mens soules coulde not dye, but departed from one bo­dye to an other, and that to the intente to make men valiant and dreadlesse of death.

Tullic writeth, that partely by tokens,De diui. li. 1. and partely by surmises, they wold foretell of things to come. And by report of Hector Boetius,Hist. Scoti lib. 2. some of them were not ignorant of the immortalitie of the one and euerlasting God.

All these things they had written in the greke toung,De migr. gen lib. 2. Marcellinus. in so much that Wolfg. Lazius vpon re­porte of Marcellinus declareth howe the Greeke letters were first brought to Athenes by Tima­gines from the Druides, and herevpon it cometh also to passe, the British toung to this daye hath in it remayning some smacke of the Greke.

Among other abuses of the Druides, they had (according to Diodorus) one custome to kill men, and by the falling, bleeding, and dismem­bring of them to diuine of things to come: for the whiche and other wicked practises,De vitae A­gricolae. their secte was first condemned for abhominable (as Cor. Taritus writeth,) and dissolued in Gallia (as Auentinus witnesseth) by Tyberius and Clau­dins the Emperours:Anna. Bo [...]o­rum▪ lib. 22. and lastly abolished heere in Britayne, by report of Caius when the gos­spel of Christ by the preaching of Fugatius and Damianus was receyued among the Britons,De ant. Cant. cent. vnder Lucius king of Britayne, about the yeare of our sauiour. 179.

Bardus.

[figure]

BArdus ye son of Druis succeeded his fa­ther in the kingdome of Celtica,Berosus ant. lib. 5. & was the fift K. ouer the Celtes and Samothians, amōgst whome he was highly renoumed as appereth by Berosus for inuen­tion of Dities and mu­sike,Annius in commen. su­per eundem. wherein Annius of Viterbo writeth, that hee trayned his peo­ple: and of such as excelled in this knowledge he made an order of philosophicall Poets or He­ralds, [Page 4] calling them by his own name Bardi. And it shuld seeme by doctor Caius and master Bale,Ant. Cant. li. 1. script. Britan. cent. 1. that Cesar founde some of them here at his arri­uall in this Isle, and reported that they had also their first beginning in the same.

Nonnius Marcel. Strabo. Diodo. Sicul. lib 6. Carol Stepha. in dict. hist. Eale. Iohn Prise.The profession and vsages of these Bardi, by Nonnins, Strabo, Diodorus, Stephanus, Bale and sir Iohn Prise, are in effecte reported after this sort. They did vse to record the noble exploi­tes of the auncient capitaines, and to drawe the 10 pedigrees & genealogies of suche as were liuing. They woulde frame pleasaunt dities and songs, learne the same by hart, and sing them to instru­ments at solemne feastes and assemblies of noble men and gentlemen: and were therfore hadde in so high estimation, that if two hostes had bin redy raunged to ioyne in battayle, and that any of thē had fortuned to enter among them, both the ho­stes as wel the enimie as the frends would haue holden their handes giuen eare vnto them, and 20 ceassed from fight, vntill these Bardes had bene departed out of the battayle. Of the Bardes the Poet Lucan writeth these verses.Lucan. lib. 1.

Vos quo (que) qui fortes animas bello (que) peremptas,
Laudibus in longum vates dimittitis aenum,
Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi.

Whiche are englished thus.

And you o Poet Bardes from danger voyde that dities sounde,
H. F.
Of soules of dreadlesse men, whō rage of battaile 30 would confounde,
And make their lasting praise to time of laterage redounde.

Bycause the names of these Poets were ney­ther discrepant from the ciuilitie of the Romans, nor repugnant to the religion of the Christians, they of all the other sectes before specified, were suffred only to continue vnabolished in all ages, in somuch that there flourished of them among the Britains,Iohn Bale script. Britan. cent. [...]. Io. Prise def [...]. hist. Brit. C [...]ius de ant. Cant. lib. 1. Io Leland. syllab. ant. dict. Hum. Lluyd de Mona in­sula. according to Bale) before the birth of Christe, Plenidius and Oronius: after Christ 40 (as Prise recounteth) Salestine, & the two Mer­lins, Melkin Glaskirion and others: and of late dayes among the Welchmen, Dauid Die, Iollo Gough, Dauid ap William, with an infinite number more: and in Wales there are sundrye of them, as Caius reporteth, remayning vnto this day, where they are in their language called (as Leland writeth) Barthes. Also by the witnes of Humfrey Llhuyd, there is an Iland neer vn­to Wales, called Insula Bardorum, and Bardsey, 50 wherof the one name in Latine, and the other in Saxon or olde English, signifieth the Ilande of the Bardes or Barthes.

The ende of the Celtes gouerne­ment in this Isle.

Bale.AFter Bardus, the Celtes (as Bale sayth) loa­thing the straite ordinances of their auncient kings, and betaking themselues to pleasure and idelnesse, were in short tyme, and with small la­bour broughte vnder the subiection of the Giaunt Albion, the sonne of Neptune, who altering the state of things here in this yland, straited ye name of Celtica and the Celtes within the boundes of Gallia, from whence they came first to inhabite this land vnder the conduct of Samothes, as be­fore ye haue hearde,A [...] accordingly as [...] hath gathered out of Berolus ye Chaldean, who ther­in agreeth also with the Scripture, the saying of Theophilus the Doctor, and the generall cōsente of all writers, whiche fully agree,Theoph [...] that the firste inhabitantes of this Isle came out of the parties of Gallia, although some of them disagree of the tyme and maner of their comming,Sir Brian Tuke. Sir Brian Tuke thinking it to be meant of the arriuall of Brute, when he came out of those countreys into this Ile. Cesar and Tacitus seeme to be of opi­nion, that those Celtes which first inhabited here,Ca [...]sar. Tacitus. Bodinus. came ouer to view ye coūtry for trade of merchan­dise. Bodinus wold haue them to come in (a gods name) from Lāguedoc, and so to name this land Albion, of a citie in Lāguedoc named Alby. Be­da and likewise Polidore (who foloweth him) af­firme that they came from the coasts of Armori­ca,Beda. Polyd [...]. whiche is nowe called little Britayn.

But as the authorities afore recited, are suffi­cient to proue the tyme, so that this Iland was first inhabited by the Celtes, the olde possessours of Gallia, not only the neerenesse of the regions, but also the congruence of the languages, two great argumentes of originals, do fully confirme the same. Bodinus writeth vpon report,Bodinus. that the Britishe and Celtike language was all one: but whether that be true or not, I am not able to af­firme, bicause the Celtike toung is long sithence growne wholly out of vse. But yet some such [...] Celtike words as remayn in the writings of old authors may be perceiued to agree with ye Welch tong, being the incorrupted speech of the auncient Brytons. In deed Pausanias the Greeke,Pausania [...]. ma­keth mention how the Celtes in their language called a horse marc: and by ye name do the Welch men call a horse vnto this daye: and the worde trimare in Pansani as, signifyeth in the Celtike toung, three horses.

Thus it appeareth by authortie of writers, by situation of place, and by affinitie of language, that this yland was first found and inhabiteed by the Celtes, that their name from Samothes to Albion continued heere the space of. 310. yeres or therabouts And finally it is likely,Iohn Bale. that aswel the progenie as the speeche of them is partely remai­ning in thys Isle among the inhabitantes, and specially the Britishe, euen vnto this daye. But nowe to oure purpose of Albion his com­ming into this Isle.

Albion.

[figure]

NEptunus called by Moyses (as some take it) Nepthuim, [...]word. the sixte sonne of Osyris, after the account of In­nius, and the brother of Hercules, had appoyn­ted to hym,Annius Vi [...]erbo. Diodorus Si­ [...]lu [...]. of hys father 10 (as Diodorus writeth) the gouernement of the Ocean sea: wherefore he furnished himself of sundry light ships for ye more redie passage by water, whych in the end grew to the nūber of a ful nauie: [...]nesses or Ga­ [...]y [...]. & so by continual exer­cise he became so skilful, and therwith so mightie vpon the waters, as Higinus and Pictonius doe write,Higinus. Pictonius. that he was not onely called the king, but also esteemed the god of the seas. He had to wife 20 a Lady called Amphitrita, who was also hono­red as goddesse of the seas, and on hir he begate sundry children: [...]crip. Bri. [...]ent. 1. And as Bale reporteth, he made euery one of them king of an Iland. And in the Isle of Britayne he landed his fourth son called Albyon the Giant, who brought the same vnder his subiection. And herevpon it resteth, that Iohn Textor and Polydore Virgile made mention that light shippes were first inuented in the Bri­tishe seas,Iohā. Texter. Polyd. Verg. and that the same were couered round with the hyde of beasts, for defending them from 30 the surges and waues of the water.

This Albion being put by his father in pos­session of this Isle of Britayne, within shorte tyme subdued the Samothians, the firste inha­bitauntes therof, without fynding any great re­sistance, for that as before ye haue hearde, they had giuen ouer the practise of all warlyke and o­ther paynfull exercises, and through vse of effe­minate pleasures wherevnto they hadde giuen 40 themselues ouer, they were become nowe vnapt to withstande the force of their enimies: and so by the testimonie of Nicholaus Perottus,Nichol. Pe­rottus. Ringamanus [...]hilesius. Aristotle. Hum. Lloyd. Rig­manus Philesius, Aristotle, & Humfrey Llhuyd with diuers other, both forraine and home wry­ters, this Ilande was first called by the name of Albion, hauing at one tyme bothe the name and inhabitauntes chaunged from the line of Iaphet vnto the accursed race of Cham.

This Albion (that thus chaunged the name 50 of this Isle) and his companie, are called Gy­ants, which signifieth none other thā a tall kind of men, of that vncorrupte stature and highnesse naturally incident to the first age (whiche Bero­sus also seemeth to allow,Berosus. where he writeth, that Noe was one of the Gyantes: and were not so called only of their monstrous greatnesse, as the common people thinke (although in deede they exceeded the vsuall stature of men nowe in these dayes, (but also for ye they tooke their name of the soyle where they were born:VV [...]at gigantes signifyeth. for Gigantes signifi­eth the sons of the earth: the Aborigines (or as Cesar calleth them Indigina,) that is, borne and bred out of the earth where they inhabited.

Thus some thinke, but verily although that their opinion is not to be allowed in any condi­tion,Against the o­pinion of Abo­rigines. which maynteyne that there should be any Aborigines, or other kynde of men than those of Adams lyne, yet that there haue bin menne of farre greater stature than are nowe to be founde, is sufficiently proued by the huge bones of those that haue bin founde in our tyme, or lately be­fore: whereof here to make further relation, it shall not neede, sith in the description of Britain herevnto annexed, ye shall fynde it sufficiently declared.

But now to our purpose.Bale. Bergion bro­ther to Albion▪ As Albion held Bri­tayn in subiection, so his brother Bergion kepte Irelande and the Orkeneys vnder his rule and dominion,Hercules Ly­bicus. and hearing that their cousin Herru­cules Libicus hauing finished his Conquestes in Spayn, ment to passe through Gallia into Ita­lye, against their brother Lestrigo, that oppressed Italy, vnder subiection of him and other of his brethren the sons also of Neptune, as well Al­bion as Bergion, assembling their powers togi­ther, passed ouer into Gallia, to stoppe the pas­sage of Hercules, whose intention was to van­quishe and destroy those tyrantes the sonnes of Neptune and their complices that kepte dyuerse countreys and regions vnder the paynefull yoke of their heauie thraldome.

The cause that moued Hercules thus to pur­sue vpon those tyrantes nowe reignyng thus in the world,The cause vvhy Hercu­les pursued his cousins. was for that not long before the grea­test part of them had conspired together, & slayne his father Osyris, notwithstanding that they were nephues to the same Osyris, as sonnes to his brother Neptune, and not contented with his slaughter, they deuided hys carcasse also a­mong them, so that eche of them got a peece in token of reioycing at their murderous atchieued enterprise.

For this cause Hercules whonie Moyses cal­leth Laabin, proclaymeth warres agaynst them al in reuēge of his fathers death: & first he killeth Tryphon and Busyris in Egypt, then Anteus in Mauritania, the Gerions in Spayne, whiche enterprise atchieued, he led his army towards I­taly, and by the waye passeth through a part of Gallia,Pomp. Mola. where Albion and Bergion hauing vni­ted theyr powers togither, were ready to receyue him with bataile: and so nere to the mouth of the riuer called Rhosne, in latin Rhodanus, they met and fought: At the first there was a right terrible and cruell conflicte betwixte them: And albeit that Hercules hadde the greatest number of menne, yet was it verye doubtefull a greate [Page 6] whyle to whether parte the glorye of that dayes worke would bend: whervpon when the victorie beganne outrighte to turne vnto Albion, and to his brother Bergion, Hercules perceyuing the daunger and likelyhode of vtter losse of that bat­tayle, specially for that his men had wasted their weapons, he caused those that stood stil, and were not otherwyse occupied, to stoupe down, and to gather vp stones,Hercules dis­comfiyeth his enimyes. wherof in that place there was great plentie, whyche by his commaundemente 10 they bestowed so freely vpon theyr enimies, that in the ende hee obteyned the victorie, and dyd not only put his aduersaries to flighte, but also slew Albion there in the fielde,Albion is slayn together with his bro­ther Bergion, and the moste parte of all theyr whole armie.

This was the ende of Albion, and his brother Bergion, by the valiant prowes of Hercules, who as one appointed by the prouidence of GOD to subdue the cruell and vnmercifull tyrants, spent 20 his tyme to the benefite of mankynde, deliuering the oppressed from the heauie yoke of myserable thraldome, in euery place where he came.

And by the order of this battayle wee maye learne whereof the Poets hadde their inuention,The occasion of the fable of Iupiters hel­ping his sonne Hercules. when they fayne in their writings, that Iupiter holpe his sonne Hercules, by throwyng downe stones from heauen in this battayle agaynst Al­bion and Bergion.

Moreouer, fro hēceforth was this Isle of Bri­tayn 30 called Albion,Hovve this Isle vvas called Al­bion, of the gi­aunt Albion. as (before we haue sayde) af­ter the name of the sayde Albion bicause he was established chief ruler and kyng thereof bothe by his grandfather Osyris, and his father Neptune that cunning saylour,Bale. reigning therein (as Bale sayth) by the space of .xliiij. yeares, till finally he was slayne, in manner afore remembred, by his vncle Hercules Lybicus.

After that Hercules had thus vanquished and destroyed his enimies, hee passed to and fro tho­rough 40 Gallia, suppressing the tyrantes in euerye part where he came, and restoring the people vn­to a reasonable kynde of libertie, vnder lawfull gouernours: and as we fynde, he buylded the ci­tie of Alexia in Burgongne nowe called Alize.

Moreouer, by Lilius Giraldus in the lyfe of Hercules it is auouched, that the same Hercules came ouer hither into Britayne. And this dothe Giraldus write by warraunt of suche Brytons (as sayth he) haue so written themselues, which 50 thing peraduenture he hath redde in Gildas the auncient Bryton poet: Whiche booke he confes­seth in the .v. Dialogue of his histories of Poets that he hath seen. The same thing also is confir­med by the name of an head of land in Britayn called Promontorium Herculis, as in Ptolomie ye may reade, whiche is thought to take name of his arriual at that place. Thvs much for Albion and Hercules.

But nowe where as it is not denyed of anye,Dyuers op [...] ons vvhy Ile vvas cal [...] Albion. that this Ile was called aunciently by the name of Albion: yet there be dyuers opinyons how it came by that name: for many doe not allow of this historie of Albion the Giannte. But for so muche as it appertayneth rather to the descripti­on than to the Hystorie of this Isle,See [...] of in the de­scription. to rippe vp and lay foorth the secrete mysteries of such mat­ters: and bicause I think that this opinion which is heere auouched howe it tooke that name of the foresayd Albion, sonne to Neptune, may be con­firmed with as good authoritie, as some of the o­ther, I here passe ouer the reste, and thus proceede with the historie.

When Albion chiefe Capitayn of the Gyants was slayn, the residue that remayned at home in the Isle, continued without any rule or restraint of lawe, in so muche that they fell to such a dis­solute order of lyfe, that they seemed little or no­thing to differ from brute beastes: & those are they which our auncient Chronicles call the Giants, who were so named, as well of the huge propor­tion of their stature (sithens as before is sayd, that age brought foorth far greater men than are now liuing) as also for that they were the firste, or at the least the furthest in remembrance of any that had inhabited this countrey. For this word Gigi­nes, or rather Gegines, from whence our word giant (as some take it) is deriued, is a greek word, and signifieth borne or bred of or in the earth: for our foreelders, specially the Gentiles, being igno­rant of the true beginning of mankind, were per­swaded, that the first inhabitaunts of any coū ­trey were bred out of the earth, and therfore when they could go no higher, reckening the discented of their predecessours,Terraefilius, vvhat is [...]s; [...]fyeth. they wold name him Ter­raefilius, the sonne of the earth: and so the Giants which the Poets fain to haue sought to make ba­tayle against heauen are called the sonnes of the earth: and the first inhabitantes generally of eue­ry countrey, wer of the Grekes called Gigines, or Gegines, and of the Latines Aborigines, Aborigines Indigan [...] and In­diganae, that is, people borne of the earth from the beginning, and cōming from no other countrey, but bred within the same.

And these Giaunts and first inhabitauntes of thys Isle, continued in their beastly kinde of lyfe vnto the arriuall of the Ladies, whiche some of our chronicles ignorantly write to be the daugh­ters of Dioclesian the king of Assiria, wheras in dede they haue bene deceiued in taking the worde Danaus to bee short written for Dioclesianus:The mystak [...] of the [...] Dioclesianus Danaus. and by the same meanes haue dyuers wordes and names bene mistaken bothe in our Chro­nicles and in diuerse other aunciente written woorkes. But this is a faulte that learned men shoulde not so muche trouble themselues about, [Page 10] considering the same hath bin alreadie founde by sundry authors long sithence, as Hugh the Italiane, Iohn Harding, and Iohn Rouse of Warwicke,Hughe the Ita­lyan. Hardyng. Iohn Rous out of Dauid Pencair. and others, speciallye by the healpe of Dauid Pencair, a Britishe histori­cien, who recite the Historie vnder the name of Danaus and his daughters: and bycause we would not any man to thinke, that the hi­storie of these daughters of Danaus is onely of purpose deuised, & brought in place of Dio­clesian, 10 to excuse the imperfection of our wri­ters, whereas there was eyther no such histo­rie, or at the least no such women that arriued in this Isle,Nennius. the authoritie of Nennius a Bri­ton writer may be auouched, who wrote aboue ix.C, yeares past, and maketh mencion of the arriuall of suche ladies.

Belus, Priscus.To bee shorte, the Historie is thus: Belus the sonne of Epaphus, (or as some wryters haue) of Neptune and Libyes,Dictionarium poeticum. whom Isis af­ter 20 the death of Apis maried,) hadde issue two sonnes: the first Danaus, called also Armeus, and Egyptus called also Rameses, and these two were kings among the Egyptians.Danaus. Aegyptus. Da­naus the elder of the two, hauyng in his rule the vpper region of Egypt,Higinus. had by sundry wi­ues .50. daughters, whiche his brother Aegyp­tus gaping for the dominion of the whole, did instantly desire, that his sons being also .50. in number, might matche with those fifty ladies. 30

But Danaus hauing knowledge by some prophecie or oracle, that a sonne in law of his shoulde be his death, refused so to bestowe his daughters.

Herevpon grew warre betwixt the brethrē, in the end wherof, Danaus being the weaker, was inforced to flee his countrey, whervpon he prepared a nauie, imbarqued himselfe & his daughters, and with them passed ouer into Greece, where he found meanes to dispossesse 40 Gelenor (sonne to Stenelas king of Argos,) of his rightfull inheritance, driuing him oute of his countreye, and reigned in his place by the assistance of the Argiues themselues, that had conceyued an hatred towardes Gelenor, and a great likyng towardes Danaus, who in very deede did so farre excell the kings that had rei­gned there before hym, that the Greekes in remembraunce of hym, were after called Danai. 50

But his brother Aegyptus, taking greate disdayne for that hee and his sonnes were in suche sorte despised of Danaus, sente his sons with a greate armie to make warre on theyr Vncle, giuing them in charge not to returne tyll they had eyther slayne Danaus, or obtey­ned his daughters in mariage.

The yong Gentlemen accordyng to theyr fathers commaundemente, beeing arriued in Greece, made such warre agaynste Danaus, that in the ende he was constrayned to gyue vnto those his fifty nephues his .50. daughters, to ioyn with them in mariage, & so acording­ly maried they were: but as the prouerb sayth, In trust appeared treacherie: for the first night of the mariage, Danaus deliuered to eche of his daughters a sworde, chargyng them that when their husbands after their banquets and pastimes were once brought into a soūd slepe, eche of them should slea hir husband, menacing them with death vnlesse they fulfilled his com­maundement. They all therfore obey the will of their father, Hypermnestra onely excepted, with whom preuayled more the loue of kinred and wedlock, than the feare of hir fathers dis­pleasure: for shee alone spared the lyfe of hir husbande Lynceus, wakening him out of his sleepe, and warning hym to departe and flee into Egypt to his father. He therfore hauing all the wicked practise reuealed to hym by his wyfe, followed hir aduise, and so escaped.

But when Danaus perceiued howe all his daughters had accomplished his cōmaundemēt sauing onely Hypermnestra,Pausanias. he caused hir to be brought forth into iudgemēt for disobeying him in a matter wherin both the safetie & losse of his life rested: but she was acquit by the Ar­giues, and discharged: howbeit hir father kept hir in prison, and seeking to fynde oute other husbandes for his other daughters that hadde obeyed his pleasure in sleaing their firste hus­bandes, long it was ere he coulde fynde any to matche with them: for the heynous offence committed in the slaughter of their late hus­bandes, was yet too freshe in memorie, and their bloud not wiped out of mynde.

But yet neuerthelesse to bring his purpose the better to passe, he made proclamation that his daughters should demaunde no ioynters, and euery suter shuld take his choyce without respect to the age of the ladie, or abilitie of him that came to make his choyce, but so as fyrste come, beste serued, according to their owne phantasies and likings. But when this poli­cie also fayled, and would not serue his turne, he deuised a game of running, ordeining ther­with, that who soeuer got the best price should haue the first choyce among all the sisters, and he that got the second, shuld choose next to the fyrst, and so foorth eche one after an other, ac­cordyng to the tryall of theyr swyftenesse of foote.

How muche this practise auayled, I knowe not: but certain it is, diuers of them were be­stowed either by this means, or by some other: for we finde that Autonomes was maried to [Page] Architeles Chrysantas, or (as Pausanias hath) Scea was matched with Archandrus, Anenome with Neptunus Equestris, on whome he begate Nauplius.

[...]inus.But nowe to returne vnto Lynceus, whome his wyfe Hipermnestra preserued, (as before ye haue herd) after he was once got out of the reach and daunger of his father in law king Danaus, he gaue knowledge thereof to his wyfe, in ray­sing a fyre on heyghte beaconwyse, [...]usanias. accordingly 10 as shee hadde requested him to doe at hys de­parture from hir: and this was at a place which afterwardes tooke name of him, and was called Lyncea.

Vpon his returne into Egypt, he gaue his fa­ther to vnderstande the whole circumstaunce of the trecherous crueltie vsed by his vncle and hys daughters in the murder of his brethren, and how hardly he himselfe hadde escaped death out of hys vncles handes. Whervpon at tyme conuenient 20 he was furnished foorth with men and shippes by his father, for the speedie reuenge of that heynous vnnaturall and moste disloyall murder, in which enterprise he sped him foorth with such diligence, that in shorte tyme he found meanes to dispatch hys vncle Danaus, set his wyfe Hypermnestra at libertie, and brought the whole kingdome of the Argiues vnder his subiection.

This don, he caused the daughters of Danaus (so many as remayned within the limittes of his 30 dominion) to be sent for, whome he thought not worthie to lyue, bycause of the cruell murther which they had committed on his brethren: but yet for that they were his wiues sisters, he would not put them to death, but commaunded them to be thrust into a shippe, without maister, mate or mariner, & so to be turned into the mayn ocean sea, and to take and abyde such fortune as should chance vnto them, thinking the worst that might befall on them, coulde bee no worsse than they 40 had deserued.

Hanlyng. Iohn R [...]s out of Dauid Pen [...].These Ladies thus imbarqued and left to the mercie of the raging seas, at length by hap were brought to ye coasts of this yle then called Albiō, where they took land, & in seeking to prouide thē ­selues of victuals by pursute of wylde beasts, met with no other inhabitantes than the rude and sa­uage giauntes, of whome before we haue made mencion, which our historicians for their beastly kynde of lyfe, doe call Deuilles: And with these 50 monsters these ladies finding none other to satis­fye the motions of their sensuall luste, ioyned in the act of generation, and ingendred a race of peo­ple in proportion nothing differing from their fa­thers that begote them, nor in conditions from their mothers that bare them.

But now peraduenture ye will thinke that I haue forgotten my selfe in rehersing this historie of the Ladies arriuall here, bycause I make no mencion of Albina, whiche shold be the eldest of the sisters, of whome this lande shoulde also take the name of Albion.

To this we answer, that as the name of their father hathe bene mistaken, so lykewyse hath the whole course of the historie in this behalfe: for althoughe we shall admit that to be true whiche is rehersed (in maner as before ye haue heard) of the arriuall heere of those ladies, yet certain it is that none of them bare the name of Albina, from whom this land might be called Albion. For further assurāce wherof,Hig [...]. The names of the daughters of Dana [...]. if any mā be desirous to knowe all their names, we haue thoughte good here to reherse thē as they be founde in Higinus, Pausanias, & others. 1. Idea. 2. Philomela. 3. Scillo. 4. Phicomene. 5. Evippe. 6 Demoditas 7. Hyale. 8. Trite. 9. Damone. 10. Hippothoe. 11. Mirmidone. 12. Euridice. 13. Cleo. 14. Arania. 15. Cleopatra. 16. Phylea. 17. Hypareta. 18. Chriso­themis. 19. Piranta. 20. Armoaste. 21. Danaes, 22. Scean. 23. Glaucippe. 24. Demophile. 25. Au­todice. 26. Polixena. 27. Hecabe. 28. Achamantis, 29. Arsalte. 30. Monuste. 31. Amimone. 32. Helice, 33. Amaome 34. Polibe. 35. Helicte. 36. Electra. 37. Eubule. 38. Daphildice. 39. Hero. 40. Europome­ne. 41. Critomedia. 42. Pyrene. 43. Eupheno. 44. Themistagora. 45. Paleno. 46. Erate. 47. Au­tonomes. 48. Itea. 49. Chrysanta. 50. Hy­permnestra.

These were the names of those Ladies, the daughters of Danaus: howebeeit, whiche they were that shoulde arriue in this Isle, we can not say. But it suffizeth to vnderstande, that none of them hight Albina, so that whether the historie of their landing heere shoulde be true or not, it is all one, for the matter concerning the name of this Isle, which vndoubtedly was called Albion, ey­ther of Albion the giaunt (as before I haue sayd) or by some other occasion.

And thus much for the Ladies,See more in the Discrip [...] whose strange aduenture of their arriual here, as it may seme to manie, and with good cause incredible, so with­out further auouching it for a truthe, I leaue it to the consideration of the reader, to thinke therof as reson shal moue him, sith I see not how either in this, or in other things of suche antiquitie we can haue any sufficient warrant otherwyse than by lykely coniectures. Whiche as in this historie of the ladies they are not most probable, yet haue we shewed the likelyest, yt (as we think) may be demed to agree with those authors yt haue writ of their comming into this yle. But as for an assured proofe that this Ile was inhabited with people before the commyng of Brute, I truste it may suffise whiche before is recited out of An­nio de Viterbo, Theophilus, Gildas, and other, although muche more might be sayd: As of the [Page 9] commyng hyther of Osyris, as wel as into the other parties of ye world: And likewyse of Vlys­ses his being here, [...] Bri­ [...] who in performing some vow whiche he eyther then did make, or before hadde made, erected an Altar in that parte of Scotland which was aunciently called Calidonia, as Iu­lius Solinus Polihistor in playne wordes doth recorde. [...]olinus.

So that vpon these considerations I haue no doubt to deliuer vnto the Reader, the opinion of those that thinke this lande to haue bin inhabited before the arriuall here of Brute, trusting it may be taken in good parte, sith wee haue but shewed the coniectures of others, till time that some suf­ficient learned man shall take vpon him to desci­pher the doubts of all these matters.

BRVTE.

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HItherto haue wee spoken of them that inhabited this land be­fore 20 the commyng of Brute, although some will needs haue it, that he was the firste which inhabited ye same with his people, descended of the Troyās, some few Giaunts onely excep­ted whome hee vtterly destroyed, and lefte not one of them alyue through the whole Isle. 30 But as wee shall not doubte of Brutes hyther comming, so maye wee assuredly thinke, that he found the Isle peopled either with the generation of those, whiche Albion the Giaunt had placed here, or some other kynde of people, whom he did subdue, [...]ffrey L [...]ryd and so reigned as well ouer them, as o­uer those whiche he brought with him.

This Brute (as the author of the Book (which Geffrey of Monmouth translated) doth affirme, was the sonne of Siluius, the sonne of Ascanius 40 that was sonne of Aeneas the Troian, begotten of his wyfe Creusa, and borne in Troye, before the Citie was destroyed.

[...]arding. [...]lexan. Neuyl. [...]V. Har.But as other doe take it, the Author of that booke (whatsoeuer he was) and such other as fo­lowe him, are deceyued only in this poynt, my­staking the matter in that Posthumus the sonne of Aeneas (begot of his wyfe Lauinia, and borne after his fathers deceasse in Italy) was called Ascanius, who had issue a sonne named Iulius, the whiche (as these other doe coniecture) was the 50 father of Brute, that noble chieftain and aduen­turous leader of those people, which being descen­ded (for the more parte in the fourth generation) from those Troians that escaped with lyfe, when that royall Citie was destroyed by the Grekes, got possession of this worthie and most famous Isle.

To this opinion Giouan Villani, a Floren­tine in his vniuersal historie speaking of Aeneas and his ofspring kings in Italy, seemeth to a­gree, where he hathe these words: Siluius (the sonne of Aeneas by his wife Lauinia) fell in loue with a neece of his mother the same Lauinia, and by hir had a sonne, of whom she dyed in tra­uayle, and therfore he was called Brutus, who after as he grewe in some stature, and huntyng in a forest slew his father at vnwares, and there­vpon for fear of his grādfather Siluius Posthu­mus he fled the countrey, and with a retinue of suche as followed him, passyng throughe diuers seas, at lengthe hee arriued in the Isle of Bri­tayne.

But now wheras by reason of the vncertayn­tie in the Roman authors themselues, touching the lyne of Aeneas, some forein writers haue ei­ther with slender argumente, or else verie arro­gantly without any grounded reson shewed,Theuet, Bodi­nus, and other. ta­ken vpon them to denye that there was any such Italyan Brutus, lineally cōming from Aeneas the Troian, of whom the race of the British na­tion that possessed this Isle should proceede: yet bycause the argumente of the one sorte of those that so write, is found insufficient to the lerned, and the arrogancie of the other being void of rea­son, is smally to be regarded: and seing that nei­ther the one nor the other of these our aduersaries can as yet fynd out any other, either by parents, tyme, place or name, that shoulde in suche wyse conquer, subdue and gouerne this noble Isle, but only our Brutus or Brytus. For this letter(y) hath had of auncient tyme bothe those soundes, as of V, and of I.

And sith also we haue on oure syde, as many or rather more, and of as good credite (if we shall speake generally,) beyng likewyse forreyne wry­ters, which affirme and vndoubtedly auouch the regall state of the foresayde Brutus, as the sole ruler, monarche and gouernour thereof: Seyng [Page 7] I say, the case standeth in such termes, I doubt not but myne opinion wil be deemed allowable, if herein I folow the receyued opinion of most writers, and esteemed the lykelyest sundry ways to the carefull serchers and skilfull examiners of the antiquities of this triumphant Iland. Tru­sting yt this poynt with sundry other concerning the historie of this our great Britayn▪ either vn­truly or imperfectly recorded, or vtterly in ma­ner vnknowne, shall in due tyme be brought to a 10 neerer perfection and more apparant euidencie of trouth by some discrete and experte Gentleman, being of the auncient Britishe nobilitie lyneally descended, as also very studious of so worthy ve­rities.

Concerning therfore our Brute, whether his father Iulius was sonne to Ascanius, the sonne of Aeneas by his wyfe Creusa, or sonne to Po­sthumus, called also Ascanius, and sonne to Ae­neas by his wyfe Lauinia, wee will not further stande. But this we fynde, that when he came to the age of .xv. yeares, so that he was now able to ride abrode with his father into the forests and chases, he fortuned eyther by mishap, or by gods

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prouidence,Brute kylleth his father by misfortune. to strike his father with an arrowe, in shooting at a deere, of whiche wounde he also dyed. His grandfather (whether the same was Posthumus, or his elder brother) hearing of this greate misaduenture that had chaunced to his sonne Syluius, liued not long after, but deceas­sed of very griefe and sorrow (as is to be suppo­sed) which he conceyued therof. And the young gentleman immediatly after he had slayn his fa­ther (in maner before alledged) was banished hys 40 countrey, and therevppon got him into Grecia, where traueling in yt coūtrey, he lighted by chāce among some of the Troyan ofspring, and asso­ciating himselfe with them grewe by meanes of the lignage (wherof he was descended) in proces of tyme, into greate reputation among them: chieflye by reason there were yet dyuers of the Troiane race,Pausanias. and that of greate authoritie in that countrey. For Pirrhus the sonne of Achil­les, hauing no issue by his wyfe Hermione, ma­ried 50 Andromache, late wyfe vnto Hector: and by hir had three sonnes, Molossus, Pielus, and Pergamus, that in their time grew to be of great power in those places and countreys, and so their ofspring likewise: Whereby Brute or Brytus wanted no frendship. For euen at his firste com­ming thither, diuers of the Troyans that were remayning in seruitude, being desirous of liber­tie, by heapes resorted vnto hym. And amongst other, Assaracus was one, whom Brute enter­tayned, receyuing at his handes the possession of sundry fortes & places of defence, before that the king of those parties could haue vnderstanding or knowledge of any such thing. Herewith also suche as were redie to make the aduenture with him, repaired to him on eche side, wherevpon he firste placed garnisons in those townes whiche had bene thus deliuered vnto him, and afterwar­des with Assaracus and the residue of the mul­titude, he withdrewe into the mountaynes neere adioyning. And thus beeing made strong wyth suche assistance, vpon consultation hadde wyth them that were of moste authoritie about hym, wrote vnto the Kyng of that countreye called Pandrasus, in fourme as followeth.

The Letter of Brute to Pandrasus, as I fynd it sette downe in Galfride Mo­nunetensis.

BRute leader of the remnant of the Troy­ane people,
to Pandrasus king of the Gre­kes, sendeth greeting:

Bicause it hath bin thou­ght a thing vnworthie, that the people discended of the noble linage of Dardanus, to be otherwise delte with than the honoure of their Nobilitie [Page 11] dothe require: They haue withdrawne them­selues within the close couerte of the wooddes: For they haue chosen rather (after the manner of wylde beastes) to lyue on fleshe and herbes in libertie, than furnished with all the riches in the worlde to continue vnder the yoake of seruyle thraldome. But if thys theyr doyng offende thy mightye highnesse, they are not to bee bla­med, but rather in this behalfe to bee pardoned, sith euery captiue prisoner is desirous to bee re­stored 10 vnto hys former estate and dignitie. You therefore pitying their case, vouchesafe to graunte them their abridged lybertie, and suf­fer them to remayne in quiet within these wood­des whiche they haue gotte into their possession: If not so, yet gyue them lycence to departe foorthe of thys Countreye into some other par­tyes.

The sight of these letters and request in them cōteyned made Pandrasus at the first somewhat amazed, Howbeit aduising further of the matter, and consideryng their small number, he [...] no greate accompt of them, but determined [...] of hande to suppresse them by force, before they shoulde growe to a greater multitude.

And to bring his intention the better t [...]asse,Pandrasus pre­pareth an army to suppresse the Troian of­spring. he leuyed hys power, and made towardes them. But as he passed by a towne called Sparatinū,Sparatinum. marching towardes the woods within the which he thought to haue founde his enimyes, he was

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sodenly assailed by Brute, who with three thou­sande men was come foorth of the woodes, and fiercely setting vpon his enimies, made greate 40 slaughter of them, so that they were vtterly dis­comfited, and soughte by flyghte to saue them­selues in passing a ryuer there at hande called Akalon.Peraduenture Acaelous.

Brute with his men following fast vpon the aduersaries, caused them to plunge into the wa­ter at aduenture, so that manye of them were drowned.Antigonus, the [...]rother of Pā ­drasues. Antigonus yet the brother of kyng Pandrasus didde what hee coulde to staye the Grecians from fleeing, called them back agayn, and getting some of them togither, placed them in order,He is taken prisons and began a newe fielde: but it nothing auayled, for the Troyans preasing vpon hym, 50 tooke him prisoner, slewe and scattered his com­panie (and ceassed not tyll they had rid the fields of all their aduersaries.

Brute entreth into Sparatinū.This doon, Brute entring ye towne, furnished it with sixe hundred able souldiours, and after­wardes went backe to the residue of his people that were incamped in the wooddes, where he was receyued with vnspeakeable ioye for this prosperous atchieued enterprise. But althoughe this euil successe at the first beginning, sore trou­bled Pandrasus, as well for the losse of the field, as for the taking of his brother, yet was he ra­ther kyndeled in desyre to seek [...]nge, tha [...] o­therwyse discourages. And therfore [...]semblyng his people agayne togyther that were [...] here and there, he came the nexte day before the towne of Sparatinum, wherein he thoughte to haue founde Brute enclosed togyther with the prisoners, and therfore he shewed his whole en­d [...]uer by harde siege and fierce assaultes to [...] them within to yelde.

To conclude, so long he did cōtinue the siege, till victuals began to waxe scant within, so that there was no way but to yeld, if present [...] came not to remoue the siege: whervpon they sig­nifyed their necessitie vnto Brute, who for that he had not power sufficient to fight with the eni­mies in open field, he ment to giue thē a camisa­do in the nyght season, & so ordered his businesse, that enforcing a prysoner named Anacletus, whiche he had taken in the last battayle, to serue his turne, by constrayning him to take an othe [Page 12] whiche he durste not for conscience sake breake) he found meanes to encounter with his enimies vpon the aduauntage, that he did not only ouer­throwe theyr whole power, but also tooke Pan­drasus

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prysoner, wherby all the trouble was en­ded:Pandrasus takē prisoner. and shortly after a perfect peace concluded, vpon these conditions folowyng.

The conditi­ons of the a­greement be­tvvixte Brute and Pandrasus.Fyrst that Pandrasus shuld giue his daugh­ter named Innogen vnto Brute in mariage, with a competent summe of golde and siluer for hir dower.

Secondely, to furnishe hym and his people with a nauie of ships, and to store the same with victuals and all other things necessarie. 10

Thyrdly, that Brute with his people shoulde haue licence to departe the countrey, to seeke ad­uentures whether so euer it should please them to direct their course▪ without let, impeachement or trouble to bee offered any wayes foorthe by the Greekes.

To all these conditions bycause they touched not the prerogatiue of his kingdom) Pandrasus did willingly agree, & lykewyse performe, so that 40 all things being once put in a redynesse, and the wynde seruyng their purpose, Brute with hys wyse Innugen and his people imbarqued, and plucking vp sayles departed from the coastes of Grecia: and after two dayes and a nyghtes saylyng, they arriued at Leogitia, (in some olde written bookes of the Brytishe hystorie, noted downe Lergetia) an Iland, where they consul­ted with an Oracle. Brute himself kneeling be­fore the Idole, and holding in his right hande 50 a boll prepared for sacrifice ful of wyne, and the bloud of a whyte hynde, spake in this maner as here foloweth:

Diua potens nemerum, terror syluestribus apris,
Cui licet anfractus ire per aethereos
Infernas (que) domos, terrestria iura resolue,
Et dic quas terraes nos habitare velis [...]
Dic certam sedem qua te venerabor in auum,
Qua tibi virgineis templa dicabo choris.

These verses as Ponticus Virumnius and others also doe guesse, were written by Gildas Cambrius in his book intitled Cambreidos, and may thus be englished.

Thou goddesse that doest rule the wooddes and forrests greene,
And chasest fomyng boares, that flee thyne aw­full sight,
Thou that mayest passe alofte in ayrie skyes so sheene,
And walk eke vnder erth in places void of light,
Discouer earthly states, direct our course aright,
And shewe where wee shall dwell, accordyng to thy will,
In seates of sure abode, where temples we maye dight,
For virgins that shal sounde thy laude with voi­ces shrill.

After this prayer and obseruances done accor­ding to the Pagane rite and custom, Brute abi­ding for answere, fell a sleepe: in tyme of which sleepe appeared to hym the sayde goddesse, vtte­ring an aunswere, as in these Verses follo­wyng is expressed.

Brute, sub occasum Solis trans Gallica regna,
Insula in Oceano est, vndi (que) clausa mari,
Insula in oceano est, habitata gigantibus olim,
Nunc deserta quidem, gentibus apta tuis:
Hanc pete, nam (que) tibi sedes erit illa perennis,
Hic fiet natis altera Troia tuis:
Hic de prole tua reges nascentur & ipsis,
Totius terrae subditus orbis erit.

Whiche are thus Englished.

Brute farre by weast beyonde the Gallike lande is founde,
[Page 13]An yle whiche with the Ocean seas enclosed is aboute,
VVhere Giants dwelt sometyme, but now is de­sar [...]e grounde,
Most meet where thou mayst plant thy self with all thy route:
Make thitherwardes with speede, for there thou shalt fynde out
An euer d [...]ring seate, and Troy shall rise anewe▪
Vnto thy race, of whome shall kings be [...] bo [...] 10 no doubt,
That with their mightie power, the worlde shall whole subdue.

After that he was awakened out of his sleepe and had called his dreame to remembrāce, he first doubted whether it were a very dreame or a true vision, the goddesse hauyng spoken to hym with lyuely voyce. Wherevpon callyng suche of hys companie vnto hym as he thoughte requisite in suche a case, hee declared vnto them the whole 20 matter with the circumstaunces, whereat they greatly reioycing, caused mightie bonfyres to be made, in the whiche they caste wyne, milke, and other licours, with dyuers gummes and spyces of moste swete smell and odour, as in the Pagan religion was accustomed: whiche obserua [...] and ceremonies being once performed & bro [...]ht to ende, they returned streighte wayes to their shippes, and as soone as the wynde serued, they passed foreward on their iourney with great ioye 30 and gladnesse, as men put in comforte to fynde out the wished feates for their firme and sure ha­bitations. From hence therfore they cast about, and making westwarde, [...]ute vvith his [...]mpanie lan­ [...]th in Afrike. they first arriue in Afri­ca, and after keeping on their course, they passed the straites of Gibralterra, and coasting alongst the shore on the right hande, they founde another companye that were lykewyse descended of the Troiane progenie, on the coasts nere where the Pyrenine hilles shoote downe to the sea, [...]he mystaking [...] those that [...] copied the [...]ishe history [...]tring Mare [...]yrrhenum, [...] Pyrenaeum. whereof 40 the same sea by good reason was named in those days Mare Pyrenaeum, although hitherto by fault of Writers and copiers of the Britishe historie receiued, in this place Mare Tyrhenū was slight­ly put downe in stede of Pyrenaeum.

I knowe right well that some will condemne me of lacke of vnderstanding the names whiche the later writers Greekes or Latinistes haue gi­uen vnto our known seas: for yt we reade not in any autentike author, that those seas next and a­gainst 50 the Pyrenine mountaynes, [...]yrenyne [...]ountayns. haue bin cal [...] Mare Pyrenaeum. But verily the course of the hi­storie doth moue me to thinke assuredly, that the author of Geffrey Monmouths booke, ment in that place the seas neere to the coast, wherevnto the Pyrenine hilles do ioyn. For what reason is it, that after the Troians were passed the pyllers of Hercules, that stande on eyther sides the strait of Marrocke or Gibralterra (whether you [...]ill to name the place) s [...] [...] so great a course backe agayne, and fall vpon the coastes of Tus­can [...] (from the whiche he purposely was fledde) which lay nothing w [...] [...], whither they bent their whole course.

I haue shewed my reason grounded vpon the opinion of some that are known to be learned, & n [...] [...] whose iudgementes I can not but reue­ [...]nce, and therfore I am the [...] to set it down as I haue hearde it, and also by other allowed. To proceede then with the historie.

The ofspring of those Troianes with whom Brute and his companie thus did meete, we [...]e a [...] of those that came away with [...]. The [...] capitayne hight Corineus, a man of great modestie and app [...] [...] of incomparable strength and boldnesse. After they vnderstoode of one an others estates,Brute and Co­rineus ioyne their compa­nies together. and howe they were descended from one countrey and [...]o­genie, they vnited themselues together, greately reioycing that they were so fortunately [...]. And after this, hoyssyng vp their sayles▪ They arriue on the coastes of Gallia, novve called Fraunce [...] They directed their course forward st [...] all they [...] within the mouth of the riuer of [...], wh [...]he

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deuideth Aquitayn from Gaule [...]itique, where they tooke lande within the dominion of a king,Goffarius sur­named Pictus. Les annales d' Aquitain called Goffarius, and surnamed Pictus, by rea­son that he was descēded of the people called A­gathyrses, Agathyrses, o­thervvise cal­led Pictes, or painting their bodies. that otherwise were named also Pic­tes, for so muche as they vsed to paynte their fa­ces and bodies, in suche wise as the richer a man was amongst them, the more coste he bestowed of paynting himselfe: and commonly the heare of their head was redde.

The countrey of Poictou (as some hold) where the sayde Goffarius reigned, tooke name of thys people: and likewise a parte of this our Isle of Britayn nowe conteyned within Scotland in ancient time was called Pightland as elsewhere both in this historie of England,Pightland. & also of Scot­lande, [Page 14] it may further appeare.

But nowe to our purpose. When Goffarius the king of Poictou was aduertised of the lan­ding of these straungers within his countrey,Goffarius sen­deth vnto Bru­tus. he sent first certain of his people to vnderstād what they ment by their comming a lande within his dominion, withoute licence or leaue of him ob­teyned.

They that were thus sente, by chaunce came where Corineus with two hundred of the com­panie were come from the shippes into a forreste neare to the sea syde, to kil some venison for their sustenaunce: and being reproued with some dis­daynfull speache of those Poicteuins,Cori [...] svver [...] [...] Imbert. hee shaped them a rounde aunswere: insomuch that one of them whose name was Imbert, let driue an ar­row at Corineus: but hee aduoyding the danger therof, shotte agayn at Imbert,Imbert [...] by Coris in reuenge of that iniurie offered, and claue hys head in sunder.

The reste of the Poicteuins fledde therevp­pon, and broughte woorde to Goffarius what hadde happened:Goffari [...] [...]s­eth whoe immediatelye wyth a myghtie armie, made forwarde to encounter with the Troians, and comming to ioyne with

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them in battaile, after a sharp and sore conflict, in the ende Brute with his armie obteyned a tri­umphant victorie,Goffarius is discomfited. specially thorough the noble prowes of Corineus.

Goffarius see­keth ayde a­gainst Brute.Goffarius escaping from the fielde, fled into the inner partes of Gallia, making suite for assi­staunce vnto suche kings as in those dayes reig­ned in dyuers prouinces of that lande, who pro­mysed to ayde hym wyth all their forces, and to expell oute of the coastes of Aquitayne, suche 40 straungers as without his licence were thus en­tred the countrey.

Brute spoyleth the countrey.But Brute in the meane tyme passed fore­ward, and with fire and sworde, made hauock in places where he came: and gathering great spoy­les,Turonius or Tours buylt by Brute. fraughte his ships with plentie of riches. At length he came to the place, where afterwards he buylt a Citie named Turonium, that is Tours.

Goffarius ha­uing renued his forces, figh­teth eftsoones vvith Brute.Here Goffarius with suche Gaules as were assembled in his ayd, gaue batayl agayn vnto the 50 Troyans that were encamped to abyde his cō ­myng. Where after that they had fought a long tyme with singular manhoode on bothe parties: finally the Troyans oppressed with multitude of their aduersaries, being thirtie tymes as manye more as the Troyans) were constrained to re­tyre into their campe, within the which the Gau­les kepte them as besieged, lodging rounde about them, and purposing by famine to compell them to yelde themselues vnto their mercie.

But Corineus taking counsell with Brute, deuised to departe in the darke of the night foorth of the campe, and to lodge himselfe wyth three thousand chosen souldiours secretly in a woodde, and there to remayne in couert tyll in the mor­ning that Brute shoulde come foorth and giue a a charge vppon the enimies, wherewith Cori­neus should breake forth and assayle the Gaules on the backes.

This policie was putte in practise, and tooke such effect as the deuysers themselues wished: for the Gaules being sharply assailed on the front by Brute and his companie, wer now by the sodain comming of Corineus, who set vpon them be­hinde on their backes, brought into such a feare, that incontinentely they tooke them to flighte, whome the Troyans egrely pursued, making no small slaughter of them as they might ouertake them. In this battaile Brute lost many of his men, and amongst other, one of his nephues na­med Turinus, after he had shewed maruellous proofe of his great manhoode. Of hym (as some haue written) the foresayd citie of Tours tooke the name, and was called Turonium, bycause the [Page 15] sayd Turinus was there buried: Althoughe An­drew Theuet affirmeth the contrarie,Theuet. and mayn­teyneth, that one Taurus the nephewe of Han­niball was the firste that closed it about wyth a pale of woodde (as the maner in those days was of fencing their towns) in the yeare of the world 3374.3374. and before the birth of our Sauioure .197. But yet by Theuets leaue, Brute and his com­panie myghte fyrst buylde the same towne: and Taurus peraduenture might after fence it about 10 with a pale, at that supposed time whē his vncle Hanibal came foorth of Spayn, to passe through Gallia into Italy. But to speake what I thinke, I beleeue Theuet is as little able to proue his Taurus to be the first that enclosed it, as other are to proue, that it tooke the name of Turinus his buryall there.

But now to our matter concerning Brute, who after he had obteined so famous a victorie, albeit there was good cause for him to reioyce, yet 20 it sore troubled him to consider that his numbers dayly decayed, and his enimies still encreased, and grew stronger:Brute in doubt vvhat to do. whervpon resting doubtfull what to doe, whether to proceede agaynste the Gaulles, or to returne to his shippes▪ and to seke the yle, that was appoynted to him by oracle, at lēgth he chose the surest way and best (as he toke it, and as it proued:) for whylest yet the more parte of his armie was lefte alyue, and that the name of the victorie remayned on his side, hee 30 drewe to his nauie, and lading his shippes, with exceding greate store of riches whiche his people had got abrode in the countrey: he tooke the seas, agayne:Brute vvith his remnant of Troians arriue in this Isle. An. mūdi. 2850. And after a few dayes sayling, they lan­ded at the hauen whiche is now called Totnesse, the yeare of the worlde .2850. after the destructi­on of Troy .66. after the deliuerāce of the Israe­lites, from the Captiuitie of Babylon .397. al­most ended, in the .18. yeare of the reigne of Ty­neas king of Babylon .13. of Melanthus king of 40 Athenes, before the buylding of Rome .368. whi­che was before the natiuitie of our sauior Christ 1116:1116. almost ended, and before the reigne of Alex­ander the great .783.

This computation haue I set down acording to the Chronologie of William Harison not yet published,VVilliam Harison. whose accompte (as he hath gathered it) I haue folowed for the more parte, as well in the historie of Scotland, as here in this historie of England, especially til I come vnto the time 50 that the Saxons settled themselues here: the ra­ther bycause I am persuaded yt he hath bin verie diligent in serching out the true computation of yeres, in reforming the same according to ye best authorities, as I truste to the learned reader it may appeare. And if there be any errour therein, I doubt not but some suche learned Gentleman as hath spent some studie about the searche of the first peopling of this land, will for the benefite of his countrey in tyme conueniente reforme that which is amisse, and publishe to the worlde that whiche may better satisfie the learned, and there all doubtes as well in the accompt of the time of Brutes comming hither, as in all other circum­stances of the whole Brytishe historie.

But nowe to proceede. When soeuer Brute entred this lande, immediatly after his arriuall (as writers doe recorde) he searched the countrey from side to side, and euen from the one ende to the other, finding it in moste places right [...]le and plentu [...]s of woodde and grasse, and [...] of pleasant springs and faire ryuers.

But as he thus trauayled to discouer the [...]te and commodities of the ylande,Brute encoun­tred by the Giauntes. he was encoun­tred by diuers strong & mightie Giauntes [...]m he destroyed and slewe, or rather subdued them, with all suche other people, as hee founde in the Ilande, whiche were more in number vndoub­tedly than by report of some authors, it shoulde appere there were. Among these Giants (as Gef­frey of Monmonthe writeth,) there was [...] of passing strengthe and greate estimation,Corineus vvr [...] stleth vvith Gogmagog. [...]ed Gogmagog, with whome Brute caused Cori­neus to wra [...]ell, at a place beside Douer, where

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it chaunced, that the Giaunt brake a ribbe in the syde of Corineus, whyle they stroue to claspe, and the one to ouerthrowe the other: wherewith Corineus being sore chased and stirred to wrath, he so doubled his force that he got the vpperhand of the Gyaunt,Gogmagog is slayne. and caste him downe headlong from one of the rockes there, not farre from Do­uer, and so dispatched hym: by reason whereof, the place was named long after, the fall or leape of Gogmagog, but afterwards it was called the fall of Douer.Cornvvall giuē to Corineus.

For this valiant deede and other the lyke ser­uice firste and laste atchieued, Brute gaue vnto Corineus the whole countrey of Cornwall.

To be briefe: After that Brute had destroyed suche as stoode agaynste him, and brought suche [Page 16] people vnder his subiection, as he found in the Isle, and searched the land from the one end to the other: He was desirous to buyld a citie, yt the same might be the regal seat of his empire or kingdom. Whervpon he chose foorth a plot of ground, lying on the north syde of the riuer of Thames, which by good consideration see­med to be most pleasant & conuenient for any great multitude of inhabitants, aswel for hol­somnesse of aire goodnesse of soyle, plentie of wooddes, & commoditie of the riuer, seruing as wel to bring in as to carrie foorth all kindes of merchandise, and things necessarie for gayne store and vse of them that there shuld inhabit.

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The citie of Trinouant af­ [...]er called Lō ­don, buylded. See more here­of in the descri­ption.Here therfore, he began to buyld and lay the foundation of a citie, in the tenth, or (as other thinke) in the seconde yeare after his arriuall, which he nameth (saith Gal. Mon.) Troy no­uant, or as Hum. Libuyd sayth, Troyne with, that is new Troy, in remembrance of that no­ble citie of Troy, from whēce he and his peo­ple were for the more part descended.

When Brutus had buylded this citie, and brought the Iland fully vnder his subiection, he then by the aduise of his nobles, commaun­ded this Ile whiche before hyghte Albion, to bee called Britayne, and the inhabitauntes Britons after his name, for a perpetuall me­morie that he was the first bringer of them in­to the lande.Brute had three sonnes. In this meane whyle also he had by his wyfe .iij. sonnes, of which the firste was named Locrinus, or Locrine, the second Cambris or Camber, and the third Albanactus or Albanact. And when the tyme of his death drewe neere, To the first he betoke the gouern­ment of that part of the lande which is nowe knowne by the name of England: so that the same was long after called Loegria, Loegria. or Logiers, of the sayd Locrinus.

To the seconde he appoynted the countrey of Wales, the whyche of hym was fyrst na­med Cambria, Cambria. deuided from Loegria, by the ri­uer of Seuerne.

To his thirde sonne Albanacte, hee dely­uered all the North parte of the Isle, after­wardes called Albania, after the name of the said Albanacte: which portion of the said Isle lieth beyond the Humber northward.

Thus whē Brutus had deuided the Isle of Britain (as before is mēcioned) into .3. parts, & had gouerned ye same by the space of .xv. yeres, he died in ye .24. yere after his arriual, as Ha­rison noteth it, and was buryed at Troyno­uant or London:In the d [...] [...] this a [...] [...] although the place of his said burial there, be now grown out of memorie.

Locrinus, the second ru­ler of Britayne.

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LOcrinus, or Lo­crine, the first be­gottē sonne of Brute begā to reigne ouer ye coūtrey called Logiers in the yere of ye world 1874. and held to his part the countrey that stretched frō ye southe sea vnto the riuer of Humber,Gal. [...] Mat. VV [...]. Fa. one of [...] de C [...]. as is afore remembred.

Whyle thys Locrinus gouerned Lo­giers, his brother Albanact ruled in Albania,Gal. M [...]. Mat. VVe [...]. as is sayde, and there was finally slayne in a bataile by a King of the Hunnes or Scythi­ans, called Humber, which inuaded that part of Britain, & got possessiō therof, til Locrinus with his brother Cāber, in reuēge of their other [Page 17] brothers death, and for the recouery of the king­dome, gathered their powers togither, and com­ming against the said King of the Hunes, by the valiancie of their people they discomfited hym in battell, [...] shuld seme [...]athe was [...]ome ouer the Humber. and chased him so egrely, that he himselfe and a greate number of his men were drowned in the Gulfe that then parted Loegria and Alba­nia, which after tooke name of ye sayd king, & was called Humber, and so continueth vnto this day.

[...]al. Mon.Moreouer, in this battell against the Hunes 10 were three yong Damosels taken of excellente beauty, specially one of them, whose name was Estrild, daughter to a certayne king of Scithia. With this Estrild king Locrine fel so far in loue, notwithstāding a former contract made betwixt him & the Lady Guendoloena, daughter to Co­rineus Duke of Cornewall, yt he meant yet with all speede to marrie the same Estrild. But beyng earnestly called vpon, and in manner forced ther­to by Corineus, hee chaunged his purpose, and 20 married Guendoloena, keeping neuerthelesse the foresayde Estrild to paramor still after a secrete sort, during ye life of Corineus his father in lawe. But after yt Corineus was departed this world, Locrine forsooke Guendoloena, and maried E­strild. Guendoloena therfore being cast off by hir husband, gote hir into Cornewall to hir friendes and kinrede, and there procured them to make warre against the sayde Locrine hir husbande, in the whiche warres hee was slaine and a battayle 30 foughte neere to the riuer of Sture, after he hadde raigned (as writers affirme) twenty yeeres, and buried by his father in the Citie of Troynouant,Mat. VVest. leauing behinde him a yong sonne (begotten of his wife Guendoloena) named Madan, as yet vn­meete to gouerne.

[...]he is not [...]ambred a­ [...]ongst those [...]hat raigned [...] rulers in [...]his land by [...]at. West.Guendoloena or Guendoleyn the wife of Lo­crinus, & daughter of Corineus Duke of Corne­wall, for so muche as hir sonne Madan was not of yeeres sufficient to gouerne, was by common 40 consent of the Britons made ruler of the Isle, in the yeere of the world .2894. and so hauing ye ad­ministration in hir handes, she did right discretly vse hir selfe therein, to the comforte of all hir sub­iects, till hir sonne Madan came to lawfull age: and then she gaue ouer the rule and dominion to him, [...]al. Mon. after shee had gouerned the space of fifteene yeeres.

Madan the third Ruler.

Madā.MAdan the sonne of Locrine, and Guindo­line 50 entred into ye gouernement of Britaine in the .2909. of the world. There is little lefte in writing of his doings, sauing that he vsed greate tyranny amongst his Britons: and therefore af­ter he had ruled this land the tearme of .40. yeres, he was deuoured of wilde beastes, as he was a­broad in hūting. He left behind him two sonnes, Mempricius, and Manlius. Hee builded as is reported Madan Caistre, now Dancastre, which reteineth still the later parte of hys name.

Mempricius the fourth Ruler.

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MEmpricius the el­dest sonne of Ma­dan,Mem­pritius. Fabian. began to raigne o­uer the Britaynes in the yere of the world .2949. hee continued not long in peace. For his brother Manlius vpon an am­bitious minde prouoked the Britaynes to rebell against him, so that sore and deadly warre continued long betweene thē. But finally, vnder colour of a treatie,Manlius is slayne. Gal. Mon. Manlius was slaine by his brother Mempricius, so that then he liued in more tranquilitie and rest. How­beit, being deliuered thus from trouble of warres, he fell into slouth, and so into vnlawfull lust of lecherie, and thereby into the hatred of his people,Slouth engen­dred Lechery. by forcing of their wiues and daughters. And fi­nally became so beastly, that he forsooke his law­full wife and all his concubines, and fell into the abhominable sinne of Sodomy. And thus from one vice he fell into another, till he became odible to God and man, and at length,Mempritius is deuoured of beasts. going on hun­ting, was lost of his people, and destroyed of wilde beastes, when he had raigned twentie yeares, lea­uing behinde him a noble yong sonne named E­branke, begotten of his lawfull wife.

Ebranke the fifth Ruler.

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EBranke the son of Mempricius,Ebrāck began to rule ouer the Britaynes in ye yere of the Worlde 2969. He had as writers doe of hym record, one & twēty wiues,Ebranck had xxi wiues. Thirty daughters sent into Italy. on whome he begote .xx. sonnes and thirtie daugh­ters, of the whiche the eldest hight Guales, or Gualea. These daughters he sent to Alba Silui­us, which was the eleuenth king of Italy, or the sixth King of the Latines, to the end they might be married to his noble men of the bloud of Troi­ans, bycause the Sabines refused to ioyne their daughters with them in marriage. Furthermore,Bergomas lib. 6. he was the first Prince of his lande that euer in­uaded Fraunce after Brute, and is commended as author and originall builder of many Cities, both in his owne kingdome, and else where. Hys [Page 18] sonnes also vnder the conduct of Assaracus, one of their eldest brethren, returning out of Italy, af­ter they had conducted their sisters thither, inua­ded Germany, being first molested by the people of that countrey in their rage, and by the helpe of the sayd Alba, subdued a great part of that coun­trey, and there planted themselues. Our histories say, that Ebracus their father married them in their returne, and ayded them in their conquests, and that he builded the Citie of Caerbrank,The Citie of Caerbranke builded. Mat. VVest. now 10 called Yorke, about. the 14. yeare of his raigne. He builded also in Albania now called Scotland, the Castel of Maydens, afterward called Eden­burgh of Aidan one of their kings. The Citie of Alclud was builded likewise by hym as (some write) now decayed. After which cities thus buil­ded, he sayled ouer into Gallia, now called Frāce with a great army, and subduing the Guilles as is aforesayde, he returned home with great riches and triumph.Fortie yeeres hath. Math. West. and Gal. Monume. And when he had guided the lande 20 of Britayne in noble wise by the tearme of fortie yeares, he died, and was buried at Yorke.

Brute Greeneshielde the .6. Ruler.

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BRute Greeneshielde, the sonne of Ebrank,Brute Grene­shielde. was made gouernor of this lande in the yeere of ye world .3009. Asa raig­ning in Iuda, and Ba­asa 30 in Israell. Thys Prince bare alwayes in the field a greene shielde, whereof he toke hys sur­name,Iacobus Lef. and of him some forraine authors affirme, yt he made an attempte to bring the whole Realme of Fraunce vnder his subiection, which he performed, bycause his father susteined some dishonor and losse in his last voy­age into that countrey. Howbeit they say, yt whē 40 he came into Henand,Strabo lib. 4. Brinchild a Prince of ye quarter gaue him also a greate ouerthrowe, and compelled him to retire home agayne into hys countrey. This I borrow out of William Har­rison, who in his chronologie toucheth the same at large, concluding in the end, that the said pas­sage of this Prince into France is very likely to be true, and that he named a percell of Armorica lying on the South, and in manner vpon the ve­ry loyne after his owne name, and also a Citie 50 which he builded there Britayne. For (sayth he) it should seeme by Strabo. lib. 4. that there was a noble Citie of that name long before his time in the sayde countrey, whereof Plinie also speaketh lib. 4. cap. 7. albeit that he ascribe it vnto France after a disordred maner. More I finde not of this aforesaid Brute, sauing that he ruled the lande a certaine time, his father yet liuing, and after hys decesse the tearme of twelue yeeres, and then dy­ed, and was buried at Caerbranke nowe called Yorke.

Leill the seuenth Ruler.

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LEil the son of Brute Greeneshielde,Leil. began to raigne in the yeere of the world .3021. the same time that Asa was raig­ning in Iuda, and Am­bri in Israel. He built the Citie nowe called Car­lile,Carele [...] ded. which then after hys owne name was called Caerleil, that is, Leil his Citie, or the Citie of Leil. He repayred also (as Henry Bradshawe hathe, the Citie of Caerleon now called Chester,Chester [...]payred. which as by the same Brad­shaw it appeareth, was built before Brutus en­tring into this lande by a Giaunte named Leon Gauer. But what authoritie he hadde to auouche this, it may be doubted, for Ranulfe Higdē in his worke entituled Policronicon, saith in playne wordes, that it is vnknowen who was the firste founder of Chester, but that it toke the name of ye soiourning there of some Romayne Legions, by whom also it is not vnlike that it might be firste built by P. Ostorius Scapula, who as we find, after he had subdued Caratacus king of ye Ordouices yt inhabited ye countreys now called Lancashire, Chesshire, & Salupshire, built in those partes, & a­mong ye Silures, certain places of defence, for the better herbourgh of his men of warre, & keeping down of suche Britaynes as were still ready to moue rebelliō. But now to ye purpose concerning K. Leil. We find it recorded yt he was in ye begin­ning of his raigne very vpright, & desirous to see iustice executed, & aboue all things loued peace & quietnesse, but as yeres encreased with him, so his vertues began to diminish, in so much, that abā ­doning ye care for the body of ye common welth, he suffered his own body to welter in all vice and voluptuousnesse, & so procuring the hatred of hys subiectes, caused malice and discorde to ryse a­mōgst them, which during his life, he was neuer able to appease. But leauing them so at variāce, departed this life, and was buried at Careleil which as ye haue heard he had builded, whyle hee liued.

Lud Hurdibras the eight Ruler.

RVd or Ludhurdibras the sonne of Leil began to gouerne in the yeare of the world .3046.Rud [...] Lud [...]dibra [...] In the beginning of his raigne, hee soughte to appease the debate that was reysed in hys fathers dayes, and bring the Realme to hir former quietnesse, and after that hee hadde [Page 19] brought it to good ende, [...]rkin or [...]terbury [...]uilded. [...]rguent is [...]lded. [...]dour is [...]lded. he builded the towne of Kaerkyn now called Canterbury: also the towne of Caerguent nowe [...]leped Winchester, & Mont Paladour now called Shaftesbury. About the building of which towne of Shaftesbury, Aquila a Prophet of the Brittish nation wrote his pro­phecies, of which some fragments remayne yet to be seene, translated into the Latine by some aun­tient writers. When this Lud had raigned .xxix. yeeres he dyed, and lefte a sonne behinde him na­med 10 Baldud.

Baldud the .9. Ruler.

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Bladud [...]r Bal­ [...]ud.BAldud the sonne of Lud Hudibras, begā to rule ouer the Bri­taynes in the yere of the world .3085. [...]al. Mon. [...]he King was [...]med. This man was well seene in ye sci­ences of Astronomy, and Nigromancy, by which 20 (as the common reporte saith) he made the whote bathes in the Citie of Caerbran now called Bath. [...]ote bathes. But William of Malmesbery is of a contrary opinion, affirming that Iulius Cesar made those bathes, or rather repayred them when he was here in Englande: which is not like to be true: for Iulius Cesar, as by good coniecture we haue to thinke, neuer came so farre within the land that way forthe. Both 30 of these bathes more shall be sayd in the descripti­on. But to proceede. [...]a. VVest. This Baldud tooke suche pleasure in artificiall practises and magike, that he taught this arte throughout all his Realme. And to shew his cunning in other poynts, vppon a presumptuous pleasure which he had therein, he tooke vpon him to flie in the ayre, but he fell vpon the temple of Apollo,The prince did [...]ye. which stoode in the Citie of Troynouant, and there was torne in peeces af­ter he had ruled the Britaynes by the space of .xx. 40 yeeres.

Leir the .10. Ruler.

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LEir the son of Baldud, was admitted Ruler ouer the Britaynes,Leir. Mat. VVest. in the yeere of the world .3105. at 50 what time Io­as raigned as yet in Iuda.

This Leir was a Prince of righte noble demeanor, gouer­ning his land and subiects in great wealth.

Mat. VVest. Leycester is builded.Hee made the towne of Caerleir nowe called Leicester, which standeth vpon ye Riuer of Sore. It is writtē that he had by his wife three daugh­ters without other issue, whose names were Go­norilla, R [...]gan, and C [...]rdilla, whiche daughters he greatly loued, but specially the yongest Cor­deilla farre aboue the two elder.Gal. Mo [...]. When this [...] therefore was come to great yeeres, and beganne to [...] through age, he thought to vn­derstand the affections of his daughters towards him, and preferre hir whome hee best loued,A trial of loue. to the succession ouer the kingdome [...] therefore hee firste asked Gonorilla the eldest, howe well shee loued him: the which calling hir Gods to record, prote­sted, that she loued him more than hir owne life, which by righte and reason shoulde be most deere vnto hir. With whiche answer the father [...]yng well pleased, turned to the second, and demanded of hir how well she loued him whiche answered (confirming hir saying [...] with greate othes) that she loued him more than t [...]ng could expresse, and farre aboue all other creatures of the world. Thē called he his yongest daughter Cordeilla before him, and asked of hir what accompt she made of him:The answere of the yongest daughter. vnto whome she made this answer as follo­weth: Knowing the great loue and fatherly zeale that towards me you haue always borne, (for the whiche I may not answere you otherwise than I thinke, and as my cōscience leadeth me) I pro­test vnto you, that I haue loued you euer, and shall continually while I liue, loue you as my naturall father, and if you woulde more vnder­stand of the loue that I beare you, assertayn your selfe, that so much as you haue, so muche you are worth, and so much I loue you, and no more. The father being nothing content with this an­swere, married his two eldest daughters,The two el­dest daugh­ters are mar­ried. The Realme is promised to his two daughters. the one vnto the Duke of Cornewale named Henninus, and the other vnto the Duke of Albania, called Maglanus and betwixt them after his death, hee willed and ordeyned that his land should be deui­ded, and the one halfe thereof immediately should be assigned to them in hande: but for the thirde daughter Cordeilla, he reserued nothing.

Yet it fortuned, that one of the Princes of Gallia (which now is called France) whose name was Aganippus, hearing of the beautie, woman­hoode, and good conditions of the sayd Cordeilla, desired to haue hir in marriage, and sente ouer to hir father, requiring that he myghte haue hir to wife: to whome aunswere was made, that hee mighte haue hys daughter, but for any dower hee coulde haue none, for all was promised and as­sured to hir other sisters already.

Aganippus notwithstanding this aunswere of denyall to receyue any thyng by way of do­wer with Cordeilla, toke hir to wife, only moued thereto (I saye) for respecte of hir person and amiable vertues.He gouerned the third parte of Gallia as Gal. Mon. hath Thys Aganippus was one of the twelue Kyngs that ruled Gallia [Page 20] in those dayes, as in the Brittish historie it is re­corded. But to proceede, after that Leir was fal­len into age, the two Dukes that had married his two eldest daughters, thinking long ere the go­uernemente of the land did come to their handes, arose against him in armour, & rest from him the gouernance of the land, vpō conditions to be cō ­tinued for tearme of life: by ye whiche he was put to his portion, that is, to liue after a rate assigned to him for the maintenance of his estate, whyche 10 in proces of time was diminished as well by Magbanus, as by Henninus. But the greatest griefe that Leir toke, was to see the vnkindnesse of his daughters, which seemed to thinke that all was too much which their father hadde, the same being neuer so little: in so muche, that going from ye one to ye other, he was brought to that miserie, that vnneth would they allow him one seruaunt to waite vpon him. In the end such was the vn­kindnesse, or (as I may saye) the vnnaturalnesse 20 which he founde in his two daughters, notwith­standing their faire & pleasante wordes vttered in time past, that being constreyned of necessitie, he fled ye land, & sayled into Gallia, there to seke some comfort of his yōgest daughter Cordeilla whom before time he hated. The Lady Cordeill hearing yt he was arriued in pore estate, she first sēt to him priuily a certayne summe of money to apparrell himselfe withal, & to reteyne a certayn number of seruants that mighte attende vpon him in hono­rable 30 wise, as apperteyned to the estate whiche he had borne: and then so accompanyed, she appoin­ted him to come to ye Court, which he did, & was so ioyfully, honorably, and louingly receiued, both by his son in law Aganippus, & also by his daughter Cordeilla, that his hart was greatly comfor­ted: For he was no lesse honored, than if he hadde bin king of ye whole countrey himselfe. Also after yt he had enformed his son in law & his daughter in what sort he had bin vsed by his other daugh­ters, 40 Aganippus caused a mightie army to be put in a readinesse, & likewise a greate nauie of Ships to bee rigged, to passe ouer into Britayne with Leir his father in law, to see him againe restored to his kingdome. It was accorded, that Cordeil­la should also goe with him to take possession of ye land▪ yt whche he promised to leaue vnto hir, as hir rightfull inheritour after his decesse, notwith­standing any former graunte made to hir sisters or to their husbāds in any manner of wise. Here­vpō, 50 whē this army & nauie of Ships wer ready, Leir & his daughter Cordeilla wt hir husbād toke ye sea, & arriuing in Britaine, fought wt their eni­mies, and discomfited them in battaile, in ye whi­che Maglanus & Henninus were slaine: and then was Leir restored to his kingdome, which he ru­led after this by the space of two yeeres, and then died, fortie yeres after he first began to raigne. His body was buried at Leycester in a vault vnder ye channel of the Riuer of Sore beneath the towne. [...]

Cordeilla Queene.

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COrdeil­la ye yō ­gest daugh­ter of Leir,Cor [...] la. was admit­ted for Q. & supreme go­uernoure of Britayne, in the yeere of ye World .355. before the building of Rome .54. Vzias then raigning in Iuda, & Ieroboā ouer Israell. This Cordeilla after hir fathers desease ruled the lād of Britayne right worthily during the space of fiue yeres, in which meane time hir husband died, and then about ye end of those fiue yeres, hir two Ne­phewes Margan and Cunedagius sonnes to hir aforesaide sisters, disdeigning to be vnder the go­uernement of a woman, leuied warre against hir, and destroyed a great part of the land, and finally tooke hir prisoner, and leyd hir fast in ward, wher­with shee tooke suche griefe, beeing a woman of a manly courage, and despayring to recouer liber­tie, there she slew hirselfe whē she had raigned as

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before is mencioned the tearme of fiue yeeres.

Cunedag and Margan contende for the gouernement.

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CVnedagius & Mar­ganus Nephews to Cordeilla,Cune­dag & Mar­gan. hauing reco­uered the land out of hir hands, deuided the same betwixt them, that is to wit, the countrey ouer & beyonde Humber fell to Margan as it stretcheth euen to Catnesse, & the other part lying South, [Page 27] and by west, was assigned to Cunidagius. This pertition chanced in the yeere of the World .3170. before the building of Rome .47. Vzia as yet raigning in Iuda, & Ieroboam in Israel. After­wards, these two cousins, Cunedag and Margā, had not raigned thus past a two yeares, but tho­rough some seditious persons, Margan was per­swaded to reise warre against Cunedag, telling him in his eare, howe it was a shame for him be­ing come of the elder sister, not to haue the rule of 10 the whole Ile in his hande. Herevpon, ouercome with pride, ambition, & couetousnesse, he reised an army, [...]argan in­ [...]deth his [...]usin Cune­ [...]g. & entring into ye land of Cunedag, he brē ­ued & destroyed ye coūtrey before him in miserable maner. Cunedag in all hast to resist his aduer­sarie, assembled also al ye power he could make, & comming with the same against Margan, gaue him battell, in the which be slew a great nūber of Margās people, and put ye residue to flight, and furthermore pursued him from countrey to coū ­trey, 20 till hee came into Cambria, nowe called Wales, where ye said Margan gaue him eftsones a new battell: but beeing too weake in number of men, [...]argan is [...]yne. he was there ouercome & slaine in ye field, by reason wherof, yt countrey tooke name of him, be­ing there slaine, [...] VVest. and so is called to this day Glau Margā, which is to meane in our English tong, Margans land. This was the end of that Mar­gan, after hee had raigned with his brother two yeres, or thereaboutes. 30

AFter the death of Margan, Cunedagius the son of Hēnius & Ragay (middlemost daugh­ter of Leir,Cune­dagius [...]lone. before mentioned) became Ruler of all the whole lād of Britayne, in ye yere of ye World 3172. before the building of Rome .45. Vzia still raigning in Iuda, and Ieroboam in Israell. He gouerned this Ile wel & honorably for the tearme of .xxxiij. yeeres: And then dying, his body was buried at Troynouant or Londō. Moreouer our writers do reporte, that hee builded also three tē ­ples, 40 one to Mars at Perth in Scotland, another to Mercury at Bangor, and the thirde to Apollo in Cornewall.

Ryuall the .13. Ruler.

Riual.

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RIuallon, the son of Cunedag▪ began to raign ouer ye Britaines, in the yere of the world 3203. before the building 50 of Rome .15. Ibathan as then beeing King of Iuda, and Phacea king of Israel. This Ryuall gouerned the lande in greate wealth and pro­speritie.It rayned bloud. Mat. VVest. In his time it raigned bloud by the space of three dayes togither. After which raigne ensu­ed such an exceding nūber and multitude of flies, so noysome and contagious, that muche people died by reason thereof. When he ha [...] [...] yeeres he died▪ & was b [...]ed at [...]aer [...]ranke nowe called Yorke. In ye time of this Ryuals raigne,Rome builded. was the Citie of Rome builded, after the accor­dance of most parte of writers. Perdix also a wisehart, and a learned Astrologian florrisheth & writeth his prophecies, and H [...]ne also.

Gurgust the .14. Ruler.

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GVrgustius,Gurgust [...] the son of the beforenamed Riuall, beganne to go­uerne the Britaynes in the yeere after the Cre­atiō of the world .3249. and after the first foun­dation of Rome .33. E­ [...]echias raigning in Iu­da. This Gurgustius in ye Chronicle of Eng­land, is called Gordodian the sonne of Reignald, he raigned .37. yeres: then departing this life, was buried at Caerbranke (now called Yorke) by hys father.

Sysillius the .15. Ruler.

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SYsillius,Sysillius or after some writers Silui­us, the brother of Gur­gustius, was chosen to haue the gouernance of Britayne, in the yeere of the worlde .3287. and after the building of Rome .71. Manasses still raigning in Iuda. This Sisillius in the English Chronicle is named Sezil. He raigned 40. yeeres, and then died, and was buried at Car­badon, now called Bath.

Iago the .16. Ruler.

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IAgo or Lago, ye cou­sin of Gurgustius,Iago. as next inheritor to Sisil­lius, tooke vpon hym the gouernemente of Bri­tayne, in the yeere of the world .3336. and after ye building of Rome .120. in whose time the Citie of Ierusalem was takē by Nabuchodonozor, and the King of Iuda, Ma [...]hania, otherwise cal­led Zedechias, being slaine▪ This Iago or Lago dyed without issue, when hee had raigned eygh [...] and twentie yeeres, and was buried at Yorke.

Kinimak the 17. Ruler.

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KInimacus or Kin­macus ye son of Si­cilius as some write,Kini­mak. or rather ye brother of Iago began to gouerne ye lād of Britayne, in the yere of the World .3364. and after the buildyng of Rome .148. the Iewes 10 as then being in ye third yeere of their captiuitie of Babilon. This Kinimachus departed this life, after hee hadde raigned .54. yeeres, and was bu­ried at Yorke.

Gorbodug the .18. Ruler.

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GOrbodug the sonne of Kinimacus begā his raigne ouer the Bri­taynes,Gorbo­dug. 20 in the yeere after the creation of the world 3418. from the buildyng of ye Citie of Rome .202. the Iewes beeing in the 58. of their captiuitie at Babilon. This Gorbo­dug by most likelyhoode, to bring histories to accord, should raigne aboute the tearme of .63. yeeres, and then departing thys 30 world, was buried at London, leauing after hym two sonnes Ferrex and Porrex, or after some writers, Ferreus and Porreus.

Ferrex the .19. Ruler.

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FErrexe with Porrex his brother,Ferrex and Porrex. began ioyntly to rule ouer the Britaynes, in the yeere of the World .3476. af­ter ye building of Rome 40 260. at whiche tyme, the people of Rome forsooke their Citie in theyr Re­bellious mode. These two breethren continu­ed for a time in good friendship and amitie, till at length, through couetousnesse, and desire of grea­ter dominion, prouoked by flatterers, they fell at variance and discord,Ferrex fledde into Gallia. whereby Ferrex was cō ­streyned to flee into Gallia, and there purchased 50 ayde of a great Duke, called Gunhardus or Su­ardus, and so returned into Britayne, thynkyng to preuayle and obteine the dominion of ye whole Iland. But his brother Porrex was ready to re­ceyue him with battell after he was landed, in the which battell Ferrex was slayne, with the more parte of his people. The English Chronicle say­eth, that Porrex was he that fledde into France, and at his returne, was slayne, and that Ferrex suruiued. But Geffrey of Monmouth, and Poli­cronicon are of a contrary opinion. Mathewe Westmonasteri▪ writeth, that Porrex deuising wayes to kill Ferrex,Ma [...] atchieued his purpose and slew him. But whether of them so euer suruiued, the mother of them was so highly offended for the deathe of him that was slayne, whome shee most entierly loued, that setting aparte al motherly af­fection, she found meanes to enter the chamber of him that suruiued, in the night season, and as hee slept, she with help of hir maidens slew him,The [...] killeth [...] and cut him into small peeces, as the writers doe af­firme. Suche was the ende of these two brethren after they had raigned by the space of foure or fiue yeeres.

After this folowed a troubleous season, full of cruell warre, & seditious discord, whereby in the ende, and for the space of fiftie yeres, the gouerne­mente of the Ilande was deuided betwixt fiue Kings or rulers, till Dunwallon of Cornewall ouercame them all. Thus the line of Brute after the affirmance of most writers, tooke an ende: for after the death of the two foresayde brethren, no rightful inheritor was left aliue to succeede them in the Kingdome. The names of these fiue Kings are found in certaine olde pedigrees:Robert [...] ­corde. and although the same be muche corrupted in dyuers copies, yet these are the most agreeablest.

  • Rudacus King of VVales.
  • Clotenus King of Cornewall.
  • Pinnor King of Loegria.
  • Staterus King of Albania.
  • Yewan King of Northumberlande.

But of these fiue Kings or Dukes, the Eng­lish Chronicle alloweth Cloton king of Corne­wale for most rightfull heire. There appeareth not any time certayne by report of auncient Au­thors, howe long this variaunce continued a­mongst the Britaynes:Fab. but as some late writers haue gessed, it should continue for the space of .51. yeeres,Ciuill [...] 51 yeeres. coniecturing so much by that which is re­corded in Policron: who sayth, how it did conti­nue euen till the beginning of the raigne of Mul­mutius Dunwallo, who began to gouerne from the time that Brute first entred Britayne, about the space of seuen hundred and three yeeres. Heere ye must note, yt there is differēce amōgst writers about ye supputation & accompt of these yeeres, in somuch yt some making their reckoning after cer­tain writers, and finding ye same to vary aboue three C. yeeres, are brought into further doubt of the troth of the whole historie: but where other haue by diligent search tryed out the continuance of euery gouernors raigne, and reduced the same to a likelyhoode of some conformitie, I haue thought best to follow the same, leauing the cre­dite [Page 23] thereof with the firste Authours, as I haue sayd before.

Mulmu [...]ius the first crowned King of Britayne.

Mul­ [...]ucius. [...] M.W. [...]olid.

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TO procede therefore wt the aforesayde Authors, Mul­mucius Dun­uallo, or as o­ther 10 haue Dū ­uallo Mulmu­cius, the sonne of Cloten, (as testifyeth the English chronicle, & also Geffrey of Mōmouth, gote the vpper hand of ye other Dukes or rulers: And after his fathers decesse began his raigne o­uer the whole Monarchie of Britayne in ye yeere of the world .3529. after ye building of Rome .314. 20 and after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie .97. and about the .26. yere of Darius Artaxecxes Longimanus, the fifth King of the Persiās. This Mulmutius Donuallo is named in the English Chronicle Donebaut, and proo­ued a right worthy Prince. He builded within ye Citie of London then called Troynouant a Tē ­ple, and named it the Temple of peace: the which (as some holde opinion,) I wote not vpon what ground, [...]ab. was ye same which now is called Black­wel 30 halle, [...]e [...] more in [...]he descriptiō. where the market for bying and selling of clothes is kept.

M.W. [...]awes made.He also made many good lawes, the whyche were long after vsed, called Mulmutius lawes, turned out of the Brittish speech into the Latine by Gildas Priscus, and long time after trāslated out of Latine into Englishe by Alfrede Kyng of England, and mingled in his estatutes.

Moreouer, this Mulmutius gaue priuileges to Temples, to ploughes, to Cities, and to high 40 wayes leading to the same, so that whosoeuer fled to them, should be in safegard from bodily harme, and from thence he might depart into what coū ­trey he would, without indemnitie of his person. Some authors write,Caxton and [...]olicron. that hee began to make the foure great high wayes of Britayne, the whyche were finished by his sonne Belinus, as after shall be declared.

The Chronicle of Englād affirmeth, that this Mulmutius whom ye olde booke nameth Molle, 50 builded ye two townes Malmesbery,Malmesbery [...]nd the Vi [...]s [...]uilt. & the Vies.

After he had established his land, & set his Bri­tons in good & conuenient order,The first King that was crow­ [...]ed with a goldē Crowne he ordeyned him by ye aduice of his Lords a Crowne of golde, and caused himselfe with great solēnitie to be Crow­ned, according to the custome of the Pagan laws then in vse: and bycause he was the first that bare Crowne heere in Britayne, after the opinion of some writers, he is named the first King of Bri­tayne, and al the other before rehearsed are named Rulers, Dukes, or Gouernors.

Amongst other of his ordinances,Polid. Weightes and measures. Theft puni­shed. Fab. he appoyn­ted weightes and measures, with the which men should buy & sell. And further he deuised sore and streight orders for the punishing of theft. Finally, after he had guided the land by the space of fortie yeeres, he died, and was buried in the foresayde Temple of peace which he had erected within the citie of Troynouant nowe called London, as be­fore ye haue heard. Appoynting in his life tyme, that his kingdome should be deuided betwixt his two sonnes, Brennus, & Belinus (as some men do coniecture.)

Belinus and Brennus, the sonnes of Mulmucius.

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BRennus and Be­linus began to raigne ioyntly as Kings in Britaine,Belinus and Brennus. in ye yeere of the World .3574. after the buil­ding of ye Ci­tie of Rome. 355. and after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie .142. which was about ye seuenth yere of Artaxerxes surnamed Mnenon,3574 the seuēth K. of the Persians. Belinus held vnder his gouer­nance Loegria, Wales, & Cornewale:M.W. and Brē ­nus all those countreys ouer and beyonde Hum­ber. And with this partition were they contented by the tearme of sixe or seuen yeres,5. hath Policr. after whyche time expired, Brennus coueting to haue more than his portiō came to, first thought to purchase himselfe ayd in forreine parties,Brennus not content with his portion. and therefore by the prouocation & counsel of yong vnquiet heads, sailed ouer into Norway, and there married the daughter of Elsung or Elsing,Elsingius. as then Duke or Ruler of that countrey. Beline offended with his brother, that he shoulde thus withoute his aduice marrie with a stranger, now in his absence seased al his lands, townes and fortresses into his owne hands, placing garrisons of men of warre where he thought conuenient.

In the meane time, Brenne aduertized hereof, assembled a great nauie of Ships, well furnished with people and Souldiers of the Norwegians, with the whiche he tooke his course homewardes, but in the way he was encountred by Guilthda­cus king of Denmarke,Guilthdacus King of Den­marke. the whiche had layen lōg in awaite for him, bycause of ye yong Lady whi­che Bren had married, for whom he had bin a su­tor to hir father Elsing of long time. Whē these two fleetes of ye Danes & Norwegiās met, there [Page 24] was a sore battell betwixte them, but finally, the Danes ouercame them of Norway, and tooke ye Ship wherein the new Bride was conueyed, and then was she brought aboorde ye Ship of Guilth­dachus. Brenne escaped by flighte as well as hee might. But when Guilthdachus had thus obtai­ned the victory & pray, sodaynly thervpon rose a sore tēpest of winde & weather,A tempest. which escattered the Danishe fleete, and put the King in daunger to haue bin lost: but finally within fiue dayes af­ter,Guithdachus [...]anded in the North. 10 being driuen by force of winde, he landed in Northumberland, with a fewe suche Shippes as kept togither with him.

Beline being then in that countrie, prouidyng for defence againste his brother, vpon knowledge had of the King of Denmarkes arriuall, caused him to be stayed. Shortly after, Brenne hauyng recouered and gote togither the most parte of hys Shippes, that were dispersed by the discomfiture, and thē newly rigged and furnished of al things necessary, sente worde to his brother Beline, both to restore to him his wife wrongfully rauished by Guithdacus, and also his lands iniuriously by him seased into his possession. These requestes be­ing playnely and shortly denyed, Brenne made no long delay, but speedily made towards Alba­nia, and landing with his army in a part thereof, encountred with his brother Beline neere vnto a Wood named as then Calater,Calāder [...] is in Scotland▪ where after cruell fight, and mortall battell betwixt them, at lēgth

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the victory abode with the Britons, and the dis­comfiture light so on the Norwegians, that the most of them were slayne, and left dead vpon the groūd. Hereby Brenne being forced to flee, made shift, and gote ouer into Gallia, where after hee had sued to this Prince and that, at lēgth he was 40 wel receiued of one Seguinus or Seginus Duke of the people called then Allobroges,Seguinus or Seginus Duke of the Allo­broges, nowe the Delphi­na [...]e or Sauoy. as Galfrid of Monmoth saith, or rather Armorica, whyche now 'is called Britaine, as Policronicon, and the Englishe historie printed by Caxton, more truely may seme to affirme. But Belyne hauing got the vpper hand of his enimies, assembling hys counsell at Caerbranke, now called Yorke, tooke aduice what he should do with the King of Dē ­marke: where it was ordeyned, that he should bee 50 set at libertie, with condition and vnder couenāt, to acknowledge himselfe by doing homage, to holde his lande of the King of Britaine, and to pay him a yeerely tribute.The Danes tributarie to the Britons. These couenauntes therefore beeing agreed vnto, and hostages taken for assurance, he was set at libertie, and so retur­ned into his countrey. The tribute that he coue­nāted to pay, was a thousand pound, as ye Eng­lish Chronicle saith.

When Beline had thus expelled his brother, and was alone possessed of all the land of Brit­taine, he firste confirmed the lawes made by hys father: and for so much as the foure wayes begun by his father were not brought to perfection,The foure high wayes finished. hee therefore caused workmen to be called foorth and assembled, whom he set in hand to paue the sayde wayes with stone, for the better passage and ease of all that should trauell through the countreyes from place to place, as occasiō shuld require. The first of these foure wayes is named Fosse,The Fosse. & stret­cheth from the South into the North, beginning at ye corner of Totnesse in Cornewaile, & so pas­sing forth by Deuonshire, and Somersetshire, by Tutbery, on Cotteswold, & then forwarde beside Couentrie vnto Leicester, & from thence by wilde playnes toward Newarke,Watling Streete. & endeth at the Citie of Lincoln. The second way was named Wat­ling streete, the which stretcheth ouerthwart the Fosse, out of the Southeast into the Northeast, beginning at Douer, and passing by the middle of Kent ouer Thames beside London, by West of Westminster as some haue thought, & so forth [Page 25] by S. Albanes, & by ye West side of Dunstable, Stratford, Toucester, and Wedon by south of Lilleborne, by Atherston, Gilberts hill, that nowe is called the Wreken, and so forth by Seuerne, passing beside Worcester, vnto Stratton to the middle of Wales, and so vnto a place called Car­digan, at the Irish sea.

[...]ing street.The thirde waye was named Erming­streete, the which stretched out of the west north­west, vnto the east southeast, and begynneth at 10 Monenia, the which is in Saint Dauids lande in west Wales, and so vnto Southampton.

[...]nelstreete.The fourth and last way hight Hikenelstreete, which leadeth by Worcester, Winchcomb, Bir­mingham, Lichfield, Darby, Chesterfielde, and by Yorke, and so forth vnto Tinmouth.

[...]iuiledges [...]unted to [...] wayes.And after he had caused these wayes to be wel and sufficiently reysed and made, hee confirmed vnto them all suche priuileges as were graunted by his father. 20

In this meane tyme that Beline was thus occupied about the necessarie affayres of his realm and kingdome, his brother Brenne that was fled into Gallia onely with .xij. persons, bycause hee was a goodly Gentleman, and seemed to vnder­stande what apperteyned to honour, grew shortly into fauor with Seginus the Duke afore menti­oned, and declaring vnto him his aduersitie, and the whole circumstaunce of his mishap, at length was so highly cherished of the sayde Seginus, de­liting 30 in such worthie qualities as he saw in him dayly appearing, [...]renne mary­ [...]th the duke of [...]he Alobroges daughter. that he gaue to him his daugh­ter in maryage, with condition, that if he dyed without issue Male, then shoulde he inherite his estate and Dukedome: and if it happened him to leaue and heyre Male behinde him, then shoulde he yet helpe him to recouer his lande and domi­nion in Brytaine, bereft frō him by his brother.

These conditions well and surely vppon the Dukes part by the assent of the Nobles of his 40 lande concluded, ratified, and assured, the sayde Duke within the space of one yeare after dyed. And then after a certaine time it beeing knowne that the Duches was not with childe, all the Lords of that Countrey did homage vnto Bren, receyuing him as their Lorde and supreme go­uernour, vpon whome he likewise for his part in recompence of their curtesie, bestowed a great por­tion of his treasure.

Brenne with an armie retur­neth into Bry­taine.Shortly after also, with their assent he gathe­red 50 an army, and with the same eftsoones came o­uer into Brytayne, to make new warre vpon his brother Belyne. Of whose landing when Be­line was informed, he assembled his people and made himselfe readie to meete him,Brenne and Beline made friendes by in­tercession of their mother. but as they were at poynt to haue ioyned battell, by the in­tercessiō of their mother that came betwixt them, and demeaned hirselfe in all motherly order, and moste louing maner towardes them both, they fell to an agreement, and were made friendes or euer they parted asunder.

After this they repayred to London, and there taking aduice togyther with their Peeres and Counsellors, for the good order and quieting of the lande, at length they accorded to passe wyth both their armies into Gallia to subdue that whole Countrey, and so following this determi­nation, they tooke shipping and sayled ouer into Gallia, where beginning the warre with fire and sword, they wrought such maysteries,They inuade Gallia and Italie. that with­in a short time (as sayth Geffrey of Monmouth) they conquered a great part of Gallia, Italy, and Germanie, and brought it to their subiection. In the ende they tooke Rome by this occasion (as wryters report, if these be the same that had the leading of those Galli, which in this season did so much hurt in Italy and other parts of the world.

After they had passed the mountaynes, & were entred into Tuskaine,Now Chiust. they besieged the Citie of Clusium, the Citizens whereof beeing in greate daunger, sent to Rome for ayde agaynst theyr enimies. Wherevpon the Romaines considering with themselues, that although they were not in any league of societie with the Clusians, yet if they were ouercome, the daūger of the next brunt were like to be theirs:Ambassadors. sent from Rome. with all speed they sent am­bassadours to intreate betwixte the parties for some peace to be had.

They that were sent, required the Captaynes of the Gaulles in name of the Senate and Citi­zens of Rome,Brennus an­swere. not to molest the friendes of the Romaines: Wherevnto answere was made by Brennus, that for his part he could be content to haue peace, if it were so that the Clusians would be agreeable that the Gaulles might haue part of theyr Countrey, which they held being more than they did alreadie well occupie, for otherwise (sayd he) there could be no peace graunted.

The Romaine Ambassadors being offended with these wordes, demaunded what the Gaules had to do in Tuskain.The treatie of peace brea­keth off. By reason of which and other the like ouerthwart wordes, the parties be­gan to kindle in displeasure so farre, yt their cōmu­nication brake of, and so they from treating fell a­gaine to trie the matter by dynt of sworde.

The Romaine Ambassadors also to shewe of what prowes the Romaines were, contrarie to the law of Nations, yt forbiddeth such as come in Ambassade about any treatie of peace, to take ei­ther one part or other, took weapon in hand & ioy­ned themselues with the Clusians, wherewith the Gaulles were so muche displeased, that inconti­nently with one voyce, they requyred to haue the siege raysed from Clusium, that they might go to Rome. But Brennus thought good first to send Messengers thither, to require the deliuerie of such [Page 42] as had broken the lawe, that punishment might be done on them accordingly as they had deser­ued. This was done, and knowledge brought a­gaine, that the Ambassadors were not onely not punished, but also chosen to be Tribunes for the next yeare.

The Gaulles then became in such a rage (by­cause they saw there was nothing to be looked for at the handes of the Romaines, but warre, [...]iu­rious wrongs, and deceytfull traynes) that they turned all their force agaynst them,The Ga [...] make [...] Rome. marching streight towards Rome, and by the way destroy­ing all that stoode before them.

The Romaines aduertised thereof, assembled themselues togither to the number of .xl.M. and encountring with Beline and Brenne,The Rom [...] enco [...] with the [...] are ouer­throwne. neare to the riuer Allia, about .xj. miles on this side Rome, were slaine and quite discomfited.

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The Galles could vneth beleeue that they had got the victorie with so small resistance: but whē they perceyued that the Romaines were wholy 30 ouerthrowne, and that the field was clerely rid of them, they got togither the spoyle, and made to­wards Rome it selfe, where such feare and terror was stryken into the heartes of the people, that all men were in dispayre to defende the Citie:The Romains in despayre withdraw into the Capitoll. and therefore the Senate with all the warrelike youth of the Citizens got them into the Capitoll, which they furnished with vitayles and all things ne­cessarie for the maintenance of the same agaynst a long siege. The honourable fathers and all the 40 multitude of other people not apt for warres, re­mayned stil in the Citie, as it were to perish with their Countrey, if happe so befell.

The Gaules enter into Rome.In the meane time came the Gaulles to the Citie, and entring by the gate Collina▪ they passe forth the right way vnto the Market place, mar­ueyling to see the houses of the poorer sort to bee shut agaynst them, and those of the rycher to re­maine wide open, wherefore being doubtfull of some deceytfull traynes, they were not ouer rashe 50 to enter the same, but after they had espied the an­cient fathers sit in theyr Chayres apparelled in theyr riche Robes, as if they had beene in the Se­nate,The reuerend aspect of the Senators. they reuerenced them as Gods, so honorable was their port, grauenesse in countnaunce, and shew of apparell.

Marcus Papy­rius.In the meane time it chaunced, that Marcus Papyrius stroke one of the Gaulles on the heade with his staffe, bycause he presumed to stroke his bearde: with whiche iniurie the Gaulle beeing prouoked, slue Papyrius (as he sate) with hys sworde, and therewith the slaughter being begun with one, all the residue of those auncient father­ly men as they sat in theyr Chayres were slaine and cruelly murthered.

After this all the people founde in the Citie without respect or difference at al,Rome [...] were put to the sworde, and the houses sacked. And thus was Rome taken by the two brethren, Beline, and Brenne . [...]65. yeares after the first building therof.365

After this,The Capi [...]l defended. the Gaulles attempted in the night season to haue entred the Capitoll: and in deede ordered their enterprise so secretely, that they had atchieued their purpose, if a sort of Ganders had not with their crie and noyse disclosed them, in wakening the Romaines that were asleepe: and so by that meanes were the Gaulles beaten backe and repulsed.

The Romaines beeing thus put to their ex­treeme shift, deuised among themselues howe to reuoke Furius Camillus from exile, whome not long before they had vniustly banished out of the Citie.Camillus [...] ­uoked [...] exile. In the ende they did not onely sende for him home, but also created him Dictator, com­mitting into his handes (so long as his office la­sted) an absolute power ouer all men, both of life and death.

Camilius forgetful of the iniurie done to him, and mindful of his dutie towards his Countrey, [Page 27] and lamenting the state thereof, withoute delay gathereth suche an armie as the present time per­mitted.

In the meane time those that kept the Capi­toll (being almost famished for lacke of vitayles) compounded with Brenne and Beline, that for the summe of a thousand pounde weight in gold, [...]position. the Romaines should redeeme theyr liberties: and the sayd Brenne and Beline to depart with their armie out of the Citie and all the territories of 10 Rome. But at the deliuerie of the money, and by a certaine kinde of happe, the Romaines name was preserued at that time from suche dishonour and ignominie as was like [...] [...] haue insued. For some of the couetous sort of the Gaulles, not cō ­tented with the iust weight of [...] golde, did cast their swordes also into the Ballance where the weightes lay, thereby to haue ouer weight: wher­vpon the Romains refused to make payment af­ter that weight. 20

And thus whilest they were in altercation a­bout this matter, the one importunate to haue, the other not willing to graunt, the time passed, till in the meane season Camillus commeth in amongest them with his power, [...]millus dis­ [...]ointeth [...] Gaulles of [...] payment. commaunding that the gold should be had away, and affyrming that without consent of the Dictator, no compo­sition or agreement might bee concluded by the meaner Magistrate. He giueth a signe to the Gaulles to prepare themselues to battaile, where­vnto 30 they lightly agreed, and togither they went. The battaile being once begon, the Gaulles that looked earst for golde, and not for battaile, were easily ouercome, such as stoode to the brunt were slaine, [...]he Gaulles [...]erthrowne. and the rest by flight constrayned to de­part the Citie.

Polybius wryteth, that the Gaulles were fur­ned from the siege of the Citie, through warres which chaunced amongest their owne people at home, and therefore they concluded a peace wyth 40 the Romaines, and leauing them in libertie re­turned home againe.

But howsoeuer the matter passed, thus muche haue we slept from our purpose, to shewe some­what of that noble and most famous Captayne Brennus, the which as not onely our Hystories, but also as Giouan Villani the Florentine doth report, was a Brytain, and brother to Beline (as before is mentioned) although I know that ma­ny other writers are not of that mind, affyrming 50 him to be a Gaul, and likewise that after this pre­sent time of the taking of Rome by this Brennus 110. yeares, or there aboutes, there was another Brennus a Gaull also by Nation (say they) vn­der whose conduct an other armie of the Gaulles inuaded Grecia, whiche Brennus had a brother that hight Belgius, althoughe Humfrey Llhuyd, and sir Iohn Price doe flatly denie the same, by reason of some discordance in writers, and name­ly in the computation of the yeares set downe by thē that haue recorded the doings of those times, whereof the error is growen. Howbeit I doubt not but that the truth of this matter shall be more fully sifted out in time by the learned and studi­ous of such antiquities.

But now to our purpose. This is also to bee noted, yt where our Histories make mention, that Beline was abrode with Brennus in the moste part of his victories, both in Gallia, Germany,Tit. Lin. Polidor. & Italy, Titus Liuius speaketh but only of Bren­nus: wherevpon some write, that after the two brethren were by their mothers intreatance made friendes, Brennus onely went ouer into Gallia, and there through proufe of his worthie prowes, atteyned to such estimation amongest the people called Galli Senones, that he was chosen to be their general Captaine at theyr going ouer the moun­taynes into Italie.Ma. VVest But whether Beline went ouer with his brother, and finally returned backe againe leauing Brennus behinde him, as some write, or that he went not at all, but remayned still at home whilest his brother was abrode, wee can affyrme no certaintie.

The truth is, that the moste part of all ours writers make report of many worthie deedes ac­complished by Beline, in repayring of Cities de­cayed, and erecting of other newe buyldings, to the adorning and beautifying of his Realme and kingdome.

And amongest other workes which were by him erected,Paliche. Gal. M. Cairlleon r Wiske buylt by Belin. he buylded a Citie in the south parte of Wales, neare to the place where the riuer Vske falleth into Seuerne, fast by Glaumorgan, which citie hight Cairlleon, or Cairllegion Ar Wiske.

This Cairllegion was the principall Citie in tyme past of all Demetia, nowe called South­wales. Many notable monumentes are remay­ning there till this day, testifying the great mag­nificence and royall buyldings of that Citie in olde tyme.

There were in the same Citie also sithe the time of Christ three Churches, one of Saint Iu­lius the Martyr, an other of Saint Aron, and the third was the mother Church of all Demetia, and the chiefe Sea: but after the same sea was translated vnto Meneuia, (that is to say) Saint Dauid in Westwales.

In this Cairlleon was Amphibulus [...] that taught and instructed Saint Albon.

Also this Beline buylded an hauen,Fabian. with a gate ouer the same, within the Citie of Troyno­uant, or London, in the summer whereof after­wards was set a vessell of Brasse, in the whiche were put the ashes of his bodie, which bodie after his deceasse was burnt, as the maner of burying in those dayes did require.

[Page 21] Iohn Leyland.This gate was long after called Bellinus gate, and at length by corruption of language Bellings gate.

He buylded also a Castell Eastwarde from this gate (as some haue written) whiche was long tyme after likewyse called Bellyns Ca­stell,The tower of London built by Beline. and is the same whiche nowe wee call the Tower of London.

Thus Beline studying dayly to beautifie this lande with goodly buyldings and famous works, 10 at length departed this lyfe, after he had raig­ned with his brother and alone, the space of .xxvj. yeare.

Gurguint.

Gur­guint.

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GVrguyn­tus ye son of Beline, began to raigne ouer the Brytayns, in the yeare of 20 the Worlde, 1596. after the building of Rome .380. af­ter ye deliuerāce of the Israelites oute of captiuitie .164. com­plete, which was aboute the .xxxiij. yeare of Ar­taxerxes Mnenon, surnamed Magnus, the .vij. king of the Persians.

This Gurguint, in the English Chronicle is 30 named Corinbratus, and by Math. Westmon. he is surnamed Barbiruc,Ma. VVest Gal. M. the which bycause the trybute graunted by Guylthdag King of Den­marke in perpetuitie vnto the Kings of Bry­taine was denyed, hee sayled with a mightie na­uie and armie of men into Denmarke, where hee made suche warre with fyre and sworde,Gurguint cō ­strayned the Danes by force to pay their tribute. that the King of Denmarke with the assent of hys Barons was constrayned to graunt eftsoones to continue the payment of the aforesayde try­bute. 40

After hee had thus atchieued hys desyre in Denmarke, as he returned back toward Brytain againe, he encountred with a Nauie of .xxx. ships besyde the Iles of Orkeney.

These Shippes were fraught with men and women, and had to theyr Captayne one called Bartholoin or Partholin.Mat. VVest. Gal. Mon. The which beeyng b [...]ought to the presence of King Gurguint, de­clared that hee with hys people were banished 50 oute of Spayne, and were named Balences or Basclenses,Basques. and had sayled long on the Sea, to the ende to fynde some Prince that woulde as­signe to them a place of habitation, vnto whom they would become subiects,See more here of in Ireland. and hold of him as of theyr soueraigne gouernour.

Therefore hee besought the King to consi­der theyr estate, and of his greate benignitie, to appoynte some voyde quarter where they might inhabite.

The King with the aduice of hys Barons, graunted to them the Ile of Irelande, whiche as then (by report of some Authours) lay wast and without habitation.

But it shoulde appeare by other wryters,P [...]lid [...] that it was inhabyted long before those dayes, by the people called Hibernenses, of Hiberus theyr Captayne that brought them also out of Spaine.

After that Gurguintus was returned in­to hys Countrey, hee ordeyned that the lawes made by his [...], shoulde be duely kept and obserued.

And thus [...]ynistring iusti [...]e to hys sub­iectes for the tearme of .xix. yeares, he finally de­parted this lyfe, and was buried at London, or as some haue, at Cairleon.Cai [...]

In hys dayes was the Towne of Cam­bridge wyth the Vniuersitie fyrst founded by Cantaber, brother to the aforesayde Bartho­loin (according to some wryters) as after shall appeare.

Guintolinus.

Guin­tolius

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GVyntoli­nus, or Guintellius ye sonne of Gur­guintus, was admitted king of Brytayne, in the yeare of the world .3614 after the buyl­ding of the ci­tie of Rome .399. and seconde yeare of the .106. Olympiade.

This Guintoline was a prudent Prince, graue in counsell, and sober in behauiour. He had also a wife named Martia, a woman of passing beautie, and wisedome imcomparable, as by hir prudent gouernment and equall administration of iustice after hir husbandes decease, during hir sonnes minoritie, it most manifestly appeared.

It is thought that in an happy time this Guin­toline came to the gouernance of this kingdome, being shaken and brought out of order with ciuill dissentions, to the ende he might reduce it to the former estate, which he earnestly accomplished: for hauing once got the place, hee studyed with great diligence to refourme of newe, and to ad­orne with iustice, lawes, and good orders, the Brytish common wealth, by other Kings not so framed as stoode with the quietnesse thereof. But afore all things hee vtterly remooued and appeased suche ciuyll discorde, as seemed yet [Page 29] to remaine after the maner of a remnant of those seditions factions and partakings, which had so long time raigned in this lande. But as he was busie in hande herewith, death tooke him out of this life, after he had raigned .xxvij. yeares, and then was he buried at London.

Sicilius.

[...]cilius.

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SIcilius the sonne of Guintoline, be­ing not past seuen yeres 10 of age when his father dyed, was admitted king, in the yeare .3660. after the buylding of Rome .430. and after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of capti­uitie . [...]8. and in the sixt after the death of Alexander.

By reason that Sicilius was not of age suf­ficient 20 of himselfe to guide the kingdome of the Brytaynes, his mother that worthie Ladie cal­led Martia, had the gouernance both of his reason and person committed to hir charge.

She was a woman expert and skilful in dian [...]e sciences, [...]ene Mar­ [...]gouerneth [...]r sonnes [...]ruth. but chiefely beeing admitted to the go­uernance of the realme, she st [...]died to pre [...]e the common wealth in good quiet and wholsome or­der, [...]maketh [...]s. and therefore deuised & established pro [...]table & conueniente lawes the which after were called 30 Martian laws, of hir name that fyrst made them.

These lawes, as those that were thought good and necessarie for the preseruation of the common wealth, Alfred, or Alured, that was long after king of England, translated also out of the Bry­tishe tongue, into the English Saxon spe [...]che, and then were they called after that translation Marchenelaghe, [...]t. VVest. that is to meane, the lawes of Martia.

To conclude, this worthie woman guided 40 the lande during the minoritie of hir sonne right politiquely, and highly to hir perpetuall renowme and commendation. And when hir sonne came to lawfull age, she deliuered vp the gouernaunce into his handes.

How long he raigned wryters varie, some a­uouche but seuen yeares, [...]t. VVest. [...]ton. though other affyrme xv. whiche agreeth not so well with the accorde of other Hystories and tymes. He was buried at London. 50

Kimarus.

KImarus the sonne of Sicilius, began to raign ouer the Brytaynes,Kima­ [...]s. in the yeare of the world 3657. and after the buylding of Rome .442. and in the first yeare of the .117. Olympiade.

This Kimarus being a wild yong man, and giuen to follow his lustes and pleasure, [...]ian. was [...] by some that were his enimies, as he was abrode in hunting, when hee had raigned scarcely three yeares.

Elanius.

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ELanius ye son of Kimarus,Elanius or as other haue,M [...]t [...]. VVest. his brother, [...]gan to [...] the Bry­taines in the yere after the creation [...] of ye world . [...]061. after the building of Rome .445. after the deliue­rance of the [...] in [...]he [...]th y [...]re of the [...], after which account the bookes of Machabe [...]s doe recken, which beganne [...] the [...] after the [...].

This [...] the Englishe Chronicle is named also [...], by [...] Da [...]ius, and by an [...] with [...] muche followed, Elanius [...] shoulde seeme to be our person: but other [...], and say that he raigned [...] .vill. [...].

Morinde.

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MOrindus the Ba­stard sonne of E­lanius,Mo­rind. was admitted king at Brytayne, in the yeare of the worlde 3667. after the buylding of Rome .451. after the deliuerance of the Is­raelites .236. and in the tenth yeare of Cassan­der K. of Mar [...]a, which hauing dispatched Olympias the mother of Alexander the great, and gotten Roxanes with Alexanders sonne into his handes, [...] the kingdome of the Macedonians, and helde it .xv. yeares.

This Morindus in the Englishe Chronicle is called Morwi [...]h, and was a man of worthie fame in [...] and Martial doings, but so cru­ell withall, that his vnmercifull nature could vn­eth be satisfied with the tormēts of them that had offended him, although oftentymes with his own handes he cruelly put them to torture and execu­tion. He was also beautifull and comely of perso­nage, liberall and bounteous, and of a me [...]uel­lous strength.

In his dayes, a certaine king of the people cal­led Morlani, with a great army landed in Nor­thumberlande,G. Mon. and beganne to make cruell warre vpon the inhabitantes. But Morind aduertised hereof, assembled his Brytaines, came against the enimies, and in battaile put them to [...]ight, and chasing them to th [...]y'r shippe [...], [...] great num­ber [Page 30] of them prisoners, whom to the satisfying of his cruell nature he caused to be slaine euen in his presence. Some of them were headed, some stran­gled, some panched, and some he caused to be slain quicke.

These people who Gal. Mon. nameth Mo­riani,The like may be thought of those Murreys or Morauians of whom. H.B. speaketh. Fabian. I take to bee eyther those that inhabited a­bout Terrouane and Calice called Mo [...]ni, or 10 some other people of the Gaulles or Germalues, and not as some esteeme them, Moranians, or Merhenners, whiche were not knowne to the world (as Humfrey Llhuid hath verie well noted) tyll about the dayes of the Emperour Mauri­tius, which miscōstructiō of names hath brought the Brytishe Hystorie further out of credite than reason requyreth, if the cyrcumstaunces be duely considered.

But now to ende with Morindus. At length this bloudie Prince heard of a Monster that was come a lande out of the Irish sea, with the which 20 when he woulde needes fight, he was of the same deuoured, after he had raigned the terme of .viij. yeares, leauing behinde him fiue sonnes, Gor­ [...]omannus, Archig [...]llo, Elidurus, Vigenius, or Nigenius, and Peredurus.

Gorbonian.

Gorbo­men, or Gorbo­nian.

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GOrbonia­nus ye first sonne of Mo­tindus, succee­ded 30 hys father in the King­dome of Bry­tayne, in the yeare of the world .3676. after the buyl­ding of Rome .46. and fourth yeare of the .121. Olympiade.

A righteous and religious Prince. This Gorbonianus in the Englishe Chroni­cle 40 is named Graubodian, and was a righteous Prince in his gouernment, and very deuont (ac­cording to such deuotion as he had) towardes the aduauncing of the religion of his Gods: and ther­vpon he repayred all the olde Temples throughe his kingdome, and erected some of newe.

He buylded also the townes of Cambridge, and Grantham (as Caxton wryteth) and was beloued both of the rich and poore, for he honored the rich, and relieued the poore in time of their ne­cessities.

In his time also was more plentie of al things necessarie for the wealthfull state of man, than had beene before in any of his predecessors dayes.

He dyed without issue, after hee had raigned (by the accorde of most wryters) about the terme of ten yeares.

There be that write, that this Gorbonian built the townes of Cairgrant, now called Cābridge, [...] by [...] was [...] and also Grantham, but some thinke that those which haue so written are dec [...]yued, in mistaking the name, for that Cābridge was at the first cal­led Granta: and by that meanes it might bee that Gorbonian built onely Erantham, and not Cā ­brige, namely, bicause other write how that Cā ­bridge (as before [...]s said) was buil [...]in the dayes of Gurgūtius the sonne of Beline, by one Cantaber a Spaniard, brother to Partholoin, which Par­tholoin by the adui [...]e of the same Gurgūtius, got s [...]ates for himselfe and his companie in Ireland, (as before ye haue heard.)

The sayd Cantaber also obteyning licence of Gurguntius, [...]uylded a town vpon the side of the ryuer called Canta, which he closed with walles, and fortified with a strong tower or Castell, and after procuring Philosophers to come hither from Athens (where in his youth he had bene a student he placed them there, and so euen then was that place furnished as they say) with lerned men, and such as were redie to instruct others in knowledge of letters & Philosophicall doctrine. But by whō or in what time soeuer it was built, certaine it is that there was a Citie or towne walled in that place before the cōming of the Saxons, called by the Brytaynes Cairg [...]aunt, and by the Saxons Grantchester.

This towne [...]ll so in ruyne by the inuasion of the Saxons, that at length it was in maner left desolate, and at this day remayneth as a village. But neare thervnto vnder the Saxon kings, another towne was buylt, now called Cambridge, where by the fauor of K. Sigebert & Felix a B [...] ­gunian, that was Bishop of Dunwich, a schoole was erected, as in place cōuenient it shal appeare.

Archigallo.

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ARchigallo,Arch [...] ­gallo▪ the seconde sonne of Mo­rindus, & bro­ther vnto Gor­bonianus, was admitted King of Brytayn, in the yeare .3686. after the buyl­ding of the citie of Rome .470. after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of capti­uitie .255. and in the first yeare of Sosthenes king of Macedonia.

This Archigallo (in the English Chronicle called Artogaill, [...] nourish [...]) followed not the steppes of hys brother, but giuing himselfe to dissention & strife, ymagined causes agaynst his Nobles, that hee might displace them, & set such in their rowmthes as were men of base byrth and of euill cōditions. [Page 31] Also he sought by vnlawfull meanes to bereaue his wealthie subiects of their goods and riches, so to enrich himselfe and impouerish his people. For the which his inordinate doings, his Nobles cō ­spired agaynst him, and finally depriued him of all his honor & kingly dignitie, after he had raig­ned about the space of one yeare.

Elidure.

[...]lidure

[figure]

ELidurus ye third sonne 10 of Morindus, & brother to Archigallo, was by one assente of the Bry­taynes chosen to raigne ouer them in hys brothers stead, after the creation of the worlde .3687. and after 20 the buylding of the Citie of Rome .471. after the deliuerance of the Israelites, and in the first yeare of Sosthenes king of Macedonia.

This Elidurus in the English Chronicle na­med Hisider, or Esoder, proued a most righteous Prince, and doubting least he should do otherwise than became him, if hee did not take care for his brother Archigallos estate. A man might wonder what diligence he shewed in traueyling with the Nobles of the Realme to haue his brother resto­red 30 to the Crowne againe.

And as it chaunced one day (being abrode on hunting in the Wood called Calater) neare vnto Yorke, he found his brother Archigallo wandring there in the thickest of that wildernesse,By this it [...]hould seeme [...]hat Al [...]liud should not be in Scotland, [...]ontrary to the Scottish Authours. whom in most louing maner he secretly conueyed home to his house, being as then in the Citie of Aldud, o­therwise called Acliud.

Shortly after he feyned himselfe sicke, and in al hast sent Messengers about to assemble his ba­rons, 40 who being come at the day appoynted, hee called them one after another into his priuie chā ­ber, & there hādled thē in such effectuous sort with wise and discrete wordes, that hee got their good willes to further him to their powers for the redu­cing of the kingdome eftsoones into the handes of his brother Archigallo.

And after this he assembled a counsel at York, where he so vsed the matter with the commons, that in conclusion, when the sayd Elidurus had 50 gouerned the land well and honourably the space of three yeres, he resigned wholy his Crowne and kingly title vnto his said brother Archigallo, who was receyued of the Brytaynes againe as King, by mediation of his brother in maner as afore is sayde.An example of brotherly loue. A rare example of brotherly loue, if a man shall reuolue in his mind what an inordinate de­sire remayneth amongest mortall men to atteyne to the supreeme soueraintie of ruling, and to keepe the same when they once haue it in possession. For this greate good will and brotherly loue by hym shewed thus towards his brother, he was surna­med the godly or vertuous.

Archigallo againe.

WHen Archigallo was thus restored to the kingdome, and hauing learned by due cor­rection that he must turne the leafe, and take out a new lesson, by chāging his former trade of liuing into better, if he would raigne in surtie: he became a new man, vsing himselfe vprightly in the admi­nistration of iustice, & behauing himselfe so wor­thily in all his doings, both towards the Nobles and commons of his realme, that he was both be­loued and dread of all his subiects. And so conti­nuing the whole terme of his life, finally departed this worlde now after he had raigned this second time the space of tenne yeares, and was buryed at Yorke.

Elidure againe.

ELidurus brother to this Archigallo,Mat. VVest. was then again admitted king by consent of al the Bri­taynes .3700. of the worlde. But his two yonger brethren, Vigenius and Peredurus,Brother a­gaynst bro­ther. enuying the happie state of this worthie Prince, so highly for his vertue and good gouernaunce esteemed of the Brytaynes, of a grounded malice conspired a­gaynst him, and assembling an armie, leuied war agaynst him, and in a pight field tooke him priso­ner, and put him in the Tower of London,Elidure com­mitted to pri­son. there to be kept safely as a prisoner, after he had raigned now this last time the space of one yeare.

Vigenius and Peredurus.

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VIgenius & Peridurus,Vigeni­us and Pere­durus. ye yōgest sonns of Morindus, and brethren to Elidurus, be­ganne to raign iointly as kings of Brytayne, in the yeare of the worlde .3703. after the buylding of Rome .485. after the deli­uerance of the Israelites .266. complete, and in the xij. yere of Antigonus Gonatas, the sonne of De­metrius king of the Macedonians.

These two brethren in the English Chroni­cle are named Higanius, and Petitur, the which (as testifieth, Gal. Mon.) deuided the realme be­twixt them,Brytayne de­uided into two realmes. so that all the lande from Humber westward, fel to Vigenius, or Higanius, the other part beyōd Hūber northward Peridure held. But other affirm, ye Peredurus only raigned & held his brother Elidurus in prison by his owne consent, forsomuch as he was not willing to gouerne.

[Page 32]But Gal. Mon. sayth, that Vigenius dyed after he had raigned .vij. yeares, and then Peredu­rus seased all the land into his owne rule, and go­uerned it with such sobrietie and wisedome, that he was praysed aboue all his brethren, so that E­lidurus was quite forgotten of the Brytaynes. But other write,V [...]rietie in wryte [...]s. that he was a verie tyrant, and vsed himselfe right cruelly towardes the Lordes of his lande, wherevpon they rebelled and slue him. But whether by violent hand, or by natu­rall 10 sicknesse, he finally departed this life, after the consent of most wryters, when hee had raigned viij. yeares, leauing no issue behinde him to suc­ceede in the gouernaunce of the kingdome. Hee buylded the towne of Pykering,Caxton. Eth. Bur. where his bodie was buried.

Elidurus the thirde time.

ELidurus then as soone as his brother Peridu­rus was dead, for as muche as hee was nexte heyre to the crowne, was deliuered out of pryson, 20 and now the thirde tyme admitted king of Bry­tayne, who vsed himselfe (as before) very orderly in ministring to all persons right and iustice all the dayes of his life, and lastly beeing growne to great age dyed, when he had raigned nowe thys thirde tyme, (after most concordance of writers) the tearme of foure yeares: and was buryed at Carle [...]ll.He is buried at Carloil.

HEre is to be noted, that euen from the begin­ning of the Brytish kings,The diuersitie of wryters in the account of yeares. whiche raigned 30 here in this lande, there is great diuersitie amōgst wryters, both touching the names, and also the tymes of theyr raignes, specially till they come to the death of the last mentioned king Elidurus. Insomuch that Polydor Vergile in his Hystorie of Englande,Polidor. finding a manifest error (as he ta­keth it) in those wryters whom he followeth tou­ching the account, from the comming of Brute, vnto the sacking of Rome by Brennus, whome our hystories affyrme to be the brother of Beline, that to fill vp the number whiche is wanting in 40 the reckening of the yeares of those Kings which raigned after Brute, tyll the dayes of the same Brenne and Beline, he thought good to chaunge the order, least one error should follow an other, and so of one error making many, he hath placed those kings whiche after other wryters shoulde seeme to followe Brenne and Beline, betwixte Dunuallo and Mulmutius, father to the sayde Beline and Brenne, and those fiue kings whiche 50 stroue for the gouernment after the decease of the two brethren, Ferrex, and Porrex, putting Guin­toline to succeede after the fiue kings or rulers, and after Guintoline his wife Martia during the minoritie of hir sonne, then hir sayde sonne na­med Sicilius. After him these whose names fol­low in order, Chimarius, Danius, Moruidius, Corbonianus, Archigallo, who beeing deposed, Elidurus was made king, and so continued till he restored the gouernment (as ye haue heard) to Archigallo againe, and after his death Elidurus was eftsoones admitted, and within a while a­gaine deposed by Vigenius & Peridurus, & after theyr deceasses, the thirde time restored. Then af­ter his decease, followed successiuely Reginus, Morganus, Ennanus, Iduuallo, Rimo, E [...]run­tius, Catellus, Coillus, Porrex the second of that name, Cherinus, Fulgētius, Eldalus, Androge­us, Vrianus, and Eliud, after whom should fol­low Dūuallo Molmutius, as in his proper place, if the order of things done, and the course of tyme should be obserued, as Polidore gathereth by the account of yeares attributed to those kings that raigned before and after Dunuallo, according to those Authours whom (as I sayde) he followeth, if they will that Brennus which led the Gau [...]es to Rome, be the same that was sonne to the sayd Dunuallo Molmutius, and brother to Beline.

But sithe other haue in better order brought out a perfite agreement in the account of yeares and succession of those kings, which raigned and gouerned here in this lande before the sacking of Rome, and also another suche as it is after the same, and before the Romaines had anye perfite knowledge thereof, we haue thought good to fol­low them therein, leauing to euery man his li­bertie to iudge as his knowledge shall serue him in a thing so doubtfull and vncertaine, by reason of variaunce amongest the auncient wryters in that behalfe.

And euen as there is great difference in wry­ters since Gurguntius, till the death of Elidurus, so is there as great or rather greater after his de­ceasse, specially till king Lud atteyned the king­dome.Fabian▪ But as may be gathered by that whiche Fabian and other whom he followeth doe wryte, there passed aboue .185. yeares, betwixt the laste yere of Elidurus, and the beginning of king Lud his raigne, in the which time there raigned xxxij. or .xxxiij. kings, as some writers haue mētioned, whose names (as Gal. Mon. hath recorded) are these: Regny the sonne of Gorbolyan or Gorbo­nian, a worthie Prince, both iustly and merci­fully gouerned his people. Then Margan the sonne of Archigallo a noble Prince likewise, and guiding his subiects in good quiet. Emerian bro­ther to the same Margan, but farre vnlike to him in maners, so that he was deposed in the sixt yere of his raigne. Ydwallo sonne to Vigenius. Ri­mo the sonne of Peridurus. Geruntius the sonne of Elidurus. Then Catell that was buried at Winchester. Coill that was buried at Noting­ham. Porrex a vertuous and most gentle prince. Cherinus a Drunkerd. Then Fulginius, Eldad, and Androgius: these three were sonnes to Cher­cinus, and raigned successiuely one after another. [Page 33] After them a sonne of Androgeus. [...]anus. Then Eliud, Dedaicus, Clotinius, Gurguntius, Meri [...]nns, Bledius, Cop, Owen, Sicilius, Blegahredus an excellēt Musitiā. After him his brother Archema­il. Then Eldol, Red, Rodieck, Samuil, Penisel, Pir, Capoir. And after him his son Gligweill an vpright dealing prince, & a good in [...]ticiarie. After whō succeeded his sonne Hely, which raigned .lx. yeres, as the foresaid Gal. Mon. writeth, where o­ther affyrme that he raigned .xl. yeares, & s [...]me a­gaine 10 say that he raigned but .vij. moneths.

Such diuersitie is there in writers touching the raignes of these kings, and not only for the nūber of yeres which they shuld cōtinue in their raignes but also in their names: so that to shew the diuer­sitie of all the writers, were but to small purpose, sith the doings of the same kings were not great by report made thereof by any approued author. But this maye suffice to aduertise you, that by conferring the yeres attributed to the other kings 20 which raigned before them sith the comming of Brute, who shoulde enter this lande (as by the best writers it is gathered) about the yeare before the building of Rome, 367. which was in the yere after the creation of the world .2850. (as is sayde) with their time there remaineth .182. yeares to bee dealt amongst these .xxxiij. kings, which raigned betwixt the said Elidure and Lud, which Lud al­so began his raigne after the building of the citie of Rome (as writers affyrme) about .67 [...]. yeres, & in 30 ye yere of the world 3895. as William Harisō hath set it downe in the exquisite Chronologie whiche he hath gathered frō the creation of Adam, wher­in he sheweth a large discourse of moste things worthy remembrance, don since the world began, as may appeare hereafter, if euer it come to light, and the hugenes therof & cost to be bestowed ther­vpon, do not hinder the printing of the same.

Polidore Vergil changing (as I haue shewed) the order of succession in the Brytishe Kings, in 40 bringing diuerse of those kings which after other writers followed Beline and Brenne, to preceed them so successiuely after Beline & Brenne, he re­herseth those that by his cōiecture did by likelihood succeed, as thus. After the deceasse of Beline, his son Gurguntius, being the second of that name succeeded in gouernment of the land, & then these in order as they followe: Merianus, Bladanus, Cap [...]us, Oninus, Silius, Bledgabredus, Arche­malus, Eldolus, Rodianus, Redargius, Samu­lius, 50 Penisellus, Pyrrhus, Caporus, Dinellus, & Hely, who had issue, Lud, Cassibellane, & Neuri­us. But to leaue the diuersitie of writers to the iudgement of the readers in such vncertaynties where an vndoubted truth may hardly be auon­ched, & more hardly approued, we wil not further stand vpon these doubts, but proceed with the hy­storie. Mary this is not to be forgottē, yt of ye fore­said Hely ye last of the said .xxxiij. kings, the Ile of Ely tooke the name, bicause that he most cōmon­ly did there inhabite, building in the same a goodly palace, & making great reparations of the s [...]uy [...]es, ditches & cawsies about that Ile, for cōueiance a­way of the water, ye els would sore haue endoma­ged the countrey. There be that haue mainteined that this Ile should rather take name of the great abundance of Ecles that are found in those wa­ters and fennes wherwith this Ile is enuironed. But Humfrey Llhuid holdeth, that it tooke name of this Brytish worde Helig, whiche signifieth Willowes, wherewith those fennes abound.

Lud.

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AFter ye de­cease of the same Helie,Lud. his eldest son Lud begā his raign, in the yeare af­ter the creation of the worlde 3895. after the buylding of the Citie of Rome 679. be [...]ore the comming of Christ .72. and before the Romaines entred Brytaine .xix. yeares.

This Lud proued a right worthie prince,A worth [...] prince. a­mending the lawes of the realme that were defec­tiue, abolishing euill customes and maners vsed amongst his people, and repairing old Cities and townes which were decayed: but specially he de­lyted most to beautifie & enlarge with buildings the Citie of Troynouant, which he cōpassed with a strong wall made of lime and stone,London en­closed with a wall. Iohn. Hard. in the best maner fortified with diuerse fayre towers: and in the west part of the same wall he erected a strong gate, which he commaunded to be cleped after his name, Luds gate, and so vnto this day it is called Ludgate, [...]he, s, only drowned in ye pronunciatiō of the word. In the same citie also he soiorned for the more part,Fabian. Gal. Mon. Mat. VVest. by reason whereof the inhabitants encreased and many habitations were buylded to receyue them, & he himselfe caused buildings to be made betwixt London stone & Ludgate, & buyl­ded for himself not farre from the sayd gate a faire palace, which is the Bish. of Londons palace,The Bishop [...] palace. be­side Paules, at this day (as some think) yet Haris. supposeth it to haue bin Bainards castel, wher the black friers now standeth. He also builded a faire Temple nere to his said palace, which temple (as some take it) was after turned to a church, and at this day cleped Paules. By reason that K. Lud so much estemed ye citie before al other of his realme, enlarging it so greatly as he did, and cōtinually in manet remained there, the name was chāged,The name of Troynouan [...] chaunged and called London. so ye it was called Cairlud, yt is to say, Luds towne: & after by corruptiō of speech it was named Lōdon. [Page 34] Beside the princely doings of this Lud touching the aduancement of the cōmon wealth by studies aperteyning to the time of peace, hee was also strong and valiant in armes, in subduing his eni­mies. He was also bounteous and liberall both in giftes and in keeping a plentifull house, so that he was greatly beloued of all the Brytaynes▪ Fi­nally, when he had thus raigned with great ho­nor for the space of .xj. yeres, he died, and was bu­ried nere Ludgate, leauing after him two sonnes, 10 Indrogeus and Theomancius or Tenancius.

Cassibellane.

Cassi­bellaen.

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CAssibellane the brother of Lud was admitted king of Brytaine, in the yeare of the worlde .3908.3908 after the buyl­ding 20 of Rome, 692. & before the comming of Christ .58. complete.Gal. Mon. Mat. VVest. Fabian. For sith the two sonnes of Lud were not of age able to gouerne, the rule of the land was comitted to Cassibellane: but yet (as some haue written) he was not created king, but rather appoynted ruler and protector of the land, during the nonage of his nephewes.

Now after he was admitted (by whatsoeuer or­der) 30 to the administration of the cōmon welth,Gal. Mon. he became so noble a prince and so bounteous, that his name spred far & nere, and by his vpright dea­ling in seeing iustice executed he grew in such esti­mation, that the Brytayns made small accoūt of his nephews, in comparison of the fauour whiche they bare towards him. But Cassibellane hauing respect to his honor, least it might be thought that his nephewes were expulsed by him out of theyr rightful possessions, brought them vp very hono­rably, 40 assigning to Androgeus, London & Kent, and to Theomantius the country of Cornewale.Mat. VVest.

And thus farre out of the Brytish hystories, by the which it may be gathered, that the yeares as­signed to these kings that raigned before Cassibe­lane,Polidor. amount to the summe of .1058. But whether these gouernors (whose names we haue recited) were kings, or rather rulers of the cōmon wealth, either else tyrants & vsurpers of the gouernment by force, it is vncertain: for not one ancient wry­ter 50 of any approued authoritie maketh any remē ­brance of thē, & by that which Iulius Cesar wry­teth, it may & doth appere, that diuerse cities in his dayes were gouerned of thēselues, as hereafter it shall more plainly appeare. Neither doth he make mētion of those townes which the British hysto­rie affyrmeth to be built by the same kings.

In deede both hee and other latine wryters speake of diuerse people that inhabited diuers por­tions of this land, as of the Brigantes, Trino­bantes, Iceni, Silures, and such other like, but in what selfe partes most of the sayde people did cer­tenly inhabit, it is hard to auouch a certain truth.

But what Iohn Leyland thinketh hereof, being one in our time that curiously serched out old an­tiquities, you shall after heare as occasion serueth:Hector [...] ▪ his fault. and likewise the opinions of other, as of Hector Boetius, who coueting to haue all such valiaunt actes as were atchieued by the Brytains to be as­scribed to his countrymē the Scots, draweth both the Silures, & Brigantes with other of the Bri­tains so farre northward, that he maketh them in­habitāts of the Scottish countries. And what per­ticular names soeuer they had, yet were they all Scots with him, & knowne by that general name (as he would perswade vs to beleue, saying that they entred into Britain out of Ireland .30. y [...]r [...]s before the incarnation of our sauiour. But how generall soeuer the name of Scots then was, sure it is, that no speciall mention of thē is made by a­ny writer, till about .300. yeares after the birth of our sauiour. And yet the Romains which ru [...]es this land, & had so much ado with the people the [...] ­of, make mention of diuers other people, nothing so famous as Boetius would make his Scottish men euē then to be. But to leaue to the Scots the antiquitie of their original beginning, as they and other must doe vnto vs our discent from Brute & the other Troians, sith ye contrary doth not plain­ly appeare, vnlesse we shal lean vnto presūptions: now are we come to the time in the which what actes were atchieued,More [...] from be [...] forth appe­reth in the hystorie. there remayneth more cer­taine record, and therefore may we the more bow­ly proceeds in this our hystorie.

In this season ye Cassibellane had the supreme gouernmēt here in Britain.Iulius Caes [...] Caius Iulius Cesar being appointed by the Senate of Rome to con­quer Gallia, was for ye purpose created Consull; & sent with a mightie army into ye cuntry,Caesar de [...] Io Gal. Brytaynes [...] knowne to [...] Romains Caesar de [...] Gal. lib 4. Causes of [...] wa [...]re. where after he had brought the Galles vnto some frame, he determined to assay ye winning of Britain, the which as yet the Romains knew not otherwyse thā by report. The chiefest cause that moued him to take in hand that enterprise, was for that he did vnderstande, that there dayly came great succors out of that Ile to those Gauls that were enimies vnto the Romains. And although the season of ye yere to make war was far spent (for sommer was almost at an end) yet he thought it wold be to good purpose, if he might but passe ouer thither,Caesars pur­pose. & learne what maner of people did inhabite there, and dis­couer the places, hauens, & entries apperteyning to that Ile. Herevpon calling togither such Mar­chauntes as he knewe to haue had traffique thy­ther wyth some trade of Wares, hee diligent­lye enquyred of them the state of the Isle: [Page 35] but he could not be throughly satisfied in anye of those things that he coueted to know. Therefore thinking it good to vnderstand all things by view that might appertaine to the vse of that warre which he purposed to follow: before he attempted the same, he sent one Caius Volusenus wyth a galley or light Pinesse to suruey the coastes of the Ile, [...]us Voluse­ [...] sent ouer [...] Brytaine. commaūding him after diligent search made to returne with speede to him againe. He himself also draweth downwardes towards Bullenoys, 10 from whēce the shortest cut lieth to passe ouer in­to Brytaine,

[...]n Leyland [...]lidor.In which part of Gallia there was in those days an hauen called Itius Portus, (which some take to be Calice) & so the word importeth, an harbourgh as then able to receiue a great nūber of ships. Vn­to this hauen therefore Cesar caused all the ships he coulde get out of the next borders and parties, and those specially whiche hee had prouided and put in a readinesse the last yeare, for the warres (a­gaynst 20 them of Vannes in Armorica, [...]nnes in [...]ytayne. now called Brytayne in Fraunce) to be brought thither, there to lie till they should heare further.

In the meane time (his indeuor being knowne, and by Merchants reported in Brytain) all those that were able to beare armor were commaun­ded and appoynted to repayre to the sea side, that they might be readie to defend their countrey in time of so great daunger of inuasion. Cesar in his Commentaries agreeth not with our hystorio­graphers: 30 for he writeth that immediatly vpon knowledge had that he woulde inuade Brytaine, there came to him Ambassadors frō diuerse cities of the Ile to offer themselues to be subiects to the Romains, and to deliuer hostages. Whō after he had exhorted to continue in their good minde, he sent thē home again,Comius. & with thē one Comius, go­uernor of Artois, cōmaunding him to repair vnto as many cities in Brytayn as he might, & to ex­hort thē to submit thēselues to the Romains. He 40 maketh no mention of Cassibellane till the second iourney yt he made into the Ile, at what time the said Cassibelan was chosen (as ye shal heare) to be the general captain of the Britayns, & to haue the whole administratiō of the war for defence of the coūtry. But he nameth him not to be a king, how be it in the Brytish hystorie it is conteyned,Whiche is [...]ore likely in his behalfe, as [...]ppereth by [...]he sequele. that Cesar required tribute of Cassibelan, & that he an­swered howe he had not learned as yet to liue in seruage, but to defend the libertie of his country, & 50 that with weapō in hand (if need were) as he shuld wel perceiue, if (blinded through couetousnesse) he should aduenture to seke to disquiet the Britains.

Thus here aswel as in other places, there is di­uersitie in authors: & to the end you should not be ignorant therof, we haue thought good now and then to touch the same, that you may in reading take the more pleasure, when ye shal marke some things worthie of credite, and somethings again so vnlikely as may rather seme to moue laughter, than to passe for matter worthie of credite.

But to the purpose.Volusenus returneth. Caius Volusenus within fiue days after his departure from Cesar, returned again vnto him with his galley, & declared what he had seene touching the view which he had ta­ken of the coastes of Brytaine.

Cesar then hauing got togither so many sayle as hee thought sufficient for the transporting of two legions of souldiers,Caesar with two legions of souldiers passeth ouer into Brytayne. after he had ordred his businesse as he thought expedient, and gotten a conuenient winde for his purpose, he embarqued himselfe and his people, and departed from Calice in the night about the thirde watch (which is a­bout three or foure of the clocke after midnight) giuing order that the horsemen should take ship at an other place .viij. myles aboue Calis, and fol­low him.The Brytaines ready to de­fend their countrey. But when they somewhat slacked the time, about tenne of the clocke the next day, ha­uing the winde at will, he touched on the coast of Brytayne, where he might beholde all the shore set and couered with men of warre. For the Bry­taynes hearing that Cesar ment verye shortly to come agaynst them, were assembled in armour to resist him: and now being aduertised of his ap­proche to the lande, they prepared themselues to withstande him. Cesar perceyuing this, deter­mined to stay till the other ships were come, and so he lay at ancre till about .xj. of the clocke, and then calleth a counsell of the Marshals and chiefe captaines,Caesar calleth a counsell. vnto whome he declared both what he had learned of Volusenus, and also further what he would haue done, willing them that all things might be ordred as the reason of warre requyred. And bycause he perceyued that this place where he first cast ancre, was not meete for the landing of his people, sith (from the height of the cliffes that closed on ech side the narrow creek into the which he had thrust) the Brytaynes might annoy hys people with their bowes and dartes, before they could set foote on land, hauing now the wind and tyde with him, he disankred from thence, & drewe alongest the coast vnder the downes,This was a­bout Dale. the space of vij. or .viij. myles: and there finding the shore more flat and plaine, he approched neare to the land, determining to come to the shore.

The Brytaynes perceyuing Cesars intent, with all speede caused their horsmen and charets or wagons which Cesar calleth Essede, (out of the which in those dayes they vsed to fight to marche foorth toward the place whither they saw ye Cesar drew, and after followed with their maine army. Wherefore Cesar being thus preuented, enfor­ced yet to lande wyth hys people, although hee sawe that hee shoulde haue muche a doe: for as the Brytaynes were in readynesse to resyste hym: so hys greate and huge Shyppes coulde [Page 36] not come neare the shore, but were forced to keepe the deepe, so that the Romaine Souldiers were put to a verie hard shift,The Romains put to their shiftes. for they must both leape forth of their shippes, and pestred with their heauy armour and weapons fight in the water wyth their enimies, who knowing the flats and shelues stood either vpō the drie ground, or else but a little way in the shallow places of the water, and being not otherwise encombred either with armour or weapon, but so as they might bestir thēselues at wil, they layd load vpon the Romains with their arrowes and dartes, and forced their horses (be­ing

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thereto envred) to enter the water the more easily, so to annoy and distresse the Romaines, who wanting experience in suche kinde of fight, 20 were not wel able to helpe themselues, nor to kepe order as they vsed to doe on lande: wherefore they fought nothing so lustily as they were wont to doe, which Ceasar perceyuing, commaunded the Gallyes to depart from the great shippes, and to rowe harde to the shore, that being placed ouer agaynst the open sydes of the Brytaynes, they might with theyr shotte of Arrowes, Darts, and Slings, remoue the Brytaynes, and cause them to withdraw further of from the water side.

The Brytaynes astonied.This thing being put in execution (according 30 to his commaundement, the Brytaynes were not a little astonyed at the straunge sight of those Gallies, for that they were dryuen with Oares, which earst they had not seene, and shrewdly were they galled also with the artillerie which the Ro­maines discharged vpon them, so that they began to shrinke and retyre somewhat backe.The valiant courage of an ensigne bearer Here­with one that bare the ensigne of the legion sur­named Decima, wherin the Eagle was figured, 40 as in that which was the chiefe ensigne of the le­gion, when he sawe his fellowes nothing eagre to make forward, first besieching the goddes that his enterprise might turne to the weale, profite, and honour of the legion, he spake with a lowd voyce these wordes to his felowes that were about him: Leape forth now you worthie souldiers (sayth he) if you wil not betray your ensigne to the enimies. For surely I will acquite my selfe according to my dutie both towardes the common welth, and 50 my generall: and therewith leaping forth into the water, he marched with his ensigne streight vpon the enimies.

The Romaines doubting to lose their ensigne, which should haue turned them to high reproche, leapt out of their ships so fast as they might, and followed their standard, so that there ensued a sore reencounter: and that thing that troubled moste the Romaines, was bycause they could not keepe their order, neyther finde any sure footing, nor yet follow euery man his owne Ensigne, but to put themselues vnder that ensigne whiche hee fyrst met with after their first comming forth of the Shippe.

The Brytaynes that were acquainted with the shelfes and shallow places of the water, when they saw the Romaines thus disorderly to come forth of their ships, they ranne vpon them with their horses and fiercely assayled them,The [...] of the Bry­taynes. and nowe and then a greate multitude of the Brytaynes woulde compasse in, and enclose some one com­pany of them: and other also from the most open places of the shore bestowed great plentie of darts vpon the whole number of the Romaines, and so troubled them passing sore: wherevpon Cesar perceyuing the maner of this fight, caused his mē of warre to enter into Boates and other small vessels, which he commaunded to go to such pla­ces where most need appeared. And thus relieuing them that fought, with new succours, at length the Romaines got to lande, and then assembling togither, they assayled the Brytaynes of new,The Rom [...] get to lande. and so at length did put them all to flight. But the Romaines could not folow the Brytaynes farre, bycause they wanted their horsmen,The want of horsemen. which were yet behind, and through slacking time coulde not come to lande. And this one thing seemed onely to disappoint the luckie fortune yt was accusto­med to followe Cesar in all his other enterprises.

The Brytains after this flight were no sooner got togither,The Brytayne send vnto Caesar. but that with all speed they sent Am­bassadors vnto Cesar to treat with him of peace, offring to deliuer hostages, and further to stande vnto that order that Cesar should take with them in any reasonable sort. With these Ambassadors came also Comius, whō Cesar (as ye haue heard) had sent before into Brytaine,Comius [...] Ar [...]a [...]. whom notwith­standing that he was an Ambassador, and sent from Cesar with commission and instructions [Page 37] sufficiently furnished, yet had they stayd him as a prisoner. But now after the battaile was ended they set him at libertie, & sent him back with their Ambassadors, who excused the matter, laying the blame on the people of the Countrey, which had imprisoned him through lacke of vnderstanding what apperteyned to the law of armes, and na­tions in that behalfe.

Cesar found great fault with their misdemea­nor, not onely for imprisoning his Ambassador, 10 but also for that contrary to they'r promises made by such as they had sent to him into Gallia to de­liuer hostages, in lieu thereof, they had [...]ceyued him with warre: yet in the ende he sayd he would pardon them, and not seeke any further reuenge of theyr follies. [...]esar demasi­ [...]th hostages. And herewith required of them ho­stages, of which, part were deliuered out of hand, and promise made that the residue should likewise be sent after, crauing some respite for performance of the same, bycause they were to be fetched farte 20 off within the Countrey.

Peace being thus established after the .iiij. day of the Romaines arriuall in Brytaine, the .xviij. shippes which (as ye haue heard) were appoynted to conuey the horsmen ouer, loosed from the fur­ther hauen with a soft winde. The whiche when they approched so neare the shore of Brytain, that the Romains which were in Cesars camp might see them, sodainly there arose so great a tempest, that none of them was able to keepe his course, so 30 that they were not onely driuen in sunder (some being caried againe into Gallia, and some west­ward but also the other shippes that lay at ancre, and had brought ouer the armie, were so pitifully beaten, tossed and shaken, that a great number of them did not onely lose their tackle, but also were caried by force of winde into the high sea, the rest being likewise so filled with water, yt they were in danger by sinking to perish & to be quite lost. For the Moone in the same night was at the full, and 40 therefore caused a spring tide, which furthered the force of the tempest, to the greater perill of those ships and gallies that lay at an ancre. There was no way for the Romains to help ye matter: wher­fore a great number of those ships were so bruised, rent, and watherbeaten, that without new repa­ration they would serue to no vse of sailing. This was a great discōfort to the Romaines that had brought ouer no prouision to liue by in ye winter season, nor saw any hope how they should repasse 50 againe into Gallia. In the meane time the Bry­tish princes that were in the Romaine army, per­ceyuing how greatly this mishap had discouraged the Romains, & againe by the smal circuit of their campe, gessed that they coulde be no great num­ber, and that lacke of vitayles sore oppressed them, they priuily stale away one after another out of the campe, purposing to assemble their powers a­gaine & to forestall the Romains from vitayle [...], and so to driue the [...]tter off till winter which if they might do (vanquishing these or closing them from returning, they trusted that none of the Ro­mains from then thenceforth would attempt eftsoones to come come into Baytain. Cesar mistrusting their dealings, bicause they stayd to deliuer the re­sidue of their hostages, commaunded vitails to be brought out of ye parties adioyning, & not hauing other [...] to rep [...]i [...] his ships, becaused .xij. of those that were vtterly past recouerie by the hurts receyued through violence of the tē [...]st, [...]o be bro­ken; wherwith the other (in which some recouerie was perceyued) might be repayred.

In the meane time whilest these things were a doing, it chaunced that as one of the Romaine legions named the .vij. was sent forth to suche in corne out of the countrey adioyning (as theyr custome was) no warre at that time being suspec­ted; or once looked for, when part of the people re­mayned abrode in the field, and part repayred to the camp: those that warded before the campe ad­uertised Cesar, that three appeared [...] dust gr [...]er than was acenst o [...]ed from that quarter, into the which the legion was gone to fetch in c [...]r [...]e. Ce­sar iudging therof what the matter might meane, commaunded those handes that wa [...]ded, to goe with him that way forth, and appoynted other two bands to come into their rowmthes, and the res [...]one of his people to get them to armor, and to follow quickly after him. He was not gone any great way from the campe, when hee might see where his people were one matched by [...] enimies, and had much [...] do to heare out the brunt: for the legion bring thronged togither, the Brytaynes pe [...]ted them sore with arrows & darts on ech side, for sithence there was no fortage left in any part of the country about, but only in this [...], ye Bry­tains indged that the Romains would come thi­ther for it: therfore ( [...] lodged thēselues wtin the woods in amb [...]s the night [...] on ye [...]o­row after when they saw the Romains dispersed here & there, and busie to cut downe the [...]) they set vpon them on the soden, & s [...]ing some few of them, brought the residue out of order, cōpassing thē about with their horsmen and charets, so that they were in greate distresse. The maner of fight with these charets was such, that in ye beginning of a battaile they would ride aboute the sides and skirts of the enimies host, & bestow their dartes as they sat in those charets, so that oftentimes wyth the braying of the horses, & craking noise of ye cha­ret whre [...]s they disordred their enimies, and [...] that they had wound themselues in amongst the troupes of horsinē, they would leap out of the cha­rets, & fight a foot, & in the mean time those yt gui­ded the charets would withdraw thēselues out of the battail, placing thēselues so, that if their people [Page 38] were ouermatched with the multitude of enimies they might easily withdraw to their charets, and mount vpon the same againe, by meanes where­of they are as readie to remoue as the horsemen, & as stedfast to stand in the battaile as the footmen, and so to supplie both dueties in one. And those Charetmen by exercise and custome were so can­ning in their feat, that although their horses were put to run and gallop, yet could they stay them & hold them backe at their pleasures, and turne and 10 wind them to and fro in a moment, notwithstan­ding that the place were very steepe and daunge­rous: and againe they would run vp and downe very nimbly vpon the coppes, & stand vpō ye beam and conuey thēselues quickly again into ye charet.

Cesar thus finding his people in great distresse and readie to be destroyed, came in good time, and deliuered thē out of that daunger: for ye Brytains vpon his approch with new succors, gaue ouer to assaile their enimies any further, & the Romaines 20 were deliuered out of the feare wherein they stoode before his comming.

Furthermore, Cesar cōsidering the time serued not to assaile his enimies, kept his ground, & short­ly after brought backe his legions into the camp. Whilest these things were thus a doing, & all the Romains being occupied, ye rest that were abrode in the fields got them away. After this there fol­lowed a fore season of raine and foule weather, which kept the Romains within their campe, and stayed the Brytains frō offring battel. But in the meane time they sent into all parts of the coūtrey messengers abrode to giue knowledge of the smal number of the Romaines, & what hope there was both of great spoyle to be gotten, and occasion to deliuer thēselues from further daunger for euer, if they might once expell the Romaines out of their campe. Herevpon a great multitude both of hors­men and footemen of the Britains were speedily got togither, & approched the Romain camp. Ce­sar although he saw that the same would come to passe which had chanced before, that if the enimies were put to the repulse, they would easly escape ye danger with swiftnesse of foot, yet hauing now wt him .xxx. horsemen (which Comius of Arras had brought ouer with him, whē he was sent frō Ce­sar as an Ambassador vnto the Brytains) he pla­ced his legions in order of battail before his camp, and so cōming to ioyne with the Brytains, they were not able to susteyn the violent impression of

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the armed men, and so fled. The Romains pur­sued them so farre as they were able to ouertake any of them, and so sleaing many of them, & bur­ning vp their houses all about, came backe againe to their campe.

Immediately wherevpon, euen the same day they sent Ambassadors to Cesar, to sue for peace, who gladly accepting their offer, commaunded them to send ouer into Gallia, after he shoulde be 50 returned thither, hostages in nūbre double to those that were agreed vpon at the first.

After that these things were thus ordred, Cesar bycause that the Moneth of September was wel neare halfe spent, and that Winter hasted on (a season not meete for his weake bruysed shippes to brooke the Seas in) determined not to stay anye longer, but hauing winde and weather for his purpose, got himselfe a boorde with his people, and returned into Gallia.

Thus wryteth Cesar touching his first iour­ney made into Brytaine.Caesar de [...] Gallia [...] But the Brytish Hy­storie (which Polidore calleth the new Hystorie) declareth, that Cesar in a pight field was vanqui­shed at the first encounter, and so withdrew backe into Fraunee.

Beda also wryteth thus: that Cesar cōming into the countrey of Gallia, where the people then called Mo [...]ini inhabited (whiche are at this day the same that inhabite the Dioces of Terwine) from whence lyeth the shortest passage ouer into Brytain, now called England, got togither .lxxx sayle of great shippes and row Gallies, with the which he passed ouer into Brytayne, and there at the first being wearied with sharpe and sore fight, [Page 39] and after taken with a grieuous tempest, lost the more part of his nauie, with no small number of his souldiers, and almost all his horsemen. And therewith being returned into Gallia, placed his souldiers in steeds to soiourne there for the winter season. Thus hath Bede.

The British hystorie moreouer maketh men­tion of three vnder kings that ayded Cassibellane in this first battail fought wt Cesar, as Cridior [...]s, alias, Ederus, K. of Albania, nowe called Scot­land: 10 Guitethus king of Venedocia, that is north Wales: & Britael king of Demetia, at this day called south Wales.

The same hystorie maketh also mention of one Belinus that was general of Cassibelanes army, and likewise of Nenius brother to Cassibelane, which in the fight happened to get Cesars sword fastned in his shield by a blow which Cesar stroke at him. Androgeus also, and Tenancius, were at the battail in ayde of Cassibelane. But Nennius 20 died within .xv. dayes after the battail of the hurt. receiued at Cesars hand, although after he was so hurt, he slue Labienus one of ye Rom. Tribunes: all which may well be true, sith Cesar either ma­keth the best of things for his owne honor, or else coueting to write but Commentaries, maketh no accoūt to declare the needles circūstances, or any more of the matter, than ye chief points of his dea­ling. [...]ector. Bo. Again the Scottish hystoriographers write, that when it was first known to the Brytaynes, 30 that Cesar would inuade them, there came from Cassibelane king of Brytaynes an Ambassade vnto Ederus king of Scottes, the which in the name of king Cassibelane, requyred ayde agaynst the common enimies the Romaines, which re­quest was g [...]aunted, and ten. M. Scots sent to the ayde of Cassibellane.

At their comming to London, they were [...] ioyfully receiued of Cassibellane, who at the [...] tyme had knowledge that the Romaines were come a land, and had beatē such Brytaynes backe as were appoynted to resist their landing. Wher­vpon Cassibellane with all his whole puissaunce mightily augmented, not onely with the succors of the Scottes, but also of the Pi [...]s (which in that common cause had sent also of their people to ayd the Brytaynes) set forwarde towardes the place where he vnderstoode the enimies to be.

At their first approch togither, Cassibellane sent forth his horsmen and charets called Essed [...] by the which he thought to disorder the array of the enimies. Twice they encountered togither with doubtfull victorie. At l [...]ngth they ioyned puissance agaynst puissance, and fought a right sore and cruell battayle, till finally at the sodaine comming of the Welchmen, and Cornishmen, so huge noyse was raysed by the sounde of Belles hanging at their trappers and Charets, that the Romaynes astonyed therewith, were more easily put to flight.

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The Brytaynes, Scots, and Picts following 50 in the chase without order or aray, so that by rea­son the Romains kept themselues close togither, the Brytayns, Scots, & Picts did vneth so much harm to the enimies as they themselues receyued. But yet they followed on stil vpon the Romains till it was darke night. Cesar after he had per­ceyued them once withdrawne, did what he could to assemble his companies togither, minding the next morning to seeke his reuenge of the former days disaduātage. But forsomuch as knowledge was giuē him yt his ships by reason of a foret [...]pest were beatē & rent, yt many of thē wer past seruice, he doubte [...] least such newes would encourage his enimies, & bring his people into dispair. Wherfore he determined not to fight til time more cōueniēt, sending all his wounded folks vnto ye ships, which he cōmaunded to be newly [...]ged and trimmed.

[Page 40]After this, keeping his army for a time with­in the place where he was encamped without is­suing forth, he shortly drew to the sea side, where his shippes lay at ankre, and there within a strong place fortified for the purpose he lodged his host, & finally without hope to atchieue any other exploit auaileable for that time, he tooke the sea with such shippes as were apt for sailing, and so repassed in­to Gallia, leauing behind him all the spoyle and baggage, for want of vesselles, and leysure to con­uey 10 it ouer.

Thus haue the Scottes in their Chronicles framed the matter, more to the conformitie of the Romaine hystories, than according to the report of our Brytish and English writers: and therfore we haue thought good to shew it here, that the di­uersitie of writers and their affections maye the better appeare.

Of this soden departing also, or rather flying of Iulius Cesar out of Brytain, Lucanus ye poet 20 maketh mētion: reciting the saying of Pompeius in an oratiō made by him vnto his soldiers, wher­in he reprochfully and disdainfully reproued the doings of Cesar in Brytaine, saying:

Territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis.
That is in English.
He turnde his backe and fled away,
from the Brytaynes whom he sought.

But now to turne to the sequele of the matter, as Cesar himselfe reporteth. After his comming 30 into Gallia, there were but two Cities of al Bri­taine that sent ouer their hostages according to their couenant,Dien Cassius. which gaue occasion to Cesar to pike a new quarell against them, which if it had wanted, he would yet (I doubt not) haue founde some other: for his full meaning was to make a more full conquest of that Ile. Therfore purpo­sing to passe againe thither, as he that had a great desire to bring the Brytaynes vnder the obedience of the Romain estate, he caused a great number of 40 shippes to be prouided in the winter season & put in a redinesse, so that against the next spring, there were found to be readie rigged six hundred ships, beside .xxviij. Gallies.Caesar de bel­ [...]o Gal. li. 5. Herevpon hauing taken order for the gouernance of Gallia in his absence, about the beginning of the Spring he came to the hauen of Calice, whither (according to order by him prescribed) all his ships were come, except .xl. which by tempest were driuen backe, and coulde not as yet come to him. 50

After he had stayed at Calice (as wel for a con­uenient winde, as for other incidentes) certaine dayes, at length when the weather so chaunged that it serued his purpose, he tooke the sea, hauing with him fiue legions of souldiers, and about two thousand horsmen, departed out of Calice hauen about the sun setting with a soft southwest wind, directing his course forward: about midnight the wind fell, and so by a calme, he was caried alōgst with the tide, so that in the morning whē the day appeared, he might beholde Brytaine vpon hys left hand. Thē folowing the streame as the course of the tide changed, he forced with Oa [...]es to fetch the shore vpon that part of the coast, which he had discouered and tried the last yeare to bee the best landing place for the armie. The diligence of the souldiers was shewed here to be great, who with cōtinual toile droue forth the heauy ships, to keepe course with the gallies, and so at length they lan­ded in Brytayn about noone on the next day, fin­ding not one to resist his comming a shor [...]: for as he learned by certain prisoners which were taken after his comming to lande, the Brytaines being assembled in purpose to haue resisted him, through feare striken into their heartes, at the discouering of such an huge number of ships, they forsooke the shore, and got them vnto the Mountaines.

There were in deed of vessels one & other, what with vitailers, and those which priuate men had prouided and furnished forth for their owne vse, being ioyned to the ordinarie number, at the least viij. C. sayle, which appearing in sight all at one time, made a wonderfull muster, & right terrible in the eyes of the Brytaynes.

But to proceed: Cesar being got to land, en­camped his army in a place conuenient: and af­ter learning by the prisoners, into what parte the enimies were withdrawne, hee appoynted one Quintus Atrius to remaine vpon the safegard of the nauie, with ten companies or cohorts of foot­men, and three hundred horsmen: and anon after midnight marched forth himselfe with the residue of his people towards the Brytaynes, and hauing made .xij. miles of way, hee got sight of his eni­mies host, the which sending downe their horsmē and charets vnto the riuer side, skirmished with the Romaines, meaning to beat them backe from the higher ground: but being assayled of the Ro­maine horsemen, they were repulsed, and tooke the wooddes for their refuge, wherein they had got a place very strong, both by nature & helpe of hand, which (as was to be thought) had beene fortified before, in time of some ciuill warre amongst thē: for all the entries were closed with trees whiche had bene cut down for that purpose. Howbeit the souldiers of the .vij. legion casting a trench before them, found meanes to put backe the Brytaynes from their defences, and so entring vppon them, droue them out of the woods.

But Cesar would not suffer the Romanes to follow the Brytaynes, bycause that the nature of the countrey was not knowne vnto them: and a­gaine the day was farre spent, so that hee woulde haue the residue thereof bestowed in fortefying his campe.

The next day, as he had sent forth such as [Page 41] should haue pursued the Britans, word came to him from Quintus Atrius, that his nauie by ri­gour of a sore and hideous tempest, was grée­uously molested, and throwen vpon the shore, so that the cabels and tagle beeing broken and de­stroyed with force of the vnmercifull rage of wind, the masters and Mariners were not able to help the matter. Cesar calling backe those whiche he had sent foorth, returneth to his Shippes, and finding them in suche state as he had heard, tooke 10 order for the repairing of those that were not vt­terly destroyed, and caused them so to be drawen vp to the land, that with a trench he might so cō ­passe in a plot of ground, that mighte serue both for defence of his Shippes, and also for the incā ­ping of those men of warre, which he shuld leaue to attend vpon the sauegard of the same. And by­cause there were at the least a fortie Ships lost by violence of this tēpest, so as there was no hope of recouerie in them, he sawe yet howe the rest with 20 great labour and cost might bee repaired: where­fore he chose forth wrightes among the Legions, sent for other into Gallia, and wrote ouer to such as he had left there in charge with the gouernāce of the country, to prouide so many Ships as they could, and to send them ouer vnto him. He spente a tenne dayes about the repairing thus of his na­uy, and in fortifying of ye camp for defence there­of, which done, he left those within it which were appoynted there before, and then returneth to­wards 30 his enimies. At his comming backe to the place where hee had before encamped, hee founde them there ready to resist him, hauing their num­bers hugely encreased: for the Britaynes hearing that he was returned with such a mightie num­ber of Shippes, assembled out of all partes of the land, and had by generall consent appoynted the whole rule and order of all things touching the warre, vnto Cassiuellaune, or Cassibelane, whose dominion was deuided from the Cities sytuate 40 neere to the Sea coast, [...]sibel [...]ane [...]hould sem [...] [...]ed in the [...]ties of Or­ [...]lshire, Berk [...], Buc­ [...]ghamshire, [...] Bedford­ [...]re. by the riuer of Thames, 80. miles distant from the sea coast. This Cas­sibeliaune before time had bin at continual warre with other rulers, and Cities of the land: but now the Britons moued with the comming of ye Ro­maynes, chose hym to be chiefe gouernor of all their army, permitting the order and rule of all things touching the defence of their countrey a­gainst the Romanes, only to him. Their horse­men and Charrets skirmished by the way with 50 the Romaynes, but so as they were put backe of­tentimes into the wooddes and hilles adioining: yet the Britaynes slewe diuers of the Romaines as they followed any thing egrely in the pursute.

Also within a while after, as the Romaynes were busie in fortifying their camp, ye Britaynes sodaynely issued out of the wooddes, and fiercely assayled those that warded before the camp, vnto whose ayde, Cesar sent two of the ch [...]efest cohor­tes of two legions, the whiche being placed but a little distance one from another, when the Ro­manes began to be discouraged with this kynd of fight, the Brytayns therwith burst through their enimies, and came backe from thence in safetie. That daye Quintus Laberius Durus a Tri­bune was [...]ayne. At length, Cesar sendyng sun­dry other cohortes to the succoute of his people that were in fighte, and shrewdly handled as it appeared, the Britaynes in the ende were put backe.

In all this manner of skirmishing and fyghte which chanced before the camp, euen in the fighte and viewe of all men, it was per [...]yued that the Romaynes,The Romain [...] heauie armor. by reason of the [...] heauie armour (be­ing not able eyther to followe the Britaynes as they retired, or so bold, as to depart from their en­signes, except they woulde runne into daunger of casting themselues away were nothing meete to match with such kind of enimies: and as for their horsemen, they [...]ought likewise in great hazarde, bycause the Britaynes would oftentimes of pur­pose retire, & when they had trained the Romane horsemen a little from their legions of footemen, they would leape out of their charrets and encofi­ter with them a foote. And so the battell of horse­men was daungerous, and like in all poynte [...] whether they pursued or retired. This also was the manner of the Britaynes:The manner of the Briton [...] in the warres. they foughte not close togither, but in sunder, and deuided into cō ­panies one separated from another by a good dis­tance, & had their troupes standing in places con­uenient, to yt which they might retire, & so rele [...]ue one another with sending newe fresh men to sup­ply the roomthes of them that were hurt or wea­ry. The next day after they had thus foughte be­fore ye camp of the Romanes, they shewed them­selues aloft on ye hilles, & began to skirmishe with the Romane horsemen, but not so hotely as they had done the day before. But about noone, when Cesar had sent forth three legions of footemē and all his horsemen vnder the leading of his Lieute­nant Caius Trebonius to fetch in fourrage,Caius Trebo­nius. they sodainely brake out on euery side, & set vpon the fourragers. The Romanes so farre foorth as they might not breaking their array, nor going from their ensignes or guides, gaue ye charge on them, & fiercely repulsed them, so yt the horsemen hauing [...] legions of footemen at their backes,Dion Cassius sai [...]h, that the Britaynes van­quished the Romayne footemen at this time, but were put to the worst by the horsemen. followed the Britons so long as they might haue the said Le­gions in sight ready to succour thē if neede were: by reason whereof, they slew a great number of ye Britons, not giuing them leasure to recouer thē ­selues, nor to stay, that they might haue tyme to get out of their charrets. After this chase and dis­comfiture, all such as were come from other par­ties to the ayde of their fellowes departed home, [Page 42] and after ye day the Britons aduentured to fight against Cesar with their maine power,Which is to [...]e supposed [...]as at King­ [...]on) or not [...]rre from [...]ence. but with­drawing beyond the riuer of Thames, determi­ned to stop the enimies from passing the same, if by any meanes they mighte: and where as there was but one fourde by ye which they might come ouer, Cassiuellane caused the same to be set ful of sharp stakes, not onely in the middest of the wa­ter, but also at the comming foorthe on that syde where he was lodged with his army in good or­der, 10 ready to defende the passage. Cesar learning by relation of prisoners which he tooke, what the Britaynes intended to do, marched forth to ye ri­uer side, where the fourde was, by the whiche hys army mighte passe the same afoote though very hardly. At his cōming thither, hee might perceiue howe the Britaynes were ready on ye further side to impeach his passage, & how that the banke at ye comming forthe of the water was pighte full of sharp stakes, and so likewise was the chanell of ye 20 Riuer set with stakes which were couered with ye water. These things yet stayed not Cesar, who appoynting his horsemen to passe on before, cō ­manded the footemen to follow. The souldiers entring ye water, waded through with such spede & violence, (nothing appearing of thē aboue wa­ter but their heads) that ye Britaynes were con­streyned to giue place, being not able to susteyne ye brunt of ye Romane Horsemen & the legions of their footemen, & so abandoning ye place tooke thē 30 to flight. Cassiuelane not minding to trie ye mat­ter any more by battell, sente away ye most parte of his people, but yet kept with him about a foure thousand charretmen or wagoners, and stil wat­ched what way ye Romanes toke, coasting them euer as they marched, and kepte somewhat aside within ye couert of woods, and other combersome places. And out of those quarters through ye whi­che he vnderstood ye Romanes would passe, he ga­thered both mē & cattel into ye woods & thicke for­rests, 40 leauing nothing of valew abrode in ye chā ­payne countrey. And whē ye Romane horsemen did come abrode into ye countrey to seeke booties, he sent out his charrets vnto the knowen ways & passages to skirmish with the same horsemen, so much to the disaduātage of the Romanes, yt they durst not straye far frō their maine army. Neither wold Cesar permit thē least they might haue bin vtterly distressed by ye Britaynes) to depart fur­ther thā ye maine battels of ye fotemē kept pace wt thē, by reason whereof ye countrey was not endo­maged by fire & spoyle, but onely where the army marched.Trinouantes where they inhabited. In ye mean time, the Trinouantes which some take to be the middlesex & Essex mē, whose Citie was ye best fēced of al other in those parties, & thought to be the same yt now is called Londō, sent Ambassadors vnto Cesar, offering to submit thēselues vnto him,Mandubra­tius. & to obey his ordinances, and further besought him to defend Mādubratius frō ye iniurie of Cassiuellaune, which Mandubratius▪ had fled vnto Cesar into France, after ye Cassibe­lane had slain his father named Imanuentius, yt was chiefe Lord & K. of the Trinobantes, [...] & so now by their Ambassadors, ye same Trinobantes reque­sted Cesar, not only to receiue Mandubratius in­to his protection, but also to send him vnto them, that he might take the gouernemēt & rule of their Citie into his hands. Cesar cōmanded thē to de­liuer vnto him .40. hostages, & grayne for his ar­my, & therewith sent Mandubratius vnto them.Some [...] Trino [...] be [...] The Triuonantes accōplished his commaunde­ments wt al speede, sending both ye appoynted nū ­ber of hostages, and also graine for the army. And being thus defended & preserued from iniurie of ye souldiers, ye people called Cenimagni, Segontia­ci, Aucalites, Bibroci, and Cassi, submitted thē ­selues vnto Cesar, by whom he vnderstode that ye towne of Cassibellane was not far from ye place wher he was then encamped fensed with wooddes & marishes, into ye whiche a great number of peo­ple wt their Cattell and other substāce was with­drawen. The Britaines in those dayes (as Cesar writeth) called yt a towne or hold which they had fortified wt any thick cōbersome wood, with trēch & rampire, into ye which they vsed to get thēselues for ye auoyding of inuasion. Cesar with his legi­ons of souldiers therefore marcheth thither, & fin­ding the place very strong both by nature & helpe of hand, assaulteth it on two parts. The Britains defending their strength a while, at lēgth not able longer to endure the impression of ye Romaynes, fled out on ye contrary side of ye towne wher the e­nimies were not. Within this place a great nū ­ber of Cattel was found, & many of ye Britaynes takē by ye Romanes yt followed them in chase, & many also slaine. Whilest these things passed on this sort in those parties, Cassibellaune sent mes­sengers into Kent vnto four kings (whiche ruled ye side of the lād in those dayes) Cingetorix,Foure [...] in Kent. Car­uilius, Taximagulus, & Segonax, cōmaunding thē, that assembling togither their whole puissāce, they should assaile ye camp of ye Romaines by the Sea side wher certain bāds lay (as ye haue heard) for safegard of ye nauie. They according to his a­pointmēt came sodainly thither, & by ye Romains that sailed forth vpon them were sharply foughte with, & lost diuers of their men yt were slaine, and taken, and amōgst the prisoners that ye Romains toke, Cingetorix was one.Cingetori [...] When Cassibellaune heard these news, being sore troubled for these los­ses thus chancing one in the neck of an other, but namely most discouraged, for that diuers Cities had yelded vnto the Romanes: hee sendeth Am­bassadors by meane of Comius of Irras vnto Cesar, offering to submit himselfe. Cesar mea­ning to winter in Gallia, and therefore bycause sommer drewe towardes an ende, willyng to dispatch in Britayne, commanded that hostages [Page 43] should be deliuered, and appoynted what tribute the Britaynes should yeerely send vnto the Ro­maynes. He also forbade and commaunded Cas­sibellaune that he should not in any wise trouble or endomage Mandubratius or the Londoners. After this, when he had receyued the hostages, he bringeth his army to the Sea, and there findeth his Shippes well repayred, decked, and in good point: therefore he commandeth that they should be had downe to the sea. And bycause hee hadde a 10 great number of prisoners, and diuers of his ships were lost by the tempest, he appoynted to trans­port his army ouer into Gallia at two conuoyes, whiche was done with good successe about the middest of September, though the Shippes re­turning for the residue of the army, after the firste conuoy, were driuē so with force of weather, that a great number of them could not come to lande at the place appoynted: so that Cesar was con­streyned to fraught those that he could get, with a 20 greater burden, and so departed from the coast of Britayne, and safely landed with the remnaunte of his people in Gallia with as good speede as he cold haue desired. He thought not good to leaue any of his people behinde him, knowing that if he should so doe, [...] Cassius. they were in daunger to be cast a­way. And so bycause he could not well remayne there all the winter season for doubt of Rebellion in Gallia, he was contented to take vp, and re­turne thither, sith he had done sufficiently for the 30 time, least in coueting the more, hee mighte haue come in perill to lose that whiche hee had already obteyned.

Thus according to that which Cesar himselfe and other autentike authors haue written, was Britayne made tributorie to the Romaynes by the Conduit of the same Cesar. But our histories farre differ from this, affirming, [...]. M [...]n. [...]. VVest. that Cesar com­ming the secōd time, was by the Britaynes with valiancie, and martial prowes beaten, & repulsed, 40 as he was at the first, and specially by meanes ye Cassiuelaune had pight in the Thames greate pyles of trees pyked with yron, through whych, his shippes being entred the riuer, were perished & lost. And after his comming a land, he was van­quished in battell, & constreyned to [...] into Gal­lia with those shippes that remayned. For ioy of this seconde victory (saith Galfrid) Cassibellane made a great feast at London, & th [...] did sacrifice to the Gods. At which feast there fel variance be­twixt two yong Gentlemen, the one named Hi­ [...]ilda, nephew to Cassibellan, & the other Euelye, or Eweline, being of aliance to Androgeus Erle of Londō. They f [...]ll at discord about vnastling, & after multiplying of words, they came to dea­ling of blowes, by meane whereof partes wer ta­ken, so that there ensewed a sore fray, in the whi­che, diuers were wounded and hurt, and amōgst other Herild [...] the kings. Nephew was slayne by ye hands of Eweline. The K. sore displeased her­with, meant to punish Eweline according to the order of his lawes, so that he was summoned to appeare in due forme to make answere to ye mur­der: but Eweline by the comforte of Androgeus disobeyed the sommonāte, and departed ye Court with Androgeus, in contempt of the king and his lawes. The K. to be reuenged vpon Androgeus, gathered a power, & began to make war on him. Androgeus perceiuing himselfe not able to with­stand the Kings puissance, sente letters to Iulius Cesar, exhorting him to returne into Britayne, & declaring the whole matter concerning ye vari­ance betwixt him and the king, promising to ayd the Romaynes in all that he might. Iulius Ce­sar ioyfull of this message, prepareth his nauie, & with all speede with a mightie host embarqued in the same, commeth toward Britayne: but ere he would land, doubting some treason in Andro­geus, he receyueth from him in hostage his sonne named Scena, and thirty other of the best & most noble personages of all his dominion. After thys he landed, & ioyning with Androgeus, came into a valley neere to Canterbury, & there encamped. Shortly after commeth Cassibellane with al his power of Britaynes, and giueth battell to ye Ro­manes. But after that the Britaynes had long

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[Page 44] fought and knightly borne thēselues in that bat­rell, Androgius came with his people on a wing, and so sharply assayled them, that the Britaynes were constreyned to forsake the field, & tooke thē ­selues to flight. The which flight so discomforted them, that finally they all fled, & gaue place to the Romanes, the which pursued and slew thē with­out mercy, so that Cassibellane with the residue of his people withdrewe to a place of suretie, but beeing enuironed about with the puissance of the 10 Romaynes,So hath Cam­pion, but Gal­frid. Mo [...]u. hath fiue thousande. & of Androgeus, who had with him seuen thousande men there in the ayd of the Ro­mans, Cassibellanin the end was enforced to fal to a cōposition, in couenaunting to pay an yerely tribute of three thousand . [...]. Then when Cesar had ordred his businesse as he thought conueniēt, he returned, & with him went Androgeus, fearing ye displeasure of Cassibellane. The reuerend father Bede writing of this mater, hath thus: After that Cesar being returned into Gallia, had placed his 20 souldiers abroade in the countrey to soiorne for ye winter season, he caused Ships to be made ready, to the number of sixe C. with the which repassing again into Britaine, whilest he marcheth foorthe with a mighty army against ye enimies, his ships that lay at ancre being takē with a sore tempest, were either beaten one against another, or els cast vpon the flats & sands, and so broken, so that for­tie of them were vtterly perished, and the residue with great difficultie were repaired. The horse­men 30 of the Romaines at the first encounter were put to the woorse, & Labienus the Tribune slain. In the seconde conflict hee vanquished the Bri­taines not without greate daunger of his people. After this, hee marcheth to the riuer of Thames which as thē was passable by fourde, only in one place and not else, as the reporte goeth. On the further banke of that riuer, Cassibellane was en­camped with an huge multitude of enimies, and had pight & set the banke, & almost all the fourde 40 vnder the water, ful of sharp stakes, the tokens of which vnto this day are to be seene,The stakes re­mayning to be seene in Bedes dayes. and it semeth to the beholders that euery of these stakes are as bigge as a mās thigh, sticking fast in ye bottome of the riuer closed with leade. The whiche beeing perceyued of the Romaines, & auoyded, the Bri­taynes not able to susteyne the violent impression of the Romain legions, hid thēselues in ye woods, out of the which, by often issues, they greeuously & many times assailed the Romanes, & did them 50 great domage. In the mean time, the strong Ci­tie of Trinouant with hir Duke Androgius de­liuering fortie hostages yelded vnto Cesar, whose exāple many other Cities following, allyed thē ­selues with the Romains, by whose information Cesar with sore fight tooke at length the towne of Cassibelan, situate betwixt two marishes, fensed also with the couerte of woods, & hauing within it great plentie of all things. After this Cesar re­turned into Fraunce, and bestowed his armie in places to soiorne there for the winter season.

Thus muche hath Bede. The Scottish wri­ters reporte, that the Britons after the Ro­maines were the firste time repulsed (as before yee haue hearde, refused to receyue the ayde of the Scottishmen the second time, & so were van­quished, as in the Scottish histories ye maye see more at length expressed. Thus much touching the warre which Iulius Cesar made against the Britons, in bringing them vnder tribute to the Romains. But heere is to be noted, that Cesar did not vanquish al the Britons: for he came not amongst the Northren men, only discouering & subduing ye part which lyeth towards the French seas, so that sith other of the Romain Emperors did most earnestly trauaile to bring the Britons vnder their subiection (whiche were euer redy to rebell so many sundry tymes (Cesar might seme rather to haue shewed Britain to the Romās,Cornelius [...]. th [...] ̄ to haue deliuered vnto them the possession of the same. [...] This subiection to the whiche he broughte this Ile (what maner of one so [...]uer it was) chan­ced about ye yere of the world .3913. [...] After ye buyl­ding of Rome .698. before the birth of our sauior 53. the .1. and second yere of the .181. Olympiade, after the cōming of Brute .1060. before the con­quest made by Williā duke of Normandie .1 [...]0. and .1629. yeres before this presentyere of our lord 1576. as Harison hath set downe.

After that Iulius Cesar had thus made the Britayns tributaries to ye Romaines, [...]. & was re­turned into Gallia, Cassibelan reigned .7. yeres, & was vanquished in the ninth or tenth yere after he begā first to raigne, so yt he raigned in ye whole about .15. or as some haue .17. yeres, & then dyed, leauing no issue behinde him. There hath bin are old Chronicle (as Fabiā recordeth) which he [...] & followeth much in his booke, wherein it is con­teyned, that this Cassibellane was not brother to Lud, but eldest son to him: for otherwise as maye be thought (saith he) Cesar hauing the vpper hand would haue displaced him from the gouernemēt, & set vp Androgeus the right heire to the crowne, as sonne to the sayd Lud. But what soeuer oure Chronicles or the Brittish histories report of this matter,Caesar. it shoulde appeare by that whiche Cesar writeth, as partly ye haue heard that Britaine in those days was not gouerned by one sole prince, but by diuers, and that diuers cities were astates of themselues, so that the lande was deuided into sundry gouernments, muche after the forme and manner as Germany and Italy are in our time, where some Cities are gouerned by one onely Prince, some by the nobilitie, and some by the people. And whereas diuers of the rulers in those dayes heere in thys lande were called Kings, [Page 45] those had more large seigniouries than the other, as Cassibellane, [...]ssibellane a [...]. who was therfore called a king. And though we do admit this to be true, yet may it bee that in the beginning after that Brute en­tred the land, there was ordeyned by him a Mo­narchie, as before is mentioned, which might cō ­tinue in his posteritie many yeeres after, and yet at length before the comming of Cesar, through ciuill dissention, might happily be broken, and de­uided into partes, and so remayned not only in ye 10 time of this Cassibellane, but also lōg after, whi­lest they liued as tributaries to the Romanes, till finally they were subdued by the Saxons. In whiche meane time, through the discorde, negli­gence, or rather vnaduised rashnesse of writers, hard it is to iudge what may be affirmed and re­ceyued in their writings for a troth, namely con­cerning the succession of the Kings that are sayd to haue raigned betwixte the dayes of Cassibel­lane, [...]or. Tacit in [...]. lu. Agr. and the comming of the Saxons. The Ro­mayne 20 writers, (& namely Tacitus) report, that the Britaynes in tinies past were vnder the rule of Kings, and after being made tributaries, were drawen so by Princes into sundry factions, that to defend and keepe off a cōmon ieoperdy, scarce­ly would two or three Cities agree togither, and take weapon in hande with one accorde, so that whilest they fought by partes, the whole was o­uercome.

And after this sorte they saye that Brytayne 30 was brought into the forme of a prouince by the Romanes, from whome gouernours vnder the name of Legates and procurates were sente that had the rule of it. But yet the same authors make mention of certayne kings (as hereafter shall ap­peare) the whiche, whilest the Romaine Empe­rours had the most part of the earth in subiection, raigned in Britayne. The same witnesseth Gil­das, [...]ildas in e­ [...]st. saying: Britayne hathe Kings, but they are Tyrants: Iudges it hathe, but the same are wic­ked, 40 oftentimes spoyling and tormenting the in­nocent people. And Cesar (as ye haue heard) spea­keth of foure Kings that ruled in Kent, and ther­aboutes. [...]me take [...]a [...]utagus [...]d Aruiragus [...] be one mā. Cornelius Tacitus maketh mention of Prasutagus, and Cogidunus, that were Kyngs in Britayne: and Iuuenall speaketh of Aruira­gus: and all the late writers of Lucius. Hereby it appeareth, that whether one or moe, yet Kings there were in Britayne, bearing rule vnder ye Ro­mayne Emperours. [...]. Mon. On the other parte, the com­mon 50 opinion of our Chronicle writers is, that ye chiefe gouernement remained euer with the Bri­taynes, and that the Romayne Senate recey­uing an yeerely tribute, sent certayne times (ex officio) their Emperours and Lieutenants into this Isle, to represse the rebellious tumultes ther­in begonne, or to beate backe the inuasion of the enimies that went about to inuade it. And thus woulde th [...]se writers inferre, that the Britaynes euer obeyed their King, till at length they were put beside the gouernement by the Saxons. But where as in the common historie of Englande, the succession of Kings ought to be kepte, so ofte as it chanceth in the same, that there is not anye founde to fyll the place, then one while the Ro­mane Emperours are placed in their strades, and another while their lieutenants, and are sayde to be created Kings of the Britaines, as though the Emperours were inferiours vnto the Kings of Britaine, and that the Romane Lieutenants at their appoyntments, and not by prescripte of the Senate or Emperours administred ye Prouince. But this may suffice here to aduertise you of the contrarietie in writers, & now we will goe forth in following our histories, as we haue done here­tofore, sauing that where the Romaine histories write of things done here by Emperours or their Lieutenants, it shall be shewed as reason requi­reth, sith there is a great appearance of troth oftē ­times in the same, as those that be authorised and allowed in the opinion of the learned.

Theomantius.

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AFter ye [...]eth of Cassibe­lan.Theo­mātius. Theomā ­tius or Tenā ­tius the yōgest [...] of [...]ud, was made K. of Britayne in the yeere of the World .3921. after the [...]uil­ding of Rome 706. and before the comming of Christ .45.Fabian. He is named also in one of the Englishe Chronicles Tormace: but in the same Chronicle it is con­teyned, that not hee, but his brother Androgius was King, where Geffrey of Mo [...]mouth & other testifie, that Androgius abādoned the land clere­ly, and continued still at Rome,Gal. M. bycause he knew the Britaynes hated him for the treason he hadde committed, in aiding Iulius Cesar against Cas­sibellane. Theomantius ruled the land in good quiet, and paied the tribute to the Romanes whi­che Cassibellane had graunted, and finally depar­ted this life after he had raigned . [...]. yeares, & was buried at London.

Kymbelyne or Cimbeline,

THe sonne of Theomantius was of the Bri­taynes made King after the decesse of his fa­ther,Kym­belyne. in the yere af the world .3944. after the buil­ding of Rome .728. and before the birthe of oure Sauioure .23. This man as some write, was [Page 46] brought vp at Rome,Fabian out of Guido de Columna. and there made Knight by Augustus Cesar, vnder whome hee serued in the warres, and was in suche fauour with him, that he was at libertie to pay his tribute or not.

Little other mention is made of his doyngs, except that during his raigne, the Sauiour of the world, our Lord Iesus Christ, the only sonne of God,Christ our Sa­uiour is borne was borne of a Virgin about the .23. yeare of the reygne of this Kymbalyne, and in the .42. of the Emperour Octauius Augustus, that is to 10 witte,3966 in the yeare of the Worlde .3966. in the se­conde yeare of the .194. Olympiade, after ye buil­ding of the Citie of. Rome .750. nigh at an end, after the vniuersal floud .2311. from the birth of A­braham .2019. after the departure of the Israelites out of Egipt .1513. after the captiuitie of Babylon 535. from the building of the Temple by Salo­mon .1034. and from the arriuall of Brute .1116. complete. Touching the continuance of ye yeares of Kymbelines raigne, is some discordaunce a­mongst 20 writers, but the best approued affirme, that he raigned .xxxv. yeeres, and then dyed, and was buried at London, leauing behind hym two sonnes, Guiderius and Aruiragus.

But heere is to be noted, that although our hi­stories do affirme, that as well this Kymbeline, as also his father Theomantius, liued in quiet with the Romans, and continually to them pay­ed the tributes which the Britons had couenan­ted with Iulius Cesar to pay. Yet wee finde in the Romane writers, that after Iulius Cesars death, when Augustus had taken vppon him the rule of the Empire, the Britaynes refused to pay that tribute:Cor. Tacitus in vitae [...]. Agr. whereat as Cornelius Tacitus re­porteth, Augustus (being otherwise ocupied) was contented to winke, howbeit, through earnest calling vpon to recouer his right by such as were desirous to see the vttermost of the British king­dome, at length, to witte, in the tenth yeere after the death of Iulius Cesar, whiche was about the thirtenth yeere of the sayd Theomantius, Augu­stus made prouision to passe with an army ouer into Britayne, [...] and was come forward vpon his iourney into Gallia Celtica: or as wee may say,

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into these hit her partes of Fraunce.

But here receiuing aduertisements that ye Pa­nonians which inhabited the countrey now cal­led Hungarie, and the Dalmatians whome now we call Slauons had rebelled, he thoughte it best first to subdue those Rebelles neere home, rather than to seeke newe countreys, and leaue suche in hazard whereof he had presente possession, and so turning his power against the Pannonians and Dalmatians, he left off for a time the warres of Britaine, whereby the lande remayned withoute feare of any inuasion to be made by ye Romains, 50 till the yere after the building of the citie of Rome 725. and about the .19. yere of king Theomantius raigne, yt Augustus with an army departed once gayne from Rome to passe ouer into Britayne, there to make warre, but after his commyng into Gallia, when the Britaynes sent to him certaine Ambassadors to treate with him of peace, he stai­ed there to settle the state of things among the Gaulles, for that they were not in very good or­der, & hauing finished there, he wēt into Spayne, and so his iourney into Britayne was put off til the next yeere, that is, the .726. after the buildyng of Rome, which fell before the birth of our Saui­our .25. about whiche time Augustus eftsoones meante the third time to haue made a voyage in­to Britayne, bycause they could not agree vppon couenaunts: But as the Pannonians and Dal­matians hadde afore time stayed him,He kept [...] promise [...] the Roma [...] when as before is sayde, hee meante to haue gone againste the Britaynes: so euen nowe the Sa­lassia [...]s, (a people inhabiting betwixt Italy,Those of [...]a­lice & [...] and Swetzerland,) the Cantabrians and Asturians by suche rebellious sturres as they reysed, with­drewe him from his purposed iourney. But whe­ther this cōtrouersie which appeareth to fal foorth betwixt the Britaynes and Augustus, was oc­casioned by Kymbeline or some other Prince of the Britaynes, I haue not to auouch: for that by [Page 47] our writers it is reported, that Kymbelyne being brought vp in Rome, and made Knighte in the Court of Augustus, euer shewed himselfe a friēd to the Romanes, and chiefly was loth to breake with them, bycause the youth of the Britayne nation shoulde not bee depriued of the benefite to bee trayned and broughte vp among the Ro­maynes, whereby they mighte learne both to be­haue themselues lyke ciuill men, and to atteyne to the knowledge of feates of warre. But whe­ther 10 for this respect, or for that it pleased the Al­mightie God so to dispose the myndes of men at that present, not only the Britaynes, but in mā ­ner all other nations were contented to be obe­dient to the Romayne Empire. That thys was true in the Britaynes, it is euidente ynough by Straboes wordes, [...]r. Geog. whiche are in effect as follo­weth. At this present (sayth he) certayne princes of Britayne, procuring by Ambassadors and dutifull demeanors the amitie of the Emperoure 20 Augustus, haue offered in the Capitoll vnto the Goddes presentes or giftes, and haue ordeyned the whole Ile in a maner to be appertenant, pro­per and familiar to the Romaynes. They are burdened with sore customes whiche they pay for wares, eyther to be sent foorth into Gallia, or brought from thence, whiche are commonly iuo­rie vessels, sheares, ouches, or earering, and other conceytes made of ambre, and glasses, and suche like manner of merchandise: so that nowe there 30 is no neede of any army or garrison of menne of warre to keepe the Isle, for there needeth not past one legion of footemen, or some wing of horse­men, to gather vp and receyue the tribute: for the charges are rated according to the quantitie of the tributes: for otherwise it shoulde be needefull to abate the customes, if the tributes were also reysed: and if any violence shoulde be vsed, it were daungerous least they mighte be prouoked to re­bellion. Thus farre Strabo.

Guiderius.Guide­rius.

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GViderius ye firste son of Kymbaline (of whome Harri­son sayeth no­thing,From hence­forth yee shall finde the yere of the Lord in the margente.) beganne his raigne in ye seuententh yere after the incar­natiō of Christ. This Guider­us being a man of stout courage, gaue occasiō of breach of peace betwixt the Britaynes and Ro­maynes, denying to pay the tribute, and procu­ring the people to [...] insurrections, the whyche by one meane or other made open rebellion,Caligula. as Gildas hath. Wherevpon, the Emperour Cali­gula (as some thinke,) tooke occasion to leauie a power, and as one vtterly misliking the negli­gence (as he called it) of Augustus & Tiberius his predecessors, he meant not only to reduce the I­land vnto the former subiection, but also to search out the vttermost boundes thereof, to the behoofe of himselfe, and of the Romayne Monarchie.

Greate prouision therefore was made by the sayde Caligula to performe that noble enter­prise, and this was in the fourth yeare of hys raigne. The lyke preparation was made on the other side by Guiderius, to resist the forayne ene­mies, so that hauing all things in a readinesse, he ceassed not dayly to looke for the comming of the Emperour, whome hee meante to receyue with harde entertaynemente if hee durst aduenture to set towarde Britayne. But see the sequeale: the mayne army beeyng thus in a readinesse,Dion Cassius. lib. 59. de­parteth from Rome in the .79. yeare after the buylding of the Citie, and marching foorthe,

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[Page 48] at length commeth to the Belgique shore, from whence they mighte looke ouer, and beholde the cliffes and coast of Britaine, whiche Caligula & his men stood gasing vpō with great admiratiō & wonder. Furthermore he caused them to stand in battel array vpon the coast, where he heard, howe the Britaynes were in a redinesse to withstande his entrāce: but he entring into his galley, as no­thing discouraged wt these newes, rowed a flight shot or two from the shore, and foorthwith retur­ned, 10 & then going vp into an high place like a pul­pet, framed & set vp there for the nonce, he gaue ye token to fight vnto his souldiers by sound of trū ­pet, and therewith was each man charged to ga­ther cockle shels vpō the shore, which he called the spoyle of the Ocean,The spoyle of the Ocean. and caused them to be layde vp vntill a time cōueniente. With the atchieuing of this exployt (as hauing none other wherewith to beautifie his triumph) he seemed greatly exal­ted, thinking that now he had subdued the whole 20 Ocean, and therefore highly rewarded his soul­diers for their paynes susteyned in that collection of tockle shelles, as if they had done him some no­table peece of seruice. He also carried of the same shelles with him to Rome, to the ende he myghte there boast of his voyage, and bragge how well he had sped: and required therefore very earnestly to haue a triumph decreede vnto him for the ac­complishment of this enterprise. But whē he saw she Senate grudge at the free and liberall graun­ting 30 of a grace in that behalfe, and perceiued how they refused to attribute deuine honors vnto him, in recompence of so foolish an enterprise, it wan­ted little that he had not slayne them euery one. From thence therefore he wente vp into a throne or royall seate, and calling therewith the commō people about him, he tolde them a long tale what aduentures had chanced to him in his conquest of the Ocean, and when hee perceyued them to shoute and crie, as if they had consented that hee 40 should haue bin a God for this his greate trauell and valiant prowes, he to increase their clamour, caused great quantities of golde and siluer to bee scattered amongst them, in the gathering where­of, many were pressed to deathe, and diuers also stayne with ye inuenomed caltrops of iron, which he did cast out with the sayd money, of purpose to doe mischiefe, the same caltrops beeing in forme small and sharp, so that by reason of the preasse of people, muche hurte was done by them ere they 50 were perceyued. And this was the ende of the ri­diculous voyage of Caligula attempted against the Britaynes.

But after the death of this Caligula,Suetonius. the Em­peroure Claudius (as Suetonius hath,) moued warre against the Britaynes, bycause of a sturre and Rebellion reysed in that lande, for that suche fugitiues as were fled from thence, were not a­gaine restored when request was made for the same.

Dion Cassius writeth, how one Beri [...]us,Dion [...] be­ing expelled out of Britayne, perswaded ye Em­peroure Claudius to take the warre in hande at this time against the Britaynes, so that [...] Au­lus Plautius a Senator, and as then Preior, was appoynted to take the army that soiourned in Fraunce then called Gallia, and to passe ouer with the same into Britayne. The Souldyers hearing of thys voyage, were loth to goe with him, as men not willing to make warre in ano­ther worlde: and therefore delayed tyme, till at length one Narcissus was sente from Claudius (as it were) to appease ye souldiers, & procure thē to set forward. But whē this Narcissus wēt vp into the tribunal throne of Plautius, to declare ye cause of his comming, ye Souldiers taking great indignation therewith cried, O Saturnalia, as if they should haue celebrated their feast day so cal­led. When the seruants apparrelled in their mai­sters robes, represented the roomth of their mai­sters, and were serued by them, as if they hadde bin their seruants, and thus at length constrey­ned through very shame, they agreed to followe Plautius. Herevpon being embarqued, he deui­ded his nauie into three partes, in the ende, that if they were kept off from arriuing in one place, yet they might take land in another. The Shippes suffered some impeachment in their passage by a contrary winde that droue them backe againe: but yet the Marriners and men of warre takyng good courages vnto them, the rather bicause there was serue a fyery leame to shoote out of the East towardes the West, which way their course lay, made forwarde againe with their Shippes, and landed without finding anye resistaunce. For

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the Britaynes looked not for their comming: wherefore, when they hearde howe their enimies were a lande, they gote them into the Wooddes and marisses, trusting that by l [...]ngering of tyme [Page 49] the Romaynes would be constreyned to departe, as it had chanced in time past to Iulius Cesar aforesayd.

Plautius therefore had muche adoe to fynde them out, but after hee had found them, [...] hee vanquished Cataratacus, and after Tog [...]dum­nus the sonnes of Cynobellinus: for theyr father was dead not very long before. [...]. These therefore fleeing their wayes, Plautius receyued parte of the people called Bodumni (which were subiects 10 vnto them that were called Catuellani) into the obeysance of the Romaynes: [...]ellani. and so leauing there a garrison of Souldiers, he passed further till hee came to a riuer whiche coulde not well be passed without a bridge: wherevppon the Britaynes tooke small regard to defend ye passage, as though they had bin [...]re inough. Put Pl [...]ntius [...] in­ted a dertai [...]e [...] of Germay [...] whyche he had there with him. (being vsed [...], although neuer so swift) to get ouer, whi­che they did, sleaing & wounding the Britaynes Horses whiche were fastned to that w [...]ggens or Cha [...]rets, so that the Britaynes were not a­ble to doe anye peece of their accustomed seruice with the [...]ame.

He [...]rewith also was [...] (that afterwards was Emperour) with his bro­ther S [...]inus [...] ouer that riuer, which beeyng gote to the further side, flewe a greate number of the enimies. The res [...]re of the Britaynes fled, but the nexte daye proffered [...] battell, in the which they also fought so stoutly, that the victo­ry

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depended long in doubtfull ballance, till C. Sidius Geta being almost at poynt to be taken, did so handle the matter, that the Britaynes fi­nally 30 were put to flight: for the whiche his vali­ant doings, triumphante honors were bestowed vpon him although he was no Consul.

The Britaynes after this Battell, withdrew to the Riuer of Thames, nere to the place where it falleth into the Sea, and knowing the [...]l­lowes and firme places thereof, easily passed o­uer to the further side, whome the Romanes fol­lowing through lacke of knowledge in the na­ture of the places, they fel into ye mar [...]e groūds, 40 and so came to lose many of their men, namely of the Germaynes, which were the first that pas­sed ouer the Riuer to follow the Britaines, part­ly by a bridge whiche lay within the countrey ouer the sayde Riuer, and partly by swimming, and other such shift as they presently made. The Britaynes hauing lost one of theyr Rulers,Togodu [...] ­ [...]us. that is to witte, Togodumnus, of whome yet haue hearde before, were nothing discoraged, but ra­ther the more egrely set on reuenge. Plautius 50 perceyuing their fiercenesse, went no further, but stayed and placed garrisons in steedes, where neede required, to keepe those places whiche hee had gotten, and with al speede sent aduertisemēt vnto Claudius, accordingly to that he hadde in commaundement, if any vrgent necessitie should so moue him. Claudius therefore hauing all things before hand in a readinesse, streightwayes vpon the receyuing of the aduertisement, depar­ted from Rome, and came by [...] vnto O­stia, and from thence vnto Massilia, & so through Fraunce, sped his iourneys till hee came to ye side of the Ocean sea, and then emb [...]uing hym­selfe with his people passed ouer into Brit [...]ine, & came to his army which abode [...] neere to ye Thames [...], where being ioined, they pas­sed the Riuer agayne, fought wh [...]he Britaines in a p [...]ght [...], and getting the [...], t [...]ke the towne of Cam [...]lodunum, [...] the chie­fest Citie apperteyning vnto [...]. Hee reduced also many other people into his [...]iecti­on, some by force, and some by [...], wherof he was called [...] by the [...] Empe­rour, which was against the [...] Ro­manes: for it was not lawfull to any to take ye name vppon him, oftner than [...] in any one voyage.

Moreouer, Claudius tooke from the Bri­taynes their armor and weapons, and commit­ted the gouernement of them vnto Plautius, cō ­maunding him to endeuor himselfe to subdue the residue.

Thus hauing broughte vnder a parte of Britayne,Dion Cassius. and hauing made his abode therein not past a sixteene dayes, he departed, and came backe agayne to Rome with victory in ye sixth moneth after his setting foorth from thence,Suetonius. gy­uing after his returne, to his son, the surname of Britannicus.

[Page 50]This warre he finished, in manner as before is sayd, in the fourth yeare of his raigne, whyche fell in the yeare of the worlde .4011. and after the birth of our Sauioure .44. after the building of Rome .79.44

There be that write, how Claudius subdu­ed and added to the Romaine Empire, the Isles of Orkney, situate in the North Ocean beyonde Britayne, which might well be brought to passe eyther by Plautius, or some other his Lieute­nant: 10 for Plautius indeede for his noble prowes and valiant actes atchieued in Britayne, after­wards triumphed. Titus the sonne of Vespasian also wanne no small prayse for deliuering hys father out of daunger in his time, beeing be sette with a company of Britaynes, whiche the sayde Titus bare downe and put to flight with greate slaughter. Beda following ye authoritie of Sue­tonius, writeth briefly of this matter, and sayth, that Claudius passing ouer into this Isle, to the 20 whiche neyther before Iulius Cesar, nor after him any straunger durst come, within few days receyued the most part of the countrey into hys subiection without battell or bloudshed.

Gildas also writing of this reuolting of the Britaynes, sayth thus, when information there­of was gyuen to the Senate, and that hast was made with a speedy army to reuenge the same, there was no warlike nauie prepared in the Sea to fyghte valiantly for defence of the countrey, no square battell, no right wing, nor any other prouision appoynted on the shore to bee seene, but the backes of the Britaynes in steade of a shielde are shewed to the persecuters, and their neckes ready to bee cutte off with the sworde through [...] feare running through their bo [...]ies, whi­che stretched foorth their handes to be bound like womanly creatures, so that a common Pro­uerbe followed thereof, whiche was commonly vsed and spoken, that the Britaynes were ney­ther valiant in warre, nor faythfull in peace: and so the Romaynes sleaing many of the Rebelles, reseruing some, and bringing them to bondage, that the lande shoulde not lye altogither vntilled and desert, returned into Italy out of that lande which was voyde of wine and oile, leauing some of their men there for gouernors to chastise the people, not so muche with an army of men, as with scourge and whippe, and if the matter so required, to apply the naked sworde vnto theyr sydes: so that it might be accompted Rome and not Britayne. And what coigne eyther of brasse, siluer, or golde there was, the same to be stamped with the Image of the Emperoure. Thus farre Gildas.

In the Brittish historie we finde other report as thus,Gal. M [...]. Mat. VV [...] that Claudius at his comming a lande at Porchester, besieged that towne, to the reshew

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whereof came Guinderius, and giuing battell 50 to the Romaynes, put them to the woorse, till at length, one Hamo, beeyng on the Romaynes syde, chaunged hys shielde and armoure, appar­rellyng hymselfe lyke to a Britayne, and so en­tring into the thickest preasse of the Brittishe host, came at length to the place where the King was, and there slewe him. But Aruiragus per­ceyuing this mischiefe, to the ende the Brytaines shoulde not be discouraged therewith, he caused himselfe to be adorned with the Kings coate ar­mour, and other abiliments, and so as Kyng continued the fight with such manhood, that the Romaynes were put to flighte. Claudius f [...]e­ing backe to hys Shippes, and Hamo to the nexte Wooddes, whome Aruiragus pur­sued, and at length droue hym vnto the Sea syde, and there slewe hym ere hee coulde take [Page 51] Hamo to the [...] wooddes, whome Aruiragus pursued, and at length, droue him vnto the Sea side, and there slewe hym ere hee coulde take the hauen which was there at hand, so that the same hauen tooke name of hym, and was called long tyme after Hamons hauen, and at lēgth by corruption of speeche, it was called Hampton, and so continueth vnto thys day commonly called Southampton.

Thus haue you hearde howe Guyderius or 10 Guinderius (whether you will) came to his ende, which chanced (as some write) in the .28. yeare of his raigne.

Aruiragus.

Aruira­gus. [...]ecto. Boetius

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ARuiragus ye yōgest son of Kimbelyne, & brother to Guinderius, bycause the same Guin­derius lefte no issue to 20 succeede him, was ad­mitted Kyng of Bri­tayne in the yere of oure Lord .45. or rathe [...] .46.

This Aruiragus, o­therwise called by the Britaynes Meuricus or Mavus, of Tari [...]us Prasutagus, is also named Armager in ye Eng­lishe Chronicle, [...]axton. by whiche Chronicle (as it ap­peareth) he bare hymselfe ryght manfully against 30 Claudius and his Romaynes in the warre whyche they made agaynste hym: in so muche, that when Claudius hadde renued his force and wonne Porchester, [...]alf. Mo [...]. and after came to besiege Winchester, (in the whiche Aruiragus as then was enclosed,) Aruiragus assembling his po­wer, was ready to come foorth and giue Claudi­us battell: wherevppon, Claudius doubting the sequele of the thing, sente messengers vnto Arui­ragus to treate of concord, and so by compositi­on, 40 the matter was taken vp, with condition, that Claudius shoulde gyue his daughter Genissa in marriage vnto Aruiragus, and Aruiragus shuld acknowledge to holde hys Kingdome of the Romaynes.

[...]anul [...]us Cestrensis.Some write that Claudius in fauour of the valiant prowes which he saw and found in Ar­uiragus, honored not only hym with the marri­age of hys daughter the sayd Genissa, but also to the ende to make the Towne more famous 50 where this marriage was solemnized, hee there­fore called it Glaudiocestria, after his name, the whiche in the Brittishe tong was called before that daye Caerleon, and after Glouernia, of a Duke that ruled in Demetia, that heyght Glu­ny, but now it is called Glowcester.

Other there be that write, how Claudius be­ing vanquished in battell by Aruiragus, was compelled by the sayde Aruiragus to giue vnto him his sayde daughter to wife, with condition as before is mentioned: and that then Aruiragius was crowned King of Britayne.Suetonius. But Su [...]to­nius may seme to reprooue this part of the Brit­tish history, the whiche in the life [...] Claudius witnesseth, that he had by three wiues only for [...]e daughters, that is to say, Claudia, Antonia, and Octauia: and further, that reputing Claudia not to be his, caused hir to be [...]ast downe at the dore of his wife Herculan [...]a, whome he had for­saken by way of diuorcement. And that hee be­stowed his daughter Antonia first on Cn. Pom­peius Magnus, and after on Faustus Silla, right noble yong men: and Octauia, he matched with Nero his wiues sonne, whereby it shoulde appeare, that this supposed marriage betwixt [...] Aruiragus and the daughter of Claudius, is but a fayned tale.

And heere to speake my fancy also what I thynke of th [...] Aruiragus, and other the Kyngs whome [...] and such as haue followed hym do [...] in order, to succeede one after another: I will not denie but suche persons there were, [...] same happily bearing very great rule in the [...], but that they reigned as absolute kings ouer the whole, or that they succeeded one after another [...] manner as is auouched by the same writers, it seemeth most vnlyke to bee true: for rather it may bee ges [...]ed by that whyche as well Gildas as the olde approued Romayne writers haue written, that dyuers of these Kyngs lyued about one time, or in tymes greatly dyffering from those tymes, whyche in oure writers wee finde noted: as for ensample, Iuuenall maketh thys Aruiragus of whome we nowe entreate, to raigne about Domitians tyme. For my parte therefore, sith this order of the Brittishe Kingly succession in thys place is more easie to be statly denyed and vtterly reproued, than eyther wisely defended, or truly amended. I will referre the re­forming thereof, vnto those that haue perhappes seene more than I haue, or more deepely consi­dered the thyng, to trie out an vndoubted troth: and in the meane tyme, I haue thoughte good, both to shewe what I fynde in oure hystories, and likewise in the forrayne writers, to the which we thynke namely in thys behalfe, whylest the Romaynes gouerned there, we may safely gyue most credite, doe wee otherwise neuer so muche contente ourselues with other vayne and fonde conceytes.

To proceede yet with the History as wee fynde it by our writers set foorth: It is reported, that after the solemnization of thys marriage,Legions of Souldiers sent into Ire­lande. whyche was done with all honor that myghte bee deuised, Claudius sente certayne legi­ons of Souldyers foorth to goe into Irelande to [Page 52] subdue that countrey, and returned himselfe to Rome.

After his departure, Aruiragus rode about to viewe the state of hys Realme, repayring Cities and Townes decayed by the warre of the Ro­maynes, and sawe hys people gouerned with suche iustice and good order, that hee was both dradde, and greatly beloued: so that in tract of tyme, hee grewe very welthie, and by reason thereof, fell into pride, so that he denyed his sub­iection 10 to the Romaynes. Wherevpon Claudi­us appoynted Vespasian with an army to goe as Lieutenant into Brytayne, [...] the whiche iour­ney was to him the beginning of his aduance­mente to that honor, whiche after to him most luckily succeeded. But if wee shall credite our Britayne writers, he gayned not muche at Ar­uiragus handes, for where he woulde haue lan­ded at Sandwich or Richbourrow, [...] Aruiragus was ready to resist hym, so as he durst not once enter the hauen: for Aruiragus had there suche a puissaunte number of armed menne, that

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the Romaynes were afrayde to approche the lande.

Vespatian therefore withdrewe from thence, and coasting Westwarde, landed at Totnes, and comming to Exeter, besieged that Citie: but about the seuenth day after he hadde planted hys siege, came Aruiragus, and gaue him ba [...]tell, in the which both the Armies susteyned greate losse of men, and neyther parte got any aduantage of the other. On the morrowe after, the Queene 40 Genissa made them friendes, and so the warres ceassed.

But seeing that (as before I haue sayde) the troth of this historie may be greatly mistru­sted, yee shall heare what the Romayne writers say of Vespasianus being here in Britayne, be­side that whiche wee haue already recited out of Dion in the lyfe of Guiderius.

In the dayes of the Emperoure Claudius, through fauour of Narcissus (one that myghte 50 do all with Claudius) the sayde Vespasian was sente as Coronell or Lieutenaunt of a legion of Souldiers into Germany,Vespasian. and beeyng remoued from thence into B [...]itayne,Suetonius. Sabellic. hee fought thirtie se­uerall tymes with the enimies, and brought vn­to the Romayne obeysance, two most mightie nations, and aboue twentie Townes, togither with the Isle of Wight, and these exploytes hee atchieued, partly vnder the conduct of Aulus Plautius that was Ruler of Britayne for the Emperour Claudius, and partl [...] vnder the same Emperour himselfe. For as it is euident by wri­ters of good credite, hee came first ouer into Bri­tayne with the sayd Aulus Plautius, and vnder him serued right valiantly, as before in place wee haue partly touched. By Tacitus it appeareth, that he was called to be partener in the gouern­ment of things in Britayne with Claudius, and had such successe, as it appeared to what estate of honor hee was predestinate, hauing conquered nations, and taken Kings prisoners. But nowe to make an ende with Aruiragus: [...]al. Ma. At length whē hee perceyued that hys force was too weake to preuayle agaynste the Romayne Empire, and that hee shoulde striue but in vayne to shake the yoke of subiection from the neckes of the Bri­taynes, hee made a finall peace with them nowe in hys olde age, and so continued in qui­ete the residue of hys raigne, whyche hee last­ly ended by deathe, after hee hadde gouer­ned the lande by the space of thirtie yeeres, or but eyght and twentie, as some other doe ima­gine. He dyed in the yeere of grace .73.73 Math. [...] as one Authoure affirmeth, and was buried at Gloucester.

In the dayes of this Aruiragus, about the [Page 53] yeare of Christ .53. Ioseph of Aramathia whych buried the body of our Sauioure, beeing sente by Philippe the Apostle (as Iohn Bale, followyng the authoritie of Gildas and other Britishe wri­ters reciteth.) After that the Christians were dis­persed out of Gallia, came into Britayne with diuers other godly Christian men, and preaching

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10 20 the Gospell there amongst the Britaynes, and instructing thē in the faith and lawes of Christ, conuerted many to the true beliefe, and baptised them in the wholesome water of regeneration, [...]idorus. and there continued all the residue of his lyfe, obteyning of the King a plotte of grounde where to inhabite, not past a foure miles from Welles, 30 and there with his fellowes began to lay the first foundation of that true and perfect Religion, in which place (or neere therevnto) was afterward erected the Abbey of Glastenbury.

Nicephorus writeth in his second Booke and fourth Chapter, that one Simon Zelotes came likewise into Britayne. And Theodoretus in his 9. Booke de Curandis Graecorū affectibus sheweth, that Paule being released of his secōd imprison­ment, and suffered to departe from Rome, prea­ched 40 the Gospell to the Britaynes and to other nations in the West.

The same thing in manner doth Sophroni­us the Patriarke of Ierusalem witnesse. Tertul­lian also may bee a witnesse of the auncientie of the fayth receyued heere in Britayne, where hee writing of these times sayeth: Those places of ye Britaines to the whiche the Romaynes coulde not approche, were subiect vnto Christ, as were also the countreys of Sarmatia, Dacia, Ger­mania, 50 S [...]ithia, and others.

Thus it may appeare, that ye Christian reli­gion was planted here in this lande shortly after Christs time, although it certaynely appeare not who were the firste that preached the Gospell to the Britaynes, nor whether they were Grekes or Latines.

Cornelius Tacitus writeth, that the Ro­mayne Emperoures in this season gouerned this land by Lieutenantes and Threasorers,Treasorers or recyuers. the which were called by the name of Legates and Procurators, thereby to keepe the inhabitantes the better in order.

And Aulus Plautius a noble man of Rome of the order of Consuls,Aulus Plau­tius. was sente hither as the first Legate or Lieutenant (in manner as before ye haue heard) and after him Ostorius Scapu­la, the whiche Scapula at his comming,Ostorius Sca­pula. founde the Isle in trouble,Cor. Tacitus lib. 12. the enimies hauing made in­uasiō into the countrey of those that were friēds to the Romaynes, the more presumptuously, for that they thought, a new Lieutenaunt with an army to him vnaquaynted and commen o­uer nowe in the beginning of Winter, woulde not be hastie to march foorth against them. But Ostorius vnderstanding, that by the firste suc­cesse and chance of warre, feare or hope is bredde and augmented, hasteth forwarde to encounter with them, and such as he findeth abroade in the countrey he sleath downe right on euery side, and pursueth such as fledde, to the ende they shoulde not come togither againe: and for that a displea­sant and a doubtfull peace was not like to bring quietnesse eyther to him or to his army, hee tooke from such as he suspected, theyr armour. And af­ter this, hee goeth about to defende the ryuers of Auon and Seuerne, with placing his souldiers in campes fortifyed neere to the same. But the Oxfordshire menne and other of those parties would not suffer hym to accomplish his purpose in any quiet sort, being a puissant kynd of people, & not hitherto weakened by warres: for they wil­lingly at the first had ioyned in amitie with the Romaines.Cornelius Ta­cit. lib. 12. The Countreys adioyning also be­ing induced by their procuremente, came to thē, and so they chose foorth a plotte of grounde, fen­sed with a mightie ditche, vnto the whiche there was no way to enter but one, and the same very narrowe, so as the horsemen could not haue any easie passage to breake in vpon them. Ostorius, although he hadde no legionarie Souldiers, but certayne bandes of aydes, marcheth foorthe to­wards the place within the which the Britaines were lodged, and assaulting them in the same, breaketh through into their camp, wher the Bri­taynes being impeached with their owne inclo­siers whiche they had reysed for defense of the place, knowing how for their rebellion, they were like to finde smal mercy at the Romaynes hāds, when they sawe now no way to escape, layde a­bout them manfully, and shewed greate proofe of their valiant stomackes.Which was a certayne Crowne, to be set on his head called ci­uica corona.

In this battell, the sonne of the Lieutenante M. Ostorius deserued the price and commenda­tion of preseruing a Citizen out of the enimies hands.

[Page 54]But nowe with this slaughter of the Oxe­fordshire menne, dyuers of the Britaynes that stoode doubtfull what way to take, eyther to rest in quiet, or to moue warres, were conten­ted to bee reformable vnto a reasonable order of peace, and so Ostorius leadeth hys armye a­gainste the people called Cangi,Cangi. that inhabited that parte of Wales that nowe is called Den­highshire, whiche countrey hee spoyled on e­uery side, no enemie once daring to encounter 10 him: and if any of them aduentured priuily to set vpon those whiche they founde behinde, or on the outsides of his army, they were cut shortere they could escape out of daunger. Wherevpon, hee marched straighte to their campe, and giuing them battell, vanquisheth them. And vsing the victory as reason moued him, he leadeth his army againste those that inhabited the inner partes of Wales, spoyling the countrey on euery side.

And thus sharply pursuing the Rebells, he ap­proched 20 neere to the Sea side, whiche lyeth ouer against Ireland.

Whilest this Romane Captayne is thus oc­cupied, hee was called backe by the Rebellion of the Yorkeshire men, whome forth with vppon his commyng vnto them, he appeased, punishyng the first authors of that tumult with death.

In the meane tyme,Cor. [...] lib. 12. the people called Si­lures, beeyng a very fierce kynde of menne, and right valiante, prepare to make warre agaynste the Romaynes, for they mighte not [...] neyther with roughnesse, nor yet with any cur­teous handling, so that they were to be tamed by an army of legionary souldiers to be brought a­mong them.

Therefore to restrayne the furious rage of those people and their neighbours, Ostorius peo­pled a Towne neere to their bordures, called Ca­mulodunū with certayne bandes of olde Souldi­ers, there to inhabite with theyr Wiues, and children, according to such manner as was vsed in like cases of placing naturall Romaynes in any Towne or Citie, for the more suretie and defence of the same.

Here also was a temple builded in the honor of Claudius the Emperour, where were two I­mages

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erected, one of the Goddesse Victoria, and an other of Claudius himselfe. But nowe there resteth a great doubt among writers, where thys Citie or Towne called Camulodunum dyd stand, of some and not without good grounde of probable coniectures, gathered vpon the aduised consideration of the circumstances of that whych in olde authors is found written of this place, it 50 is thought to be Colchester.Camulodunū Colchester. But verily by thys place of Tacitus it may seeme rather to be some other towne, situate more Westward than Col­chester, sith a colonie of Romaine Souldiers were planted there to bee at hande, for the repres­sing of the vnquiet Silures,Silures where they inhabited whiche by consent of most writers inhabited in Southwales, or neere the Welch Marches.

There was a Castell of great fame in tymes past that hight Cameletum, or in Brittishe Ca­ermalet, whiche stoode in the Marches of Som­mersetshire: but sith there is none that hathe so written before thys tyme, I will not saye that happily some error hathe growen by mistakyng the name of Camalodunum, for this Camale­tum by such as haue copyed foorthe the Booke of Cornelius Tacitus, and yet so it myght be done by suche as found it short, or vnperfectly written, namely, by suche straungers or other, to whome onely the name of Camulodunum was onely knowne, and Camaletum peraduenture neuer seene nor heard of. As for ensample, an English­man that hath heard of Waterforde in Ireland, and not of Wexforde, might in taking foorthe a [Page 55] copie of some writing easily committe a faulte in noting the one for the other.

We fynde in Ptolomei Camudolon to bee a Citie belonging to the Trinobantes, and he ma­keth mention also of Camulodunum, but Hum­frey Llhuyde thinketh that hee meaneth all one Citie.

Notwithstanding, Polidore Vergill is of a contrary opinion, supposing the one to be Col­chester indeede, and the other that is Camelodu­num 10 to be Duncaster or Pontfret. Leland estee­ming it to be certaynely Colchester, taketh the I­ceni also to be the Northfolke men. But howe so euer we shall take thys place of Tacitus, it is e­uidente ynough that Camulodunum stoode not farre from the Thaymes. And therefore to seeke it with Hector Boetius in Scotlande, or with Polidore Vergill so farre as Doncaster or Poutfret, it may bee thought a playne error: but to leaue each man to his owne iudgemente in a 20 matter so doubtfull (as to many it seemeth to be) we will proceede with the historie, touching the warres betwixte the Romaynes and the Syla­rians, againste whome (trusting not only vppon theyr owne manhoode, but also vppon the hygh prowes and valiancie of Caractacus) Ostorius set forwarde. [...]ornelius [...]acitus. [...]. Anna. 12. Caractacus excelled in fame aboue all other the Princes of Britaine, aduanced ther­to by many doubtfull aduentures and many pro­sperous exploytes whiche in his tyme he hadde 30 atchieued: but as hee was in policie and aduaun­tage of place better prouided than the Romaines: so in power of Souldiers hee was ouermatched. And therefore he remoued the warre into the partes of that countrey where the Ordouices in­habited, whiche are thoughte to haue dwelled in the bordures of Shropshire, [...]u. Lloyde. Cheshire, and Lan­cashire, the which people togither with other that misliked of the Romayne gouernemente, he ioy­ned in one, and chose foorthe a plotte of grounde 40 most for his aduantage, determining there to trie the vttermost hazarde of Mars his iudge­mente.

The place whyche he thus chose was such, as the entries, the backwayes, and the whole situa­tion thereof made for the Britaynes aduaun­tage, and cleane contrarye to the Romaynes, enclosed amongst high hilles, and if there were any easie passage to enter it vppon any syde, the same was shutte vp with mightie huge stones in manner of a rampire, and afore it there ranne a riuer without any certayne fourde to passe o­uer it.

This place is supposed of some to lye in the confynes of Shropshire aloft vppon the toppe of an hygh hyll there, enuironed with a triple ram­pire and ditch of great depth, hauing three entries into it, not directly one againste an other, but a­slope.

It is also (saye they) compassed aboute with two Riuers, to witte, on the lefte hand with the Riuer called Clun, and on the ryght with an o­ther Riuer called Te [...]ide. On three sydes there of, the clime is very steepe and headlong, and no way easie to come vnto it, but onely one.

Caratacke hauyng thus fortified hymselfe within thys place, and broughte his army into it: hee to encourage hys people, exhorted them to shewe theyr manhoode, affirmyng that to bee the daye, and that army to bee the same where­in shoulde appeare the beginnyng eyther of li­bertie, then to bee recouered, or else of perpetuall bondage for euer to be susteyned.

He rehearsed also specially by name those their elders, whiche hadde resisted Iulius Cesar, by whose high valiancie they lyued free from the bloudy thraldome and tributes of the Romayns, and enioyed theyr Wiues and children safe and vndefiled. And thus discoursing of many thyngs with them, in such hope of assured victory, that they began to reyse theyr cries, eache one for himselfe declaring, that he was bound by the du­tie he ought to the Gods of his countrey, not to shrinke for feare of any woundes or hurtes that might chaunce vnto them by the enimies wea­pon.

Thys cheerefulnesse of the Britaynes, greatly astonied the Romayne Lieutenant. The hideous course also of the Riuer before his face, the fortificatiōs and craggie height of the hilles, all set full of enimies ready to beate him backe, putte him in greate feare: for nothing he sawe afore him, but that whiche seemed dreadfull to those that should assayle. But the Souldiers yet seemed to be very desirous of battayle, requesting him to bring them to it, protesting that nothyng was able to resist the force of noble prowes. Here­with the Captaynes and Tribunes discoursing the like, pricked forwarde the earnest willes whiche theyr Souldiers had to fighte.

Ostorius perceyuing suche courage and readie willes in the menne of warre, as well Souldiers as Captaynes, hee beganne to be­sturre himselfe, and left nothing vndone that myghte serue to set forwarde theyr earnest desire to battell.

And hauing aduisedly considered whiche wayes were harde, and impossible to bee entred vpon, and whyche places were most easie for hys people to finde passage by, he leadeth them foorth,Cornelius Tacitus. Annal. lib. 12. beeing most earnestly beaute to cope with theyr enymies.

Hee passed the water withoute anye greate difficultie, but commyng to the rampyre, he lost many of his people, so lōg as the fight was cōti­nued [Page 56] with shotte and casting of dartes: but after that the Romaynes couering them selues with theyr targets, came once close togither, and ap­proched vnder ye Rampire, they remoued away ye stones which ye Britaynes had roughly couched togither, and so they came to ioyne with them at handblowes. The Britaynes being vnarmed, and not able to abide the force of the armed men, withdrew to ye top of the hilles, but as well theyr enimies that were light armed as the other with heauie armoure followed and brake in among them, so as the Britaynes coulde not turne them any way foorth to escape, for the light armed mē with shot a farre off, and the heauie armed with weapons at hand, sought to make slaughter and wracke of them on eache side, so that this was a

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right dolefull day vnto the Britaynes.

The wife and daughter of Caratake were ta­ken prisoners, and his breethren also yeelded thē ­selues. 30 He himselfe escaped, and committing hys person vnto the assurance and trust of Cartemā ­dua Queene of the Brigantes, was by hir dely­uered into the hands of the Romaynes.

This was a nine yeres after ye warres in Bri­tayne firste began. His name beeing broughte foorth of the Isles,Cornelius Tac. lib. 12. Caratakes name renow­med. was already spredde ouer the prouinces adioyning, and began nowe to growe famous through Italy. Men therefore were desi­rous to see what manner of man he was that had 40 so many yeeres set at naught the puissante force of the Empire. For in Rome the name of Cara­tacus was much spoken of. And the Emperoure whilest hee goeth about to preferre his owne ho­nor, aduanceth the glory of him also that was vanquished. For the people were called foorthe as vnto some great notable sight or spectable. The Pretorian bandes stoode in order of battell armed in the field that lay before their lodgings through which fielde Caratake should come. Then passed 50 foorth the trayne of his friends and seruantes, and suche armour, riches, Iewels, and other thyngs as had bin gote in those warres, were borne for­warde, and openly shewed, that all men myghte behold the same.

After these followed his breethren, Wife, and daughters: and last of all came Caratacus him­selfe, whose countenaunce was nothing lyke to theirs that went afore him, for whereas they fea­ring punishment for their Rebellion with waile­full countenance craued mercy, hee neyther by countenaunce nor wordes shewed any token of a discouraged minde, but beeyng presented before the Emperour Claudius sitting in his Tribu­nall seate, he began his tale in this wise. If there hadde bin in mee so muche moderation in tyme of prosperitie, as there was nobilitie of birth, and puissance, I hadde come to this Citie rather as a friende than as a Captayne. Neyther should I haue thought disdeyne, beeyng borne of most noble parentes, and ruling ouer many people, to haue accepted peace by way of ioyning with you in league. My presente state as it is to mee reprochfull, so to you it is honorable. I hadde at commaundemente Horses, men, armour, and great riches, what maruell is it if I was loth to forgoe the same? For if you shall looke to gouerne all men, it must needes followe that all menne must become your slaues. If I hadde at the firste yeelded my selfe, neyther my power nor youre glory hadde bin set foorth to the world, and vpon myne execution I shoulde straight haue bin for­gotten. But if you nowe graunte me life, I shall be a witnesse for euer of youre mercifull clemen­cie.

The Emperour with these words being paci­fied, graunted life both to Caratake and also to [Page 57] his wife and brethren, who being lofed from their bandes, went also to the place where the Empres Agrippina sate (not farre of) in a Chayre of e­state, whome they reuerenced with the lyke prayse and thankes as they had done before to the Emperour.

After this, the Senate was called togither, who discoursed of many things touching thys honourable victorie atchieued by the taking of Caratake, [...]ix. [...]aulus. esteeming the same no lesse glorious, 10 than whē P. Scipio shewed in triumph Siphax king of the Numidians, or L. Paulus the Mace­donian king Perces, or other Romain captaynes any such king whom they had vanquished.

Herevpon it was euen determined, that O­storius shoulde enter the Citie of Rome wyth tryumphe lyke a Conquerour, for suche prospe­rous successe as hytherto had followed hym: but afterwardes hys proceedings were not so luckie, eyther for that after Caratake was remoued out 20 of the way, the Romaines as though the warre had beene finished, looked negligently to them­selues, eyther else for that the [...] taking compassion of the miserable state of Caratake▪ be­ing so worthie a Prince, through fortunes fro­ward aspect cast into miserie, [...] set to reuenge hys quarell. And herevpon they [...] ­passe about the [...] of the [...] th [...]se le­gionarie band [...] of souldiers. which were left a­mongst the [...] to fortifie [...] for the armie to lodge in: and if [...]: come out of the next townes and castel [...], [...] Romains had bene destroyed [...]. The [...], and .viij. Centurions, and [...] else of the cō ­panies being [...].

And shortly after they set [...] the Romaine forrag [...]s, and put them to flight: and also [...] companies of horsemen as [...] to garde them. Herevpon Ostoriu [...] [...] foorth certaine bands of light horsemen [...] he stay the flight by that meanes [...] the le­gions entred the batt [...]l by whose [...] they were stayd, and a [...] length the Romaines▪ [...] the better: but the Br [...]tayns [...] with­out

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great losse, by reason the day was spent.

After this many bickerings chaunced betwixt the Brytains & Romains, and oftentymes they wrought theyr feates more like to the trade of them that vse to robbe by the high wayes, than of those that make open warre, catching their eni­mies at some aduauntage in woods and bogs, as hap or force ministred occasion vpon malice con­ceyued, or in hope of pray, somtimes by cōmaun­dement, and sometimes without eyther cōmaun­dement 50 or knowledge of captain or officer.

At one time the Brytains surprised two bands of footmen that were with the Romains in ay [...]e, and sente forth to forrey abroade vnaduisedly, through couetousnesse of the Captaines. Thys seat was atchieued by the Silures also, the which in bestowing prisoners and part of the spoyle vn­to other of their neighbours, procured them like­wise to rebel against the Romains, to take past with them. The Silures were the more earnestly set against the Romains, by occasion of wordes which the Emperor Claudius had vttred in their disfauor, as thus: that euē as the Sicambres were destroyed and remoued into Gallia, so likewise must the Silures be dealt with, and the who [...]e nation of them extinguished.

These wordes being blowne abroade, and knowne ouer all, caused the Silures to conceyue a wonderfull hatred agaynst the Romaynes, so that they were fully bent, eyther to retayne theyr libertie, or to die in defence thereof vpon the eni­mies swordes.

In the meane tyme Ostorius Scapula de­parted this life, a right noble warriour, and one who by little and little ensuing the ste [...]s of Aulus Plautius his predecessor, did what hee coulde to [Page 58] bring the Ile into the forme of a prouince, which in part he accomplished.

There be some led by coniecture grounded vp­pon good aduised considerations,W.H. in his Chronolog [...]e. that suppose this Ostorius Scapula beganne to build the Citie of Chester after the ouerthrow of Caractacus, for in those parties he fortified sundry holdes, and placed a number of olde souldiers either there in that self place, or in some other neare therevnto by way of a colonie. And forsomuch (say they) as we read of 10 none other of any name thereaboutes, it is to bee thought that he plāted the same in Chester, where his successors did afterwardes vse to harborrow their legions for the winter season, and in time of rest from iourneyes, which they haue to make a­gaynst their common enimies. In deede it is a common opinion among the people there vnto this day, that the Romains built those vaultes or tauernes (which in that citie are vnder ye ground) with some part of the castell. And verily as Ra­nulf 20 Higeden sayth,Ra. Higeden alias Cestrēsis. a man that shall view & well consider those buildings, he may think the same to be the work of Romains rather than of any other people. That the Romain legions did make their abode there, no man sene in antiquities can doubt thereof, for the auncient name Caer leon ardour deuy, that is, the Citie of Legions vpon the wa­ter of Dee, proueth it sufficiently ynough.

But now to returne vnto Ostorius Scapula, we finde in Cornelius Tacitus,Cor. Tacit. that during the 30 time of the same Scapula his being lieutenant in this Ile, there were certaine Cities giuen vnto one Cogidune a king of the Brytains,Cogidune a K. in Brytaine. who con­tinued faythfull to the Romaines vnto the dayes of the remembrance of men liuing in the time of the sayd Cor. Tacit who liued and wrote in the Emperor Domitianus time. And this was done after an olde receyued custome of the people of Rome, to haue both subiects & kings vnder their rule and dominion as witnesseth the same Tac.) 40

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AFter the deceasse of Ostorius Scapula,A. Didius Lieutenant. to supplye his rowmeth was sent one A. Di­dius: but ere hee coulde come thinges were brought oute of order, and the Brytaynes had vanquished the legion of the whiche Manlius 50 Valens had the conduct: and this victorie was set forth by the Brytaynes to the vttermost, that with the bruite thereof they might strike a feare into the Lieutenants heart, nowe vpon his first comming ouer. And he him­selfe reported it by letters to the Emperor after ye largest maner, to the end that if he appeased the matter, he might winne the more prayse, or if hee were put to the worst, and shoulde not preuaile, that then his excuse might seeme the more reaso­nable and worthie of pardon. The Silurians were they that had atchieued this victory, and kept a foule sturre ouer all the countryes aboute them, till by the comming of Didius agaynste them, they they were dryuen backe and repulsed.

But herewyth beganne trouble to be raysed in another part: [...] let of the [...]. for after that Caratake was ta­ken, the chiefest and most skilfull Captain which the Brytaynes had, was one Venusius, a ruler of the people named Iugantes, a man that re­mayned a long tyme faythfull to the Romains, and by theyr power was defended from his eni­mies, who hauing maryed with Cartimanda Queene of the Brygantes or Yorkeshire men.Car [...] This Cartimāda (as ye haue heard) had deliuered Caratake into the Romains hands, therby mini­string matter for the Emperour Claudius to tri­umph, by whiche pleasure shewed to the Ro­mains, shee increased through theyr friendship in power and wealth, whereof followed riotous lust to satisfie hir wanton appetite, so as she fal­ling at square with hir husbande,Veloca [...] maryed Vello­catus, one of his Esquiers, to whom she gaue hir kingdome, and so dishonoured hir selfe. Herevpon ensued cruell warre, insomuche that in the ende Venusius became enimie also to the Romaines. But first they tugged togither betwixt themsel­ues, and the Queene by a craftie pollicie founde meanes to catch the brother and cousins of Ve­nutius, but hir enimies nothing therwith discou­raged, but kindled the more in wrath agaynst hir, ceassed not to goe forwarde with theyr purpose. Many of the Brigantes disdeyning to be subiect vnto a womans rule yt had so reiected hir husbād, reuolted vnto Venutius: but yet ye Queenes sen­sual lust mixed with crueltie, mainteyned the ad­ulterer. Venutius therfore calling to him such aid as he could get, & strēgthned now by the reuolting of the Brigantes, brought Cartimanda to such a narrow point, yt she was in great danger to fal in­to the hands of hir enimies: which the Romaines foreseeing, vpon sute made, sent certaine bands of horsmen & footmen to help hir. They had diuerse encoūters with the enimies at the first, [...] keepeth the kingdome [...] dispite of [...] Romain. with dout­full successe: but at length they preuayled, & so de­liuered the Queene out of peril, but the kingdome remained to Venutius: against whō ye Romains were constrayned still to mainteyne the warre.

About the same time the legion also which Ce­sius Nascica led, got the vpper hand of those Bri­tains against whom he was sent. For Did. be­ing aged, & by victories past ynough renowmed, thought it sufficient for him to make war by his captains, so to stay and keepe off the enimie.

Certain castels and holdes in deed he caused to be built & fortified further within ye cūtry thā had [Page 59] bene afore attempted by any of his predecessors, and so thereby were the confines of the Romains in this Ile somwhat inlarged.

Thus haue ye heard with what successe the Brytaynes maintayned warre in defence of their libertie agaynst the Romaines, whylest Clau­dius ruled the Empire (according to the report of the Romain wryters.)

[...]he error of Hector [...]etius.But here must you note, that Hector Boetius folowing the authoritie of one Veremond a Spa­niard, 10 also of Cornelius Hibernicus, and Camp­bell remoueth the Silures, Brygantes, and No­uantes, so farre northward that he maketh thē in­habitants of those Countreys which the Scottes haue now in possession, and were euen then inha­bited (as he affyrmeth) partly by the Scottes, and partly by the Pictes (as in the Scottish Hystorie ye may see more at large,) so yt what notable feate soeuer was atchiued by the olde Britains against the Romains, the same by him is ascribed vnto 20 Scottes and Pictes, throughout his whole Hy­storie, whereas (in verie truth) for somuch as may bee gathered by coniecture and presumption of that whiche is left in wryting by auncient Au­thours, the Brygantes inhabited Yorkshyre, the Silures Wales & the Marches, and the Nouātes in the countrey of Cumberland.

But forsomuch as he hath diligently gathe­red in what maner the warres were mainteyned by those people agaynst the Romains, and what 30 valiant exploytes were taken in hande, and fur­nished through their stoutnesse and valiancie, ye may there reade the same,A note to be considered in the reading of Hect. Boetius and iudge at your plea­sure what people they were whome hee so muche prayseth, aduertising you hereof by the way, that as we haue before expressed, none of the Romain wryters mencioneth anye thing of the Scottes, nor once nameth them, tyll the Romaine Em­pyre beganne to decaye aboute the tyme of the Emperour Constantius, the father of Constan­tine 40 the great, so that if they had beene in thys Ile then so famous both in peace and warre, as they are reported by the same Boetius, mar­uayle might it seeme, that the Romaine wry­ters woulde so passe them ouer with silence.

Cor. Tac. li. Annal. 15.After the death of Claudius the Emperour of Rome, Claudius Domitianus Nero succeeded him in gouernment of the Empyre. In the .vij. yeare of whose raigne, which was after the in­carnation .53. the Romaines receyued a great o­uerthrow 50 in Brytain, where neither the lieutenāt A. Didius Gallus (whō in this place Cornelius Tacitus calleth Auitus) coulde during the tyme of his rule do no more but holde that which was alreadie gotten beside the building of certain Ca­stelles (as before yee haue heard:) neyther hys successor Verannius, beating and forreying the Woods, could atchieue any further enterprice, for he was by death preuēted, so as he could not pro­ceed forward with his purpose touching ye warres which hee had ment to haue followed, whose last wordes (in his testament expressed) detected him of manifest ambition: for adding many things by way of flatterie to content Nerues minde, he wi­shed to haue liued but two yeres longer, in which spare he might haue subdued prouinces vnto hys dominion, meaning thereby the whole Ile of Brytaine.

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BVT nowe when thys great losse chā ­ced to the Ro­mains,Paulus Sueto­nius lieutenāt. Pauli­nus Suetoni­us did gouerne here as lieute­nāt, a mā most plentifully fur­nished with all guts of fortune and vertue, and therewith a right skilfull warriour.

This Suetonius therefore wishing to tame such of the Brytains as kept out,Anglesey in­uaded. prepareth to as­saile the Ile of Anglesey, a country full of Inha­bitants, and a place of refuge for al outlawes and rebels. He builded certaine Brigantines with flat kiles to serue for the ebbes & shallowe shelues here & there, lying vncertainly in the straits which he had to passe. The footmen feried ouer in those ves­sels, the horsmen folowing by the fourds & swim­ming when they came into the deepe, got likewise to the shore, where stood in order of battel an huge number of armed men close togither, redy to beate back the Romains, & to stay thē frō comming to land. Amongst the men,A strange ma­ner of women. a nūber of women were also running vp and down as they had bin out of their wits in garments like to wild rogues, with their beare hanging downe about their shoulders, and bearing firebrands in their handes.

There was also a company of their priests or philosophers called Druides,The Druides. who with stretched forth handes towards heauen, thundred out cur­sings against the Romains in most bitter wise.

The soldiers were so amased with the strāge­nesse of this sight, that (as men benummed of their limmes and senses) they suffred themselues to be wounded and slain like senselesse creatures, til by the calling vpon of their general, & ech one encou­raging other in no wise to feare a sort of mad di­stract women, they preassed forward vnder theyr ensignes, bearing downe suche as stoode in theyr way, & with their owne fire smouldred and burnt them to ashes.

To conclude,Anglesey won by the Ro­mains. the Romain lieutenāt got pos­sessiō of the whole Ile, wherin he placed garisons of mē of war to kepe the people there in subiectiō.

[Page 60]He also caused their woods to be cut downe, that were consecrated to theyr Goddes,Woods cut downe. within the which they were accustomed to sacrifice suche as they tooke prisoners, and by the view of theyr in­trayles, in dismembring them, to learne of theyr Goddes some Oracles and such other things as should come to passe.

But now in the meane tyme, whilest Pau­linus was abrode about this enterprise, the Bry­tains began to conferre togither of their great and 10 importable miseries, of their grieuous state of ser­uitude, of their iniuries and wrongs, whiche they dayly susteyned: how that by suffrance they profi­ted nothing, but still were oppressed with more heauy burdens: eche cuntrie in times past had on­ly one king to rule them: now had they two, the lieutenant by his captains and souldiers,Lieutenant & Procurator. spilling their blouds, and the Procurator or receyuer (as we may call him) bereauing them of their goods and substance. The concord or discord betwixt 20 those that were appoynted to rule ouer them, was all alike hurtful vnto the subiects, the lieutenaunt oppressing them by his captains & men of warre, and the procurator or receyuer by force & reproch­full demeanor, polling them by insupportable ex­actions. There was nothing free from the coue­tous extortion & filthie concupiscence of those vn­faciable persons, for in these dayes (say they) the greatest spoiler is the valiantest man, & most cō ­monly our houses are robbed & rāsacked by a sort 30 of cowardly raskals that haue no knowledge of any warlike feates at all. Our children are taken from vs, we are forced to go to the musters & are set forth to serue in forraine parties, as those that are ignorant which way to spend our liues in the quarell of our owne countrey. What a number of soldiers haue bene transported ouer from hence to serue in other landes, if a iust account were taken therof? The Germaines by manhood haue cast (sayd they) from their shoulders the heauy yoke of 40 bondage, and are not defended as we are with the main Ocean sea, but onely with a riuer. Where the Brytaines haue their countrey, their wiues & parents, as iust causes of warre to fight for: the Romains haue none at all, but a couetous desire to gayne by rapine, and to satisfie their excessiue lustes. They might easily be compelled to depart the cuntry, as Iulius Cesar was, if the Brytains would shew some proofe of the noble prowes that was euidently found in their worthie auncesters, 50 and not to shrinke or quaile in courage for the misaduenture that should happily chance by figh­ting one battaile or two. Greatest force and con­stancie alwayes remayneth with those that seeke to deliuer themselues from miserie. Now appea­red it that the Goddes had taken some pitie of the poore Brytayns, who by their diuine power did withhold the chief captain of the Romaines with his army, as it were banished in an other Ilande. Let vs thē sayd they) take the oportunitie of time and good occasion offred, and forthwith proceede in our businesse: [...] to be neg­lected. for lesse daunger it is manfully to aduenture, and to goe forwarde with our pur­pose, than to be bewrayed and taken in these oure consultations.

Thus hauing taken aduice togither, and who­ly mislyking their present state, they determined to take weapon in hande and so by force, to seeke for reformation.

They were verily occasioned thereto through many euil partes practised by ye Romains great­ly to their griefes and displeasures.Cor. [...] For whereas Prasutagus [...](supposed by Hector Boetius to bee Aruiragus K. of the people called Iceni)The [...] and [...] ­cester [...]i [...] men. had made the Emperor and two of his owne daughters his heyres, supposing by that mean to haue his king­dome & family preserued frō al iniury: it happened quite contrarie to that his expectation. For his kingdom was spoyled by the Romain captaines,Voadicia, [...]. his wife named Voadicia beaten by the souldiers, his daughters rauished, the Peeres of the realme bereft of their goods, and the kings friends made and reputed as bond slaues.

There was also an other great cause that styr­red the Brytains to this rebellion,Dion Cas [...] which was the cōfiscating of their goods: for where as Claudius himselfe had pardoned the chiefest persons of the forfeytures, Decianus Catus the Procurator of that Ile, mainteyned that the same ought to be renued againe.

To this an other griefe was added, [...]. that where Seneca had lent to the nobilitie of ye Ile foure .C. Sestertium, ech hūdred being .500000. lb sterling, or there about, vpon great interest, he required the whole summe togither by great rigor & violence, although he forced them at the first to take thys money to vsurie.

Also such old souldiers as were placed by way of a colonie, to inhabite the towne of Camulodu­num, expelled many of the Brytains out of their houses, droue them out of theyr possessions and landes, and accounted the Brytaynes as slaues and as though they had beene their captiue priso­ners or bondmen. Beside this, the temple there which was built in honor of Claudius as an aul­ter of eternal rule & gouernment, was serued with priests, the which vnder color of religiō did spoile, consume and deuour the goods of all men.

Moreouer such strange sightes and wonders as chanced about the same time, pricked the Bri­tains the rather forwarde. For the Image of the Goddesse Victoria in the temple at Camulodunū, slipping downe, turned hir backe (as who shoulde say) shee gaue place (as vanquished) to the eni­myes.Dion Cas [...]

Also in the Hall where the Courtes of Iu­stice [Page 61] were kept, there was a marueylous greate noyse hearde, [...]e wo [...] ­ [...] with muche laughing and a sturre in the Theatre, with great weeping and lamen­table howling, at suche tyme as it was certenly knowne that there was no creature there to make any such noyse.

[...] Cassius.The Sea at a Spring Tyde appeared of a bloudie colour, and when the Tyde was gone backe, there were seene on the Sandes the shapes and figures of mens bodies. 10

Women also, as rauished of theyr wittes, and beeing as it were in a furye, prophecied that de­struction was at hande, so that the Brytaynes were put greatly in hope, and the Romaines in feare.

[...].But those things, whether they chaunced by the crafte of man, or illusion of the Diuell, or whether they proceeded of some naturall cause, the which the common sort of people oftentymes ta­keth superstitiously, in place of vnkouth maruails 20 signifying things to followe, we woulde let passe least wee might bee thought to offende religion, (the which teaching all things to bee done by the prouidence of God, despiseth the vaine foreshew­ings of happes to come) if the order of an hystory (sayth Polidore Vergill) woulde so permit, the whiche requyreth all things to bee wrytten in maner as they fall foorth and come to passe.

[...] Tac. li. 15. [...]dicia by [...] Cassius [...]lled Bun­ [...].But the Brytaynes were chiefely mooued to Rebellion by the iuste complaynte of Voa­dicia, 30 declaryng howe vnseemely shee had beene vsed and intreated at the handes of the Romains: and bycause that shee was moste earnestlye bent to seeke reuenge of theyr iniuryes,The auncient Brytaines ad­mitted as well women as mē in publike gouernment. and hated the Romaine name moste of all other, they chose hir to bee Captayne (for they in rule and gouernment made no difference then of sexe, whe­ther they committed the saiue to man or wo­man) and so by a generall conspiracie, the more parte of the people hauing also allured the Essex men vnto Rebellion, rose and assembled them­selues togyther to make warres agaynst the Ro­maines.

There were of them a hundred and [...] thousande gotte togither in one armie vnder the leading of the sayde Voadicia, or B [...]adu [...]a (as some name hir.)

She therefore to encourage hir people agaynst the enimyes, mounted vp into an high place ray­sed vp of turfe and soddes made for the no [...]s, out of the which she made a long and verie pithie O­ration.

Hir mightie tall personage, comely shape, se­uere countenance, and sharpe voyce, with hir long and yealow tresses of heare reaching downe to hir thighes, hir braue and gorgeous apparell also caused the people to haue hir i [...] greate renounce. She ware a Chaine of golde, greate, and verye massie, and was clad in a lose kyrtle of sundrie colours, and aloft therevppon shee had a thicke Irish mantell: hereto in his hand (as hir custome was) she bare a speare, to shew hirselfe the more

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dreadfull. Hir wordes therefore set forth with such a Maiestie of presence, greatly encouraged the Brytaynes, she vttering the same in maner as followeth.

The Oration [...] Voaditia. ‘I Doe suppose (my louers and friendes) that there is no man here but doth well vnder­stande howe much libertie and freedome is to bee preferred before thraldome and bondage. But if there haue bene any of you so deceyued with the Romaine perswasions, that that ye did not for a time see a difference betweene them, and iudge whether of both is most to be desired. Nowe I hope that hauing tried what it is to be vnder both, ye wil with me reforme your iudgement, and by the harmes alreadie taken, acknowledge your ouersight, & forsake your former error. Againe in [Page 62] that a number of you haue rashly preferred an ex­ternal soueraintie before the customes and lawes of your own coūtry, you do at this time (I doubt not) perfitly vnde [...]estande how much free pouertie is to be preferred before great riches, wherevnto seruitude is annexed, & much wealth in respect of captiuitie vnder forraine magistrates wherevpon slauerie attendeth. For what thing (I besech you) can there be so vile & grieuous vnto the nature of man, that hath not happened vnto vs, sithence the 10 time that the Romains haue bin acquainted with this Iland? are we not all in maner bereued of our riches and possessions? Doe not we (beside other things that we giue, and the land that we till for their onely profite) pay them all kindes of tribute, yea for our owne carkasses? how much better is it to be once aloft and fortunate in deed, than vnder the forged and false title of libertie, continually [...] to pay for our redemption & freedome? how much is it more cōmēdable to lose our liues in defence of 20 our coūtry, than to cary about not somuch as our heads toll free, but dayly oppressed & laden with inmumerable exactions? But to what ende do I remēber & speake of these things, since they wil not suffer by death to become free? For what and how much we pay for thē that are dead, ther is not one here but he doth well vnderstande. Among other nations, such as are brought into seruitude, are al­wayes by death discharged of their bondage: onely to the Romains, the dead doe still liue, & all to en­crease 30 their commoditie and gain. If any of vs be without mony (as I know not wel how & which way we should come by any) then are we left na­ked, and spoyled of that which remayneth in our houses, & we our selues left as mē desolate & dead. How shal we looke for better dealing at their hāds hereafter, that in the beginning deale so vncurte­ously with vs: since there is no man that taketh so much as a wilde beast, but at the first hee will cherish it, and with some gentlenesse win it to fa­miliaritie. 40 But we our selues (to say the truth) are authors of our own mischief, which suffred thē at the first to set foot within our Ilande, and did not by & by driue them backe as we did Cesar, or slue them with our swordes when they were yet farre of, & that the aduenturing hither was dangerous, as we did somtime to Augustus & Caligula. We therefore that inhabite the Ilande, which for the quantitie thereof may w [...]ll be called a maine, al­though it be enuironed about with the Oceā sea, 50 deuiding vs from other nations, so that we seeme to liue vpon an other earth, and vnder a seuerall heauen. We, euen we (I say) whose name hath bene long kept hid from the wisest of them, all are nowe contemned and trode vnder foote, of them who studie nothing else but how to become lords, and haue the rule of other men. Wherefore (my welbeloued Citizens, friendes, and kinsfolke) for I thinke we are all of kinne, since we were [...] and dwell in this Ile, and haue one name com­mon to vs all: let vs now, euen now (I say) by­cause we haue not done it heretofore, and while [...] the remembrance of our auncient libertie remay­neth, sticke togither, & performe that thing which doth apertaine to valiant and hardie courages, to the ende we may enioy, not onely the name of li­bertie, but also freedome it selfe, and thereby leaue our force and puissant actes for an example to our posteritie: for if we which haue bin liberally and in honest maner brought vp, should vtterly forget our pristinate felicitie: what may we hope for [...] those that shall succeed vs, & are like to be brought vp in miserie and thraldome. Neither do I make rehearsall of these things vnto you, to the ende I woulde prouoke you to mislike of this present e­state of things (for well I knowe you abhorre it sufficiently alreadie) neither to put you in feare of those things that are likely to fall hereafter (by­cause you feare and foresee them very well before hande) but to the ende I maye giue you heartie thankes and worthie commendations, for that of your owne accord and meanes, you determine so well to prouide for things necessarie (thereby to help both me & your selues with willing mindes) as men that are nothing in doubt of all the Ro­maine puissaunce. If you consider the number of your enimies, it is not greater than yours: if you regarde their strength, they are no stronger than you: and all this doth easily appeare by the Bas­sinets, Habergeans, and Greaues that you bee ar­med withall, and also by the walles, ditches, and trenches that you haue made for your owne de­fence, to keepe off their excursions, who rather and for verie feare to fight farre off them, to cope with vs at hande strokes, as our custome of the warres and Martiall discipline doeth require. Wherefore we do so far exceed them in force, that in mine opinion, our armie is more strong than stone walles, and one of our tergats worth al the armor that they do beare vpon them: by meanes whereof, if the victorie be ours, we shal soone make them captiues: or if we lose the field, we shall ea­sily escape the daunger. Furthermore, if after the flight we shall indeuour to meete any where, we haue the marishes here beneath to hide vs in, and the hylles rounde aboute to keepe them off, so that by no meanes they shall haue theyr purpose of vs, whereas they beeing ouercharged with hea­uie armour, shall neither be able to follow, if wee flee, nor escape oute of our daunger if they bee put to flight: if they happen to breake out at anye tyme as desirous to make a rode, they returne by and by to theyr appoynted places, where we may take them as byrdes alreadie in Cage. In all whiche things, as they are farre inferiour to vs, so moste of all in this, that they can not [Page 63] endure hunger, thyrst, colde, heate, and Sun­shine, as we can doe. In their houses also and tentes, they make much accounte of theyr baked meates, wine, Oyle, and abrode of the shadowe, that if any of these do fayle them, they eyther die forthwith, or else in time they languish and con­sume: Whereas to vs euery hearbe and roote is meate, euery iuyce an Oyle, all water pleasant wine, and euery tree an house. Beside this, there is no place of the lande vnknowne to vs, neither 10 yet vnfriendly to succour vs at neede, whereas to the Romaines they are for the moste part vn­knowne and altogither daungerous, if they shoulde stande in neede: we can with ease swim ouer euery Riuer both naked and clad, whiche they with their great ships are scarce able to per­forme. Wherefore with hope and good lucke, let vs set vpon them couragiously, and teach them to vnderstande, that since they are no better than Hares and Foxes, they attempt a wrong match, 20 when they endeuour to subdue the Greyhoundes and the Woolfes. With whiche wordes the Queene letteth an Hare go out of hir lappe, as it were thereby to giue Prognostication of hir suc­cesse, which comming well to passe, all the com­panie showted▪ and cryed out vpon suche as not long before had done suche violence to so noble a personage.’

Then Bunduica calling them togither a­gaine, proceeded forwarde with hir prayer, which 30 she made before them al, holding vp hir hands af­ter this maner:

I giue thee thankes Adraste, and call vpon thee thou woman of women, which raignest not ouer the burthen bearing Egiptians, as Nitocris, neither ouer theyr Marchauntes, as doth Semi­ramis, for these trifles we haue lerned lately of the Romaines: neyther ouer the people of Rome, as a little heretofore Messalina then Agrippina, and now Nero, who is called by the name of a man, 40 but is in deede a very woman, as doth appeare by his voyce, his harp, and his womans attire: but I call vpon thee as a Eoddesse which gouernest the Brytains, that haue learned not to till the fielde, nor to be handicraftes men, but to lead their liues in the warres after the best maner: who also as they haue all other things, so haue they likewise their wiues and children common, whereby the women haue the like audacitie with the men, and no lesse boldnesse in the warres than they. There­fore 50 sithence I haue obteyned a kingdom among such a mightie people, I beseeche thee to graunt them victorie, [...], and libertie, agaynst these contentious, wicked, and vnsatiable men (if they may be called men, which vse warme bathings, delicate fare, hote Wines, sweete oyles, soft beds, fine Musicke, and so vnkindely [...] are altogither giuen to courtousnesse, and crueltie, as theyr doings doe declare. Let not I beseeche thee, the Neronian or Domitian tyrannie anye more preuaile vpon me, or (to say truth) vppon thee, but let them rather serue thee,This oration I haue borowed of W. Harisō. whose heauie oppression thou hast borne withall a long season, and that thou wylte styll be our helper onely, O noble Ladie, I heartily beseech thee.

Finally, when she had made an ende, forward she setteth against hir enimies, which at that time were destitute in deede of theyr Lieutenaunt Paulinus Suetonius, beeing as then in Angle­sey (as before ye haue heard.)

The Romaines that were in Camalodu­num sente for ayde vnto Catus Decianus the Procurator, that is the Emperours agene, Cor. Tacit. Catus Decia­nus Procu­rator. trea­surer, or receyuer, for in that Citie, although it were inhabited by Romaines, there was no great garison of able men.

The Procurator therefore sent to them such ayd as he thought he might wel spare, which was not past two hundred men, and those not suffi­cientlye furnished eyther wyth weapon or ar­mour.

The Citie was not compassed with any ram­pire or ditch for defence, such as happely were priuie to the cōspiracie, hauing put into the heads of the Romains, that no fortification needed: nei­ther were the aged men nor women sent away, whereby the yong able personages might with­out trouble of them the better attende to the de­fence of the Citie: but euen as they had beene in all suretie of peace, and free from suspition of any warre, they were sodainly beset with the huge ar­mie of the Brytaynes, and so all went to spoyle and fyre that could be foūd without the enclosure of the temple, into the which the Romaine soul­diers (striken with soden feare by this soden com­ming of the enimies) had thronged themselues. Where being assieged by the Brytaynes within the space of two dayes the place was wonne, and they that were founde within it, slaine euery mo­thers sonne.

After this, the Brytaynes encouraged with this victorie, went to meete with Petus Ceria­lis Lieutenant of the legion, surnamed the ninth, and boldly encountering with the same Legion, gaue the Romains the ouerthrow, and slue all the footemen, so that Cerialis wyth muche adoe escaped with his Horsemen, and got him backe to the Campe, and saued himselfe within the Trenches. Catus the Procurator being put in feare with this ouerthrow, and perceyuing what hatred the Brytains bare towardes him, ha­uing with hys couetousnesse thus brought the warre vpon the heade of the Romaines, got him ouer into Gallia.

But Suetonius aduertised of these doings, came back out of Anglesey, & with a m [...]rueylous [Page 64] constancie marched through the middest of hys enimyes vnto London, beeing as then not great­ly peopled with Romaines, though there was a Colonie of them, but full of Merchauntes, and well prouided of vytayles: hee was in great doubt at his comming thyther, whether hee myght best staye there as in a place moste con­uenient, or rather seeke some other more easie to be defended.

At length considering the small number of 10 hys men of warre, and remembring howe Ci­rialis had spedde by hys too much rashnesse, hee thought better wyth the losing of one Towne to saue the whole, than to put all in daunger of irrecouerable losse.

And therewith nothing moued at the prayer and teares of them whiche besought him of ayde and succour, hee departed, and those that woulde goe with him he receyued into his armie, those that taryed behinde were oppressed by the 20 enimyes: and the lyke destruction happened to them of Verolanium, a Towne in those dayes of great fame, situate neare to the place where the towne of Saint Albons now standeth.

The Brytanes leauing the Castels and for­tresses vnassaulted, followe theyr gaine in spoy­ling of those places which were easie to get, and where greate plentie of ryches was to be founde, vsing their victorie with suche crueltie, that they slue (as the report went) to the number of .lxx. 30 thousande Romaines,10000 sayth Dion. and suche as tooke theyr parte in the sayde places by the Brytaynes thus wonne and conquered. For there was nothing wyth the Brytaynes, but slaughter, fire, gal­lowes and such like, so earnestly were they set on reuenge.

They spared neyther age nor sexe: women of great nobilitie and worthie fame, they tooke and hanged vp naked, and cutting off theyr Pappes, sowed them to theyr mouthes, that they 40 might seeme as if they sucked and fedde on them, and some of theyr bodies they stretched oute in length, and thrust them on sharpe stakes.

Al those things they did in great despite whi­lest they sacrifyced in theyr Temples, and made feastes, namely in the Woodde consecrated to the honour of Andates, for so they called the Goddesse of victorie whom they worshipped most reuerently.

In the meane time there came ouer to the ayde of Suetonius, the legion surnamed the .xiiij. and other bandes of Souldiers and men of warre to the number of ten thousand in the whole, where­vpon chiefely (bycause vytayles began to fayle him) he prepareth to giue battaile to his enimies, and chooseth forth a plotte of ground very strong wythin straytes, and backed with a Woodde, so that the enimies coulde not assault his campe but on the front:The Bry [...] were at [...] time, [...] me [...] (as [...] wryteth) yet by reason of their great multitude and hope of victorie conceyued by their late pros­perous successe, the Brytaines vnder the con­duct of Queene Voadicia aduenture to giue bat­taile, hauing theyr women there to be witnesses of the victorie, whom they placed in charets at the vttermost side of theyr fielde. Voadicia, or Bon­dicia (for so we finde hir written by some copies,Cor. Ta [...] [...] Dion Cas [...] and Bonduica also by Dion) hauing hir daugh­ters afore hir, beeing mounted into a Charet, as she passed by the souldiers of eche sundrie country, told them that it was a thing accustomed among the Brytaynes to goe to the warres vnder the leading of women, but shee was not nowe come forth as one borne of suche noble aunce­sters as shee was discended from, to fight for h [...]r kingdome & riches, but as one of the meaner sort, rather to defend hir lost libertie, and to reuenge hir selfe of the enimies, for their crueltie shewed in scourging hir like a vagabond, & shameful deflou­ring of hir daughters: for the licencious lust of the Romans was so farre spred & increased, that they spared neither the bodies of old nor yōg, but were redy most shamefully to abuse thē, hauing whip­ped hir naked being an aged woman, & forced hir daughters to satisfie their filthie cōcupiscence: but (saith she) the Gods are at hand ready to take iust reuenge. The legion that presumed to encounter with vs is slaine & beaten down. The residue kepe them close within their holds, or else seeke wayes how to [...]lie out of the countrey: they shall not bee once able so much as to abide the noise & clamor of so many thousands as we are here assembled, much lesse the force of our great puissāce & dread­full hands. If ye therefore (sayd she) would w [...]gh and consider with your selues your huge nūbers of men of warre, & the causes why ye haue moued this warre, ye woulde surely determine either in this battel to die with honor, or else to vāquish the enimie by plaine force, for so (quoth she) I being a woman am fully resolued, as for you men ye may (if ye list) liue and be brought into bondage.

Neither did Suetonius cease to exhort his peo­ple: for although he trusted in their manhood, yet as he had deuided his army into three battails, so did he make vnto ech of thē a seueral oration, wil­ling thē not to feare the shrill & vaine menating threats of the Britains, that ther was among thē more womē thā mē, they hauing no skill in war­like discipline, & hereto being naked withoute fur­niture of armor, would forthwith giue place whē they should feele the sharp points of the Romains weapōs, & the force of thē by whō they had so oftē bin put to flight. In many legions (sayth he) the nūber is small of thē that win the battell. Theyr glorie therfore shuld be the more, for that they be­ing a small nūber should win the fame due to the whole army, if they wold (thronging togither) be­stow [Page 65] their weapons freely, and with their sworde and targets preasse forwarde vpon their enimies, continuing the slaughter without regarde to the spoyle, they might assure themselues when the victorie was once atchieued to haue all at theyr pleasures. Such forwardnesse in the souldiers fol­lowed vpon this exhortation of the Generall, that euery one prepared himselfe so redily to do his du­tie, and that with such a shew of skill and experi­ence, that Suetonius hauing conceyued an assu­red 10 hope of good lucke to follow, caused the trum­pets to sounde to the battaile.

The onset was giuen in the straytes, greatly to the aduantage of the Romaines, being but an handfull in comparison to their enimies.

The fight in the beginning was verie sharpe and cruell but in the ende the Brytaynes being a let one to another (by reason of the narrownesse of the place) were not able to sustain the violēt force of the Romaines theyr enimies, so that they were constrayned to giue backe, and so being disor­dred, were put to flight, and vtterly discomfited.

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There were slaine of the Brytaynes that day 30 fewe lesse than .lxxx. thousande, [...]0000. Bry­ [...]ains slaine. as Tacitus wri­teth: For the straytes beeing stopped with the Charets, stayed the flight of the Brytaynes, so as they could not easily escape: and the Romains were so set on reuenge, that they spared neyther man nor woman, so that many were slain in the battaile, many amongest the Charettes, and a great number at the woodde side, which way they made theyr flight, and many were taken pry­soners. 40

Those that escaped, would haue foughten a newe battail, but in the meane time Voadicia, or Bonuica deceassed of a natural infirmitie, as Di­on Cassius wryteth, but other say, that shee poy­soned hirselfe, and so dyed, bycause she would not come into the handes of hir enimies.

There dyed of the Romaines part in this most notable battaile foure. E. and about the like num­ber were hurt and wounded.

Penius Posthumus maister of the campe of 50 the seconde legion, vnderstanding the prosperous successe of the other Romaine Captains, bycause he had defrauded his legion of the like glorie, and had refused to obey the commaundements of the Generall,Penius Post­humus sleaeth himselfe. cōtrarie to the vse of warre, slue himself.

After this, all the Romain armie was brought into the field to make an ende of the residue of the warre. And the Emperor caused a supplie to be sent out of Germanie of two. M. of legionarie souldiers, and .viij. bands of aydes, with. M. hors­men, by whose comming the bandes of the ninth legion were supplied with legionarie soldiers, and those bands and wings of horsemen were appoin­ted to places where they might winter, and suche people of the Brytaynes as were either enimies, or else stoode in doubt whether to bee friendes or enimies in deede, were persecuted with fire and sworde.

But nothing more afflicted them than fa [...], for whilest euerie man gaue himself to the warre, and purposed to haue liued vpon the prouision of the Romains and other their enimies, they appli­ed not themselues to tyllage, nor to any husban­ding of the groūd, and long it was ere they (being a fierce kinde of people) fell to embrace pea [...],Iulius Classi­cianus Pro­curator. by reason that Iulius Classicianus, who was sent into Britain as successor to Caius, [...]elt [...] at square with Suetonius, and by his priuate grudge hyn­dred the prosperous successe of publike affayres, he sticked not to write vnto Rome, that except an other were sent to succeede in the rowmeth that Suetonius bare, there woulde be no ende of the warres. Herevpō one p [...]licletus, which somtime had bene a bond man, was sent into Britain, as a commissioner, to suruey the state of the countrey, and to make the legate and procurator friends, & also to pacifie all troubles within the Ile.

[Page 66]The port which Policletus bare was great, he was furnished with no small trayne that at­tented vpon him, so that his presence seemed very dreadful to the Romains. But the Britains that were not yet pacified, thought great scorne, to see suche honourable captaines and men of warre as the Romaines were, to submit themselues to the order of such a one as had beene a bone slaue. In the end in place of Suetonius,Petronius Turpilianus lieutenant. was Petroni­us Turpilianus (which had lately bene Consull) 10 appoynted to haue the gouernance of the army in Brytain, the which neither troubling the enimie, nor beeing of the enimie in any wise troubled or prouoked, did color slouthfull rest with the honest name of peace and quietnesse, & so sate still with­out exployting any notable enterprise.

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Trebellius Maximus lieutenant.AFter Turpilianus, Trebellius Max­imus was made Lieu­tenaunt of Brytayne, 20 who likewyse wyth courteous demeanour, soughte to keepe the Brytaynes in rest, ra­ther than by force to compell thē. And nowe beganne the people of the Ile to beare with pleasaunt faultes and flat­tering vices, so that the ciuill warres that chaun­ced in those dayes after the death of the Emperor 30 Nero at home, might easily excuse the slouthful­nesse of the Romaine Lieutenants.

Moreuer there rose dissention amongest theyr men of warre, which being vsed to lye abroade in the fielde, coulde not agree with the ydle lyfe, so that Trebellius Maximus was glad to hide him selfe from the sight of the Souldiers being in an vprore agaynste him, tyll at length humbling himself vnto them further than became his estate, he gouerned by way of intreatie, or rather at their 40 courtesie. And so was the cōmotion stayed with­out bloudshed, ye armie as it were, hauing by co­uenant obteyned to liue licenciously, and the cap­tayne suretie to liue without daunger to be mur­thered.

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Vectius Vola­nus lieutenāt.NEither Vectius Volanus that succeded Maximus whylest the time of the ciuill warres 50 as yet endured, dyd trouble the Bry­taynes, vsing the same slacknesse and slouth that the o­ther Lieutenants had vsed before him, and permytted the like licence to the presumptuous Souldiers: but yet was Volanus innocent as touching himselfe, and not hated for any notable cryme or vice: so that hee purchased fauoure, althoughe aucthoritie wanted.

But after that the Emperour Vespasianus had subdued his aduersaries, and atteyned the Imperiall gouernment, as well ouer Brytaine as ouer other partes of the worlde,Cor. [...] there were sent hither right noble Captaynes, with diuerse notable bandes of Souldiers, and Petilius Ce­rialis being appoynted Lieutenant, put the Bri­taynes in greate feare by inuading the Bry­gantes the mightyest Nation of all the whose Ilande: and fighting many battayles, and some right bloudy with those people, he subdued a great part of the countrey at the last.

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AFter hym succeded as Lieutenant of Brytaine,Iulius Fr [...] nus li [...] one Iulius Fron­tinus, who vā ­quyshed and brought to the Romaine sub­iection by force of armes the people called Silures, stryuing not onely agaynst the valiant resistaunce of the men, but also wyth the hardnesse and combersome troubles of the places.

Thus may you perceyue in what state this Ile stoode in the time that Aruiragus raigned in the same, as is supposed by the Hystoryes of the olde Brytaynes, so that it may be thought that he gouerned rather a part of this lande, than the whole, and bare the name of a king, the Romains not hauing so reduced the country into the forme of a prouince, but that the Brytaynes bare rule in dyuerse partes thereof, and that by the per­mission of the Romaines, whiche neuerthe­lesse had theyr Lieutenauntes and Procura­tours here, that bare the greatest rule vnder the aforesayde Emperours.

Marius, otherwise Meurig, or Maue.

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AFter ye de­cease of Aruiragus,Mari­us. hys sonne Marius succeeded him in the estate,Hector [...] saith th [...] this Marius was a Ro [...] and began his raigne in the yeare of oure Lorde .73.73 In the olde Eng­lishe [Page 67] Chronicle, he is fondly called Westme [...], and was an excellent wise man, gouerning the Bry­tains in great prosperitie, honor and wealth.

In the time of this mans raigne, the people called Picts inuaded this lande. They are iudged to be descended of the Nation of the Scithians, neare kinsmen to the Gothes, both by Countrey and maners, a cruell kind of men and much giuen to the warres.

They are thought to haue taken theyr name, 10 bycause they vsed to paint their selues with a cer­tain blewish colour, or for that they were marked with printes in theyr visages, so that the more honourable he was amongst them, the de [...]pelyer was he marked, & the more base he was, the lesse his marks appeared. Some thinke that these were the same that were called Agathirsies, and named Picts bicause they painted their faces & limmes so that by no menes ye painting could be washed off: but howsoeuer they came by ye name, [...]bian. [...]l. Mon. [...]at. VVest. it is euident 20 inough that they were of the Scithian nation.

This people therfore with their leader Rode­rike, or as some name him Londorike, entring the Ocean sea after the maner of [...]ouers, arriued on ye coasts of Ireland, where they required of ye Scots new seates to inhabite in, for the Scots whe [...] (as some think) were also disc [...]ded of ye Scithians, did as thē inhabit in Ireland: but doubting yt it shuld not be for their profit to [...] so warlike a nation into that Ile, feyning as it were a friendship, and excusing the matter, by ye [...]wnesse of the coū ­try, declared vnto the Picts, that the Ile of Bry­tain was not farre frō thence, being a large coun­try & a plentiful, and not greaaly inhabited wher­fore they counselled them to go thither, promising vnto them all the ayde that might be.

The Picts more desirous of spoyle than of rule or gouernmēt, without delay [...]tsed to the sea, and sailed towards Britain, where being [...], they first inuaded the north p [...]s thereof, [...] finding there but few inhabiters, they begin to was [...] and forray the country, [...] Marius was aduertised, with al speed he assembled his people, & made towards his enimies, & giuing to thē [...],Roderike king of Pictes slaine. obteyned the victorie, so that Roderike was sh [...] slain in the field, & his people vanquished.

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Vnto those that escaped with life, Marius graunted licence that they might inhabite in the north part of Scotlande called Catnesse, beeing as then a Countrey in maner desolate wythoute habitation: wherevpon they wythdrewe thither, and setled themselues in those partyes. And by­cause the Brytaynes disdeyned to graunt vnto them theyr daughters in maryage, they sent vn­to the Scots into Irelande, requyring to haue wiues of theyr nation.

The Scottes agreed to their request, with this condition, that where there wanted lawfull issue of the kings lynage to succeede in the Kingdome of the Pictes, then shoulde they name one of the womans syde to bee theyr king: whiche or­dinaunce was receyued and obserued euer after amongest the Pictes so long as their kingdome endured.

And thus the Pictes next after the Romains, were the first of any straungers that came into this lande to inhabite as most wryters affyrme, although the Scottishe Chronicles auouche the Picts to be inhabiters here before the incarnation of our sauiour. But the victorie which Marius obteyned agaynst their king Roderike,Polidor. Math. VVest. chaunced in the yeare after the incarnation .87.

In remembraunce of which victorie, Marius caused a stone to bee erected in the same place where the battayle was fought, in whiche stone was grauen these woordes, Marq Victoria. The Englishe Chronicle sayeth that this stone was sette vppe on Stanesmoore, and that [Page 68] the whole Countrey thereaboute taking name of this Marius, as Westmaria, nowe cleped Westmerlande.

King Marius hauing thus subdued his eni­mies, and escaped the daunger of their dreadfull inuasion, he gaue his minde to the good gouern­ment of his people, and the aduauncement of the common wealth of the realme, continuing the re­sidue of his life in great tranquillitie, and finally departed this life, after he had raigned (after most 10 writers) lij or .liij. yeares.Mat. VVest. Howbeit there be that wryte, that hee dyed in the yeare of our Lorde 78. and so raigned not past fiue or sixe yeares at the most.

He was buryed at Cairleil, leauing a sonne behinde him called Coyll.

Thus finde we in the Brytishe and English Hystories touching this Marius.

Humfrey Llhuyd seemeth to take this mā and his father Aruiragus to be all one person, whether 20 mooued therto by some Catologe of kings which he sawe, or otherwise. I cannot affyrme: but speaking of the time when the Pictes and Scots should first come to settle themselues in this land, he hath these words. Neither was there any wri­ters of name, that made mention either of Scots or Picts before Vespasianus time, about the yere of the incarnation .72. At what time Meurig or Maw, or Aruiragus raigned in Brytaine. In which time our annales do report, that a certaine 30 kind of people liuing by piracie and rouing on the sea, came forth of Sueden, or Norway, vnder the guiding of one Rhythercus, who landed in Alba­nia▪ wasting all the Countrey with robbing and spoyling so farre as Cairleil, where he was van­quished in battaile, and slaine by Murigus, with a great part of his people. The residue that esca­ped by flight, fledde to their shippes, and so con­ueyed themselues into the Iles of Orkney, and Scotlande, where they quietly abode a greate 40 while after.

Thus farre haue I thought good to shew forth of the foresayde Llhuyds booke, for that it seemeth to carie a great likelihoode of truth with it, for the hystorie of the Picts, which vndoubtedly I think were not as yet inhabiting in Brytaine, but ra­ther first placing themselues in the Iles of Ork­ney made inuasion into the maine Ile of Britain afterwards, as occasion seemed to be offred. In the Brytish tong they are called Phightiaid, that is Phightians, and so likewise were they called in 50 the Scottish, and in their owne tongue.

But nowe to shewe what chaunced in thys Ile, during the time of ye sayd Marius his suppo­sed raigne, as is found in the Romain Hystories.

Iulius Agri­cola lieutenāt.AFter Iulius Frontinus, the Emperor Ves­pasian sent Iulius Agricola to succeed in the gouernment of Brytain, who comming ouer a­bout the middest of Sommer,Cor. [...] vit. The [...] of Ag [...] his g [...] ­men. founde the men of warre through want of a lieutenant negligent y­nough, as those yt looking for no trouble, thought themselues out of all daunger, where the enimies neuerthelesse watched vpon the next occasion to worke some displeasure, and were readie on eche hand to moue rebelliō. For the people called Or­douices, that inhabited in the countrey of Ches­shire, Lancashire, & part of Shropshire, had lately before ouerthrowne & in maner vtterly destroyed a wing of such horsmen as soiourned in their par­ties, by reason wherof al ye prouince was brought almost into an assured hope to recouer libertie.

Agricola vpon his comming ouer, though som­mer was nowe halfe past, and that the souldiers lodging here & there abrode in the countrey, were more disposed to take rest, than to set forward in­to the field against the enimies, determined yet to resist the present danger: and therwith assembling the men of warre of the Romains, and such other aydes as he might make, he inuadeth their cuntry that had done this foresaid displeasure, and slue downe the most part of all the inhabitants therof. And not thus contented, (for that he thought good to follow the steps of fauorable fortune, & know­ing that as the beginning proued, so woulde the whole sequele of his affayres by likelyhoode come to passe) he purposed to make a ful conquest of the Ile of Anglesey,The Ile of Anglesey. from the conquest whereof the Romain Lieutenant Paulinus was called backe by the Rebellion of other of the Brytayns, as be­fore ye haue heard.

But whereas he wanted ships for the furni­shing of his enterprise, his wit and policie founde a shift to supplie that defect: for choosing forth a pyked number of such Brytaines as he had there with him in ayde, which knewe the fourds & shal­low places of the streames there, and withall were very skilfull in swimming (as the maner of the Countrey then was) he appoynted them to passe ouer on the sodaine into the Ile, onelye with theyr Horses, armour, and weapon: whiche en­terprise they so speedily, and with so good suc­cesse atchieued, that the Inhabitantes much a­mased with that doing (which looked for a nauie of shippes to haue transported ouer theyr eni­mies by Sea, and therefore watched on the coast) beganne to thinke that nothing was able to bee defended agaynst suche kynde of warriours that gotte ouer into the Ile after suche a sorte and maner.

And therefore making sute for peace,Anglesey [...] ­ded to Ag [...] ­cola. they deliuered the Ile into the handes of Agricola, whose fame by these victoryes daylye muche encreased, as of one that tooke pleasure in tra­uayle, and attempting to atchieue daungerous enterpryses, in steade whereof hys predecessours had delighted to shewe the maiesties of theyr [Page 69] office by vaine bragges, stately portes, and am­bitious pomps. For Agricola turned not the pro­sperous successe of his proceedings into vanitie, but rather with neglecting his fame, encreased it to the vttermoste, amongest them that iudged what hope was to be looked for of things by him to be atchieued, which with silence kept secret these his so worthie doings.

Moreouer, perceyuing the nature of the peo­ple in this Ile of Brytain, and sufficiently taught 10 by other mens example, that armour should little auaile, where iniuries followed to the disquieting of the people, [...]cola his [...] gouern­ [...]t. hee thought best to take away and remoue all occasions of warre. And first begin­ning with himselfe and his souldiers, tooke order for a reformation to be had in his owne houshold, yeelding nothing to fauour, but altogither in re­spect of vertue, accounting them most faythfull, which therein most excelled, he sought to knowe all things, but not to doe otherwise than reason 20 mooued, pardoning small faultes, and sharpely punishing great and heynous offences, neyther yet deliting always in punishment, but oftētimes rather in repentance of the offender. Exactions and tributes he lessened, qualefying the same by reasonable equitie. And thus in reforming the state of things, he wanne him great praise in time of peace, the whiche eyther by negligence or suf­feraunce of the former Lieutenauntes, was e­uer feared, and accounted worse than open 30 warre.

This was his practise in the winter time of his first yeare, but when Sommer was come, he assembled his armie, [...] diligence. and leading forth the same, trayned his souldiers in all honest warlike disci­pline, commending the good, and reforming the bad and vnruly.

He himselfe to giue ensample, tooke vpon him all daungers that came to hande, and suffred not the enimies to liue in rest, but wasted their coun­treys 40 with sodaine inuasions. And when he had sufficiently chastised them, and put them in feare by suche maner of dealing, hee spareth them that they might againe conceyue some hope of peace. By which meanes many countreys which vnto those dayes had kept themselues out of bondage, layde rancour aside, and deliuered pledges, and further were contented to suffer Castelles to be buylded within them, and to be kept with gari­sons, so that no part of Brytayne was free from 50 the Romain power, but stoode styll in daunger to be brought vnder more and more.

The seconde yeare of Agri­cola his go­uernment.In the winter following, Agricola tooke pay­nes to reduce the Brytains from their rude ma­ners and customes, vnto a more ciuill sorte and trade of liuing, that chaunging their naturall fiercenesse and apte disposition to warre, they myght through tasting pleasures, be so enured therewith, that they shoulde desire to liue in rest and quietnesse:The worthie practises of Agricola to traine the Bri­taynes to ci­uilitie. and therefore hee exhorted them priuily, and holpe them publikely to buyld tem­ples, common halles where plees of law might be kept, and other houses, commending them that were diligent in such doings, and blaming them that were negligent, so that of necessitie they were dryuen to striue who shoulde preuent eche other in ciuilitie. He also procured that Noble mens sonnes shoulde learne the liberall sciences, and praysed the nature of the Brytaynes, more than the people of Gallia, bycause they studyed to attayne to the knowledge of the Romaine elo­quence. By whiche meanes the Brytaynes in short tyme were brought to the vse of good and commendable maners, and sorted themselues to go in comely apparell after the Romain fashion, and by little and little they fell to accustom them­selues to fine fare, and dilicate pleasures, the ready prouokers of vices, as to walke in Galleries, to wash themselues in bathes, to vse banketting and such like, which amongst the vnskilfull was cal­led humanity or curtesie, but in very deed it might be accounted a part of thraldome and seruitude, namely being to excessiuely vsed.

In the thirde yeare of Agricola his gouern­ment in Brytaine,The thirde yeare. he inuaded the north partes therof (vnknowne til those days of the Romains) being the same where the Scots now inhabit: for he wasted the countrey vnto the water of Tay,The water of Tay. in such wyse putting the Inhabitauntes in feare, that they durst not once sette vpon his armie, thoughe it were so that the same was very sore disquyeted and vexed by tempest and rage of weather.

Wherevpon finding no greate let or hynde­rance by the enimyes, he buylded certain Castels and Fortresses, which he placed in suche conue­nient steades that they greatly annoyed his ad­uersaries, and were so able to be defended, that ther was none of those Castels which he builded, either wonne by force out of the Romains hands, or giuen ouer by composition, for feare to be ta­ken: so that the same being furnished with compe­tent numbers of men of warre, were safely kept from the enimies, the whiche were dayly vexed by the often issues made forth by the Souldiers that lay thus in garison within them: so that where in tymes past the sayde enimies woulde recouer theyr losses susteyned in Sommer by the Winters aduauntage, nowe they were put to the worse, and kept backe as well in the Winter as in the Sommer.

In the fourth Sommer,The fourth yeare of Agri­cola his go­uernment. after that Agricola was appoynted to the rule of this lande, he went about to bring vnder subiection those people, the which before tyme her had by incursions and forreyes sore vexed and disquieted: and there­vpon [Page 70] vpon comming to the waters of Clide & Lough­leuen,Clota. Bodotria. he buylt certaine fortresses to defende the passages and entryes there, dryuing the enimies beyond the same waters, as it had bin into a new Ilande.

In the fifth Sommer,The fift yeare. Agricola causing hys shippes to be brought about, and appoynting thē to arriue on the north coasts of Scotland, he pas­sed with his army ouer the riuer of Clide, and subdued suche people as inhabited those further 10 partes of Scotland, which till those daies had not bene discouered by the Romains.

And bycause he thought it should serue wel to purpose, for some conquest to be made of Ireland, if that part of Scotlande which bordereth on the Irishe Seas might be kept in due obedience, hee placed garisons of Souldiers in those parties, in hope verily vpon occasion to passe ouer into Ire­lande, and for the more easie aduauncement of his purpose therein,An Irish king expulsed out of his country. hee enterteyned wyth ho­nourable 20 prouision one of the kings of Irelande, which by ciuill discorde was expulsed and driuen out of his countrey.

In deede Agricola perceyued, that with one Legion of Souldiers, and a small ayde of other men of warre, it shoulde bee an easie matter to conquere Irelande, and to bring it vnder the Dominion of the Romaines: which enterprise he iudged verye necessarie to be exployted, for bet­ter keeping of the Brytaynes in obedience, if 30 they shoulde see the iurisdiction of the Ro­maines euery where extended, and the libertie of theyr neighbours suppressed and turned to sub­iection.

The sixt yeare of Agricola his gouern­ment.In the sixth Sommer of Agricola hys go­uernment, he proceeded in subduing the further­moste partes of Scotlande Northwardes, cau­sing his Nauie to keepe course aneynst hym by the coast as hee marched forth by lande, so that the Brytaynes perceyuing howe the secrete Ha­uens 40 and Creekes of theyr Countreyes were nowe discouered, and that all hope of refuge was in maner cutte off from them, were in a maruey­lous feare.

On the other part the Romaines were sore troubled with the rough Mountaynes, and crag­gie Rockes, by the whiche they were constray­ned to passe beside the daungerous ryuers, lakes, wooddes, straytes, and other combersome wayes and passages.

The danger also of them that were in the ships by sea, was not small by reason of winds & tem­pests, and high spring tides, which tossed & tur­moyled their vessels right cruelly: but by the pain­full diligence of them that had bene brought vp & enured with continuall trauaile and hardnesse, all those discōmodities were ouercome to their great reioysing, when they met and fell in talke of theyr passed perils, for oftentimes the armie by land en­camped so by the shore, that those which kept the sea came a lande to make merie in the campe, and then eche one woulde recounte to others the ad­uentures that had happened, as the maner is in semblable cases.

The Brytains that inhabited in those dayes about the partes of Calender wood,Calend [...] wood. perceyuing in what danger they were to be vtterly subdued, as­sembled themselues togither in purpose, to trie the fortune of battell: whereof Agricola being aduer­tised, marched forth with his armie deuyded in three battailes, so that the enimyes doubting to trie the matter in open fielde, espye theyr time in the night, and with all theyr whole puissaunce set vpon one of the Romaine Legions, whiche they knewe to be most feeble and weake, trusting by a camisado to distresse the same: and first slea­ing the watche, they enter the campe, where the sayd legion lay, and finding the souldiers in great disorder, betwixt sleepe and feare, begin the fight euen within the campe.

Agricola had knowledge of their purposed in­tent, and therfore with all speede hasted forth to come to the succours of his people, sending first his light Horsemen, and certaine light armed footemen to assayle the enimies on theyr backes, and shortly after approcheth with his whole puis­sance, so that the Romaine standards beginning to appeare in sight by the light of the daye, that then beganne to spring, the Brytaynes were sore discouraged, and the Romaines renuing theyr force, fiercely preassed vpon them, so that euen in the entrye of the campe, there was a sore conflicte, tyll at length the Brytaynes were putte to flight, and chased, so that if

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[Page 71] the marishes and warddes had not saued them frō the pursute of the Romains▪ there had bin an end made of the whole warres euen by that one dayes worke. But the Brytaynes escaping as well as they might, & reputing the victorie to haue chan­ced not by the valiancie of the Romain souldiers, but by occasion, & the prudent policie of their cap­taine, were nothing abashed with yt their present losse, but prepared to put their youth againe into armour: and therevpon they remoued their wiues 10 and children into safe places, and then assembling the chiefest gouernors togither, cōcluded a league amongst themselues, eche to ayde other, confyr­ming theyr articles with doing of sacrifice (as the maner in those dayes was.)

[...] seuenth [...]re.The same sommer, a bande of such Dutch or Germaine souldiers as had bene leuyed in Ger­manie and sent ouer into Brytayn to the ayde of the Romains, attempted a great and wonderfull act in sleaing their captaine and such other of the 20 Romain souldiers which were appointed to haue the trayning and leading of them, as officers and instructors to them in the feates of warre: & when they had committed that murther, they got into three Pinesses, and became rouers on the coastes of Britaine, and encountring with diuerse of the Brytains, that were readie to defend theyr coun­trey from spoyle, oftentymes they got the vpper hand of them, and now and then they were chased away, insomuch yt in the ende they were brought 30 to such extremitie for want of vitailes, that they did eate such amongst them as were the weakest, and after, such as the lot touched, beeing indiffe­rently cast amongst them: and so being caried a­bout the coastes of Brytain, and losing theyr ves­sels through want of skill to gouerne them, they were reputed for robbers, and therevpon were ap­prehended first by the Suabeners, and shortly af­ter by the Frisers, the which solde diuerse of them to the Romains and other, whereby the true vn­derstanding 40 of their aduentures came certainely to light.

In the sommer next following,The eight yeare of Agri­cola his go­uernment. Agricola with his armie came to the Mountaine of Granze [...]en, where he vnderstoode that his enimies were en­camped, to the number of .xxx. thousand & aboue, and dayly there came to them more companie of the Brytish youth, and such aged persons also as were lustie and in strength, able to welde weapon and beare armour.

Amongst the captains ye chiefest was one Gal­gacus, who the Scottish chronicles name Gald.Calgagus whō the Scots name Gald and will needes haue him a Scottish man.

This man as chieftaine and head captaine of all the Brytaynes there assembled, made to them a pithie oration to encourage them to fight man­fully, and likewise did Agricola to his people: which being ended, the armies on both sides were put in order of battaile.

Agricola placed .viij. thousande footemen of strangers which he had there in ayde with him in the midst, appoynting three. M. horsmen to stand on the sides of thē as wings. The Romain legi­ons stood at their backs in stead of a Bulwarke.

The Brytains were embattayled in such or­der that theirfore ward stood in the plaine groūd, and the other on the side of an hill, as though they had risen on heigth one ranke aboue another.

The middest of the fielde was couered wyth their charets and horsemen.

Agricola doubting by ye huge multitude of eni­mies least his people shoulde be assailed not one­ly afront,Cor. Tacitius but also vpon euery side the battails, becaused the rankes so to place themselues, as theyr battails might stretch farre further in bredth than otherwise the order of warre requyred: but he t [...]k [...] this to be a good remedie against such inconueni­ence as might haue followed, if the enimie by the narrownesse of the fronts of his battailes should haue hemmed them in on eche side.

This done, and hauing conceyned good hope of victory, be alighted on foot, & putting his horse frō him, he stood before the stādarts as one not caring for any danger yt might happen. At the first they bestowed their shot, & dartes freely on both sides.

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[Page 72]The Britains aswel with cōstant manhood, as skilful practise, with brode swords & little rounde bucklers, auoided & beat frō them the arrowes and darts that came from their enimies, & therwithall payd thē home againe with their shot & dartes, so that the Romains were nere hand oppressed ther­with,Betaui. bycause they came so thick in their faces, till at length Agricola caused three cohorts of Holā ­ders, & two of Lukeners to preasse forwarde, and ioyne with them at hand strokes,Congri. so as the matter 10 might come to be tried with the edge of the sword which thing as to them (being enured with yt kind of fight, stood greatly with their aduantage, so to the Brytaynes it was verie daungerous, that were to defende themselues with their mightie huge swordes and small bucklers.

Also by reason their swordes were brode at the endes, and poyntlesse, they auayled little to hurt the armed enimie. Whervpon when the Hollan­ders came to ioyne with them, they made foule 20 worke in sleaing and wounding them in right horrible wise.

The horsmen also that made resistaunce, they pulled from their horses, and began to climbe the hill vpon the Britains.Holanders. The other bands desirous to match their fellowes in helping to atchieue the victorie, folowed the Hollanders, and beat downe the Britains where they might approch to them: many were ouerrun & left half dead, and some not once touched with any weapon, were likewise o­uerpressed, 30 such hast the Romains made to folow vpon the Brytains. Whilest the British horsmē fled, their Charets ioyned themselues with theyr footmē and restoring the battel▪ put the Romains in such feare, that they were at a sodain stay: but the charets being troubled with prease of enimies, and vneuennesse of the grounde, they coulde not work their feat to any purpose. Neither had that fight any resemblance of a battel of horsmen, whē eche one so encōbred other, yt they had no rowmth 40 to stu [...] themselues: The charets oftentimes wan­ting their guiders, were caried awaye with the horses, that being put in feare with the noise and stur, can hither & thither, bearing downe one an othe [...] and whomsoeuer else they mēt with.

The Brytains now that kept the toppe of the hilles and had not yet fought at all, despising the sma [...] number of the Romaines began to come downwardes & to cast about, that they might set vpō the backs of their enimies, in hope so to make 50 an end of the battell, and to win the victorie: but Agricola doubting no lesse, but that some suche thing would come to passe, had afore hande fore­seene the daunger, & hauing reserued foure wings of horsemen for such sodaine chaunces, sent them forth agaynst those Brytaines, the which horse­men with full randon, charging vpon thē as they rashly came forwards, quickly disordred them & put thē all to [...]ight, and so that purposed deuise & policie of the Brytains turned to their owne hin­derance. For their horsmen by their captains ap­poyntment trauersing ouerthwart by the fronts of them that fought, set vpon that battaile of the Brytaynes which they found before them. Then in those open and plain places a grieuous & hea [...] sight it was to behold, how they pursued, woūded and toke their enimies: & as they were aduised of other to slea those that they had before takē, to the ende they might ouertake the other, there was no­thing but fleeing, taking & chasing, slaughter, spil­ling of blood, scattring of weapōs, grūting, & gro­ning of mē & horses yt lay on the ground, gasping for breath, and readie to die. The Brytains now and then as they sawe their aduantage, namely when they approched neare to the woods, gath [...] ­red thēselues togither, and set vpon the Romains as they followed vnaduisedly, & further (through ignorance of the places) than stood with their sure­tie, insomuch that if Agricola has not prouided remedie, & sent forth mightie bands of light armed men both on foote & horsebacke to close in the eni­mies, & also to beat the woods, some greater losse would haue followed through too much boldnes [...] of them, that too rashly pursued vpon the Bry­tains: who when they beheld the Romains thus to follow them in whole troupes and good order of battail, they slipt away & tooke them to flight, ech one seeking to saue himselfe, and kept not to­gither in plumpes as before they had done:

The night made an end of the chase which the Romains had followed till they were throughly awearied.

There were slain of the Britains that day ten M. & of the Romains .140.Ten the [...] Brytains [...]. among whom Aulus Atticus, a captain of one of the cohorts or bande [...] of footmen was one,Aulus Atticus slaine. who being mounted on hors­back, (through his own too much youthfull cou­rage, & fierce vnrulinesse of his horse) was caryed into ye middle throng of his enimies, & there slain.

The night ensuing, the Romains passed with great ioy and gladnesse for the victorie atchieued. But among the Brytaines there was nothing heard but mourning and lamentation,Brytaynes [...] Scots neither yet Pictes. both of men & women that were mingled togither, some dus [...]e to beare away the wounded, to binde, and dre [...]e their hurtes, other calling for their sonnes, kin [...]folks and friends that were wanting. Many of them forsooke theyr houses, and in their des [...] ­ [...]ate m [...]de set them on fire, and [...] forth [...] their [...] refuge and safegarde, forth­with [...] of the same left them and sought others: [...] with diuerse of them [...]ooke counsell to­gither what they were best to doe, one [...] they were in hope, an other [...] they [...], as people cast into vtter dispayre: the beholding of theyr wyues and children, oftentymes moued [Page 73] them to attempte some newe enterprise for the preseruation of theyr countrey and liberties. And certayne it is that some of them slew their wiues and children, as moued thereto with a certayne fonde regard of pitie to ridde them out of further miserie and daunger of thraldome.

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10 20

The nexte daye the certayntie of the victory more playnely was disclosed, for all was quiet about, and no noyse heard any where: the houses appeared brenning on each side, and such as were sente foorthe to discouer the countrey into euery part thereof, sawe not a creature sturring, for all the people were auoyded and withdrawen a farre off. 30

But nowe of this battell, and other the do­ings of Agricola, in the Scottishe Chronicle ye may fynde more at large set foorthe: for that which I haue written heere, is but to shew what in effect Cornelius Tacitus writeth of yt whiche Agricola dyd heere in Britayne, withoute ma­king mention eyther of Scottes or Pictes, onely naming them Britaynes, Hor [...]stians, and Cali­donians, whiche inhabited, in those dayes parte of this Ile which now we call Scotland. 40

After that Agricola hadde thus ouerthrowen hys enimies in [...]pight fielde at the mountayne of Granzeben, and that the coun [...]ey was quite ridde of all appearaunce of enimies: bycause the sommer of this eyght yeere of his gouernemente was nowe almost spente, [...]ctor. Bo. he broughte hys army into the confynes of the Horrestians, whyche in­habited the countreyes nowe cle [...]ed Angus and Merne, [...]. Tacitus. and there intended to Winter, and tooke hostages of the people for assurance of theyr loy­altie 50 and subiection.

This done, he appoynted the Admirall of the nauie to sayle about the Isle, whiche according­ly to his commission in that poynte receyued, luckily accomplished his enterprise, [...]hauen cal­ [...] Trutulen­ [...] peraduen­ [...] Rutu­ [...]sis. and brought the nauie about agayne into an hauen, called Trutulensis.

In this meane time, whilest Iulius Agrico­la was thus occupyed in Britayne, both the Emperoure Vespasian, and also his brother [...] thus succeeded hym, departed this life, [...] Domisian was elected Emperoure, the [...] hearing of suche prosperous [...] succ [...]sse as Agric [...]la had against the Britaynes, [...] so [...] for the thing well done, as he [...] to cō ­sider what glory and renowne shoulde redounde to Agricola thereby, whiche hee perceyued should muche darken the glosse of hys [...], hauyng a priuate person vnder him, who in worthynesse▪ of noble exploytes atchieued, farre excelled hys doyngs.

To fynde remedie herefor therefore, he thought not good to vtter hys malice as yet whylst A­gricola remayned in Britayne, with on [...], whych so muche fauoured him, and that [...] good cause, sith by his policie and noble conduit, the same hadde obteyned so many victories, so much honor, and such plentie [...] and [...] ­ties. Wherevppon to dissemb [...] [...], ap­poynted to reuoke him foorth [...], of Britaine, [...]s it were to honor hym, not only with reserued try­umphes, but also with the Lieutenantshippe of Syria, which as then was voyde by the death of Atilius Rufus.

Thus Agricola being conte [...]a [...]nded [...] to Rome▪ desyu [...]ed his prouin [...] vnto his [...] ­cessor Cneus, Trebellius,Cneus Tre­bellius alias Salustius Lucullus as some thinke. appointed thereto by the Emperour Domitianus, in good quiet and sauegarde.

Thus may you see in what state Britayne stoode in the dayes of King Marius, of whome yet Tacitus maketh no mention at all. Some haue written, that the City of Chester was buil­ded by this Matius, though other as before I haue sayde,Fabian. thinke rather that it was the worke of Ostorius Scapula their Legate.

Coyllus.

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COilus the Sonne of [...] after his fathers deceasse made Kyng of Britayn,Coyllus. [...]n the yere of our Lord .125.

This Coyllus or Coyll was broughte vp [...]n his youth amongst the Romaynes at Rome,125 where hee spente hys tyme not vnprofitably, [Page 74] but applyed hymselfe to learning and seruice in the warres, by reason whereof, hee was muche honored of the Romaynes▪ and he likewise hono­red and loued them, so that hee payed his tribute truly all the tyme of hys raigne, and therefore ly­ued in peace and good quiet. He was also a Prince of muche bountie, and very liberall, whereby hee obteyned great loue both of his nobles and com­mons.Colchester builte. Some saye, that hee made the Towne of Colchester in Essex, but other write, that Coyll 10 whych reigned next after Asclepeodotus was the first, founder of that Towne, but by other it shuld seeme to be built long before, being called Cama­lodimum. Finally, when thys Coyll had raig­ned the space of .54. yeares, hee departed this lyfe at Yorke, leauing after him a sonne named Lu­cius, which succeeded in the Kingdome.

Lucius.

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LVcius the 20 son of Coi­lus,Lucius. whose sur­name (as sayth William Har­rison) is not ex­tant, began his raygne▪ ouer ye Britaynes a­bout the yeare of oure Lorde 30 .180. as Fabian following the authoritie of Pee­ter Pictaniensis hathe, although other writers seeme to disagree in that accompt, as by the same Fabian in the table before his Booke partly ap­peareth, whereto Mathaeus VVest monasteriensi: af­firmeth, that this Lucius was borne in the yeare of our Lord .5. and was Crowned King in the yeare .124. as successor to his father Coilus, which dyed the same ye [...]re, being of great age ere the said Lucius was borne. William Harrison in the se­cond 40 part of his chronologie noteth his entraunce to be in the .1 [...]2. of the world .916. after the buyl­ding of Rome .220. after the comming of Cesar into Britayne, and .165. after Christ,165 whose ac­comptes I followe (as before is sayde) in this treatise.

This Lucius is highly renowmed of the wri­ters, for that hee was the firste King of the Bri­taynes that receyued the faith of Iesus Christ: for being inspired by the spirit of grace and truth euē from the beginning of hys raigne, he somewhat l [...]ned to the fauoring of Christian Religion, being moued with the manifest miracles whyche the Christians dayly wroughte in witnesse and proofe of their sound and perfect doctrine: for euen from the dayes of Ioseph of Aramathia and hys fellowes, or what other godly men first taughte the Britaynes the Gospell of our Sauiour, there remayned amongst the same Britaynes some Christians which ceassed not to teach & Preache the word of God most sincerely vnto them: but yet no king amongst them openly professed that Religion, till at length this Lucius perceyuyng not only some of the Romayne Lieutenantes in Britayne as Trebellius and Pertinax, with o­ther, to haue submitted themselues to that pro­fession, but also the Emperour himselfe to begin to be fauorable to them that professed it, hee tooke occasiō by their good ensample to giue care more attentiuely to the Gospell, and at length sent vn­to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome, two learned men of the Brittish nation, Eluane and Med­uin, requiring him to sende some suche ministers as might instruct him and his people in the true faith more plentifully, and to baptise them accor­ding to the rules of the Christian Religion.

Herevpon were sent from the sayd Eleuthe­rius two godly learned mē, ye one named Fuga­trus and ye other Damianus, the which baptised the King with all his family and people. And

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[Page 75] therewith remoued the worshipping of Idolles and false Gods, [...]ayne re­ [...]eth the [...]. and taught the right meane and way howe to worshippe the true and immortall God. There were in those dayes within the boundes of Britayne .28. Flamynes, and three Archflamynes, which were as Bishops & Arch­bishops, or superintendentes of the Pagane or Heathen religion, in whose place (they being re­moued) were instituted .28. Bishops and three Archbishops of the Christian Religion. One of 10 the which Archbishops held his see at London, a­nother at Yorke, and the third at Caerleion, Ar­wiske in Glamorgan shire. [...]ath. VVest. To the Archbishop of London was subiect Cornewall, and all the middle part of England, euen vnto Humber. To the Archbishop of Yorke all the North partes of Britayne from the Riuer of Humber vnto the furthest partes of Scotlande: and to the Archbi­shop of Caerleon was subiect all Wales, within whiche countrey as then were seuen Bishops, 20 where nowe there are but foure. The Riuer of Seuerne in those dayes deuided Wales (then cal­led Cambria) from the other partes of Britayne. Thus Britayne partly by the meanes of Io­seph of Aramathia (of whome ye haue hearde be­fore) and partly by the wholesome instructions & doctrine of Fugatius and Damianus, [...]sephus of [...]amathia. was the first of all other regions that openly receyued the Gospell, and continued most stedfastly in yt pro­fession, till the cruell furie of Diocletian persecu­ted 30 the same in suche sorte, that as well in Bri­tayne as in all other places of ye world, the Chri­stian religion was in manner extinguished, and vtterly destroyed.

[...]olidor. [...]estminster [...]hurch built.Ther be that affirme, how this Lucius should build the Church of Saint Peter at Westmin­ster, though many attribute that acte vnto Si­bert King of the East Saxons, and write, howe the place was then ouergrowen with thornes & bushes, and thereof tooke the name, and was cal­led 40 Thorney. They adde moreouer (as Harrison sayeth) howe Thomas Archbishop of London preached, redde, and ministred the Sacraments there to such as made resorte vnto him. Howbeit by the tables hanging in the reuestry of Sainte Paules at London, and also a table sometyme hanging in Saint Peters Church in Cornehill, it shoulde seeme, that the sayd Church of Saint Peter in Cornehill was the same that Lucius builded. But herein (sayth Harrison anno mundi 50 4174) doth lie a scruple, sure Cornell might soone be mistaken for Thorney, especially in such olde recordes, as time, age, euill handling, hath often­times defaced. But howsoeuer this case stādeth, troth it is, that Lucius reioycing muche in that he had brought his people to the perfect light and vnderstanding of the true God, that they needed not to bee deceyued any longer with the craftie temptations and feigned miracles of wicked spi­rites, he abolished all prophane worshippings of false Gods, and conuerted suche Temples as had bin dedicated to their seruice, vnto the vse of the Christian Religiō: and thus studying only how to aduance the glory of the immortall God, and the knowledge of his worde, without seeking the vayne glory of worldly triumph whiche is gote with slaughter and bloudshed of many a giltlesse person, hee lefte his kingdome (though not enlar­ged with broder dominion than hee receyued it,) yet greatly augmented and enriched with quiet rest, good ordinances, and (that which is more to be esteemed than all the rest) adorned with Chri­stes religion, and perfectly instructed with hys most holy worde and doctrine. He raigned as some write .21. yeares,Polidor. Fabian. Iohn. Hard. though as other affirme but twelue yeares. Agayne, some testifie that he raigned .77. other say .54. & Harrison .43. More­ouer, heere is to bee noted, that if he procured the faith of Christ to be planted within his Realme in the time of Eleutherius the Romayne Bi­shop, the same chanced in the dayes of the Em­perour Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. And about the time that Lucius Aurelius Commodus was ioyned & made partaker of the Empire wt his fa­ther, which was seuen yeres after ye death of Lu­cius Aelius Aurelius Verus, and in the .177. af­ter the birth of our Sauiour Iesus Christ, as by Harrisons chronologie is easie to bee collected. For Eleutherius beganne to gouerne the sea of Rome in the yeare .169. according to the opinion of ye most diligent chronogrophers of our time, & gouerned fifteene yeeres and thirteene days. And yet there are that affirme, howe Lucius dyed at Glowcester in the yeare of our Lorde .156.Galfridus. Mat. VVest. other say that he dyed in the yeare .201. and other .208. So that the troth of this historie is broughte into doubt by the discorde of writers, concerning the time and other circumstances, although they all agree that in this kings days the Christian faith was first by publique consent openly receyued & professed in this lande, whiche as some affirme, should chance in the twelfth yeare of his raigne,Polidor. and in the yeare of our Lord .177. Other iudge, that it came to passe in the eyght yeare of his re­giment, and in the yeare of our Lord .188. where other (as before is sayd) alledge that it was in the yeare .179. Nauclerus sayth, that this happened about the yeare of our Lord .156.Nauclerus Henricus de Herford. And Henricus de Erphordia supposeth, that it was in the yeare of our Lorde .169. and in the nineteenth yeare of the Emperour Marcus Antonius Verus: & af­ter other, about the sixth yeare of the Emperoure Comodus. But to proceede: King Lucius dyed without issue, by reason whereof, after his decesse the Britaynes fell at variance,Fabian. whiche continued about the space of fiftene yeares (as Fabian thin­keth▪) [Page 76] howbeit, the olde englishe Chronicle affir­meth,Caxton. Iohn. Hard. that the contention betwixte them remai­ned .50. yeares, though Harding affirmeth but 4. yeares. And thus much of the Britaynes, and their kings Coylus and Lucius. Now it resteth to speake somewhat of the Romaynes whyche gouerned here in the meane while. After that A­gricola was called backe to Rome, the Britaines (& namely those that inhabited beyond Twede) partly being weakened of their former strength, 10 and partly in consideration of their pledges, whi­che they had deliuered to the Romaynes, remay­ned in peace certayne yeres.

Cn Trebelli­us Lieutenāt.

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IN the meane time, the Romayne Lieu­tenant Cn. Trebellius that succeded Iulius Agricola, hee coulde not foresee all things so precisely, but that ye 20 souldiers waxing vn­ruly by reason of long rest, fell at variance a­mongst themselues, & would not in the ende obey the Lieutenante, but disquieted the Britanes beyond measure. Wher­fore the Britaynes perceyuing themselues sore oppressed with intollerable bondage, & that dayly the same increased, they conspire togither, vppon hope to recouer libertie, and to defende their coū ­trey 30 by all meanes possible, and heerewith they take weapon in hand against the Romaines, and boldly assaile them: but this they did yet warely, and so, that they might flee vnto the Wooddes & bogges for refuge vpon necessitie, according to the manner of their countrey. Herevpon diuers slaughters were committed on both parties, and all the countrey was now ready to rebell: where­of, when the Emperour Adrian was aduertised from Trebellius the Lieutenant, with all conue­nient 40 speede he passed ouer into Britayne, & quie­ted all the Isle, vsing great humanitie towardes the inhabitants, and making small accompte of that part where the Scottes nowe inhabite, ey­ther bycause of the barrennesse thereof, or for that by reason of the nature of the coūtrey he thoughte it would be hard to be kept vnder subiection, hee deuised to deuide it from the residue of Britayne, and so caused a wall to be made from the mouth of Tyne vnto the water of Eske,The wall of Adrian built. Spartianus. whyche wall 50 conteyned in length .xxx. mile.

After this, the Britaynes bearing a malici­ous hatred towards the Romayne Souldiers, & repyning to be kepte vnder the bond of seruitude, eftsoones goe aboute to recouer libertie againe. Whereof aduertisement being giuen, the Empe­rour Pius Antonius sendeth ouer Lollius Vr­bicus as Lieutenant into Britaine,Lollius Vrbi­cus Lieutenāt who by sun­dry battayles stryken, constreyned the Britaines to remaine in quiet, and causing those that inha­bited in the North partes to remoue further off from the confines of the Romaine prouince,Iulius [...] An other [...] built. rey­sed another wall beyond that whiche the Empe­rour Adrian had made, as is to be supposed, for ye more suretie of the Romayne subiectes agaynste the inuasion of the enimies. But yet Lollius dyd not so make an end of the war, but that the Bri­taynes shortly after attempted of newe, eyther to reduce their state into libertie, or to bring the same into further daunger.

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WHerevpō Mar­cus Antonius that succeeded Pius,Iulius C [...]tolinus. Of the [...] of this Cal­phurnius [...] Britaynes may [...] more in [...] Scotti [...]h [...]. sendeth Calphurnius Agricola to succeede Lollius in the gouerne­mente of Britayne, the which easily ouercame and subdued all his eni­mies. After this, there chanced some trouble in the dayes of the Emperoure Commodus the sonne of Marcus Antonius and his successor in the Empire: for the Britaynes yt dwelled North wardes beyond Adrians wall, brake through the same, and spoyled a great part of the countrey, a­gainst whom the Romayne Lieutenant for that time beeing come foorthe, gaue them battell:Dion [...] but both he and the Romayne Souldiers that were with him, were beaten downe and slayne.

With whiche newes Commodus being sore amased,Vlpius Mar­cellus Lieu [...]naunte. sent against the Britaynes one Vlpius Marcellus, a man of great diligence & temperan­cy, but therwith rough & nothing gentle. He vsed the same kinde of diet that the common souldiers did vse. He was a Captayne much watchfull, as one contented with very little sleepe, & desirous to haue his souldiers also vigilante and carefull to keepe sure watch in the night season. Euery eue­ning hee would write twelue tables, such as they vsed to make of ye linde tree, & deliuering them to one of his seruants, appointed him to beare them at seueral houres of ye night to sundry souldiers, wherby supposing that their Generall was styll watching and not gone to bed, they might be in doubt to sleepe. And although of nature he could wel absteyne from sleepe, yet to be the better able to forbeare it, he vsed a maruellous spare kinde of dyet: for to the end yt he would not fil hymselfe too much with bread, he woulde eate none but suche as was brought to him frō Rome, so that more than necessitie compelled him, he could not eate, by reason that the stalnesse toke away ye pleasant tast therof, & lesse prouoked his appetite. He was a maruellous cōtēner of money, so yt bribes might not moue him to do otherwise thā dutie required.

[Page 77]Thus Marcellus beeing of such disposition, sore afflicted the Britaynes, and put them often­times to greate losses, through fame whereof, Commodus enuying his renoune, was after in minde to haue made him away, but yet spared him for a further purpose, and suffered hym to de­parte.

After he was remoued from the gouernement of Britayne, [...]rhennis [...]ptayne [...] the Empe­ [...]rs garde. one Perhennis Captayne of the Emperours garde (or Pretorian Souldiers, as 10 they were then called) bearing all the rule vnder the Emperour Commodus, appoynted certaine Gentlemen of meane calling to gouerne the ar­my in Britaine. The Souldiers therefore in the same army repining to be gouerned by menne of base degree, [...]elius Lam­ [...]dius. in respect of those that had borne rule ouer them before, being honorable personages, as Senators, and of the consuler dignitie, they fel at square among themselues, and about fifteene hū ­dred of them departed towardes Rome to exhi­bite 20 their complaynte againste Perhennis: for whatsoeuer was amisse, the blame was still layd to him. They passed foorthe withoute impeach­mente at all, and comming to Rome, the Em­perour himselfe came foorth to vnderstande what they meant by this their comming in suche sorte from the place where they were appoynted to serue. Their aunswer was, that they were come to informe him of the treason which Perhennis had deuised to his destruction, that hee mighte 30 make his sonne Emperoure. To the whiche ac­cusation, when Commodus too lightly gaue eare, and beleeued it to be true, namely, through the setting on of one Cleander, who hated Per­hennis, for that he brid led hym from doyng dy­uers vnlawfull actes, which he went about vpon a wilfull minde, (without all reason or modestie) to practise: The matter was so handled in the ende, that Perhennis was deliuered to the Soul­diers, who cruelly mangled him, and presently put him to death.

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BVt nowe to the tu­multes in Britayne.Pertinax Lief­tenant of Britayne. It was thought nedeful to sende some sufficiente Captayne of authoritie thither, & therefore was one Pertinax that hadde bin Consul and ruler o­uer foure seuerall consu­ler prouinces, appointed by Commodus, to goe as Lieutenāt into that Ile, both for that he was thought a mā most meete for such a charge, and also to satifie his credite, for that hee had bin dis­charged by Perhennis of bearing any rule, & sent home into Liguri [...] where hee was borne, & there appoynted to remayne.

This Pertinax comming into Britayne, pa­cifyed the army,The Lieute­nant in dan­ger. but not without danger to haue bin slayne by a mutinie reysed by one of the Le­gions: for he was striken downe, and left for dead

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among the slayne carcasses. But he worthily re­uenged 50 himselfe of this iniurie. At length, hauing chastised the Rebels, and broughte the Ile into meetely good quiet, hee sued and obteyned to bee discharged of that roomth, bicause as he alledged, the Souldiers could not brooke him, for that hee kept them in dutifull obedience, by corrrectyng such as offended the lawes of Armes.

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THen was Clodius Albinus appoynted to haue the rule of the Romayn army in Bri­tayne:Clodius Albi­nus Lieutenāt. whose destruction whē Seuerus the Em­peroure sought, Albinus esteemed it quickly: and therefore choosing foorth a greate power of Bri­taynes, passed with the [Page 78] same ouer into Fraunce to encounter with Se­uerus, who was come thither towards him, so that neere to the Citie of Lions, they ioyned in battell & fought right sore, in so much that Seue­rus was at poynt to haue receyued ye ouerthrow by the high prowesse and manhoode of the Bri­taynes: but yet in the ende, Albinus lost ye fielde, & was slayne. Then Heraclitus as Lieutenant began to gouerne Britayne (as writeth Sparci­anus) being sent thither by Seuerus for that pur­pose 10 before. And such was the state of this Isle a­bout the yere of our Lord .195. In which season, bycause that King Lucius was dead, and hadde left no issue to succeede him, the Britaynes (as before ye haue heard) were at variance amongst themselues, and so continued till the commyng of Seuerus, whom the British Chronographers affirme to raigne as King in this Isle, and that by righte of succession in bloud, as discended of Androgeus the Britaine, which went to Rome 20 with Iulius Cesar, as before ye haue heard.

Seuerus.

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THis Seue­rus as they Emperoure of Rome,Seuer [...] began to rule this Ile (as authors af­firme) in ye yere of oure Lorde 207. & gouer­ned the same [...] 4. yeres & odde moneths. At length, hearing that one Fulgētius as then a leader of the Pictes was entred into the bordures of his countrey on this syde Dur­ham, he raysed an host of Britaynes & Romans, with the which he marched towards his enimies: and meeting with the said Fulgentius in a place neere vnto Yorke, in the ende after sore fighte, Seuerus was slayne, when he hadde ruled thys

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land for the space almost of fiue yeeres as before is sayd, and was after buried at Yorke, leauyng behinde him two sonnes, the one named Geta, & the other Bassianus. This Bassianus beeyng borne of a Brittish woman, succeeded his father in the gouernemente of Britayne, in the yeare of the incarnation of our Lord .211.211 The Romanes would haue had Geta created King of Britaine, 40 bearing more fauoure to him bycause he hadde a Romane Lady to his mother: but the Britaines moued with the like respect, helde with Bassia­nus. And therevpon warre was raysed betwixte the two brethren, & comming to trie their quar­rell by battell, Geta was slayne, and Bassianus with ayde of the Britaynes, remayned victor, & so continued Kyng, till at length he was slayne by one Carausius a Britaine, borne but of lowe birth, howbeit right valiant in armes, and there­fore 50 well esteemed: In somuch that obteynyng of the Senate of Rome the keeping of the coasts of Britayne, that he might defend the same from the malice of straungers as Pictes and other, he drew to him a great number of Souldiers & spe­cially of Britaines, to whome hee promised that if they would make him king, hee would cleerely deliuer them from the oppression of the Romaine seruitude. Wherevpon the Britaynes rebellyng against Bassianus, ioined themselues to Carau­sius, who by their support, vanquished and slewe the sayd Bassianus, after he had raigned sixe, or as some affirme .xxx. yeares.

Thus farre out of the Englishe and Brittishe writers, the whiche howe farre they vary from a likelyhood of troth, yee shall heare what the ye ap­prooued historiographers, Greekes, and Latines, [...]. writing of these matters, haue recorded.

The Emperour Seuerus receiuing aduertise­ment from the Lieutenant of Britayne that the people there moued Rebellion, and wasted the countrey with roades & forrayes, so that it was needefull to haue the prince himselfe to come thi­ther with a greate power to resist ye enimies, he of an ambitious mind reioyced not a little for those newes, bycause hee sawe occasion offered to ad­uāce his renoume and fame with increase of new victories nowe in the West, after so many tri­umphes purchased & got by him in the East and North partes of the world. Herevpon though he was of great age, yet the desire that he had stil to winne honor, caused him to take in hand to make a iourney into this land, and so being furnished of al things necessary, he set forwards, being carried [Page 79] for the more part in a litter for his more ease: for yt beside his feeblenesse of age, he was also troubled with ye goute. [...]onius and [...]. He toke with him his two sonnes, Antonius Bassianus and Geta, vpon purpose as was thought, to auoyde occasions of suche incō ­uenience as he perceyued might grow by discord, moued betwixte thē through flatterers and ma­licious sycophants whiche soughte to set them at variance: whiche to bring to passe, he perceyued there should want no meane whilest they conti­nued 10 in Rome, amid such pleasures and idle pa­stimes as were dayly there frequented: and ther­fore he caused them to attend him in this iour­ney into Britayne, that they mighte learne to liue soberly, and after the manner of menne of warre.

[...]e Emperor [...]erus arri­ [...] in Bri­ [...]y [...]ne.Seuerus being thus on his iourney towardes Britayne, stayed not by the way, but with all diligence spedde him foorthe, and passing the Sea 20 very swiftly, entred this Isle, and assembled a mightie power togither, meaning to assayle hys enimies, and to pursue the warre againste them to the vttermost. The Britaynes greatly ama­sed with this sodayne arriuall of the Emperoure, and hearing that such preparation was made a­gainst them, sent Ambassadors to him to intreat of peace, & to excuse their rebellious doings. But Seuerus delaying time for aunswere, as he that was desirous to atchieue some high enterprise a­gainst the Britaines, for the which he might de­serue 30 ye surname of Britannicus, which he great­ly coueted, still was busie to prepare all thyngs necessary for the warre, and namely, caused a great number of bridges to bee made to lay ouer the bogges and marishes, so that his souldiers might haue place to stand vppon, and not to bee encōbred for lacke of firme groūd whē they shuld cope with their enimies: [...]erodianus. for the more parte of Britaine in those dayes (as Herodianus writeth) was full of fennes, and marres grounds, by rea­son 40 of the often flowings and washing of the sea tides: by the whiche marres grounds the enimies being therto accustomed, wold runne & swimme in the waters, [...]e meaneth the North [...]itaynes or [...]age Bri­ [...]ynes as wee [...]y call them and wade vp to the middle at their pleasure, going for the more parte naked, so that they passed not on the mudde and myres, for they knewe not the vse of wearing clothes, but ware hoopes of Iron about their middles and neckes, esteeming the same as an ornamente and token 50 of riches, as other barbarous people did golde.

Moreouer, they marked, or (as it were) payn­ted their bodies in diuers sortes and with sundry shapes and figures of beastes and foules, & there­fore they vsed not to weare any garmentes, that suche paynting of their bodyes mighte the more appearantly be seene, which they estemed a great brauerie.

They were as the same Herodianus wri­teth, a people giuen muche to the warre, and de­lighted in slaughter and bloudshed, vsing none o­ther weapons or armure but a slender buckler, a Iaueline,The furniture of the sauage Britaynes. and a sworde tyed to their naked bo­dyes: for as for headpeece or Habergeon, they e­steemed not, bicause they thought the same shuld be an hinderance to them when they should passe ouer any marres, or be driuen to swimme anye waters, or flee to the bogges.

Moreouer, to suffer hunger, colde, and trauell, they were so vsed and enured therwith, that they would not passe to lie in the bogges and myres coueted vp to the chynne, withoute caring for meate for the space of diuers dayes togither: and in the wooddes they woulde liue vpon rootes and barkes of trees. Also they vsed to prepare for thē ­selues a certayne kynde of meate, of the whiche if they receyued but so muche as amounted to the quantitie of a beane, they would thinke them selues satisfyed, and feele neyther hunger nor thirst.

The one halfe of the Ile or little lesse was subiect vnto the Romaynes, the other were go­uerned of themselues, the people for the most part hauing the rule in their handes.

Seuerus therefore meaning to subdue the whole, and vnderstandyng theyr nature, and the manner of their making warre, prouided him selfe of all things expedient for the annoyance of them and help of his own souldiers, and appoin­ting his sonne Geta to remayne in that parte of the Isle which was subiect to the Romaynes, he tooke with him his other sonne Antoninus, and with his army marched foorthe, and entred into the confynes of the enimies, and there beganne to wast and forrey the countrey, whereby there ensued diuers conflictes and skirmishes betwixte the Romaynes and the inhabitantes, the victory still remayning with the Romaynes side: but the enimies easily escaped withoute any greate losse, vnto the wooddes, Mountaynes, bogges, and such other places of refuge, as they knew to be at hand, whither the Romaynes durst not followe, nor once approche, for feare to bee entrapped and enclosed by the Britaynes that were ready to returne and assayle their enimies vppon e­uery occasion of aduauntage that myghte bee offered.

This manner of dealing sore troubled the Romaynes, and so hindred them in their pro­cedings,Dion Cassius. that no speedy ende coulde bee made of that war: the Britaynes woulde oftentimes of purpose lay their Cattell, as Oxen, Kyne, Sheepe, and suche like, in places conueniente, to bee as a stale to the Romaynes, and when the Romaynes shoulde make to them to fetche the same away, being distant from the residue of the army a good space, they would fall vpō them [Page 80] and distresse them. Beside this, the Romaynes were muche anoyed with the vnwhole somnesse of the waters whiche they were forced to drinke, and if they chanced to stray abrode, they were snapped vp by ambushes which the Calidonians layde for them, and when they were so feeble that they could not through wante of strength keepe pace with their fellowes as they marched in or­der of battell, they were slayne by their owne fel­lowes, least they should be left behinde for a pray 10 to the enimies. Hereby there died in this iourney of the Romaine army, at the point of fiftie thou­sand men: but yet woulde not Seuerus returned till he had gone through the whole Isle, and [...]o came to the vttermost partes of all the Countrey now called Scotland, and finally came backe a­gayne to the other parte of the Isle subiect to the Romaynes, the inhabitantes whereof, named by Dion Cassius Meatae: but first he cōstreyned the other whome the same Dion nameth Caledonij, to conclude a league with him, with such condi­tions as they were compelled to departe with no small portion of the countrey, and to deliuer vnto him their armour and weapons.

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In the meane time, the Emperoure Seuerus being worne with age fell sicke, so that hee was constreyned to abide at home within that part of the Ile which obeyed ye Romans, and to appoint his son Antoninus to take charge of the army a­brode. But Antoninus not regarding ye enimies, attempted little or nothing againste them, but soughte wayes howe to winne the fauoure of the souldiers and men of war, that after his fathers 40 death (for which he dayly looked) he mighte haue their aide & assistance to be admitted Emperoure in his place. Nowe when hee saw that his Father bare out his sicknesse longer time than he would haue wished, he practised with Phisitions and o­ther of his fathers seruaunts to dispatche him by one meane or other.

Whilest Antoninus thus negligētly looked to his charge, the Britaynes began a new Rebelli­on, not only those yt were lately ioyned in league 50 with the Emperoure, but the other also whiche were subiects to the Romane Empire. Seuerus tooke suche displeasure, that he called togither the Souldiers, and commaunded them to inuade the countrey, and to kill al such as they might meete with in any place withoute respect, and that hys cruell commaundement he expressed in these ver­ses taken out of Homer.

Nemo manus fugiat vestros, caedem (que) cruentam,
Iliadu [...]
Non foetus grauida mater quem gessit in aluo,
Horrendam effugiat caedem.
Let none escape your bloudy handes,
nor diresome slaughter flie,
No not the babe vnborne, which in
the mothers wombe doth lie.

But whilest he is thus disquieted with ye Re­bellion of the Britaynes, & the disloyall practises of his son Antoninus, which to him were not vn­knowen. For the wicked sonne had by diuers at­tempts discouered his trayterous and vnnatural meanings. At lēgth, rather through sorrow and griefe, than by force of sicknesse, he wasted away, [...] Dion Ca [...] & departed this life at Yorke the third day before ye Nones of February, after he had gouerned the Empire by the space of .17. yeeres .8. moneths & . [...]. days. He liued .65. yeres .9. moneths & .17. days: he was borne the third Ides of April by that which before is recited out of Herodyan & Dion Cassi­us of ye maners & vsages of those people, agaynst whome Seuerus helde war heere in Britayne: it may be coniectured, yt they were the Pictes, the whiche possessed in those dayes a greate parte of Scotland, and with continual incursiōs & rodes wasted & destroied ye bordures of those countreys [Page 81] which were subiect to the Romains. To kepe thē back therfore & to represse their inuasions Seue­rus (as some write) either restored ye former wall made by Adrian, [...]opius. [...]. or else newely buylt an o­ther ouerthwarte the yle from the east sea to the west, [...]. Cassius. conteining in length .232. miles. This wall was not made of stone, but of turfe & earth sup­ported with stakes & pyles of wood, [...]. and defended on the back with a deepe trenche or ditche, & also fortified with diuers toures & turrets buylt and 10 erected vpon ye same wall or rampire so nere to­gither, [...] Boetius that the soūd of trumpets being placed in the same, might be hearde betwixte, and so war­ning giuen from one to an other vpon the fyrste descrying of the enimies.

Seuerus being departed out of this life in the yere of our lord .211. [...]lidor. nus. [...]rodia 211. his son Antoninus otherwise called also Bassianus, wold fayn haue vsurped ye whole gouernment into his own hands, attemp­ting with bribes & large promises, to corrrupt the 20 mindes of the souldiors: but when he perceiued yt his purpose wold not forward as he wished in yt behalf, he concluded a league with the enimies, & making peace with thē, returned back towardes Yorke, and came to his mother & brother Geta, 30 with whom he took order for the burial of his fa­ther. And first his body being brent (as the maner was) the ashes were put into a vessel of gold, and so conueyed to Rome by the two brethren and the empresse Iulia, that was mother to Geta the yonger brother, & mother in law to the elder, An­toninus Bassianus, and by all meanes possible sought to mainteyn loue & concorde betwixt the brethren, which now at the first toke vpon them to rule the empire equally togither: but the am­bition of Bassianus was such, that finally vpon desire to haue the whole rule himselfe, he founde meanes to dispatche his brother Geta, breaking one day into his chāber, & slaying him euē in his mothers lap, & so possessed the gouernmēt alone, 40

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til at lēgth he was slain at Edessa a citie in Me­sopotamia by one of his own soldiors, as he was about to vntrusse his pointes to doe the of [...]e of nature, after he had reigned the space of .vj.Sextus Au­relius. yeares as is aforesayde.

Caraussius.

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CAraussius,Caraus­sius. a Bri­ton of vnknowen birth, as witnesseth the British histories, after he had vāquisht & slain Bassianus (as yt same histories make mētiō, was of the Britayne made kyng and ruler ouer them, in the yeare of ouer Lorde .218.218. Galfrid. as Galfr. hath: but W. Harrison noteth it to be in an .286. This Caraussius either to haue the ayd and support of the Picts,Polycron. Fabian. as in the British histo­rie is conteined, either else to be at quietnes with them, being not otherwise able to resist thē, g [...] to them the coūtreis in the south partes of Scot­lande, which ioyne to England in the cast in [...] ­ches, as M [...]rs, Louthian, and others.

But here is to be noted,Galfridus. that the British wri­ters affirme, that these Pictes yt were thus placed in the south parts of Scotland at this time, were brought ouer out of Scythia by Fulgentius, [...] him against Seuerus, & that after the death of Seuerus and Fulgentius, which both died of hurtes receyued in the bataile fought betwixt thē at Yorke: the Picts tooke part with Bassianus, & at length betrayed him in the battaile which he fought against this Caraussius: for he corrup­ting them by such practises as he vsed, they tur­ned to his side, to the ouerthrowe & [...] destruc­tion of Bassianus: for the which [...]raitre [...]s part they had those south countreys of Scotland gi­uen vnto them for their habitation. But by the Scottish writers it should appere, that those Pic­tes whiche ayded Fulgentius and also Caraus­sius, were the same that long before had inhabi­ted in the north parts of Britayne, nowe called Scotland. But whatsoeuer they were, trouth it it is (as the British histories record) that at lēgth one Alectus was sent from Rome by the [...]ate with .iij. legions of souldiors to subdue Caraus­sius, which he did, and slewe him in the fielde, as the same histories make m [...]tion after he had reig­ned the spare of .vij. or .viij. yeares: and in ye yeare of oure saluation .193.193. as William Harison ac­compteth.

Alectus.

ALectus in hauing vanquished and slayn Ca­raussius tooke vpon him the rule and gouern­ment of Britayn,Alectus in the yeare of our Lorde .293.Of vvhom our British histo­ries vvrite af­ter this maner. 293.

This Alectus when he had restored the lande to the subiection of the Romaynes, didde vse [Page 82] greate crueltie agaynst suche of the Britaynes, as hadde maynteined the parte of Caraussius, by reason whereof, he purchased muche euill will of the Britons the which at length conspired a­gaynst him, and purposing to chase the Romai­nes altogether out of their countrey, they procu­red one Asclepiodotus, whom (the Brytish chro­nicles name Duke of Cornewall) to take vpon him as chief capitaine of that enterprise. Wher­vpon the same Asclepiodotus assembling a great armie togither, made such sharpe warres on the Romains, that they being chased from place to place, at length withdrewe to the citie of Lon­don, and there held them til Asclepiodotus came thither, and prouoked Alectus and his Romains so muche, that in the end they issued foorth of the Citie, and gaue batayle to the Britons, in the whiche muche people on both partes were slayn,

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but the greatest number dyed on the Romaines syde: and amongest other, Alectus himself was slayne. The residue of the Romains that were lefte alyue, retired backe into the Citie with a captayn of theirs named Liuius Gallus, and de­fended themselues within the walles for a tyme right valiantly.

Thus was Alectus slayne of the Britons, af­ter he had reigned (as some suppose) aboute the terme of sixe yeres (or as some other write) three yeares.Fabian. Mat. VVest.

Asclepiodotus duke of Cornewall. 40

Ascle­piodotus Galfr. Mon. Mat. VVest.

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ASclepiodo­tus, Duke of Cornewall, began his reign ouer the Bri­tons in ye yeare of oure Lorde 232.

After he had vanquished the 50 Romaynes in battayle, as before is recited, he layd his siege a­bout the citie of London, and finally by knight­ly force entred the same, and slew the fornamed Liuius Gallus neere vnto a brooke, whiche in those dayes ranne through the citie, and threwe him into the same brooke: By reason whereof long after it was called Gallus or Wallus brooke. And at this presente the street where the same brooke did runne, is called Walbrooke.VValb [...]

Then after that Asclepiodotus had ouercome all his enimyes, hee helde this lande a certayne space in good rest and quiet, and ministred iustice vprightly, in rewarding the good, and punishing the euyll. Till at lengthe through slaunderous toungs of malicious persons, discorde was rey­sed betwixte the king and one Coyll or Coylus, that was gouernoure of Colchester: the occa­sion wherof appeareth not by writers.

But whatsoeuer the matter was, there en­sued such hatred betwixt thē, that on both partes great armies were raysed, [...] Mat. VVest. [...] and meetyng in the fielde, they fought a fore and myghtie battayle, in the whiche Asclepiodotus was slayn, after he had reigned .xxx. yeares.

Thus hath Geffrey of Monmouth, and our common Chroniclers written of Caraussius, [...]. Alectus, and Asclepiodotus, whyche gouerned her in Britayne.

But Eutropius that famous writer of the Romayne histories, in the Actes of Diocletian hath in effecte these wordes.

About the same tyme Caraussius, the whiche being borne of moste base ofspring, atteyned to highe honour and dignitie by order of renow­med Chiualrie and seruice in the warres, receiued charge at Bolein, to kepe the seas quiet alongst ye coasts of Britain, Frāce, and Flaunders, & other [Page 83] countreys thereaboutes, bycause the Frenche­men, whiche yet inhabited within the boundes of Germanye) and the Saxons sore troubled those seas. Caraussius taking oftentymes ma­ny of the enimies, [...]he couetous [...]ctising of [...]. neyther restored the goddes to them of the countreye from whom the enimies had bereft the same, nor yet sent any parte ther­of to the Emperours, but kept the whole to his owne vse. Whervpon when suspition rose, that he shoulde of purpose suffer the enimies to passe 10 by hym, tyll they had taken some pryses, that [...] their returne with the same, he myght encounter with them, and take that from them whyche they hadde gotten, (by whiche subtile practise he was thought greatly to haue enriched himselfe) Maximianus that was fellowe in gouernement of the Empire with Dioclesianus, remayning then in Gallia,Maximianus [...]rposeth to [...] Caraussius. and aduertised of these doinges, commaunded that Caraussius shoulde be slayn, but he hauing warning thereof rebelled, and v­surping 20 the imperiall ornamentes and title, got possession of Britayne, against whom (being a man of greate experience in all warlyke know­ledge) when warres had ben attempted and folo­wed in vayn,Polydore. at lengthe a peace was concluded with him, and so he enioyed the possession of Bri­tayn by the space of .vij. yeares,Eutropius. and then was slaine by his companion Alectus, the whiche af­ter him ruled Britayn for the space of .iij. yeares, and was in the end oppressed by the guyle of As­clepiodotus 30 gouernour of the Pretorie, (or as I may call him) lord Lieutenant of some precinct and iurisdiction perteyning to the Romayne em­pire. And so was Britayn recouered by the fore­said Asclepiodotus about .x. yeres after that Ca­raussius had first vsurped the gouernment there, and about the yere of our Lord .300.300. as Polydor iudgeth, wherin he varieth muche from Fabian and others.

But to shew what we fynde further written 40 of the subduing of Alectus, I think it not amisse to sette downe what Mamertinus in his Ora­tion written in prayse of Maximianus doth re­port of this matter:Mamertinus After he hath reckened vp di­uers noble victories by the sayde Maximianus atchieued, & sundry nations by his force subdued, he beginneth with Britayn in this wyse.

Now then all the compasse of the earth being recouered through your noble prowes, not one­ly so farre as the limittes of the Romayne em­pire 50 hadde before extended, but also the enimyes bordures being subdewed, when Almayne had ben so often vanquished, and Sarmatia so often restreyned and broughte vnder,Vitungi, Qua­di, Carpi, and people of Ger­manie & Po­lona. the people called Vitungi, Qua­di, Carpi, so often put to flighte, the Gothe submitting himselfe, ye king of Persia by offering giftes, suing for peace, one despiteful reproche of so myghtie an Empire and gouern­ment ouer the whole, [...] vs to the [...], as nowe at length wee will [...] to confesse, and to vs it seemed the more [...], by­cause it onely remayned to the accomplishing of your perfecte renomne and glorie: and verily not lyke as there is but one name of Britayne, so was the losse to be esteemed small to the comon wealth of a lande so plentyfull of corne, so abun­dant with store of pastures, so slowing wyth vaynes of mettall, so gaynefull with reuenues, rising of customes and tributes, so [...]nuironned with hauens, so huge in circuite, the which when Cesar, the founder of this your honourable title, being the first that entred into it, writte that he had founde an other worlde, supposing it to bee so bigge, that it was not compassed with the sea, but that rather by resemblaunce, the greate Ocean was compassed with it: and at that time Britayn was nothyng furnished with shippes of warre, and the Romains nowe after the warres of Carthage and Asia, had lately bene exercised by sea agaynst Pyrates, and afterwardes by rea­son of the warres agaynste Mithridates, were practised as well to fighte by sea as lande: be­syde thys the Britishe nation then alone was accustomed but onely to the Pictes and Irish­men, enimies halfe naked as yet,Picts and Irish men. and not vsed to weare armour, so that the Britons for lacke of skill, easylye gaue place to the Romayne puissaunce, in so muche that Cesar myght by that voyage onely glorye in this, that he had sayled and passed ouer the Ocean sea. But in thys wycked rebellious robberie, firste the na­uie that in tymes paste defended the coastes of Gallia was ledde awaye by the Pyrate, when he fled his wayes: and beside this, a great num­ber of other shyppes were buylt after the mould of oures, the Legion of Romayne Souldiours was wonne, and broughte to take parte with the ennimie, and dyuers bandes of straungers that were also Souldioures, were shutte vp in the Shippes to serue also agaynst vs. The mer­chauntes of the parties of Gallia were assem­bled and broughte togyther to the musters, and no small numbers of barbarous nations, procu­red to come in ayde of the Rebelles, trustyng to enryche themselues by the spoyle of the pro­uinces: and all these were trayned in the war­res by sea, thorough the instruction of the firste attemptours of this mischieuous practise. And althoughe oure armyes were inuincible in force and manhoode, yet were they rawe and not ac­stomed to the seas, so that the fame of a gree­uous and greate trouble by warre that was to­warde by this shamefull rebellyous robberye, was blowen and sounded in eche mans eare, al­though we hoped well of the end. Vnto the eni­mies forces was added a long suffrance of theyr, [Page 84] wicked practises without punishement whyche had puffed vp the presumptuous boldnesse of de­sperate people,Long sufferāce of euill, increa­seth boldnesse in the authors. that they bragged of our stay, as if it had bin for feare of them, where the disad­uauntage whiche wee hadde by sea, seemed as it were by a fatall necessitie to deferre our victorie: neyther dydde they beleeue that the warre was put off for a tyme by aduyse and counsell, but rather to be omitted through despayre to doe any good against them, in so much that now the feare 10 of common punishment being layd aside, one of the mates slew the archpyrate or capitayn rouer as I may call him,Caraussius slayne. hoping in reward of so great an exployte to obteyne the whole gouernemente into his handes. This warre then being bothe so necessarie, so hard to enter vpon, so growne in tyme to a stubburne stiffnesse, and so wel proui­ded for of the enimies part, you noble Emperor, did so take it in hand, that so soon as you bent the thūdring force of your imperiall maiestie against 20 that enimie, eche mā made accompt that the en­terprise was already atchieued: for first of al, to ye end yt your diuine power being absent, the barba­rous nations should not attempt any new trou­ble (a thing chiefly to be forsene) it was prouided for aforehand by intercessiō made vnto your ma­iestie: for you your selfe, you I say mightie lord Maximian eternall emperor, vouchedsafe to ad­uāce the cōming of your diuine excellēcie by the 30 nerest way that might be, which to you was not vnknowne: you therefore sodeynly came to the Rhine, and not with any armie of horsemen or footmen, but with the terrour of your presence, did preserue & defend al that frontier: for Maxi­mian once being there vpon the riuage, counter­uayled any the greatest armies that were to bee founde. For you (most inuincible Emperor) fur­nishing & arming diuers nauies, made the enimie so vncertain of his own doings and voyd of coū ­sel, 40 that then at length he might perceyue that he was not defended but enclosed with the Ocean sea. Here cōmeth it to mynde how pleasant and easefull the good lucke of those princes in gouer­ning the cōmon wealth with praise was, whiche sitting stil in Rome had triumphs and surnames appointed them of such nations as their captains did vanquishe.Fronto comp­ted Ciceros [...]atche. Fronto therefore, not the seconde, but matche with the first honour of the Romaine eloquence, when he yelded vnto the emperor An­toninus the renome of the warre brought to end 50 in Britayn, although he sitting at home in his palace within the citie, had cōmitted the cōduct & successe of that war ouer vnto the same Fronto, it was cōfessed by him, yt the Emperor sitting as it were at the helme of the ship, deserued ye prayse by giuing of perfect order to the full accōplishing of the enterprise. But you most inuincible Em­perour, haue bin not onely the appointer foorth howe all this voyage by sea, and prosecuting the warre by lande shoulde be demeaned, as apper­tayned to you by vertue of your Imperiall rule and dignitie, but also you haue bene an [...] and setter forward in the things themselues, and through example of your assured constancie, the victorie was atchieued. For you taking the Sea at Sluyce, didde put an irreuocable desire into their heartes that were readye to take shippe the same tyme in the mouth of the ryuer of Sayne, in so muche that when the Capitaynes of that armie were about to linger tyme, by reason the seas and ayre was troubled, they cryed to haue the sayles hoysed vp, and signe giuen to launche foorth that they myght passe forwarde on theyr iourney, despising certayne tokens which threat­ned theyr wrecke, and so set forward on a raynie and tempestuous daye, saylyng wyth a crosse­wynde, for no forewynde myghte serue theyr tourne. But what was hee that durst not com­mitte him selfe vnto the sea were the same neuer so vnquiet, when you were once vnder sayle, and sette forwarde? One voyce and exhorta­tion was amonge them all (as reporte hathe gone thereof) when they hearde that you were once got foorth vppon the water, what doe wee doubte? what meane we to staye? hee is nowe lewsed from lande, he is forwarde on his way, and peraduenture is alreadie got ouer: let vs put all thyngs in proofe, lette vs venture thorough anye daungers of sea whatsoeuer, what is there that we may stand in fear of? we folow the em­perour: neyther didde the opinion of your good happe deceyue them: for as by reporte of them­selues, wee doe▪ vnderstande, at that selfe tyme there fell suche a myste and thycke fogge vpon the Seas, that the enimyes Nauie layde at the Isle of Wyghte, watchyng for theyr aduer­saries and lurkyng as it were in awayte, these your shippes passed by, and were not once per­ceyued, neyther did the enimie then staye, al­though he coulde not resiste. But nowe as con­cerning that the same armye vnvanquishable fyghting vnder your ensignes and name streight wayes after it came to lande, set fyre on theyr shippes: what moued them so to doe, excepte the admonitions of your diuine motion? or what other reason perswaded them to reserue no fur­theraunce for theyr flight if neede were, nor to feare the doubtfull chaunces of warre, nor as the Prouerbe sayeth, to thinke the hazarde of mar­tiall dealyngs to be common, but that by con­templation of your prosperous happe, it was verie certayne that there needed no doubte to bee caste, for victorie to be obteined? There were no sufficiēt forces at that present amōg them, no mighty puissant strength of Romains but they had only consideration of your vnspeakable for­tunate [Page 85] successe commyng from the heauens aboue, for what so euer battalle doth chaunce to be offered, to make ful accompt of victorie, resteth not so muche in the assuraunce of the souldiours, as in the good lucke and felicitie of the Capitaine generall. [...]he good [...]cke in a [...]aptayne. That same ring­leader of the vngratious faction, what mente he to depart frō that shore whiche he possessed? Why did he forsake bothe his nauie and the hauen? but that (moste inuincible Emperour) 10 hee stoode in feare of your commyng, whose sayles hee behelde readie to approche towards him, howesoeuer the matter shoulde fall out, he chose rather to trye his fortune wyth your capitaynes than to abyde the present force of your maiestie: a madde man that vnderstoode not, that whether so euer he fled, the power of your diuine maiestie to be present, in all places where your countenance and banners are had in reuerence. But hee fleeing from your pre­sence, 20 fell into the handes of youre people, of you was he ouercome, of youre armies was he oppressed. To be short, he was brought in­to suche feare, and as it were still looking be­hynde him, for doubte of your comming after him, that as one out of his remembrance ama­zed what to do, he hasted forward to his death, so that he neyther sette his men in order of bat­tayle, nor marshalled suche power as hee had about him, but onely with the olde authors of 30 that conspiracie, & the hired bands of the barba­rous nations, as one forgetful of so great pre­paration which he had made, ran hedlong for­wards to his destruction, insomuch (noble em­peror) your felicitie yeldeth this good hap to the cōmon welth, that the victorie being atchieued in the behalfe of the Romain empire, there al­most died not one Romain: for as I heare, all those fields and hilles laye couered with none but only with the bodies of moste wicked eni­mies, 40 the same beeing of the barbarous na­tions, or at the lest wise apparelled in the coū ­terfait shapes of barbarous garments, gliste­ring with their long yealow heares, but nowe with gashes of wounds & bloud all deformed, and lying in sundry maners, as the pangs of death occasioned by their wounds,Alectus founde dead. had caused them to stretch foorth or draw in their maymed limmes and mangled parts of their dying bo­dies. And among these, the chiefe ringleader of 50 the theeues was founde, who had put off those robes which in his life time he had vsurped & dishonored,He had dispoy­ [...]ed himselfe of the imperiall [...]obes bycause he vvould not be knovven if [...]e chanced to be slayne. so as vneth was he couered wyth one piece of apparell wherby he might be kno­wen, so neare were his wordes true vttered at the houre of his death, whiche he saw at hand, that he would not haue it vnderstoode howe he was slayn. Thus verily (most inuincible em­perour) so greate a victorie was appointed to you by consent of the immortall gods ouer al the enemies whom you assayled,Francones siue Franci. but namely the slaughter of the Frankeners & those youre souldiours also, which as before I haue sayd, through missyng their course by reason of the myst that lay on the seas, were nowe come to the citie of London, where they slewe downe right in eche parte of the same citie,London in danger to be spoyled. what mul­titude soeuer remayned of those hyred barba­rous people, which escaping from the bataile, mente after they had spoyled the citie to haue got away by flight. But now being thus slain by your souldiours, the subiects of your pro­uince were both preserued from further daun­ger, and tooke pleasure to beholde the slaughter of suche cruell enimies. O what a manyfolde victorie was this? worthie vndoubtedly of in­numerable triumphes, by which victorie Bri­tayne is restored to the Empire, by which vic­torie the nation of the Frankeners is vtterlye destroyed, and by whiche many other nations found accessaries in the cōspiracie of that wic­ked practise, are compelled to obedience. To conclude, the seas are purged and broughte to perpetuall quietnes. Glorie you therfore, in­uincible Emperor, for that you haue, as it were gote an other worlde, and in restoring to the Romain puissaunce the glorie of conquest by sea, haue added to the Romain empire an ele­ment greater than al the compasse of the earth, that is, the mightie mayne Ocean. You haue made an ende of the warre, inuincible Empe­rour, that seemed as present to threaten all pro­uinces, and might haue spreade abroade, and burst out in flame, euen so largely, as ye Ocean Seas stretche, and the Mediterrane gulfes do reache: neither are we ignorant althoughe thorough feare of you that infection did festee within the bowels of Britayn only, and pro­ceeded no further, wt what furie it would haue auanced it selfe else where if it might haue bin assured of meane to haue raunged abroade so farre as it wished. For it was bounded in with no bordure of mountayne, nor ryuer, whych garnisons appoynted, were garded and de­fended but euen so as the shippes although we had your martiall prowes and prosperous for­tune readye to relieue vs, was still at oure el­bowes to put vs in feare, so farre as eyther seas reache or wynde bloweth: for that in­credible boldenesse and vnwoorthy good happe of a few captiues of the Frankeners in time of ye Emperour Probus came to our remēbrance whiche Frankeners in that season;The piracy of the Frankey­ners called Franci or Frā ­cones. conueying away certayn vessels from the coastes of Pon­tus, wasted doth Grecia & Asia, and not with­out great hurt & damage ariuing vpon diuers [Page 86] partes of the shore of Libya, at length tooke the Citye of Saragose in Sicile (an hauen towne in tymes paste hyghely renowmed for victories gotten by sea:) and after this, passyng tho­rough the streytes of Gibralterra, came into the Ocean, & so with the fortunate successe of their rashe presumptuous attempte, shewed how no­thing is shut vp in safety from the desperate bold­nesse of pyrates, where ships may come and haue accesse. And so therfore by this your victorie, not 10 Britain alone is deliuered from bondage, but vn­to all nations is safetie restored, which might by the vse of the seas come to as great perils in time of warre, as to gayne of commodities in tyme of peace. Now Spayne (to let passe the coastes of Gallia) with hir shores almost in sight is in sure­tie: now Italy, now Afrike, nowe all nations e­uen vnto the fennes of Meotis are voyde of per­petuall cares. Neyther therfore are they lesse ioy­ful, the feare of danger being taken away, which 20 to feele as yet, the necessitie had not brought thē: but they reioyce so muche the more for this, that both in the guiding of your good prouidence, and also furtheraunce of fortune, so great a force of rebellion by sea men, is calmed vpon the entring into their bordures, and Britayne it selfe whiche had giuen harburgh to so long a mischief, is eui­dently knowne to haue tasted of your victorie, with hir only restitutiō to quietnesse.Britayne re­stored to qui­etnesse. Not with­out good cause therefore immediatly, when you 30 hir long wished reuenger and deliuerer were once arriued, your Maiestie was met with greate tri­umph, and the Britayns replenished with all in­warde gladnesse,The Britaynes receyue Max­imian vvith great ioy and humblenesse. came foorth and offered them­selues to youre presence, with their wyues and children, reuerencing not onely youre selfe (on whome they sette their eyes, as on one descen­ded downe them to from heauen) but also euen the sayles and tagle of that shippe whiche hadde brought your diuine presence vnto their coastes: 40 and when you should sette foote on lande, they were readie to lye downe at your feete, that you might (as it were) march ouer them, so desirous were they of you. Neither was it any meruaile if they shewed them selues so ioyfull, sithe af­ter their miserable captiuitie so many yeres con­tinued after so long abusing of their wiues, and filthie bondage of their children, at lengthe yet were they nowe restored to libertie, at lengthe made Romaynes, at lengthe refreshed with the 50 true lighte of the Imperiall rule and gouerne­ment: for beside the fame of your clemencie and pitie whiche was set forth by the report of all na­tions, in your countenaunce (Cesar) they percei­ued the tokens of all vertues, in your face graui­tie, in your eyes myldenesse, in your ruddie chee­kes bashfulnes, in your words iustice: All which thinges as by regarde they acknowledged, so with voyces of gladnesse they signifyed on high. To you they bounde them selues by vowe, to you they bounde their children: yea and to your children they vowed all the posteritie of theyr race and ofspring.Dioclesi [...] Maxi [...] We truely (O perpetuall pa­rentes and lordes of mankinde) require this of the immortall gods with most earnest supplication and heartie prayer, that our children and theyr children, and suche other as shall come of them for euer hereafter, may be dedicate vnto you and to those whome you now bring vp, or shal bring vp hereafter. For what better hap can wee wishe to them that shall succeede vs, than to bee enioy­ers of that felicitiie which now we our selues en­ioy? The Romaine common wealth doth now comprehende in one coniunction of peace, al that whatsoeuer at sundry times hath belonged to the Romaines, and that huge power whyche wyth to great a burdeyn was shroonke downe, and ri­uen in sunder, is nowe broughte to ioyne agayn in the assured ioyntes of the imperiall gouerne­ment. For there is no parte of the earth nor re­gion vnder heauen, but that eyther it remayneth quiet through feare, or subdued by force of ar­mes, or else at the least wyse bounde by clemen­cie. And is there any other thing else in other par­tes, whych if wyll and reason should moue men therto, that might bee obteyned? beyond the O­cean, what is there more than Brytaine, which is so recouered by you,Nations [...] to Britaine obey the [...] ­perour. that those nations which are neare adioyning to the boundes of that Isle, are obedient to your commaundementes? There is no occasion that maye moue you to passe fur­ther, excepte the endes of the Ocean sea (which nature forbiddeth) shoulde bee sought for. All is yours (moste inuincible Princes) whiche are ac­compted worthie of you, and thereof commeth it, that you may equally prouide for euery one, sithe you haue the whole in your hands: and ther­fore as heretofore (moste excellent Emperoure) Dioclesian, by thy commaundemente Asia dyd supplye the deserte places of Thracia with in­habitauntes transported thyther, as afterwarde moste excellente Emperour Maximian, by your appoyntementement, the Frankeners at length brought to a pleasant subiection, and admitted to lyue vnder lawes,The [...] hath [...] I take the [...] be [...] for a. hath peopled and manured the vacante fieldes of the Neruians, and those a­bout the citie of Trier: And so nowe by youre victories (inuincible Constantius Cesar) what soeuer did lye vacant aboute Amiens, Bean­voys, Troys, and Langres, beginneth to flou­rishe with inhabitauntes of sundrye nations: yea and moreouer that your most obedient Ci­tie of Autun, for whose sake I haue a pecu­liar cause to reioyce, by meanes of thys try­umphaunt victorie in Brytayne, if hathe re­ceyued manye and diuers Artificers, of whome [Page 87] those prouinces were full, [...]tificers forth Britayne. and nowe by theyr workmanship the same Citie reiseth vp: by re­pairing of auncient houses and restoryng of publique buyldings and temples, so that now it accompteth that the olde name of brother-like incorporation to Rome, is again to hir re­stored, when she hath you eftsones for hir foun­der. I haue sayd (inuincible Emperor) almost more than I haue bin able, and not so muche as I ought, that I may haue moste i [...]st cause 10 by your clemencies licence, both now to end, and often heereafter to speake: & thus I cea [...]e.

Here haue you the substance of that whiche is written touching Britayn in that H [...]ege­rike oration ascribed to Mamertinus, whiche he set forth in prayse of the emperors Dioclesian and Maximian: it is entitled only to Maxi­mianus, wheras neuerthelese both the Empe­rours are praised. And lykewyse as ye maye perceiue, Costantius that was father vnto the 20 great Constantine, is here spokē of, being cho­sen by the two foresayde Emperours to assiste them by the name of Cesar in rule of the Em­pire: of whome hereafter more shall be sayde.

But now to consider what is to bee noted foorth of this part of the same oration. It shuld seeme that when the emperor Maximian was sent into Gallia by appoyntemente taken be­twixt him and Diocletian after he had qu [...]ted things there, he set his mynde forthwith to re­duce 30 Britayn vnder the obedience of the Em­pire, the which was at that present kept vnder subiection of such princes as maynteyned their state, by the mightie forces of suche number of ships, as the [...] had got togither, furnished with al things necessarie, & namely of able seamē, as well Britons as strangers, among whom the Frankeners wer as chief,Franci, or Frankeners, people of Ger­manie. a nation of Germa­nie, as then hyghly renoumed for their puis­sance by sea, nere to the which they inhabited, 40 so that there were no rouers comparable to them. And bycause none durste fliere on these our seas for feare of the Britishe fleet that pas­sed to and fro at pleasure, to the greate anoy­ance of the Romayne subiectes inhabiting a­longest the coastes of Gallia, Maximian both to recouer agayne so wealthy and profitable a land vnto the obeysance of the empire, as Bri­tayne then was, & also to deliuer the people of Gallia subiects to ye Romains, frō danger of 50 being dayly spoyled by those rouers that were maynteined here in Britayn he prouided with all diligence suche numbers of ships as were thought requisite for so great an enteprise, and rigging them in sundry places, tooke order for their setting forward to the most adua [...]ntage for the easy atcheuing of his enterprise: He ap­pointed to passe himselfe frō the coaste of Flā ­ders, at what time other of his captains with their fleetes from other parts, should likewyse made sayle towards Britayn. By this meane Ale [...]a [...] that had vs [...]rped the [...] and dignitie of king or rather emperor ouer the Britains, knew not where to take heede, but yet vnder­standing of the nauie that was made ready in the mouth of Sayn, he ment by ye which may be coniectured, to intercept that fleet as it shuld come foorth and make sayle forewardes: and so for that purpose he lay with a great number of ships about the Isle of Wight. But now A [...] ­clepiodotus came ouer with that nauie which was rigged on the coasts of Flanders, or with some other, I will not presume to affirme ey­ther to or frō, bicause in deed Mamertinus [...] expresse mention either of Alectus, or Asclepiodotus: but notwithstanding it is eui­dent by that which is cōteined in his oration, that [...] Maximian, but some other of his ca­ [...]it [...]ng gouerned ye armie, whiche slewe Alec­ [...]us, [...] we may suppose that Asclepiodotus was [...] [...]ain ouer some number of ships dire­cted to Maximinians appointment to passe o­uer into this yle against the same Alectus: and so may this which Ma [...]rtinus writeth, agree with the truth of that whiche we fynd in Eu­tropius. Here is to be remēbred,Eutropius. yt after Maxi­mianus had thus recouered Britain out of ther [...] rule therof frō the Ro­mans, it shuld seem yt not only great numbers of artificers & other people were conueyed ouer into Gallia, there to inhabite and furnish such cities as were run into decay, but also a power of warlike youthes was transported thither to defend the countrey from the inuasion of bar­barous nations. For we fynd that in the dayes of this Maximian, the Britons expulsing the Neruiās out of the citie of Mons in Henand, held a castell there, whiche was called Bretai­ [...]ns after them, wherevpon the citie was af­terwarde called Mons, reteyning the last sil­lable only, as in such cases it hath oftē hapned.

Moreouer this is not to be forgotten, yt as Homf. Llhuyd hath very wel noted in his book intitled Fragmentae historiae Britannicae, Mamer­tinus in this parcell of his panegerike oration doth make first mētion of the nation of Picts. of al other the ancient Roman writers: so that not one before his tyme, once nameth eyther Picts or Scots. But now to returne wher we left. After that Britain was thus recouered by the Romains, Diocletian & Maximiā caling the Empire, the Ile tasted of the crueltie, that Diorclesian exercised agaynste the Christians, in persecutyng them wyth all extremityes, [Page 88] continually for the space of ten yeeres.

Amongst other, one Alban a citizen of Wer­lamchester, a town now bearing his name, was the first that suffred here in Britayn, in this per­secution, being conuerted to the faith of Christe by the zealous christian Amphibalus, whome he hadde receyued into his house: in so muche that when there came Sergeants or officers to seeke for the same Amphibalus,Beda & Gildas. the aforesayd Albane to preserue Amphibalus out of daunger, presen­ted 10 hymselfe in the apparell of the sayde Amphi­balus, and so being apprehended in his stead, was brought before the iudge, and examined: and for that he refused to doe sacrifice to the false goddes, he was beheaded on the toppe of an hill ouer a­gaynst

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20 30 the towne of Werlamchester aforesayd, where afterwardes was buylded a churche and monasterie in the remembrāce of his martirdom, insomuch that the towne there restored after that Werlamchester was destroyed, tooke name of him, and so is vnto this day called saint Albons. It is reported by writers, that diuers miracles were wroughte at the tyme of his death, in so muche that one whiche was appointed to do the 40 execution, was cōuerted, and refusing to do that office, suffered also with him: but he that tooke vpon him to doe it,Bede. See the booke of acts and mo­numents sette forth by master Foxe. reioyced nothing thereat, for his eyes fel out of his head, downe to the ground together with the head of that holy man whiche he had then cut off. There were also martyred about the same tyme two constant witnesses of Christ his Religion, Aaron and Iulius, citizens of Caerleon arwisk.Io. Rossus VVarwicens. in li. de VVi­gorniens. E­piscopis. Lichfielde vvherof it toke name.

Moreouer a great nūber of Christians which 50 were assembled togither to heare the word of lyfe preached by that vertuous manne Amphibalus, were slayn by the wicked Pagans at Lychfield, wherof that towne toke name, as you wold say, The field of dead corpses.

To be briefe, this persecution was so greate & greuous,Gildas. and therto so vniuersall, that in maner the Christiā religion was therby destroyed. The faithfull people were slayne, their bookes br [...]t, [...] & churches ouerthrown. It is recorded, that [...] in one monethes space in dyuers places of the worlde there were .xvij.M. godlye menne and women put to death for professing the christian faith in the dayes of that tyrant Dioclesian and his fellowe Maximian.

Coellus.

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COellus,Coell [...] Earle of Colchester, began hys dominion ouer the Brytons in the yeare of our Lord .262.262. [...]. This Coellus or Coell ruled the lande for a certayne tyme, so as the Bry­tons were well conten­tented with his gouer­nement, and lyued the longer in rest from inuasion of the Romains, bi­cause they were occupied in other places: but fi­nally they findyng tyme for their purpose, apoin­ted one Constantius to passe ouer into this Isle with an armie, the which Constantius put Coe­lus in suche dread, that immediatly vpon his ar­riuall Coellus sent to him an ambassade and cō ­cluded a peace with him, couenāting to pay ye ac­customed tribute,Ca [...] Galfrid. and gaue to Constantius his daughter in mariage called Helene, a noble Lady and a lerned. Shortly after king Coell dyed, af­ter he had reigned (as some write) .27. yeares, [...]. Ca [...]. or as other haue, but 13. yeares. Of the regiment of thys Prince, Harrison maketh no mention in his Chronologie.

But verily if I shall speake what I thinke, I will not denye but assuredly suche a Prince there was: howbeit that he had a daughter named He­lene, whome hee maried vnto Constantius the Romain lieutenant that was after Emperour, I leaue that to be decided of the learned: For if the whole course of the lyues, as well of the fa­ther and sonne, Constantius and Constantine, as lykewyse of the mother Helena, bee conside­rately marked from tyme to tyme, and yeare to yeare, as out of authors both Greeke and latine, ye same may be gathered, I feare least such doubt may ryse in this matter, that it wil be harder to proue Helene a Britayne, than Constantine to be borne in Bithynia (as Nicephorus auon­cheth) but for somuche as I meane not to steppe from the course of oure countreye writers in suche poynts,Lib. 7. cap. 1. where the receyued opinion maye seeme to warrant the credite of the historie, I [...] with other admit bothe the mother and sonne to be Britons in the whole discourse of the historie following, as thoughe I hadde forgot what i [...] this place I haue sayd.

Constantius.

Constā ­ [...]ius.

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COnstantius, a Se­natoure of Rome begā to reigne ouer the Britons,Mat. VVest. [...]th. 302. in ye yeare of oure Lorde .289.289. as oure Histories 10 report [...]. Thys Cōstanus, as before ye haue hearde, hadde to wyfe Helene the daughter of the foresayd king Coyll, of whome he begat a son named Constantinus, which a [...] ­warde was Emperour, and for his worthy do­ings surnamed Constantine the great. S. Am­brose folowing the common report, writeth, that this Helene was a mayde in an Inne: [...]rofius. [...]eda. and some agayne write, that she was concubine to Con­stantius, 20 and not his wyfe. But whatsoeuer she was, it appeareth by the writers of the Romain histories, that Constantius being the daughters sonne of one Crispus, [...]spiniā. that was brother to the Emperour Claudius, came into Britayne, and quieted the troubles that were raysed by the Bri­tons, [...]abian. and there (as some write) maryed the for­sayd Helen being a woman of an excellent beau­tie, whom yet (after) he was constrayned to for­sake, & to marrie Theodora, the daughter in law 30 of Herculeus Maximianus, by whom he hadde sixe sons, & finally was treated Emperor togi­ther with ye said Galerius Maximianus, at what tyme Diocletianus and his fellowe Herculeus Maximianus renounced the rule of the empire, and committed the same vnto them. The Em­pire was then deuided betwixte them, so that to Constantius the regiōs of Italy, Affrik, France, Spayne and Britayne were assigned, and to Galerius, Illyrium, Grecia, and all the Easte 40 partes. But Constantine being a man voyde of ambition, was contented to leaue Italy and Affrike, supposing his charge to be great inough to haue the gouernment in his hands of France, Spayn, and Britayn (as Eutropius hath.)

But as touching his reigne ouer the Britons wee haue not to saye further than as we fynde in our owne writers recorded: but for his gouern­ment in the empire: it is to be considered, that first he was admitted to rule as an assistāt to Maxi­mian 50 vnder ye title of Cesar: & so from that time if you shall accompt his reigne, it may compre­hend xj.xij. or .xiij. yeares, yea more or lesse, ac­cording to the diuersitie founde in writers.

But if we shal recken his reign from the time onely that Diocletian and Maximian resigned their title to the Empire,VVil. Haris. we shall fynde that he reigned not fully .iij. yeares. For where as be­tweene the slaughter of Alectus, and the com­ming of Constantius, are accompted .8. yeeres and odde monethes, not only those .8. yeeres, but also some space of tyme before maye be asended vnto Constantius: for although before his com­ming ouer into Britayn now this last tyme (for he had bin here afore, as it well appeareth) Ascle­p [...]odetus gouerned as Legate, albeit vnder Con­stantius, who had a greate portion of the west part [...]es of the empire vnder his regiment, by the title, as I haue sayd of Cesar, although he was not sayde to reigne absolutelye, till Diocletian and Maximian resigned, wherof it is not amisse to giue this briefe aduertisement, accordyng as in William Harrisons Chronologie is suffici­ently proued. But now to cōclude with the do­ings of Constātius, at lēgth he fel sick at Yorke, and there dyed about the yeare of our Lord .306.306.

This is not to be forgotten, that whylest hee lay on his death bed, somewhat before he depar­ted this life, hearing that his sonne Constantine was come, & escaped from the emperours Dio­cletian & Maximianus, with whome he remai­ned as a pledge, as after shall be partly touched▪ he receyued him with all ioye, and raising him­selfe vp in his bed, in presence of his other sonnes and counsellours, with a greate number of other people and strangers that wer come to visit him, he sit the crowne vpon his sonnes head, and ad­orned him with other imperiall roabes and gar­mentes, executing as it were himselfe,Niceph. the older of an heralde, and withall spake these wordes vnto his sayd sonne, and to his counsellors there about him.

Nowe is my death to me more welcome,Tripartit. historia. and my departure hence more pleasant. I haue heere a large epitaphe and monumente of buriall, to witte, myne owne sonne, and one whome in earth I leaue to be Emperor in my place, which by Gods good helpe shall wipe awaye the teares of the Christians, and reuenge the crueltie exer­cised by tyrants. This I recken to chaunce vn­to me in stede of moste felicitie. After this, tur­ning himselfe to the multitude, he commaunded them all to be of good comforte, meaning those that had not forsaken true vertue & godlinesse in Christe, which Christ he vndertooke should con­tinue with his sonne Constantine in al enterpri­ses, which in warres or otherwyse he shuld take in hande.

That deuise also is worthie to be had in me­morie, which he put in practise in his lyfe time, to vnderstand what true & sincere Christians were remayning in his course: for where as he hadde bin firste a persecuter, and after was conuerted, it was a matter easy to persuade the world, that he was no earneste Christian: and so the policie whiche hee thoughte to worke, was the sooner [Page 90] brought to passe, whiche was this: He called to­gether al his officers and seruants, feyning him­selfe to choose out suche as would doe sacrifice to deuils, and that those only should remayne with hym, and keepe their office, and the reste that re­fused so to doe, shoulde be thrust out, and bani­shed the courte.

Herevpon all the Courtyers deuided themsel­ues into companies: and when some offred wil­lingly to do sacrifice, & other some boldly refused: 10 the Emperoure marking their dealings, sharp­ly rebuked those which were so ready to dishonor the liuing God, accompting them as traytors to his diuine maiestie, and not worthy to remayne within the Court gates: but those that constant­ly stood in the profession of the christian fayth, he greatly commended, as men worthie to be about a prince: and withall declared, that from thence­foorth they should be as chiefe counsellours and defendors both of his person and kingdom, estee­ming 20 more of them than of al the treasure he had in his coffers.

To conclude, hee was a prince graue, sober, vpright, courteous and liberall, as he which kept his mynde euer free from couetous desire of great riches: insomuch that when he should make any great feast to his frendes, he was not ashamed to borow plate and syluer vessell to serue his turne, and to furnishe his cupborde for the tyme,Pomponius Latus. beyng contented for himselfe to be serued in cruses and 30 earthen vessell. He was wonte to haue this say­ing in his mouth, that better it was that the sub­iectes should haue store of money and riches, thā the Prince to keepe it close in his treasorie, where it serued to no vse. By suche curteous dealyng the prouinces whiche were in his charge flouri­shed in greate wealth and quietnesse. He was a right wise and politike Prince in the ordering of all weightie matters,He dyed in the yere. 306 as Math. VVest. hath noted, and reigned ouer the Britaynes. but .11. yeares as Galf. hath. & verie skilfull in the prac­tise of warres so that he stoode the Romane em­pire 40 in great stead, and was therfore highly belo­ued of the Souldiours, in so muche that imme­diatly after his decease, they proclaymed his son Constantine Emperour.

That the Christian faithe was imbraced of the Britons in this season, it may appeare, in that Hillarius bishop of Poictiers writeth to his brethren in Britayne, and Constantine in an Epistle, as Theodoretus hath in his firste boke and tenth chapiter maketh mencion of the chur­ches in Britayne: Which also Sozomenus doth 50 affirme. For the Britons after they had recey­ued the faithe, defended the same euen with the sheading of their bloud, as Amphibalus who in this Constantius days being apprehended, suffe­red at Redburne nere to Werlamchester, about xv. yeares after the martirdome of his hoste S. Albane.

Constantine.

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COnstantine beyng the sonne of the forena­med Constantius,Constā ­tine. begot of his firste wyfe Helene, the daughter (as some affirme) of Coell late king of the Britons, beganne his reigne in the yeare of our Lord .306.306. This worthie prince begot of a britishe woman, and borne of hir in Britayne (as our writers doe affirme,) and crea­ted certainely Emperour in Britayne,Constanti [...] created, Emp [...] ­ror in Britay [...] doubtlesse made his natiue countrey partaker of his hygh glorie and renoume, which by his great prowes, politike wisedome, worthie gouernemente, and other his Princely qualities moste abundantlye planted in his noble person, he purchased and got through the circuit of the whole earth, insomuch that for the highe enterprises and noble actes by him happily broughte to passe and atchieued, he was surnamed (as before is sayd) the great Cō ­stantine.

Whilest this Cōstantine remained at Rome in manner as he had bin a pledge with Galerius in his fathers life time, he beeing then but yong; fledde from thence, and with all post haste retur­ned to his father into Britain, killing or howgh­ing by the way all such horsses as were appoin­ted to stande at Innes readie for suche as should ryde in poste, least being pursued,Ent [...]p [...] Sextus A [...] relius [...] he should haue bene ouertaken, and broughte backe agayne by suche as myght be sent to pursue him.

At his comming into Britayne, he found his father fore vexed with sicknesse, whereof shortly after hee dyed, and then was he by helpe of such as were aboute him, encouraged to take vppon him as Emperour: And namely one Erocus,Erocus king of the Almains. king of the Almaynes whiche had accompanied his father thither, assisted him therto, so that be­ing proclaymed Emperor,Maxentius the tyrant. he toke vpon him the rule of those countreys whiche his father had in gouernement, that is to say, Fraunce, Spayne, the Alpes, and Britayne, with other prouinces here in the west: and ruling the same with great equitie and wysedome, hee greately wanne the fauour of the people, insomuch that the fame of his politike gouernemente and curteous dealing being spread abroade, when Maxentius the ti­raunt that occupied the rule of the Empire at Rome, and in Italy by wrongful vsurping and [Page 93] abusing the fame, was growne into the hatred of the Romans and other Italians, Constantine was earnestly by them requested to come into Italy, and to helpe to subdue Maxentius, that he might reforme the state of things there.

Maxentius was sonne to Herculeus Maximi­nianus, Constantine had marryed Fausta the daughter of the sayde Maximinianus. Nowe so it was, that Maximinianus immediatly af­ter that his sonne Maxentius hadde taken the 10 rule vpon hym, sought meanes to haue deposed hym, & to haue resumed and taken eftsoones into his owne handes the gouernement of the empire. But solliciting Diocletian to do the like, he was much reproued of him for his vnresonable & am­bicious purpose: so yt when he perceiued that nei­ther Diocletian woulde be therto agreeable, nor induce the souldiours to admit him, they hauing already established his sonne, he began to deuyse wayes howe to assure the state more strongly to 20 his sayde sonne: and hearyng that his sonne in law Constantine was mynded to come into I­taly against him, he purposed to practise Con­stantines destruction, in somuch that it was iud­ged by this which folowed, [...]issimulation. yt Herculeus Maxi­minus did but for a colour seme to mislyke with that whiche his son Maxentius had done, to the ende he might the sooner accomplishe his entente for the dispatching of Constantine oute of the waye. Herevpon (as it were) fleing out of Ita­ly, [...]anulphus [...]estrensis. 30 he came to Constantine, who as then hauing appointed lieutenants vnder him in Britayn, re­mayned in France, and with all ioy and honor that mighte bee, receiued his father in lawe: the which being earnestly bent to compasse his pur­pose,Fausta the dau­ghter of Maximinus & vvife to Constantine. made his daughter Fausta priuie therto: whiche ladie, either for feare least the concealyng therof might turne hir to displesure, either else for the entier loue whiche she bare to hir husbande) reueled hir fathers wicked purpose. Wherevpon 40 whilest Constantine goeth about to be reuenged of suche a trayterous practise, Herculeus fleeth to Mersiles,Marsiles. purposing there to take the sea, and so to retire to his sonne Maxentius into Italye. But ere he coulde get away from thence, he was stangled by commaundemente of his sonne in lawe Constantine,Maximinus slayne. An. Chri. 311. and so ended his lyfe, whiche he had spotted with many cruell actes, as well in persecutyng the professour [...] the Christian name, as others. 50

In this mean time had Maximinus adopted one Licinius to assiste hym in gouernaunce of the empire,Licinius chosen fellovv vvith Maximianus in the empire. proclayming hym Cesar. So that nowe at one selfe tyme Constantine gouerned Fraunce and the weast partes of the Empire, Maxentius helde Italy, Affrike, and Egypte: And Maximinus whydhe lykewyse had but e­lected Cesar, ruled the Easte partes, and Lici­nius Illyrium and Grecia.

But shortly after, the Emperoure Constan­tine ioyned in league with Licinius, and gaue to him his sister in marriage, named Constantia, for more suretie of faithfull friendship to endure betwixt them. He sent him also against Maxi­minus, who gouerning in the East parte of the Empire, purposed the destruction of Constan­tine and all his partakers: but being vanquished by Licinius at Tarsus, he shortly after dyed, be­ing eaten with lice. Constantine after this, was called into Italy to deliuer the Romaynes and Italians from the tyrannie of Maxentius, whi­che occasion so offered, Constantine gladly ac­cepting, passed into Italy, and after certaine vic­tories gote againste Maxentius, at length slewe him. And after this, when Maximinus was dead, whiche prepared to make warre againste Licinius, that hadde married Constantia, the sister of Constantine, hee finally made warre a­gainst his brother in lawe the sayde Licinius, by reason of suche quarrels as fell out betwixt thē: In the whiche warre, Licinius was putte to the worse, and at length comming into the handes of Constantine, was put to deathe, so that Con­stantine by this meanes gote the whole Empire vnder his rule and subiection. Hee was a greate fauorer of the Christian Religion, in somuche that to aduance the same, hee tooke order for the conuerting of the Temples dedicated in the ho­nors of Idols, vnto the seruice of the true and Almightie God. Hee commaunded also,Christians ho­noured & che­rished. that none should be admitted to serue as a Souldiour in the warres, excepte hee were a Christian, nor yet to haue rule of any countrey or armie. Hee also ordeyned, the weeke before Easter, and that whiche folowed, to be kept as holy, and no per­son to doe any bodily workes during the same. He was muche counsailed by that noble & most vertuous ladie his mother, the Empresse Helene,Polydore. The prayse of the Empresse Helenae. the whiche being a godly and deuoute woman, did what in hir laye, to moue him to the setting foorth of Gods honour and encrease of the chri­stian faith, wherein as yet he was not fully in­structed. Some writers alledge, that she beeing at Ierusalem,320. made diligent searche to finde out the place of the Sepulchre of our Lorde, and at length founde it, thoughe with muche adoe: for the infidels had stopped it vp and couered it with a heape of filthie earth, and buylded alofte vpon the place, a chappell dedicated to Venus, where yong women vsed to sing songes in honoure of that vnchaste Goddesse. Helene caused the same to be ouerthrowne, and the earth to be remoued, and the place clensed, so that at length the sepul­chre appeared, and fast by were founde there bu­ried in the earth .iij. crosses and the nailes, but the crosse wherevppon our Sauiour was crucifyed, [Page 92] was known by the title written vpon it,The Crosse founde. though almost worne out, in letters of Hebrew, greke, and Latine: the inscription was this: Iesus Na­zarenus rex Iudaeorum. It was also perceyued which was that Crosse by a miracle, (as it is re­ported, but how truly I can not tell), that shuld be wrought thereby: For being layde to a sicke woman, only with the touching therof, she was healed. It was also sayde, that a dead man was raysed from death to lyfe, his bodie onely being 10 touched therwith. Whervpon Constantine mo­ued with these things, forbade that from thence­forth any should be put to death on the Crosse, to the ende that the thing which afore tyme was accompted infamous and reprochefull, myghte nowe be had in honour and reuerence.

The Empresse Helen hauing thus found the Crosse, buylded a temple there, and taking wyth hir the nayles, returned with the same to hir son Constantine, who set one of them in the crest of 20 his helmet,Polidorus. an other in the brydell of his horsse, and the thirde he castinto the sea, to assuage and pacifie the furious tempestes and rage thereof. She also brought with hir a parcell of that holy Crosse,Polidorus: and gaue it to hir sonne the sayd Con­stantine, the whiche he caused to be closed with­in an Image that represented his person, stan­ding vppon a piller in the market place of Con­stantine, (or as some late writers haue) he cau­sed it to be enclosed in a coffer of golde, adorned 30 with ryche stones and Pearles, placing it in a Churche called Sessoriana, the which church he endued with many great giftes and precious or­namentes.

Many workes of greate zeale and vertue are remembred by writers to haue bin done by thys Constantine and his mother Helene, to the set­ting foorth of Gods glorie, and the aduauncing of the faith of Christe.

The commen­dation of Con­stantine.But to be briefe, he was a manne in whome 40 many excellent vertues and good qualities bothe of mynde and bodie manifestly appeared, chiefly he was a prince of great knowledge and experi­ence in warre, and therewith verie fortunate, an earnest louer of iustice, and to conclude, borne to all honour.

But nowe to speake somewhat of the state of Britayne in his tyme, ye shall vnderstande, that as beefore is recorded, at his going ouer into into Fraunce, after that he was proclaimed em­perour, 50 he lefte beehynde hym in Britayne cer­tayne gouernours to rule the land, and amongst other one Maximinus a right valiāt captayne. He tooke with him a great part of the youth of Britayn, & diuers of the chiefe men amongst the Nobilitie, in whose approued manhode, loyaltie and constancie, he conceyued a great hope to goe through with al his enterprises, as with yt which being accompanied and compassed about, he pas­sed ouer into Gallia, entred into Italye, and in euery place ouercame his enimies.

Ther be that write how that Constantin thus conueying ouer the sea with him a great armye of Britons,VVi [...] Malms. Britayne [...] uing in the vvarres vnder Con­stantine. by whose industrie obteyning victo­rie as he wished, hee placed a greate number of suche as were discharged out of wages, and li­cenced to giue ouer the warre, in a parte of Gal­lia towardes the Weast sea coast, where theyr posteritie remayn vnto this daye, meruailously encreased afterwardes, and somewhat differyng from our Britons, the Welchmen, in manners and language.

Amongst those noble men which he took with him when he departed out of this lande (as oure writers do testifie,Galfridus. Mat. VV [...] were .iii. vncles of his mother Helene, that is to witte, Ho [...]lmus, Traherus, & Marius, whom he made Senators of Rome.

In the meane tyme that Constantine had ob­teyned and ruled the whole empire, Britain as it were hauing recouered libertie, in that one of hir children being her king, had got the gouernment of the whole earthe, remayned in better quiete than afore time she had done: but yet in the mean season, if we shall credite the Britishe Chronicle and Geffrey of Monmouth the interpreter there­of, There was a British lord,Octa [...]ius. named Octauius or Octauian,Caxton. as the olde Englishe Chronicle nameth hym, that was Duke of the Gewisses,Gevvisses in­habited the countrey whi­che the VVe [...] Saxons are helde. The name Ge­vvisses came in vvith the Saxons of G [...]y &. and appoynted by Constantine to be ruler of the lande in his absence, the whiche Octauius (after that Constantine had recouered Rome, and I­taly, and was so busied in the affaires of the em­pire in those parts, that as was thought, he could not returne backe into Britayn,) seysed into his handes the whole dominion of Britayne, and held himselfe for king.

Octauius.

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Octa­uius.

THis Octauius then beginning his reigne o­uer the Britons in the yeare of our Lorde,Galfridus. 329.329 prouoked Constantine to send agaynst him one of his mothers vncles the foresayd Trahern This Trahernes,Fabian. or as some name him Tra­herne, entred this lande with three Legions of souldiours, and in a fielde neere vnto Winche­ster, was encountred by Octauius and his Bri­tons,Galfridus. [Page 93] by whome after a sore battayle there stri­ken betwixte them,This agreeth [...] altogither [...] that [...]hich Hector Socius vvri­ [...], as in the [...]ottish Chro­ [...]cle appereth. in the ende Traherne was put to flight and chased, in somuche that he was constrained to forsake that part of the lande, and to drawe towardes Scotlande.

Octauius hauing knowledge of his passage, followed him, and in the countrey of Westmer­lande eftsoones gaue him [...]attaile, but in that da­tayle,

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Octauius was put to the worsse, and con­strayned to forsake the lande, fled into Norway, there to purchase ayde: and being redy with such power as he there gathered, what of Britons and Norweygians, to returne into Britayn. Before his landing, he was aduertised, that an Earle of Britayne whiche bare him heartie good will,Traherne slain. See in the scot [...]ish Chronicles [...]ore of these matters. had 30 by treason slayne Traherne. Octauius then cō ­ming to lande, eftsoones got possession of Bri­tayne, whiche should be as Fabian gathereth) a­bout the yeere of our Lorde .329. in the .20. yeere of the reigne of the Emperour Constantine,Mat. VVest. [...]eth. 326. and about two yeares after that the sayd Octauius first toke vpon him as king.

After this, (as the Britishe Chronicle affir­meth) Octauius gouerneth the lande right nobly and greatly to the contentation of the Brytons. 40 At length when he was fallen in age, and had no issue but one daughter, he was coūsayled to send vnto Rome for one Maximianus,Maximianus is sent for. a noble yong man, cousin to the Emperour Constantine, on the part of his mother Helene, to come into Bri­tayne, and to take to wyfe the saide daughter of Octauius,Conan Meri­doc duke of Cornevvall. and so with hir to haue the kingdome.

Octauius at the first mente to haue giuen hir in mariage vnto one Conan Meridoc Duke of Cornewall, whiche was his nephue: but when 50 the Lordes would not therto agree,This agreth not vvith that vvhich is found in the Scottish chronicles. at length he apointed one Maurice sonne to the foresaid Co­nan to goe vnto Rome to fetche the forenamed Maximian. Maurice according to his commis­sion & instructions in that behalf receyued, came to Rome, and declared his message in such effec­tuall sorte, that Maximianus consented to go with him into Britayne, and so taking with him a conuenient number set forwarde,Maximianus commeth into Britayne. and did so muche by his iourneys, that finally he landed here in Britayn and notwithstanding that Co­nan Meridock past not much to haue bin doing with him, for malice that he conceyued towards him, bicause he saw that by his meanes he sh [...]ld be put beside the crowne, yet at length was Ma­ximianus safely brought to the kinges presence, and of him honourably receyued, and finally the mariage was knitte vp, and solemnised in all princely maner.

Shortly after,Octauius de­parteth this life Octauius departed out of this lyfe, after he had reigned the terme of fyftie and foure yeares, as Fabian gathereth by that that diuers authors doe write, howe he reigned till the dayes that Gratian and Valentinian ruled the Romaine Empire, whiche began to gouerne in the yeare of our Lord (as he sayth) 382.382. which is to bee vnderstoode of Gratian his reigne after the decease of his vncle Valens, for otherwyse a doubt may ryse, bicause that Valentine the fa­ther of Gratian admitted the sayde Gratian to the title of Augustus in the yeare of our Lorde CCClxxj.

But to leaue the credite of the long reigne of Octauius, with all his and others gouernement and rule ouer the Britains sith the time of Con­stantius, vnto our Britishe and Scottish wry­ters, lette vs make an ende with the Gouerne­ment of that noble Emperour Constantine, an assured braunche of the Britons race, as borne of that worthie Ladye the Empresse Helene, daughter to Coell Earle of Colchester, and after king of Britayn (as our histories doe wit­nesse. Vnto the whiche Empresse Constantine [Page 94] bare suche dutifull reuerence, that he did not on­ly honour hir with the name of Empresse, but also made hir as it were partaker with him of all his wealth, and in many things was led and ru­led by hir vertuous and godlye admonitions, to the aduancement of Gods honour, and mainte­nance of those that professed the true Christian religion.Harison. For the loue that she bare vnto Colche­ster and London, she walled them aboute, and caused great huge bricke and tyles to be made for 10 the performaunce of the same, whereof there is great store to be seene euen yet to this presente, both in the walles of the town and castel of Col­chester, as a testimonie of the workemanship of those dayes. She lyued .lxxix. yeares, and then departed this lyfe about the .xxj. yeare of hir son­nes reigne.Nicephorus. The Empresse Helene depar­teth this lyfe First she was buried at Rome with­oute the walles of the Citie with all funerall pompe, as to hir estate appertayned: but after hir corps was remoued and brought to Constā ­tinople, 20 where it was eftsoones enterred. Hir son the Emperour Constantine lyued tyll about the yeare of Christe .340. and then deceassed at Ni­comedia in Asia, [...] after he had ruled the Empire xxxj. yeares and odde monethes.

We fynde not in the Romain writers of any greate sturre here in Britayne during his reigne more than that whiche the Britishe and Scot­tishe writers haue recorded: so that after Tra­herne had reduced this land to quietnesse, it may be supposed, that the Brytons liued in reste vn­der his gouernement, and lykewyse after vnder his sonnes that succeeded him in the Empire, till about the yeare .360.360. Har [...]. at what tyme the Picts and Scottes inuaded the south partes of the land, as hereafter in place shall further appeare.

But now to ende with Octauius. That the Christian faith remayned still in Britayne, du­ring the supposed tyme of this pretenced kings reigne, it may appere in that amongst the .xxxvj. prouinces, out of the whiche there were assem­bled aboue .iij. C. Bishops in the citie of Sardi­ca

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in Dacia,Synodus an. 351. at a Synode holden there agaynste the Eusebians, Britayne is numbred by Atha­nasius in his seconde Apologie to be one. And a­gayn, the sayd Athanasius in an Epistle whiche he writeth to the Emperor Iouinianus reciteth, that the Churches in Britayne did consent with the Churches of other nations in the Confession of faith articled in the Nicene councell.

Also there is mencion made by writers of cer­taine godlie learned men, whiche liued in offices 50 in the Churche in these dayes, as Restitutus bi­shop of London, whiche wente ouer to the Sy­node holdē at Arles in France, and also one Ky­bius Corinnius that was son to Salomon duke of Cornewall, and bishop of Anglesey, and in­structed the people whiche inhabited in the partes now called Northwales, and them of Anglesey aforesayd verie diligently,

But now to speake somwhat of things chan­cing in Britain about this season (as we find re­corded by ye Romain writers) some trouble was likely to haue grown vnto the Britons by recei­uing certain men of warre that fled out of Ita­lie into Britayn,Marcelli [...] lib. 1 [...]. Pa [...] [...] rie. whom the Emperor Constan­tius would haue punished, bycause they had takē part with Maxentius his aduersarie. Paulus a Spaniard and Notarie was sente ouer by him with cōmission to make enquirie of them, and to see them brought to light to answer their trans­gressions: which Paulus began to deale roughly in the matter, wherof he was called Ca [...]era, and to rage against the Britons and partakers with the fugitiues, in that they had receiued & mayn­teyned them, as he alledged:Martinus li [...] ­tenant. but in the end being certified by Martinus the lieutenant of their in­nocencie, and fearing least his extreme rigours [Page 95] mighte alienate the heartes of the inhabitauntes altogither, and didde cause them to withdrawe their obedience from the Romaine Empire, hee tourned the execution of hys furie from them vnto the Romaines, and made hauocke of those whiche he suspected, till the said Martinus fell at square with him, and thinking on a tyme to kill him, he drew his sword & smote at him, but such was his age & weakenes, yt he was not able to kil or giue him any deadly wound: wherfore he tur­ned 10 ye point of his sword against himself, & so en­ded his life, being contēted rather to die than see his countreymen & subiects of the empire so to be abused. After this, the said Paulus returned backe again into Italy frō whēce he came, after whose departure, it was not long ere he also was slain, and then al the Scots & Picts sore disquieted the Romain subiects, for the suppressing of whose attempts Lupicinus was sent ouer out of Gal­lia by Iulianus, as shal be declared out of Ami­anus 20 Marcellinus, after wee haue firste shewed what we find written in our owne writers con­cerning the Scots & Pictes, who nowe began to robbe & spoile the British inhabitants within the Romain prouinces here in this yle, & that euen in most outragious maner.

Maximianus, or rather Maximus.

Maxi­mianus, or Ma­ximus.

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AFter the decease of Octauius or Octa­uiā (as the old English 30 chronicle nameth him) Maximianus or Ma­ximus, as the Romain writers name him begā to rule the Britōs in ye yere of our Lord .383. he was ye son of one Leo­nine,383. & cousin germain to Constantine the great, a valiant personage, & hardie of stomacke: but yet bicause he was cruell 40 of nature, (and as Fabian saith) somwhat perse­cuted the christians, he was infamed by writers: but the chief cause that he was euil reported, was for that he slew his soueraign Lord, the emperor Gratianus, as after shall appeare, for otherwise he is supposed worthie to haue hadde the rule of the empire cōmitted to his handes in eche respect.

Betwixte him and the abouenamed Conan Meridoc duke of Cornwall, chaunced strife and debate, so that Conan got him into Scotlande, 50 and there purchasing ayde, returned, and coming ouer Humber, wasted the countrey on eche side. Maximianus therof hauing aduertisement, rey­sed his power and went against him, and so figh­ting with him diuers batayles, sometime depar­ted away with victorie, and somtime with losse. At length through mediation of frends, a peace was accorded betwixt thē. Finally this Maxi­mianus, or as the Romaine histories haue, Ma­ximus, was by the souldioures chosen and pro­claimed Emperour here in Britayne: although some write, that this was done in Spayn.

After he had taken vpon him the imperial dig­nitie, vpon desire to haue enlarged his dominion,Galfr. Mon. Fabian. Caxton. Mat. VVest. The Britishe youth led forth of the realme by Maximia­nus. hee assembled togyther all the chosen youthe of thys lande meete to doe seruice in the warres, with the whiche hee passed ouer into Fraunce, and there (as our writers recorde) he first subdued the countrey aunciently called Armorica, & slew in bataile the king therof called Imball. This done he gaue ye country vnto Conan Meridock,Britayne in France. the whiche was there with hym, to hold the same of him, & of the kings of great Britayne for euer. He also commaunded that the sayde countrey from thenceforth should be called Little Britaine, and so was the name changed. What people so euer inhabited there before, the ancient name ar­gueth that they were rather Britons than anye other: for Armorica in the Britishe tong signi­fieth as muche as a countrey lying vpon the sea.

Conan then placing himself and his Britons in yt quarter of Gallia, auoyded all the old inha­bitāts, peopling ye coūtry only wt Britōs, which abhorring to ioyn themselues with women born in Gallia, Conan was counsailed to sende into Britayn for maydes to be coupled with his peo­ple in mariage.Dionethus duke of Corn­vvall. Herevpon a messenger was dis­patched vnto Dionethus at that tyme Duke of Cornewal & gouernor of Britayn vnder Maxi­mianus,Maydes sente foorth requiring him to sende ouer into little Britaine .xj. thousand maydes, that is to witte, viij. M. to be bestowed vpon the meaner forte of Conans people, and .iij. thousand to be ioyned in mariage with the nobles and Gentlemen. Dro­nethus to satisfie the Conans request, assembled the appoynted number of maydes, and amongst them, he also appointed his daughter Vrsula, a lady of excellēt beautie, to go ouer to be giuen in mariage vnto the foresayd Conan Meridock, as he had earnestly requested.

These number of maydes were shipped in Thames, and passing forewarde toward Bri­tayne, were by force of wether and rage of winde scattered abrode and part of them drowned,Vrsula the daughter of Dionethus. & the residue (amongst whom was the forsayd Vrsu­la) were slayn by Guanius king of the Hunnes, and Melga king of the Picts, into whose hands they fell, the which Guanius and Melga were sent by the emperor Gratian to the sea coasts of Germanye, to oppresse & subdue all such as were frendes & maynteyners of the part of Maximus.

We fynde in some bookes that there were sent ouer at that tyme .lj. M. maydes, that is to say, xj.M. of Gentlewomen, and .xl.M. of others.

After that Guanius and Melga had mur­thered the foresayd Virgins,Guanius and Melga. they entred into the [Page 96] north partes of Britayn, where the Scots now inhabite, and beganne to make sore warre on the Britons, whereof when Maximus was aduertised, hee sente into Britayne one Gra­tianus, with three Legions of Souldiours, the whiche bare himself so manfully against the eni­mies, that he constrayned the said Guanius and Melga to flee out of the land, and to withdraw into Irelande.

In this meane while, Maximus hauing slain 10 the Emperour Gratian at Lyon in France, and after entring into Italy, was slain himself at A­quileia, (after he had gouerned the Britons eight yeares) by the Emperour Theodosius, whyche came in ayde of Valentinian, brother to the said Emperor Gratian, as in the Abridgement of the histories of Italy ye may fynde recorded.

But heere yet before wee make an ende with this Maximus or Maximianus, I haue thou­ghte good to set downe the wordes whiche wee 20 fynde in Gildas, where he writeth of the same Maximus,Consobrinus. Helenae impe­ratricis. Gildas. vndoubtedly a Briton born, nephew to the empresse Helena, and begot by a Romain. At length (sayth Gildas) the spring of Tyrants budding vp, and nowe increasing into an huge woodde, the Isle being called after the name of Rome: but holding neyther maners nor lawes according to that name, but rather castyng the same from it, sendeth foorthe a braunche of hir most bitter planting, to witte Maximus, accom­panied 30 with a great number of warriors to gard him, and apparelled in the imperiall robes, which he neuer ware as became him, nor put them on in lawful wise, but (after the custome of tyrants) was put into them by the mutening souldiours: whiche Maximus at the first by a craftie policie rather than by true manhood winding in (as nets of his periurie and false suggestion) vnto his wic­ked gouernement, the countreys and prouinces next adioyning, gainste the Imperiall state of 40 Rome, stretching one of his wings into Spayn, & the other into Italy, placed the throne of his moste vniust empire at Trier, and shewed suche rage in his woodde dealing agaynst his soueraine lordes, that the one of the lawfull Emperors he expulsed foorth of Rome, and the other hee be­refte of his moste religious and godly lyfe. And without long tariance, compassed aboute with suche a furious and bolde garde as he hadde got together, at the Citie of Aquileia hee loseth his 50 wicked head, whiche had cast downe the moste honourable heades of all the worlde from theyr kingdome and Empire.

From thencefoorth Britayne bring depriued of all hir warlyke souldiours and armies, of hir gouernours also, though cruell, and of an huge number of hir youthe (the whiche following the steppes of the foresayde tyraunt, neuer retour­ned home agayne, suche as remayned beyng vt­terly vnskilfull in feates of warre, were trodden downe by two nations of beyonde the seas, [...] the Scots from the Weast, and the Pictes from the North. And as men thus quite dismayed, la­mente their myserable case, not knowing what else to doe for the space of manye yeares togy­ther. By reason of whose greeuous inuasion and cruell oppression wherewith she was mise­rably disquieted, she sendeth hir Ambassadours vnto Rome, makyng lamentable sute euen with teares to haue some power of men of warre sent to defend hir against the enimies, promising to be true subiects with all faithfulnesse of mynd, if the enimie might be kept off and remoued.

Thus farre Gildas and more, as in place hereafter ye shall fynde recited.

But nowe where the Britishe histories, and suche of our Englishe writers as followe them▪ make mention of one Gratianus a Romayne sente ouer with three Legions of souldiours by Maximus, as before ye haue hearde: We may suppose that it was Gratianus the Briton, that afterwardes vsurped the imperial dignitie here in Britayn, in the days of the emperor Honorius: for it standeth neyther with the concurrence of tyme, nor yet with reason of the historie,Sextus A [...] relius. that it should be Gratianus, surnamed Funarius, fa­ther to Valentinian, and grandfather to the Emperour Gratianus, agaynst whome Maximus rebelled. And yet I remember not that any of the Romayn writers maketh mention of any other Gratianus, beeyng a straunger, that should be sent hither as lieutenant to gouerne the Romain armie, except of the foresayd Gratianus Funa­rius,Lib. 30. who as appeareth by Am. Marcellinus was general of ye Romain army here in this yle, and at lengthe being discharged, returned home (into Hungarie, were he was borne) with ho­nour, and there remayning in rest, was at length spoyled of his goodes by the Emperoure Con­stantius as confiscate, for that in tyme of the ciuill warres, he had receyued Magnentius, as he past through his countrey.

But lette vs graunte, that eyther Gratianus the Briton, or some other of that name, was sente ouer into Britayne (as before is sayd) by Maximus, least otherwyse some errour maye bee doubted in the writers of the British histo­ries, as hauyng haply mystaken the tyme, and matter, bringing Eratianus Funarius to serue vnder Maximus, where peraduenture that whi­che they haue redde or hearde of hym, chaunced long before that tyme by them supposed: And so thorough mystaking the thyng, haue made a wrong reporte, where neuerthelesse it standeth with greate lykelyhoode of trouthe, that some not able seruice of Chyualrie was atchieued by [Page 97] the same Gratianus Funarius whilest he remay­ned heere in this Isle, if ye troth might be knowē of that whiche hathe bin written by authors, and happily by the same Am. Marcellinus, if his first thirteene Bookes might once come to lighte and be extāt. But now to end with Maximus. Wil­liam of Malmesburie (as yee haue hearde) wri­teth, that not Maximus, but rather Constantine the Great firste peopled Armorica: but yet hee a­greeth, that both Maximus, and also Constanti­nus 10 the vsurper, of whome after yee shall heare, ledde with them a great number of the Britaines out of this lande, the which Maximus or Max­imianus and Constantinus afterwardes beeyng slayne, the one by Theodosius, and the other by Honorius, the Britaynes that followed them to the warres, parte of them were killed, and the re­sidue escaping by flighte, withdrewe vnto the o­ther Britaynes whiche Constantine the Greate had first placed in Armorica. And so when the 20 Tyrantes had left none in the countrey but rude people, nor any in the Townes but such as were giuen to slouth and glutony, Britayne beeyng voyde of all ayde of hir valiant youth, became a pray to hir next neyghbors the Scottes & Pictes.

Here is yet to bee considered in what price the Souldiers of the Brittish nation were hadde in those dayes, with whose onely puissance Maxi­mus durst take vpon him to goe against all other the forces of the whole Romayne Empire: and 30 how he prospered in that daungerous aduenture, it is expressed sufficiently in the Romayne Hi­stories, by whose report it appeareth, that hee dyd not only conquere all the hither partes of France and Germany, namely on this side the Rhine, but also founde meanes to entrappe the Emperoure Gratian by this kind of policie.William Har­ [...]son out of Paulus Diaco. [...]ib. 12. & aliis. He had a faithfull friend called Andragatius, who was Admirall of the Seas perteyning to the Empire. It was therefore agreed betwixte them, that this An­dragatius 40 (with a chosen company of the army) should be carried in secret wise in a coch towards Lions,Triparti. hist. lib. 9. cap. 21. as if it hadde bin Constantia-Posthumia the Empresse, wife to the Emperoure Gratian, bruting abrode therewithall, that the sayd Em­presse was comming forwardes on hir way to Lions, there to meete with hir husbande, for that vpō occasion she was very desirous to commune with him about certayne earnest businesse.

When Gracian hearde heereof, as one mi­strusting 50 no suche dissimulation, he made hast to meete his wife, and comming at length without any great gard about hym, as one not in doubte of any treason, approched the coche, where suppo­sing to find his wife, he found those that straight­wayes murthered him: and so was hee there dis­patched out of life by the sayd Andragatius, who leapte foorthe of the coche to worke that feate when he had him once within his daunger.

Thus did the Emperoure Grocian finish hys life in the .29. yeare of his age, on the .25. of Au­gust, in the yeare of Christ .383. and then dyed.383 This Flauius Victor he be­gate of his wife Helena the daughter of Eudes. H. Llhuyd. Maximus succeded him (making his sonne Fla­uius Victor Nobilissimus assistante with hym in the Empire) raigning fiue yeares and two dayes. In the beginning of his raigne Valenti­nian the yonger made great suite to him to haue his fathers body, but it woulde not be graunted. Afterwardes also Maximus was earnestly re­quested to come to an enterviewe with the same Valentinian, who promised him not only a safe conduct, but also many other beneficiall good turnes besyde. Yet Maximus durst not putte himselfe in any such hazard, but rather meant to pursue Valentinian as an vsurper, and so at length chased hym into Slauonie, where he was driuen to such a streight,Valentinian put in danger by Maximus. that if Theodosius had not come to releeue him, Maximus hadde driuen him thence also, or else by slaughter ridde hym out of the way. But when Maximus thoughte himselfe most assured,VV. Harison. and so established in the Empire, as hee doubted no perils, hee liued care­lesse of his owne safegard, and therefore dismissed hys Brittishe Souldiers, who retiring into the Northwest partes of Gallia, placed themselues there among theyr countreymen whiche were broughte ouer by the Emperoure Constantius, whilest Maximus passing the residue of hys time in delites and pleasures, was surprised in the ende and slayne by Theodosius, neere vnto Aquileia the .27.Eutropius. of August in the yeare of grace 388. and in the beginning of the sixth yeare of hys raigne, or rather vsurpation,388 as more rightly it may be tearmed.

His sonne Flauius Victor surnamed Nobi­lissimus was also dispatched and brought to hys ende, not farre from the place where his father was slayne,Arbogastes. by the practise of one Arboga [...]es a Goth, whiche Flanius Victor was by the sayde Maximus made Regente of the Frankey [...]ers, and partaker (as before is sayde) with him in the Empire.

After this, the Ile of Britayne remayned in meetely good quiet by the space of twentie yeares, till one Marcus (that was then Legate or as we may call him Lorde Lieutenante or deputie of Britayne for the Romaynes) was by the Souldiers heere proclaymed Emperour against Honorius, whiche Marcus was soone after killed in a tumult raysed among the people within few dayes after his begunne vsurpation.

Then one Gracianus a Britaine borne;Gracianus a Britayne. He raigned four yeares if we shall be­leeue the Brittish histo­rie. suc­ceeded in his place, who was also slayne in the fourth moneth after he had taken vppon hym the imperiall ornamentes.

The Souldiers not yet heerewith pacifyed, [Page 98] proceeded to the election of an other Emperoure, or rather vsurper, and so pronounced a noble Gentleman called Constantine, borne also in Britayne, to be Emperoure, who tooke that ho­nour vpon him in the .409.409 yeare after the birth of our Sauiour, continuing his raigne by the space of two yeares and odde monethes, as the Ro­mayne histories make mention. Some reporte this Constantine to be of no great towardly dis­position worthy to gouerne an Empire, and that 10 the Souldiers chose him rather for the names sake, bycause they would haue another Constan­tine, more than for anye vertues or sufficiente qualities found in his person. But other commēd him, both for manhoode and wisedome, wherein to speake a troth, hee deserued singular commen­dation, if this one note of vsurpation of the Im­periall dignitie had not stayned his other noble qualities. But heerein he did no more than many other woulde haue done, neyther yet after his in­uesture 20 he did so muche as was looked for at hys handes. Beeyng placed in the Imperial throne, he gathereth an army with all possible endeuour, purposing out of hande to goe ouer therewith in­to France, and so did, thinking thereby to winne the possession of that countrey out of the handes of Honorius, or at the least to worke so as hee shoulde not haue the Souldiers and people there to be against him if he missed to ioyne in league with the Suabeyners, Alanes, and Vandales, which he sought to performe: but in the ende, whē neyther of these his deuises coulde take place, hee sendeth ouer for his sonne Constans, (whome in his absēce his aduersaries had shorn a Monke) and making him partaker with him in the Em­pire, hee caused him to bring ouer with him ano­ther army, whiche vnder the conduct of the same Constans hee sente into Spayne to bring that countrey vnder his obeysance. This Constans therefore comming vnto the passages that leade ouer the Pyrenine Mountaynes, Dindimus and Verianianus two brethren, vnto whom the kee­ping of those passages was committed to defende the same againste the Vandalles and all other enemies of the Empire,His Souldi [...] were P [...] and p [...] [...] mong [...] men of [...] that serued vnder the [...] signes of the Empire, a [...] were [...] after Ho­us, H [...] ­ciani. Bl [...]d [...]. were ready to resist hym with their seruants and countreymen that inha­bited thereaboutes, giuing him a right sharpe en­counter, and at the first putting him in great dan­ger of an ouerthrow, but yet at length by the va­liant prowes of his Brittishe Souldiers Con­stans put his aduersaries to flighte, and killed the two Captaynes with diuers other men of name that were partakers with him in the necessary de­fence of the countrey against the enimies.

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When Constans had thus repulsed those that resisted him, the custodie of the passages in the Pi­renine Mountaynes was committed vnto suche bandes of Pictes and other as were appoynted to to goe with him about the atchieuing of this en­terprise, who hauing the possessiō of those streites or passages in their handes, gaue entrie vnto o­ther 50 barbarous nations to inuade Spayne, who being once entred, pursued the former inhabitants with fire and sworde, settled themselues in that coūtrey, and droue out the Romaines. The Em­peror Honorius perceyuing the reeling state of ye Empire, determined foorthwith to recouer it be­fore it fell altogither into ruine: & therefore he sent one Constantius an Earle to driue Constantine out of Gallia, which he acordingly performed: for after certayne bickerings, he slew ye sayd Constā ­tine at Arles, although not without great bloud­shed. He pursued also ye residue of ye Britains, dri­uing thē to ye very Sea coasts, where they shrou­ded thēselues amōg the other Britayns, yt before wer settled in the countrey there, antiently called (as before we sayd) Armorica, yt is, a region lying on ye sea coast: for Ar in the Brittish tong signifi­eth vpon, & Moure perteining to the Sea. And as this Constantine ye father was slayn by Cōstan­tius, so was Cōstans ye son killed at Vienna by one of his owne Captaynes named Gerontius, wherby it came to passe, ye Honorius shortly after hauing thus obteined ye victory of both these vsur­pers [Page] recouered the Isle, [...]. Harrison. but yet not till the yeare next following, and that by the high industrie & great diligence of that valiant Gentleman Earle Constantius. The slaughter of Constantine and his sonne hapned in the first yeare of the .297. O­lympiade 465. after the comming of Cesar .162. after the building of Rome, the dominicall letter being A. and the golden number .13. so that the re­couering of the Ilande fell in the yeare of oure Lord .411. 10

411Heere also is eftsoones to bee considered the valure of the Brittishe Souldiers, who follo­wing this last remembred Constantine the vsur­per, did put the Romayne state in great daunger, and by force brake through into Spayne, van­quishing those that kept the streights of ye moun­taynes betwixt Spayne and Gallia, nowe called France, an exployt of no small consequence, sith thereby the number of Barbarous nations gote 20 free passage to enter into Spayne, whereof ensued many battayles, sackings of Cities and townes, and wasting of the countreys accordingly as the furious rage of those fierce people was moued to put their crueltie in practise. If therefore the Bri­tayne writers hadde considered and marked the valiant exploytes and noble enterprises which the Brittish aydes, armyes and legions atchieued in seruice of the Romayne Emperours (by whome whilest they had the gouernement ouer thys Isle, there were at sundry times notable numbers cō ­ueyed 30 forth into the parties of beyonde the Seas, as by Albinus and Constantius, also by his sonne Constantine the great, by Maximus, and by this Constantine, both of them vsurpers) if (I say) the Brittish writers had taken good note of the num­bers of the Brittishe youth thus conueyed ouer from hence, and what notable exploytes they boldly attempted, and no lesse manfully atchie­ued, they needed not to haue giuen eare vnto the 40 fabulous reportes forged by their Bardes of Ar­thur and other their Princes worthy indeede of high cōmendation. And pitie it is, that theyr fame shoulde bee brought by suche meanes out of cre­dite by the incredible and fonde fables whyche haue bin deuised of their actes so vnlike to be true, as the tales of Robin Hood, or the iestes written by Ariost the Italian in his booke entituled Or­lando Furioso, sith the same writers had other­wise true matter ynough to write of concernyng 50 the worthy feates by their countreymen in those dayes in forraine parties boldly enterprised and no lesse valiantly accomplished, as also ye warres whiche nowe and then they maynteyned a­gainst the Romaynes here at home, in times whē they felte themselues oppressed by their tyranni­cal gouernement, as by yt which is written before of Caratacus, Voadicia, Cartimādua, Venusi­us, Galgagus or Galdus (as some name him) and diuers other, who for their noble valiancies de­serue as much prayse, as by tong or pen is able to be expressed. But nowe to returne vnto the Brit­tish historie: we will proceede in order with theyr Kings as wee fynde them in the same mentio­ned, and therefore we haue thought good to speake somewhat further of Gracian from whome [...] haue digressed.

Gracianus.

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GRacianusGraci­anus. then (whō Maximus or Maximianus had sente into Britayne (as before ye haue heard) hearing that his ma­ster was slain, tooke vppon him the rule of this our Britaine, and made him­selfe King thereof in the yeare .390.390 Hee was a Britaine borne, as Polydore writeth, constru [...]ng so by that hee is named by Authors to be Muni­cep [...], that is to say, a free man of ye countrey or ci­tie wher he inhabiteth. For his sternenesse & rough manner of gouernement,Of the Ro­mayne Soul­diers as Blon­dus hath. he was of the Britaines ( [...] the histories alledge) slayne and dispatched out of the way after he hadde raigned the [...] of four yeares, or rather foure monethes, as shoulde seeme by that whiche is founde in autentike wri­ters and as Harrison in his Chronologie hath ful well noted. Then the forenamed Kings Gua­nius and Melga,Caxton. Galfrid. which (as some write were bre­thren) returned into thys lande with their armies encreased with newe supplyes of menne of warre, as Scottes, Danes, and Norwegians, and de­stroyed the countrey from side to syde. For the Britaynes in this season were sore enfeabled, and were not able to make anye greate numbers of Souldiers,Galfrid. Mat. VVest Caxton. by reason that Maximus hadde ledde foorthe of the lande the floure and chiefest choice of all the Brittish youth into Gallia, as before ye haue hearde.

Gildas maketh no mention of these two Kings Guanius and Melganor of the Hunnes,Gildas. but rehearsing this great destruction of the lande, declareth (as before yee haue hearde,) that the Scottes and Pictes were the same that dyd all the mischiefe, whome hee calleth two nations of beyonde the Seas, the Scottes comming out of the Northwest, and the Pictes out of the North­east, by whome (as hee sayeth) the lande was o­uerrunne, and broughte vnder foote manye yeeres after. Therefore the Britaines beeyng thus vexed, spoyled, and cruelly persecuted [Page] by the Scottes and Pictes (if wee shall so take them) sente messengers with all speede vnto Rome to make suite for some ayde of menne of warre to bee sente into Britayne: wherevpon im­mediately a legion of Souldiers was sente thy­ther Anno .414.414 the whiche easily repulsed the eni­mies, and chased them backe with greate slaugh­ter, to the great comfort of the Britaines, ye which by this meanes were deliuered from present dan­ger of vtter destruction as they thought. But the 10 Romaynes beeing occasioned to depart agayne out of the lande, appointed ye Britaynes to make a wall (as had bin made aforetime by the Empe­rors Adrian, Antoninus & Seuerus) ouerthwart the coūtrey from sea to sea,Beda & Policro. stretching from Pen­nelton vnto the Citie of Aclud, whereby the eni­mies might be stayed from entring the lande: but this wall being made of turfe and soddes, rather than with stones, after the departure of the Ro­manes was easily ouerthrowen by the Scottes & Pictes, which eftsoones returned to inuade the cō ­fines of the Britaines, and so entring the coun­trey, wasted and destroyed all afore them, accor­ding to their former custome.Gildas. Policrus. Beda. Mat. VV [...] Herevpō were mes­sengers with lamentable letters agayn dispatched towards Rome for new ayde against those cruell enimies, with promise, that if the Romaynes would now in this great necessitie help to deliuer the land, they should be assured to finde the Brit­taynes euermore obediente subiectes, and ready at their commaundement.Blondus. Valentinianus (pitying the case of the poore Britaynes) appoynted ano­ther legion of Souldiers (of the which one Gal­lio of Rauenna had the leading) to goe to theyr succours,Gallio Raue­nas sent into Britayne. the which arriuing in Britayne set on ye enimies, and giuing them the ouerthrowe, slewe a great number of them, & chased ye residue out of the countrey.

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The Romanes thus hauing obteyned the vic­tory, declare to the Britaynes, that from thence­foorth 40 they would not take vppon them for euery light occasion so paynefull a iourney, alledgyng, how there was no reason why the Romayne en­signes with such a number of men of warre shuld be put to trauell so farre by sea and lande, for the repulsing and beating backe of a sort of scattering rouers and pilfering theeues: wherefore they ad­uised the Britaynes to looke to their duties, & lyke men to endeuor themselues to defende their coun­trey by their owne force from the enimies inuasi­ons. 50 And bicause they iudged that this mighte be an help to ye Britaynes, they set in hande to build a wall yet once againe ouerthwart the Isle in ye same place where the Emperour Seuerus caused his trench & rampire to be cast. [...] wall built [...]uerthwart [...]e Ilande. [...]eda. This wall whiche the Romanes nowe builte with help of the Bri­taynes, conteyned in breadth eyght foote, and in heigth twelue foote, trauersing the land from East to West, and was made of stone. After that thys wall was finished,Gildas & Beda. the Romaynes giuing good exhortations to the Britaynes to play the men, they shewed also vnto thē the way how to make armour and weapon. And besydes this, on the coast of the East sea where their Shippes lay at roade, and where it was doubted that the enimies woulde lande, they caused towers to bee erected with spaces betwixt, out of the whiche the Seas might be discouered. These things ordered in this wise, the Romanes bade the Britaynes farewel, as not minding to returne thither agayne. The Romanes then being departed out of the land,Gildas. the Scottes and Pictes hauing knowledge thereof, straight wayes returne againe by Sea, and being more emboldned than before, bycause of the deni­all made by the Romaynes to come any more to the succoure of the Britaynes, they take into pos­session all the Northe and vttermost boundes of the Isle, euen vnto the foresayde wall, therein to [Page 101] remayne as inhabitants.This chanced in the yere .43 as M. VV. hath And whereas the Bri­taynes gote them to their wal to defend the same, that the enimies should not passe further into the country, they were in the ende beaten from it, and diuers of them slayne, so that the Scottes and Pictes entred vppon them and pursued them in more cruell manner than before, so that the Bri­taynes being chased out of their Cities, Townes, and dwelling houses, were constreyned to flee in­to desert places, and there to remayne and lyue 10 after the manner of sauage people, & in the ende, began to robbe and spoyle one another, so to a­uoyde the daunger of steruing for lacke of foode: and thus at the last the countrey was so destroy­ed and wasted, that there was no other shifte for them that were left aliue to liue by, excepte onely by hunting and taking of wilde beasts and foules. And to augment their miserie, the commons im­puting the faulte to rest in the Lordes and go­uernoures, rose against them in armes,Hecto. Boetiu [...] Rebellion. but were vanquished and easily put to flight at two seue­rall times being beaten downe and slayne throgh

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lacke of skill in such number, especially the latter time, that the residue whiche escaped, withdrewe into the craggy Mountaines, where within the bushes and caues they kepte themselues close, sometimes comming downe and fetching away from the heardes of beastes and flockes of Sheepe whiche belonged to the nobles and Gentlemen of the countrey great booties to relieue them with­all, 30 but at length oppressed with extreame fa­mine when neyther parte coulde long remayne in this state, as needing one anothers help, necessitie made peace betwixt the Lordes and commons of the lande, all iniuries being pardoned and cleerely forgiuen.Ciuill warre decayed the force of the Britaynes. This ciuill warre decayed the force of ye Britaynes, little lesse than the Tyrannicall pra­ctises of Maximus, for by the aduoyding of the commons thus out of their houses, the grounde lay vntilled,What mis­chiefe followe of ciuil warres whereof ensued suche famine for the 40 space of three yeares togither, that a wonder­full number of people dyed for wante of suste­nance.

Thus the Britaynes being brought generally into suche extreame miserie, they thought good to trie if they might purchase some ayde of that no­ble man Actius,Actius. whiche at that time remayned in Fraunce as yet called Gallia, gouerning the same as Lieutenant vnder the Emperour Honorius: and herevpon taking counsel togither, they wrote 50 a letter to him, the tenor whereof ensueth. To A­ctius thrice Consull. The lamentable request of vs the Britaynes beseecheth you of ayde to bee ministred vnto the prouince of the Romane Em­pire, vnto our countrey, vnto our wiues & children at this presente, the whiche stande in most ex­treame perill. For the barbarous people driue vs to the Sea, and the Sea driueth vs backe vnto them agayne hereof rise two kindes of deathe, for eyther are wee slayne, or drowned, and agaynste such euils haue we no remedie nor help at all. Therefore in respect of your clemencie, succoure youre owne wee most instantly require you. &c. But notwithstanding that the Britaines thus sought for ayde at the handes of Aetius,The Britayne could get no ayde from th [...] Romaynes. as then the Emperours Lieutenaunte, yet coulde they none get, either for that Actius woulde not, as he that passed little howe things wente, bicause he bare displeasure in his mind against Valenti­nianus as the Emperour, or else for that he could not, being otherwise constreyned to employ al his forces in other places against such barbarous na­tions as then inuaded the Romane Empire. And so by ye meanes was Britayne lost, & the tribute whiche the Britaynes were accustomed to paye vnto the Romaynes ceassed, iust a fiue hundred yeares after that Iulius Cesar firste entred the Isle.

The Britaynes being thus put to their shifts, many of them as hunger staruen were constrey­ned to yeeld themselues into the hāds of their eni­mies, where other yet keeping within the Moun­taynes, wooddes and caues, brake out as occasion serued vpon their aduersaries, and then first (saith Gildas) did the Britaynes not putting their trust in man but in God (according to the saying of Philo, where mans help faileth, it is needeful that Gods help be present) make slaughter of their e­nimies that hadde bin accustomed many yeares to robbe and spoyle them in manner as before is recited,Punishment ceasteth but sin encrease [...] and so the bolde attemptes of the ene­mies ceassed for a time, but the wickednesse of the Brittishe people ceassed not at all. The enimies departed out of the lande, but the [Page 102] inhabitantes departed not from their naughtye doings, beeyng not so ready to putte backe the common enimies, as to exercise ciuill warre and discord amongst themselues. The wicked Irishe people departed home, to make returne againe within a while after. [...] But the Pictes [...] themselues firste in that season in the vttermost boundes of the Isle, and there continued, making reyses oftentimes vppon theyr neyghbours, and spoyling them of their goodes.

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This with more also hath Gildas and lyke­wise Beda written of this great desolation of the Brittish people:Galfridus. Gildas his [...]ords are to [...]e considered. wherein if the wordes of Gildas be well wayed and consydered of, it may leade vs to thinke that the Scottes hadde no habitacions 30 heere in Britayne, but only in Irelande, till after this season, and that at this presente time the Pictes whiche before inhabited within the Isles of Orkney, now placed themselues in the North partes of Scotland, and after by processe of time came and nestled themselues in Louthian, in the Mers and other coūtreys more neere to our bor­dures. But to procede: The Brittish histories af­firme, that whilest the Britaynes were thus persecuted by those two most cruell and fierce na­tions 40 the Scottes and Pictes, the noble and chie­fest men amongst them consulted togither, and concluded to sende an honorable Ambassade vn­to Aldroenus as then King of little Brittayne in Gallia,An ambassade [...]ent from the Britaynes vnto Aldroenus King of Bri­taine in Frāce. which Aldroenus was the fourth from Conam Meridoc the first King there of the Bri­tish nation.

Of this Ambassade the Archbishop of London named Guetheline or Gosseleyne was appoynted for chiefe and principall, the whiche passing ouer 50 into little Britaine, and comming before the pre­sence of Aldroenus, so declared the effect of hys message, that his suite was graunted.

For Aldroenus agreed to send his brother Cō ­stantine ouer into great Britayne with a conue­nient power,Constantine the brother of Aldroenus. vppon condition, that the victory beeing obteyned againste the enimies, the Brit­taynes should make hym Kyng of greate Brit­tayne.

Thus it is apparant that this lande of Brit­tayne was withoute any certayne gouernoure,A dig [...] after that Gracian the vsurper was dispatched certaine yeares togither, but how many yeares, writers in their accompt varry.

Fabian gathereth by sundry coniectures,Fabian. that the space betwixte the deathe of Gracian and the beginning of the raigne of the sayd Constantine, brother of Aldroenus, continued nine and thirtie yeares, during whiche time the Britaynes were sore and miserably afflicted by the inuasions of the Scottes and Pictes, as before ye haue hearde by testimonies taken out of Beda, Gildas, Gef­frey of Monmouth, and other writers of the Brittishe and English histories.

But nowe sith no mention is made of the Scottes in oure histories till the dayes of Maxi­mus the vsurper or Tyrante, as some call him,Maximus. whyche beganne hys raigne here in Britaine a­bout the yeare of oure Lorde .383.383 and that tyll after hee had bereft the lande of the chiefest forces thereof in taking the most parte of the youth ouer with him: wee fynde not in the same histories of any troubles wroughte to the Britaynes by that nation. Therefore we haue thought good herre to come backe to the former tymes, that wee maye shewe what is found mentioned in the Romaine histories, both before that time and after, as well concerning the Scottes and Pictes,Ammianus Marcellinus lib. 20. The Empe [...] Iulianus. as also the Saxons, and especially in Ammianus Marcel­linus, where in the beginning of his twentith booke entreating of the doyngs of the Emperoure [Page 103] Iulianus, hee hathe these wordes in effect as fol­lowe.

In this state stoode thyngs in Illir [...] or Sla­uonia, and in the East partes, at what tyme Cō ­stantius bare the office of Consull the tenth time, and Iulianus the thirde tyme, that is to witte, in the yeare of our Lord,360 360. when in Britaine qui­etnesse beeing disturbed by roades made by the Scottes and Pictes which are wilde and sauage people, [...]ottes and [...]ictes trou­ [...]e the state [...] this Isle. the frountiers of the contrey were wasted, 10 and feare oppressed the prouinces awearied, with the heape of passed losses.

The Emperour (hee meaneth Iulianus) as then remayning at Paris, and hauing his minde troubled with many cares, doubted to goe to the ayde of them beyond the Sea, as we haue shewed that Constantius dyd, least hee shoulde leaue them in Gallia withoute a Ruler, the Almaynes beeyng euen then prouoked and stirred vp to cru­eltie and warre.Lupicinus sent into Britayne. Hee thoughte good therefore to 20 sende Lupicinus vnto these places to bring things into frame and order, whiche Lupicinus was at that time master of the armory, a warlike person and skilfull in all poyntes of chiualrie, but proude and high minded beyonde measure, and such one as it was doubted long whether he was more couetous or cruell.

Heerevppon, the sayde Lupicinus setting for­warde the lighte armed menne of the Heruli and Bataui, Bataui nowe Hollanders. with diuers companies also of the people 30 of Mesia now called Bulgarie: When winter was well entred and come on, hee came himselfe to Bulleigne, and there prouiding Shippes and embarquing his men when the winde serued hys purpose,Rutupis. hee transported ouer vnto Sandwiche, and so marched foorth vnto London, from thence purposing to set forward, as vppon aduice taken according to the qualitie of his businesse, he should thinke meete and expedient.

Of the dis­placing of these men the learned may see more in Am. Mar.In the meane time, whilest Lupicinus was 40 busie here in Britaine to represse the enimies, the Emperour Constantius displaced certayne offi­cers, and among other he depriued the same Lu­picinus of the office of Master of the armory, ap­poynting one Gumobarius to succeede hym in that roomth before any suche thing was knowen in these parties: and where it was doubted least that Lupicinus (if hee hadde vnderstoode so much whilest hee was yet in Britayne) woulde haue attempted some newe trouble, as he was a man 50 of a stoute and loftie mynde, he was called backe from thence, and withall there was sente a nota­rie vnto Bulleyne to watche that none shoulde passe the Seas ouer into Britayne till Lupici­nus were returned: and so returning ouer from thence ere hee hadde anye knowledge what was done by the Emperoure, hee coulde make no sturre, hauyng no suche assisters in Gallia, as it was thoughte he myght haue hadde in Britayne if he should haue moued Rebellion there. Beside this also the same Marcellinus speaking of the doings about the time that Valentinianus being elected Emperour,Lib. 26. had admitted his brother Va­lens as followe with him in gouernemente, hathe these words.Ammianus Marcellinus lib. 26. In this season as though trumpets had blowen the sounde to battell through out the whole Romayne Empire, most cruell nations being styrred vp inuaded the bordures nexte to them adioyning,The Almanes. the Almaynes wasted and de­stroyed the partes of Gallia and Rhitia,The Sarmatae. The Quadi. Picts & Saxōs as the Sarmatians and Quadi did Parmonia. The Pictes, the Saxons, the Scottes, and the Atta­cottes vexed the Britaynes with continuall trou­bles, and greeuous domages. The Austoriani,Austoriani. The Gothes. and the people of the Mores ouerranne the countrey of Affrike more sharply than in time past they had done. The pilfering troupes of the Gothes spoyled Thracia. The King of Persia sette in hande to subdue the Armenians, and soughte to bring them vnder his obeysance, hasting with all speede towardes Numomia, pretending (though vniustly) that now after the decesse of Iouianus with whome hee hadde contracted a league and bonde of peace, there was no cause of let why hee ought not recouer those things which (as he al­ledged) did belong to his auncetours, and so foorthe.

Moreouer,Lib. 27. the same Marcellinus in another place writeth in this wise, where hee speaketh of the sayde Valentinianus. Departing therefore from Amiens, and hasting to Trier, hee was troubled with greeuous newes that were brought hym, gyuing hym to vnderstand, that Britayne by a conspiracie of the Barbarous nations was broughte to vtter pouertie, that Nectaridus one of the Emperoures house Earle of the Sea coast hauyng charge of the partyes towardes the Sea, was slayne,Comesmari­timi tractus. and that the generall Bulcho­baudes was circumuented by traynes of the eni­mies. These thyngs with greate horror beeyng knowen, hee sent Seuerus as then Earle, or (as I may call hym Lorde Stewarde of his house­holde) to refourme things that were amisse if happe woulde so permitte,Comesdome­sticorum. who beeyng shortly called backe, Iouinius goyng thyther, and with speede hasting forwarde, sent for more ayde and a greater power of menne, as the instant necessi­tie then required. At length, for many causes, and the same greatly to be feared, the which were reported and aduertised out of that Isle,Theodosius sente into Britaine. Theo­dosius was elected and appoynted to goe thy­ther, a man of approoued skill in warlike affayres, and calling togyther an hardy youthfull num­ber of the legions and cohortes of men of warre, hee wente foorthe, no small hope beeyng con­ceyued of hys good speede: the fame whereof [Page 104] spred and went afore him, and a little after Mar­cellinus adding what maner of people they were that troubled the Britaynes in this wise, he sayth thus: This shall suffice to be sayde, that in thys season the Pictes deuided into two nations,Pictes deui­ded into two nations. Attacotti. Di­calidones, and Vecturiones, and in like maner the Attacotti a right warlike nation, and the Scots wandering heere and there, made foule worke in places where they came.

The confines of Fraunce were disquieted by 10 the Frankeyners and Saxons bordurers vnto them, euery one as they could breake foorth, doing great harme by cruell spoyle, fyre, and takyng of prisoners.

To withstande those doyngs if good fortune would giue hym leaue, that most able Captayne going vnto the vttermost boundes of the earthe,Theodosius passeth ouer into Britayne. when hee came to the coast of Bulleyne whyche is separated from the contrary coast on the other side by the Sea, with a narrowe streighte, where 20 sometime the water goeth very high and rough, and shortly after becommeth calme and pleasant without hurt to those that passe the same, he tran­sporting ouer at leysure, arriued at Sandwiche (or rather Rextachester) where there is a quiete roade for vessels to lie at ancre.

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Wherevppon, when the Bataui and Heruti with the Souldiers of the legions cleped Iouij, Bataui Hol­landers. and Victores, being companies that trusted well to their owne strengthe, marched foorthe and drew towardes London, an auntient citie, whi­che now of late hath bin called Augusta.London called Augusta.

Herwith deuiding his army into sundry parts, he set vppon the troupes of the enimies as they 50 were abroade to forrey the countrey, [...]estred with burdens of their spoyles and pillage, and speedily putting them to flighte as they were leading a­way those prisoners whiche they had taken with their booties of cattell, hee berefte them of theyr pray, the whiche the poore Britaynes that were tributaries had lost.

To bee briefe, restoring the whole excepte a small portion bestowed amongst the weery soul­diers, he entred the Citie which before was ouer­set with troubles, but nowe sodainly refreshed, by­cause there was hope of reliefe, and assuted pre­seruation.

After this, when Theodosius was comforted with prosperous successe to attempte things of greater importance, and searching wayes howe with good aduice to worke surely: whilest hee re­mayned doubtfull what would ensue, he learned as wel by the confession of prisoners taken, as al­so by the information of such as were fledde from the enimies, that the scattered people of sundry nations which with practise of great crueltie wer become fierce and vndanted, could not be subdu­ed but by policie secretly contriued, and suddayne inuasions. At length therefore setting foorthe hys Proclamations, and promising pardon to those that were gone away from their Captaynes or charge, he called them backe againe to serue: and also those that by licence were departed and lay scattered here and there in places abroade. By this meanes, when many were returned, he being on the one side earnestly prouoked, and on the o­ther holden backe with thoughtfull cares, requi­red to haue one Ciuilis by name sent to hym to haue the rule of the prouinces in Britayne in steede of the other gouernours,Theodos [...] required to haue Ciuilis sent to him. a man of sharpe witte, and an earnest maynteyner of iustice. Hee likewise required that one Dulcitius a Captayne renoumed in knowledge of warlike affayres,Dulcitius mighte bee sente ouer to him for his better assi­stance. These things were done in Britayne.

Agayne in hys eyght and twentie booke, the same Marcellinus reciting further what the same Theodosius dyd atchieue in Britaine, hath in effect these wordes, Theodosius verily a Cap­tayne of worthy fame, taking a valiant courage to hym, and departing from Augusta,London cal [...] Augusta. whyche men of olde tyme called London, with Souldi­ers assembled by greate diligence, did succoure and releeue greatly the decayed and troubled state of the Britaynes, preuenting euery conue­nient place where the barbarous people myghte lye in wayte to doe mischiefe, and nothing hee commanded the mean Souldiers to doe, but that which he with a cheerefull mind would firste take in hand to shew them an example.

By this meanes accomplishing the roomth of a valiant Souldier, and fulfilling the charge of a noble Captayne, hee discomfyted and putte to flight sundry nations, whome presumption (nou­rished by securitie) emboldned to inuade the Ro­mayne prouinces: And so the Cities and Castels that had bin sore endomaged by manyfolde losses and displeasures, were restored to their former state of welth, ye foundation of rest and quietnesse being layde for a long season after to ensue.

[Page 105]But as these things were a doing, a wicked practise was in hande lyke to haue burst forth, to the grieuous daunger of setting things in broyle, if it had not beene stayed euen in the beginning of the first attempt.

Valentinus, Valeria now [...]tiermarke.There was one Valentinus, borne in the parties of Valeria adioyning to Pannonia, now called Stiermarke, a man of a prowde and loftie stomacke, brother to the wyfe of Maximinus, which Valentinus for some notable offence had 10 beene banished into Brytayne, where the naugh­tie man that coulde not rest in quiet, deuised how by some commotion hee might destroy Theodo­sius, who as he sawe was onely able to resist his wicked purposes. And going about many things both priuily and apertly, the force of his vnmea­surable desire to mischief stil encreasing, he sought to procure aswell other that were in semblable wise banished men, and inclined to mischiefe lyke to him selfe, as also diuerse of the souldiers, allu­ring 20 them as the time serued, with large promises of great wealth, if they would ioyne with hym in that enterpryse. But euen now in the verie nicke when they should haue gone in hande with their vngracious exployt, Theodosius warned of theyr intent, boldly aduaunced himselfe to see due pu­nishmēt executed of the offenders that were forth­with taken and knowne to be guiltie in that con­spiracie.

Dulcitius is [...]ppointed to [...]ut Valenti­nus to death.Theodosius committed Valentine with a few 30 other of his trustie complices vnto the Captaine Dulcitius, commaunding him to see them put to death: but coniecturing by his warlike skill wher­in he passed all other in those dayes) what might follow, he woulde not in any wise haue any fur­ther enquirie made of the other conspirators, least through feare that might be spread abrode in ma­ny, the troubles of the Prouinces now well quie­ted, should be againe reuiued.

After this, Theodosius disposing himselfe to 40 redresse many things as neede requyred, all dan­ger was quite remoued, so that it was moste ap­parant, that fortune fauoured him in suche wise, that she left him not destitute of hir furtheraunce in any one of all his attempts: he therefore resto­red the Cities and Castels that were appoynted to be kept with garisons, and the borders he cau­sed to be defended and garded with sufficient nū ­bers to keepe watch and warde in places necessa­rie. And hauing recouered the Prouince whiche 50 the enimies had gotten into their possession, hee so restored it to the former state, that vpon his motion to haue it so, a lawfull gouernour was assigned to rule it, and the name was chaunged so,A part of Bry­tayne called Valentia. as from thenceforth it should be called Valen­tia for the Princes pleasure.

The Areani, a kinde of men ordeyned in tymes past by our elders, (of whom somwhat we haue spoken in the actes of the Emperour Con­stance) being now by little & little fallen into vi­ces, he remoued from theyr places of abyding, be­ing openly conuicted, that allured wyth brybes and fayre promyses, they had oftentymes be­wrayed vnto the barbarous Nations what was done among the Romaines: for this was theyr charge, to runne vp and downe by long iourneys, and to giue warning to oure Captaines, what sturre the people of the next confines were about to make.

Theodosius therfore hauing ordred these and other like things, most worthily to his high fame,The prayse of Theodosius. was called home to the Emperours Court, who leauing the Prouinces in most triumphant state, was highly renowmed for his often and moste profitable victories, as if he had bene an other Ca­millus, or Cursor Papyrius: and with the fauor and loue of all men was conueyed vnto the Sea side, and passing ouer with a gentle winde, came to the Court, where he was receyued wyth great gladnesse and commendation, being immediate­ly appoynted to succeed in rowmth of Valence Iouinus that was master of the horses.

Finally, he was called by the Emperor Gra­tianus, to be associate with him in the Imperiall estate, after the death of Valence, in the yeare after the incarnation of our sauiour .379. and raigned Emperor surnamed Theodosius the great, about xvj. yeares and two dayes.VVil. Har.

But now to our former matter. Hereto also may that be applyed which the foresayd Marcel­linus wryteth after in the same booke, touching the inuasion of the Saxons,VVolf. Lazi. the which (as Wolf. Lazius taketh it) entred then first into great Bri­taine, but were repulsed of the Emperour Va­lentinianus the fyrst, by the conduct of Se­uerus.Seuerus.

The same yeare (sayth he) that the Empe­rours were the thirde tyme Consuls, there brake forth a multitude of Saxons, and passing the seas, entred strongly into the Romain confines: a natiō fed oftentimes with ye slaughter of our peo­ple, the brunt of whose first inuasion,Nonneus Comes. Erle Nan­neus susteyned, ye which was appointed to defend those partyes, & an approued captain, with conti­nuall trauaile in warres verie expert: but then en­countring with desperate and forlorne people, when he perceyued some of his souldiers to be o­uerthrowne and beaten downe, and himself woū ­ded, not able to abyde the often assaults of his eni­mies, he obteyned this by enforming the Empe­rour what was necessarie and ought to be done,Seuerus Co­ronell of the footemen. insomuch that Seuerus, maister (or as I may cal him Coronell of the footemen) was sent to helpe and relieue things that stoode in daunger: the which bringing a sufficient power with him for the state of that businesse, when he came to those [Page 106] places, he deuiding his armie into partes, put the Saxons in suche feare and trouble before they fought, that they did not so muche as take wea­pon in hande to make resistaunce, but being a­mased wyth the sight of the glyttering ensignes and Eagles figured in the Romaine standardes, they streight made sute for peace, and at length after the matter was debated in sundrie wise (by­cause it was iudged that it shoulde be profitable for the Romaine common wealth) truce was 10 graunted vnto them, and many yong men (able for seruice in the warres) deliuered to the Ro­maines according to the couenants concluded.

After this the Saxons were permitted to de­part without impechment, so to returne from whence they came, the which being now out of al feare and preparing to goe their wayes, dyuerse bands of footmen were sent to lie priuily in a cer­taine hid vally, so embushed as they might easily breake forth vpon the enimies as they passed by 20 them. But it chaunced farre otherwise than they supposed: for certaine of those footemen styrred with the noyse of them as they were comming, brake forth out of time, and being sodenly disco­uered whilest they hasted to vnite and knit them­selues togither, by the hideous crie and shoute of the Saxons, they were put to flight. Yet by and by closing togither againe, they stayed, and the extremitie of the chaunce ministring to them force (though not sufficient) they were dryuen to fight it oute, and beeing beaten downe wyth great slaughter, had dyed euery mothers sonne, if a troupe of Horsemen armed at all poyntes (beeing in like maner placed in an other syde at the parting of the way to assayle the enimies as they shoulde passe) aduertysed by the dolefull noyse of them that foughte, had not speedi­lye come in to the succours of theyr fel­lowes.

Then ranne they togyther more cruellye than before, and the Romaines bending themsel­ues towardes theyr enimies, compassed them in on eche syde, and with theyr drawne swordes slue them downe right, so that there was not one of them left to returne home to theyr natiue Countrey to bryng newes howe they had spedde, nor one suffred to liue after the death of his fel­lowes.

[figure]

And although an indifferent man that shoulde iudge hereof, might with cause reproue so vniust and dishonorable dealing: yet the thing being well weyed and considered, he would not thinke euill of it, that a wicked knotte of theeues and Robbers shoulde at length paye after the pryce of the Market. 50

Thus were the limittes of the Romain Em­pyre preserued at that time in Brytaine, whiche should seeme to be about the yere of our lord .399.

Honorius the Emperour.After this in the time of the Emperour Hono­rius, also the Scottes, Pictes, and Saxons, did eftsoones inuade the frontiers of the Romaine Prouince in Brytaine, as appeareth by that which the Poet Claudianus wryteth, in attry­buting the honour of preseruing the same fron­tyers vnto the sayde Emperour, in his booke inti­tuled Panegericus tertij Consolatus, (which fell in the yeare .396. as thus:396 Claudi [...]

Ille leues Mauros nec falso nomine Pictos
Edomuit, Scotum (que) vago mucrone secutus,
Fregit Hyperboreas remis audacibus vndas.
Et geminis fulgens vtro (que) sub axe tropheis,
Tethyos alternae refluas calcauit arenas.
The nimble Mores and Pictes by right
so callde, he hath subdude,
And with his wandring sworde likewise
the Scottes he hath pursude:
He brake with bolde courageous oare
the Hyperbore in waue,
[Page 107]And shyning vnder both the Poles
with double trophyes braue,
He marcht vpon the bubling sandes
of either swelling seas.

The same Claudian vpon the fourth Consul­ship of Honorius, sayth.

Quid rigor aeternus, cali? quid frigora prosunt,
Ignotum (que) fretum? maduerunt Saxone fuso
Orcades, incaluit, Pictonum sanguine Thule,
Scotorum cumulos fleuit glacialis Hiberna. 10
N.R.
VVhat lasting colde? what did to them
the frostie Clymates gaine?
And sea vnknowne? bemoysted all
with bloud of Saxons slaine
[...]ule some [...]e to be Ise­ [...]de some [...]tland.
The Orkneys were: with bloud of Picts
hath Thule waxed warme,
And ysie Irelande hath bewaylde
the heapes of Scottish harme.

The same prayse gyueth he to Stellco the 20 sonne in lawe of Honorius, and maketh mention of a Legion of Souldiers sent for oute of Bry­tayne in the Periphrases of the Scottish warres.

Venit & extremis legio praetenta Britannis,
Quae Scoto dat fraena truci ferro (que) notatas,
Perleget exanimes Picte m [...]riente figuras.
N.R.
A legion eke there came from out
the farthest Brytaines bent,
VVhich brideled hath the Scots so sterne:
and markes with yron brent 30
Vpon their liuelesse limmes doth reade,
whiles Pictes their liues relent.

He rehearseth the like in his second Panegericus of Stilico.

Inde Calidonio velata Britannia monstro,
Ferro Picta genas, cuius vestigia verrit
Caerulus, Oceani (que) aestum mentitur amictus.
Me quo (que) vicin [...]s pereuntem gentibus inquit,
M [...]ntuit Stilico, totam quum Scotus Hiberna [...]. 40
Monit, & infesto spumauit remige Thetis,
Illius [...]ffectum curis, ut bella timerem,
Scot [...] [...]e Pictum tremerem, ne littore tot [...],
Prospicorem dub [...] venturum Saxona ventis.
N. [...].
Then Brytaine whom the monsters did
of Calidone surrounde,
VVhose cheekes were scorcht with steele,
whose garments swept the ground,
Resembling much the marble hew
of Ocean seas that boile, 50
Sayd, she whom neighbour nations did
conspire to bring to spoile,
Hath Stilico munited strong, when
raysde by Scots entice
All Ireland was, and enmies oares
the salt sea some did slice.
His care hath causde, that I all feares
of Scottish broyles haue bard,
Ne do I dread the Picts, he looke
my countrey coasts to gard,
Gainst Saxon troupes, who chaunging winds
sent sayling hitherwardes.

Thus may it appeare,Brytayne af­flicted by in­uasion of bar­barous natiōs. that in the tyme when the Romaine Empyre beganne to decay, in like maner as other partes of the same Empyre were inuaded by barbarous nations, so was that part of Brytayne which was subiect to the Romaine Emperours grieuously assayled by the Scottes and Pictes, and also by the Saxons, the whiche in those dayes inhabiting all alongst the Sea coastes of lowe Germanie, euen from the Elbe vnto the Rhine, did not onely trouble the seate by continuall rouing, but also vsed comming a land into dyuerse partes of Brytayne, and Gallia, in­uading the countreys and robbing the same with great rage and crueltie.

To the which Sidonius Apollinaris thus al­ludeth, wryting to Namatius.Sidon. Apol. li. 8. Epist.

The Messenger did assuredly affyrme, that lately ye blewe the trumpet to warre in your na­uie, and betwixt the office one while of a mariner, and another while of a souldier, wafted about the crooked shores of the Ocean Sea agaynste the fleete of the Saxons,The piracie of the Saxons. of whome as many Ro­uers as ye beholde, so many Archpyrates ye sup­pose to see: so doe they altogyther with one ac­corde commaund, obey, teach, and learne to play the partes of Rouers, that euen now there is good occasion to warne you to beware. This eni­mie is more cruell than all other enimyes. Hee assayleth at vnwares, hee escapeth foreseeing the daunger aforehande, he despyseth those that stand agaynst him, he throweth downe the vnware: if he be followed he shappeth them vp that pursue him, if he flee he escapeth.

Of like effect for proufe hereof be those verses which he wrote vnto Maiorianus in his Pane­gerike Oration.

Foe Maria intraui duce te, longe (que) remot [...],
Sole sub occiduo gentes, victricia Casar.
Signa Calidonios transuexit ad vs (que) Brita [...]nes
Fuderet, & quanquā Scotū, & cū Saxon [...] Pictū
Host [...]s quaesiuit enim quē iam naturae veta [...]at,
Quaerere plus homines.

Which is Englished thus.

So many seas I entred haue,
and nations farre by west,
By thy conduct, and Caesar hath
his banners borne full prest,
Vnto the furthest Brytish coast,
where Calidonians dwell.
The Scot and Pict with Saxons eke,
though he subdued fell,
Yet would he seeke enmies vnknowne
whom nature had forbid: &c.

[Page 108]Thus farre haue we thought good to gather out of the Romaine and other wryters, that yee might perceyue the state of Brytayne the better in that time of the decay of the Romain Empire, and that ye might haue occasion to marke by the way, how not only the Scots, but also the Sax­ons had attempted to inuade the Brytaines be­fore any mention is made of the same theyr at­tempts by the Brytish and English wryters.

But whether the Scottes had any habitation 10 within the boundes of Brytaine, til the time sup­posed by the Brytaine wryters, wee leaue that poynt to the iudgement of others that be trauay­led in the search of suche antiquities, onely ad­monishing you, that in the Scottishe Chronicle you shall finde the opinion whiche their writers haue conceyued of this matter, and also manye things touching the actes of the Romaines, done agaynst diuerse of the Brytayns, which they pre­sume to be done against their nation, though sha­dowed 20 vnder the generall name of Brytaines, or of other particular names, at this day to most mē vnknowne. But whensoeuer the Scottes came into this Ile, they made the thirde nation that in­habited the same, cōming first out of Scithia, or rather out of Spaine (as some suppose) into Ire­lande,Polidor. and from thence into Brytayne, next after the Pictes, though their wryters fetche a farre more ancient beginning (as in their Chronicle at large appeareth) referring them to the reading 30 thereof, that desire to vnderstande that matter as they set it forth.

But now to returne where we left, touching the succession of the Brytish kings, as their Hy­stories make mention: thus we finde, though ca­rying great suspition withall, as some thinke.

Constantinus.

Constan­tinus.

[figure]

COnstantinus, the brother of Aldroe­nus king of little Bry­taine, at the sute and earnest request of the Archbishop of London,Gal. [...] Mat. VV [...] made in name of all the Brytaines in the Ile of great Brytaine, was sent into the same Ile by his sayde brother Al­droenus vpon couenants ratified in maner as be­fore is recited, and brought with him a conueni­ent power,Ca [...] [...] 12000. [...] Gal. and [...] haue [...] landing with the same at Totnesin Deuonshire. Immediately after his comming a lande, he gathered to him a great power of Bry­taynes, the which before his landing were hyd in dyuerse places of the Ile.

Then went hee forth with them,The [...] the Sco [...] and gaue battaile to the enimies, whom he vanquished: and slue that tyrāt king Guanius there in the field (as some bookes haue.)

[figure]

But this agreeth not with the Scottish wri­ters, 50 the which affyrme that they got the field, but yet lost their king named Dongarde, (as in theyr Hystorie ye may reade.)

But to proceed as our writers report the mat­ter. When the Britains had thus ouercome their enimies, they conueyed their captaine the sayde Constantine vnto Cicester, and there in fulfilling their promise and couenant made to his brother, crowned him K. of great Britain, in the yeare of our lord .433. which was about the .v. yeare of the Emperor Valentinianus the second,435. hath Mat. West. & third yere of Clodius K. of ye Frākners after called French­mē, which thē began to settle thēselues in Gallia, wherby the name of that cuntry was afterwards changed & called France. Cōstantine being thus established king, ruled the land wel & nobly, & de­fended it frō all inuasiō of enimies during his life.

[Page 109]He begat of his wife three sonnes (as the Bri­tish Historie affyrmeth) Constantius, Aurelius Ambrosius, and Vter surnamed Pendragon.

The eldest, bycause bee perceyued him to bee but dull of witte, and not verie towarde, he made a Monke, placing him within the Abbay of Am­phibalus in Winchester.

Finally, this Constantine, after he had raig­ned ten yeares, was trayterously slaine one day

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10 20 in his owne chamber (as some write) by a Pict, the which was in such fauour with him, [...] a groue of [...]shes, as Gal. [...]th with ath. West. [...]da. [...]sius. [...]dus. that hee might at all tymes haue free accesse to him at his plesure. Neither the Romaine writers, nor Beda, make any mention of this Cōstantine, but of the other Constantine they write, which immediate­ly after that the vsurper Gracian was dispatched 30 out of the way (as before ye haue heard) was ad­uaunced to the rule of this land, and title of Em­peror, onely in hope of his name, and for no other respect of towardnesse in him, afore time being but a meane souldier, without any degree of honor.

The same Constantine (as wryters recorde) going ouer into Gallia, adourned his sonne Con­stantius with the tytle and dignitie of Cesar, the which before was a Monke, and finally as well the one as the other were slain, the father at Arles 40 by Earle Constantius that was sent against him by the Emperor Honorius, and the sonne at Vi­enna (as before ye haue heard) by one of his owne Court cleped Gerontius (as in the Italian Hy­storie ye may see more at large.)

415This chaunced about the yeare of our lord .415.

This haue wee thought good to repeate in this place, for that some maye suppose that thys Constantine is the same whom our writers take to be the brother of Aldroenus king of little Bry­tayne [...], 50 as the circumstaunce of the time and o­ther things to be cōsidered may giue thē occasion to thinke, for that there is not so much credit to be yelded to thē that haue writen the Brytish hy­stories, but that in some part men may with iust cause doubt of sundrye matters conteyned in the same: & therfore haue we in this boke bin the more diligent to shewe what the Romaine and other forreyne wryters haue regystred in their bookes of hystories touching the affayres of Brytain, that the reader may bee the better satisfied in the truth.

But now to returne to the sequele of the Hy­storie as we finde the same wrytten by the Bry­tish Chronicles.

After that Constantine was murthered (as be­fore ye haue heard) one Vortigerus,This Vorti­gern was duke of the Geuisses and Cornwall, as Rad. Cestr. reporteth. Galf. Mon. or Vortiger­nus, a man of great authoritie amongs the Bry­teynes, wrought so with the residue of the Bry­tish nobilitie, that Constantius the eldest sonne of their king the foreremembred Constantine, was taken out of the Abbey of Winchester, where hee remayned, and was streyght wayes created king, as lawfull inheritor to his father.

Ye haue heard howe Constantius was made a Monke in his fathers lyfe time, bycause he was thought to be too soft and childish in wit, to haue any publike rule committed to his handes: but for that cause specially did Vorteger seeke to ad­uaunce him, to the ende that the King beeing not able to gouerne of himselfe, he might haue the chiefest sway, and so rule all things as it were vnder him, preparing thereby a way for hym­selfe to attayne at length to the Kingdome, as by that which followed was more apparauntly perceyued.

Constantius.

[figure]

THis Constā ­tius then the sonne of Constā ­tine,Constā ­tius. by the helpe (as before ye haue heard) of Vorti­gerne, was made king of Britaine, in the yeare of our Lorde .443.445. hath Math. West. But Constanti­us bare but the name of king: for Vortigerne ab­vsing his innocencie and simple discretion to or­der things as was requisite, had all the rule of the lande, and did what pleased him. Where­vpon first where there had beene a league conclu­ded betwixt the Brytaynes, Scottes and Pictes,Hector. Bo. in the dayes of the late King Constantine, Vortiger caused the same league to bee renued, and waged an hundred Pictes, and as manye Scottes to bee attendaunt as a garde vpon the kings person, dyuerse of the whiche (corrupting them with fayre promises) he procured by subtile meanes in the ende to murther the King,Constantius murthered. and immediately vpon the deede done, he caused the murtherers to be strangled, that they shoulde not afterwardes disclose by whose procurement they did that deed?

Then caused he all the residue of the Scottes and Pictes to bee apprehended,The subtile dealing of Vortigerne. and as it had [Page 110] beene vpon a zeale to see the death of Constanti­us seuerely punished, he framed such inditements and accusations agaynst them, that chiefely by his meanes (as appeared) the guyltlesse persons were condemned and hanged, the multitude of the Brytishe people beeing wonderfully pleased therewith, & giuing great cōmendations to Vor­tigerne for that deede.

[figure]

Thus Constantius was made away in ma­ner as before ye haue hearde, after he had raigned (as moste wryters affyrme) the space of fiue yeares.

Then after that his death was knowne, those that had the bringing vp and custodie of his two yonger brethren,Aurelius Ambrosius. Vter Pen­dragon. Aurelius Ambrose, and Vter 30 Pendragon, mistrusting the wicked intent of Vortigerne, whose dissimulatiō and mischieuous meaning by some great likelihoods they suspected, with all speede they got them to the sea, & fled into little Brytaine, there keeping them till it pleased God otherwise to prouide for them.

But Vortigerne coulde so well dissimule his craftie workings, and with such conueyance and cloked maner coulde shadow and colour the mat­ter, that most men thought and iudged him most 40 innocent and voyd of all euil meaning: insomuch that he obteyned so greatly the fauour of the peo­ple, the hee was reputed for the onely stay and defender of the common wealth.

Herevppon came it to passe, that when the Coūsell was assembled to elect a new king, for so much as the other sonnes of king Constantine were not of age sufficient to rule, Vortigerne himselfe was chosen,Vortigerne is chosen king of Brytaynes. diuerse of the nobles (whom hee had procured thereto) giuing their voyces to 50 this his preferment, as to one best deseruing the same in their opinion and iudgement.

Vortigerne.

Vorti­gerne 446THus was Vortigerne chosen and made king of Brytain, in the yere of our Lord .446. third Cōsulship of Aetius, 1197. of Rome .4. of the 305. Olympiade .4112. of the worlde, the Dominicall letter going by F, the Prime by ten, whiche fell about the .xxj. yeare of the Emperour Valenti­nianus, the same yeare that Meroueus began to raigne ouer the Frenchmen.

Before hee was made king, he was Earle or Duke of the Geuisses, a people which helde that part of Brytaine where afterwardes the west Saxons inhabited.

Nowe after that Vortigerne had with trea­son, fraude, and greate deceyte, at length at­teyned that for the whiche hee had long looked,Hector Bo. hee fyrste of all furnished the Tower of Lon­don wyth a strong garrison of menne of warre.

Then studying to aduaunce onely such as he knew to be his especiall friendes and fauourers, he sought by all meanes how to oppresse other, of whose good will hee had neuer so little mistrust,415 namely those that were affectionate towardes the lynage of Constantine he hated deadly, and de­uised by secrete meanes which way he might best destroy them: but these his practises being at the first perceyued, caused suche as had the gouer­nance of the two yong Gentlemen with all speede to get them ouer (as yee haue heard) into Bry­tayne Armorike, there to remaine out of daun­ger wyth theyr Vncle the King of that lande,Fabian. and dayly did dyuerse of the Brytaynes, that knewe themselues to bee in Vortigerne his dis­pleasure sayle ouer vnto them, whiche thyng brought Vortigerne into great doubt and feare of his estate.

It chaunced also the same tyme, that there was greate plentye of corne, and store of fruite,Gildas. the lyke whereof had not beene seene in manye [Page 111] yeares before, [...]entie of [...]ealth accom­ [...]nied with [...]re of sinnes. and therevpon ensued ryote, strife, lecherie, and other vyces right heynous, and yet accounted as then for small or rather none offen­ces at all.

These abuses and great enormities, raigned not onely in the temporaltie, but also in the spiri­tualtie and chiefe Rulers of the same: so that euerye man turned the poynt of his speare (euen as if he had consented of purpose) agaynst the true and innocent person. 10

The Commons also gaue themselues to vo­luptuous lust, drunkennesse, and ydle loytering, whereof followed fighting, contention, enuie, and much debate.

Of this plentie therfore insued great pride, and of this abundaunce no lesse hautinesse of minde, whereupon followed great wickednesse, lacke of good gouernment and sober temperancie, and in the necke of these as a iust punishment, death and mortalitie, so that in some Countreys vneth the quicke suffised to burie the dead.

And for an augmentation of more mischiefe, the Scottes and Pictes hearing howe theyr Countreymen through the false suggestion of Vortigerne had beene wrongfully and most cru­elly put to death at London,Hector. Bo. Scottes and Pictes inuade the Brytayne. beganne wyth fyre and sworde to make sharpe and cruell warre agaynst the Brytains, wasting their Countrey,

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spoyling and burning their townes, and giuing them the ouerthrowe in a pight fielde, as in the Scottish hystorie more plainly appeareth.

To be briefe, the Brytaynes were brought into such daunger and miserie, that they knewe not what way to take for remedie in such pre­sent perill, likely to bee ouerrunne and vtterlye 40 vanquyshed of their enimies.

In the meane tyme Vortigerne not onely troubled with these imminent euilles, but fearing also the return of the two brethren, Aurelius Am­brose, and Vter Pendragon, began to consider of the state of things, and esteeming it most sure to worke by aduice, called togither the Lordes and chiefe men of the Realme to haue theyr counsaile and opinion howe to proceede in such a weightie businesse: and so debating the matter with them, 50 measured both his own force, and also the force of his enimies, and according to the condition and state of the tyme, diligently considered & searched out what remedy was to be had and prouided.

At length after they had throughly pondered al things, the more part of the nobles with the king also were of this minde, that there could be no bet­ter way deuised, than to sende into Germanie for the Saxons to come to theyr ayde: The whiche Saxons in that season were highly re­nowmed for theyr valyauncie in armes, and ma­nifolde aduentures heretofore atchieued.Gildas. VVil. Malm. Beda. The Saxons sent for. And so forthwith Messengers were dispatched in­to Germanie, the which with money, giftes, and promises, might procure the Saxons to come to the ayde of the Brytaynes agaynst the Scottes and Pictes.

The Saxons glad of this message, as people desirous of entertaynment to serue in warres, choosing forth a piked companie of lustie yong mē vnder the leading of two brethren Hengist and Horsus,10000. hath Hector Bo. Gildas & Beda mention onely but of .3▪ plates or gallies, but Hector Bo. hath .30. 449 VVil. Malm. got them abourde into certain vessels ap­poynted for the purpose, and so with all speede directed their course towardes great Britain.

This was in the yeare of our Lorde .449. and in the second yeare of Vortigerns raigne, as the most autentike wryters both Brytish and Eng­lishe seeme to gather, althoughe the Scottishe wryters, and namely Hector Boetius doe varie herein, touching the iust accounte of yeares, as to the pervsers of the wrytings aswel of the one as the other may appeare. But William Ha­rison taketh it to bee in the fourth yeare of his [Page 112] raigne whereto Beda seemeth to agree, who no­teth it in the same yere that Martianus the Em­perour beganne to rule the Empyre, which was (as appeareth by the consularie table) in the Con­sulshippe of Protogenes and Austerius, and thirde yere of Meroueus king of France.

These Saxons thus arryuing in Brytayne, were curteously receyued, and heartily welcomed of King Vortigerne, who assigned to them places in Kent to in habite, and forthwith ledde 10 them agaynst the Scots and Pictes, which were entred into Brytaine, wasting and destroying the Countrey before them.

Herevpon comming to ioyne in battail, there was a sore fight betwixt the parties for a while, but at length when the Saxons called to re­membraunce that the same was the day whiche shoulde eyther purchase to them an euerlasting name of manhoode by victorie, or else of reproche by repulse,Scootues [...] qui [...] [...] the [...] beganne to renew the fight with suche violence, that the enimies not able to abyde theyr fierce charge, were scattered and beaten down on

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eche side with great slaughter.

The King hauing got this victorie, highlye 30 rewarded the straungers according to their well deseruings, as by whose prowes he had thus van­quished his enimyes,Henric. Hut. whiche as some write were come as farre as Stanfourde, and vsed at that tyme to fight wyth long Dartes, and Speares, whereas the Saxons fought onelye wyth long swordes and Axes.

There bee that haue written howe the Sax­ons, were not sent for, but came by chaunce into the Ile,Calf. Mon. and the occasion to be this: There was 40 an auncient custome amongst the English Sax­ons a people in Germanie, as was also at the first among other Nations, that when the multi­tude of them was so increased, that the Coun­trey was not able to sustayne and finde them, by commaundement of their Princes, they shoulde choose out by lottes a number of yong and able personages, fitte for the warres, which should go forth to seeke them newe habitations: and so it chaunced to these, that they came into great Bri­taine, 50 and promised to serue the king for wages in his warres. But by what meane soeuer they came hither, truth is, that Hengistus being a man of great wit, rare policie, and high wisdome, was their Captaine,Hengist pur­poseth at the first to con­quere the Bry­taynes. who vnderstanding this Kings minde, which now wholy trusted to the valiancie of the Saxons, and herewith perceiuing the fruit­fulnesse of the Countrey, streight wayes began to consider with himselfe, by what wyles and craft he might by little and little settle here, and obteine a kingdome in the Ile, and to establish the same to him and to his for euer.

Therefore first he indeuoured with all speede possible to fence that part of the Countrey which was giuen to him and his people,Polidor. and to enlarge and furnish it with garisons appointed in places most conuenient.

After this he did what he could to perswade the king, that a great power of men might be brought ouer out of Germanie, that ye land being fortified with such a strength, the enimies might be put in feare, and his subiects holden in rest.

The King not foreseeing the happe that was to come, did not despise this counsell contriued to the destruction of his Kingdome, and so was more ayde sent for into Germanie: wherevpon now at this seconde tyme there arriued here.VVil. Mal▪ 13. [...]oy [...] pla [...]es saye the Scottish wryters, and M. men in [...] same. The Saxons call these V [...] ­sels Cooles, Keeles, and [...] old hystori [...] Cogi [...]. xvj. vessels fraught with people, and at the same time came the Ladie Rowen or Ronix, daughter to Hengyst, a Mayde of excellent beautie and come­lynesse able to delite the eyes of them that shoulde behold hir, and specially to win the heart of Vor­tigerne with the dart of concupiscence, whervnto he was of nature much inclyned, and that did Hengest well perceyue.

There came ouer into thys lande at that tyme and soone after, three manner of people of the Germaine Nation, as Saxons, Vita (or [Page 113] Iutes, [...]e Vitae or [...]e are called [...]ri. [...]lex. Now. and Angles, ouer the whiche the sayde Hengist and Hors beeing brethren, were Cap­taines and rulers, men of right noble parentage in theyr Countrey, as discended of that aunci­ent Prince W [...]den, of whom the English Sax­on kings doe for the more part fetche theyr pede­gree as lineally descended from him, vnto a whom also the English people falsely reputing him for a God) consecrated the fourth day of the weeke, as they did the sixth to his wyfe fr [...]e, so that the 10 some dayes tooke more of them, the one beeing called Wodensday, [...]ednesday, [...]d Fryday, hereof they [...]me. and the other F [...]readay, which wordes after in continuance of time by corrupti­on of speech were somewhat altred, though not much, as from Wodensday, to Wednesday, and from Freaday to Fryday.

[...]da.The foresayde Woden was father to Vecta, father to Wetgislus, that was father to the fore­sayd Hengistus and Horsus.

But nowe to rehearse further touching those 20 three people whiche at this time came ouer into Brytayne oute of Germanie of the Vites, or Iutes, (as Beda recordeth) are the Kentishmen discended, and the people of the Ile of Wlight, with those also that inhabite ouer agaynste the same Ile.

Of the Saxons, came the East Saxons, the South Saxons, and West Saxons.

Moreouer, of the Angles proceeded the East Angles, the middle Angles, or Mercies, and the 30 Northren men.

That these Angles were a people of Germa­nie,Cor. Tacitus. it appeareth also by Cornelius Tacitus, who calling them Anglij, which worde is of three sil­lables, (as Polidore sayth:) But some wryte it Angli, with two sillables.

And that these Angli, or Angli [...] were of no small force and authoritie in Germanie before their comming into this lande, may appeare in that they are numbred amongest the twelue na­tions 40 there, whiche had lawes and auncient or­dinaunces a part by them selues, according to the whiche the state of theyr common wealth was gouerned, they beeing the same, and one people with the Thoringers, as in the tytle of the olde Thuringers lawes wee finde recorded, whiche is thus, Lex Angliorum & VVerinorum, hoc est, Thuringorum. The law of the Angles and VVe­rinians that is to witte the Thuringers, (whiche Thuringers are a people in Saxonie, as in the 50 description of that Countrey it may appeare) is this.

Polidor.But nowe to the matter. Hengist perceyuing that his people were highly in Vortigernes fa­uour, beganne to handle him craftily, deuysing by what meanes hee mighte bring him im loue with his daughter Ronix,Rowen, or Ronowen Hengistes daughter. or Rowen, or Rono­wen (as some write) which he beleeued wel would easily be brought to passe, bycause he vnderstoode that the King was much giuen to sensuall lust,VVil. Malm. which is the thing that often blindeth wise mens vnderstanding, and maketh them to dote, and to loss theyr perfite wittes, yea, and oftentymes bringeth them to destruction, though by suche pleasant poyson, as they feele no better taste tyll they be brought to the extreeme poynt of confu­sion in deede.

A greate Supper therefore was prepared by Hengist, at the whiche pleased the King to be present.

Hengist appoynted his daughter when eue­rie man beganne to bee somewhat [...]er [...]ie wyth winke,Gal. Mon. to bring in a Cuppe of Golde full of good and pleasant wine, and to present it to the King saying, VVassail. Which shee did in such comely and decent maner, as she that knewe howe to doe it well ynough, so as the King marueyled great­lye thereat, and not vnderstanding what shee ment by that salutation,Wassail, what it signifieth. demaunded what it sig­nified. To whom it was aunswered by Hingist, that the wished him well, and the meaning of it was, that he should drinke after hir ioyning ther­vnto this answere, drinke haile. Wherevpon the king (as he was enformed) tooke the cuppe at the Damsels hand, and dranke.

Finally this yong Ladie behaued hirselfe with such pleasant wordes, comely countenaunce, and amiable grace, that the king behelde hir so long, till he felt himselfe so farre in loue with hir person, that he burned in continuall desyre to enioy the same: insomuch that shortly after he forsooke his owne wife, by the which he had three sonnes,Polidor Fabian. na­med Vortimerus, Catagrinus, and Pascentius, and requyred of Hengist to haue his daughter, the sayde Rowen, or Ronowen in mariage.

Hengist at the firste seemed straunge to graunt to his request, and excused the matter,VVil. Malm. for that his daughter was not of estate and dignitie meete to be matched with his maiestie. But at length as it had beene halfe agaynst his will hee consented, and so the mariage was concluded and solemnized, all Kent beeing assigned vnto Hengist in rewarde, the whiche Countrey was before that tyme gouerned by one Guorongus, (though not with most equal iustice) which Guo­rongus was subiect vnto Vortigerne, as all other the Potentates of the Ile were.

This maryage and liberalitie of the King towardes the Straungers, muche defended the myndes of his subiectes, and hastened the fi­nall destruction of the lande. For the Saxons nowe vnderstanding the affynitie had betwixte the King and Hengist, came so fast ouer to in­habite here, that it was wonder to consider in howe shorte a tyme suche a multitude coulde come togyther: so that bycause of theyr greate [Page 114] number and approued puissaunce in warres, they began to be a terrour to the former inhabitants the Brytaynes.

VVil. Malm.But Hengist beeing no lesse politike in coun­saile than valiaunt in armes, abusing the kings lacke of discretion, to serue his owne turne, per­swaded him to call out of Germanie his brother Occa and his sonne named Ebusa,Gal. sayth he was Hengists sonne, and E­busa his vn­cles sonne. Occa and E­busa leaders of Saxons. beeing men of great valure, to the ende, that as Hengist defended the lande in the South parte: so 10 mighte they keepe backe the Scottes in the North.

Herevpon by the Kings consent, they came with a power out of Germanie, and coasting a­boute the lande, they sayled to the Iles of Ork­ney, and sore vexed the people there, and like­wyse the Scottes and Pictes also, and final­ly arriued in the North partes of the Realme, nowe called Northumberlande, where they set­led themselues at that present, and so continued 20 there euer after: but none of them taking vppon him the tytle of King,VVil. Malm. de Regib. till about .99. yeares after theyr first comming into that Countrey, but in the meane time remayning as subiects vnto the Saxon kings of Kent.

After theyr arryuall in that Prouince, they oftentymes fought with the olde Inhabitaunts there, and ouercame them, chasing away such as made resistance, and appeased the residue by recey­uing them vnder allegiance. 30

When the Nobles of Brytayne saw and per­ceyued in what daunger the lande stoode,Fabian. The great nū ­bers of straun­gers suspected to the Bry­taynes. by the dayly repayre of the huge number of Saxons in­to the same, they first consulted togither, and af­ter resorting to the King, [...] mooued him that some order might be taken for the auoyding of them, on the more part of them, leaste they shoulde with their power and great multitude vtterly oppresse the British Nation. But all was in vayne, for Vortigerne so esteemed and highly fauoured the Saxons, and namely by reason of the great lo [...]e which he bare to his wife, that hee lyttle regar­ded his owne Nation, no nor yet anye thing e­steemed hys owne naturall kinnesmen and [...] friendes, [...] depriued. by reason wherof the Brytains in [...] depriued him of all kingly honor, after that he had raigned .xvj. yeares, and in his stead crowned his sonne Vortimer.

Gildas and Beda make no mention of Vor­timer,Gilda. Beda. H. [...] but declare howe after that the [...] ­ons were receyued into thys lande, there was a couenaunt made betwixte them and the Brytaynes, that the Saxons shoulde defende the Countrey from the inuasion of enimyes by theyr Knightly force: and that in conside­ration thereof, the Brytaynes should finde the [...] prouision of vy [...]ayles: wherewith they helde their contented for a time.

But afterwardes they beganne to pyke qua­relles, as thoughe they were not sufficiently fur­nished of their due proportion of vytayles, threat­ning that if they were not prouided more large­ly thereof, they would surely spoyle the Coun­trey.

And withoute deferring time, they perfour­med their wordes with effect of deedes, beginning in the East part of the Ile, and with fire & sword passed forth wasting and destroying the Coun­trey

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tyll they came to the vttermoste parte of the West:The miserable destruction made by the Saxons in this lande. so that from Sea to Sea, the lande was wasted and destroyed in suche cruell and outragious manner, that neyther Citie, towne, nor Churche was regarded, but all committed to the fyre: the Priestes slaine and murthered euen afore the Aulters, and the Prelates with the people without any reuerence of their estate or [Page 115] degree, dispatched with fire and sworde, most la­mentably to beholde.

Many of the Brytaynes seeing the demea­nour of the Saxons, fledde to the Mountaynes, of the whiche dyuerse beeing apprehended, were cruelly slaine, and other were glad to come forth and yeelde themselues to eternall bondage, for to haue reliefe of meate and drinke to asswage theyr extremitie of hunger.

Some other got them out of the realme in­to 10 straunge landes, so to saue themselues, and o­thers abyding still in theyr Countrey, kept them within the thicke Wooddes, and craggie Rockes, whether they were fledde, lyuing there a poore wretched lyfe, in great feare and vnquietnesse of mynde.

But after that the Saxons were departed and withdrawne to theyr houses, the Brytaynes began to take courage to thē againe, issuing forth of those places where they had lyen hid, and with 20 one consent calling for ayde at Gods hande, that they might bee preserued from vtter destruction, they beganne vnder the conduct of theyr leader Aurelius Ambrose, to prouoke the Saxons to battaile, and by the helpe of God they obteyned the victorie, according to theyr owne desyres. And from thence forth, one while the Brytaynes, and an other while the Saxons were victors, so that in this Brytish people, God (according to hys accustomed maner) as it were present Israell, 30 tryed them from tyme to tyme, whether they lo­ued him or no, vnto the yeare of the siege of Badon hill, where afterwardes no small slaugh­ter was made of the enimies: whiche chaunced the same yeare in the whiche Gildas was borne, (as he himselfe witnesseth, [...]o Gildas was [...]orne in the feare of our Lord .493. being aboute the .xliiij. yeare after the comming of the Saxons into Brytaine.

Thus hath Gildas and also Beda (follo­wing by likelyhoode the authoritie of the same Gildas) written of these first warres begonne be­twene the Saxons and Brytains.

But nowe to goe foorth with the Hystorie: according to the order of oure Chronicles, thus wee finde recorded touching the doings of Vor­timer that was elected King (as yee haue hearde) to gouerne in place of his father Vorti­gerne.

Vortimer.

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THis Vor­timer be­ing eldest son to Vortigern,Vorti­mer. by the com­mon assent of the Brytaines was made K. of Brytayne,Fabian. Galf. Mon. in the yeare of our Lorde 464.Math. West. hath 454. 464 which was in the fourth yeare of the Em­perour Leo the fifth, and about the sixth yeare of Childericus King of Fraunce, as our common account runneth, which is farre disagreeing from that whereof William Harison doth speake in his Chronologie, who noteth Vortigerne to be depo­sed in the .viij. after his exaltation to the crowne, 454. of Christ, and .5. currant after the comming of the Saxons, which concurreth with the .4420. of the worlde. & .8. of Meroueus, as by his Chro­nologie doth more at large appeare.

But to proceed, Vortimer being thus aduan­ced to the gouernment of the realme, in all hast made sore warre against the Saxons, & gaue vn­to them a great battel vpon the riuer of Derwēt,The riuer of Derwent. where he had of thē the vpper hand:Epiforde. And the secōd time he fought with them at a place called Epi­forde, or Aglisthorp, in which encoūter Catagrine

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[Page 116] or Catigernus the brother of Vortimer, and Horsus the brother of Hengist, after long com­bate betwixt them two, either of them slue other:

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10 But the Brytaynes obteyned the fielde (as sayth 20 the Brytish hystorie.The Ile of Tenet.) The thirde battail Vorti­mer fought with them neare to the sea side, where also the Brytaynes chased the Saxons, & droue them into the Ile of Tenet.

H. Hunt. Colemoore.The fourth battaile was stryken neare to a Moore called Colemoore, the whiche was sore fought by the Saxons, and long continued with great daunger to the Brytayns, bycause that the foresayde Moore enclosed a part of their host so strongly, that the Brytaynes could not approch 30 to them, being beaten off with the enimies shot, albeit in the ende the Saxons were put to flight, and many of them drowned and swalowed vp in the same Moore.

Beside these foure principall battailes, Vor­timer had diuerse other conflictes with the Sax­ons,Fabian. Tetfort in N [...]rffolke. Colchester. as in Kent and at Tetford in Norffolk, also neare to Colchester in Essex: for he left not till he had bereft them the more part of all such possessi­ons as before time they had got, so that they were 40 constrayned to keepe them within the Ile of Te­net, where he oftentymes assayled them with such shippes as he then had.

When Ronowen the daughter of Hengist perceyued the great losse that the Saxons sustey­ned by the martiall prowes of Vortimer, shee found meanes that within a while the sayd Vor­timer was poysoned, after he had ruled the Bry­tayns by the space of sixe or seuen yeres and odde Monethes, (as William Har. reporteth.) 50

By the Brytish Hystorie it should seeme that Vortimer before his death handled the Saxons so hardly, keeping them besieeged within the Ile of Tenet, till at length they were constrayned to sue for licence to depart home into Germanie in safetie: and the better to bring this to passe, they sent Vortigerne (whome they had kept styll with them in all these battayles) vnto his sonne Vortimer, to be a meane for the obteining of their sute. But whilest this treatie was in hande, they got them into theyr shippes, and leauing theyr wyues and children behinde them, returned into Germanie. Thus farre Gal. Mon.

But howe vnlikely this is to be true, I will not make any further discourse, but onely referre euery man to that whiche in olde autentique Hy­storiographers of the Englishe Nation is found recorded, as in William Malmes. Henrie Hunt. Marianus, and others. Vnto whome in these matters concerning the doings betwixt the Sax­ons and Brytaynes, we may vndoubtedly safe­ly giue most credite.

William Malmes. wryting of this Vorti­mer, or Guortigerne,VVil. Mal [...] and of the warres which he made agaynst the Saxons, varyeth in a maner altogither from Geffrey of Monmouth, as by his wordes here following ye may perceyue.

Guortimer the sonne of Vortimer (sayth he) thinking not good long to dissemble the matter, for that he sawe himselfe and his Countreymen the Brytayns preuented by the craft of the Eng­lishe Saxons, setteth his full purpose to dryue them out of the Realme, and kyndleth his father to the like attempt.

He being therefore the Authour and procurer, seuen yeares after their first comming into thy [...] land, the league was broken, and by the space of xx. yeres they fought oftentymes togither in ma­ny light encounters, but foure times they fought puissance agaynste puissaunce in open fielde: in the first battayle they departed with like fortune,Hengist had the victorie this battaile sayth R [...]ll [...] 458 Hors and Categerne [...] whilest the one part, that is to meane, the Sax­ons, lost their Captain Hors that was brother to Hengist, and the Brytaynes lost Categerne, an other of Vortigernes sonnes.

In the other battails, when the Englishmen went euer away with the vpper hand, at length a peace was concluded, Guortimer being taken out of this worlde by course of fatall death, the which muche differing from the softe and milde nature of his father, right nobly would haue gouerned the realme, if God had suffred him to haue liued.

But these battailes which Vortimer gaue to the Saxons (as before is mentioned) should ap­peare by that which some wryters haue recorded, to haue chaūced before the supposed time of Vor­timers or Guortimers atteyning to the crowne, about the sixt or seuenth yeare after the first com­ming of the Saxons into this realme with Hen­gist. And hereunto William Harison giueth his consent also in his Chronologie, referring the mutuall slaughter of Horsus and Cati­gerne, to the sixth yeare of Martianus, and .455. of Christ.

Howbeit Pol: Virg. sayth,Polidor. that Vortimer suc­ceded his father, and that after his fathers deceasse [Page 117] the English Saxons, of whom there was a great number as then in the Ile, comming ouer dayly like swarmes of Bees, and hauing in possession not onely Kent, but also the North partes of the Realme towardes Scotlande, togither with a great part of the west Countrey, thought it now a fit tyme to attempt the fortune of warre: and first therfore concluding a league with the Scots and Picts, vpon the sodaine they turne their wea­pon poynts agaynst the Brytaines, and moste 10 cruelly pursue them, as though they had receyued some great iniurie at their handes, and no benefit at all. The Brytaynes were marueylously aba­shed herewith, perceyuing that they shoulde haue to do with Hengist, a captain of so high renowm, and also with their auncient enimies the Scottes and Pictes, thus all at one time, and that there was no remedie but eyther they must fight or else become slaues. Wherfore at length dread of bon­dage styrred vp manhood in them, so that they as­sembled togither, and boldly began to resist theyr enimies on ech side: but beeing too weake,The Brytaynes discomfited by the Saxons. they were easily discomfited and put to flight, so that all hope of defence by force of armes being vtter­ly taken awaye, as menne in dispayre to preuaile agaynst theyr enimyes, they fled as sheepe scat­tered

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abroade, some following one Captaine and some another, getting them into desart places, wooddes, and marrish groundes, and moreouer left such townes and fortresses as were of no no­table strength, as a pray vnto their enimies.

Thus hath Polidore Virgile of the first brea­king of the warres betwixt the Saxons and Bri­tayns, which chaunced not (as should appeare by that which he wryteth thereof,) till after the death of Vortigerne. Howbeit he denieth not ye Hengist 40 at his first comming got seates for him and hys people within the Country of Kent, and there be­gan to inhabite.

This ought not to bee forgotten, that king Vortimer (as Sigebertus hath written) restored the christian religion after he had vanquished the Saxons, [...]gebertus. in such places where the same was de­cayed by the enimies inuasion.

Vortigerne the seconde time. 50

[...]. hath [...]at. West. 471THen was Vortigerne agayne restored to the Kingdome of Brytayne, in the yeare of our Lorde. 471.

All the tyme of his sonnes raigne, he had re­mayned in the partyes nowe called Wales, where (as some wryte) in that meane tyme hee buylded a strong Castell called Generon, or Guanereu, in the West side of Wales neare to the ryuer of Guana, vpon a Mountayne called Cloaricus, which some referre to be buylded in his second returne into Wales, as shall be shewed hereafter. And it is so much the more likely, for that an olde Chronicle, which Fabian had fight of, affyrmeth, that Vortigerne was kept vn­der the rule of certayne Gouernours to hym ap­poynted in the towne of Caerlegion,Caerleon Arwicke. and beha­ued himselfe in such commendable sort towardes his sonne in ayding him with his counsail, and o­therwise, in the meane season whilest his sonne raigned, that the Brytayns by reason therof be­gan so to fauour him, that after the death of Vor­timer they made him againe king.

Shortly after that Vortigerne was restored to the rule of the Kingdome,4000. hath Math. West. He might easi­ly returne, for except I be de­ceyued he was neuer driuen out after he had once got foot within this Ile. Hengist aduertised thereof, returned into the lande with a mightye armie of Saxons, whereof Vortigerne being ad­uertised, assembled his Brytaines, and with all speede made towardes him.

When Hengist had knowledge of the huge host of the Brytains that was comming against him, he required to come to a cōmunication with Vortigerne, which request was graunted, so that it was concluded, that on May day a certain nū ­ber of Britains, & as many of the Saxons should meete togither vpon the plaine of Salisburie.

[Page 118]Hengist hauing deuised a newe kind of trea­son, when the daye of theyr appoynted meeting was come, caused euery one of his allowed num­ber secretely to put into his Hose a long knyfe (where it was ordeined that no man should bring any weapon with him at all) and that at the ve­rie instant when this watchworde shoulde be vt­tered by him,Nempt your sexes, what if it were mesles. Nempt your sexes, then should euery of them plucke out his knife, and slea the Bry­tayne that chaunced to be next to him, except the 10 same shoulde bee Vortigerne, whom he willed to be apprehended, but not slaine.

At the day assigned, the king with his appoin­ted number of Brytaynes, nothing mistrusting lesse than any such maner of vnfaythfull dealing, came to the place in order before prescribed, with­out armour or weapon, where hee founde readie Hengist with his Saxons, the whiche receyued the king with amiable countenance, in moste lo­uing sort: but after they were entred a little into communication, Hengist meaning to accomplish hys deuysed purpose, gaue the watchwoorde, im­mediately wherevpon the Saxons drewe oute theyr knyues, and sodainly fell on the Brytayns,There [...] the noble [...] Brytaine [...] as Gal▪ [...] and slue them as sheepe being fallen within the daunger of woolues.

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For the Brytaines had no weapons to defend themselues, except any of them by his strength & manhood got the knife of his enimie.

Amongst other of the Brytaynes, there was one Edol Earle of Gloucester,Ran. Cestren. Fabian. or (as other haue) Chester, which got a stake out of an hedge, or else where,70. bath. Gal. Math West. Ran. Cestren. and with the same so defended himselfe and layde aboute him, that he slue. xvij. of 40 the Saxons, and escaped to the Towne of Ambrie, nowe called Salesburie, and so saued his owne lyfe.

Vortiger was taken and kept as prisoner by Hengist, till he was constrayned to delyuer vnto Hengist three Prouinces or Countreys of thys Realme, that is to witte. Kent and Essex, or as some write, that parte where the south Saxons after did inhabite, as Sussex and other: the thirde was the Countrey where the Eastangles plan­ted 50 themselues, which was in Noffolk, and Suf­folke.

Then Hengist being in possession of those three Prouinces suffred Vortigerne to depart, and to to be at his libertie.

William Malmesb: wryteth somewhat o­therwise of this taking of Vortigerne,VVil. Malm. during whose raigne, after the deceasse of his sonne Vortimer, nothing (as should appeare by that which the same Malmesb. wryteth) was at­tempted agaynst the Saxons, but in the meane tyme (sayeth hee Hengist according to the de­fault of mannes nature, whiche the more he hath the more hee desyreth, by a colourable craft pro­cureth his sonne in lawe Vortigerne to come to a banket to his house, wyth three hundred other Brytaynes, and when hee had made them well and warme with often quaffing and emptying of Cuppes, and of purpose touched euerye of them wyth one bytter taunte or other, they first fell to multiplying of malicious wordes, and af­ter to blowes, so that the Brytaynes were slaine euery mothers sonne, so yeelding vp their ghostes euen amongst their pottes.

The King himselfe was taken, and to re­deeme himselfe out of pryson, gaue to the Sax­ons three Prouinces, and so escaped oute of bondage.

Thus by what meane soeuer it came to passe, truth it is (as all wryters agree) that Hengist got possession of Kent, and of other Countreys in this Realme, and beganne to raigne there as absolute Lorde and Gouernour in the yeare of oure Lorde (as some wryte.) 476.476 aboute [Page 119] the fifth yeare of Vortigerns last raigne: but af­ter other which take the begynning of this king­dome of Kent, to be when Hengist had first gyft thereof, the same Kingdome beganne in the yeare .455.

Kingdome of Kent.This Kingdome or Lordship of Kent con­teyned the countrey that stretcheth from the East Ocean, vnto the ryuer of Thames, hauing on the Southeast Southerie, and vpon the West Lon­don, vppon the Northeast the Ryuer of Thames 10 aforesayde, and the Countrey of Essex.

Hengist and all other the Saxon kings which ruled (as after shall appeare) in. vij. partes of this Realme, are called by wryters Reguli, that is to say, little kings or rulers of some smal dominion: so that Hengist is accounted as a little king. And when he had got into his handes the foresayde three Prouinces, he caused more number of Sax­ons to come into Brytayne, and bestowed them in places abroade in the Countrey, by reason 20 whereof, the Christian Religion greatlye de­cayed within the lande: for the Saxons being Pagans, did what they coulde to extinguish the fayth of Christ,The decay of Christian re­ligion. and to plant, againe in all places theyr heathenish Religion, and worshipping of false Goddes: and not onely hereby was the true fayth of the Christians brought in daun­ger dayly to decay, but also the erronious opi­nion of the Pelagians greatly preuayled here amongest the Brytaynes, by meanes of suche vnsounde Preachers, as in that troublesome season did fit foorth erronious doctrine amongst the people, without all maner of reprehension.

Certayne yeares before the comming of the Saxons,Beda. that heresie began to spreade within this land very much, by the lewde industrie of one Le­porius Agricola, the sonne of Seuerus Sulpitius (as Bale sayth) a Bishop of that lore. But Pela­gius the author of this heresie was borne in Wa­les, and held opinion that a man might obteyne saluation by his owne free wil & merit, & without, assistance of grace, as he that was borne without originall sinne. &c.

This erronious doctrine being taught therfore, & mainteyned in this troublesome time of warres with the Saxons, sore disquieted the godly min­ded men amongest the Brytaines,Beda. the which not meaning to receyue it, nor yet able we [...] to confute the craftie and wicked perswasions vsed by the professors therof, thought good to sent [...]art into Gallia, requiring of the Bishops there, that some godly & profound learned men might be sent from thence into this lande, to defende the cause of the true doctrine against the naughtie teachers of so blasphemous an error. Whervpon the Bishops of Gallia sore lamenting the miserable state of the Britains, & desirous to relieue their present neede,A Sinode cal­led in Gallia. specially in that case of religion, called a Sinode,

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and therin taking counsail to consider, who were most meetest to be sent, it was decreed by al their 50 consents in the ende, that one Germaine the Bi­shop of Auxerre,Germanus, and Lupus. and Lupus Bishop of Troyes should passe ouer into Brytayne to confirme the Christians there in the fayth of the celestial grace. And so those two vertuous learned men taking their iourney, finally arriued in Brytayn, though not without some daunger by sea, through stor­mes and rage of windes, styrred (as hath beene thought) of the superstitious, by the malice of wicked spirites, who purposed to haue hindered theyr proceeding in this theyr good and well pur­posed iourney.

After they were come ouer, they did so much what with conuincing the wicked arguments of the aduersaries of the truth, by the inuincible po­wer of the worde of God, and holynesse of lyfe, that those whiche were out of the right way, were soone brought into the right path againe.

[Page 120]About the same time also, one Palladins was sent from Celestinus Bishop of Rome,Beda. Palladius. vnto the Scottes, to instruct them in the fayth of Christ, and to purge them from the Heresie of the sayde Pelagius.

This Paladius exhorted Constantinus the king of Scottes,Constantine king of Scots. that in no wise he shoulde ayde the Saxons beeing infidelles agaynst the Bry­taines: and his exhortation tooke so good effect, that the sayd Constantinus did not only forbeare 10 to assyst the Saxons, but contrarily holpe the Brytaynes in theyr warres agaynst them, the which thing did mainteyne the state of the Bry­taynes for a tyme from falling into vtter ruine and decay.

In the meane time, the Saxons renued their league with the Pictes, so that their powers being ioyned togither,H. Hunt. Beda. they beginne a fresh to make sore warres vpon the Brytaynes, the which of neces­sitie were constrayned to assemble an armie, and 20 mistrusting their owne strength, required ayde of the two Bishops, Germaine and Lupus. The which hasting forwarde with all speede came in­to the army, bringing with them no small hope of good lucke to all the Brytaynes there bee­ing assembled.

This was done in Lent, and such was the di­ligence of the Bishops, that (the people being in­structed with continuall preaching) in renoun­cing the error of the Pelagians, earnestly came by 30 troupes to receyue the grace of God offered in baptisme, so that on Easter day which then en­sued, the more part of the army was baptised, and so went forth against the enimies, the which hea­ring thereof, made hast towards the Brytaynes, in hope to ouercome them at pleasure. But theyr approche being knowne, Byshoppe Ger­maine taketh vpon him the leading of the Br [...] ­tish host,The armi [...] [...] the Bryti [...] newly [...]. and ouer agaynst the passage throughe the which the enimies were appoynted to come, he chose forth a valley enclosed with high Moun­taynes, and within the same he placeth his [...] washe [...] armie.

And when he saw the enimies now at hande he commaunded that euery man with one gene­rall voyce shoulde aunswere him, crying alowde the same crie that he should begin.

And euen as the enimies were readie to giue the charge vpon the Brytaynes, supposing that they should haue taken them at vnwares, and be­fore any warning had beene giuen, sodainly Bi­shop Germaine and the Priestes, with a lowde and shrill voyce cryed Alleluia thrice:Alleluia. and there­with all the multitude of the Brytaynes wyth whole voyce cryed the same crie, with such a lowd steauen, that the Saxons were so therewith a­mased and astonyed, (the echo from the rocks and hilles adioyning, redoubling in suche wise the crie,) that they thought that not onely the rockes and clyfes had fallen vpon them, but that euen the skie it selfe had broken in peeces and come tum­bling downe vpon their heades: herewith there­fore throwing away their weapons, they tooke them to their feete, that glad was he that might get to be formost in running awaye. Many of them for hast were drowned in a Riuer whiche they had to passe. Polidore taketh that Riuer to be Trent.

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The Brytayns hauing thus vanquished their enimies, gathered the spoyle at good leysure, and gaue God thanks for the victorie thus got with­out bloud, for the which the holy bishops also tri­amphed as best became them. And after they had setled all things in good quiet within the Ile, as was thought expedient, they returned into Gallia or France, frō whence they came (as is before re­hersed.Mat. VVest.) By one author it should appeare that this battell was woonne against the Scots and Picts [Page 105] about the yeare of our Lord .448.448 a little before ye comming of the Saxons into this lande vnder Hengist, whereto William Harrison accordeth, in which yeare S. Germane firste came hither to weede out the heresie of Pelagius, as by the same author more at large is affirmed. Howbeit, Wil­liam Harrison in his Chronologie out of Pros­per, & other writers of time, noteth ye first cōming of Germanus in the .429. of Christ, and vnder ye Consulship of Florentius and Dionisius: & thys 10 shoulde seeme to agree with the trouth, for that after some, ye foresaid Germane should dye at Ra­uenna about the yeare of our Lord .450. as Vin­centius noteth, whiche was the very yeare of the comming of the Saxons: notwithstanding whē, or wheresoeuer he dyed, it was not long after hys returne into Gallia, vpon his first iourney made hither into this land, & obteyning of ye victory be­fore mentioned, but yt word was brought againe vnto him, that eftsoones the heresie of the Pelagi­ans 20 was spred abrode in Britayne,Germane re­ [...]urneth againe [...]nto Britayne. & therefore al the Priests or Cleargie made request to him yt it might stande with his pleasure to come ouer a­gaine, and defend the cause of true Religion whi­che he had before confirmed. Heerevpon Bishop German granteth so to do, and therefore takyng with him one Seuerus (that was disciple vnto Lupus, & ordeyned at yt tyme Bishop of Tryer) he tooke the Sea, and came againe into Britaine, where he founde the multitude of the people sted­fast 30 in the same beliefe wherein he had left them, & perceyued the fault to rest in a fewe: wherevppon enquiring out the authors, he condemneth them to exile (as it is written) and with a manifest mi­racle by restoring a yong man that was lame (as they say) vnto the right vse of his limmes, he con­firmeth his doctrine. Then followeth preaching to perswade amendmente of errors, and by the generall consente of all men, the authors of the wicked doctrine being banished the land, were de­liuered 40 vnto Bishop Germane and to his fellowe Seuerus, to conuey them forth in their company vnto the parties of beyond the Sea, that the Re­gion might so be deliuered of further daunger, and they receyue the benefite of due amendmente.

By this meanes it came to passe, that the true faith continued in Britayne soun [...] [...] [...]fect a long time after. And thus things beeing set in good order, those holy men returned into theyr countreys. And so after this seconde time of hys being here, the forenamed Bishop German went to Rauenna for to sew for peace to bee graunted vnto the people of Armorike Britayne, and there being receyued of the Emperour Valentinian, & his mother Placida in most reuerend manner, he departed in that Citie out of this transitory life, to the eternall ioyes of heauen. His body was af­terwardes conueyed vnto the Citie of Auxerre,Anno 450 as Vincentius noteth lib. 20. Cap. 15. where he had bin Bishop with great opinion of holinesse for his sincere doctrine and pure and in­nocent life.The Emperor Valentinian slayne. Shortly after was the Emperoure Valentinian slayne by the friendes of that noble man named Aetius, whom he had before caused to be put to death. By this it may appeare, that Bishop German came into this Realm both the first and second time, whilest as well Hengist, as also Vortigerne were liuing: for the sayde Valē ­tinian was murthered about ye yeare of our Lord 454. where the sayde Kings liued & reigned long after that time,454 as may appeare both before & af­ter in this present booke. To returne then to Vor­tigerne. We find in the Brittish historie, that af­ter the Saxons had constreyned him to delyuer into their handes a greate parte of the south & east partes of the Realme, so that they had in posses­sion London, Yorke, Lincolne, & Winchester, wt other Cities & townes,Galfrid. he not only fearing theyr puissāce, but also ye returne of Aurelius Ambrosi­us, & his brother Vtherpēdragon, withdrew him into Wales, wher he begā to build a strōg Castel

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[Page 122] vpon a Mountayne called Breigh, or after other Cloaric,Caxton. Fabian. Policron. neere to the riuer of Guana, whiche is in the West side of Wales in a place within the compasse of the same hill called Generon or Gueyneren.Mount Erit he calleth it in one place of his booke. Of the building of this Castell, and of the hinderance in erecting the same, with the monstrous birth of Merlin and his knowlege in prophesying, the Britishe histories tell a long processe, the whiche in Caxton, and in Galfrides bookes is also set foorthe, as there yee may see: but 10 for that the same séemeth not of suche credite as deserueth to be registred in any sound historie, we haue with silence passed it ouer.Aurelius and Vter brethren returne into Britayne. Whilest Vor­tigerne was bussed in building of this Castel, the two foresayde breethren Aurelius and Vter pre­pared a nauie of Shippes, and an army of men, by helpe of suche their kinsmen and friendes as they founde in Armorike Britayne, and so passed the Sea, and landed at Totriesse: whereof when the Britaynes were aduertised, the which were scat­tered 20 abrode and seuered in diuers parties & coun­treys, they drewe vnto the sayde two breethren with all speede that might be. When Aurelius and his brother Vter perceyued that they were sufficiētly furnished of people, they marched forth towardes Wales against Vortigerne, the which hauing knowledge of their approche,Vortigerne brent to death had fortify­ed his Castell right strongly with men, munition and vittayles, but yet all that nothing auayled him, for in the ende after his enimies had gyuen 30 diuers assaultes to the sayde Castell,Wilde fire not yet inuented as some think they found meanes with wilde fire to brenne it downe to the earth, and so consumed it by fire togither with the King, and all other that were within it.

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40 50

Thus did Vortigerne ende his life (as in the Brittish historie is recorded.) Of him much euill is reported by the same historie, and also by other writers, and amongst other things it is written, that he shoulde lie by his owne daughter, and of hir begote a sonne, in trust that kings shuld come of him, and therefore was he excommunicate by Saint Germane.

It is also sayde, [...] A say [...] of S. [...] that when the same Sainte Germane came into Britayne (as before ye haue heard) this Vortigerne on a time shoulde deri [...]e the same Saint Germane harbourrowe: but one that kept the Kings heardes of Castell receyued him into his house, and lodged him,A cali [...] [...]ation. and slewe a Calfe for his supper, the which Calfe (after supper was ended) Sainte Germane restored againe to life: and on the morrow by the ordinance of God, hee caused Vortigerne to bee deposed from hys Kingly estate, and tooke the heardman and made him King.

But Ranulfus Higden in his booke entitled Polychronicon, alledging Gildas for his author, sayth, that this chaunced to a king that ruled in Powsey, whose name was Buly, and not to Vortigerne: so that the successours of that Buly reigning in that side of Wales, came of the lig­nage of the same herdman. Moreouer it hath bin sayd as one writer recordeth,H. Hunt. that when Vorti­gerne refused to heare the preaching of S. Ger­man, & fled from him as he followed to haue in­structed him, one night there fell fyre from heauē vpon the castel wherin the king was lodged, and so the king being destroyed with the fall of the house and the fyre togyther, was neuer after seene. But these are fables, and therfore I passe them ouer, hoping that it shall suffise to shewe here with what stuffe our olde historiographers haue farced vp their huge volumes.

Aurelius Ambrosius.

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AVrelius Ambrosius,Aureli­us Am­brosius. ye se­cond son of king Constantine, & brother to Con­stātius, murthe­red by the trea­son of Vorti­gerne (as before ye haue hearde) was made king of Brytons, in the yere of our Lord .481.Mat. VVest. hath. 466. which was about the thirde yeare of the reigne of the Emperour Zeno, and the .xxiij. of Childericus, King of Fraunce. Odocer King of the Heruli as then vsurping the gouernement of Italy. Af­ter that this Aurelius Ambrosius had dispatched Vortigerne, and was nowe established Kyng of the Britaynes, hee made towardes Yorke,Galfr. M [...]. and passing the Riuer of Humber, encountred with the Saxons at a place called Maesbell, and ouer­threwe them in a strong battell, from the which as Hengist was fleeing to haue saued himselfe,Hengist taken & beheaded, hee was taken by Edoll Earle of Glowcester (or as some haue Chester) and by him ledde to Conningesbourrowe and was there beheaded [Page 123] by the counsell of Eldade then Bishop of Col­chester.Mat. VVest. But ther be that write how Hengist was taken at an other battell fought vpon the Riuer of Dune, in the yeare of our Lord .489. and not in the chase of the battell whiche was foughte at Maesbelle in the yeare .427. as the same au­thors do alledge.Occa. Occa the sonne of Hengist, by flight escaped to Yorke, and being there besieged, at length was constreyned to yeelde hymselfe to Aurelius: the which dealing fauorably with him, 10 assigned foorth to him and other of the Saxons a countrey borduring neere to the Scottes, whych (as some affirme) was Galloway, where the sayd Occa and the Saxons began to inhabite. Then did Aurelius Ambrosius put the Saxons out of all other partes of the land, and repared suche Ci­ties, Townes, and also Churches, as by them had bin destroyed or defaced, and placed agayne Priestes, and such other as shoulde attende to the ministerie and seruice of God in the same Chur­ches. 20

Also for a perpetuall memorie of those Bri­taynes that were slayne on the playne of Salis­burie by the treason of Hengist, he caused stones to bee fetched out of Irelande, and to be set vpon the same place where that slaughter was com­mitted and called the place Stonheng, whiche name continueth vnto this day. There were sent fifteene thousand men as Galfride saith,Galfrid. for those stones, vnder the leading of Vter Pendragon the Kings brother, the whiche giuing battell vnto Gillomanus King of Ireland that went aboute to resist the Britaynes, and would not permittte them to fetche away the same stones out of hyr countrey; discomfyted him and his people, and so maugre his will broughte the stones away with him.

Shortly after Pascentius that was Vorti­gernes yongest sonne, and had escaped into Ire­land (when Aurelius Ambrosius came into Bri­tayne) returned with a greate power of straunge nations, and toke ye Citie of Meneuia in Wales, afterwardes called Saint Dauid, and did much hurt in the countrey with fire and sworde. At whiche time the same Aurelius Ambrosius laye sicke at Winchester, and beeing not able to goe foorth himselfe, desired his brother Vter Pendra­gon to assemble an army of Britaines, and to goe against Pascentius and his adherents. Vter according to his brothers request, gathering hys people, wente forthe, and encountring with the e­nimies, gaue them the ouerthrowe, slew Pascen­tius and Gillomare or Gilloman King of Ire­lande that was come ouer with him in ayde a­gainst

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the Britaynes.

In the meane while, a Saxon, or some other stranger,Hec. Boetius. whose name was Eopa or Copa [...] long before procured thereto by Pascentius, fay­ned 50 himselfe to be a Britayne, and for a couloure counterfeyting himselfe a Monke, and so haue great knowledge in Phisicke, was admitted to minister as it were medicines vnto Aurelius: but in stead of that whiche shoulde haue broughte him health, he gaue him poyson, whereof hee dyed shortly after at Winchester aforesayde,Fabian. when hee had raigned after most accorde of writers nine­teene yeares: his body was co [...]hed to Stone­heng and there buried.

Thus finde wee in the Britishe and common English histories of the doings of Aurelius Am­brosius, which as ye haue heard make him a Bri­tayne borne, and discended of the bloud of the an­cient Britaynes. But Gildas and Beda reporte him to be a Romayne by discent as before is mē ­tioned.

Polydore Virgill writeth in this sorte of the victorious actes atchieued by the foresayde Aure­lius Ambrosius. Then saith he,Polidor. the Saxons ha­uing [Page 124] already gotten the whole rule of the Isle, practise their outragious cruelty specially against the Princes of the Britaynes, to the end, that the sayde Princes beeing ouercome and destroyed, they might with more ease obteyne possession of the whole Isle, whiche thing they only soughte for. But the fauor of almightie God was not wanting to the miserable Britaynes in that greate necessitie, for beholde, Aurelius Ambrosius was at hande, the which had no sooner caused the 10 Trumpet to blowe to armour, but euery man for himselfe prepareth and resorteth to him, praying and besieching him to help to defende them, and that it might stand with his pleasure to goe forth with them against the enimies with all speede.

Thus an army beeyng assembled, Aurelius Ambrosius goeth againste them, and valiantly assayleth them, so that within the space of a fewe dayes, they foughte three battayles with greate fiercenesse on both sydes in triall of their high dis­pleasures 20 and vttermost forces, in which at lēgth the Britaynes put the Saxons to flight, Horsus the brother of Hengist being slayne with a greate number of his people. But yet notwithstanding the enimies rage was little abated heereby, for within a fewe dayes after receyuing out of Ger­many a newe supply of menne, they brake foorth vpon the Britaynes with greate confidence of victory. Aurelius Ambrosius was no sooner ad­uertised thereof, but that withoute delay he sette 30 forwarde towardes Yorke from whence the eni­mies should come, and hearing by the way that Hengist was encamped about seuen and twentie miles distante from that Citie, neere to the banke of a Riuer at this day called Dune, in the place where Doncaster now standeth, he returneth out of his way and marcheth towards that place, and the nexte daye setteth on the enimie and vanqui­sheth him,Hengist is slayne. Hengist at the first meeting of the bat­tels beeyng slayne, with a greate number of the Germanes. The fame of this victory (saith Po­lidore) is had in memory with the inhabitantes of those parties euen vnto this day, the which victo­ry did sore diminish the power of the Saxons, in somuch that they began now to thinke it shoulde be more for their profit to sit in rest with that dis­honor, than to make any newe warres to theyr great disaduantage and likelyhod of present losse.

Hengist lefte behynde him two sonnes, Ofea and Otha, the which as menne most sorrowfull for the ouerthrowe of late receyued, assembled suche power as they could togither, and remooued there with towardes the West parte of the Isle, supposing it to bee better for them to drawe that way foorth, than to returne into Kent, where they thought was already a sufficient number of their people to resist the Britaynes on that syde.

Nowe therefore, when they were come into the West partes of the land, they wast the coun­trey, bre [...]ne Villages, and abstayne from no ma­ner

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of crueltie that might be shewed.

These things beeing reported vnto Aurelius Ambrosius, hee straightwayes hasteth thither to resist those enimies, and so giuing them battell, eftsoones discomfiteth them:Aurelius dieth a wounde. but he himselfe recey­uing a wounde, dyed thereof within a few dayes after.

The English Saxons hauing thus susteined so many losses within a few monethes togither, were contented to bee quiet nowe that the Bri­taynes stirred nothing agaynste them, by reason they were brought into some trouble by the death of such a noble Captayne as they had nowe lost.Vortimer de­parteth this life. In the meane time Vortimer died, after whome succeeded Vter surnamed Pendragon. Thus hath Polidore written of the foresayde Aurelius [Page 125] Ambrosius, not naming him to be King of Bri­tayne, and differing indeede in sundry poyntes in this behalfe from diuers aunciente writers of the English histories, for wher he attributeth the vic­tory to the Britaynes in the battel fought, wher­in Horsus the brother of Hengist was slayne by the reporte of Polychronicon, and other, the Sax­ons hadde the victory in that reencounter, and William of Malmesburie sayeth,VVil. Mal▪ that they de­parted from that battell with egall fortune, the 10 Saxons losing their Captayne Horsus,Katigerne. and the Britaynes their Captayne Katigerne (as before yee haue hearde) but there is suche [...] [...]arietie in writers touching the doings bet [...] [...] Bri­taynes and Saxons in those dayes [...] well in accompte of yeares, as in the reporte of thynges done, that setting affection aside, hard it is to iudge to which part a man should giue credite. Where Fabian and other authors write, that Aurelius Ambrosius began his raigne ouer the 20 Britaines about the yeare of our Lord .481. Hor­sus was slayne about the yeare .458.458 during the raigne of Vortimer, as aboue is mentioned, so that it cannot stande with the froth of the Brit­tish histories (the whiche Fabian followeth) that Horsus was slayne by Aurelius Ambrosius, if according to the same histories hee returned not into Britayne, till the time there supposed. But diuers such manner of contrarieties shall ye [...]nde in perusing of those writers that haue written 30 the Chronicles of the Britaynes and Saxons, the which in euery point to recite would be too te­dious and combersome a matter, and therefore we are forced to passe ye same ouer, not knowing how to bring them to any iust accorde for the sa­tisfying of all mens mindes, and namely the cu­rious, whiche may with diligente searche satisfye themselues happily muche better than any other shall be able to doe in vttering his opinion neuer so much at large, and agreeable to a troth: onely 40 therefore haue we thought good as it were by the way to touch what diuers authors do write, lea­uing it so to euery mans iudgemente to construe therof, as his affection leadeth him. We fynde in the writings of those that haue registred the do­ings of these times,Sigebertus. that Aurelius hauing vanqui­shed the Saxons, restored Churches to the fur­therance of the Christian Religion, which by the inuasion of the Saxons was greatly decayed in diuers partes of Britayne,488. as Math. West hath. and thys chanced in 50 the days of the Emperour Theodosius ye yonger.

The beginning of the Kingdome of Sussex.

Ella entred this land as M. VVest. hath anno. 477.IN the time of the foresayd Aurelius Ambrosius one Ella a Saxon with his three sonnes Cy­men, Plettinger & Cissa, came out of Germany with three Shippes, and landed in the South partes of Britayne, and being encountred with a power of Britaynes at a place called Cuneue­shore, discomfited them, and chased them vnto a wood then called Andredeswold, and so tooke that countrey, and inhabited there with his people the Saxons which he brought with him, and made himselfe King and Lord thereof, in somuche that afterwardes the same countrey was named the kingdome of the South Saxons,The kingdom of the South Saxons doth begin. whiche had for limittes on the East side Kent, on the South, the Sea and Isle of Wight, on the west Hamshire, and on the North part Southerie. This Kyng­dome (after some) began vnder the forsayd El­la, aboute the .32. yeare after the firste commyng of the Saxons into this lād, which by following that accompt, should be about the second yeare of the raigne of Aurelius Ambrosius, and about the yeare of oure Lord .482. But other write,482 that it did begin about the .30. yeare after the firste com­ming of Hengist, which should be two yeares soo­ner. William Harrison differing from al other, noteth it to begin in the fourth yeare after ye death of Hengist .4458. of the worlde .2. of the .317. O­lympiad .1243. of Rome .492. of Christe, and .43. after the comming of the Saxons: his words are these. Ella erecteth the Kingdome of the South Saxons, in the .1 [...]. after his arriuall, and raigned 32. yeares, the chiefe Citie of his Kingdome also was Chichester, & after her had enioyed the fame his Kingdome awhile, he ouerthrew ye Citie cal­led Andredescester, whiche as then was taken for one of the most famous in all the South side of England. For my parte I thinke my dutie dis­charged, if I shew the opinions of ye writers: for if I should thereto adde mine owne, I should but increase coniectures, whereof already we haue su­perfluous store. To proceede therfore as I fynde.

About the ninth yeare after the comming of Elle, the Britaynes perceyuing that he with hys Saxons still enlarged the boundes of his Lord­ship by entring further into the lande, assembled themselues togither vnder their Kings and Ru­lers, and gaue battell to Elle and his sonnes at Mecredesbourne, where they departed with dout­full victory, the armies on both sides being sore diminished, and so returned to their homes. Elle after this battell sente into his countrey for more ayde. But nowe touching Hengist which as yre haue hearde, reigned as King in the prouince of Kente, the writers of the Englishe Kings varie somewhat from the Brittishe histories, bothe in reporte of the battels by him foughte againste the Britaynes, and also for the manner of his deathe: as thus. After that Vortimerus was dead, which departed this life (as some write) in the first yeare of the Emperour Leo, surnamed the greate,Policron. and first of that name that gouerned the Empire, who began to rule in the yeare of our Lorde .457.457 wee fynde that Hengist and his sonne Occa or Osta [Page 126] gathered their people togither that were before sparkled,H. Hunt. and hauing also receyued new ayde out of Germany,VV. Mal. fought with ye Britaynes at a place called Crekenforde,Creysourd. wher were slayne of the Bri­taynes foure Dukes or Captaynes, and foure thousand of other men,Britaynes o­uerthrowen. and the residue were cha­sed by Hengist out of Kent vnto London, so that they neuer returned afterwards againe into Kēt: and so the Kingdome of Kent began vnder Hen­gist the twelfth yeare after the comming of the 10 Saxons into Britayne, and Hengist raigned in Kent after this (as the same writers agree) foure and twentie yeares.Polychron. It is remembred that those Germanes whiche lately were come ouer to the ayde of Hengist, beeing chosen men, mightie and strong of body, with their axes and swords made great slaughter of the Britaynes in that battell at Crekenford or Creyforde, whiche Britaynes were aranged in foure battayles vnder their a­foresayd foure Dukes or Captaynes, and were 20 (as before is mentioned) slayne in the same battel.H. Hunt. About the sixth yere of the sayd Emperour Leo, which was in the .17. yeare after the comming of the Saxons.VVipers field Mat. VVest. This battell was fought anno .473. as the same Mat. VVest noteth Wipet Hen. Hunt. Hengist and his sonne Occa or O­sca fought at Wyptishe fielde in Kent, neere to a place called Tong with the Britaynes, & slewe of them twelue Dukes or Captaynes, and on the parte of the Saxons was slayne besyde common Souldiers but onely one Captayne that highte Vipet, of whome ye place after yt day tooke name. 30

This victory was nothing pleasaunte to the Saxons, by reason of the great losse whiche they susteyned, as well by the death of the sayd Vipet, as of a greate number of others: and so of a long time neyther did the Saxons enter into the con­fynes of the Britaynes, nor the Britaynes pre­sumed to come into Kent. But whilest outward warres ceasse among the Britaynes, they exer­cise ciuill battell, falling togither by the eares a­mong themselues, one striuing against another. 40 Finally, Hengist departed this life by course of nature,Fortie yeares hath H. Hunt. in the .39. yeare after his firste comming into Britayne, hauing proceeded in his businesse no lesse with craft and guyle than with force and strength, following therewith his natiue crueltie, so that he rather did all things with rigoure than with gentlenesse.By this it is euident that he was not driuen out of the lande after he had once got foote within it. After him succeeded a sonne whiche hee left behinde him, who beeing attentiue rather to defende than to enlarge his King­dome, neuer set foote out of his fathers boundes, 50 duryng the space of .24. yeares, in the whiche hee raigned.

About three yeares after the decesse of Hengist, a new supply of men of warre came out of Ger­many vnto the ayde of Elle King of Sussex,Mat. VVest. the which hauing his power so encreassed,Hen. Hunt. besieged the Citie of Andredescestre,The Citie of Andredesce­stre. which was very strōg & well furnished with men & all things necessary.

The Britaynes also assembling togither in companies, greatly annoyed the Saxons as they lay there at siege, laying ambushes to de­stroy suche as wente abrode, and ceassing not to giue alarmes to the campe in the night season: & the Saxons could no sooner prepare themselues to giue the assault, but the Britaynes were ready to assayle them on the backes, till at length the Saxons deuiding themselues into two compa­nies, appoynted the one to giue the assault, and the other to encounter with the army of the Bri­taynes without, and so finally by that meanes preuayled, tooke the Citie, and destroyed manne, woman and childe. Neyther so contented, they did also vtterly rase the sayde Citie, so as it was neuer after that daye builded or reedified a­gayne.

The Kingdome of the Eastangles.

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MOreouer,The Kingdome of the East­angles beg [...]. This King­dome a [...] [...] rison much began nor till Aurelius Conanus raigned. in the dayes of the fore­named Aurelius Am­brosius about the yeare of our Lorde .561. the kingdome of the East­angles began vnder a Saxon named Vffa.561 This Kingdome con­teyned Northfolke and Suffolke, hauing on the East and North partes the Sea, on the North­west Cambridge shire, and on the West Sainte Edmonds ditch with a part of Hertfordshire, and on the South side lieth Essex. This Kingdome at the firste was called Vffines dominion, and the Kings that raigned, or the people that inha­bited there, were at the firste named Vffines, but at length they were called Eastangles.

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FVrthermore about ye yere of oure Lorde 495.Cerdic. VVil. Mal. and in the eyght yeare af­ter that Hen­gist was dead,495 one Cerdicus, and his sonne Kenricus came out of Germa­ny with fiue Shippes,Fabian. Policrus. and landed at a place cal­led Cerdiceore, whiche as some thinke is nowe called Yermouth in Northfolke. Hee was at the first receyued with battell by the Britaynes,VVil. Mal. but beeing an olde skilfull warriour, hee easily beate backe and repulsed the inconstante multitude of his enimies, and caused them to flee: by whyche good successe hee procured for the time to come, both vndoubted assurance to himselfe, and to the [Page 127] inhabitantes good and perfect quietnesse, for they thinking good neuer after to prouoke him more by resistāce, submitted themselues to his pleasure: but yet did not he then gyue himselfe to slouthful rest, but rather extending his often atchieued vic­tories on eache syde [...] foure and twentith yeare after his comming into this land he obtey­ned the title of the West partes thereof, and go­uerned there as King so that the Kingdome of West Saxons began vnder the sayde [...]icus 10 in the .519.519 of Christ as [...] shall be shewed.

Thus may yee see that if Aurelius Ambrosius did succeede after Vortigerne, and raigned in the tyme supposed by the Brittish histories, [...] before is alledged, the lande euen in his dayes was full of trouble, and the olde inhabitauntes the Bri­taynes sore vexed by the Saxons that [...]ed the same, so that the Britaynes dayly were hampe­red, and brought vndersubiection to the valiante Saxons, or else driuen to remoue further off, and 20 to giue place to the victorers. But nowe to pro­ceede with the succession of the Brittishe Kings as in their Histories wee fynde them registred, whiche I delyuer suche as I fynde, but not suche as I do wishe, being written with no suche cou­loure of credite as we may safely put foorthe the same for an vndoubted truth.

Vter Pendragon.

AFter that Aurelius Ambrosius was dead, his brother Vter Pendragon (whome Harrison calleth,Math. West. noteth. Aurelius Vterius Ambrosianus) was made King in the yeare of our Lorde.500 500. in the seuenth yeare of the Emperour Anastasius, and in the sixteene yeare of Clodoueus King of the Frenchmen. The cause why hee was surnamed Pendragon, was, for that Merlyne the greate Prophete likened him to a Dragons head, that at the tyme of his natiuitie maruellously appea­red in the firmamente at the corner of a blasing Starre as is reported. But Harrison supposeth 40 that hee was so called of his wisedome and ser­pētine subtiltie, or for that he gaue the Dragons head in his Banner.

Thys Vter, hearing that the Saxons with their Captaynes Occa or Octa the sonne of Hengist, and his brother Osra hadde besieged the Citie of Yorke, hasted thither, and giuing them battell discomfited their power, and tooke the sayd Occa and Osra prisoners. From this varieth Hector Boetius in his Chronicle of Scotland, writing of these doings in Britaine:Hec. Boetius. for he affir­meth that the counterfet Monke whiche poyso­ned Aurelius Ambrosius, was subornate, and sent to worke that feate by Occa, and not by his brother Pascentius: and further, that about the very selfe time of Aurelius his deathe, his brother Vter Pendragon lay in Wales, not as yet fully recouered of a sore sicknesse wherewith of late he had bin greeuously vexed. Yet the Lords of Bri­tayne after the Buriall of Aurelius Ambrosius, came vnto him, and crowned him king & though he was not able to goe against yt Saxons which as then by reason of Aurelius Ambrosius hys death were very busie, and more earnest in pur­suing the war than before) an army was yet pre­pared and sente foorth with all conuenient speede [...] leading of one Nathaliod, a man neyther of any greate auntiente house, not yet of skill i [...] warlike affaires. The noble men were nothyng pleased herewith, as misliking altogither ye lack of discretion in their new king, and doubted sore, least in time to come he would haue more delight to aduance the base degree, than such as were dis­cended of noble parentage. Yet bicause they wold [...] the state of the common wealth in daun­g [...] [...] any muteny, they agreed to goe forth with him in that iourney. Occa had aduertise­mente giuen by secrete letters sente to him from some close friendes amongst the Britaines of the whole matter, and therefore in hope of the better speed he hasted foorth to encounter the Britaines, and so the one army comming within sight of yt other, they prepare to the battell, and shortly af­ter buckling togither, the Britaines were soone

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discomfited, by reason that one of their chiefest Captaines called Gothlois disdeyning to bee at the appointmente of Nathaliod, gote him vp to the next hill with the battell which he led, leauing the other Britaines in al the daunger: which they perceyuing straight wayes began to flee. There dyed no greate number of the Britaines, excepte those that were killed in the fighte: for Occa mi­strusting what Gothlois meant by his withdra­wing aside, woulde not suffer the Saxons to followe the chase, but in the nyghte followyng, Gothlois gote hym away, and rested not till [Page 128] hee was out of daunger. Occa then perceiuing himselfe to haue the vpper hand, sent an Herrauld vnto King Vter with a certayne message, thret­ning destruction to him and to his people, if he re­fused to do that which he should appoynt.

Vter perceyuing what disloyaltie rested in the harts of his owne subiectes, agreed that the mat­ter might be committed to eyght graue and wise Counsellers, foure Britaines and foure Saxons, which might haue full power to make an ende of 10 all controuersies and variaunces depending be­twixt the two nations. Occa was likewise con­tented therewith, where vppon were named on eyther part four persons, of such wisedom, know­ledge and experience, as were thought meéetest to take direction for the ordering of such a weightie businesse. By the arbitrement, warde and dome then of those eighte persons sufficiently authori­sed thereto, a league was concluded vppon cer­taine articles of agreement, amongst the whyche 20 the chiefest was, that the Saxons from thence­foorth should quietly enioy all that part of Brit­tayne whiche lyeth fore aneynst the Almayne Seas, the same to bee called euer after Eng [...] ­laund, and all the residue shoulde remayn [...] to the Britaines as their [...] tightfull and aunciente when [...]. Then hathe Hector Boetius, but now [...] according to that wee finde in the Brittish histories but to proceede af­ter our [...] writers, that when he had vanqui­shed the Saxons and take [...] their two chiefe [...] [...] prisoners, in processe of time, befell in loue with a righte beautifull Lady called Igwa [...] I­gerna,Go [...]l [...] [...] of [...] wise to the Go [...]lus or Gorloys Duke of Cornewalle, the which Duke he slew at length neere to his owne Castell called Diuol [...]o [...] in Cornewalle, to the ende that he [...]ghte enioye the sayd Lady the which he afterwards ma [...]d, and beg [...]te on hee that noble Knighte Arthur, [...] daughter mained Amye or Amia. O [...]a and [...] escaping also out of prison assembled eftsoonne [...] power of Saxons, and made warre against the Britaynes, whereof Vter hauing aduertisement prepared to resist them, and finally went himselfe in person againste them, and at Saint Al [...] (as some write) gaue them battel, [...] and slew them

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both in the fielde. By that which Polydore Ver­gill writeth it shoulde seeme that Germane the Bishop of Auxerre came into Britayne in the dayes of this Vter, by whose presence the Bryt­taynes had victory againste the Saxons (as be­fore yet haue hearde) after whiche victory bothe parties rested from troubling eyther other for a time, the Saxons as it were astonied with that 50 presente miracle, and the Britaynes not follo­wing their good successe shortly after fell at dis­cord amongst themselues, which finally brought them to vtter decay, as after shall appeare. But ye Saxons being desirous to spoyle the Britaines of the whole possession of that parte of the Isle which they held, whereas they accompted the Ci­ties and Townes of small strength to be difen­ded, they gote them to an high Mountaine called Badon hill,Badon hill. whiche Polidore supposeth to bee Blackamore ye lieth neere to the water of Theise, which deuideth the Bishoprike of Durham from Yorkshire, hauing at the mouth thereof a [...] ha­uen meete to receyue such Shippes as come out of Germany, from whence the Saxons looked dayly for ayde, hauing already sent thither for the same. The Britaynes being thereof aduerti­sed, make hast towards the place, and besieged it on euery side. They also lay the Sea coastes full of Souldiers to keepe suche of the enemies from landing as shoulde come out of Germany. The Saxons kept themselues for a certayne space a­lost vpon the high grounde, but in the ende con­streyned through wante of vittayles, they come [Page 129] downe with their armie in order of bataile to the next plaines, and offring to fight, the batayl was anon begun, which continued from the morning till farre in the day, with suche slaughter, that the earth on euery side flowed with bloud: but ye Sa­xons susteyned the greater losse, their capitaines Occa and Osca beyng bothe slayne, so that the Britons might seme quite deliuered of al danger of those enimies: but the fatall destenie could not be auoided, as hereafter may apere. And this was 10 the slaughter made of the Saxons at Badon hil,Gildas. wherof Gildas maketh mention, and chanced the same yere that he was borne, which was in the 44. yere after the first cōming of the Saxons in­to this land,492 the yere of grace .492. & .15. indiction (as Harison also noteth.)

About the same time Vter departed out of this life (saith Polydore) so that his accompte agreeth nothing with the cōmon accompte of those au­thors, 20 whom Fabiā and other haue folowed. For either must we presuppose, that Vter reigned be­fore the time apointed to him by the said authors, either else that the siege of Badon hill was before he began to reigne, as it should seeme in deede by that which Wil. Malmsbury writeth therof, as hereafter shal be also shewed. Finally, according to the agreemente of the Englishe writers, Vter Pendragon died of poyson when he had gouer­ned this land by the ful terme of .16. yeres,The deceasse of Vter Pen­dragon. Stonchenge, chorea gigantn & was 30 after buried dy his brother Aurelius at Stonhēg otherwyse called Chorea Gigantū, leauing his son Arthur to succede him. Here must ye not that the scottish chronicles declare, that in al the war­res for the more parte wherein the Britons ob­teyned victorie against the Saxons, the Scots ayded them in the same warres, and so likewyse did the Picts, but the same chronicles do not only varie from the Brytish writers in accompt of yeres, but also in the order of things done, as in 40 the same Chronicles more playnly may appere, and namely in the discourse of the incidēts which chanced during the reign of this Vter. For wher as the British histories, as ye haue heard, attri­bute great praise vnto the same Vter for his vic­tories atchieued against the Saxons and theyr king Occa, whom he slew in battaile, and obtei­ned a greate victorie, the Scottishe writers make other report, affirming in deed that by the presēce of bishop Germane hee obteyned victorie in one battaile against them: but shortly after the Bri­tons 50 fought again with the Saxons, & were dis­comfited, although Occa in following the chase ouer rashly chaunced to be slaine: after whose de­ceasse the Saxons ordeyned his sonn [...] named al­so Occa to succeede in his place, who to make himselfe strong against all his enimies, sent in­to Germanie for one Colgerne, the whiche with a greate power of Tentshmen came ouer into this our Britayne, and conquered by O [...]s ap­pointment, the countrey of Northumberland, si­tuate betwene Tyne & Tweede, as in the Scot­tish chronicles it may further appeare.

Also this is to be remembred that the victorie which was got against the Saxons by the Bry­tons, at what time Germane bishop of Aurerre was presente: Hector Boetius affirmeth (by the authoritie of Veremond that wrote ye Scottishe chronicles) to haue chanced the secōd time of his cōming ouer into this lande, where Beda anon­cheth it to be at his first bring here. Againe, the same Boetius writeth, that ye same victory chā ­ced in the dayes of Vter Pendragon, whiche can not be if it be true that Beda writeth, touchyng the tyme of ye death of ye sayd German: for where he departed this life before the yere of oure Lorde 459. as aboue is noted, Vter Pendragon began not his reigne till the yere of our Lord .500.475. sayth [...] a­rison. or as the same Hector Boetius hath .503. so that bishop Germane was dead long before that Vter began to reign. In deede some writers haue noted, that the third bataile which Vortimer sought against the Saxons, was the same wherin S. Germane was present, and procured the victorie with the crie of Alleluya, as before ye haue heard whiche seemeth to be more agreeable to a truthe, and to stand also with that which holie Bede hath wri­ten, touching the time of the beeing heere of the sayd German, than the opinion of other, whiche affirme that it was in the tyme of the reigne of Vter. The like is to bee founde in the residue of Hector Boetius his booke, touching the tyme specially of the reignes of the Brytish kings that gouerned Brytaine aboute that season. For as he affirmeth, Aurelius Ambrosius beganne his reigne in the yeare of our Lorde .498. and ruled but seuen yeres, and then suceeded Vter, whiche reigned .xviij. yeres, and departed this life in the yeare of our Lorde .521.

BVt here is to be remēbred, that whatsoeuer the British writers haue recorded touching the victories of this Vter had against ye Saxos, and how that Osca the sonne of Hengist should be slaine in battayle by him and his power: In those olde writers whiche haue registred the Acts of the Englishe saxon kyngs wee fynde no suche matter, but wee fynde that after the deceasse of Hengist. hys sonne Osca or Occa reygned in Kente .24. yeares,Osca. 34. hath Hen­ry Hnnt. in corrupted copies. defendyng hys kyngdome onely, and not seekyng to enlarge it (as before is touched.)

After whose death his sonne Oth, and Ir­ [...]rike sonne to the same Oth succeeded, more resemblyng their father than their grandfather or greate grandfather. To their reignes are assig­ned fiftie and three yeares by the Chronicles: but whether they reigned ioyntely together, or [Page 130] seuerally a parte, eyther after other, it is not cer­taynly perceyued.

But nowe to the incidentes whiche happened during the reigne of Vter Pendragon we fynde that one Porth a Saxon with his .ij. sonnes Me­gla

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10 20 and Beda,Port entred this land about the yere of our Lord . [...]01. as Math. VVest. noteth. came a lande at Port [...]smouth in Sussex, about the beginning of the sayde Vters reigne and slewe a noble yong man of the Bry­tons, and many other of the meaner sorte with him. Of this Porth the towne and hauen of Portesmouth tooke the name as some haue thou­ght.Hariso [...] [...]seth the [...] to bee [...] Poets, [...] vvorde [...] i [...] the [...] fr [...]h [...] the sea. Moreouer about .lx. yeres after the coming of the Saxons into this lande with their leader Hengist, one Nazaleod, a mightie king amongst the Britons, assembled all the power hee coulde make to fight with Certicus king of the West­saxons, who vnderstandyng the greate power of his enimies, required ayd of Osca King of Kent, also of Elle king of Sussex, and of Porth and his sonnes whiche were lately before arriued as ye haue heard. Certicus being then furnished with a conuenient armie, deuided the same in­to two batayls, reseruing the one to himself, and the other he appointed to his sonne Kenrike.

King Nazaleod perceiuing that the wing which Certicus ledde was of more strength than the o­ther whiche Kenrike gouerned, he set fyrst vpon Certicus, thinking that if he might distresse that part of the enimies armie, he should easily ouer­come the other.

Herevpon he gaue such a fierce charge vppon that wing that by pure force he opened the same, and so ouerthrew the Saxons on that side, ma­king great slaughter of them as they were state­red, the whiche maner of dealing when Kenrike sawe, he made forwarde with all speed to succor

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his father, and rushing in amongst the Brytons on their backs,The Bryton [...] ouerth [...]ovven. he brake their armie in peeces, and slew their king Na [...]alcod, and with all put his 40 people to flight.

Mat. VVest. Hen. Hunt. Stuff and VVi­ghtgar. Math. VVest. noteth the yere of their riual to be .514.There died of the Brytons that daye .v. M. men and the residue escaped by fleeing as wel as they might.

In the vj. yeare after this battayle Stuff and Wightgar ye were nephues to Certicus, came wyth three shippes, and landed at Certicest­shore, and ouerthrew a number of Britons that came againste them in order of battayle, and so by the comming of those his nephews being right 50 valyant and hardie capitaines the part of Certi­cus became much str [...]nger. About the same time Elle king of the Southsaxons departed this lyfe, after whome succeeded his sonne Cissa, of whom wee fynde little lefte in writing to bee made ac­compte of.

H. Hunt. Brytons ouer­throvven by Saxons.About the yeare of our Lorde .51 [...]. and in the yeare after the commyng of the Saxons .71. whyche was in the .xxvj. yeare of the Emperor Anastatius, the Brytons fought with Certicus and his sonne Kenrike at Certicesforde, where the Captaynes of the Brytons stoode to it man­fully: but in the ende they were discomfyted, and greate slaughter was made there of them by the Saxons, and greater had bene, if the nyghte commyng on, had not parted them, and so ma­ny were saued.

From that daye forewarde Certicus was re­puted and taken for king of Weastsaxon,The kingdom of VVest [...] and so the same kyngdome at that tyme, whyche was as Harrison noteth it (whose orderly pro­ce [...]dyng in this beha [...]ten, for the accoumpte of tyme, giueth greate lyght to our historie) the yeare of Christe fiue hundred and ninteene: af­ter the buylding of Rome, a thousande, two hundred and seuentie, of the worlde, foure thou­sande foure hundred eyghtie and fiue: of the cou [...]nyng of the Saxons seuentie of Iustinus Anicius Emperoure of the Easte, the fyrste [Page 131] and thirde of the renouned prince Patricius Ar­thurus then reygnyng oure the Brytaynes.

The sayd kingdom also conteyned the countreis of Wiltshire, Somersetshire, Berkeshire, Dor­setshyre, Deuonshire, and Cornewall, hauing on the East Hamshire, on the North the [...] of Thames, and on the South and Weast the O­cean sea: Howbeit at the firste the kinges of the Weastsaxons had not so large dominion, but 10 they dayly wanne grounde vpon the Brytons, & so in the rude by enlarging their confines they came to enioy all the sayde countreys, and the whole at the last.

In the nynthe yeare of the reigne of Certi­cus, he eftsoons fought with the Saxons at Cer­ticesforde aforesayde,Certicesford. where great slaughter was made on bothe partes. This Certicesforde was in times past called Nazaleoy of the late remem­bres Nazaleod king of the Brytons.

Aboute this season at sundry tymes dyuerse 20 greate companies of the Saxons came ouer in­to Britayne out of Germanie, and got possessi­on of the countreys of Mercie and Eastangle: but as yet those of Mercie had no one king that gouerned them, but were vnder certayne noble men that got possession of diuers partes in that countrey, by meanes wherof great warres and many encounters ensued.

The kingdome of the Eastsaxons.

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IN those dayes also the kyngdome of the Eastsaxons began,Erchen­wyn. the chiefe Citie where­of was London. It conteyned in effect so much as at this presente belongeth to the Diocesse of London.The kingdom [...] of the Eastsax­ons. One Erchenwyn a Saxon was the fyrst king thereof, the whiche was sonne to one Offa, the sixte in lineall descent from one Sax­not, from whom the kings of that countrey fet­ched their originall.

Harison noteth there exacte yeare of the erection of the kingdom of the Eastsaxons to begin with the end of the eight of Cerdicius K. of the West­saxons that is, the .527. of Christe, and .7. after the commyng of the Saxons.

In the . [...]iij. yeare of the reigne of Cerdicius, he with his sonne Kenrike, and other of the Sa­xon

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capitayns fought with the Brytons, [...] the Isle of Wight at Witgartsbridge, where they slewe a greate number of Brytons, and so con­quered the Isle, the whiche aboute foure yeares after, was giuen by Cerdicius vnto hys ne­phues Stuff and Witgar.

ArthurArthure.

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50

After the decease of Vter Pendragon (as we finde in the Britishe histories, his sonne Arthur, a yong towardly Gentleman, of the age of .xv. yeares or theraboutes, began his reigne ouer the Britons in the yere of our lord .516. or as Math.516. Math. VVest hath noted .5 [...] West. hath .57. in ye .18. yere of the emperor Ana­stasius, & in the .iij. yere of the reignes of Ch [...] ­bert, Clathare, Clodain [...]e, & Theodorik brethrē, yt were [...] of the Frenchmē. Of this Arthure [...] are writen beyond credite, for that there is no ancient author of authoritie that cō ­firmeth the same: But [...]inely as may be thought he was some worthie man, and by all [...] a great [...] to the Saxons, by rea [...] wherof the Wei [...]hemen which or the very Brytons in [...] haue [...] fa [...] [...]. He fought as the common report of him goeth .xi [...]. notable batayles agaynst the Saxons, and in euery of them wente awaye with the victorie. But yet hee myghte not vtterlye dryue them oute of [Page 136] the lande, but that they kepte still the countreys whiche they had in possession, as Kent, South­rey, Northfolke, and others: howbeit some wri­ters testifie, that they helde these countreyes as tributaries to Arthure. But trouth it is (as dy­uers authours agree) that hee helde continuall warre agaynst them, and also agaynst the Pic­tes, the whiche were alyed wyth the Saxons: For as in the Scottishe histories is conteyned, euen at the fyrste beginning of hys reigne, the 10 two kings of Scottes and Pictes seemed to en­uie hys aduauncemente to the crowne of Bry­tayne, bycause that they had maryed the two systers of the two brethren, Aurelius Ambro­sius, and Vter Pendragon, that is to witte, Loth kyng of Pictes hadde maryed Anne theyr eldest syster, and Conran kyng of Scottes had in maryage Alda theyr yonger sister, so that bi­cause Arthur was begot out of wedlocke, they thoughte it stoode wyth more reason, that the 20 kyngdome of the Brytons should haue descen­ded vnto the sisters sonnes rather than to a ba­starde, namely Loth the Pictishe king, whyche had issue by his wyfe Anna, sore repined at the matter: and therefore at the fyrst when he sawe that by suite he coulde not preuayle, hee ioyned in league wyth the Saxons, and ayding them agaynste Arthure, loste many of his menne of warre being ouerthrown in battayle, which he had sent vnto the succours of Colgerne the Sa­xon 30 Prince that ruled as then in the north par­tes. But fynallye a league was concluded be­twixte Arthur and the foresayde Lothe kyng of Pictes, vpon certain conditions, as in the Scot­tishe history is expressed, where ye may read the same, with many other things touching the acts of Arthure, somewhat in other order, than oure writers haue recorded.

The Britishe authors declare, that Arthure immediately after he had receyued the Crowne of Dubrighte Bishoppe of Caerlleon, wente wyth his power of Brytons agaynst the Sax­ons of Northumberlande, whiche had to their Capitayne, as before is sayde one Colgrime or Colgerne, whome Arthure discomfited and cha­sed into the Citie of Yorke,Yorke besie­ged. within which place Arthur besieged him, til at length the same Col­grime escaped out of the Citie,Cheldrike cō ­meth in ap [...] of Colgrime. and leauing it in charge with his brother called Bladulffe passed ouer into Germanie vnto Cheldrike kyng of that Countrey, of whome he obteyned succors, so that the sayde Cheldrike made prouision of menne and shippes,Mat [...]. VVest hath but [...] hundred. and came hymselfe ouer i [...] ­to Scotlande, hauing in his company .xv. hun­dred sayles of one and other.

When Arthur was aduertised thereof, he rey­sed his siege, and withdrewe to London, sending letters with all speede vnto Howell king of lit­tle Britayne in Fraunce, that was his sisters sonne, requiring hym in moste earnest wyse of ayde.Hovvell [...] of Britayn [...] ­meth ouer a ayde of [...] Howell incontinentely assembled hys people, to the number of xv. thousande men, and taking the sea, landed with them at Southamp­ton, where Arthure was ready to receyue hym with great ioye and gladnesse. From thence they drewe Northewardes, where both the hostes of Arthur and Howell beeing assembled together, marched forewarde to Lyncolne, whiche Citie Cheldrike did as then besiege.

Heere Arthur and Howell assayling the Sa­xons

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with greate force and manhoode, and at lengthe after greate slaughter made of the eni­myes, they obteyned the victorye, and chased Chelderyke) wyth the res [...]dewe of the Saxons that were lefte alyue) vnto a woodde, where they compassed them aboute wythin the same,Childerike o­uerthrovvne in batayle. in suche wyse, that in the ende they were con­streyned to yeelde themselues, wyth condition [Page 133] that they myghte bee suffred to departe a foote to their shippes, and so auoyde the lande, leauyng theyr horse, armour, and other furniture vnto the Brytons.

Heerevpon the Brytons takyng good host a­ges for assuraunce, permitted the Saxons to go their ways, and so Cheldrike and his people got them to theyr shippes, in purpose to returne in­to their countrey: but being on the sea, they were forted by wynde to chaunge theyr course, and 10 comming on the coastes of the Weast partes of Britayne, they arriued at Totnesse, and con­trarye to the couenaunted articles of theyr laste composition wyth Arthure, inuade the countrey of newe, and taking such armure as they could fynde, marched foorth in robbing and spoyling the people, til they came to Bathe, which towne the Brytons kepte and defended agaynst them, not suffryng them by any meanes to enter there,Bathe besieged wherevppon the Saxons enuironed it with a strong siege.

Arthur enfourmed hereof, with all speede ha­sted

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thyther, & giuyng the enimies battayle, slew the moste parte of Cheldrikes men.The Saxons ouerthrovve Colgrime and Bladulff.

There were slayne both Colgrime and Bla­dulff, howbeit Cheldrike himselfe fled out of the fielde towardes his shippes, but beeing pursued by Cador Earle of Cornewall (that had with him .x.Cheldrik slayne by Cador duke of Cornvvall. thousande men) by Arthures appoynte­ment, he was ouertaken and in fight slayn with all his people. 40

Arthur himselfe retourned from this battayle foughten at Bathe with all speede towardes the marches of Scotlande, for that he hadde recey­ued aduertisement,K. Hovvell be­sieged by the Scottes. howe the Scottes had be­sieged Howell kyng of Brytayne there, as hee laye sicke.

Also when Cador had accomplished his en­terpryse and slayne Chelderike, hee retourned with as muche speede as was possible towardes Arthure, and founde him in Scotlande, where he reskued Howell, and afterwarde pursued the 50 Scottes which fled before him by heapes.

Guillomer.About the same tyme one Guillomer king of Ireland arriued in Scotlande with a myghtie power of Irishmen (neare to the place where Ar­thur lodged) to healpe the Scottes agaynste the Britons: whervpon Arthur turning his forces towardes the same Guillomer, vanquished him, and chased him into Irelande.

This don, he cōtinued in pursute of the Scots til he caused thē to sue for pardon, and to submit themselues wholly to him, and so receiuing them to mercie, and taking homage of them, hee re­turned to Yorke,Guenever. and shortly after tooke to wyfe one Guenhera a right beautifull Lady, that was neere kinswoman to Cador Erle of Cornwall.

In the yeare folowing,VVil. Harrison noteth it to be which Harison noteth to be. 525. he went into Irelande, and discomfi­ting king Guillomere in battayle,525. hee constray­ned him to yelde, and to acknowledge by doing his fealtie to holde the realme of Ireland of him.

It is further remembred in those Britishe hi­stories,Gothland [...]. that hee subdued Gutlande and Iseland with all the Isles in and about those seas.

Also that hee ouercame the Romaines in the countrey aboute Parys wyth theyr capitayne Lucius, and wasted the moste parte of all Fraunce, and slewe in syngular combates cer­tayne Gyauntes that were of passyng force and hugenesse of stature.

And if he had not bene reuoked home to resist his cousin Mordred that was son to Loth king of Pightlande that rebelled in his countrey, he had passed to Rome, intending to make himselfe Emperour, and afterwarde to vanquishe the o­ther Emperoure, that then ruled the Empire: but for so muche as there is not anye appro­ued [Page 134] authour dothe speake of any suche doings, the Britons are thoughte to haue registred mere fables in stede of true matter, vpon a vayne de­sire to aduaunce more than reason woulde, thys Arthur theyr noble champion, as the Frenche­men haue doone by their Roulande, and others. But to proceede.

At his returne into Britayne, he found [...] that Mordred had caused himselfe to be made kyng,Rather Cer­dick as Io. Le­land thinketh. and hauing alyed himself with Cheldrike a Sa­xon, 10 not hym whome Galfride (as yee haue heard,) supposeth to haue ben slaine before, was readie to resist his landing, so that before he could come a lande, he lost many of his men: but yet at lengthe hee repulsed the enimies, and so tooke lande at Sandwiche, where he fyrste arriued: and then ioyning in battayle wyth his enimies, dis­comfited them, but not without great losse of his people: specially hee sore lamented the death of Gawayn the brother of Mordred, whyche lyke 20 a faythfull gentleman, regarding more his ho­nour and loyall truthe than nearenesse of bloud and cousinage, chose rather to fight in the qua­rell of his liege king and louing maister, than to take parte with his naturall brother in an vn­iust cause, and so there in the battaile was slayn, together also with Angussell, to whome Arthur afore tyme had committed the gouernemente of Scotland. Mordred fled from this battayle, and getting shippes, sayled Westwarde, and fy­nally landed in Cornewall.

King Arthur caused the corps of Gaway [...] to be buryed at Douer,Gawa [...]ed at [...] (as some holde opinion:) But Willyam Malmesburie supposeth, he was buryed in Wales, as after shall be shewed.

The dead bodie of Anguyssell was conueyed into Scotlande, and was there buryed.

After that Arthur hadde put his enimies to flight, and had knowledge into what part Mor­dred was withdrawne, wyth all speede he rein­forced his armie with newe supplyes of souldi­ours called out of diuers parties, and with hys whole puissaunce, hasted forwarde; not resting tyll hee came neere to the place where Mordred was encamped, wyth suche an A [...]iye as hee coulde assemble togither oute of all such parties where he had any frendes.

Here (as it appeareth by Iohn Leylande, in his booke entitled, The Assertion of Arthure,) it may be doubted in what place Mordred was en­camped: but Geffrey of Monmouthe sheweth, that after Arthure hadde discomfyted Mordred in Kent at the firste landyng, it chaunced so that Mordred escaped, and fledde to Wynchester, whyther Arthure followed hym, and there gy­uyng hym battayle the seconde tyme, didde al­so put hym to flyght. And following him from thence, foughte eftesoones wyth hym at a place called Camblan, or Kemelene in Cornewall, (or as some Authours haue neere vnto Glasten­bury.)

This battayle was foughte so to the vtte­rance,Richarde To­ner.

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that finally Mordred was slayne, wyth the more parte of his whole armie, and Arthur receyuyng diuers mortall woundes dyed of the same shortly after, when he had reigned ouer the Britons by the terme of .xxvj. yeares. His corps was buryed at Glastenburye aforesayde, in the Churche yarde, betwixte two pillers: where it was founde in the dayes of kyng Henry the se­conde, about the yeare of our Lorde .1191. which was in the laste yeare of the reigne of the same Henry, more than sixe hundred yeeres after the buryal therof. He was layd .xvj. foot deepe vnder grounde, for doubte that his enimies the Saxons shoulde haue founde hym. But those that dig­ged the grounde there to fynde his bodye, after they had entred aboute seuen foote deepe into the [Page 135] [...]

[...]
[...]

[...] 10 the middle thighe of a ryghte tall manite: [...] Monke of that [...] hath [...], whyche did 20 lyue in those dayes, and [...] it. But Gir [...] [...] whyche also lyued in [...] dayes, and spake with the [...]ot of the place, by whome the [...] of thys Arthure were [...] founde, affirmeth, that by [...] of the sa [...] [...] hee statued, that the [...] of the sayd [...] being sette vp by the legge of a [...] tall manne, (the whiche the Abbot shewed to the same [...]) [...] aboue the [...] of the same man the length of [...] bread to whiche 30 is a greate deale more lyk [...] than the other.

The skull of his head was also of a [...] full largenesse, so that the space of his forheade bet­twixt his two eyes was a spanne broade. There appeared in his heade the signes and priuies of tenne woundes or moe: [...]l [...] the whyche were growen into one [...], excepte onely that whereof it should seeme hee dyed, whiche beyng greater than the residue, appeared very playne. Also in openyng the To [...]ie of his wyfe querrie 40 Gu [...]nhera, that was buryed wyth hym, they founde the tresses of his haue whole and perfect, and syuely platted, of colou [...] lyke to the [...] ­shed golde, the whiche beeing touched, immedi­atly fell to duste. The Abbotte, whyche then was gouernour of the house, hyght Stephan, or Henry de Bloys,Henricus Blecensis seu So­liacensis. Io. Leland. otherwyse de Sullie, nephew to king Henry the second (by whose commaun­demente he hadde searched for the graue of Ar­thure) translated the boanes as well of him as 50 of Qu [...]ene Gueneuer, beyng so founde, into the greate Churche, and there buryed them in a fayre double Tombe of Marble, laying the bo­dye of the kyng at the head of the Tombe, and the bodye of the Queene at his feete towardes the weast parte.

[...]

VVho vanquishe [...] troupes, with battayles bloudier [...]
And [...] to hymselfe a name with warlyke [...]
VVho [...] shiuering shining sworde, the Picts so oft dismayde
And eke vn [...]eldie seruile yoke on neck of Scots hath layde:
VVho Frenchmen pufft with pride, & who the Germaines fierce in fight
Discomfited and daunted Daues with mayne and martialll might:
VVho of that murdring Mordred did the vitall breath expell▪
That monster grisly, lothsom, huge▪ that diresom tyrant fell.
Here lyuelesse Arthur lies entombde, within this stately hearse.
Of chiualrie the brighte [...]o [...]o [...]me, and vertues nursly [...]g fierce:
VVhose glorie great, nowe ouer all the worlde doth compasse flye,
And of the ayry thunder ska [...]es, the loftie buyl­ding hye.
Therfore you noble progenie of Brytayne lyne and race,
Aryse vnto your Emprour great, of thryee re­nou [...]ed grace.
And caste vpon his sacred tombe, the rose al gar­landes ga [...]e
That fra [...] a [...]sme [...] may witnesse well, your [...] ­ries you display,

[Page 156]The occasion that moued kyng Henry the se­conde to cause his nephew the layd Abbotte to searche for the gra [...]e of kyng Arthur was, for that hee vnderstoode by a Welch [...] minstrell or Barde (as they call him) that coulde sing manye histories in the Welche language of the acts of the aunciente Brytons, that in the foresayde Churcheyarde at Glastenburye, betwixte the sayde two pillers the bodye of Arthur was to bee founde buryed sixteene foote deepe vnder the 10 grounde. Bi [...]aldus Cambrensis affirmeth, that the tree in the whyche Arthurs bodie was founde so [...]osed, was an oke, but other suppose, that it was an Alder tree, bycause that in the same place a great number of that kynde of trees doe growe, and also for that it is knowne, that an Alder lying vnder grounde where moysture is, will long continue without rotting.

By the fynding thus of the bodie of Arthure buryed (as before ye haue heard) suche as hither­to 20 beleeued that he was not dead,As for example in a caue neere a vvater called Ponde peril­lous at Salisbu­rye, vvhere he and his knights should slepe ar­med, till an o­ther knighte should be born that shoulde come and a­vvake them. but conueyed away by the Fairies into some pleasaunt place, where he shoulde remayne till a tyme, and then to returne agayne, and reigne in as great autho­ritie as euer he didde before, mighte well perceiue themselues deceyued in crediting so vayne a fa­ble: but yet (where it myghte otherwyse be dou­ted whether any suche Arthur was at all, as the Britishe histories mencion, bicause neyther Gil­das nor Beda in their workes speake any thyng 30 of hym) it maye appeare, the circumstaunces considered, that surely suche one there was of that name hardie and valiaunt in armes, though not in diuers poyntes so famous as some wri­ters paint him out.

William Malmesburie a writer of good cre­dite and authoritie amongest the learned hathe these wordes in his fyrste booke entitled De regi­bus Anglorum, VVil. Mal. lib. 1. de regi­bus Ang. saying: But he being dead (mea­ning Vortimer) the force of the Britons waxed 40 feeble, their decayed hope went backewarde a­pace: and euen then surely hadde they gone to destruction, if Ambrosius (whiche alone of the Romaynes remayned yet alyue, and was king after Vortigerne) hadde not kepte vnder, and stayed the loftye Barbarous people, that is to meane the Saxons, by the notable ayde and as­sistaunce of the valiaunt Arthur.

This is the same Arthur, of whome the tri­fling tales of the Britons euen to this day fan­tastically 50 doe descante and reporte wounders: but worthie was he doubtlesse of whome feigned fables shoulde not haue so dreamed, but rather that true Histories myghte haue sette foorth hys woorthye prayses, as he that dyd for a long sea­son susteyne and holde vp hys Countrey that was readie to goe to vtter ruyne and decaye, en­couraging the bolde hearts of the Brytons vn­to the wa [...]e, and finally in the siege of Ba [...]o [...] hyll, hee sette vppon nyne hundred of the [...] ­myes, and with incredible slaughter didde p [...]e them all to flighte.

On the contrarye parte, the Englishe Sa­xons, althoughe they were tossed with sundrye happes of Fortune, yet still they [...]hued theyr bandes wyth newe supplyes of their countrey­menne that came out of Germany, and so with holder courage assayled their enemies, and by little and little cau [...]yng them to giue place, spred themselues ouer the whole Isle. For althoughe there were manye battayles in the whiche some­tyme the Saxons and sometyme the Brytons got the better, yet the greater number of Sax­ons that was slayne, the greater number of them still came ouer to the succour of their coun­treymen, being called in and sente for out of eue­ry quarter about them.

Here is also to be noted, that where the Bri­tishe historie declareth, that Gawen or Ga [...]lo­wy [...] beeing slay [...]ie in the battayle [...]oughte be­twixte Arthure and Mordred in [...], was bu­ryed at Douer,Ga [...] [...] he is buryed. so that his boane [...] remayned there to be shewed of long time after: yet by that whyche the foresayde Willyam Malmesburye writeth in the thirde booke of his volume enti­titled De regibus Anglorum, VVil. M [...] ­li. [...] de reg­bus. the contrarie may seeme true: his woordes are these Then (sayth he) in the prouince of Wales, whiche is called Rosse, the sepulture of Walwyne was founde, the whyche was [...]phue to Arthur by his sister, not going out of kind from so worthy an vnel [...]. He reigned in that part of Britaine whiche vnto this daye is called VValwithia, a knighte for hys high prowes most highly, renoumed, but exp [...]l­sed out of his kingdome by the brother & nephew of Hengist, of whome in the firste booke we haue made mention, firste requiting his banishemente with greate detrimente and losse to those his eni­mies, wherein he was partaker by iust deserte of his vncles worthy praise, for that he stayed for a great many yeres, the destruction of his countrey which was now running hedlong into vtter ru­ine and decay. But Arthurs graue no w [...]ere ap­peareth: but the others tombe (as I haue sayde) was founde in the dayes of William the Con­queror, king of England, vpon the seaside, and conteyned in length fourtene foote, where he was (as some say) wounded by his enimies, and cast vp by shipwrack. But other write, that he was slayne at a publike feaste or banket by his owne countreymen. Thus hathe William Mal­mesburye.

But here you muste consider, that the sayde Malmesburie departed this lyfe about the begin­nyng of the reigne of kyng Henry the seconde, certayne yeres before the boanes of Arthur were [Page 157] found as before ye haue hearde.

But now to speak somwhat of queene [...] ­hera or G [...]vee,Io. Leland. so [...]he iudge that [...] [...]he name of hir excellent beautie, by [...] or G [...]n [...] in the Welch to [...]ng [...],Quene Gury­here. so that she was named [...] or rather [...] ­ [...]lean: euen (as you [...] say) the faire or beauty­full Leonore or Helene. She was brought vpon the house of Cador Earle of Cornewall [...] Arthur maryed hi [...] and as it appeareth by wri­ters, 10 she was [...]aill reported [...] and breache of land to hi [...] husbande, in sorte as for the more pai [...]e women of excellente beautie hardly escape the venimous blast of will to [...], and the sharpe assaultes of the followe [...] of [...]enus. The Br [...] historie affirmeth that should not onely [...] pa [...]y [...]ng wyth [...]ordred, [...] that [...] th [...] absence, she consented to take him to hus­bande.

It is lykewyse founde recorded by an olde 20 w [...]yter, that Arthure besieged on a tyme thē marishes neere to Glastenburye, for displeasur [...] that he bare vnto a certayne Lorde that hyghte Mel [...]: whiche hadde rauished Gumnere, and ledde h [...] into those Marshes, and there dydd [...] keepe hir. Hir corps notwithstandyng (as be­fore is recited) was enterred togyther wyth: Ar­thurs, so that it is thought she liued not long af­ter his deceasse.

Arthur had two wynes, as Giralou [...] Cam­brensis 30 affirmeth, of whiche the latter (sayth hee) was buryed wyth hyde, and hi [...] boanes founde with his mone Sepulchre, so deuided yet, that two partes of the Tombe towardes the heade were appoynted to receyue the bones of the man, and the thyrde parte towardes the feete con­teyned the womans boanes, a parte by them selues.

Here is to bee remembred, that Hector Boe­tius 40 wryteth otherwyse of the death of Arthure than before in thys booke is mencioned, and al­so that Guen [...]ere beeyng taken pryson [...] by the Pictes, was conueyed into Scotlande, where fynally shee dyed, and was there buryed in A [...] ­gus, as in the Scottishe Chronicle further ap­peareth.

And thys may be true, if he hadde three sun­drye wyues, eche of them bearing the name of Guenhere, as sir Iohn Price doth auouche that hee had.

Bycause of the contrarie [...]ie in wryters tou­chyng 50 the greate actes atchieued by this Arthur, and also for that some difference there is amon­gest them, aboute the tyme in whyche he should reigne, many haue doubted of the truthe of the whole historie whyche of hym is written (as be­fore ye haue hearde.)

The Britishe histories and also the Scottishe Chronicles doe agree, that he lyued in the days of the Emperour Iustinian, about the fifteenth yeare of whose reigne hee dyed, whiche was in the yeare of our Lorde: 542.542. as Harrison also confirmeth. Howbeit some write farther from all lykely [...], that he was aboute the tyme of the Emperor [...]eno, who began his reign about the yeare of our Lord. 47 [...].

The [...] of the booke [...] Aurea hi­storia affirmeth,Aurea hi­storia. Leland. that in the [...] of Cerdi­cus king of Weast Saxons, Arthur the war­riour r [...]fe amongest the Bryt [...]ns. Also Di [...] ­neu [...] writeth, that [...] fyghtyng often­tymes with Arthur, if he were ouercome in one [...], he [...]ose [...] an other [...] more t [...]rce had [...] to giue battayle that before.

At lengthe Arthure [...] VVestsexon. after the [...]elfth yeare [...] [...] gaue vnto [...] his hom [...] [...] and [...]apl [...] [...] the shyres of [...] and Somerset, the whiche [...] [...]er­diems named West [...].

This Ce [...]icius or [...] came into Bri­tayne aboute the yeare of our Lorde. 491. and [...] yere after his [...] hither, that is to witte, about the yeare of our Lorde. [...] he be­ganne ga [...] his raigne [...] the West Saxons, and gouer [...] the [...] kyng by the space of the yea­res, as before ye haue heard.

But to followe the course of oure Chroni­cles accordingly as we haue begunne, we muste allowe of their accompte herein as in other pla­ces and so proceede.

In this meane [...] that the Real [...] was dis [...]eted with sore and continuall warres be­twixte the Brytons and Saxons [...] (a [...] before you haue hearde) the christian religion was not only abolished in places where the Saxons got habitation [...], but also amongst the Britons,The heresie of the Pelagiane reu [...]ded the ryght faithe was broughte into daunger by the remnaunt of the Pelagian heresye whiche be­ganne agayne to be brached by dyuers naughtie

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persones.Hist. Mag. Dubritius and Dauid learned Bishops. But Dubritius that was fyrste Bi­shoppe of Lan­daffe, and after Archbishoppe of Ca [...]l [...]on. Ar­wske▪ and hys successoure Da­uid, with other lerned men ear­nestlye bothe by preaching and writing defended the contrarye cause, to the confuting of those errours, and ree­stablishing of the truth.

Constantine.

Constā ­tine.

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10

After the death of Arthur, his cousin Cōstan­tine the son of Cadōr, duke or earle of Corn­wall beganne his reigne ouer the Brytayns, in yeare of our Lorde .542. whiche was aboute the .xv. yeare of the Emperour Iustinianus al­most ended the .29. of Childebert K. of Fraunce,54 [...] and the first yeare welnere complete of the reigne of Totiles kyng of the Gothes in Italy.

Arthur when he perceyued that he should dye,Galfri [...]. Mat. VV [...] ordeyned this Constantine to succeede him, and so by the consent of the more parte of the Bry­tons, he was crowned kyng: but the sonnes of Mordred sore repined thereat, as they that clay­med the rule of the land by iuste title and clayme of inheritaunce to them from theyr father des­cended.

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Ciuill warre.Herevpon followed ciuill warre, so that dy­ners batayles were stricken betwene them, and in the ende the two brethren were constrayned to withdrawe for refuge, the one to London, and the other to Winchester: but Constantine par­sriving 30 them, firste came to Wynchester, and by force entred the Citie, and slewe the one bro­ther that was fledde thyther within the churche of Saincte Amphibalus: And after commyng to London, entred that Citie also, and findyng the other brother within a Churche, there slewe hym in lyke maner as he had done the other. And so hauing dispatched his aduersaries, he thoughte to haue purchased to himselfe safetie: but shortly after,Aurelius Co­nanus. his own kinsman, one Aurelius Conanus 40 arreared warre agaynst him, who ioyning with him in battaile,Constantine slayne. slew him in the field, after he had reigned foure yeares. His body was conueyed to Stonehenge, and there duryed besyde his aun­cestour Vter Pendragon.

Of this Constantine that seemeth to be ment whiche Gildas writeth in his booke entitled De excidio Brytannia, Gildas. where inueying agaynste the rulers of the Brytons in his tyme, hee writeth thus: 50

Britayn hath kings, but the same be tyrants: Iudges it hath, but they be wicked, oftentymes pilling and harmyng the innocent people, reuen­ging and defending, but whome? suche as bee giltie persons and robbers. Hauing many wy­ues, but yet breakyng wedlocke: Oftentymes swearyng and yet forswearing themselues: vo­wing, and for the more parte lying: Warring, but maynteynyg ciuill and vniust warres, pur­suyng in deede theeues that are abroade in the countreye, and yet not onely cherishyng those that sitte euen at table with them, but also high­ly rewarding them: giuing almes largely▪ but on the other parte heaping vp a myghtie mount of synnes: Sitting in the seate of sentence, but seldom seeking the rule of rightuous iudgement: despising the innocent and humble persons, and exalting so farre as in them lyeth, euen vp to the heauens, the bloudy and proud murtherers, thee­ues and adulterers, yea the verye expresse eni­mies of God, if he woulde so permitte: keeping many in prison, whom they oppresse in lodging them with yrons through crafte, rather to serue their owne purpose, than for any guilte of the persons so imprisoned: takyng solemne othes a­fore the aultars, and shortly after, despising the same aulters as vile and filthie stones of whiche heynous and wicked offence, Constantine the tyrannicall whelpe of the Lyonesse of Deuon­shire, is not ignorāt, who this yeare after the re­ceyuing of his dreadfull othe whereby he bounde himself that in no wise he should hurt his subiec­tes, (God fyrst, and then his othe, with the com­panie of Sainctes, and his mother beeing there presente) did notwithstanding in the reuerente laps of the two mothers, as the Church, & their carnall mother, vnder the coule of the holy Ab­botte, deuoure with sworde and speare instead of teeth, the tender sides, yea and the entray­les of two chyldren of noble and kyngly race, and likewise of their two gouernours, yea and [Page 139] that (as I sayde) amongest the sacred aultares: the armes of whyche persones so slayne, not stretched foorth to defend themselues with wea­pons) the whyche fewe in those dayes hand­led more valyauntly than they) but stretched foorth I saye to God and to his altare in the daye of Iudgemente, shall lette vp theyr reue­rente ensignes of their pacience and fayth at the gatrs of the Citie of Christe, whyche so haue couered the seate of the Celestiall sacrifice, as it 10 were wyth the redde mantell of their cluttered bloud.

And these thinges he didde not after any good deedes doone by hym deseruyng prayse: for ma­nye yeares before ouercome wyth the often and chaungeable fylthes of adulterie, forsakyng his lawfull wyfe contrarye to the Lawes of God &c. hee nowe broughte foorthe thys cryme of quellyng hys owne kinsemenne, and violatyng the Churche, but neyther being lewsed from the 20 snares of his former euyls, he encreaseth the new with the olde.

Thus in effecte hathe Gildas written of thus Constantine with more, for tourning his tale to him by way of calling to hym, he reproueth him of his faultes, and counselleth hym to repente.

Conanus.

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AFter that Aurelius Conanus had 30 slayn the for­sayd Constā ­tine,Conanus as in the British histo­ries is mēcio­ned, the same Conan was made king of Britayn in the yeare of our Lord .546.546. n the. 20. yere of ye emperor Iustinianus, & in the ..33. of the 40 reigne of Childeberte king of the Frenchmen.

Thys Aurelius Conanus (as is recorded by some writers) was of a noble hearte, free, and li­berall, but giuen muche to the mayntenaunce of stryfe and discorde amongst his people, lyghte of credite, and namely had an open eare to re­ceiue and heare the reportes of suche as accused other.

Moreouer, hee was noted of crueltie, as hee that tooke his vncle, who of righte shoulde haue 50 bene kyng, and kepte hym in pryson, and not so satisfyed, slewe in tyrannous manner the two sonnes of his sayde vncle.Math. VVest. writeth that he reigned .30. yeares. But God woulde not suffer hym long to enioye the rule of the lande in suche vniust dealyng, for he dyed after he hadde reigned the space of two yeares, and left a sonne behynde hym called Vortiporus, which succee­ded him in the kingdom, as authours do record.

Of this Aurelius Conanus Gildas writeth, cal­ling vnto him after he hath made an end with his predecessor Cōstantin, in this wise, saying: And thou Lyons whelpe, as sayeth the Prophet▪ Au­relius Conanus what doest thou? arte thou not swallowed vp in the fylthie myre of murthering thy kinsemen, of committyng fornications and adulterers lyke to the other before mencioned, if not more deadlye? as it were wyth the wa­ues and surges of the drenching seas, ouerwhel­myng thee wyth hir vnmercyfull rage? Doest thou not in hating the peace of thy countrey as a deadly serpente, and thirstyng after ciuill war­res and spoyles, (oftentymes vniustly gotten) shutte vp agaynste thy soule, the gates of cele­stiall peace and refreshement? Thou being lefte alone as a wytheryng tree in the myddle of the fielde, call to remembraunce, I praye thee, the vayne youthefull fantasy and ouertymely death of thy fathers and thy bretherne: shalte thou be­ing sette a parte, and chosen foorth of all thy ly­nage for thy godly desertes, bee reserued to [...]iue an hundred yeares, or remayne on earthe tyll thou bee as olde as Mathusalem? No no.

And after these reprehēsions, with further thret­nyngs of Gods vengeaunce, he exhorteth him to amendemente of life, and so proceedeth to talke with Vortiporus, whome he nameth the kyng, or rather the tyraunt of Southwales, as after shall be rehersed.

The beginning of the kingdom of Brenitia.

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IN the yeare of oure Lord 547.Ida. which was about the firste yeare of the reygne of Aurelius Conanus,547. H. Hunt. The kingdome of Brenitia be­ganne. the kingdom of Brenitia began vn­der a Saxon ruler there called Ida, the whiche descended of Woden, for where ye same Wo­den had three sonnes, Weldecius, Withlegris, and Beldegius, of the firste, the kings of Kente were lyneally ex­tracted: of the seconde the kings of Mertia: and of the thirde sonne came the kings of West sax­on, and also of him was this Ida descended, be­ing the nynth in lineall succession from the sayd Beldicius and the tenth from Woden.

The same Ida was vndoubtedly a right no­ble personage, and chaunged fyrst that dukedom into a kyngdome, where before that tyme the Saxons that ruled there, were subiectes vnto the kings of Kente. Whether he tooke vpon him of his owne accord to vsurpe the kingly title and royall authoritie, or whether that the same was giuen to hym by consent of other, the certayntie [Page 140] apeareth not. But sure it is, that he beyng a worthie Prince, didde nothing degenerate from his noble auncestours inuincible in warre a­brode and at home, qualifying his kingly seueri­tie with a certayne naturall kinde of curteous humanitie. The boundes of his kingdome cal­led (as is said) Brenitia, began in the south at the riuer of Tyne, & ended in the North at the Forth in Scotland, in the Brytish tong called VVerd.

The kingdome of Deira beginneth. 10

Ella. 561. The beginning of the kingdom of Deira.

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ABoute the same time, or rather about 14. yeeres after (as Harryson sayth) one El­la a Saxon al­so reygned as king in Deira, whyche kyng­dome 20 beganne at the saide ry­uer of Tyne in the North, and ended at the ri­uer of Hūber toward the south. These two king­domes were sometime gouerned by two seuerall kings, and afterwards at other times they were ioyned in one, and gouerned by one onely king, and named the kingdome of Northumberland, the whiche in proces of tyme was muche enlar­ged, so that it included the shires of Yorke, No­tingham, Derby, Lancaster, the Bishoprike of Durham, Copland, and other countreys which lye betwixt the east and the west seas euen vnto the ryuer of Mersee. The foresayd Ella was son to Iffus, being descended from Woden,The riuer of Mersee. as the xij. in succession from him, though not by righte lyne, as Will. Malmesbury hath noted. Ida (as the same Malmesbury dothe testifie) reigned .14. yeares.

And Ella, which was successour to Ida (as he sayeth) reigned thirtie yeares, and right valiant­ly enlarged his kingdome.Mat. VVest But one author wri­teth howe Ida reigned but .xij. yeares, and that he buylded the Castell of Bambure, firste fen­cing

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it wyth pales, and after wyth a wall of stone.

H. Hunt.The same Ida had by his wyfe sixe sonnes, begot in lawfull bedde, Ada, Ebric, Theodoric, Athelric,Mat. VVest. Osmer, and Theofred. Moreouer he begat of certaine concubines (which he kept) sixe basta [...]de sonnes, Oga, Aleric, Ettha, Osbalde, Segor, and Segother. These came altogether into this land, & arriued at Flemesburk with for­tie 05 shippes, as Matheus VVestmonasteriensis hath recorded.

The partition of the kingdome of Northum­berlande chaunced after the decease of Ida, as the same Author signifieth: for Ada the sonne of the foresaid Ida, succeded his father in the kingdom of Bernitia, reignyng therein seuen yeares: and Ella the sonne of Histria, a most valiant Duke, began to gouerne Deira, as both the sayd Mat. Westm. and other doe affirme.

Vortiporus.

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VOrtiporus,Vorti­porus. ye sonne of Au­relius Conanus succeeded his fa­ther, and began to reygne ouer the Britons,Math. VVe [...]. noteth. 57 [...]. in the yeare of oure Lorde fiue hun­dred seuentie and sixe, in the ele­uenth yeare of the Emperoure Flauius Anicius Iustinus, in the fourthe yeare of the reigne of [Page 147] Childerike king of Fraunce, and in the fourth yeare of Ciephis the Gotishe king in Italy. This Vortiporus vanquished the Saxons in batayle, as the Britishe histories make menti­on, and valiantly defended his lande and sub­iectes the Brytons, from the daunger of them & other their alies. In the tyme of this ky [...]g [...] reigne the foresayde Ella began to rule in the south parte of the kingdome of Northumber­lande called De [...]ra, as before is mencioned, 10 according to the accōpt of some authors, who also take this Vortiporus to begin his reigne in the yeare . [...]48. [...]th. VVest. [...]th. 3. yeres. Fynally after that Vortipo­rus hadde ruled the Britons the space of .iiij. yeares, he departed this lyfe, and left no issue behynde him to succede him in the kingdome: Against whome also Gildas turning his tale beginneth with him thus: [...]da And why standest thou as one starke amazed, thou (I say) Vor­tiporus, the tyraunt of Southwales, lyke to 20 the Panther in manners and wickednesse, dy­uersly spotted as it were with many colours, with thy hore head in thy throne full of decey­tes, craftes, and wyles, and defiled euen from the lowest part of thy bodie vp to the crowne of the heade, with diuers sundrye murthers committed in thyne owne kinne, and filthye adulteries, thus prouing a naughtie sonne of a good king, as Manasses was to Ezechias: how chanceth it that the violente streames of 30 sinnes, which thou swallowest vp lyke plea­sant wyne, or rather arte deuoured of them, (the ende of thy lyfe by little and little nowe drawyng neere,) can not yet satisfye thee? What meanest thou that with fornication of all euyls, as it were the ful heape, thyne owne wyfe beeing putte awaye, and by hir honeste death doest oppresse thy soule wyth a certayne burdeyn that can not bee auoyded, of thyne vnshamefast daughter? Consume not (I pray 40 ther) the resydue of thy [...]ayes to the offence of God, and so foorth, exhorting him to repen­taunce, wyth admonitions taken oute of the Scriptures, bothe for his comforte and war­nyng.

If the circumstaunce of thys that Gildas writeth of Vortiporus bee marked, it maye bee perceyued, that Geffrey of Monmouthe, and also Mathewe of Westminster, the Au­thour of the Floures of histories, are decey­ued 50 in that they take hym to bee the sonne of Aurelius Conanus: and rather it maye hee gathered, that not onely the same Aurelius Conanus and Vortiporus, but also Constan­tinus, yea and Cuneg [...]asus, and Maglocu­nus, of the whiche he also intreateth (as part­ly shall bee hereafter touched) liued, and reig­ned all at one tyme in seuerall partes of thys Isle, and not as Monarkes of the whole Bri­tishe nation▪ but as rulers eche of them in his quarier, after the manner as the state of I [...] ­lande hath bin in tymes passe before the coun­trey came vnder the Englishe subiection, if my coniecture herein doe not deceyue me.

Malgo.

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AFter the deceasse of Vort [...]orus,Malgo. Malgo that was nephewe to Aurelius Conanus, (as some write) was made king of Britayne,Math. VVest. hath noted. 58 [...]. and began his reigne ouer the Britons, in the yeare of our Lord .580. in the .xv. yeere of the Emperor Iustinian, and in the . [...]7.580. yeere of the reigne of Childerick king of the Frenchmen.

This Malgo is reported to haue beene the comelyest Gentleman in beautie and shape of personage that was to be founde in those day [...] amongest all the Brytons, and therewith of a bolde and hardie courage.Gal. M [...]. Hee manfully defended the countrey which he had in gouer­naunce, from the malice of the Saxons, & sub­dued the out Isles, as Orkeneye and others. But notwithstāding the noble qualities with the whiche his persone was adorned, yet hee spotted them all with the foule filthie synne of Sodomie, so that he fell into the hatred of Al­mightie God, and being pursued of the Sax­ons, receyued many ouerthrowes at their han­des, as by the reporte of the Englishe writers is gathered more at large. Finallye when hee had reigned fiue yeeres and odde moneths, hee departed this lyfe.

It seemeth that this Malgo is named by Gildas Maglocunus,Math. VVest. compteth not past fiue yeeres to his reigne, vvhom Har [...]s folovveth, al­though other affirme that he reigned . [...]. yea­res. the whiche Gildas be­fore he speaketh of him, inueyeth against one Cunegl [...]sus, whom he reproueth, for that he warred both against God and man: against God with greuous sins, as namely adulterie, in forsaking the companie of his lauful wife, and keeping to concubine a syster of hirs, that hadde professed chastitie: and againste man with materiall armor and weapons whiche hee vsed to the distruction of his owne coun­treymen, with whome he kepe warres, and not against the enimies of the common wealth From Cuneglasus he commeth to the forsayde Maglocune, whome hee nameth the Dragon [Page 142] of the Isles, and the expellet of many tyrants, not only out of their kingdomes, but also out of lyfe, the last of whome he entreateth (as he him­selfe sayth) but the first in all mischiefe and euil, greater than manye in power, and lykewise in malice: right liberall in giuing, but more plen­tifull in sinne▪ strong and valiant in armes, but stronger in destruction of his owne soule. And so proceeding chargeth him with the sinne of the Sodomites, and sore blameth him for that wher 10 it had pleased God to make him hygher than all the other Dukes of Britayne in kyngdome and degree, hee didde not shewe hymselfe better, but contraryly worse than they by farre in manners and conditions. Hee declareth also a little after that this Maglocune in his young yeares slewe in battayle his vncle being king▪ with the most valiaunt souldiours in manner that he had.

Also that where the same Maglocune tooke vpon him the profession of a Monke, he after re­nounced 20 the same, and becam a worse liuer than euer he was before, abandoning his wyfe, and keeping his brothers sonnes wife, whilest hir hus­bande yet lyued.

Thus by that whiche Gildas wryteth of the kings and rulers of the Britons whiche lyued in his dayes, ye may perceiue that they were giuen to all manner of wickednesse, and namely to ci­uill dissention, rapine, adulterie and fornication: so that it maye bee thoughte, that God stirred vp 30 the Saxons to be a scurge to them, and to worke his iuste vengeaunce vppon them for theyr wic­ked and abhominable offences dayly committed against his diuine maiestie, so that we fynde re­corded by writers howe that the Saxons in dy­uers conflictes agaynst the Brytons hadde the better, and also tooke from them diuers townes as already partly hath bin and also hereafter shal be shewed.

IT is furthermore to be remembred, that a­bout 40 the .14. yeare of the Britayn king Co­nanus his reigne, whiche was aboute the end of the yeare of Christe .559. Kenrike kyng of the Weastsaxons departed this lyfe,559. after he hadde reigned . [...] yeares complete.

This Kenrike was a victorious Prince, and fought diuers battailes against the Britons. In the .xviij.H. Hunt. yeare of his reigne which was the .551. of Christ, we fynd that he fought against them, beeing come at that tyme vnto Salisburie, and 50 after greate slaughter made on bothe partes, at length the victorie remayned with the Saxons, and the Britons were chased. Agayne in the two and twentie yere of his reigne and .555. yere of Christ, the same Kenrik and his son Chevling fought with a greate power of Britons at Be­ranbury.

The Britons were diuided into .ix. cōpanies, iij. in the foreward .iij. in the battayle . [...]iij▪ in the rereward with their horsmen & archers, after the maner of the Romans. The Saxons being ran­ged in one entier bataile, valiantly assailed them, and notwithstanding the shot of the Britons, yet they brought the matter to the triall of handblo­wes, til at length by the cōming on of the night, the victorie remained doubtfull: and no maruell is to be made therof (sayeth Henry Archedeacon of Huntington) sith the Saxons were menne of suche huge statute, greate force and valya [...]t courage.

The same yeare that Kenrike deceassed, Ida the king of Northumberlande also died: he was (as ye haue heard) a right valiāt prince, & enlar­ged the dominion of the Saxons greately. Hen­ner came in battaile Loth king of the Pictes, and Gorrane or rather Conrane king of Scots.

Also about the yeare of Christ .560. Conanus (as yet gouerning the Britons) Irmenrike king of Kente, departed this lyfe,560▪ of whome ye haue heard before and Ethelberte his sonne succeeded him .52. yeres.H. Hunt. Then after that the forsaid three princes were dead (as before ye haue heard) they had that succeded thē in their estates as here fol­loweth. After Kenrike, his sonne Ceaulinus or Chevlyng succeeded in gouernment of the West­saxons: and after Ida, one Ella or Alla reigned in Northumberland. After Irmenrike followed his sonne Ethelberte in rule ouer the Kentishe Saxons.

This Ethelberte in processe of tyme grewe to be a mightie prince, but yet in the beginnyng of his reign, he had but sory successe against some of his enimies:H. Hunt. [...] ­lias VVi [...] ­ [...]asd [...] for hauing to do with the forsaid Chevlyng king of Westsaxons, he was of hym ouercome in battaile at Wilbasdowne, where he lost two of his dukes or chiefe Captaines, beside other people. This was the first battail that was foughten betwixte the Saxons, one againste an other within this land, after their first comming into the same And this chaunced in the yeare of of our Lorde .567. being the seconde yeare of the Emperour Iustinus.

ABoute the yeare .570. Cutha the brother of king Chevlyng foughte with the Bry­tons at Bedforde and ouercame them,570. Cutha▪ Alesbuy [...] ▪ 581. and tooke from them foure townes, Liganbrough, Egles­broughe, or Aylesburye, Besington, and Eues­sham. Also about the yeare of our Lorde .581. the foresayde King Cheuling encountred with the Britaynes at a place called Dyorth, and obtey­ning the vpper hand, tooke from them the Cities of Bathe, Gloucester, and Ciren [...]eester.

At this battayle fought at Dyorth, were pre­sente three kyngs of the Britons, whose names were these: Coinmagill, Candidan, and Fa­rimnagill, the whiche were slayne there through [Page 143] the permission of almightie God as then refu­sing his people, the which through their heynous sinnes and great wickednesse, had most greuous­ly offended his hygh and diuine Maiestie, as by Gildas it may euidently appeare: for they hadde declined from the lawes of the Lorde, and were become abhominable in his sight, euen from the Prince to the poore man, from the Priest to the Leuite, so that not one estate amongst them walked vprightley, but contrarie to duetie was 10 gone astraye, by reason whereof, the rightuous God had giuen them ouer as a pray to their eni­myes.

Also in the latter ende of Malgos dayes or a­bout the first beginning of the reigne of his suc­cessour Careticus,His brother as Math. VVest. [...]th. Chevling and his sonne Cut­wyne fought with the Brytons at a place called Fechanley or Fedanley, or as some bookes haue, Frithenlye,H. Hunt. where Cutwyn was slayne, and the Englishemen chased: but yet Chevling repai­ring 20 his armie, wan the victorie, and chased the Britons,Mat. VVest. and tooke from them many countreys, and wan great riches by the spoyle▪ But Math. Westm. sayth, that the victorie aboade with the Britons, and that the Saxons were chased quite out of the fielde. The Scottishe writers recorde, that their king Aydan was there in ayde of the Brytons, and Brudeus kyng of the Pictes in ayde of the Saxons: but the same writers name the place Deglaston, where this battayle was 30 foughte.

The beginning of the kingdome of Mercia.

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Crida.ABoute the same time also and .585. of Christ,Hen. Hunt. This kingdom began in the yeare 585. as Math. VVest. hath. the kingdome of Mercie began 40 vnder one Crida, that was descēded from [...]en, and the tenth from him by lineall extraction.Ran. Cest. The boundes of this kingdom were of great distance hauing on the east the sea vnto Humber, and so on the North the sayde riuer of Humber, and after the ryuer of Mercie, whiche 50 falleth into the weast sea at the corner of Wyr­hall and so comming aboute to the ryuer of Dee that passeth by Chester, the same ryuer boun­ded it on the Weast from Wales, and likewyse Seuerne vp to Bristow: on the south is had the ryuer of Thames til it came almost to London: And in this sort it conteyned Lincolneshire, No­tinghamshire, Derbyshire, Che [...]shyre, Shrop­shire, Worcetershire, Gloucetershire, Oxford­shire, Buckinghamshire, Hertefordshire, Bed­fordshire, Huntingtonshire, Northamptonshire, Leycestershire, and Warwikeshire.

Thus haue ye heard how the Saxons in [...]ro­ces of tyme remouing the Britons out of their seates, daylye wanne grounde of them, till at length they got possession of the best part of this Isle, and erected within the same seuen kingdo­mes, whiche were gouerned by seauen seuerall kings, which continued vntill at length the kin­ges of Westsaxō brought them al into one Mo­narchie, as after shal appere. Mat. Westm. reck­neth .viij. kingdomes as thus. The kingdome of Kent, the kingdome of Sussex, the kingdome of Essex, the kingdom of Eastangle, the kingdome of Mercia, the kyngdome of Weastsex, and the kyngdome of Northumberlande, whyche was diuided into two kyngdomes, that is to wit, into Deira and into Be [...]: wherevnto Harison addeth the nynth in the first part of his chronologie, and calleth it Wales.

Careticus or Caretius K. of Brita [...]n.

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AFter that Malgo or Maglocune was de­parted this lyfe,Careti­cus. one Careticus (or as some write hym Caretius) was made Kyng of the Britons and began his Reigne in the yeare of our Lorde .586 whiche was in the thyrde yeare of the Emperoure Mauritius and thirteenth of Chilperike king of Fraunce.586.

This Careticus was a norisher of ciuill reacte and discention amongst his own people the Bri­tons, so that he was hated doth of god and man as writers testifye.

The Saxons vnderstanding that the Britons were not of one mind; but deuided in partakings, so as one was ready to deuore an other, they thought it good time for them to aduaunce theyr conquests, and seased not to par [...]e the Britons by force and continuall warre till they had con­strained them for refuge to withdraw into Wa­les. And as some haue written,Galf. Mon. See more of this Gurmun­d [...]s in Ireland. the Saxons meanyng to make a full conquest of the lande, sent ouer into Ireland, requiring one Gurmun­dus a kyng of the A [...]ticanes to come ouer into Britayne to healpe them agaynste the Bry­taynes.Ranulf. Cest.

[Page 144]This Gurmundus appoyntyng his brother Turgesius to pursue the conquest of Irelande, came and arriued here in Britayn, making suche cruell warre in ayde of the Saxons agaynst the Britons, that Careticus was constreyned to keepe him within the citie of Cicester, or Ciren­cester,

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and was there besieged, and at length by continuall assaults and skirmishes, when he had lost manie of his men, hee was glad to forsake that citie, and fled into Wales

Gourmonde tooke Cirencester or Chichester, and destroyed it in moste cruell manner. Some write, that he tooke this citie by a policie of war, in bynding to the feet of Sparrowes whiche his 30 people had caught, certaine clewes of threede or matches, finely wrought and tempred with mat­ter readie to take fire, so that the Sparrowes be­ing suffered to goe out of hande▪ flewe into the towne to lodge them selues within their nestes whiche they had made in stackes of corne, and eues of houses, so that the towne was thereby set on fyre, and then the Brytons issuing foorth, foughte with their enimies, and were ouercome and discomfited. 40

But whylest the battayle continued, Care­ticus stale away, and got him into Wales. Af­ter this, the foresayd Gurmonde destroyed thys lande throughout in pitifull wyse, and then de­liuered it in possession to the Saxons, the whiche thankfully receiued it and bicause they were de­scended of those that firste came ouer with Hen­gul, they chaunged the name of the lande, and called it Hengistlande, accordingly as the same Hengist had in tymes past ordeined: the whiche 50 name after for shortnesse of speeche was some­what altered, and so lastly called Englande, and the people Englishmen.

But rather it may be thought, that sith a great part of those people whiche came ouer into thys lande out of Germanie with the sayde Engiste, and other captaines, were of these English men whiche inhabited Germanie, about the parties of Thoringhen they called this land England, af­ter their name,Mat. VV [...] when they had first got habitatiō within it: and so both the iande and people tooke name of them, beeing called Angli long tyme before they entered into this Isle (as before is shewed out of Cornelius Tacitus and others.) But nowe to returne where we lefte.

Of this Gurmounde the olde English wry­ters make no mention, nor also any aunciente authors of foreyn parties: and yet sayth the Bri­tish booke, that after he had conquered this land, & giuē it to the Saxons he passed ouer into Frāce, and there destroyed muche of that lande, as an enemy to the faith of Christe: For whiche consi­deration, he was the more ready to come to the ayde of the Saxons, who as yet hadde not re­ceyued the Christian fayth, but warred against the Brytaynes, as well for so destroy the faith of Chryste within this lande, as to establyshe to them selues contynuall habitations in the same.

There bee,It should [...] that this [...] ­rie of G [...] is h [...] some [...]ned [...]a [...]e [...] it may be [...] he vva [...] [...] Dane, Nor­vvegi [...] of Germaine. that omittyng to make mention of Gurmounde, write thus of the expulsing of the Brytaynes oute of this lande at that tyme when wyth their king Careticus they got them into Wales.

IN the yeare of grace. 586.586. Kareticus a lo­ner of ciuil war succeded Malgo an enimie to God and to the Britons, whose inconstan­cie when the Englishe and Saxon kinges per­ceiued, with one consent they rose againste him,Mat. VVe [...]. and after many battails chased him from citie to citie, till at lengthe encountring wyth him in a pight field, they droue him beyond Seuerne into Wales. Herevpon clerks and priestes were dry­uen oute of theyr places with brighte swoor [...] [Page 145] bran [...]ishing in all partes, and fire crackling in Churches, wherewith the same were consumed. The remnante of the Britaynes therefore with­drew into the West partes of the land, that is to witte into Cornewale, and into Wales, out of which countreys they oftentimes brake out, and made reyses vppon the Saxons, the whyche in manner aforesayde, go [...]e possession of the chiefest partes of the lande, leauing to the Britaynes on­ly three prouinces, that is to witte, Cornewale, 10 Southwales, and Northwales, which cou [...]e [...] were not easie to be wonne, by reason of the thick wooddes enui [...]oned with deepe marishes and wa­ters, & full of high craggy rockes, & Mountaines.

The English and Saxon Kings hauing thus remooued the Britaynes, enlarged the boundes of their dominions. There raigned in that season within this land beside the Britaine Kings right Kings of the Englishe and Saxon nations, as Ethelbert in Kent, Cissa in Sussex, Crau [...]iue in 20 Westsex, Credda or Crida in Mercia, Erken­wine in Essex, Titila in Esfangle, Elle in Dei­ra, and Alfrid in Bernicia. In this sort the Bri­taynes lost the possession of the more part of theyr auntiente seates, and the faithe of Christ thereby was greatly decayed: for the Churches were de­stroyed, & the Archbishops of Caerleon Arwske, London, and Yorke, withdrewe togither with their Cleargie into the Mountaynes and woods within Wales, taking with them the relikes of 30 Saintes for doubt the same shoulde be destroyed by the enimies, and thēselues put to deathe if they should abide in their olde habitations. Many also fled into Britaine Armorike with a greate fleete of Shippes, so that the whole Church or congre­gation (as yee may call it) of the two prouinces, Loegria and Northumberland, was left desolate in that season, to the great hinderance and decay of the Christian Religion. Careticus was driuē into Wales (as before is rehearsed) about the se­cond 40 or third yeare of his raigne, and there conti­nued with his Britaines, the which ceassed not to endomage the Saxons from time to time as oc­casiō serued. But heere is to be noted, that ye Bri­tanes being thus remoued into Wales & Corne­wall, were gouerned afterwardes by three kings, or rather Tirants, the which ceassed not with ci­uill warre to seeke eache others destruction, till fi­nally as sayth the Brittish booke, they became all subiect vnto Cadwallo, whome Bede nameth 50 Cedwallo.VVil. Mal. In ye mean time, Ciaulinus or Cheu­ling King of the West Saxons, through hys owne misgouernance and tyrannie whiche to­wardes his latter dayes hee practised, did procure not only the Britaines, but also his own subiects to conspire his deathe, so that ioyning in battell with his aduersaries at Wodenesdic in the .3 [...]. yere of his raigne, his army was discomfited, and he himselfe constreyned to departe into exile, and shortly after ended his life before he coulde fynde meanes to be restored.

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AFter this Chevling,Celric. his Nephewe Celri­cus or Ceolric that was sonne vnto Cutw [...] ye sonne of the foresayde Cheuling, raigned as Kyng ouer the West Saxons fiue yeares fiue monethes. In like man­ner the same yeare dyed Ella or Alla Kyng of Northum [...]erland, after [...] succeeded [...] the sonne of Ida, & raigned but fiue yeares, being a man well stept into age before he came to be King. About three yeares after this, the Sax­ons and Britaines fought a battel at Wode [...] ­ [...]ourne, where the Britaynes beeing [...] in good order, the Saxons set vpon them [...] in­deede, but disordredly, so that the victory remay­ned with the Britaynes. The Saxons the [...] valiant they had shewed themselues in battel be­fore that time, so much the more slowe and vnto­wardly did they shewe themselues nowe in run­ning away to saue themselues, so that an huge [...]umber of them were slayne. Also about ye same time dyed Crida King of Mertia vz. 594.594 after whome his sonne Wi [...]as or Wipha succeeded. And after the decesse of Ethelrike, one Edelfert or Edelfride surnamed the wilde, succeeded in go­uernement of the Northumbers. But to returne to our purpose. Ethelbert King of Kent not dis­couraged with the euill chance whiche hapned in the beginning, but rather occasioned thereby to learne more experience in feates of warre,Beda. VVil. Mal. prooued so perfect a master therein, that in processe of time hee subdued by force of armes all those Englishe Saxons whiche lay betwixte the boundes of hys countrey, and the Riuer of Humder. Also to haue friendship inforraine partes, he procured a Wife for himselfe of the French nation, named the La­dy Bertha, being King Cheribertes daughter of France, but with condition that he should per­mit hir to continue and vse the rites and lawes of the Christian faith and Religion, and to haue a Bishop whose name was Luydhard, appoynted to come and remayne with hir here in this lande for hir better instructiō in the lawes of the Lorde so that they two with other of the French nation that came ouer with them remaining in ye Court and vsing to serue God in prayers and otherwise according to the custome of the Christian Reli­gion, began vndoubtedly to giue light to ye kings mind as yet darkned with the Cloude [...] of [...] ­nisme, so as the bright beames of ye [...] all [...] ­nesse of vnderstanding remoued the thicke [...] [Page 146] of his vnbeleest in processe of time, and prepared his hart to the receyuing of the Gospell, which af­ter by heauenly prouidēce was preached to him, by occasion,Beda. Mat. VVest. hath. 596. and in manner as followeth. In the yeare of our Lord. 596. which was about the .14. yeare of the raigne of the Emperour Mauritius, and after the comming of the English Saxons into this land,47. hath the same Author. about an hundred and. 47. yeares almost complete, the Bishop of Rome, Grego­ry ye first of that name, and surnamed Magnus, 10 se [...]e Augustinus a Monke, with other learned men into this Isle to preach the Christian faythe vnto the English Saxons, whiche nation as yet ha [...] not receyued the Gospell.

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20 30

Beda. VV. Mal.It is recorded by diuers writers, that the firste occasion whereby Gregory was moued thus to send Augustine into this lād, rose by this meanes: It chanted whilest the same Gregory was as yet but Archdeacon of the Sea of Rome, certayne yong boyes were brought thither to be solde out of Northumberland, according to the customable vse of that countrey, in so muche that as we haue in our time seene (saith Wil. Mal.) the people of that prouince haue not yet doubted to sell away 40 their neere kinsfolke for a small price. Whē those children whiche at that time were brought from thence to Rome, had by reason of their excellente beauties and comely shape of limmes and body, turned the eyes in manner of all the Citizens to the beholding of them, it fortuned that Gregory also came amongst other to beholde them, and when hee considered and well viewed their fayre skinnes,Vita Gregorij magni. their sweete visages, and beautifull bus­shes of their bright and yellow heares, be deman­ded 50 out of what region or land they came, vnto whome aunswere was made, that they were brought out of Britayne, the inhabitants of whi­che countrey were of the like beautifull aspect: thē he asked whether the men of that countrey were Christians, or as yet entangled with blinde hea­the [...]i [...]h errors, wherevnto it was aunswered, that they were not christned, but followed the Reli­gion of the Gentiles, whereat Gregory fet [...]hyng [...] a deepe sigh, sayd: oh alas that the author of dark­nesse doth as yet possesse n [...] of so brightsome coū ­tenances, & that with the grace of suche faire shi­ning visages, they beare about minds voyde of in­ward grace. He demanded againe by what name ye people were called, & answere was made, yt they wer called Angli, that is to say Englishmē. And worthily (saith he) for they haue angels faces, and such as ought to be made fellow heires with An­gels in Heauen. Then asked he ye name of ye pro­uince frō whēce they were brought, & it was tolde him they were of Deira. It is well sayd hee, they are to be deliuered de ira dei, that is to say, from the ire and wrath of God, & called to the mercy of Christ our Lord. What name (sayde he) hath the King of that prouince, wherevnto answere was made that he was called Alla, whervpō alluding to ye name, he said, that Alleluia ought to be song in those partes to the praise & honor of God ye cre­ator. And herevpō comming to Benedict the first of ye name as then Bishop of Rome,Pelagius the seconde. VVil. M [...]. hee required him yt some learned mē might be sent into Eng­lād to preach ye Gospel vnto the Englishmē, offe­ring himselfe to be one of the number: but though Benedict was cōtented to graunt his request,Pelagius. yet ye Romanes had him in such estimatiō that they would not cōsent yt he should depart so farre from ye citie, so that by thē he was at that time stayed of that his godly purpose. But whē he came to be Bishop, he thought to performe it, though not by himself, yet by other: & so Augustine & his felowes wer sent by him about it (as before is sayd,M. Fox.) By the way as they were passing in their iourney, such a soddayne feare entred into their harts, that (as some write) they returned all. Other write, that Augustine was sent back to Gregory to sue that they might be releass;ed of that voyage so dā ­gerous and vncertain amongst such a barbarous people, whose language they neyther knewe, nor whose rudenesse they wer able to resist. Thē Gre­gory with pithie perswasions confirming and cō ­forting him, sente him againe with letters vnto the Bishop of Arles, willing him to help and ayd the sayde Austine and his company in all what so euer his neede required. Also other letters he di­rected by the foresaide Austine vnto hys fellowes, exhorting them to goe forewarde boldly in the Lordes worke, as by the tenor of the sayde E­pistle heere following may appeare.

Gregorius seruus seruorum Dei Domini nostre Quia melius fueratbona non incipere quà [...]ab ijs quae cepta sunt cogitatione retrorsum redire. &c. In English, Gregory the seruant of Gods ser­uauntes, to the seruantes of oure Lorde. For as muche as it is better not to take good thyngs in hande, than after they bee begunne, to thynke to reuolte backe from the same agayne, therefore [Page 147] now you may not nor cannot (deere children) but with all feruente studie and labour must needes goe forwarde in that good businesse, whiche tho­rough the helpe of God you haue well begunne. Neyther let the labour of youre iourney, nor the slaunderous tongues of men apall you, but that with all instance and feruencie yeē proceede and accomplish the thing which the Lord hath ordey­ned you to take in hād, knowing that your great trauell shall be recompensed with reward of grea­ter 10 glory hereafter to come. Therefore as we send heere Austin to you agayne, whome also we haue ordeyned to be your gouernoure, so do you hum­bly obey him in all things, knowing that it shall be profitable for your soules what soeuer at hys admonitiō ye shall doe. Almighty God with hys grace defende you, and graunt me to see in the e­ternall countrey the fruite of your labour, that al­though I cannot labour in the same felowshippe with you togither, the Lorde God keepe you safe 20 most deere and welbeloued children. Dated the tenth before the Calēdes of August, in the raigne of our soueraigne Lorde Mauritius most vertu­ous Emperour, the fourteenth of his Empire.

Thus they [...] loued and comforted through the good wordes and wholesome exhortation of Gregory, set forward agayne, and speeding forth their iourney, they first arriued at ye [...] Tha­net in Kente in the moneth of Iuly, being in nū ­ber about fortie persons, of the whiche dyuers were interpreters whom they brought with them out of Fraunce. These they sente vnto King E­thelbert, signifying to him the occasion of theyr comming, who hearing the messengers within a fewe dayes after, went into that Isle, and there abrode out of any house sate downe, and caused Augustine and hys fellowes to come before him, for he would not come vnder any roofe with thē, sore doubting to bee bewitched by them, beeyng perswaded that they were practised in nigromā ­cie. But they comming to him, not by the power of the Deuill (as they sayd) but by the myght and power of Almightie God, bearing in steede of a banner a Crosse of syluer,The seuen­fold Letanies of S. Gregory were not yet deuised. and an Image of our Lord & Sauioure paynted in a Table, & thereto singing ye Letanies, made intercessiō vnto the L. for the euerlasting preseruation of themselues, & of all them for whome and to whome they came.

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And when they being set downe by commā ­dement of the King, had preached the worde of life to him and to all those that came thither with him, he made them this answere, that their words and promises were good: but for as much as the same were new and vncertayne to him that had bin brought vp in the contrary doctrine, he could 50 not rashly assent to their admonitions, and leaue that beleefe which he and the English nation had so long a time obserued and kept: but (sayd he) by­cause ye haue trauelled farre to the intent to make vs partakers of those things whiche ye beleeue to bee most true and perfecte, wee will thus muche graunt vnto you, that yee shall bee receyued into this countrey, and haue herbrough with thyngs sufficient found vnto you for your mayntenance and sustentation neither will we hinder you, but yt ye may by Preaching associat & ioyne as many of our subiectes as ye can vnto your law and be­liefe. They had therefore assigned vnto them a place to lodge in within the City of Canterbury, which was ye head citie of al his dominion. It is said yt as they approched ye citie according to their manner, they had a crosse borne afore them, with an image of our Lorde Iesus Christe, and they followed in singing this Letany: Deprecamur te Domine in omni misericordiae tua, ot auferatur fu­ror tuus & ira tua à ciuitate ista & de domo San­cta tua, quoniā peccauimus alleluya. That is to say VVe besech the O Lord in al thy mercy that thy [Page 148] fury and wrath may be taken from this citie, and from thy holy [...] wee haue synned. Prayse be to thee oh Lorde. After they were re­ceyued into Canterbury, [...]hey began to followe the trade of lyfe whiche the Apostles vsed in the primatiue Churche,Beda. Mat. VVest. that is to witte, exercising themselues in continuall prayer, watching, fa­sting, and in preaching the worde to as many as they coulde, despising all worldly pleasures, as not apperteyning to them, receyuing onely (of 10 them whome they taughte) thyngs that seemed necessary for the sustenance of their life, and liuing in all poyntes according to the doctrine whyche they set foorthe, hauing theyr mindes ready to suffer in patience all aduersities what so euer, yea and death it selfe, for the confirming of that whi­che they nowe preached.The Christian faith receyued of the Eng­lishmen. Heerevppon, many of the Englishe people beleeued and were baptised, hauing in greate reuerence the simplicitie of the innocente liues of those men, and the sweetenesse 20 of their heauenly doctrine. There was a Churche neere to the Citie on the East parte thereof dedi­cated in the honor of Saint Martine, and buylyded of old time whilest the Romaynes as [...] ­habited Britayne, in the whiche the Quéene [...] ­ing (as we haue sayd) a Christian, vsed to make hir prayers. To this Churche Austine and hys fellowes at their first comming accustomed to re­sorte, and there to sing, to pray, to say Masse, to preach and to baptise, till at length the Kyng be­ing conuerted, graunted them licence to preache in euery place, and to buylde and restore? Chur­ches where they thought good. After that ye King being perswaded by their doctrine, good examples giuing, and diuers miracles shewed, was once baptised, the people in great number begā to giue eare vnto the Preaching of the Gospell, and re­nouncing their heathenish beleefe, became Chri­stians, in so much that as Gregory remembreth,Lib. 7. cap. [...] ther were baptised tenne thousand persons in one

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day, being the feast of the natiuitie of our Saui­our. 40 . [...]97. [...]ndictione. Policron▪ But some write how thys should chance towarde the latter ende of Augu­stines dayes, after he was admitted to preach the Gospell amongst them that inhabited about Yorke (as some write) which affirme, that the said number of tenne thousande was baptised in the Riuer of S [...]ale, whiche as William Harrison sayeth, cannot be verified, bycause of the indiction and death of Gregory. But to procede: The king reioiced at the conuersion thus of his people, how­beit, 50 he would not force any man to be baptised, but only shewed by his behauiour,Beda lib. 1. cap. 26. & 27. that be fauored those that beleeued more than other, as fellowe Citizens with him of the heauenly Kingdome: for he learned of them that had instructed hym in the faith,Religion not to [...], but t [...]ughte and preached. that the obedience due to Christ oughte not to be inforced, but to come of good wil. More­ouer, he prouided for Augustine and his fellowes a conuenient place for their habitation within the Citie of Canterbury, and further gaue them ne­cessary reuenewes in possession for their maynte­nance. After that the faith of Christe was thus receyued of the Englishmen,Augustine ordeyned Archbishop of the English nation. Augustine went in­to Fraunce, and there of the Archbishop of At [...]s named Etherius, he was ordeined Archbishop of the Englishe nation, according to the order pre­scribed by Gregorie before ye departure of the saide Augustine frō Rome. After his returne into Br [...] tane, he sent Laurēce a Priest,Laurence a Priest. & Peeter a Monke vnto Rome, to giue knowledge vnto Gregory the Bishop, howe the Englishmen had receyued the faith, and that hee was ordeyned Archbishop of the land, according to that he had commaun­ded, if the worke prospered vnder his hande as it had done. He also required to haue Gregories ad­uice touching certain ordinances to be made and obserued in the new Church of England: where­vpon [Page 150] Gregory in sending backe the messengers wrote aunswer vnto all his demaundes, and first touching the conuersation of Archbishops with ye Cleargie, and in what forte the Churche goodes oughte to be employed, he declareth that the aun­tient custome of the Apostolike See was to giue commaundemente vnto Bishops ordeyned, [...] reuenews [...]e Church [...]e deuided [...]. 4. partes. that the profytes & reuenewes of their benefices ought to be deuided into foure partes, whereof the firste should be appoynted to the Bishop and his fami­ly 10 for the maynetenane [...] of hospitalitie: the second should be assigned to the Cleargie: the thirde to be giuen to the poore: and the fourth to be employed vpon repayring of temples. Also as touching the diuersitie of customes in Churches. And where in the Churche of Rome one custome in saying of Ma [...] or ye Liturgie was obserued, [...]urgia. and an other custome in France, concerning such Church ser­uice. [...]urch ser­ [...]e. Gregory aduised Augustine that if he found anye thing either in the Churche of Rome, ey­ther 20 in the Churche of Fraunce, or in anye o­ther Churche whiche mighte most please the al­mightie God, he should diligently choose it foorth, and instruct the Church of England (now beyng new) according to that forme whiche hee shoulde gather foorth of the sayd Churches: for the thyngs are not loued for the places sake, but the places for the things sake.

[...]ch as did [...]eale.Also for the punishing of suche as had stol­len things out of Churches, so neere as mighte 30 bee, the offender shoulde bee chastised in cha­ritie, so as he might know his fault, and if it were possible, restore the thing taken away. Also as touching degrees in mariages, Englishmē might take to their wiues,Marriages. women that touched them in the third and fourth degree without reprehension, and if any vnlawfull marriages were founde a­mongst the Englishmē, as if the sonne had mar­ried the fathers wife, or the brother the brothers wife they ought to be warned in any wise to ab­steyne, 40 and vnderstand it to be a greeuous sinne: yet shoulde they not for that thing be depriued of the Communiō of the body & bloud of our Lord, least those things mighte seeme to be punished in them wherein they had offended (before their con­uersion to the Christian fayth) by ignorance:Discipline of [...]he Church. for at this season ye Church (sayth he) correcteth some things of a feruente earnestnesse, suffereth some things of a gētle mildnesse, and dissimuleth some things of a prudent consideration, and so beareth 50 and dissimuleth the same, that oftentimes the e­uill which she abhorreth by such bearing and dis­simuling, is restreyned and reformed. Moreouer, touching the ordeyning of Bishops, hee woulde they should be so placed, that the distance of place mighte not bee a lette,Ordeyning of [...]ishops. but that when a Bishoppe shoulde bee consecrated, there mighte bee three or foure presente.

Also touching the Bishoppes of Fraunce, hee willed Augustine in [...]o wise [...] with them, oth [...] than [...]by [...] on and good admonitions to be giuen, but [...] to presume any thing by authority, [...] Arch­bishop of Arles had receyued the Pall [...] [...] past, whose authoritie hee mighte not [...], least he should seeme to put his [...]ele [...]nto [...] mans haruest. But as for the Bishops of Bri­tayne, he committed them vnto him, that the vn­learned might be taught, the weal [...] with whole­some perswasions strengthned,Women with childe. and the [...]arde by authoritie reformed: Moreouer th [...] a womā with childe myghte bee Baptised, and shee [...] was deliuered after . [...]. dayes of a man childe, and after .46. days of a woman childe should be puri­fied, but yet myghte shee enter the Church before if she woulde.

The residue of Augustines demaundes [...] [...]u [...]i­s [...]ed in these poynts,Matters in question a­bout trifles. v [...] within what spa [...] [...] should be Christened after it was borne for doubt to be preuēted by death▪ also, within what [...] a man might company with his wife after she was brought to bedde: whether a woman hauing the floures, mighte enter the Churche or receyue the Communion: also whether a man hauing com­panyed with hys Wife, might enter the Churche, or receyue the Communion, before he was wa­shed with water. And whether after polution by night in dreames, a man mighte receyue the Cō ­munion: or if he were a Priest whether he might say Masse.

To these questions Gregory maketh aun­swere at full in the Booke and place before cit [...]d, which for breefenesse we passe ouer. He sent al­so at that tyme with the messengers aforesayde at their returne into Englande dyuers learned men to help Augustine in the haruest of ye Lorde. The names of the cheefest were these,Assistance to Augustine. The Pall. Mellitus, Iustus, Paulinus, and Rufinianus. He sente al­so the Palle whyche is the ornament of an Arch­bishop with vessels and appartell whiche shoulde be vsed in Churches by the Archbishop and other ministers.

He also sente with the Pall other letters vnto Augustine to lette hym vnderstande what num­ber of Bishops hee woulde haue hym to ordeyne within this lande. Also after that Mellitus, and the other before mentioned persons were departed from Rome, hee sent a letter vnto the same Mel­litus, beeyng yet on his way towardes Britayne, touching further matter concerning the Chur­ches of England, wherein he confesseth that ma­ny thinges are permitted to bee vsed of the peo­ple lately broughte from the errors of gentilitie, in keeping feastes on the dedication dayes whi­che haue resemblaunce with their olde super­stitious rytes of the Pagane Religion, for [Page 150] to hard and obstinate mindes (sayth he) it is not possible to cutte away all things at once,Bearing with them that had newly recey­ued the fayth, whereof su­perstition grewe and increased. for hee that coueteth to the highest place, goeth vp by steppes and not by leapes.

Also the same time, Gregory did sende letters vnto Augustine touching the miracles whych by reporte he vnderstoode were shewed by the same. Augustine,Miracles. counselling him in no wise to glory in the same, but rather in reioycing to feare, and consider that God gaue him the gifte to worke 10 suche signes for the welth of them, to whome hee was sente to preach the Gospell: he aduised hym therefore to beware of vayne glory and presump­tion, for the Disciples of the trueth (sayth he) haue no ioy, but onely that which is common with all men, of whyche there is no end, for not euery one that is elect worketh miracles, but euery of the e­lect haue their names written in heauen.

These letters, with the other whiche Gregory sent at this time vnto Augustine, were dated the 20 tenth day of the Calendes of Iuly, in the yeare of oure Lord .602.602 whiche was the nineteenth yeare of the Emperour Mauritius.

Moreouer, he sente most curteous letters by these messengers vnto King Ethelberte, [...] whyche hee greatly commendeth him, in that he had receyued the Christian fayth, and exhorteth him to continue in that most holy state of life, whereby hee myghte worthyly looke for rewarde at the handes of almighty God. But nowe to the doings of Augustine. We fynd,Beda. that after he was established Archbishop, and had his See appoyn­ted to him at Canterbury, he restored in that Ci­tie another Church whiche had bin erected there in times past by certayne of the Romaynes [...] were Christians, and did dedicate the [...] in honor of Christ our Sauioure.

He also began the foundation of a Monastery without that Citie, stāding towarde the East, in the whiche by his exhortation, King Ethelberte built a Churche euen from the grounde, whiche was dedicated vnto the holy Apostles Peeter and Paule, in the whiche the body of the sayde Augu­stine was buried, and likewise the bodies of all the Archbishops of Canterbury and Kings of Kent [...] of long time after.

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This Abbey was called Saint Austines after his name,One Peeter was the first Abbot. one Peeter being the first Abbot therof. The Churche there was not consecrated by Au­gustine, but by his successor Laurēce after that he was dead.

Moreouer, King Ethelbert at the motion of Augustine builded a Church in the Citie of Lō ­don 50 (whiche he lately had conquered) and dedica­ted it vnto Saint Paule: but whether he buylded or restored this Church of Saint Paule it maye bee doubted, for there bee dyuers opinions of the building thereof.Ran. Cestren. Some haue written that it was firste buylded by King Lud (as before is mentioned.) Other agayne write, that it was builded afterwarde by Sigeberte King of the East Saxons.Beda. Also Kyng Ethelberte buylded the Churche of Saint Andrew in Rochester. I [...] is likewise remembred by writers,Ran Cest. Westminster Church [...]. that the same King Ethelberte procured a Citizen of London to buyld a Church of Sainte Peeter without the Citie of London towarde the West in a place then called Thorney, that is to witte, the Isle of Thornes, & now is called Westminster, though other haue written that it was buylte by Lucius King of Britaine, or rather by Siberte Kyng of the East Saxons. This Church was eyther newly builte or greatly enlarged by Kyng Ed­warde surnamed the Confessor, and after that, the thirde Henry King of England did make there a beautifull Monasterie, and very richly [Page 151] endowed the same with greate possessions and sumptuous iewels. The place was ouergrowen with vnderwooddes, as thornes and brembles before that the Church was begun to be builded there in this King Ethelbertes dayes.

Thus the fayth of Christ being once begunne to bee receyued of the Englishmen, tooke won­derfull increase within a short time.Ran. Cest. Beda. Sigebertus. an. 19. Mauri­cij imperato­ris.

In the meane season by the help of King E­thelbert, Augustine caused a counsell to be called at a place in the confynes of the West Saxons, whiche place long after was called Austynes Oke,A Synode. Austines oke. where he procured the Bishops or Doctors of the prouinces of the Britaines to come before

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him.Galfrid. lib. 8 cap. 4. Amongst the Britaynes or Welchmen, Christianite as yet remayned in force, whyche from the Apostles time had neuer fayled in that 30 nation. When Augustine came into this land, he found in their prouinces seuen Bishops Sees, and an Archbishops See, wherin sate right godly and most Religious Prelates, and many Ab­bots, in the which the Lordes flocke kept their righte order: but bycause they differed in obser­uing the Feast of Easter, and other rites from the vse of ye Romane Church,Beda lib. 2. cap. 2. Augustine thought it necessary to moue them to agree with hym in vnitie of the same, but after long disputation and 40 reasoning of those matters, they could not be en­duced to giue their assente in that behalfe. Augu­stine to prooue his opinion good, wroughte a mi­racle in restoring sight to one of the Saxon na­tion that was blinde. The Britaynes that were presente moued with this miracle, confes­sed, that it was the righte waye of Iustice and righteousnesse which Augustine taught, but yet they sayd that they might not forsake theyr aun­cient customes withoute consente and licence of 50 their nation.Another Sinode. Wherevppon, they required ano­ther Sinode to be holden, wherat a greater num­ber of them myght be present. This being gran­ted, there came as it is reported seuen Bishops of the Britaynes and a greate number of learned menne,The Mona­sterie of Bangor. Abbot Dio­noth. specially of the famous Monasterie of Bangor, whereof in those dayes one Dionoth was Abbot, the whiche as they wente towardes that counsell, came first to a certaine wise man, whych lyued amongst them an Ankers life, and asked his aduice whether they ought to forsake theyr traditions at the Preaching of Augustine or not: who made thys aunswere: If he bee the man of God followe hym: then sayde they: howe shall wee prooue whether hee be so or not.The answer [...] of a godly man touching Austin the Englishmens Apostle. Then sayde hee: the Lorde sayeth take vp my yoke and learne of mee, for I am meeke and humble in harte: if Augustine bee humble and meeke in hart, it is to be beleeued that hee also beareth the yoke of Christe, and offereth it to you to beare, but if hee bee not meeke but proude, it is certayne that hee is not of God, nor hys worde is not to bee regarded: And how shall wee perceyue that (sayde they?) Fynde meanes (sayde he) that hee maye fyrste come to the place of the Synode with those of hys syde, and if hee arise to receyue you at your comming, then knowe that he is the seruaunt of God, and obey him. But if hee de­spise you and arise not against you, where as you bee more in number, lette him bee despi [...]e [...] of you.

They did as he commaunded, and it chanced, that when they came, they found Augustine sit­ting in his chaire: which whē they beheld,Three things required by Austin of the Britaynes to be obserued. straight wayes they conceyued an indignation, and [...]o­ting him of pride, laboured to reprooue all hys sayings. He tolde thē that they vsed many things contrary to the custome of the vniuersal Church, and yet if in three things they woulde obey hym, [Page 152] that is to witte, in keeping the feast of Easter in due time, and minister Baptisme according to the custome of the Romaine Churche, and preach to the Englishmen the word of life with him and his fellowes, then would he be contented to suffer all other things paciently which they did, though the same were contrary to the manners and cu­stomes of the Romayne iurisdiction. But they flatly denyed to do any of those things, and gaue a playne aunswere that they woulde not receyue 10 him for their Archbishoppe, for they laying theyr heads togither thus thoughte, that if hee refused now to ryse vnto vs, how much the more will he contemne vs if we should become subiect to him.Austine thret­neth. Vnto whome as it is sayde Augustine in threat­ning wise tolde them aforehande, that if they woulde not receyue peace with their breethren, they shoulde receyue warre of the enimies, and if they would not preach to the Englishmen ye way of life, they should suffer punishment by death at 20 the handes of them: whiche thing indeede after came to passe as in place conueniente shall be ex­pressed.

604After this in the yeare of our Lorde .604. the Archbishop Augustine ordeyned two Bishops, that is to say,Bishops ordei­ned at London and Rochester Mellitus at Londō, that he might preache the worde of God to the East Saxons, whiche were deuided from them of Kente by the Riuer of Thames, and Iustus in the Citie of Rochester within the limittes of Kent. 30

AT that time Sabart reigned ouer the East Saxons, but hee was subiect vnto Ethel­bert King of Kent, whose Nephewe he was also by his sister Ricula that was married vnto king Sledda yt succeeded after E [...]chenwine ye first K. of ye East Saxons &, begate on hir this Sabert yt receyued ye faith. After ye Augustine had ordeyned Mellitus to be Bishop of London, as before is sayd, King Ethelbert builded (as some write) the Churche of Sainte Paule within the same Ci­tie,The Church of Saint Paule builded▪ where the same Mellitus and his successors might keepe their See. And also for the like pur­pose he builded the Church of Saint Androw the Apostle at Rochester, that Iustus and his suc­cessors myghte haue theyr See in that place ac­cording to Augustines institution: hee bestowed great giftes vpon both these Churches, endowing them with lands and possessions very bountiful­ly to the vse of them that should be attendante in the same with the Bishops.

Ran. Cestr [...].Finally Augustine after hee had gouerned as Archbishop the Churche of Canterburie by the space of twelue yeares current, departed this life the sixe and twentith of May, and was buryed first without the Citie neere to the Church of the Apostles Peeter and Paule (whereof mention is made before) bicause the same Church as yet was not finished nor dedicated, but after it was dedi­cated, his body was broughte into the Churche, and reuerently buried in the North Ile there.

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He ordeyned by his life time Laurence to bee his successor in the Sea of Canterbury, of whom yee shall heare hereafter.

Thus haue ye heard in what maner the Eng­lishmen were first brought from the worshipping of false Goddes, and baptised in the name of the liuing God by the foresayde Augustine, as wee fynde in Beda and other writers, and nowe wee will returne to other doyngs chancing in the meane tyme amongst the people of thys Isle.

AFfter the deceasse of Chelricus Kyng of the West Saxons,Mat. VVe [...]. hath. 34. wee finde that Ceovulf or Ceoloulph succeeded in gouernmente of that Kingdome, and raigned twelue yeares. Hee be­gan his raigne (as should appeare by some wri­ters)607. [...] VVest. hath. about the yeare of our Lord .597. and spente [Page 153] his time for the more part in warres, not gyuing place to ydlenesse, but seeking eyther to defende or enlarge the confines of his dominion. He was the sonne of Cutha, which was the son of Ken­rike, that was the sonne of Certike.

AFter Wybba or Wypha king of Mercia, (who nothing inferiour to his father, did not onely defend his kingdome, but also enlarge it by subduing the Brytaynes on eche side) one Ceor­lus succeeded in that kingdome, beeing not hys 10 sonne but his kinsman.

Ceorlus king of Martia.

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THis Ceor­lus began his raigne a­boute the yeare of oure Lorde 594. as Mat. Westm. recor­deth.594

Beda. Edelferd.Yee haue 20 heard that E­delferde, whiche otherwise is called also by writers Edelfride, surnamed the wild, gouerned still the Northumbers, whiche Edel­ferde did more domage to the Brytaynes than a­ny one other king of the English Nation. None of them destroyed theyr countreyes more than he did: neyther did any Prince make mo of the Bry­taynes tributaries, or inhabited more of theyr 30 Countreys with English people than he.

Herevpon Edan king of those Scots which inhabited Brytayne, beeing therewith moued to see Edelferd prosper thus in his conquestes, came agaynst him with a mightie armie: but ioyning in battaile with Edelferd and his power, at a place called Degsastane, or Degsastone, or De­glaston, he lost the moste part of his people, and with the residue that were left aliue, he escaped by flight.

This was a sore foughten battaile, wyth much bloudshed on both parties. For notwith­standing that the victorie remayned with the Northumbers, Theodbaldus the brother of E­delferd was slaine, with all that part of the Eng­lish host, which he gouerned: and it was fought in the yeare of our Lorde .603. in the .xix.603 Henric. Hūt. Beda. li. 1. cap. 34. yeare of the raigne of the foresayde Edelferd, and in the sixt yeare of Co [...]wulf king of the West Saxons, and in the first yeare of the Emperour Focas, or ra­ther in the last yeare of hys predecessour Mau­ritius.

From that day til [...] the dayes of Beda, not one of the Scottish kings durst presume to enter into Brytaine againe to giue battaile against the English Nation, as Beda himselfe wryteth.

But the Scottish writers make other report of this matter,VVil. Malm [...] See in Scot­land [...]. as in the Hystorie of Scotland ye may finde recorded.

The Brytaynes that dwelt aboute Chester, through their stoutnesse prouoked the aforesayde Ethelferd king of the Northumbers vnto warre: wherevpon the same Ethelferd to tame theyr lof­tie stomackes, assembled an armie, and came for­warde to besiege the Citie of Chester,Chester as ye [...] in possession of the Bry­tayns. then called of the Brytaynes Carleon ardour deué. The Ci­tizens coueting rather to suffer all things than a siege, and hauing a trust in their great multitude of people,Iohn Leyland VVil. Malm. came forth to giue battaile abrode in the fieldes, whom he compassing about with ambu­shes, got them within his daunger, and easily dis­comfited them.

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Beda.It chaunced that he had espied before the bat­taile ioyned (as Bede hath) where a great number of the Brytish Priests were got aside into a place 50 somewhat out of daunger, that they might there make their intercession to God for the good speede of theyr people, being then readie to giue battaile to the Northumbers.

The number of Monkes in the Monastery of Bangor.Many of them were of that famous Mona­sterie of Bangor, in the which it is said, that there was such a number of Monkes, that where they were deuided into seuen seuerall partes, with their seuerall gouernours appoynted to haue rule ouer them, euery of those partes conteyned at the least three hundred persons, the which liued altogither by the labour of theyr handes. Many therefore of those Monkes hauing kept a solemne feast for three dayes togither, were come to the armie with other to make prayer, hauing for their defender one Brocmale, or Bro [...]ma [...]l, Earle (or Consull as some call him) of Chester,Brocmal [...]. which shoulde pre­serue them (being giuen to prayer) from the edge of the enimies sworde.

[Page 154]King Edelferd hauing (as is sayde) espyed these men, asked what they were, and what their intent was? and beeing informed of the whole circumstance, and cause of their beeing there, hee sayde. Then if they call to theyr God for his as­sistāce against vs, surely though they beare no ar­mour, yet do they fight against vs, being busied in prayer for our destruction. Wherevpon hee com­maunded the first onset to be giuen on them,The Brytaines discomfited and slaine. and after slue downe the residue of the Brytish armie, 10 not without great losse of his owne people.

Of those Monkes and Priestes which came to pray (as before is mencioned) there died at that battaile about the number of .xij. hundred, so that fiftie of them onely escaped by flight.

Brocmale, or Broemael at the first approche of the enimies, turning his backe with his compa­nie, left them (whom he should haue defended) to be murthered through the enmies sworde.

And thus was the prophecie of Augustine ful­filled, 20 though he was long before departed this life (as Beda hath.)

Henric. Hūt.But if this battaile was fought in the seuenth yeare of Ciovulf king of Westsaxons (as some haue written) and that Augustin liued .xij. yeares after his entrance into the gouernment of the sea of Canterburie, (as some write) it is euident that he liued foure yeares after this slaughter made of the Brytishe Priestes and Monkes by Ethelferd (as before is recited.) For Ciovulf beganne his 30 raigne (as before is mentioned) about the yeare of our Lorde .596. and in the seuenth yeare of hys raigne the battail was fought, at Degsasta [...]e be­twixt Englishmen and Scottes, which chaunced in the yeare of our Lorde .604. as Bede himselfe recordeth. Hitherto out of our olde writers.

Of which battaile also William Harison tel­leth another maner of tale, whose wordes (though he liue in our time, and his Chronologie bee not yet extant) are not to be omitted: which be these.

Athelbright, or Edilfride, king of the Northū ­bers, and Ethelbert of Kent, hauing Augustine in their cōpanie, in the .8. yeare after his arriuall, doe make warre vpon suche Brytaynes as refuse to obserue the Canons of the late Councell mentio­ned .603. and kill 1200. Monkes of the Monaste­rie of Bangor, which laboured earnestly, and in the sweate of their browes, thereby to get theyr liuings. &c. Thus farre maister Harison.

Verily. Galf. Mon wryteth, that Ethelbert king of Kent (after he sawe the Brytaynes to dis­daine and denie their subiection vnto Augustine, by whom he was conuerted to the christian faith) stirred vp Ethelfred king of the Northumbers to warre against the Brytains. But hereof maister Foxe doubteth, and therfore sayth,Acts and Mo­numents. Pag. 160. that of vncer­taine things hee hath nothing certainly to say, much lesse to iudge.

But now to the matter where we left. After that King Edelferd had made slaughter of the Brytaines (as before is rehearsed) hee entred the Citie of Chester, and from thence marched to­wardes Bangor.

The Britains in the meane time had assēbled their power vnder three Captains, that is to wit,Blederik [...] of Cornewal, Margadud K. of Southwales, Cadwan king of Northwales Blederike Duke of Cornewall, Margadud king of Southwales, and Cadwane king of North­wales. These ioyning in battaile with Ethel­ferd, slue .10066. of his Souldiers, and constray­ned him to flee out of the fielde for safegarde of

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his life, after hee had receyued many woundes.

Gal. Mon.On the part of the Brytaynes the foresayde Bledrike, which was chiefe captaine of the fielde in that battaile chaunced to be slaine.

Thus hath Gal. Mon. but the auncient wri­ters of the English kings (as Bede. Wil. [...]alm. and Henrie Hunt.) make no mention of this last battaile and victorie obteyned by the Brytaynes in maner as aboue is expressed in Galfrids booke. But contrarily we finde, that Ethelferd hauing such good successe in his businesse abroade as hee coulde wishe,Edwin the sonne of king Alla [...] vpon purpose to auoyde daunger at home, banished Edwin the sonne of Alla or Elle a yong Gentleman of great towardnesse, lately [Page 155] come to the kingdom of the Northumbers by the death of his father. But this Edwine in time of his exile, beeing long tossed from place to place, and finding no stedfast friendship now in time of his aduersitie, at length came to Redwalde, that was king at that time of the East Angles, the thirde from Vffa, as successor to Titullus, which Titullus did succeede next after the sayde Vffa,592 the first king of East Angles (as before is men­tioned. 10

Edelferd.This Redwalde did verie honourably inter­taine Edwine, insomuch that Edelferd being in­formed thereof, he was highly displeased, and sent Ambassadors vnto Redwalde, to requyre him either to deliuer Edwine into his handes, or else if he refused so to do, to declare and denounce vnto him open warres.

Redwalde encouraged by his wife (that coun­selled him in no wise to betray his friende, to whō he had giuen his fayth, for the menaces of his e­nimie) assembled forthwith an armie,617 and vpon the sodaine comming vpon Ethelferd, set vppon him ere he coulde haue time to assemble his peo­ple, togither. But yet the sayd Ethelfred,H. Hunt. though he was entrapped and brought in daunger at vn­wares, he dyed not vnreuenged: for putting him­selfe in defence with such power as he coulde then get togyther, he boldely encountred the enimies, and gyuing battaile, slue Remerius the sonne of Redwalde and after was slaine himselfe,Ethelferd slain [...] ha­uing raigned ouer the Northumbers about .xxij. yeares.

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This battaile was fought neare to the water of Idle.

The sayde Ethelferd had issue by his wyfe Acca the daughter of Alla, and sister to Edwine, two sonnes, Oswalde being about two yeares 40 of age, and Oswyn about foure yeares, the which (their father beeing thus slaine) were by helpe of their gouernours, conueyed away into Scotland with all speede that might be made.

Hen. Hunt. Math. VVest. hath. 34.Ceovulf king of the West Saxons, after hee had raigned the space of .xij. yeares, departed this life, who in his time had mainteyned great warre agaynst many of his neghbours, the which for briefenesse I passe ouer.

One great battaile he fought agaynst them 50 of Sussex, in which the armies on both sides su­steyned great domage,The South Saxons su­staine the greater losse. but the greater losse fell to the South Saxons.

Cicegis­cus.AFter the foresayde Ceovulf raigned Cinegis­cus, or Kingils, whiche was the sonne of Ceola, that was sonne to Cutha or Cutwyn, the sonne of Kenricke, which was sonne to king Certicke.

In the fourth yeare of his raigne,VVil. Malm. sayeth that O [...]nichilinus was the brother o [...] Cinegiscus. he receyued into felowship with him in gouernaunce of the kingdome his sonne Richelinus, or Onichelinus, and so they raigned ioyntly togither in great loue and concorde, a thing seldome seene or heard of.

They fought with the Brytaynes at Bean­dune,Beandune, or Beanton. where at the first approch of the battailes togyther, the Brytaynes fled, but to late, for there died of them that were ouertaken .2062.

In this meane time,Beda. li. 2. cap. 4. Laurence Archbishop of Canterburie, that succeeded next after Augustine, admitted thereto by him in his life time (as before is sayde) did his indeuour to augment and bring to perfection the Church of Englande, the foundation wherof was lately layde by his pre­decessor the foresayde Augustine: and studied not onely for the encrease of this new Church, which was gathered of the Englishe people, but also he was busie to employ his pastor like cure vpon the people that were of the olde inhabitants of Bry­taine, and likewise of the Scottes that remayned in Irelande: For when he had learned that the Scottes there in semblable wise as the Brytains [Page 156] in theyr Countrey ledde not theyr lyues in ma­ny poyntes according to the Ecclesiastical rules, aswel in obseruing the feast of Easter cōtrarie to the vse of the Romain church, as in other things, he wrote vnto those Scottes letters exhortatorie, requyring them moste instauntly to an vnitie of Catholique orders as myght bee agreeable with the Church of Christ, spredde and dispersed through the worlde.

These letters were not written onely in his 10 owne name, but ioyntly togyther in the name of the Bishops Melitus and Iustus (as thus.)

To our deare brethren, the Bishops & Abbots through all Scotland, Laurence, Mellitus & Iu­stus, Bishops, the seruants of the seruants of God, wishe health. Where as the Apostolike Sea, (according to hir maner) had sent vs to preach vn­to the Heathen people in these west partes, as o­therwise through the worlde, and that it chaun­ced vs to enter into this Ile which is called Bry­tayne, 20 before we knewe and vnderstoode the state of things, wee had in greate reuerence bothe the Scottes and Brytaynes, which beleeued, bycause (as we tooke the matter) they walked according to the custome of the vniuersall Churche: but after we had knowledge of the Brytaynes, we iudged the Scottes to be better, but we haue learned by Byshop Daganus, comming into this Ile, and by Columbanus the Abbot cōming into France, that the Scottes nothing differ in theyr conuer­sation 30 from the Brytaynes, for Bishop Dagan comming vnto vs, would neyther eate with vs, no nor yet within the house where wee did eate.

The sayde Laurence also with his fellow Bi­shops, did write to the Brytaines, other letters worthie of his degree, doing what hee coulde to confyrme them in the vnitie of the Romaine Church: but it profited little, as appeareth by that which Beda wryteth.

About the same tyme, Mellitus the Bishop 40 of London wente to Rome to commune wyth Pope Boniface, for necessarie causes touching the the Church of Englande, and was present at a Sinode holden by the same Pope at that season, for ordinances to bee made touching the state of religious men, and sate in the same Sinode, that with subscribing, he might also with his autho­ritie confirme that whiche was there orderly de­creed.

This Sinode was holden the third kalends 50 of March, in the last yeare of the Emperour Fo­cas, which was about the yeare after the byrth of our sauiour .610.

Mellitus at his returne, brought with him from the Pope, decrees commaunded by the sayd Pope to be obserued in the English Church, with letters also directed to the Archbishop Laurence, and to king Ethelbert.

Cadwan.

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AFter that the Britains had continued about the space almoste of .xxiiij.Cadwan king of Bry­tayne. yeares without any one special gouernor, being led by sun­drie rulers, euer sithence that Ca­reticus was con­strayned to flee ouer Seuerne, and sought often­tymes not onely agaynst the Saxons, but also one of them agaynste another, at length in the yeare of our Lorde .613.613 they assembled in the Citie of Chester, and there elected Cadwan that before was ruler of Northwales, to haue the so­ueraine rule and gouernment ouer all theyr Na­tion, and so the sayde Cadwan beganne to raigne as king of Brytaynes in the sayd yeare .613. But Harison sayeth, this was in the yeare .609. in whiche yeare Careticus the Brytish king depar­ted this life. And then after his deceasse the Bry­taynes or Welchmen (whether wee shall call them) chose Cadwane to gouerne them in the foresayde yeare .609. whiche was in the seuenth yeare of the Emperour Focas, and the .xxj. of the seconde Lotharius King of Fraunce, and in the xiij. yeare of Kilwoolfe King of the West Saxons.

This Cadwan being established King, short­ly after assembled a power of Brytaynes, and went agaynst the foresayde Ethelfred King of Northumberlande, who beeing thereof aduerti­sed, did associate to him the most part of the Sax­on Princes, and came forth with his armie to meete Cadwane in the fielde. Herevpon as they were readie to haue tryed the matter by battaile, certayne of theyr friendes trauayled so betwixte them for a peace, that in the ende they broughte them to agreement,Galf. M [...]. so that Ethelferd should kept in quiet possession those his Countreys beyonde the Ryuer of Humber, and Cadwan should hold all that which belonged as yet to the Brytaines on the south side the same ryuer.

Thys Couenaunte wyth other touching theyr agreement was confyrmed wyth othes solemnlye taken, and pledges therewith dely­uered, so that afterwardes they continued in good and quiet peace withoute vexing the one the o­ther.

What chaunced afterwardes to Edelfred, yee haue before hearde rehearsed, the whiche for that it soundeth more lyke to a truth than that whiche followeth in the Brytishe Booke, wee omitte to make further rehearsall, passing [Page 157] forth to other doings which f [...]ll in the [...] son, whilest [...] Cadwane had gouernment of the Brytayn [...]s, raigning as king once them the tearme of .xxij. (or as other haue but .xiij.) yeares, and finally was slaine by the Northū [...]ers, [...]ohn. Hard. as be­fore hath bene, and also after shall be shewed.

In the .viij. yeare after that Cadwan began to raigne, Ethelbert king of Kent departed this life, in the .xxj. yeare after the comming of Augu­stin with his fellowes to preach the fayth of christ 10 here in this Realme: and after that Ethelbert had raigned ouer the Prouince of Kent aboute the tearme of .lvj. yeares (as Bede hath) but there are that haue noted three yeares lesse: he departed this worlde,VVil. Malm. Beda. li. 2. ca. 5 as aboue is signified, in the yeare of oure Lorde .617. on the .xxiiij. daye of Februarie, and was buryed in the Ile of Saint Martine, within the Churche of the Apostles Peter and Paule, without the Citie of Canterburie, where his wife Queene Bartha was also buryed, and 20 the foresayde Archebishop Augustine that first conuerted him to the fayth.

Amongest other things this King Ethelbert with the adulce of his Councell ordeyned diuerse lawes and statutes, according to the whiche, de­crees of Iudgements shoulde passe: and those decrees hee caused to be written in the Englishe tongue, which remayned and were in force vn­to the dayes of Bede) as he declareth.

And fyrst it was expressed in those lawes, 30 what amendes hee shoulde make that stale anye thing that belonged to the Churche, to the By­shop, or to any ecclesiasticall person, willing by all meanes to defend them whose doctrine he had receyued.

Ead­bald.

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AFter the decease of E­thelbert, his son Eadbalde suc­ceeded in the 40 gouernment of his kingdom of Kent, the which was a greate hinderer of the increase of the newe Churche amongest the Englishe men in those parties: for hee did not onely refuse to bee baptised himselfe, but also vsed suche kinde of for­nication,1. Cor. 6. as hath not beene heard (as the Apostle 50 sayth) amongest the Gentiles, for he tooke to wife his mother in lawe, that had beene wife to his fa­ther. By which two euill examples, many tooke occasion to returne to theyr heathenish religion, the which whilest his father raigned,The Princes example occa­sion of euill. either for the Prince his pleasure, or for feare to offend him, did professe the Christian fayth.

But Eadbalde escaped not worthie punish­ment them [...] hys euill de [...] with a certaine [...] an vnclean [...].

The foresayde storme or disquiet troubling of the Christian Congregation was afterwards greatly encreased also by the [...] Sabert, or Sabert King of the East Saxons, who depar­ting this life to goe to a better, in the blis [...]full kingdome of heauen, left behind him three sonnes as successours in the estate of his earthly King­dome, whiche sonnes likewyse refused to bee baptised.

This Sabert, or Sebert, was conuerted to the fayth of Christ, and baptised by Mellitus Byshop of London (as before is mentioned) vn­to whome some ascribe the first foundation of Westminster Church, but other ascribe it to Lu­cius the first Christen king of the Brytaynes (as before ye haue heard) though there bee also that write that the Church was first buylded there by a Citizen of London (as before is also touched.)Ran. Cestren. Beda. li. 2. ca. 5. Serrerd, Se­ward, and Si­gebert, the sonnes of Sa­bert.

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SAbert left behind him in the kingdome of the East Saxons three sonnes, named Se [...]ed, Seward, and Sige­bert, in whome remay­ned no vertue, no feare of God, nor any respect of religion, but especial­ly they hated the pro­fessors of the Christian fayth. For after theyr father was dead, they be­gan to fall to theyr olde Idolatrie, the whiche in his life time they seemed to haue giuen ouer. But now they openly worshipped Idols, and gaue li­bertie to their subiects for to do the like.

And when the Bishop Mellitus at the so­lemnising of Masse in the Churche distribu­ted the Eucharisticall breade vnto the people, they asked him (as it is sayde) wherefore he did not delyue [...] of that bryght white breade vnto them also, as well as hee had beene accusto­med to doe to theyr father Saba, (for so they vsed to call hym) vnto whome the Byshoppe made thys aunswere: if you wyll bee washed in that wholesome Fountayne wherein youre father was washed, ye maye bee partakers of that holye breade whereof hee was partaker, but if you despise the washpoole of lyfe, ye may by no meanes taste of the breade of sal­uation.

But they offended herewith, replyed in this wise: we will not enter into that Fountayne, for wee knowe wee haue no neede thereof: but yet neuerthelesse we will be refreshed with that breade.

[Page]After this when the [...] and many tymes tolde, that without they woulde be baptised, they might not be partakers of the sacred oblation: At length in a great displeasure they told him, that if he would not consent vnto them in so small a matter, there shoulde be no place for him within the boundes of their Dominion. And so he was constrayned to depart. Wherevpon hee being expulsed, resorted into Kent, there to take aduice with his fellowe Bishoppes, Laurence 10 & Iustus, what was to be done in this so weigh­tie a matter.

They finally resolued vpon this poynt, that it shoulde be better for them to returne into theyr Countrey, where with free myndes they might serue Almightie God, rather than to remayne a­mongest people that rebelled agaynst the fayth, without hope to do good amongst them.

Therefore Mellitus and Iustus did first de­parte, and went ouer into Fraunce, mynding 20 there to abyde till they might see what the ende would be.

But shortly after, those brethren the kings of Essex, whiche had expulsed their Byshoppe in maner aboue sayde, suffered worthily for theyr wicked doings: For going forth to battayle a­gaynst the West Saxons,The sonnes of king Sebert slaine. they were ouerthrown and slaine togither with all theyr armie, by the two Kings, Kinigils, and Quichelme. But ne­uerthelesse, for all that the Authours of the mis­chiefe 30 were thus taken away, the people of that Countrey woulde not as yet bee reduced againe from theyr diuelish worshipping of false Goddes, being eftsoones fallen thereto in that season by the encouragement and perillous example of theyr Rulers. Wherefore the Archebishop Laurence was in minde also to haue followed his fellowes Mellitus and Iustus: but when he minded to set forwarde, he was warned in a dreame, and cru­elly scourged (as hath beene reported by the Apo­stel 40 saint Peter, who reproued him) for that hee would so vncharitably forsake his flock, and leaue it in daunger withoute a shepherde to keepe the Woolfe from the folde.

The Archbishoppe enboldned by this vision, and also repenting him of his determinatiō, came to king Eadbald, and shewed to him his strypes, and the maner of his dreame.

The king being herewith put in great feare, renounced his heathenish worshipping of Idols, 50 and was baptized, and as muche as in him lay, from thence forth succoured the Congregation of the Christians, and aduaunced the Churche to his power.

He sent also into Fraunce, and called home the Bishops Mellitus and Iustus, so that Iu­stus was restored again to his Sea of Rochester. But the East Saxons woulde not receyue Mel­litus to his Sea at London, but continued its theyr wicked Mawmetrie in obeying a Bishop of theyr Pagan lawe, whom they had erected for that purpose. Neyther was King Eadbalde of that authoritie and power in those parties, as his father was before, whereby he might constrayne them to receyue theyr lawfull Byshop. But surely the sayde King Eadbalde with his people after hee was once conuerted againe, gaue hym­selfe wholye to obey the lawes of God, and a­mongest other deedes of godly zeale,Beda li. 2 he buylded a Church of our Ladie at Cantorburie, within the Monasterie of Saint Peter, afterwardes cal­led Saint Agnes.

This Churche was consecrated by Mellitus, who after the death of Laurence succeeded in go­uernaunce of the Archebishoppes Sea of Can­terburie.

After Mellitus whiche departed this lyfe in the yeare of our Lorde .624.Beda. li. 2. [...] Iustus that before was bishop of Rochester, was made Archbishop of Canterburie, and ordeyned one Romanus to the Sea of Rochester.

About the same tyme, the people of the north partes beyond Humber receyued the fayth, by oc­casion (as after shall appeare.)

Ye haue heard how Edelfred the king of Nor­thumberlande was slaine in battaile, neare to the water of Idle, by Redwald king of the East An­gles, in fauour of Edwin, whom the sayd Edel­fred had confined oute of hys Dominion .xxiiij. yeares before.

The foresayde Redwald therefore hauing ob­teyned that victorie, founde meanes to place Ed­wyne in gouernment of that Kingdome of the Northumbers, hauing a tytle thereto as sonne to Alla, or Elle, sometyme King of Northumber­lande.

THis Edwyn proued a ryght valiant prince,Edwyn. and grewe to be of more power than any o­ther King in those dayes of the English Nation:Beda. li. 2. [...] not onely ruling ouer a great parte of the Coun­treys inhabited with Englishe menne, but also with Brytaynes, which Brytaynes inhabyted not onelye in Wales, but also as yet in parte of Chesshire, Lancashire, Cumberlande, and a­longest by the West Sea coast in Galloway, and so forth euē vnto Dunbrytain in Scotland: which I haue thought good to note, that it may appeare in what Countreys Cadwalle bare rule, of whome so often mention is made in this part of the Hystorie.

But as concerning Edwyn: his reputation was such, as not onely the English men, Bry­taynes and Scottes, but also the Iles of Ork­ney, and those of Man,Wil [...] ta­keth [...] to be Angle [...] and other the West Iles of auncient tyme called Meuania, had him in re­uerence, [Page 159] and feared his mightie power, so as the [...] durst not attempt any [...]xp [...]oy [...]e to the [...] of him.

It chaunced also that shortly after king Red­walde had aduaunce [...] him to the Kingdome of▪ Northumberlande, v [...] aboute sixe yeares, the same Redwalde deceassed, whiche made greatly for the more augmentation of Edwyns power. For the people of the East Angles, which whilest Edwyn remayned amongest them as a banished 10 man, had conceyued a good opinion of him, for his approued valiancie and noble courage, of­fered themselues to bee wholy at his commaun­dement.

Carpwaldus.But Edwyn suffering Carpwalde or Erp­walde the sonne of Redwalde to enioy the bare tytle and name of king of that Countrey, ruled al things at his owne will and pleasure. Neither was there any Prouince within Brytaine that did not obey him, or was not ready to do him ser­uice 20 (the kingdome of Kent onely excepted) for he suffered the Kentishmen to here inquie [...], bycause he began to haue a lyking vnto the sister of king Eadbald, the Lady Ethelb [...]ga, otherwise named Tar [...], or Tace.

Beda lib. 2. cap. 9.He made request therefore by sending Ambas­sadours to hir brother [...] to haue the sayde Ladie in mariage: and at length obteyned hir, with con­dition that shee being a Christian woman, might not onely vse the Christian religion, but also that 30 all those, whether men or women, priestes or mi­nisters, which came with hir, might haue licence to doe the same, without trouble or impeachment of any maner of person. Herevpon she being sent vnto him,Mat. VVest. Beda lib. 2. cap. 9. there was appoynted to goe with hir, (beside many other) one Pauline, which was con­secrated Bishop by the Archbishop Iustus, the xxj. of Iuly, in the yeare of our Lorde .625.

625At his comming into Northumberlande, thus in companie of Ethelburga, hee trauayled 40 earnestly in his office, both to preserue hir and such Christians in the fayth of Christ, as were appoynted to giue theyr attendaunce on hir, least they shoulde chaunce to fall: and also sought to winne some of the Pagans if it were possible vn­to the same fayth, though at the first he little pro­fited in that matter.

In the yeare following, there came a mur­therer vnto the Court of King Edwyn, as then soiourning in a Palace whiche stoode vppon the 50 syde of the Ryuer of Dorwent, being sent from Quichelme King of the West Saxons, to the intent to murther Edwyn, bycause hee had of late sore endomaged the Countreys of the west Saxons.

Other say an axe, as Math. VVest.This murtherer was called Eumerus, and caried vnder his cote a short double edged Wood­knife enuenomed of purpose, that if the King [...]e [...]ing [...] a little [...] of the wound, yet he should not [...] get of the poyson.Eumerus.

On Easter Mo [...]y this [...] to the King, and working foorth to [...]pan [...] had beene to haue declared [...] fr [...] his Maister, when hee had espyed his tyme, he dr [...]we hy [...] w [...]apo [...], and [...] to [...] the King▪ But one of the Kings [...] Lylla, perceyuing thys, [...] another blowe. But y [...] the [...] s [...]aype forwarde [...] [...]um [...]ing through the bodie of Lylla, [...] also the King a little: and before this [...] coulde bee beaten downe, he fiue another of the Kings seruaunts, a might that attended vpon him [...] Fordher.

The same night Queene Ethelburga was delyuered of a daughter named Ea [...]ed, for the whiche when King Edwyn gaue thankes vnto his Goddes,Eaus [...]ed borne. in the presen [...] of Bishop Paulyne;

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the Bishop di [...] admonish him, rather to giue thankes vnto the true and onely God, by whose goodnes it came to passe that ye Queene was fastly and without daun­ger delyuered. The King gi­uing good eare vnto the By­shops whole­some admonition, promised at that presente to become a Christian, if hee myghte reuenge hys iniuryes receyued at the handes of the West Saxons, and to assure Pauline that his pro­mise shoulde take place, hee gaue vnto him hys newe borne daughter to be made holy to the lord, that is to say, baptised.

The Bishoppe receyuing hir, on Whitsun­daye nexte following baptysed hir, with twelue other of the Kings householde, shee beeyng the fyrste of the Englishe Northumbers that was so washed in the Fountayne of Rege­neration.

In the meane tyme King Edwyn being re­couered of his hurt, assembled an army, and went agaynst the West Saxons, with whom recoun­tring in battaile, he eyther f [...]ue or brought [...] subiection all them that had conspyred his death [...] And so returned as a conquerour into his cuntry▪ But yet he [...]elayed [...]me for performance of his promise to become a christian: howbeit he had left [Page 160] his doing of sacrifice to Idols, euer since he made promise to be baptised.

He was a sage Prince, and before he woulde alter his Religion, he politikely thought good to heare matters touching bothe hys olde Reli­gion, and the Christian Religion throughlye examined.

And whilest he thus hangeth in doubt to whe­ther pa [...] he shoulde encline, there came letters to him from Pope Bonifa [...]e the fift of that name,Beda lib. 2. cap. 10. 10 exhorting him by sundrie kinds of gentle perswa­dens, to turne to the worshipping of the true and liuing God, and to renounce the worshipping of Mawmets and Idols.

Bede. lib. 2. cap. 11.The Pope likewise wrote to Queene Ethel­burga, praying hir to cōtinue in hir good purpose, and by all meanes possible to doe what might bee done for the conuerting of hir husbande vnto the fayth of Christ.

A vision.But the thing that most moued the king, was 20 a vision which sometime he had while hee remai­ned as a banished man in the Court of Redwald king of the East Angles as thus:

Bede. cap. 12.After that king Ethelfred was informed howe that the foresayde Redwalde had receyued Ed­win, he ceassed not by his Ambassadours to moue Redwalde eyther to deliuer Edwyn into hys handes, or else to make him away.

At length by often sending, and promises made of large summes of money, mixed with threat­nings, 30 he obteyned a graunt of his suyte, so that it was determined that Edwyn shoulde eyther bee murthered, or else deliuered into his enimyes handes.

One of Edwynes friendes hauing intelli­gence hereof, in the night season came to Ed­wyns Chamber, and taking him forth abroade, tolde him the whole practise, and what was pur­posed agaynst him, offering to helpe him out of the countrey, if he would so aduenture to escape. 40

The honora­ble considera­tion of Edwin.Edwyne being wonderously amazed, than­ked his friend, but refused yet to depart the Coun­trey, sith hee had no iust cause outwardly giuen to play suche a slipper parte, choosing rather to ieoparde his lyfe wyth honour, than to giue men cause to thinke that hee had first broken promise with such a Prince as Redwalde was, to whom he had giuen his fayth.

Herevpon his friende departing from him, left him sitting without the doores: where after hee 50 had reuolued many things in his mind, & thought long vpon this matter, at length he perceyued one to come towards him vnknowne, & in strange ap­parell, seeming to him in euery poynt a straun­ger, at which sight for that he could not imagine who he shoulde be, Edwyn was much afrayde: but the man comming to him saluted him, and asked of him what he made there that time of the night when other were at rest. Edwyn on the other part asked what hee had to doe therewith and whether he vsed to lie abrode in the night, or within house: who aunswering sayde: Thinke not Edwyn that I am ignorant of thy heaui­nesse, of thy watching, and this thy solitarie sit­ting here withoute doores. For I knowe who thou art, wherefore thou art thus pensi [...], and what euilles thou fearest to be towardes thee at hande. But tell me, what wouldest thou giue him, that coulde deliuer thee out of this heaui­nesse, and perswade Redwalde that hee shoulde neyther do thee hurt nor delyuer thee to thine e­nimyes? Herewith when Edwyn sayde, that he woulde gladly giue all that in him might lye to suche a one in rewarde: the other added: what wouldst thou thē giue, if he should promise in good sooth that (all thy enimies beeing destroyed) thou shouldest be king, and that thou shouldest passe in power all the Kings whiche haue raigned in the English nation before thy time?

Edwyn then beyng better come to himselfe by such demaundes, did not sticke to promise that he would requite his friendship with worthy thāks.

Then replyed he to his wordes and sayde. I [...] he that shall prophecie to thee this good h [...]ppe to come shall also be able to [...]fourme thee such coū ­sail for thy health & life as neuer any of thy fore­fathers or kinsfolke yet haue heard, wouldest thou obey him, and consent to receiue his wholsom ad­uertisement? Whervnto without further delibera­tion Edwin promised, that he would in all points folow the instruction of him that shoulde deliuer him out of so many and greate calamities, and bring him to the rule of a kingdome. Which an­swere being got, this person that thus talked with him, layde his hande vppon his heade, saying, when thys therefore shall chaunce to thee, bee not forgetfull of this tyme, nor of this com­munication, and those things that thou nowe doest promise, see thou perfourme. And there­wyth [...]e vanished away, so that Edwin might well preceyue it was no manne but a vision that thus had appeared vnto him.

And as he satte still reioysing of this com­fortable talke, but yet thoughtfull in his mynde what he shoulde be, or from whence he came that had talked in this sort with him. Beholde hys friende returned that first had brought him forth of his Chamber, and declared vnto hym good newes, howe the King by the perswasion of the Queene had altered his determination, and min­ded to mainteyne his quarell to the vttermost of his power: and so hee did in deede: for wyth all diligence hee raysed an armie, and went agaynst Edelfride, vanquished him in battaile, and placed Edwyn in the Kingdome (as before yee haue hearde.)

[Page 161]Her vppon whilest, King Edwyn as before is mentioned def [...]ed [...] [...]ue he would receyue the Christian fayth, [...] our [...] vnto [...] he [...]at [...]ui [...]ing what hee were best to do, and layd his hand vpon his head, a [...] if he knew that signe: [...] king would haue fallen downe at his feete, he [...] y [...] vp, [...] it were in [...] wi [...]e thus [...] to him: Behold, by the assystance of Gods fauour thou hast escaped the handes of thyne [...] 10 whom thou stoodest in dread of: Behold through hys bounteous liberalitie, thou hast attempted the Kingdome which thou diddest desire, remember then that thou delay not time to perfourme the thirde thing that thou diddest promise, in recey­uing his fayth, and keeping his cōmaundements▪ which deliuering thee from worldly aduersities, hath thus aduaunced thee to the honor of a king and if from henceforth thou wilt obey his with which by my month hee setteth forth & preacheth 20 to thee and other, he will deliuer thee from euer­lasting torments, and make thee partaker wyth him in his celestiall kingdome.

It is to be thought that the vision which the K. had in times past receiued, was in spirite reuealed vnto Pauline, wherevpon without delay of time he put him in remembrance of it in maner as a­boue is mentioned.

The king hauing heard his words, answered▪ that he would & ought to receyue the fayth which 30 he taught, but first he woulde conferre with hys nobles and if they would agree to do the like, then would they be baptised altogither at one time.

Pauline satisfied herewith Edwin did as hee had promised, calling togither the wisest men of his realme,Elwyn con­sulteth with his nobles. and of them asked the question what they thought of this diuinitie, which was prea­ched vnto them by Paulyn, vnto whom his chief Bishop named Coiū,The answere of an heathen Bishop. incōtinently made this an­swere, that surely the religion which they had he­therto 40 followed was nothing worth. For sayth he, there is none of thy people that hath more re­uerently worshipped our Gods than I haue done, and yet be there many that haue receyued farre greater benefites at thy handes than I haue done: and therefore if our Godd [...]s were of any power, then would they rather helpe me to high honours and dignitie than others.

Therefore if it may be founde that this newe Religion is better and more auaileable than oure 50 olde, let vs wyth all speede embrace the same. Finally, when other of the Kings Counsayle and men of high authoritie gaue theyr consents, that this doctrine which Pauline taught ought to be receyued, if therein appeared more certaintie of saluation than could be found in the other:Pauline licen­ced to preach the Gospell. at length the king gaue l [...]nde to Pauline openly to preach the Gospell; and [...] his worship­ping of false god professeth the christian fayth.

And when he [...] of his Bishop [...] who shoulde first defay [...] the aulters of their Idols and the [...] with the whiche they were compasse [...] about he answered, that hee himselfe would do it. For what is more meete (sayth he [...]) thā that I, which through foolishnesse [...] wor­shipped them, should nowe for example sake de­stroy the same, through wisedome giuen [...] from the true & liuing God? And streight ways throw­ing away the superstition of vanitie, required ar­mo [...] and [...] of the king▪ with a stoned horse, vpon the which he being mounted, rode [...], to destroy the Idols.

This was a straunge [...]ight to the people▪ for it was not lawfull to the Bishop of their lawe to put on armour, or to ride on any beast, except it were a Matt. He hauing therefore a [...]ore gyrde to him, tooke a speare in his hande, and aiding on the kings horse, went to the place where the I­dols stoode. The common people that beheld him had thought he had b [...]ene starke mad, and out of his wittes: but hee without longer deliberation, incontinently vpon his comming to the temple, began to deface the same, and in contempt▪ threw his [...] against it, and reioysing greatly in the knowledge of the worshipping of the true God, commaunded his company to destroy and burne downe the same temple withall the aulters.

This place where ye Idols were somtime wor­shipped was not farre from Yorke, towardes the East part of the riuer of De [...]went, and is called Gotm [...]ndin Gaham, where the foresayd Bishop by the inspiration of God defaced and destroyed those aulters which he himselfe had hallowed.

King Edwyn therefore with all the nobilitie,King Edwyn with his peo­ple receyue the christian fayth. Beda. li. 2. cap. 14. and a great nūber of his people, receyued the faith and were baptized, in the yeare of our Lorde .627. in the tenth yeare of his raigne, and about the .178 yeare after the first comming of the English men into this lande.627 Hee was baptised at Yorke on Easter day (which fel that yere the day before the Ides of Aprill) in the Church of S. Peter the A­postle, which hee had caused to bee erected vp of timder vpon the sodaine for that purpose, and af­terwards began the foūdation of the same church in stone worke of a larger compasse, comprehen­ding within it that Oratorie which hee had fyrst caused to be built: but before he coulde finish the worke, he was slaine (as after shall bee shewed, leauing it to be performed of his successor Os­walde. Pauline continued from thenceforth du­ring the kings life, which was sixe yeares after in preaching the gospel [...] prouince, co [...]e [...]ing an [...] number of people to me fayth of Chryst, among [...]st [...]h [...] whiche were [...], and [...], the [...] of Edwyn [...] begot t [...]a [...] tyme of hys [...] [Page 162] Quinburga, the daughter of Cearlus King of Meccia. Also afterwarde [...] [...] children begot on his seconde wife Ethelburga, that is to say, a son called Edelhimus, and a daughter named Edil­trudis:Ediltrudis. and another sonne called Bust [...]ra, of the which the two first died in theyr Cradels, and were buryed in the Church at Yorke. To bee briefe: by the kings assystance and fauour shewed vnto Pauline in the worke of the Lorde, greate multitudes of people dayly receyued the fayth, 10 and were baptised of Pauline in manye places, but specially in the Ryuer of G [...]euy wythin the Prouince of Bernicia, and also in Swale in the Prouince of Deira: For as yet in the begynning thus of the Church in those Countreys, no tem­ples or fountes coulde be buylded or erected in so short a time.

Of such great zeale was Edwyn (as it is re­ported) towards the setting forth of Gods truth,This chaunced in the yeare 632 as hath Math. VVest. that hee perswaded Carpwalde the Sonne of 20 Redwalde King of the Eastangles to aban­don the superstitions worshypping of Idolles, and to receyue the fayth of Christ with all hys whole Prouince.

His father Redwalde was baptised in Kent long before this time, but in vaine: for returning home,Redwald king of Eastangles baptised. through counsayle of his wife and other wicked persons, he was seduced, and being turned from the sincere puritie of fayth, his last doings were worsse than his fyrst, so that according to 30 the manner of the olde Samaritanes, he woulde seeme both to serue the true God,Carpwalde woulde serue God and the diuell. and his false Goddes (which before time he had serued) and in one selfe Churche, had at one time both the Sa­craments of Christ ministred at one aulter, and Sacrifice made vnto Diuels at another.

But Carpwalde within a while after he had receyued the fayth, was slaine by one of his owne Countrey men that was an Ethnicke, called Richbert, and then after his death, that Prouince 40 for the terme of three yeares was wrapped eft­soones in errour,Sibert or Si­gibert. tyll that Sybert, or Sigibert, the brother of Carpwalde, a moste Chrystian Prince, and verie well learned, obteyned the rule of that kingdome, who whilest hee liued a bani­shed man in France during his brothers life time, was baptised there, and became a Christian: and when he came to be king, hee caused all his Pro­uince to be partaker of the same fountaine of life wherein he had beene dipped himselfe. 50

Vnto his godly purpose also, a Bishop of the parties of Burgoigne named Felix was a great furtherer, who comming ouer vnto the Archebi­shop of Canterburie Honorius that was succes­sour vnto Iustus, and declaring vnto him his earnest desire, was sent by the same Archbishop to preache the worde of life vnto the Eastangles, which he did with such good successe, that he con­uerted the whole countrey to the fayth of Iesus Christ,A Bishops [...] Dunwich and places the [...] of his Bishoprike at Dunwich, [...]ding the course of his [...] therein peace, after he had continued in that his Bishop­lyke office the space of .xvij. yeares.

Moreouer Pauline after that he had conuer­ted the Northumbers,Beda li. 2. cap. [...]. hee preached the worde of

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God vnto them of Lindsey, whiche is a parte of Lincolnshire:This [...] in the yeare 628. as [...]Mat. VVest. and first he perswaded one B [...]ecca the gouernor of the Citie of Lincoln to turne vn­to Christ togither with all his familie.

In that Citie he also buylded a Churche of stone worke.

Thus Pauline trauailed in the worke of the lord, the same being greatly furthered by the help of Edwin, in whose presence he baptised a greate number of people in the riuer of Trent, neare to a towne the which in the olde English tongue was called T [...]o vuifingacester. This Pauline had with him a deacon named Iames, the which shewed himselfe verie diligent in the ministerie, and pro­fited greatly therein.

But now to returne to king Edwin, who was a prince verily of worthy fame, and for the poly­tike ordering of his Countreys and obseruing of iustice, deserued highly to be commended:VVil. M [...] for in his time all robbers by the high way were so ba­nished out of his dominions, that a woman with hir new borne childe alone withoute other com­panie might haue trauayled from sea to sea, and not haue encountred with any creature that durst once haue offered hir iniurie.

He was also verie carefull for the aduaunce­ment of the commoditie and common wealth of his people,Mat. VVest. Beda. lib. 2. cap. 16. insomuch that where there were any sweete and cleare water Springs, hee caused postes to bee set vppe, and Iron dishes to be fast­ned thereto wyth Chaynes, that wayfaryng men might haue the same readie at hand to drink wyth: and there was none so hardye as to [Page 163] touch the same but for that vse: he vsed whereso­euer he went within the Cities or elsewhere a­brode, to haue a banner borne before him, in token of Iustice to be ministred by hys royall autho­ritie.

In the meane season, Pope Honorius the fift, hearing that the Northumbers had receyued the fayth (as before is mencioned) at the preaching of Pauline,Beda. li. 2. cap. 17. sent vnto the sayde Pauline the Pall, confirming him Archbishop in the Sea of Yorke. 10

He sent also letters of exhortation vnto king Edwin, to kindle him the more with fatherly ad­uice, to continue and proceede in the waye of vnderstanding, into the which he was entered.

At the same time also, bycause Iustus the Archbishop of Canterburie was deade, and one Honorius elected to that Sea, Pope Hono­rius sente vnto the foresayde Honorius the elect Archbishoppe of Canterburie, his Pall, with letters,A decree con­cerning the Archbishops of Canterburie and Yorke. wherein was conteyned a decree by him 20 made, that when eyther the Archbishoppe of Canterburie or Yorke chaunced to depart thys life, he that suruiued should haue authoritie to or­deyne another in place of him that was deceassed, that they shoulde not neede to wearie themsel­ues with going to Rome, beeing so farre distant from them. The copie of whiche letter is regy­stred in the Ecclesiasticall Hystorie of Beda, bea­ring date the thirde Ides of Iune in the yeare of our Lorde .633.633

The same Pope [...]ut letters also to the Scot­tish,The feast of Easter. people exhorting them to celebrate the feast of Easter in such due time as other Churches of the Christian world obserued:The heresie o [...] the Pelagian [...] and also bycause the Heresie of the Pelagians beganne to renue a­gaine amongest them, (as he was enformed) hee admonished them to beware thereof, and by all meanes to auoyde it.

But now that the Kingdome of Northum­berland flourished (as before is partly touched) in happie state vnder the prosperous raigne of Ed­wyn, at length after he had gouerned it the space of .xvij. yeares, Cadwalline,Cadwallin, o [...] Cadwallo kin [...] of Brytayne. or Cadwallo King of Brytaynes, who succeeded Cadwane, as Gal. Mon. hath, rebelled agaynst him: for so it commeth to passe, that nothing can be so sure cō ­fyrmed by mans power, but the same by the lyke power may be againe destroyed.

Penda king of Mercia enuying the prosperous proceedings of king Edwin,Penda king [...] Mercia. procured Cadwallo to moue this rebellion against Edwin: & ioyning his power with Cadwallo, they inuaded the coū ­trey of Northūberland ioyntly togither. Edwyn hereof aduertised, gathered his people, and came to encounter them, so that both the armies met at a place called Hatfield, where was fought a right sore and bloudie battaile.King Edwin slaine. Mat. VVest But in the end Edwin was slain with one of his sonnes named Osfrid,

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and his army beaten downe & dispersed. Also there was slain on Edwyns part, Godbald K. of Ork­ney. 50 Moreouer there was another of Edwyns sonnes named Edfride, constrayned of necessitie to gyue himself into the hands of Penda, and was after by him cruelly put to death (contrarie to his promised fayth) in king Oswaldes dayes, that succeeded Edwyn.

Thus did king Edwin end his life in that bat­taile, fought at Hatfield aforesayde, on the fourth Ides of October, in the yeare of our Lorde .633.Mat. VVe [...] hee beeing then aboute the age of .xlvij. yeares and vpwardes.

Cadwal and Penda hauing obteyned this vic­torie, vsed it most cruel [...]y. For one of the Cap­taynes was a Pagan, and the other wanting all ciuilitie, shewed hymselfe more cruell than any Pagan coulde haue done. So that Pen­da beeing a worshipper of false Goddes with all his people of Mercia, and Cadwallo hauing no [Page 164] respect to the christian religion which lately was begonne amongst the Northumbers,The crueltie [...]f Penda and Cadwallo. made ha­uocke in all places where then came, not sparing man, woman nor childe: and so continued in their furious outrage a long time, in passing through the countrey, to the great decay and calamitie of the christian congregations in those parties. And still the Christian Brytaines were lesse mercifull than Penda his heathenish souldiers. For euē vn­to the dayes of Beda (as he affyrmeth) the Bry­tains 10 made no account of the fayth or religion of the Englishmen, nor would communicate with them more than with Pagans, bycause they dif­fered in rites from their accustomed traditions.

When the countrey of the Northumbers was brought into this miserable case by the enimies inuasion,The Archbi­ [...]op Pauline [...]eeth into [...]ent. the Archbishop Pauline taking wyth him the Queen Ethelburga, whō he had brought thither, returned nowe againe with hir by water into Kent, where he was honourably receyued of 20 the Archbishop Honorius, and king Eadbald. He came thither in the conduct of one Bassus a vali­ant man of warre, hauing with him Eaufred the daughter, & Vulfrea the son of Edwyn and also Yffi the son of Osfride Edwins sonne, whō their mother after for feare of the kings Edbold & Os­wald did send into France, where they died.

The Church of Rochester at that time was destitute of a Bishop, by the death of Romanus, who being sent to Rome vnto Pope Honorius, 30 was drowned by the waye in the Italian Seas. Wherevppon at the request of the Archeby­shoppe Honorius, and King Eadbald, Pau­line tooke vpon hym the charge of that Sea, and helde it till he dyed.

[...]eda lib. 3. cap. 1. [...]rike king [...] Deira.AFter that Edwyn was slaine in battaile (as before yee haue hearde) Osrike the sonne of his Vncle Elfricke, tooke vpon hym the rule of the Kingdome of Deira, which had receyued the sacrament of Baptisme by the preaching and ver­tuous 40 instruction of Pauline.

[...]fred king of [...]rnicia.But the other kingdome of Northumber­lande called Bernicia, Eaufride th [...] sonne of E­delfred or Edelfride, tooke vpon him to gouerne.

This Eaufride during the time of Edwins raigne, had continued in Scotland, and there be­ing conuerted to the Christian fayth was bapti­sed. But both these Princes after they had ob­teyned possession of theyr earthly kingdomes, dyd forget the care of the heauenly kingdome, so that 50 they returned to their olde kind of Idolatrie. But the almightie God did not long suffer this theyr vnthankfulnesse without iust punishment: for first in the next Sommer, [...]he two kings [...] Northum­berland s [...]ain. when Osrike had rashlye besieged Cadwallo King of the Brytaynes, within a certayne Towne, Cadwallo brake forth vpon hym, and fynding him vnprouided to make resystance, slue him with all his armie.

And after thys, whilest Cadwallo not like a Conquerour gouerned the Prouynces of the Northumbers, but lyke a Tyran wasted and destroyed them, in slaying the people in tragi­call manner, hee also slue Eaufride, the whiche with twelue menne of warre, came vndiscretely vnto him to sue for peace, and thus within lesse than twelue Monethes space both these renegate kings were dispatched.

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THen Os­walde the sonne of Edel­fred,Oswald beganne his raigne in the yeare .635. Beda lib. 3. cap. 3. and bro­ther to the fore­sayde Eaufride was created K. of the Nor­thumbers, the sixt in number from Ida.

This Os­walde after that his father was slaine, liued as a banished person a long time within Scotlande, where he was baptised, and professed the christiā religion, and passed the flower of his youth in good exercises, both of minde and bodie.

Amongst other things, he practised the vnder­standing of warlike knowledge, minding so to vse it, as it might stande him in steade to defende himselfe from iniurie of the enimies that shoulde prouoke him, and not otherwise.

Hereupon Cadwallo King of the Brytayns made in maner no account of him: for by reason that he had atchieued such great victories agaynst the Englishe men, and hauing slaine theyr two Kings (as before is expressed) he ceassed not to proceede in hys tyrannicall doyngs, repu­ting the Englishe people for slouthfull, and not apt to the warre, boasting that he was borne to their destruction.

And thus being set vp in pryde of courage, he feared no perilles, but boldely withoute consi­dering at al the skilful knowledge which Oswald had sufficiently learned in feates of warres, tooke vppon hym to assayle the foresayde Oswalde, that had broughte an armie agaynst hym, and was encamped in a playne fielde, neare vnto the Wall whiche the Romaines had buylded in tymes past agaynst the inuasion of Scottes and Pictes.

Cadwallo straight prouoked Oswald to trie the matter by battaile, but Oswalde forbare the first day, and caused a Crosse to bee erected in the same place where he was encamped, in full hope that it should be an ensigne or trophy of his victo­rie, causing all souldiers to make their prayers to God, that in time of such necessitie it might please him to succour them that worshipped him.

[Page 165]It is sayde, that the Crosse being made, and the hole digged wherein it shoulde be set, he tooke the Crosse in his owne handes, and putting the foote thereof into that hole, so helde it till his soul­diers had filled the hole▪ and rammed it vp: And then caused al the souldiers to kneele downe vpon their knees, and to make intercession to the true and liuing God for his assistāce agaynst ye proud enimie, with whō they should [...]ight in a iust qua­rel for the preseruation of their people [...] & countrey. 10

After this, in the next morning he boldly gi­ueth battaile to his enimies, so that a sore and cruell fight ensued betwixt them. At length Oswald perceyued that the Brytaynes beganne somewhat to faint, and therfore he caused his peo­ple to renue their force, and more lust [...]ly to preasse forwarde, so that first he put that most cruell eni­mie to [...]light, and after pursuing the chase, ouer­tooke him,Beda. VVil. Malm. and slue him with the most part of all his huge and mightie armie, at a place called

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Denisseborne, but the place where hee caused the Crosse to be erected, height He [...]field.

And thus Cadwallo the most cruell enimie of the English name ended his life: He was terrible both in nature & countenance, for the which cause they say the Brytaynes did afterwards set vp his Image, that the same might bee a terrour to the enimies when they shoulde beholde it.

But here is to bee remembred by the Bry­tish 30 Historie of Gal. Mon. it shoulde appeare that Cadwallo was not slaine at all, but raigned victoriously for the space of .xlviij. yeares, and then departed this life, as in place afterwards it shall appeare. But for that the contrarietie in wryters in such poyntes may sooner be perceyued than reformed to the satisfying of mennes fan­cies whiche are variable, wee will leaue euery man to his libertie to thinke as seemeth him good, noting now and then the diuersitie of suche wry­ters, 40 as occasion serueth.

Penda. 636

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PEnda the son of Wil­ba succeeded in the gouernmēt of the kingdom of Mercia, af­ter Ciarlus, & beganne hys raigne in the 50 yeare of oure Lord .636. He was fiftie yeares of age before he came to bee king, and raigned .xxx. yeares, he was a Prince right hardie and aduenterous, not fearing to ieo­pard his person in place of danger; assured & readie of remembrance in time of greatest peril. His body could not be ouercome with any trauaile, nor his mind vanquished with greatnesse of businesse, but these his vertues were matched with notable vy­ces, as first with such bitternesse of maners as had not beene heard of, crueltie of nature, lack of cur­tesie, great vnstedfastnesse in performing of word and promise, and of vnmeasurable hatred toward the Christian religion.

Vpon confidence put in these his great ver­tues and vices from time that he was made king as though the whole Ile had beene due to him, he thought not good to let any occasion passe that was offered to make warre, as well agaynst his friendes and confederates, as also agaynst hys owne sworne enimyes. Part of his doings ye haue heard, and more shall appeare hereafter.

Of the kings of the East Saxons and East Angles, ye haue heard before: of whom in places conuenient yee shall finde further mention also, and so likewise of the kings of the South Sax­ons: but bycause theyr kingdome continued not past fiue successions, little remembrance of them is made by wryters.

Cadwallo or Cadwalline.

CAdwallo,Cadwallo, or Cadwalline. or Cadwalline, for we finde him so also named, began his raigne o­uer the Britains in the yere of our Lord .635.635 in the yeare of the raign of the Empero [...]r Heraclius .35. and in the .xiij. yeare of Dagobert king of France.

Of this man ye haue heard partly before tou­ching his dealings and warres agaynst the Nor­thumbers, [Page 166] and other of the English Nation: but forsomuch as diuerse other things are reported of him by the Brytish wryters, wee haue thought good in this place to rehearse the same in part, as in Gal. Mon. we finde written, leauing the cre­dite still with the authour, sith the truth thereof may the more be suspected, bycause other Au­thours of good authoritie, as Beda, Henrie Hun­tington, William Malm. and other, seeme great­ly to disagree from him herein. But this is it 10 written.

Edwin was not sonne to Ethel­fred but to Al­la, or Elle, as in [...]ther places it plainly ap [...]This Cadwallo, and Edwyn the sonne of Ethelfred, as Galfride sayth, were brought [...]p in Fraunce, being sent thither vnto Salomon king of Brytaine, by king Cadwane, when they were verie yong: and that after their returne into thys lande, when they were made kings, Cadwall of the Brytaynes, and Edwyne of the Northum­bers, there continued for the space of two yeares great friendship betwixt them, till at length Ed­wyn 20 requyred of Cadwallo that he might weare a Crowne, and celebrate appoynted solemnities within his dominion of Northumberlande, as well as Cadwall did in his Countrey. Cadwall taking aduice in this matter, as length by per­swasion of his nephew Brian, denied to gia [...] vnto Edwin his request, wherwith Edwin [...] such displeasure, that he sent word vnto Cadwall, that he would be crowned without his leaue ordi­cence, sith he would not willingly gra [...]ie it wh [...] ­vnto Cadwal answered, that if he so did, he [...] [...]ut off his head vnder his dia [...]eme, if he pre [...]ed to weare any within the cōfines of Britain. Here­of discord arising betwixt these two princes, they began to make fierce and cruell warre either of them against the other, and at length ioyning in battail with their maine armies,Cadwallo vanquished by Edwyn. Cadwall lost the field, with many thousands of his men, and being chased, fled into Scotlande, and from thence got ouer into I [...]eland,Cadwallo [...]eeth the lande. and finally passed the seas into Brytain Armorike, where of his cousin king Sa­lom [...]n he was curteously receyued, and at length obteyned of him .x.M. men to go with him [...]acke into his cūtry to assist him in recouery of his lād [...] and dominions▪ the which in the mean time were cruelly spoiled, wasted, & haried by king Edwin.

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The same time, Brian the nephew of Cadwallo whom he had sent into Britain a little before for to flea a certaine wisard or southsayer, which K. Edwin had gottē out of Spain, named Pelitus, that by disclosing the purpose of Cadwallo vnto Edwin greatly hindred Cadwalloes enterprises, had fortified the Citie of Exeter, meaning to de­fende it till the comming of Cadwallo, whervpon 50 Penda king of Mercia besieged that Citie with a mightie armie, purposing to take it, and Brian within it. Cadwallo then aduertised hereof, im­mediately after his arriuall hasted to Exeter, and deuiding his people into foure parts, set vpon his enimies, & tooke Penda, and ouerthrew his whole armie. Penda hauing no other shift to escape, sub­mitted himself wholy vnto Cadwallo, promising to become his liegemā, to fight against the Sax­ons in his quarell. And this Penda being sub­dued, Cadwallo called his nobles togither which had bene dispersed abrode a long season, and with all speede went agaynst Edwyn king of Nor­thumberlande, and slue him in battaile at Hat­fielde (as before is mencioned) with his sonne Os­fride, and Godbold, king of the Iles of Orkney, which was come thither to his ayde.

By this it should appeare, that Fabian hath gathered amisse in the account of the raignes of the Brytish kings: for it appeareth by Beda and others, that Edwyn was slayne in the yeare of our Lorde .634.634

And where Fabian (as before is sayd) attry­buteth that acte & diuerse other vnto Cadwan the [Page 167] father of this Cadwallo: yet both Gal. Mon. and Beda, with the most part of all other wryters, signifie that it was done by Cadwallo.

Harding assigneth but .xiij. yeares vnto the raigne of Cadwan, and declareth that he dyed in the yeare of our Lorde .6 [...]6. in the which yeare as he sayeth) Cadwallo began his raigne, which his opinion seemeth best to agree with that which is written by other authors.

But to returne to the other doings of Cad­wallo, 10 as we finde them recorded in the Brytishe Hystorie.

After hee had got this victorie agaynste the Northumbers, he cruelly pursued the Saxons, as though he ment so farre as in him lay, to destroye the whole race of them oute of the landes of all Brytayne▪ and sending Penda agaynst King Oswalde that succeeded Edwin, though at the first Penda receyued the ouerthrowe at Heauen­fielde, yet afterwardes Cadwallo hymselfe high­lye 20 displeased with that chaunce, pursued Os­walde, and fought with hym at a place called Bourne,Oswald slaine. where Penda slue the sayd Oswalde.

After that Oswalde was slayne, his brother Osunus succeeded him in gouernment of the Northumbers, and sought the fauour of Cad­wallo, now ruling as King ouer all Brytayne, and at length by great gyftes of golde and siluer, and vppon his humble submission, hee obteyned peace, tyll at length vpon a spyte, Penda King of 30 Mercia obteyned lycence of Cadwallo to make warres agaynst the sayde Osunus,Oswy. Math. VVest. 654 in the which (as it happened) Penda himselfe was slaine.

Then Cadwallo after two yeres graunted that Vlfridus the sonne of Penda shoulde succeede in the kingdome of Mertia.

And thus Cadwallo ruled things at his ap­poyntment within this lande, And finally when he had raigned .xlviij. yeares,678 676. sayth Mat. VVest. hee departed thys lyfe the .xxij. of Nouember. 40

His bodie being embalmed and dressed with sweet confections, was put into a brasen Image, by maruellous arte melted and cast, the whiche Image beeing set on a brasen Horse of excellente beautie, the Brytaynes erected aloft vppon the West gate of London called Ludgat, in signe of his victorious conquestes, and for a terror to the Saxons.

And moreouer the Church of Saint Martine standing vnderneath the same gate, was by the 50 Brytains then builded.

Thus haue the Brytaynes made mention of theyr valiaunt Prince Cadwallo, but diuerse men thinke that much of that Hystorie is but fa­bles, bycause of the dissonance founde therein so manifestly varying both from Beda and other autentike wryters (as before I haue sayde.)

The true hy­storie of king Oswalde.But nowe to the truth of the Hystorie tou­ching Oswalde King of the Northumbers,Oswald mea­neth to bee thankfull to God for his benefites. Beda. li. 3. ca. 3.5.6. Hector. Bo. wee finde after that he had tasted of Gods high fau [...]r extended to hymwardes, in vanquishing hys enimyes as one mynding to be thankfull there­fore, was desirous to restore agayne the Chri­stian fayth through hys whole Kingdome, [...]ore lamenting the decaye thereof wythin the same, and therefore euen in the beginning of his raigne, he sente vnto Donwalde the Scottishe King (with whome hee had beene brought vp in tyme of his banishment the space of .xviij. yeares) re­quiring him to haue some learned Scottish man sent vnto him, skilfull in preaching the worde of lyfe, that with godly Sermons and wholesome instructions, hee might conuerte the people of Northumberland vnto the true and liuing God, promising to entertaine him with such prouision as apperteyned.

At his instance there was sent vnto him one Corman, a Clerke singularly well learned,Corman. and of great grauitie in behauiour: but for that he wan­ted such facilitie, and plaine vtterance by waye of gentle perswading, as is requisite in him that shal instruct the simple, onely setting forth in his Ser­mons high mysteries, & matters of such profound knowledge, as vneth the verie learned might per­ceyue the perfect sense and meaning of his talke, his trauaile came to small effect, so that after a yeares remayning there, he turned into his coun­trey declaring amongest his brethren of the clear­gie, that the people of Northumberlande was a froward, stubburn & stiffe harted generatiō, whose minds he could not frame by any good meanes of perswasion to receiue the christian faith▪ so that he iudged it lost labor to spende more time amongst them being so vnthankfull & intractable a people, as no good might be done vpon them.

Amongst other learned and vertuous prelates of the Scots, there chaunced one to be there pre­sent at the same time called Aydan,Aydan. a man of so perfite life, that (as Beda writeth) he taught no o­therwise than he liued, hauing no regarde to the cares of this world, but whatsoeuer was giuē him by kings or men of welth and riches, that he free­ly bestowed vpon the poore, exhorting other to do the lyke.

This Aydane hearing Cormans words, per­ceiued anon that the fault was not so much in the people, as in the teacher, & therefore declared, yt (as he thought) although it were so that the people of Northūberland gaue no such attentiue eare vnto the preaching of that reuerend prelate Cormā, as his godly expectation was they should haue done, yet might it be that his vttring of ouer many my­stical articles amongst thē, far aboue the capacity of the vnderstanding of simple men, was ye cause why they so lightly regarded his diuine instructi­ons, whereas if he had (according to the counsaile [Page 168] of Saint Paule) at the first ministred vnto theyr tender vnderstādings,Saint Paules [...]ounfaile. only milke without harder nourishments, he might happely haue wonne a farre greater number of them vnto the receyuing of the fayth, and so haue framed them by lyttle and lyttle to haue disgested stronger foode. And therefore hee thought it necessarie in discharge of theyr duetyes towardes God, and to satisfie the earnest zeale of King Oswalde, that some one amongest them myght bee appoynted to goe 10 againe into Northumberlande, to trie by procee­ding in this maner afore alledged, what profite woulde thereof ensue.

The Byshoppes hearing the opinion of Ay­dane, and therewith knowing Cormans maner of preaching, iudged the matter to bee as Ay­dane had declared, and therevppon not onely allowed his wordes, but also willed him to take the iourney vppon him, sithe they knewe none so able, with effect to accomplish theyr wished de­sires 20 in that behalfe.

Aydan com­meth into [...]ngland to [...]reach the gospell.Aydane for that he would not seeme to refuse to take that in hande whiche he himselfe had mo­cioned, was contented to satisfie their request, and so set forwarde towardes Northumberland, and comming thither, was ioyfully receyued of King Oswalde, who appoynted him the Ile of Lindes­farne wherein to place the Sea of his newe Bi­shoprike.

This Aydane in one point varied from the vse 30 of the new begon Church of England,Beda. li. 3. ca. 3: Hector. Bo. that is to witte, touching the time of obseruing the feast of Easter, in like maner as all the Bishoppes of the Scottes and Pictes inhabiting within Brytaine in those dayes did, following therein (as they tooke it) the doctrine of the holy and prayse wor­thie father Anatholius. But the Scots that in­habited in the South partes of Irelande, alreadie were agreed to obserue that feast, according to the rules of the Church of Rome. But Aydane be­ing 40 thus come into Northumberlande, applyed himself so earnestly in prayer and preaching, that the people had him within short whyle in won­derfull estimation, chiefely for that hee tempered his preachings with suche sweete and pleasaunt matter, that all men had a great desire to heare him, insomuche that sometyme hee was glad to preache abrode in Churche yardes, bycause the audience was more than coulde haue rowmth in the Church. 50

One thing was a great hinderance to him, that he had not the perfite knowledge of the Sax­ons tongue. But Oswald himselfe was a great helpe to him in that matter, who beeing of no­thing so much desirous, as to haue the fayth of Christ rooted in the heartes of his subiects, vsed as an interpreter to report vnto the people in their Saxon tongue, such whole Sermons as Aydan vttered in his mother tongue.Beda. Oswalde [...] the [...] For Oswalde [...] ­uing bene brought vp (as ye haue heard) in S [...] ­lande during the time of his banishment, was [...] readie in the Scottishe, as he was in the Saxon tongue.

The people then seeing the kings earnest de­sire in furthering the doctrine set forth by Aydan, were the more inclined to heare it: so then it was a maruellous matter to note, what numbers of people dayly offred themselues to be baptised,Het. [...] inso much that within the space of seauen dayes (as is left in wryting) he christened .xv. thousande per­sons, of the whiche no small parte for sauing the world, betooke thēselues to a solitarie kind of [...].

Thus by his earnest trauail in continual prea­ching and setting forth the Gospell in that coun­try, it came to passe in the ende, that the faith was generally receyued of all the people, and such zeale to aduaunce the glorie of the Christian Religion dayly increased amongest them, that no where could be found greater.

Herevpon were no small number of Churches buyle in all places abrode in those parties by pro­curement of the king,Oswalde zeale to ad­uaunce reli­gion. (all men liberally cōsenting according to the rate of their substance) to be con­tributaries towardes the charges.

By this meanes the kingdome of the Nor­thumbers flourished, as well in fame of increase in religion, as also in ciuill policie and prudent ordi­nances: insomuch that (as Bede writeth) Oswald atteyned to suche power,Beda. li. 5. [...] that all the nations and prouinces within Brytaine which were deuided into four tongues (that is to say) Britains, Picts,Oswald [...] i [...] estimation with his neigh­bours. Scots, and Englishmen, were at his cōmaunde­ment. But yet was he not lift vp in any pride or presumption, but shewed himselfe marueylous curteous and gentle, and very liberal to poore peo­ple, and to straungers.

It is sayde that he being set at the table vpon an Easter day, hauing Bishop Aydan at diner then with him, his Almoner came in as ye Bishop was about to say grace, and declared to the king that there was a great multitude of poore folks set before the gates to looke for the kings almes. The king herewith tooke a siluer dish which was set on the table before him with meate & cōmanded the same meat streightways to be destributed amōgst the poore, and the dish broken into small peeces, & deuided amongst thē: for which act he was highly commended of the Bishop, as he well deserued.

By the good pollicie and diligent trauail of this king, the prouinces of Deira and Bernicia, which hitherto had beene at variaunce, were brought to peace and made one.

ABout the same time,Beda. li. 3. ca. 7 Birinus cō [...] ­teth the west Sax [...]s to the christian [...]. the West Saxons were conuerted to the Christian fayth, by the preaching of one Birinus a Bishop, the whiche came into this lande at the exhortation of Pope [Page 169] Honorius, to set foorthe the Gospell vnto [...] people which as yet were not baptised. By his di­ligent trauell in the [...]ordes haruest, [...]inigils [...]ing of west Saxon becōeth [...] Christiā. Cynigilsus or Rynigils one of the Kings of that countrey receyued the faithe, and was baptised about the fiue and twentith yeare of his raigne. King Os­wald that should haue his daughter in marriage, was present the same time; & [...]rstoere hee became a sonne in law, was made a Godfather vnto Ki­nigils (that should be his father in lawe) by recey­uing 10 him at the fontstone, in that his second birth of regeneration.Polidor. This B [...]inds was an Italian, & now that King Kinigils was become a Chri­stian, he appoynted vnto the sayd Byrinus the ci­tie of Dorcester situate by the Thames, distaunt from Oxforde about seuen miles,Dorcester or­deined a Bi­shops See. to be the See of his Bishopricke, where he procured Churches to be buylt, and by his earnest trauell and setting foorth the word of life, [...] the right beleefe.

In the yeare folowing, [...] the other King of the West Saxons [...] sonne to Ki [...] ­gils was also christned, and dyed the same yeare, and so then. Cinigilsus or Kinigils raigned a­lone.

In this meane while Penda King of Mer­cia that succeeded next after Ciailus,Hen. Hunt. being a mā giuen to seeke trouble in one place or other,This chanced in the yeare. 627. as Mat. West. hath. [...]ea­ [...]ied warre against the Kings of West Saxon, Kinigils and [...], the whiche gathering their power, gaue hym battell a [...] Ciren [...]ter, where both the parties fought [...] out to the v [...]ter­most, as though they had forsoo [...]ne to giue p [...]ace [...] to another in so much that they continued in fighte and in making of cruell slaughter [...] the night parted them in sunder. And in the mor [...]ing

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when they saw that if they should buckle togy­ther againe, the one parte shoulde vtterly destroy the other, they fell to agreemente in moderating eache others demaundes. 40

640 Beda. lib. 3. cap. 8. Mat. VVest.After this in the yeare of our Lord .640. Ead­bald King of Kent departed this life after hee had raigned .24. yeares, leauing his Kingdome to hys sonne Earconbert. This Earconbert was the firste of the Englishe Kings, whiche tooke order for the vtter destroying of all Idols through out his whole Kingdome.

He also by his royall authoritie,Lent first or­deined to be kept in Eng­land. commaunded the fast of fortie dayes in the Lente season to bee kept and obserued, appoynting worthy and com­petent 50 punishmente agaynste the transgressors of that commaundemente. Hee hadde by hys wife Segburg,Sexburga. that was daughter vnto Anna King of the East Angles, a daughter named Eartongatha, the which was professed a Nonne within the Monasterie of Briege or Ea­la in Fraunce:Almoious. For in these dayes, bycause there were not many Monasteries as yet buylded within this land, a great number of Englishmen that tooke vppon them the profession of a Religi­ous life, gote them ouer vnto Abbeyes in France, and there professed themselues Monkes: and ma­ny there were which sente their daughters ouer to be professed Nonnes within ye Nunneries there, and specially at Brige, Cale, and Andeley: a­mongst other, there were Sedrike the lawfull daughter, and Edelburgh the bastard daughter of the sayd King Anna, the whiche both in processe of time were made Abbeisses of the saide Mona­sterie of Brige.

Yee haue hearde already, how Oswald King of Northumberland bare himselfe in all poyntes like a most worthy Prince, not ceasing to releeue the necessitie of the poore, aduancing the good, and reforming the euill, whereby hee wanne to hym­selfe exceeding prayse and commendation of all good men, and still his fame encreased for his ver­tuous doings, namely, for the ardent zeale he had to the aduancing of the Christian fayth. Heere­vpon Penda King of Mercia, enuying the pro­sperous [Page 170] proceedings of Oswald, as he that could neuer abyde to heare the good report of other mēs well doings, began to imagine howe to destroy him, and to conquere his Kyngdome that hee might ioyne it to his owne. [...] the [...]. Bed. [...] King [...] slayne. At length he inuaded his countrey by open warre, met with him in the field at a place called Maserfield, & there in sharp and cruell fight Oswald was slayne on the [...]

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day of August in the yeare of our Lord .642. and in the .38. yeare of his age,Mat. VVest. Math. 644. after he had raigned the tearme of eyght or nine yeares after some, whych accompt that yeare vnto his raigne, in the whych his predecessors Osrick and Eaufride raigned, whome they number not amongst Kings, by­cause of their wicked appostacie, and renouncing 30 of the faith which before they had professed. Such was the ende of the vertuous Prince King Os­wald, beeing cruelly slayne by that wicked Ty­rant Penda. Afterwards for the opinion concey­ued of his holynesse, the foresayde Oswald was canonized a Saynt, and had in greate worshippe of the people,VVil. Malm. beeing the firste of the Englishe na­tion that approoued his vertue by miracles she­wed after hys departure out of this life.Oswy King of Nor­ [...]humberland.

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Beda. lib. 3. [...]ap. 14.AFter that Kyng Oswalde was slaine, his brother Oswy being about a .30. yeres of age, tooke vpon him the rule of the Kingdom of Nor­thumberland, gouerning ye same wt great trouble for the space of eyght and twentie yeares, be­ing sore vexed by the foresayde Penda Kyng of Mercia and his people, whiche as yet were Pa­ganes.

In the first yeare of his raigne, whiche was in the yeare of our Lorde .644.644 Pauline the Bishop of Rochester whiche had bin also Archbishoppe o [...] Yorke departed this life, and then one Thama [...] an Englishman of the parties of Kente was or deyned Bishoppe of Rochester by Honorius the Archbishoppe of Canterbury. Kyng Oswy had a partner with hym in gouernement of the Nor­thumbers in the first beginning of his raigne one Oswin, which was sonne to Osrick, so that Os­wy gouerned in Bernicia, and Oswin in Dei [...],Bernicia. and continued in perfect friendship for a season, till at length, through the counsell of wicked per­sons, that couered nothing so muche as to sowe discorde and variance betwixte Princes, they fell at debate, and so beganne to make warres the one agaynste the other, so that finally when they were at poynte to haue tried theyr quarrell in o­pen battayle, Oswin perceyuing that he had not an army of sufficiēt force to encounter with Os­wy, he brake vp hys campe at Wilfaresdowne, a tenne mile by West the Towne of Catarac­tone, and after withdrewe hymselfe onely with one seruant named Condhere vnto the house of Erle Hunwald, whome he tooke to haue bin hys trusty friende: but contrary to his expectation, the sayd Hunwalde did betray hym vnto Oswy, the whyche by his Captayne Edelwine slewe the sayde Oswin and hys seruaunte the foresayde Conhere, in a place called Ingethling, the thir­teenth Calends of September, in the ninth yeare of his raigne, whyche was after the birth of oure Sauioure .651.651

[Page 171]This Oswin was a goodly Gentleman of person, talle, and beautifull, and very gentle of speeche, ciuill in manners, and very liberall both to high and lowe, so that he was beloued ouer al. Suche a one he was, to bee brirfe, as Bishop Ay­dan gessed, that hee shoulde not long continue in life, for that the Northumbers were not worthy of so good & vertuous a gouernor. Such humble­nesse and obedience hee perceyued to [...] in hym towards the law of the Lord [...], in taking yt which 10 was tolde him for his better instruction in good part, that he sayd, he neuer sawe before that tyme an humble King.

The same Aydan lyued not past twelue days after the deathe of the sayd Oswin, whome hee so much loued, departing this world the last day of August, in the seuententh yeare after he was or­deyned Bishop. His body was buried in the Isle of Lindesferne.

After Aydan, one Finan was made Bishop in 20 his place, a Scottishman also, and of the Isle of Hu [...], from whence his predecessor the foresaid Ay­dan dame, being first a man of Religion professed in the Monasterie there (as some writers doe report.)

Cenwalch King of VVest Saxons.

Cen­walch. H. Hunton.

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IN the meane time, after ye Kinigils or Cinigilsus 30 Kyng of the West Saxons hadde raigned one & thirtie yeares, he departed this life anno .643.943 leauyng hys Kingdome to his son Cenwalch or Chenwald, who helde the same Kingdome the tearme of .30. 40 yeares, or . [...]1. (as some write) in manner as his fa­ther had done before him.R [...]. Higden. In the thirde, or as o­thers haue in the fifth yere of his raigne, Penda K. of Mercia made sharp warre against him, by­cause he had put away his wife ye sister of ye same Penda, and in this warre Cenwalde was ouer­come in battell, and driuen out of his countrey, so that hee fledde vnto Anna King of the East Angles, with whome hee remayned the space of a yeare, or as other haue three yeares, to his great 50 good happe: for before he was growen to be an e­nimie to the Christian Religion, but now by the wholesome admonitions and sharpe rebukes of King Anna, he became a Christian, and receiued his wife againe into his company, according to the prescript of Gods lawe, and to be briefe, in all things shewed himselfe to be a new man, embra­cing vertue, and auoyding vice, so that shortly af [...]er through the help of God, he recouered again his Kingdome. After that he was returned in­to his Kingdome, & had recouered the same, there cause a Bishop named (Agilbertus out of Are [...]ād,Agilbertus a Bishop. a [...] bor [...]e, but hauing remayned in Ire­land along time to reade the Scriptures. Thys Agilbert [...] into the prouince of the West Saxōs, was gladly [...]e [...]eyued of King [...]nwald, at whose desi [...] he tooke vppon him to exercise the [...] of a Bishop there, but afterwardes, when the sayd King admitted an other Bishop named Wins, which had [...] in Fraunce, and knewe the tong better than Agilbert, as hee that was borne in Englande: Agilbert [...] offended for that the King had admitted [...] without ma­king him of any counsell therein, returned into Fraunce, and there was made Bishop of Paris: within a few yeares after, the foresaid Win [...] was expulsed also by King Cenwald, who gote hym into Mercia vnto King V [...]lfhere, of whome hee bought the Bishopricke of London, which he held during his life, and so the countrey of West Sax­on remayned long withoute a Bishoppe, till at length the saide Agilberte [...] the request of Kyng Cenwald sent to him Eleutherius that was his Nephew.

Sigibert

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YEe haue hearde that after Carpe­wald, his bro­ther Sigilberte succeeded in rule of ye East Angles, a mā of greate ver­tue and wor­thinesse, who whilest hee remayned in Fraunce as a banished man, being constreyned to flee his countrey vp­pon displeasure that King Redwalde, bare hym, was baptised there, and after returning into hys countrey, and obteining at length the Kingdom,Beda. lib. 3. cap. 4. those things whiche hee had seene well ordred in Fraunce, he studyed to followe the example of the same at home, and heere vppon considering with himselfe that nothing coulde more aduaunce the state of the common wealth of his countrey than learning and knowledge in the tongs, beganne the foundation of certayne Scholes, and namely at Cambridge,The Vniuer­sitie of Cam­bridge foun­ded by King Sigibert. where children mighte haue pla­ces where to be instructed and brought vp in lear­ning vnder appoynted teachers, that there might bee greater numbers of learned men trayned vp than before time had bin within this land, to the furtherance of true Religion and vertue.

And thus hathe Englande good cause to haue in thankfull remembrance this noble Prince K. Sigibert, for all those hir learned menne whyche [Page 172] haue bin broughte vp and come foorth of that fa­mous vniuersitie of Cambridge, the first founda­tion, or rather renouation whereof was thus be­gunne by hym about the yeare of our Lord .630. At length,Bals hath .636. when this worthy Kyng beganne to growe in age, hee considered with himselfe howe hard a matter, and how painefull an office it was to gouerne a Realme as apperteyned to the due­tie of a good Kyng, wherevppon he determined to leaue the charge thereof to other of more conue­niente 10 yeares, and lyue from thencefoorth a pri­uate kinde of lyfe,Sigibert re­signeth his Kingdome to Egricus. and so resigning the admini­stration vnto hys kinsman Egricus, hee became a Monke, and ledde the rest of his life in a cer­taine Abbey. But shortly after it so came to passe that Penda Kyng of Mercia that cruell Eth­nike Tyrante made sore warres vppon Egricus, wherevppon the people of East angles compelled Sigebertus to come foorthe of his Monasterie, and to goe with them into the fielde agaynste Penda. Sigebertus beeyng thus constreyned a­gainst his wil, would not put on armour or beare any other kinde of weapon, than onely a wande in his hande in steade of a Scepter, and so the ar­my of the Eastangles in hope of good speede by the presence of Sigiberte, ioyned in battell with their enimies, but the East angles were finally vanquished, and the more part of them slaine,Sigibert [...] Egricus [...] to­gither with Sigiberte, and his cousin Egricus theyr King.

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The yeare in the which Sigiberte and Egri­cus were slayne in manner as is aboue rehearsed, was after the birth of our Sauioure as some haue 652.652 Baleu [...]. Beda. lib. 3. cap. 19. Furseus. In the dayes whilest Sigibert as yet ruled 40 the East angles, there came out of Irelande a de­uoute person named Furseus, who comming in­to the countrey of the East angles, was gladly receyued of Kyng Sigiberte, by whose help af­terwardes hee buylded the Abbey of Cumbres­burge, in the which Sigibert (as some haue writ­ten) when he renounced his Kingdome, was pro­fessed a Monke. Of this Furseus, many thyngs are writtē, the which for breefenesse we ouerpasse.

After that Felix the Bishop of the East an­gles 50 was dead, one Thomas was ordeyned in his place, who after he had bin Bishop fiue yeres, dyed, and then one Beretgils was ordeyned in his roomth by Honorius the Archbishop of Can­terburie. The sayd Honorius hymselfe when hee had runne the race of his naturall life, deceassed also in the yeare of our Lord .653. the last of Sep­tember.653

AFter Egricus succeeded Anna the sonne of Enus in the Kingdome of East Angle,Anne. and was likewise slayne by Penda King of Mercia,VVil. [...]. with the most parte of his army, as he gaue bat­tell vnto the sayde Penda that inuaded his coun­trey. He lefte behynde him many children,Edelhere king of East angle. but his brother Edelhere succeeded hym in gouerne­mente of the Kingdome, who was slaine by Os­wy the King of Northumberlande, togyther with the foresayd Penda, and woorthely, sith that hee woulde ayde that Tyrante whyche hadde slayne hys kinsman, and hys brother that were predecessors with him in his Kingdome.

After this, when the Sea of Canterbury had bene vacant by the space of one whole yeare and sixe Monethes,Deus Dedit. one Deus Dedit of the countrey of the West Saxons, was elected and consecra­ted by Ithamar the Byshop of Rochester the .7. Calends of April. He gouerned the Church of Canterbury by the tearme of nine yeres, four mo­neths, and two days. When he was departed this life, the foresayd Ithamar cōsecrated for him one Damianus of the countrey of Sussex.

Mercia receyueth the fayth.

[...]. hist. eccle. 3. cap. 21.

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ABout this time, the people of Mercia cō ­monly called midle An­gles, receyued the Chri­stian faythe vnder theyr Kyng named Peda,653 or Peada the sonne of Pen­da King of Mercia, the which being a towardly 10 yong Gentleman, and worthy to haue the guy­ding of a kingdome,Peda or Peada [...] of the [...]ddle angles his father Penda aduaunced him to the rule of that Kingdome of the middle angles during his own life. Heere may you note, yt the Kingdome of the midle angles was one, & the Kingdome of Mercia another, though most commonly the same were gouerned by one king. This yong Peda came to the king of Northum­berlande Oswy, to require of him to haue hys daughter Alchfled in marriage: but when he was enformed that he mighte not haue hir except hee would become a Christian, then vppon hearyng the Gospell preached, with the promise of the ce­lestiall ioyes and immortalitie, by the resurrectiō of the fleshe in the life to come, he sayde, that whe­ther hee had King Oswyes daughter to wife or not, he woulde surely be baptised, and chiefly hee was perswaded thereto by his kinsman Alchfride which had in marriage his sister the daughter of Penda named Cimburgh. He was therfore bap­tised by Bishop Fynnan, with all those whyche

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came thither with him,Ad murum. at a place called at ye wal. And taking with him foure priestes whiche were thought meete to teache and baptise his people, he returned with great ioy into his owne countrey. The names of those Priestes were as followeth, 40 Cedda, Adda, Betti, and Diuna, of the whyche, the last was a Scotte by nation, and the other were Englishmen. These Priestes commyng into the prouince of the middle angles, preached the worde, and were well hearde, so that dayly a greate number, both of the nobilitie and commu­naltie renouncing the filthy dregges of Idolatrie, were christned. Neyther dyd King Penda for­bidde the preaching of the Gospell within his pro­uince of Mercia, but rather he hated and despised 50 those whome hee knewe to haue professed them­selues Christians,The saying of K. Penda. and, yet shewed not ye workes of faythe, saying, that those were wretches, and not to be regarded, which woulde not obey theyr God in whome they beleeued. This alteration of things began, about two yeares before the deathe of King Penda.

The East Saxons eftsoones receyue the faith.

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ABout the same tyme,Beda. lib. 3. cap. 22. the East Sax­ons at the in­stāce of Oswy King of Nor­thumberlande, receyued efte­soones the faith which they had renoūced, whē they [...] their Bishop Melitus. Ye haue hearde tha [...] Se [...] ­red, Siward and Sigibert brethrē, and ye sonnes of King Sabert (which brethren occasioned the reuolting of that prouince from ye faith of Christ) were slayne in battel by the kings of West Sax­on, after whome succeeded Sigibert surnamed ye little sonne to the middlemost brother Siwarde as some write. This Sigibert the little lefte the Kingdome to an other Sigibert that was sonne to one Sigebald ye brother of king Sabert, which [Page 174] second Sigibert raigned as king in that prouince of the East Saxons, being a most especiall friend of King Oswy, so that oftentimes he repared in­to Northumberlande to visit him, wherevppon king Oswy ceassed not most earnestly at tymes conuenient to exhort him to receyue the faythe of Iesus Christ, and in the ende by suche effectuall perswasions as he vsed, Sigibert gaue credite to his words,King Sigibert receyued the fayth. and so beeing conuerted, receyued the Sacrament of Baptisme by the hands of Bishop 10 Finan, at the Kings house called, At the wall, so named, bycause it was built neere to the wall which the Romaynes had made ouerthwarte the Isle, as is often before remembred, being a twelue miles distant from the East Sea.

This was a­bout the yeare 649. as Math. West. hath noted.King Sigibert hauing now receiued the Chri­stian faith, when he should returne into his coun­trey, required king Oswy to appoynte hym cer­tayne instructors and teachers which might con­uert his people to the faith of Christ. King Os­wy 20 desirous to satisfie his request, sente vnto the prouince of the middle angles, calling from thēce that vertuous man Cedda,Cedda. and assigning vnto him another Priest to be his associate, sente them vnto the prouince of the East Saxons, there to preache the Christian faithe vnto the peo­ple. And when they had preached and taughte through the whole countrey to the great increase and enlarging of the Church of Christ, it chaun­ced on a time that Cedda returned home into 30 Northumberlande to conferre of certaine things with Bishop Fynan which kept his See at Lin­desferne, where vnderstāding by Cedda the great fruite whiche it had pleased God to prosper vnder his handes in aduancing the fayth amongst the East Saxons, hee called to him two other By­shops, and there ordeyned the foresayde Ced Bi­shop of the East Saxons.

Ced or Cedda Bishop of the East angles.Herevppon, the same Ced returning vnto hys cure, wente forewarde with more authoritie to 40 performe the worke of the Lord, buildyng Chur­ches in diuers places, ordeyned Priests and Dea­cons whiche mighte helpe him in preaching, and in the ministerie of Baptising, specially in the Citie of Ithancester vpon the riuer of Pente, and likewise in Tileburg on the riuer of Thames.

Tilbery.Whilest Ced was thus busie to the great com­fort and ioy of the Kyng and all hys people in the setting forwarde the Christian Religion with great increase dayly proceedyng, it chaunced tho­rough 50 the instigation of the enimie of mankynde the Deuill, that King Sigibert was murthered by two of his owne kinsmen which were brethrē, the which when they were examined of the cause that shoulde moue them to that wicked fact, they had nothing to alledge, but that they did it by­cause they had conceyued an hatred againste the King, for that he was too fauorable towards his enimies, and would with great mildnes of mind forgiue iniuries committed againste him: suche was the kings faulte, for the which he was mur­thered, bycause he obserued the commaundemēts of the Gospell with a deuoute hart: in the whyche his innocent death yet, his offence was punished, wherein hee had surely transgressed the lawes of the Churche. For where as one of them whyche slewe him kept a wife whiche he had vnlawfully married, and refused to put hir away at the Bi­shops admonition, he was by the Bishop excom­municated, and all other of the Christian con­gregation commaunded to absteyne from hys company. This notwithstanding, the Kyng being desired of him, came to his house to a ban­quet, and in his comming from thence met with the Bishop, whome when the King behelde, hee waxed afrayde, and alight beside his Horse, and fell downe at his feete, beseeching him of pardon for his offence. The Bishop which also was on Horsebacke likewise alight, and touching the K. with his rodde which he had in his hande, as one something displeased, and protesting as in the authoritie of a Bishop, spake these words,The authori­tie of a [...] bicause (saith he) thou wouldest not absteyne from en­tring the house of that wicked person beeing ac­cursed, thou shalte die in the same house, and so it came to passe.

Swidhelme.

Suid­helme. Beda. lib. 3. cap. 11. Mat. VVe [...]

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AFter Sig­bert succe­ded one Suid­helme in the kingdome of ye East Saxons, he was the son of Sexdalde, & baptised of Ced in the prouince of ye East An­gles, at a place of the kings there called Rendles­sham. Edelwald King of the East Angles (the brother of King Anna) was his Godfather at the fontstone. Ced the Bishop of the East Saxōs vsed oftentimes to visit his countrey of Northū ­berland, where he was borne,Beda. lib. 3. cap. 13. to exhort by Prea­ching the people there vnto godly life: wherevpon it chanced that King Edilwalde the sonne of K. Oswald whiche raigned in the parties of Deira, moued with the fanie of his vertuous trade of li­uing, had him in great reuerence: and therefore vpon a good zeale and great deuotion, willed him to choose foorth some plotte of grounde, where hee might build a Monasterie, in the which the kyng himselfe and other, might make prayer, and heare Sermons the oftner, and haue place where to bu­rie the dead. The Bishop consenting to the kings minde, at length espied a place amongst high and [Page 175] desert mountaynes, where he began the foundati­on of a Monasterie, afterwardes called Lesting­hem, and firste meaning to purge the place with prayers and fasting, he desired licence of the king that he might remayne there all the Lent season, whiche was at hande, and so continuing in that place for that time, fasted euery day (Sunday ex­cepted) from the morning till euening,The manner of the old fast. according to the manner, nor receyued any thing then, but only a little bread, and an Hennes egge, with a 10 little milke mixed with water: for he sayde, that this was the custome of them of whome hee had learned the forme of his regular order, that they should consecrate those places to the Lorde with prayer and fasting, whiche they lately had recey­ued, to make in the same eyther Church or Mo­nasterie. And when there remayned tenne dayes of Lent yet to come, he was sent for to the king: wherefore he appoynted a brother whiche he had, being also a Priest named Cimbill, to supply his 20 roomth, that his begun Religious worke should not be hindred for the Kings businesse. After that the time was accomplished, hee ordeyned a Mo­nasterie there,Lindesferne holy ilande. appoynting the Monkes of ye same to liue after ye rules of them of Lindesferne where hee was broughte vp. Finally this Bishop Ced comming vnto this Monasterie afterwardes by chance in the time of a sicknesse, dyed there, and left that Monasterie to the gouernance of an o­ther brother which he hadde, named Ceadda, that 30 was after a Bishop, as afterwardes shall be she­wed. There were foure breethren of them, and all Priestes, Ced, Cimbill, Ceulin, and Ceadda, of the which Ced and Ceadda were Bishop [...], [...] ­fore is sayd. About the same time,Beda. lib. 3. cap. 24. Oswy Kyng of Northumberlande was fore oppressed dy [...] watres of Penda the King of Mercia, so that hee made great offers of high giftes, & great rewards vnto the sayd Penda for peace, but Penda refu­sed the same, as he that meant vtterly to haue de­stroyed the whole nation of Oswies subiecte [...], so that Oswy turning himselfe to seeke help at the hands of the Almighty, sayd,Warre be­tweene King Oswy and king Penda. if the Pagane refuse to receyue the giftes which we offer, let vs make offers to him that knoweth to accept them: and so binding hymselfe by vowe, promised, that if hee might obteine victorie, he would offer his daugh­ter to be dedicate to the Lord in perpetuall virgi­nitie: and further, would giue twelue manors, Lordships or farmes, to the building of Mona­steries: and so with a small army he put hymselfe in hazard of battell. It is sayd that Penda hadde thirtie companies of men of war, furnished with thirtie notable Captaines or Coronels, agaynste whom came Oswy with his sonne Alchfride, ha­uing but a small army, but confirmed yet with hope in Christ Iesus. His other sonne Ecgfrid remayned in hostage at that time with Queene Cinuise. Edilwald the sonne of Oswald yt go­uerned Deira, and ought to haue ayded Oswy, was on the part of Penda against his countrey, and against his Vncle, but in time of the fight he withdrew himselfe aside, to behold what chaunce would follow. The battell being begun, the .xxx. Pagane Captaines were ouerthrowen, & put to flight, & those yt came to aide Penda, wer almost

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al slaine,The victory of the Nor­thumbers. amongst whom was Edilhere King of 50 the East Angles, that raigned after his brother Anna, and was the procurer of this warre. Thys battell was fought neere to the water of Inwet, the whiche being risen as then by reason of greate raine, drowned more of the enimies, than died of ye Northumbers swords. After that Oswy had obteyned this victory, hee performed promise in bestowing his daughter to ye professiō of virgini­tie, & also gaue ye .xij. manors, whereof .6. were in Deira, & .6. in Bernicia,Elfled. cōteining euery of the .10. housholds a peece. Elfled also K. Oswies daugh­ter was professed in the Monasterie of Herthew,Herteshey sayth Math. West. Hilda. where one Hilda was Abbesse, which Hilda pur­chasing a Lordship of .10. housholdes in Streane­shall, now called Whitby, builded a Monasterie there, in the which first the said Elfled was a no­uice, and after a Ruler, till at length, beeyng [Page 176] [...] of .40. yeares she departed this life, and [...] there, and so likewise was hir mo­ther [...], and hir Grandfather Edwin, with many other high estates within the Churche of Saint Peeter the Apostle. The victory aboue mencioned gote by King Oswy in the countrey of Leydes on the .17. Ealends of December,Leydes. and in the thirtenth yeare of his raigne, happened to the great commoditie and gayne of both the peo­ple, for by the same, hee deliuered his countrey of 10 Northumberland frō the cruell destruction made in the same by the Pagane people of Mercia, and conuerted those Paganes themselues, and the countreys neere to them adioyning wholly vnto the faith of Iesus Christ.

The first Bi­shop of MerciaThe first Bishop in the prouince of Mercia, and also of Lindefferne and the middle angles was one Drums, who died amongst the middle angles. The seconde was Cellach, the whyche leauing his Bishoprick, returned into Scotland, 20 for they were both of the nation of the Scottes. The third was an Englishman named Trum­here, but instructed and ordeyned of the Scottes.

He was Abbot of the Monasterie of Ingeth­lingum, beeing builded in that place where King Oswin was slaine (as before is mentioned.) For Q. Eaufled that was his kinswoman gote of hir husband King Oswy a place there for ye fore­sayd Trumhere to build that Abbey.

The victori­ous procee­ding of King Oswy.King Oswy after he had slayne King Pen­da, 30 he gouerned the people of Mercia, and also o­ther of the South prouinces, and subdued a great part of ye Pict [...]h nation to the English dominiō.

About the same time, King Oswy gaue vnto Peada the sonne of King Penda (bycause he was his kinsman) the countrey of the South Mercies, conteining .5000. housholdes,South Mercia. and separated from the North Mercies by the riuer of Trente. The countrey of ye Northmercies,North Mercia conteyned in those dayes seuen thousand housholders.659 But Peada 40 in the nexte spring was wickedly murthered th [...] ­rough treason of his wife (as was sayd in ye [...] of Easter. After that three yeares [...],Mat. [...] next ensuing the death of king Penda, the [...] of the countrey of Mertia, Immi [...] [...],Beda. lib. 3. cap. 24. and Eadbert rebelled against King Oswy, [...] one Wolfhere a yong Gentleman the [...] of Peda, and brother to Peada, wh [...]e they had kept in secrete to be their King, and [...] the Lieutenants of King Oswy, they [...] their owne confines and libertie withall, and so liuing in freedome with their owne naturall K. the foresayd Wolfhere, they also continued with glad hartes in seruice of the celestiall Kyng oure God and Sauioure.

Vulf­here. Beda. lib. 3. cap. 24.

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THis Wolf­here gouer­ned the Mercies seuentine yeres, the which Mer­cies during the reigne of ye sayd Vulfhere hadde foure Bishops, successiuely go­uerning ye chur­che of that prouince one after another, as the a­boue mentioned Trumhere, Iaroman, Ceadda, & Winfride, as after shall more at large appeare.H. Hana.

Aboute the beginning of King Wulfheres reigne, that is to witte,Math. VVest. in the seuententh yeare of the reigne of Cenwald King of the West Sax­ons, the same Cenwald fought with ye Britaines at Pennum, where the Britaynes being assem­bled in greate number, proudly encountred with the Englishmen, and at the firste put them to the worse, but when the Englishmen woulde in no wise giue it ouer, but stickt to their tackle at length the Britaines were put to flighte,The Britaines put to flight by Cenwald. so that ye posteritie of Brute receyued ye day an incu [...]able

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wounde. But within three yeares after, that is to witte, in the nineteenth yeare of the reigne of the foresayde Cenwald, he had not the like lucke in battell againste the foresayde Vulfhere King of Mercia,Cenwalde vanquished by Vulfhere. as he had before against the Britaines, for the sayd Vulfhere vanquishing him in ye field, passed through his countrey with a greate army vnto ye Isle of Wight, which he coquered, & dely­uered it vnto Adelwold K. of Sussex,Adelwold of Sussex. as a gifte at yt time, whē he receyued him at the fontstone after he had conuerted him to the faith. He gaue vnto Adelwold that Isle, to the ende hee shoulde cause the people there to receyue the faith of Christ.

After that Edelhere king of East angles was [Page 177] slayne as before is mentioned, his brother Edel­wald succeeded [...] that kingdome, raigning as king thereof by the space of nine yeres. Then after Etherwald, succeded Aldulfe ye son of [...]d [...]l­here in gouernement of that kingdome, and raig­ned [...] and twentie yeares. After Fina [...] the Bi­shop of the Northumb [...]es that held his see at Li [...] ­desferne,Beda. li. 3. cap. 24. Colman or­deined Bishop. as [...]ydan [...] before him, one C [...]lman was [...] Bishop, a [...]cot borne, and an ear­nest [...] of the [...] vsed amongst thē of 10 his nation, so that where the controuersie beganne to be [...] for the holding of the frast of Easter, he would by no meanes yeld to them that would haue perswaded him to haue followed ye ryte of ye Romane Church.Beda. lib. 3. cap. 25. There was a great disputatiō kept about this matter, and other things, as sha­uing or [...]uing of heares, and such like in the mo­nasterie of Whitby, at the which K. Oswy & hys son Alcfrid were present, where Colman for hys part al [...]dged the custome of Iohn ye Euangelist, 20 & of Anatholius, and the contrary side brought in profe of their opinio, ye custome of Peter & Paule. At length whē Bishop Colman perceyued yt his doctrine was not so much regarded as he thought of reason it ought to haue bene, he returned into Scotlād with those,Controuersie about shauing of crownes. which taking part with him, refused to obserue the feast of Easter according to the custome of the Churche of Rome, nor woulde haue their crownes shauen,Cap. 26. about whiche poynte, no small reasoning had bin kept. This disputati­on 30 was holden in the yeare of our Lord .664.664 and in the yeare of the raigne of K. Oswy .22. and in the .xxx. yeare after that the Scottishmen began first to beare the office of Bishops within Nor­thumberland, which was as Harrison sayth .634. For Aidan gouerned .17. yeares, Finan .10. yeres, and Colman .3. yeares.Tuda ordey­ned Bishop. After that Colman was returned into his countrey, one Tuda that hadde bin brought vp amongst ye Southerne Scottes, & ordeined Bishop by them, succeded in his roomth, 40 hauing his crowne shauen, & obseruing the feast of Easter according to ye custome of the prouince & rite of ye Romane Church.Cap. 27. An eclipse. Punishment of God for yelding to superstition. The same yere, there chanced a great Eclipse of the sunne. The thirde of May about ten of the clocke in the day, a great dearth & mortalitie ensued, both in all the parties of this our Britayne, and likewise in Ireland. A­mongst other, the foresand Bishop Tuda dyed, & was buried in the Abbey of Pegnalech. After thys Tuda succeeded in gouernment of the Church of 50 Lindesferne,Wilfrid Bishop. otherwise called holy ilād, one Wil­frid which was sent by K. Alcfride into Fraunce, to be ordeyned there. About the same time Kyng Oswy, the father of K. Alcfride, moued with the good example of his son, sent Ceadda, the brother of Ced sometime Bishop of ye East Saxons into Kent to be ordeyned Bishop of Yorke,Cap. 28. but at hys comming into Kent he found that Deus dedit the Archbishop of Canterbury was dead, and none other as yet ordeyned in his place, so that Ceadda repaired into the prouince of the West Saxons, where hee was ordeined by Bishop Winy,Ceadda ord [...] ­ned Archbi­shop of York [...]. who toke two other Bishops of the Brittish in [...] vn­to him to be his associates, whiche vsed to [...]bse [...]ne the feast of Easter contrary to the custome of the Romane Church: but there was no other [...]e, for there was none other Bishop canonically or­deined in ye prouince of the West Saxos in those days, th [...]s Wini only excepted; & therfore was he constreyned to take such as he might get. After ye Ceadda was thus ordeyned, hee began forthwith to follow ye true rules of ye Church, he liued right chastly, shewed hymselfe humble & continent, ap­plyed his study to reading, and trauelled abroade on foote: and not on horsebacke through the coun­treys, townes and villages, for to preache ye word of God. He was the Disciple of Aydan, & coueted by his example, & also by the example of his bro­ther Ced, to instruct his hearers with the like do­ings and manors as he had knowen them to do. Wilfrid also being consecrated Bishop, and re­turned into England, endeuored to plant the or­ders of the Romane Churche in the Churches of England, whereby it came to passe, that ye Scots which inhabited amongst the Englishmen, were constreyned eyther to followe the same, or else to returne into their owne countrey.

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IN this mean time,Egbert. Egbert King of Kent. K. [...]rcombert beeing de­parted this life after hee had gouerned the Ken­tishmen by the space of twentie yeres, his sonne Egbert succeeded hym in the Kingdome, and raigned nine yeares.

There is little remē ­braunce of his doyngs, which in that short time were not much notable, except y [...] will ascribe the comming into this land of the Archbishop Theodorus, and the Abbot A­drian, vnto his glory, which chanced in his tyme. For in the yere of ye great eclipse, & sore mortalitie that ensued, it chanced, that both K. Ercomberte, and the Archbishop Deus dedit departed this life, so that the See of Canterbury was voyde a cer­tayne time, in so muche, that King Egbert that succeeded his father Ercomberte,Bed. li. 3. cap. 29. togither with King Oswy, did sende one Wighart a Priest of good reputation for his excellent knowledge in the Scriptures, vnto Rome with great gifts, and riche vessell of gold and siluer to be presented vn­to the Pope requiring him that he would ordeine the foresayde Wighard Archbishop of Canterbu­ry to haue rule of the English Church.Wighart. But th [...]s Wighart comming vnto Rome, and declaring [Page 178] his message vnto Vitalianus that then gouerned the Churche of Rome, immediately after he dy­ed of the pestilēce (that then raigned in that citie) with all those yt came with him.Beda. li. 4. cap. 1. The Pope then taking aduice whome hee mighte ordeyne to the See of Canterbury, beeing thus destitute of an Archbishop,Adrian. he appoynted a Monke named Adri­an to take that office vpon him, but Adrian excu­sed himselfe as not sufficiente for suche a roomth, and required the Pope to ordeyne one Andrew a 10 Monke also, wherevnto the Pope consented, but when Andrew was preuented by death, eftsoones Adrian shoulde haue bin made Archbishoppe, but that he named one Theodore an other Monke that abode as then in Rome, but was borne in the Citie of Tharsus in Cilicia, very wel learned both in the Greeke and Latine, and being of re­uerend yeres, as of .76. This Theodore by ye pre­sentmen of Adrian, was appointed to be ordeined Archbishop of Canterbury, with condition, that 20 Adrian should neuerthelesse attend vpon him into England, both for yt he had bin twice before thys time in Fraunce, and so knew the coastes, and a­gaine, for that he might assist him in all thyngs, and looke well to ye matter, that Theodore should not bring into the Church of England any ryte or custome of the Greekes, contrary to the vse of the Romane Churche. Theodore being first or­deyned subdeacon, tarried four monethes till hys heare wer growē, that he might haue his crowne 30 shauen, after the manner of Peter. For he was rounded or shauen after the manner of the East Church, which was as they perswaded thēselues, according to the vse of S. Paule the Apostle.Theodore or­deined Arch­bishop of Can­terbury. 668 And so at length was this Theodore ordeyned Arch­bishop of Canterbury by Pope Vitalianus in the yere of our Lord .668. the sixth Kalends of Iune, and with Adrian sente into Britaine, they tooke their iourney to come through Fraunce, and so being come thither, shortly after K. Egbert hadde 40 knowledge thereof: wherevpon with all conueni­ent speede, hee sente ouer one of his nobles named Redfrid to bring the Archbishop into Englande, and so he did: but Adrian was stayed for a tyme, bycause he was suspected to haue had some com­mission frō the Emperour to haue practised with the Englishmen, for the disquieting of ye Realme of France. But after it was perceiued that thys suspition was grounded of no troth, he was also suffered to folow ye Archbishop, and so comming 50 vnto Canterbury, he was made Abbot of ye Mo­nasterie of S Augustines. The Archb. Theo­dore came thus to his Churche of Canterbury in the seconde yeare after his consecration, about the second Kalends of Iune, being Sunday.

He gouerned the same Churche .21. yeres and 16. days, and was the first Archbishop to whome all the Churches of Englande did acknowledge their obeysance. He being accompanyed with the foresaid Adrian, visited all the parts of this land▪ ordeyned Bishops and Ministers in Churches where he thought conuenient, & reformed ye same Churches as seemed to him needefull, as well in other things which he misliked, as also in causing them to obserue the feast of Easter,Ran. Ces [...] Math. VV [...]. according to the ryte and vsage of the Church of Rome. Ce­adda that was Bishop of Yorke, bicause hee was not lawfully ordeyned, as he himselfe confessed, was remoued from the Sea of Yorke,Beda. and Wil­frid was thereto restored, so that Ceadda (though he were not disgraded of his degree of Bishop) li­ued yet a priuate kind of life, till he was admitted Bishop of Mercia, as after shall be shewed.Singing in Churches broug [...] [...] vse. And whereas before time there was in manner no sin­ging in the Englishe Churches, except it were in Kent, now they begā in euery Church to vse sin­ging of diuine seruice after the ryte of the Church of Rome. The Archbishop Theodore finding the Church of Rochester voyde by the death of ye last Bishop named Damian, he ordeyned one Putta a simple man in worldly matters,Putta [...] of Rochester. but well in­structed in ecclesiasticall discipline, & namely well seene in song and musicke, to be vsed in ye Church after the manner as he had learned of Pope Er [...] ­gories disciples. To be briefe,The [...] prayse of The­odore and Adrian. ye Archbishop The­odore, and the Abbot Adrian deserued great com­mendation in this, that where they were notably well learned themselues in the Greeke and La­tine tongues, and also hadde good knowledge as well in the liberall artes, as in the Scripture, they tooke great paines to train vp Scollers in know­ledge of the same, so that the Englishmen had not seene more happy times than in those dayes,Englishmen happy & [...]. ha­uing as then kings of great puissāce, so as stran­gers stoode in feare of them, and againe, those that coueted learning, had instructors at hand to teach them, by reason whereof, diuers being giuen to studie, prooued excellent both in knowledge of the Greeke and Latine.Beda Benedict or Benet ser [...] ­sed Bisc [...]. There came in company of the said Archbishop from Rome, an English­man named Benedict Biscope, which had taken vppon him the habite of a Monke in Italy, and nowe returning into his countrey, builded two Abbeyes, the one named Wyremouth, bycause it was placed at the mouth of the Riuer of Wire, and the other Girwy, distante from Wiremouth about fiue miles, and from the towne of Newe-Castell foure miles, situate neere to the mouth of Tine.970 Wiremouth was builte in the yeare .670. and Girwy in the yeare .673. There were a .600. Monkes founde in those two houses, and gouer­ned vnder one Abbot.

The sayd Benedict was the first that brought Glasiers,Glasiers [...] brought [...] Englande. Ran. Ces [...] Painters and other such curious crafts­men into Englād. He went fiue times to Rome, and came agayne.

[Page 179]ABout the same time, after that Suidhesin K. of the East Saxons was dead, Sighere the sonne of Sigbert the little, and Sebby the sonne of Suward succéeded him in gouernemēt of that kingdome, albeit they were s [...]drē [...] vnto Vul [...]here the king of Mercia.Beda. lib. 3. cap. 30. Sighere in that time, when the great mortalitie raigned, renounced the fayth of Christ, with that part of the people whiche hee had in gouernemente, for both the same Sighere and other of his chiefest Lordes, and also parte of 10 hys commons louing this life, and not regarding the life to come, began to repaire their Idolishe Churches, and fell to the worshipping of Idols, as though thereby they should haue bin defended from that mortalitie. But his associat Sebby with greate deuotion continued stedfast in the faith which he had receiued. King Vulfhere being enformed of Segheres apostacie, and howe the people in his part of the prouince of East Saxōs were departed from the faith, he sente thither Bi­shop 20 Iaruman or Iaroman,Bishop Iaru­man or Iaro­man. that was successor vnto Trumhere, which vsed such diligence & god­ly meanes, that he reduced the said K. and all his people vnto the right beleefe, so as the Idoltishe Sinagogues were destroyed, and the Idols with their aulters beaten down, ye Christian Churches again set opē, & the name of Christ eftsones called vpō amongst ye people, coueting now rather to die in him wt hope of resurrectiō in ye world to come, than to liue in ye seruice of Idols, spotted with the 30 filth of errors and false beleefe. And thus whē Bi­shop Iaroman had accomplished the thing for ye which he was sent, he returned into Mercia.

After this, when the said Iaruman was depar­ted this life, K. Vulfhere sent vnto ye Archbishop Theodorus, requiring him to prouide ye prouince of the Mercies of a new Bishop. Theodorus not minding to ordeyne any new Bishop at yt time, required of Oswy K. of Northumberlande, that Bishop Cead mighte come into Mercia to exer­cise 40 the office of Bishop there. This Cead lyued as it were a priuate life at that time in his Mo­nasterie of Lestingham, for Wilfrid held the Bi­shoprike of Yorke, extending his authoritie ouer all Northumberland & amōgst the Pictes also, so farre as K. Oswies dominion stretched. There­fore Cead hauing licēce to goe into Mercia, was gladly receyued of K. Vulfhere, & wel entertay­ned, in so muche, that the saide K. gaue vnto him lands and possessions conteining fiftie families or 50 housholds to build a monasterie in a certain place within the countrey of Lindsey called Etbearue. But the See of his Bishopricke was assigned to him at Litchfield in Staffordshire, wher he made him a house neere to the Church, in the whych he with .7. or .8. other of his brethren in Religion, v­sed in an oratory, there to pray and reade so often as they had leasure from laboure and businesse of the world. Finally, after he hadde gouerned the Church of Mercia by ye space of two yeres and an halfe, hee departed this life, hauing .7: dayes war­ning giuen him (as it is reported) from aboue, be­fore he should die, after a miraculous maner. His body was first buried in the Churche of our La­dy, but after that the Churche of Saint Peeter the Apostle was builded, his bones were transla­ted into the same.

In the yeare of our Lord .671. whiche was the seconde yeare after that Theodorus the Archby­shop came into this lād,671 Oswy K. of Northum­berland was attached with a greeuous sicknesse,Mat. VVest. and dyed thereof the fiftenth Kalends of March, in the .58. yere of his age, after he had raigned .28. yeares complete.

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AFter Os­wy,Ecg­frid. Beda. li. 4. ca. 5 [...] Mat. VVest. hys sonne Ecgfrid succeeded in rule of ye king­dome of Nor­thumberlande, in the thirde yeare of whole raigne, that is to witte, in the yeare of oure Lorde .673.673 A Synode hol­den at Herford Theodorus the Archbi­shop of Canterbury kept a Synode at Herforde, the first session wherof began the .24. of Septem­ber, all the Bishops of this land being present, ei­ther in person or by their deputies, as Biti the Bishop of East angles, Wilfrid the Bishoppe of the Northumbers by his deputie, Putta Bishop of Rochester, Leutherius Bishop of the West Saxons, and Winfrid Bishop of Mercia. In the presence of these Prelates, the Archbishop shewed a booke,Articles pro­poned by Theodore. wherein he hadde noted ten Chapters or Articles taken out of the booke of the Canons; re­quiring that the same might be receyued.

The first Chapter was, that the feast of Easter should be kept, the Sunday following the foure­tenth day of the first moneth.

The second, that no Bishop should entermed­dle within an others diocesse, but bee contented with the cure of his flocke committed to him.

The thirde, that no Bishop should disquiet in any thing any Monasterie consecrated to God, nor to take by violence any goodes that belouded to the same.

The fourth, that Bishoppes beeing Monkes should not goe from Monasterie to Monasterie, except by sufferance and permission of their Ab­bots, and shoulde continue in the same obedience wherein they stoode before.

The fifth, that none of the Eleargie should de­part from his Bishop to runne into any other di­ocesse, nor comming from any other place should [Page 180] be admitted, except he brought letters of testimo­nie with him. But if any such chanced to be recei­ued, if hee refused to returne, being sent for home, both he & his receyuer shuld be excommunicated.

The sixt, that Bishops & other of the Cleargie beeing straungers, shoulde holde them contented with the benefite of hospitalitie, & should not take in hand any priestly office, without licence of the Bishop, in whose diocesse hee chaunced so to bee remayning. 10

The seuenth, that twice in the yeare a Synod should be kept, but bycause of diuers impedimēts heerein, it was thoughte good to them all, that in the Kalendes of August a Sinode shoulde bee kepte once in the yere, at a certayne place called Cloofeshough.

The eyght Chapter was, that no one Bishop should by ambition seeke to be preferred afore a­nother, but that euery one shoulde knowe the tyme and order of his consecration 20

The ninth, that as the number of the Christi­ans increased, so shoulde there bee mo Bishoppes ordeyned.

The tenth was touching marriages, that none should contract matrimony with any person, but with suche as it shoulde bee lawfull for hym to doe by the orders of the Churche: none shoulde matche with their kinsfolke, no man shoulde for­sake hys wife, except as the Gospell teacheth, for cause of fornication. But if any man did put a­way 30 his wife whiche hee hadde lawfully mar­ried, if hee woulde bee accompted a true Christi­an, hee myght not be coupled with an other, but so remayne, or else bee reconciled to his owne wife againe.

These Articles being intreated of and conclu­ded, were confirmed with the subscribing of all their hands, so as al those that should goe against the same, shoulde be disgraded of their priesthood, and bee separated from the company of them all. 40

Bisi Bishop of the East Angles.

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THe foresayd Bisi yt was Bishoppe of the East Angles, & presente at thys Sinode, was successor vnto Bonifacius, whiche Bonifacius helde that see .17. 50 yeares, and then he being departed this life, Bisi was made Bishop of that prouince, and ordeined by the Archbishop Theodor. Thys Bisi at length was so visited with sicknesse, that hee was not able to exercise the ministration, so that then there were two Bishoppes elected, and consecrated for him, the one named Aecci, and the other Baldwin.

In this meane while, that is to say,872 about the yere of our Lord .872. or beginning of ye .873. as Harrison noteth, Kenwalch King of the West Saxons departed this life, after hee had raigned 30. yeares. This Kenwalk was such a Prince,Mat. [...] dereg [...]. as in the beginning, he was to be compared with the worst kind of rulers, but in the middest and later ende of his raigne, hee was to bee compared with ye best. His godly zeale borne towards the aduan­cing of the Christian religion wel appeared in the building of the Church at Winchester, where the Bishops Sea of al that prouince was thē placed.

His wife Sexburga ruled the Kyngdome of West Saxons after him, a woman of stoutues ynough to haue atchieued actes of worthy remē ­brance, but being preuented by deathe ere she had raigned one whole yeare, she could not shewe any full proofe of hir noble courage.

I remember that Math. West. maketh other report hereof, declaring that the nobilitie remoued hir from the gouernement. But I rather followe William Malmes. in this matter.

TO proccede therefore, after yt Sexburga was departed this life, or deposed,Escui­nus. if you wil nedes haue it so, Escuinus or Elcuinus, whose Grand­father called Cuthgislo, ye brother of K. Kinigils succeded in gouernmēt of ye West Saxons,VVil. Mal. reig­ning about ye space of two yeres: and after his de­cesse, one Centtuinus or Centwine tooke vppon him the rule, and continued therein the space of nine yeares. But Bede sayth that these two ru­led at one time, and deuided the kingdom betwixt them. Elcuinus fought against Vulfhere Kyng of Mercia, a greate number of men being slayne on both parties,Hen. [...]. though Vulfhere yet had after a manner the vpper hand, as some haue written.

In the same yere that the Sinode was holden at Herford,Beda. lib. [...] cap. sup. [...]. that is to say in the yeare of our Lord 673. Ecgbert the King of Kent departed this life in Iuly,King Locius. and lefte the Kingdome to his brother Lothore, which held the same eleuen yeares, and seuen monethes.VVil. Malm. Beda. dereg. lib. 1. Thunnir. A vile ma [...] ­ther. Some haue written that King Egbert by the suggestion of one Thunnir, who had the chiefe rule of the kingdome vnder him, suffered the sayde Thunnir to put vnto death E­thelbert or Ethelbright, whiche were the sonnes of Ermenredus the brother of King Ercombert, that was father vnto king Egbert, for doubt le [...]t they being towardly yong Gentlemen, myghte in tyme growe so into fauor with the people, that it shoulde bee easie for them to depriue both Eg­bert, and his issue of the Kyngdome. Also, that they were priuily put to death, and priuily buried at the firste, but the place of their buriall imme­diately beeyng shewed after a miraculous manner, theyr bodyes long after in the dayes of Kyng Egilrede the sonne of Kyng Edgar, [Page 181] were taken vp, and conueyed vnto Ramsey, and there buried. And although Egbert being giltie of the death of those his cousins, did sore repent him, for that he vnderstoode they dyed giltlesse, yet hys brother Lothaire was thought to be punished for that offence as after shall be shewed.

Bishop Win­frid deposed.Winfrid Bishop of the Mercies, for cause of disobedience in some poynt, was depriued by the Archbishop Theodore,Sexvulfe or­deyned Bishop of the Mercies and one Sexvulfe that was the buylder and also the Abbot of the Mo­nasterie 10 of Meidhamstede, otherwise called Pe­terborrough, was ordeyned and consecrated in his place.675. as Math. West. hath. Bishop Erken­walde. About the same time, Erkenwalde was ordeyned Bishop of the East Saxons, and ap­poynted to hold his See in the Citie of London. This Erkenwalde was reputed to bee a man of great holynesse and vertue. Before he was made Bishoppe, hee buylded two Abbeyes, the one of Monkes at Chertsey in Sowtherie, where hee himselfe was Abbot, and the other of Nunnes at 20 Berking, within the prouince of the East Sax­ons,Ethelburga. where he placed his sister Ethelburga a wo­man also highly esteemed for hir deuout kinde of life.Iohn Cap­graue. She was firste brought vp and instructed in the rules of hir profession by one Hildelitha a Nunne of the parties of beyond the Sea, whome Erkenwald procured to come ouer for that pur­pose.Waldhere. Sebby king of East Saxōs. Beda. lib. 4. cap. 61. After Erkenwald, one Waldhere was made Bishop of London, in whose dayes Sebby king of the East Saxons, after hee had raigned thirtie 30 yeares, beeing nowe vexed with a greeuous sick­nesse. professed himselfe a Monke: whiche thyng he would haue done long before, if his wife hadde not kept him backe. Hee died shortly after within the Citie of London; and was buried in the Church of Saint Paule. King Sighere whyche in the beginning raigned with him,VVil. Mal [...] and gouerned a parte of the East Saxons, was departed thys life before, so that in his latter time, the foresayde Sebby had the gouernemente of the whole pro­uince of the East Saxons, and left the same to his sonnes Sighard and Sewfred.

About the yeare of our Lorde .675.675 Vulfhere King of Mercia departed this life, after hee hadde raigned as some haue .19. yeares,VV. Mal. But other affirme that [...] raigned .17. yeares. Beda. Peada or ra­ther Weada. but as other af­firme, hee raigned but .17. yeares. Howbeit they which reckē nineteene, include the time that pas­sed after the slaughter of Penda, wherein Oswy and Peada held the aforesayde Kingdome.

King Ethelred.

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AFter Vulf­here,Edilred hys brother Edil­red or Ethel­red succeeded in gouernemēt of the Kyng­dome of Mer­cia. This Edilred inuaded the Kyngdome of Kente with a mighty army in the yeare of oure Lord .677. destroying the countrey afore him, not sparing Churches nor Abbeyes, but spoyled the

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same without respect, as well as other common places.H. Hunt. King Lothaire durst not appeare in the fielde to giue hym battell, so that Edilred wente through the countrey, destroyed the Citie of Ro­chester & with great riches gotten by the spoyle, he returned home.

The Bishoppe of Rochester Putta, after that his Church was spoyled and defaced by the eni­mies, wente vnto Sexvulfe the Bishop of Mer­cia, and there obteyning of him a small [...]re, and a portion of ground, remayned in that countrey, not once labouring to restore his Church of Ro­chester to the former state, but wente aboute in Mercia to teach song, & instruct suche as would learne musicke, wheresoeuer hee was required, or could get entertaynement.

[Page 182]Herevpon the Archbishop Theodore consecra­ted one William Bishop of Rochester in place of Putta, and after when the sayd William con­streyned by pouertie, left that Church, Theodore placed one Gebmound in his steede. In the yeare of our Lord .678. in the moneth of August,678 A blasing Starre. a bla­sing Starre appeared, with a long bright beame like to a piller. It was seene euery morning for the space of three monethes togither. The same Ecgfrid king of Northumberland,Mat. VVest. Beda. li. 4. cap. 12. Bishop Wil­ [...]rid banished. Hlagustald Hexam. Eadhidus. Lindesferne [...]oly ilande. banished Bi­shop 10 Wilfrid vppon displeasure taken with hym, out of his See, and then were two Bishops or­deyned in his place, to gouerne the Church of the Northūbers, ye one named Bosa at Yorke, & the other called Eata at Hagustald or Lindesferne. Also one Eadhidus was ordeined about the same time Bishop of Lindsey, the which prouince king Egfride hadde of late conquered and taken from Vulfhere the late King of Mercia, whome he o­uercame in battel, and droue him out of that coū ­trey. 20 The said three Bishops were consecrated at Yorke by the Archbishop of Canterbury Theo­dorus, the whiche within three yeares after or­deyned two Bishops more in that prouince of the Northumbers, that is to witte, Tumbert at Hagustald, Eata that was appoynted to remain at Lindesferne, and Trumuine was ordeyned to haue the cure of ye prouince of those Pictes which as then were vnder the Englishe dominion. Also bycause Edilred King of Mercia recouered the 30 countrey of Lindsey, and ioyned it to his domi­nion,The Church of Ryppon. Bishop Eadhedus comming from thence, was appoynted to gouerne ye Church of Ryppō.

After that Bishop Wilfrid was expulsed out of his diocesse and prouince of the Northumbers, he went to Rome, & returning from thence, came into the kingdome of the South Saxons, ye whi­che conteyning seuen thousande housholdes or families, as yet was not conuerted to ye Christian faith.Wilfrid by li­ [...]ence of King Edilwalke preacheth [...]he Gospell to [...]hem of Sus­ [...]ex. Wherefore the said Wilfrid began there to 40 preach the Gospell with licence of K. Edilwalke, who as before is mencioned, was conuerted and baptised in Mercia, by the procurement of King Vulfhere, that then became his Godfather, & gaue him at the same time the Isle of Wight, and the prouince of the people auntiently called Mean­uari, which he had wonne frō the West Saxōs. Bishop Wilfrid then by King Edilwalke hys furtherance and helpe, baptised the chiefest Lords and Gentlemen of that prouince. But certayne 50 Priestes baptised the residue of the people, eyther then or in time following. [...]acke of [...]ayne. It chanced that for the space of three yeares (as it is said) before the com­ming thither of Bishop Wilfrid, there had fallen no rayne from the ayre within that prouince of the South Saxons, so that ye people wer brought into greate miserie by reason of famine, whyche through wante of necessary fruites of the earthe, sore afflicted the whole countrey, in somuch, that no small number threwe themselues headlong into the Sea, despayring of life, in suche lacke of necessary victuals. But as God would, the same daye that Wilfrid began to minister the Sacra­ment of Baptisme, there came downe sweete and plentifull showres of rayne, so watering ye earth, that thereby great store of all fruites plentifully tooke roote, and yeelded full increase in growth, to the great comfort and reliefe of al ye people, which before were in manner staruen and lost through want of foode.Catching of fishe with nettes. Bishop Wilfrid also taught them in that countrey the manner howe to catche fishe with nettes, where before that time, they had no great skill in any kind of fisshing, except it were in catching eeles. Heereby the sayd Bishop grew there in greate estimation with the people, so that his wordes were the better credited amongst thē, for that through him, they receyued so greate be­nefites, God by such meanes working in the peo­ples hartes a desire to come to the vnderstandyng of his lawes. The King also gaue vnto Wilfrid a place called Seolesew, compassed about on each side (except on the West halfe) with the Sea, con­teyning .87. housholdes or families, where he built an Abbey, and baptised all his tenauntes there, a­mounting to the number of .250. bond men and bond women,Bondmen made t [...]ely free. whome hee made free both in body and soule, for he did not only baptise them, but al­so enfranchised them of all bodily seruitude and bondage.

In this meane while, many things happened in other partes of this lande, and first in the yeare after the appearing of the blasing Starre before mentioned, a mightie battell was fought betwixt the sayd Ecgfrid, and Edilred King of Mercia, neere to the riuer of Trent, where Alswine ye bro­ther of King Ecgfrid was slaine, with many o­ther of the Northumbers, so that King Ecgfrid was constreyned to returne home with losse. The Archbishop of Canterbury Theodorus percey­ning that great warre and effusion of bloud was like to followe thereof, trauelled so in the matter betwixt them, that they were made friendes, and Ecgfrid had a peece of money in recompence of his losses. The foresayd battell was fought in the yeare of our Lord .679. and in the yeare follo­wing, that is to say,679 680 in the yere of our Lord .680. whiche was also the tenth yeare of the raigne of Ecgfrid King of Northumberland, the sixth yere of the raigne of Edelred King of Mercia, the se­uententh of the raigne of Aldvulfe King of the East angles, and in ye seuenth yeare of the raigne of Lothere king of Kente,A Synode at Hatfielde. the Archbishop of Cā ­terbury Theodorus held another Synod at Hat­field, about the day of the fifteenth Kalendes of October, in the which all the Cleargie there pre­sent, subscribed to certaine Articles touching the [Page 183] beleefe of the trinitie of persons,Articles sub­scribed. in the vnitie of the Gadhead of like substāce, and also of the same vnitie in trinitie, according to the true faith of the Church of God: and moreouer, they acknowled­ged by the like subscription, the fiue generall coū ­cels of Nice, and Constantinople the first, of E­phesus, of Calcedone, and of Constantinople the second, with the Synode also holden at Rome in the dayes of Martin Bishop of Rome, about the ninth yeare of the Emperour Constantine. At 10 this Sinode holden at Hatfield, was presente one Iohn the Archechanter of Saint Peters Church at Rome, sent into this lande of purpose to bring from hence a certificat vnto Pope Agatho of the agreement of the English Church in matters of faith, with other churches of the Christiā world: but the foresayde Archechantor dyed by the way in Fraunce, as he returned homewards, and was buried at Towers in Towrayne.

Bale. The Abbesse Hilda. Beda.The same yeare, that famous woman Hilda 20 Abbesse of Whitby, departed out of this life, or as other say, a fiue yeares after, hauing firste bin de­teyned a long time with greeuous sicknesse. She was the daughter of one Herrericus the Nephew of King Edwin, and conuerted to the faythe of Christ at the preaching of Bishop Pauline, and afterwards instructed by Bishop Aydan, profes­sed hir selfe a Nunne, applying hir whole studie to the reading of the Scriptures, to prayer, and o­ther godly exercises. She builded the Abbey of 30 Whitby, wherein were placed both men and wo­men, with suche an equalitie in all thyngs, that there was no rich person amongst them, nor any that wanted things necessary. She departed out of this life on the fifteenth Kalendes of Decem­ber,Bale. Beda. Ran. Cestren. Mat. VV est. being .66. yeares of age. As some haue writ­ten she argued stoutly on Bishop Colmons part, at the disputation holden in the Monasterie of Whitby, in the yeare of grace .664. whereof yee haue heard before. 40

H. Hunton.About the yeare of our Lorde .682. that is to say, in the seuenth yeare of Centwine or Centi­uinus King of West Saxons, the same Cent­wine fought with the Britaynes, and ouercame them in battayle,The Britaynes discomfited. pursuing them with fire and sword vnto the Sea side.

Cadwallader.

BVt now to returne vnto that which is founde in the Brittish histories,Cadwa­lader. by the tenor whereof 50 it should appeare, that whē their King Cadwal­lo was dead, his son Cadwallader succeeded him in rule of the Britaynes in the yeare of our Lord 678. which was about the tenth yere of the Em­perour Constantinus Pagonatus,976 hath Math. West. and in the thirtenth yeare of the raigne of Childericus kyng of Fraunce.

This Cadwallader beeing the sonne of Cad­wallo,Galfrid. was begot by him of the halfe sister of Pē ­da King of Mercia, for one father begote them both, but of two sundry mothers, for shee had to mother a Lady, discended of the noble bloud of the West Saxons, and was married vnto Cad­wallo when the peace was made betwixt him, & hir brother the said Penda. After that Cadwalla­der had raigned the space of twelue yeres, as Gef­frey of Monmoth hathe, or as other write, but . [...]. yeares, the Britaines were broughte into suche miserie through ciuill discorde, and also by suche great & extreame famin as then raigned through all the lande,Calwallader constreyned to forsake the lande. that Cadwallader was constreyned with the chiefest part of his people to forsake their natiue countrey, and by Sea to get them ouer in­to Britaine Armorike, there to seeke reliefe of vit­tayles, for the sustentation of their languishyng bodies. Along processe is made by the Brittishe writers of this departure of Cadwallader, and of the Britaines, out of this lande, and howe Cad­wallader was aboute to haue returned againe, but that he was admonished by a d [...]eame to the con­trary, the which bycause it seemeth but fabulous, we passe ouer. At length he wente to Rome, and there was confirmed in the Christian Religion by Pope Sergius, and shortly after fell sicke, and dyed the twelfth Kalends of May, in the yeare of our Lord .689. But herein appeareth the error of the British writers in taking one for another,689 by reason of resemblance of names, for where Ce­adwalla King of the West Saxons about that time moued of a religious deuotion, after he was conuerted to the faith, wēt vnto Rome, and was there Baptised or else confirmed of the foresayde Pope Sergius, and shortly after departed thys life in that Citie, in the foresayde yeare of .689. or thereaboutes, the Welchmen accompt hym to be their Cadwalladar: whiche to be true is very vn­like by that whiche may be gathered by the wri­tings of diuers approoued authors.

Ceadwalla.

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THis Ceadwalla King of the West Saxons succeeded after Centwine or Centiuinus,Cead­walla. Beda. VVil. Mal. whiche Centwine raigned nine yeares, though it shoulde appeare by that whiche is written by Authoures of good credite, that du [...]y [...] [Page 184] two of those yeares at the least, the Kingdome of West Saxons was deuided betwixte him, and Elcuinus or Escuinus, so that hee shoulde not reigne past seuen yeares alone.

But now to Ceadwall, whom some take to be al one with Cadwallader,VVil. Malm. Ran. Cestren. we finde yt he was ly­neally discended frō Cutha or Cutwine, the bro­ther of Ceauline or Kenling K. of West Saxōs, as son to Kenbert or Kenbright that was son to Ceadda the son of ye foresaid Cutha or Cutwin. 10 Thus he being extract of ye noble house of ye kings of West Saxons, prooued in his youth a perso­nage of great towardnes, & such a one as no smal hope was of him conceyued: he would let no oc­casion passe where he mighte exercise his force, to shew proofe of his high valiancie, so that in the ende with his worthy attemptes shewed therein, he purchased to himselfe the enuy of those that ru­led in his countrey, by reason whereof he was ba­nished by a cōspiracie made against him.Ceadwallo driuen to de­part out of his countrey. Wher­vpon 20 hee tooke occasion as it were in reuenge of suche vnthankfulnesse to withdrawe out of hys countrey, leading with him all ye principal youth of the same, the whiche eyther pitying his pre­sent estate, or moued with pleasure taken in hys valiante doings, followed him at his going into exile. The first brunt of his furious attemptes af­ter hee was out of his countrey, Edilwalke the king of the South Saxons tasted, the whiche in defence of himselfe comming to trie battell with Ceadwalla, was slayne with the most part of all his army. Ceadwalla then perceiuing the valiāt courages of his Souldiers, filled with good hope of this happy atchieued victory, returned with good and prosperous speede into his owne coun­trey, and that ere he was looked for, and earnestly pursuing his aduersaries, droue them out of the Kingdom, and taking vpon him to rule the same as king, reigned two yeares during the whych he atchieued diuers notable enterprises. And firste,Beda. lib. 4. cap. 1 [...]. whereas Berthun and Authune Dukes of Sus­sex & subiectes vnto ye late K. Edilwalke, had both expulsed him out of ye countrey, after he had slain the said Edilwalke, and also taken vpon them the rule of that Kingdome, he hauing now atteyned to the gouernement of the West Saxons,Berthune [...] Earle of Sus­sex slayne. inua­ded ye countrey of Sussex againe, and slewe Ber­thune in battell, bringing that coūtrey into more bondage than before. He also set vpon the Isle of wight, and welneere destroyed all the inhabitāts,

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meaning to inhabite it with his owne people, hee bound himselfe by vowe,Ceadwallo his vowe. The Ile of Wight con­quered. although as yet he was not baptised, that if he might cōquere it, he would giue a fourth part thereof vnto the Lorde. And in performāce of that vowe, he offered vnto Bishop Wilfride who then chanced to be present, when 50 he had taken that Isle, so muche thereof, as con­teyned three hundred housholdes or families, where the whole consisted in .1200. housholdes. Wilfrid receiuing thankfully the gift, deliuered ye same vnto one of his Clearkes named Berne­wine yt was his sisters son, appointing to him al­so a Priest named Hildila, ye which should mini­ster the word, & the Sacramēt of Baptisme vnto al those yt would receiue the same. Thus was ye Ile of Wight brought to ye faith of Christ last of al other ye parties of this our Britain,The Wi [...] recey [...] say [...]. after that ye same faith had failed here by the comming of the Saxons. Moreouer, K. Ceadwalla inuaded the kingdom of Kent, wher he lost his brother Mol­lo, as after shall appeare, but yet hee reuenged hys death with great slaughter made of ye inhabitats in yt countrey. Finally, this worthy Prince Ce­adwalla turning himself from ye desire of warre & bloudshed, became right courteis, gentle, & liberal towardes all men, so that ye could not haue wi­shed more vertuous manners to rest in one as yet not Christned. And shortly after, willing [Page 185] to be admitted into the fellowship of the Christi­ans, (of whose Religion he had taken good tast) he went to Rome, where of Pope Sergius her was baptised, and named Peter, and shortly af­ter surprysed with sicknesse died, and was buried there within the Churche of Saint Peter in the yeare of our Lorde .689.689 [...]eda lib. 4. [...]p. 26.

In the meane while, that is to witte, in the yeare of our Lorde .684. Ecgfrid king of Nor­thumberland sent an armie vnder the guiding of 10 a Captaine named Bertus into Irelande, the which wasted that Countrey, sparing neyther Church nor Monasterie, sore endomaging the people of that Countrey, [...]reland inua­ [...]ed by the [...]orthūbers. whiche had euer beene friendes vnto the English Nation, and deserued nothing lesse than so to be inuaded and spoyled at their handes.

The Irish men defended themselues to theyr power, beseeching god with manye a sal [...]e teare, that he woulde reuenge theyr cause, in punishing 20 of suche extreeme iniuries. And though cursers may not inherite the Kingdome of heauen, yet they ceassed not to curse, hoping the sooner those which with good cause were thus accursed, should worthily be punished for their offences by God, and so (peraduenture) it fell out. For in the yeare following the sayde king Egfrid had led an army into Pictlande,King Ecgfrid [...]ain by Bru­deus king of [...]he Pictes. agaynste Brudeus king of the Pictes, and beeing trayned into straytes within hilles and craggie mountains, he was slain with 30 the most part of all his armie, in the yeare of hys age .xl. and of his raigne .xv. vpon the .xiij. kalends of Iune.

There were diuerse of Ecgfrides friends, and namely Curbert (whome hee had aduaunced the same yeare vnto the Bishops sea of Lindesfarne) that aduised him in no wise, eyther to haue taken this warre in hande agaynst the Pictes, or the o­ther against them of Irelande, but he woulde not be counsayled, the punishment appoynted for his 40 sinnes being such, that hee might not giue care to his faythfull friendes, that aduised him to the best. From that time forth, the hope and power of the English people began to decay.These Britains were th [...]se vn­doubtedly that [...]welt in the North west [...]uttes of this [...]e, and is not [...]ent onely by [...]ēlof Wales. For not onely the Pictes recouered that part of theyr Countrey which the English men had helde before in theyr possessiō, but also the Scots that inhabited with in this Isle, and likewise some part of the Bry­taynes tooke vppon them libertie which they kept and mainteyned a long time after, as Bede con­fesseth. 50 Ecgfride left no children behinde him. He had to wife one Ethelreda, or Edildrida, that was daughter vnto Anna king of the Eastangles which liued with hir husbande the foresayd Ecg­fride .xij. yeares in perfite virginitie (as it is suppo­sed) contrarie to the purpose of hir husbande, if hee might haue perswaded hir to the contrarie, but she founde such meanes, that finally he was conten­ted that she should keepe hir first vow of chastity, which she had made.

She was both widow and virgin when hee maryed hir,Ethelreda. being first coupled in wedlocke with one Eunbert a noble man and a ruler in the south partes of the Countrey, where the people called Giruij inhabited, whiche is the same where the fennes lye in the confines of Lincolnshire,Giruii. Nort­folke, Huntingtonshire, and Cambridgshire, but he liued with hir but a small while.

After she had obteyned licence to departe from the Court, she got hir first into Coldingham Ab­bay, and there was professed a Nunne. And after she went to Ely, and there restored the Monaste­rie, and was made Abbes of the place, in the which after shee had gouerned .vij. yeares, shee departed this life, and was there buried.

This same was she which commonly is cal­led Saint Aubrey of Ely, had in great reuerence for the opinion conceyued of hir great vertue and puritie of life.

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AFter that king Ecg­frid was slain Alfride 685(as before is [...]mēcioned his brother Al­frid was made king of Nor­thumberland. This Alfride was the ba­starde sonne of king Oswy, and in his brothers daye [...], eyther willingly, or by violent meanes cō ­strayned, he liued as a banished man in Irelande, where applying himselfe to studie hee became an excellent Philosopher, and therefore being iudged to be better able to haue the rule of a kingdome, he was receyued by the Northumbers, and made king, gouerning his subiects by the space of .x [...]. yeares & more, with great wisedome and policie, but not with such large bounds as his auncesters had done: for the Pictes (as before is mencioned) had cut off one peece on the North part of the auncient limits of that kingdome.

About the .xiij. yeare of his raigne,698 Beda in Epit. Mat. VVest. that is to wit, in the yeare of our Lorde .698. one of hys Captaynes named Earle Berthred, or Bertus, was slaine in battaile by the Picts, whose cōfines he had as then inuaded.

The curse of the Irishe men whose countrey in the dayes of king Ecgfrid he had cruelly wa­sted (as before is mentioned) was thought at this time to take place.

Finally king Alfride after he had raigned .xx. yeares and odde monethes departed this life,705 Beda. in the yeare of our Lorde .705.

In the beginning of king Alfrides dayes Eata [Page 186] the Bishop of Hexham being deade, one Iohn a man of great holinesse was admitted Bishop, and after that Bishop Wilfride was restored, after he had remayned a long time in exile.

The sayde Iohn was remoued to the Church of Yorke,Iohn Archby­shop of York. the same beeing then voyde by the death of the Archbyshoppe Bosa. At length the foresayd Iohn aweried with the cares-of pub­lyke affayres resigned his Sea, and got him vn­to Beuerley,He resigneth his See. 721 where hee lyued a solitarie lyfe for 10 the space of foure yeares, and then dyed, about the yeare of our Lorde .721. King Osrike as then reigning in Northumberlande. Hee continued Byshoppe for the space of .xxiiij. yeares, and buylded a Churche, and founded a Colledge of Priests at Beuerley aforesayde, in which church he lyeth buried.

The same yeare, or in the yeare after that king Ecgfride was slaine, Lother king of Kent departed this life,686. hath. Mat West. Lother king of Kent dyeth of a wounde. the .viij. Ides of Februarie, of 20 a wounde by hym receiued in a battaile whiche he fought agaynst the South Saxons, the which came in ayde of Edricke, that was sonne vnto his brother Ecgbert, and had mainteyned warre agaynst his vncle the sayde Lother, euen from the begynning of his raigne, till finally he was nowe in the sayd battaile striken through the bodie with a dart, and so died thereof, after he had raigned .xj. yeares, and .vij. Monethes.

It was thought that hee was disquieted with 30 continuall warres and troubles, and finally brought to his end before the natural course of his time, for a pun [...]shment of his wicked consent gi­uen, to the putting to death of his cousins Ethel­bert, and Ethilbrit, as appeared in that, when they were reported to be Martyrs, bycause it was knowne they dyed innocently,VVil. Malm. hee mocked them, and made but a ieast at it, although his brother in acknowledging his fault, repented him therof,Capg [...] their [...]. and gaue as it were in recompence to theyr mo­ther, a part of the Ile of Thanet to the buylding of a Monasterie.

Edrick

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THe foresaid Edrick af­ter that Lo­ther was dead, got the domi­nion of Kent, and ruled as king thereof, but not with­out ciuill war, insomuch that before he had raigned the ful tearme of two yeres, he was slaine in the same warre.

Then Ceadwalla king of the West Saxons being thereof aduertised, supposing the time now to bee come that would serue his purpose, as one still coueting to worke the Kentish men all the displeasure he coulde, entred with an armie into their Countrey, and beganne to wast and spoyle the same on eche side, till finally the Kentishmen assembling themselues togither, gaue battaile to their enimies and put them to flight.

Mollo brother to Ceadwalla was dryuen from hys companie, and constrayned to take an house for his refuge: but his enimies that pursued hym sette fyre thereon, and burned both the house, and Mollo within it to Ashes.Mollo [...] to king Cead­walla [...] death. Yet dyd not Ceadwalla herewith depart oute of the Countrey, but to wreake his wrathe, and to reuenge the griefe which he tooke for the death of his brother, hee wasted and destroyed a greate parte of Kent ere hee returned home, and left (as it were) an occasion to his successor also to pursue the quarell (as after shall appeare.)

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[Page 187]The Kentishmen being destitute of a king, af­ter that diuerse had coueted the place, and sought to ataine therto, as well by force as otherwise, to the great disquieting of that prouince for ye space of sixe yeares togither, at length in the .vij. yeare after the death of Edrick. [...]ictred is [...]ade king of [...]ent. Withred an other of the sonnes of king Ecgbert, hauing with diligente trauaile ouercome enuie at home, and with mo­ney redeemed peace abrode, was with great hope conceyued of his worthinesse made king of Kent, 10 the .xj. of Nouember .205. after the death of Hen­gest, and raigned .xxxiij. yeares, not deceyuing his subiectes of their good conceyued opinion of him: for ouercomming all his aduersaries which were readie to leuie cyuill warre agaynst him, he also purchased peace of Inas king of the West Sax­ons, whiche ment to haue made him warre, till with money he was made his friend.

A little before that Withred was confirmed in the kingdome of Kent,Hen. Hunt. Beda. li. 5. ca. 8 Webhard and Nitred, kings [...]y vsurpation [...]nd not by [...]ccession, as H. Hunt. wri­ [...]eth. there raigned two kings 20 in that countrey, Suebhard, or Nidred, or rather the same Withred, if the printed copie of Be­das booke intituled Ecclesiastica historia gētis An­glorum, haue not that name corrupted: for where he sheweth that the Archbishop Theodorus being of the age of .88. yeares, departed this life in the yeare of our Lorde .690. in the next chapter he de­clareth, that in the yeare .692. the first day of Iuly one Brightwalde was chosen to succeede in the Archbishops sea of Canterburie, Wictredus, and 30 Suebhardus as then raigning in Kent: but whe­ther Wicttedus gouerned as then with Sueb­hardus, or that some other named Nitred, it for­ceth not, for certain it is by the agreement of wri­ters, that till Wictred obteyned the whole rule, there was great strife and contention moued a­bout the gouernment, and diuerse there were that sought and fought for it.

Brightwald the first Arch­bishop of the English nationBut this ought to be noted, yt the forenamed Brightwalde was the eight Archbishop in num­ber, 40 and first of the English nation that sat in the sea of Canterburie: for the other seuen that were predecessors to him, were straungers borne, and sent hither from Rome.

Inas king of VVest Saxons.

Inas. 689

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IN this meane whyle after that Cead­walla, late 50 King of the West Sax­ons was gon to Rome, where he de­parted thys yfe (as before is shewed) his cosin Inas, or Ine, was made king of the West Saxons, beginning his raigne in the yeare of our Lorde .689. in the thirde yeare of the Emperour Iustinianus the thirde in the .xj. yeare of the raigne of Theodori­cus king of Fraunce, and about the seconde yeare of the raigne of Eugenius king of Scots.

Bycause that now the rule of the Brytaines commonly called Welchmen,The Brytaynes ceasse to raign in this lande. ceassed in thys Realme, as by confession of their awne wryters it appeareth, and that in the ende the whole Mo­narchie of the same Realme came to ye hands of ye kings of West Saxons, we haue thought meete to referre things general vnto ye raignes of ye same kings, as before wee did in the Brytaine Kings, reseruing the particuler doings to the kings of the other Prouinces or kingdomes, as the same haue fallen out, and shall come to hande.

This Inas, which some mistaking the [...] for an u, do wrongfully name Iue or Iewe,Fabian. Henric. Hūt. proued a right excellent Prince, hee was discended of the auncient lynage of the kings of the West Sax­ons, as sonne to one Kenred, that was sonne to Ceolwald, the sonne of Cutha, or Cutwyne, that was sonne to Kenrick, the sonne of Certicus▪ the first king of West Saxons. But he was a [...]it­ted to the kingdome more for the valiant prowes knowne to rest in his worthie person, than for the successiue ofspring of which he was descended.

The first voyage that [...]e made, was agaynst the Kentishmen, on whom [...] purposed to reuenge the death of his cosin Moll [...], the griefe where of as yet he kept in fresh memori [...].Mat. VVest. VVil. Malm. But when the Ken­tish men perceiued, that to resist him by force, they were nothing able, they attempted by money to buy theyr peace, and so obteined their purpose vp­pon payment made to him of .xxx. M. markes of siluer.

After this, about the .xxj. yeare of his raigne,Anno. 708 as is noted by Mat. VVest. king Inas and his cosin Nun, fought with [...]e­rent king of the Brytaynes.

In the beginning of the battaile one Higel­bald a noble man of the West Saxons part was slaine,H. Hunt. but in the ende Gerent with his Brytains was chased.

In the .xxvi. yeare of his raigne,Mat. VVest. hath. 718. the same Inas fought a mightie battaile against Cheolred King of Mercia, at W [...]enesburie, with doubtfull vic­torie, for it could not well be iudged whether part susteyned greater losse.

In the .xxxvi. yeare of his raigne, king Inas inuaded the South Saxons with a mightie ar­mie, and [...] in battaile Ealdbright, or [...] king of the South Saxons, & ioyned that king­dome vnto the kingdome of the West Saxons:Mat. VVest. hath. 722. so that from thence forth the kingdome of those South Saxons ceassed after they had raigned in that kingdome by the space of fiue kings succes­siuely, that is to wit, [...]lla, Cissa, Ethelwalke,The end of [...] kingdome of the South Saxoes. Berutius, and this last Aldhinius, or Ealdbright.

[Page 188]Finally, when Inas had raigned .xxxvij. yeares, and .x. or .xj. odde Monethes, hee renoun­ced the rule of his kingdome, togither with all worldly pompe, and went vnto Rome as a poore pylgryme,Inas went to Rome and there dyed. and there ended his life: But before this, during the time of his raigne, hee shewed himselfe verie deuout and zealous towardes the aduauncement of the Christian Religion. He made and ordeyned also good and wholesome lawes for the amendment of maners in the peo­ple, 10 whiche are yet extant and to bee re [...]e, written in the Saxon tongue, and transla­ted into the Latine in tymes past, and nowe lately agayne by maister William Lambert, and imprinted by Iohn Day, in the yeare .1568. togither wyth the lawes and Statutes of other Kings before the Conquest, as to the learned it may appeare.

Moreouer, King Ine builded the Mona­sterie of Glastenburie,Polidor. where Ioseph of Arima­thea,

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in times past builded an Oratorie or Chap­pell 30 (as before is recited) when he with other chri­stians came into this lande in the dayes of Arui­ragus, and taught the Gospell here to the Bry­tayns, conuerting many of them to the fayth.

Moreouer king Ine or Inas buylded the Church of Welles, dedicating it vnto saint An­drew, where afterwardes a Bishops Sea was placed, which at length was translated vnto Sa­lisburie.Ethelburga. He had to wife one Ethelburga, a wo­man of noble lynage, who had beene earnest in 40 hande with him a long time to perswade him to forsake the worlde: but shee could by no meanes bring hir purpose to passe,VVil. Malm. till vppon a time the king and she had lodged at a Manor place in the Countrey, where all prouision had beene made for the receyuing of them and theyr trayne in most sumptuous manner that might be, as well in riche furniture of householde, as also in costly viandes, and all other things needefull, or that might serue for pleasure, and when they were 50 departed, the Queene the foresayde Ethelburga, caused the keeper of that house to remoue all the bedding,The deuise of Queene Ethel­burga to per­swade hir hus­band to forsake the world. hangings, and other such things as had beene brought thither and ordeyned for the beau­tifull setting forth of the house, and in place ther­of to bring ordure, strawe, and suche lyke fylth, as well into the Chambers and Ha [...], as into all the houses of office, and that done to lay a Sowe wyth Pigges in the place where before the kings bed had stoode.

Herepon when she had knowledge that eue­rye thing was ordered according to hir appoynt­ment, she perswaded the King to returne thyther agayne, feyning occasions great and necessarie [...].

After he was returned to that house, whiche before seemed to the eye a Palace of moste plea­sure, and nowe fynding it in suche a fylthie s [...]te as might lothe the stomacke of any man to be­holde the same, shee tooke occasion thereof to perswade him to the consideration of the [...] pleasures of this worlde, whiche in a moment turned to naught, togyther with the corruption of the fleshe, beeing a fylthie lumpe of Claye, after it shoulde once be dyssolued by death: and in fine where before shee had spente muche la­bour to moue hym to renounce the Worlde, though all in vayne, yet nowe the beholding of that chaunge in his pleasant Palayce wherein [...]o late hee had taken so greate delight, wrought suche an alteration in hys mynde, that hir wordes lastlye tooke effecte: so that hee resig­ned the Kingdome to his cousin Ethelard and went himselfe to Rome (as aboue i [...] mentioned,) and his wife became a Nunne in the Abbey of Barking, where she was made Abbesse, and fi­nally there ended hir lyfe.

This Inas was the fyrst that caused the [Page 189] money called Peter pens,Peter pens. to bee payde vnto the Bishop of Rome, which was for euery houshold within his dominion a pennie.

In this meane time Edilred or Ethelred, hauing gouerned the Kingdome of Mercia by the terme of .xxix. yeares,King Ethelred becommeth a Monke. became a Monke in the Abbey of Bardeny, and after was made Abbot of that house.Ostrida. He had to wyfe one Ostryda the sister of Ecgfride King of Northumberlande, by whome hee had a sonne named Ceolred. But 10 he appoynted Kenred the sonne of his Brother Vulfhere to succeed him in the kingdome.

Beda in Epit.The sayde Ostrida was cruelly slaine by the treason of hir husbandes subiectes, about the yeare of our Lorde .697.697 King Kenreds

The foresayde Kenred was a Prince of greate vertue, deuoute towardes God, a fur­therer of the common wealth of his Countrey, and passed hys lyfe in greate synceritye of maners. 20

In the fifth yeare of his raigne, he renounced the worlde, and went to Rome, togither with Offa king of East Saxons, where he was made a Monke▪ and finally dyed there, in the yeare of our Lord .711.711 Nauclerus.

By the ayde and furtherance of this Kenred, a Monke of Saint Benet [...] order (cleped Egwin) buylded the Abbay of Eu [...]shame.Egwin Bishop of Worcester. Afterwardes the same Egwine was made Bishoppe of Wor­cester.

Wee finde it recorded by wryters, that this Egwine had warning giuen to him by visions, (as hee constantly affyrmed before Pope Con­stantine,) to set vp an Image of our La [...]e [...] in his Churche. Herevppon the Pope approuing the testifications of this Byshoppe, by hys Bulles, wrytte to Bryghtwalde the Archeby­shoppe of Canterburie, to assemble a Synode, and by authoritie thereof to establishe the vse of Images, charging the kings of this lande to bee present at the same Synode, vpon paine of ex­communication.

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This Sinode was holden about the yeare of our Lorde .712. in the dayes of Inas King of West Saxons,Bale. 710. and of Ceolred king of Mercia, successor to the foresayde Kenred.

After Kenred succeeded Ceolredus, the sonne of his vncle Edilred, and died in the .viij. yeare of his raigne,Harison hath three onely. Henric. Hūt. and was buried at Lichfielde.

Then succeeded Ethelbaldus that was dis­cended of Eopa the brother of king Penda, as 50 the fourth from hym by lineall succession. Thys man gouerned a long time without any notable trouble: some warres he had, and sped diuersly.

In the .xviij. yeare of his raigne he besieged Sommerton,Ran. Cestren. and wanne it. Hee also inuaded Northumberlande, and gotte there great ryches by spoyle and pyllage, whiche hee brought from thence without any battaile offered to him.

The Welchmen he ouercame in battaile,H. Hunt. be­ing then at quiet, and ioyned as cōfederates with Cuthred K. of West Saxōs. But in the .xxxvij. yeare of his raigne, hee was ouercome in battaile at Bereforde by the same Cuthred,Bereforde. with whome he was fallen at variance, and within foure yeres after, that is to witte, in the .xlj. yeare of hys raigne,755 Three miles from Tam­worth. hee was slaine in battaile at Secan­done, or Sekenton, by his owne subiectes, whiche arreared warres agaynste hym, by the procurement and leading of one Bernred,VVil. Malm. which after hee had slayne his naturall Prince, tooke vppon him the Kingdome: but he prospered not long, being slaine by Offa that succeeded him in rule of the kingdome of Mercia,758 Math. VVest. as after shall be shewed. The bodie of Ethelbald was buried at Ripton.

[Page 190]Bonifarius the Archbishop of Menze or Ma­guntze,The hystorie [...] Magd. hauing assembled a Councell wyth o­ther Byshoppes and Doctours, deuised a letter and sent it vnto this Ethilbert, commending him for his good deuotion and charitie in almes gy­uing to the reliefe of the poore, and also for his vp­right dealing in administration of Iustice, to the punishment of robbers and such lyke misdo­ers: but in that he absteyned from maryage and wallowed in filthie lecherie with diuerse women, 10 and namely with Nunnes, they sore blamed him and withall declared in what infamie the whole Englishe Nation in those dayes remayned by common report in other Countreys for theyr lycencious lyuing in sinfull fornication, and namely the moste parte of the Noble men of Mercia by hys euill example did forsake theyr wyues,Nunnes kept or concubines and defloured other women whiche they kept in adulterie as Nunnes and other.

Moreouer hee sheweth howe that suche euill 20 women, as well Nunnes as other, vsed to make awaye in secrete wise theyr children whiche they bare oute of wedlocke, and so fylled the gra­ues wyth deade bodyes, and hell wyth damned soules.

The same Bonifacius in an other Epystle whiche hee wrote vnto Cutbert the Archbyshop of Canterburie, counsayleth him not to per­mitte the Englishe Nunnes to wander abrode so often on Pylgrymage,Pilgrimage of Nunnes. bycause there were 30 fewe Cities eyther in Fraunce or Lombar­dye, wherein might not bee founde English wo­men, that lyued wantonlye in fornication and whordome.

Kings of the East Saxons. Bed. li. 5. ca. 20 Offa king of East Saxons.In this meane tyme Sigharde and Seu­fred, Kings of the East Saxons, being depar­ted thys lyfe, one Offa that was sonne to Si­gerius, succeeded in gouernment of that King­dome, a man of greate towardnesse, and of right comely countenaunce: but after hee had ruled a 40 certayne tyme, hee beeing mooued of a religious deuotion, wente vnto Rome in companie of Kenred King of Mercia, and of one Ergvine Byshoppe of Worcester, and beeing there sha­uen into the order of Monkes, so continued tyll hee dyed.

King Selred.After him one Selred the sonne of Sigbert the good, ruled the East Saxons the tearme of xxxviij. yeares.Harison .28.

After that Aldulfe the King of East-Angles 50 was departed thys life,688 whiche chaunced aboute the yeare of oure Lorde .688. his brother Elt­wolde, or Aekwolde succeeded him, and raig­ned about .xij. yeares.Harison .2. After whose deceasse one Beorne was made king of Eastangles, and raig­ned about .xxvj. yeares.Harison .36.

In this meane while, that is to witte, in the yeare of oure Lorde .705.705 Alfride king of Nor­thumberlande beeing deade, his sonne Osred, [...] Osred king of Northumber­lande. a childe of .viij. yeares of age succeeded hym in the kingdome, and raigned .xj. yeares, spending hys time when he came to rype yeares in fylthie abusing his bodie wyth Nunnes, and other reli­gious women.

About the seuenth yeare of his raigne, [...] that is to witte, in the yeare of oure Lorde .711. one of his Captaynes named Earle Berthfride fought with the Pictes betwixte two places called Heue and Cere, and obteyning the victorie,Pictes o [...]e [...] ­throwne by the North [...] ­bers. [...] an huge number of the enimies.

At length King Osred by the trayterous meanes of hys cousins that arreared warre a­gaynste him, was slaine in battaile,King Osred slaine in bat­taile. and so en­ded his raigne, leauing to those that procured his death the lyke fortune in tyme to come. For Kenred raigning two yeares, and Osricke tenne yeares, were famous onely in this, that beeing woorthilye punished for shedding the bloud of theyr naturall Prince and soueraigne Lorde, they finished their lyues with dishonourable dea­thes, as they had well deserued.

Osricke before his death whiche chaunced in the yeare of oure Lorde .729. appoynted Ceol­volfe the brother of his predecessour Kenred,729 to succeede him in the kingdome, whiche hee did, raigning as king of the Northumbers by the space of .viij. yeares currant, and then renouncing his kingdome, became a Monke in the Ile of Lindesferne.

In this meane while,Beda. Acca Bishop of Hexham. Byshoppe Wilfride being dead, one Acca that was his Chaplain was made Bishop of Hexham.

The foresayde Wilfride had beene Bishop by the space of .xlv. yeares: but hee lyued a long tyme in exyle. For first beeyng Archby­shoppe of Yorke, and exercising his iurisdiction ouer all the North partes, hee was after ba­nished by king Egbert, and agayne restored to the Sea of Hexham, in the seconde yeare of king Alfride, and within fiue yeares after eftsoones banyshed by the same Alfride, and the seconde tyme restored by his successour king Osred, in the fourth yeare of whose raigne, beeing the yeare after the Incarnation of oure Sauiour 709. hee departed this lyfe, and was buryed at Rippon.

Moreouer after Iohn the Archebyshoppe of Yorke had resigned, one Wilfride surnamed the seconde, was made Archebishoppe of that Sea: whiche Wilfride was Chaplayne to the sayde Iohn, and gouerned that Sea by the space of fiftene yeares, and then died.

Aboute the yeare of oure Lorde .710.710 the Ab­bot Adrian whiche came into this lande wyth Theodore the Archebyshoppe of Canterburie (as before yee haue hearde) departed thys lyfe, a­boute [Page 191] .xxxix. yeares after his comming thy­ther.

[...]wo Bishops [...].Also Inas the king of West Saxons, a­boute the .xx. yeare of his raigne,Mat. VVest. deuided the Prouince of the West Saxons into two By­shoppes Seas, where as before they had but one: Daniel was ordeyned to gouerne the one of those Seas,Bishop Daniel. being placed at Winchester, hauing vn­der him Sussex, Southerie and Hamshire: and Aldhelme was appoynted to Shireburne, ha­uing 10 vnder him, Barkeshire, Wyltshire Som­mersetshire, Dorsetshyre, Deuonshire, and Corn­wall.

This Aldhelme was a learned man,Bishop Aldelm and was first made Abbot of Malmesburie, in the yeare of our Lorde .675. by Eleutherius then Bishop of the West Saxons. By his diligence that Ab­bay was greatly aduaunced,The Abbey of [...]almesburie. beeing afore that tyme founded by one Medulfe a Scottish man, but of so small reuenues afore Aldhelmes tyme, 20 that the Monkes were vneth able to lyue thereon.

Also the same Aldhelme was a greate fur­therer vnto king Inas in the buylding of Glas­tenburie.

Ethelard.

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EThelarde, the cousyn of king Inas,Ethe­larde. 728 Mat. VVest. hath. 727. to whome the 30 same Inas re­signed hys kingdome, be­ganne to go­uerne ye West Saxōs in the yeare of oure Lorde .7 [...]4. or rather .27. which was in the .xj. yeare of the Emperour Leo Isaurus, in the se­conde yeare of Theodorus king of Fraunce, and 40 aboute the .viij. or .ix. yeare of Mordacke king of Scottes.

In the first yeare of Ethelardes raigne, hee was disquieted with ciuill warre, which one Os­walde a Noble manne, discended of the royall bloud of the West Saxon Kings, procured a­gaynst him: but in the ende, when he perceyued that the kings power was too strong for him, hee fledde oute of the Countrey, leauing it thereby in rest. 50

In the yeare .729. in the Moneth of Ia­nuarie there appeared two Comets or blasing Starres,Mat. VVest. 729 Blasing starres right terrible to beholde, the one rising in the morning before the rising of the Sunne, & the other after the setting thereof: so that the one came before the breake of the day, and the other before the closing of the night, stretching forth theyr [...]erie brandes towardes the North, and they appeared th [...]s euerie morning and [...] the space of a fourtnight togither [...]enacing [...] it were some great destruction or common mishap to follow.

The Sa [...]a [...]ins shortly after entred Fraunce, and were ouerthrowne.

Finally, when king Ethelard had raigned the tearme of fourtene yeares [...]urrent, hee departed this life.

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AFter that Wichtred king of Kent had gouerned the Kentishmē by the [...] of xxxiij. yeares,VVil. Malm. with great cō ­mendation for the good orders which hee cau­sed to be obserued amongest them, as well con­cerning matters ecclesiasticall as temporall, hee departed this life, leauing behind him three sonnes whiche successiuely raigned as heyres to hym one after another,Harison na­meth Ethel­bert first, gi­uing him .27. yeares, & Ed­bert secondly allowing him ten complete. Bed. li. 5. ca. 24 (that is to say) Edbert .xxiij. yeares, Ethelbert .xj. yeares currant, and Al­rike .xxxiiij. yeares, the whiche three Princes following the steppes of theyr father in the ad­s [...]aunce of politique orders and commenda­ble lawes, vsed for the more parte theyr fathers good lucke and fortune, excepte that in Ethel­bertes tyme the Citie of Canterburie was bur­ned by casuall fyre, and Alrike lost [...] battaile a­gaynst them of Mercia, whereby the glorie of theyr tymes was somewhat blemyshed: for so it came to passe that whatsoeuer chaunced [...] was kept still in memorie, and the good happes that came foreward, were soone forgotten and put out of remembrance.

In the yeare of our Lorde .731.731 Be [...]walde Archbyshoppe of Canterburie departed this lyfe the fifth Ides of Ianuarie, after he had gouerned that Sea by the space of .xxxvij. yeares .vj. Mo­nethes, and fourteene dayes: in whose place the same yeare one Tac [...]ine was ordeyned Archebyshoppe, that before was a Priest in the Monasterie of Bruydon wythin the Prouince of Mercia.Bishops what prouinces they gouerned. Hee was consecrated in the Citie of Canterburie, by the reuerende Fathers, Da­niell Byshoppe of Wynchester. Ingwalde By­shoppe of London, Aldwine Byshop of Liche­fielde, and Aldwulfe Bishop of Rochester, the .x. day of Iune, being Sunday.

And thus in that season, the Prouince of Canterburie was gouerned touching the Eccle­siasticall state, by the Archbyshoppe Tacwine, and Byshoppe Aldvulfe▪ [...] Prouince of the East Saxons by Bishop Ingwald the prouince [Page 192] of East Angles, by Bishop Eadbertus, and Ha­dulacus, the one keeping his Sea at Elsham, and the other at Dunwich.

The Prouince of the West Saxons was go­uerned by the foresayd Daniel and by Forthere, which succeeded next after Aldhelme in the Sea of Shereburne.

This Forthere in the yeare of our Lorde .738. left his Bishoprike,Mat. VVest. and went to Rome in compa­nie of the Queene of the West Saxons. Many 10 as well Kings as Bishops, noble and vnnoble, Priestes and laymen, togither with women, vsed to make such iourneyes thither in those dayes.

The Prouince of Mercia was ruled by the foresayde Aldwine Byshop of Lichfielde, and one Bishop Walstod holding hys Sea at Her­forde gouerned those people that inhabited beyond the riuer of Seuerne toward the West.

The Prouince of the Wiccies, that is to meane of Worcester, one Wilfride gouerned. 20

The South Saxons, and the Ile of Wight, were vnder the Bishop of Winchester.

In the Prouince of the Northumbers were foure Bishops, that is to say, Wilfride, Archby­shop of Yorke, Edilwalde Bishop of Lindis­ferne, Acca Bishop of Hexham, and Pecthel­mus Byshoppe of Whiterne, otherwise called Candida Casa, hee was the fyrst that gouer­ned that Church after the same was made a Bi­shops Sea. And thus stood the state of the Eng­lishe 30 Churche for Ecclesiasticall gouernours in that season.

Ethelbald K. of Mercia, of what pu [...]ance he was.And as touching temporall gouernment, king Ceolvulf had the soueraigne Dominion o­uer all the Northumbers: but all the Prouinces on the south side of Humber with theyr kings and rulers, were subiect vnto Edilbalde or Ethelbald king of Mercia.

The nation of the Picts were in league with the English men, and gladly became partaker of 40 the Catholike peace and veritie of the vniuersall Church.

Those Scots which inhabited Brytaine, con­tenting themselues with theyr owne boundes, went not about to practise any deceytfull traynes nor fraudulent deuises agaynst the Englishmen.

The Brytaynes, otherwise called Welch­men, though for the more part of a peculiar hatred they did impugne the English Nation, and the obseruaunce of the feast of Easter appoynted by 50 the whole Catholike Churche, yet both deuine and humaine force vtterly resisting them, they were not able in neyther behalfe to atteyne to theyr wyshed intentions, as they whiche though they were partly free, yet in some poynt remay­ned styll as thrall and mancipate to the subiecti­on of the English men: whiche Englishe men (sayth Bede) now in acceptable peace and quiet­nesse of time, manye amongest them of Nor­thumberlande, laying armour and weapon aside [...] applie themselues to the reading of holy Scrip­tures, more desyrous to be professed in Religious houses, then to exercise feares of warre: but what wyll come thereof (sayth he) the age that followeth shall see and beholde. With these wordes doth Bede ende his Hystorie, continued tyll the yeare of our Lorde .731. whiche was from the comming of the Englishe men into thys lande, aboute . [...]85. yeares according to his accounte.

In the yeare following, that is to wit .7 [...]2.7 [...]2 in place of Wilfride the seconde, Egbert was or­deyned Bishop of Yorke.

This Egbert was brother vnto an other Eg­bert,VVil. [...] the which as then was King of Northum­berlande, by whose helpe, hee greatly aduaunced the Sea of Yorke, and recouered the Pall: so that where all the other Bishoppes that helde the same Sea before him sithe Paulines dayes, wan­ted the Pall, and so were accounted simply but particuler Bishoppes: nowe was hee entituled by the name of Archbishop. He also gotte togy­ther a great number of good bookes, which he be­stowed in a librarie at Yorke.

In the yeare .733. on the .xviij.733 Kalendes of September, the Sunne suffered a great E­clipse aboute three of the Clocke in the after Noone, in so muche that the Earth seemed to bee couered wyth a blacke and horrible Pen­tise.

In the yeare .735. that reuerende and pro­founde learned manne Beda departed this lyfe,735 Beda departed this life. beeing .lxxij. yeares of age vpon Ascention day, which was the .vij. Kalendes of Iune, and .xxvj. of May, as Mat. West hath diligently obser­ued. Harison addeth hereto, that it is to bee read in an olde Epystle of Cutbert Monke of the same house, vnto Cuthwyne, that the sayd Be­da lying in hys death bed, translated the Gos­pell of Saint Iohn into Englishe, and com­maunded his brethren to bee diligent in the rea­ding and contemplation of the bookes and not to exercise themselues wyth fables and friuolous matters.

Finally he was buryed in the Albey of E [...] ­uie, distaunt fiue myles from Wyremouth, are Abbay also in the North partes, not farre from Newcastell (as is before remembred.) Hee was brought vp in those two Abbays, and was scholer to Iohn of Beuerlay.

Howe throughly hee was seene in all kyndes of good literature, the bookes which he wrote doe manifestly beare witnesse. His iudgement also was so much esteemed ouer all, that Sergius the Bishoppe of Rome wrote vnto Celfrid the Ab­bot of Wyremouth, requyring hym to sende [Page 193] Beda vnto the Courte of Rome for the decy­ding of certaine questions mooued there, whiche without his opinion might seeme to rest doubt­full. But whether hee went thither or not wee can not affyrme: but as it is thought by menne worthie of credite, hee neuer went oute of this lande, but continued for the moste part of his life in the Abbeyes of Geruie, and Wyremouth, fyrst vnder Benet the fyst Abbot and founder of the same Abbayes, and after vnder the sayde Cel­fride, 10 in whose tyme he receyued orders of priest­hoode at the handes of Byshoppe Iohn, sur­named of Beuerlay, so that it may be maruey­led that a man borne in the vttermoste corner of the Worlde, shoulde proue so excellente in all knowledge and learning, that his fame shoulde so spreade ouer the whole earth, and went neuer out of his natiue Countrey to seeke it.Crantzius. But who that marketh in reading olde Hystories the state of Abbayes and Monasteryes in those dayes, 20 shall well perceyue that they were ordered after the manner of our schooles or Colledges, hauing in them dyuerse learned men, that attended one­ly to teache and bring vp youth in knowledge of good learning, or else to go abrode and preach the word of God in the townes & villages adioining.

735The same yeare died the Archbishop Tacuine, and in the yeare following, that is to witte .735. Nothelmus was ordeyned Archbishop of Can­terburie in his place, and Egbert the Archbyshop 30 of Yorke the same yere got his Pall from Rome, and so was confirmed Archbishop, and ordeyned two Bishops, Fruydbert, and Fruydwalde. But some refer it to the yeare .744.

Cuthred.

Cuthred

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AFter the deceasse of Ethelard king of west Sax­ons, 40 his cosin Cuthred was made King & gouernour of those people, raigning the terme of .xvj. yeares. He beganne his raigne in the yeare of our Lord .740.740 in the .xxiiij. yeare of the Emperour Leo Isaurus, in the .xiiij. yeare of the raigne of 50 the seconde Theodorus Cala king of Fraunce, and aboute the .vj. yeare of Ethfine King of Scottes.

Hen. Hunt. Mat. VVest.This Cutred had muche to doe agaynste E­dilbald king of Mercia, the which one while with styrring his owne subiects the West Saxons to rebellion, an other while with open warre, and sometyme by secrete craft and subtile practises, sought to disquiet him.

In the fourth yeare yet of his raigne, a peace was concluded betwixt them, and then ioyning theyr powers togyther, they went agaynste the Welchmen, and gaue them a great ouerthrow, as before is partly touched.

In the .ix. yeare of this Cuthreds raigne,Kenric the kings sonne slaine. hys sonne Kenric was slaine in a seditious tumult amongst his men of warre, a Gentleman yong in yeares, but of a stoute courage,749 Mat. VVest. and verie forwarde, whereby (as was thought) he came the sooner to his ende.

In the .xj. yeare of his raigne,751 Cuthred had warres agaynst one of his Earles called Adelme, who raysing a commotion against him, aduentu­red to giue battaile, though he had the smaller nū ­ber of men, and yet was at poynt to haue gone away with victorie, if by a wounde at that in­stant receyued, his periurie had not beene puni­shed, and the kings iust cause aduaunced to try­umphe ouer his aduersarie, whome yet by waye of reconciliation he pardoned. In the .xiij. yeare of his raigne,752 Mat. VVest. King Cuthred beeing not well able longer to sustayne the prowde exactions and harde doings of Edelbalde King of Mercia, ray­sed hys power, and encountered with the same Edelbalde at Hereforde, hauing with hym the foresayde Earle Adelme, in whose valiaunte prowes he put great hope to attaine victorie: nei­ther was he deceyued: for by the stoute conduct and noble courage of the sayde Adelme,King Edilbald put to flight. the loftie pryde of King Edelbalde was abated, so that he was there put to flight, and all his armye dis­comfited, after sore and terrible sight continued and mainteyned euen to the vttermost poynt.

In the .xxiiij. yeare of his raigne, this Cuthred fought eftsoones with the Welchmen, and obtey­ned the vpper hande, without any great losse of his people: for the enimies were easily put to flight and chased, to their own destruction.

In the yeare after, king Cutred fell sicke, and in the .xvj. yeare of his raigne hee departed thys lyfe, after so many great victories got against his enimies.

Sigibert.

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AFter hym succeeded one Sigibert,Sigibert. a cruell prince & one vnmer­cifull at home, yet a cowarde abrode.

This Sigbert or Sigibert began his raigne in the yeare of our Lorde .755. very neare ended.755 He intreated his subiects verie euill, setting lawe [Page 194] and reason at naught, he could not abide to heare his faultes tolde him, and therefore he cruelly put to death an Earle named Cumbra, which was of his counsaile and faythfully admonished him to reforme his euill doings: wherevpon the rest of his Nobles assembled themselues togither wyth a great multitude of people, and expelled him out of his estate in the beginning of the seconde, or (as Harison hath) the first yeare of hys raigne. Then Sigibert, as hee was fearefull of nature, 10 fearing to bee apprehended, gotte him into the Woodde called as then Andredeswalde, and there hydde himselfe, but by chaunce a Swinehearde that belonged to the late Earle Cumbra at Priuetesfloud founde him oute, and perceyuing what he was, slue him in reuenge of his maisters death.

Lo here you may see how the righteous iu­stice of God rewardeth wicked doings in thys world with worthie recompence, as wel as in the 20 worlde to come, appoynting forth euill Princes sometymes to reigne to the punishment of the people, according as they haue deserued permyt­ting some of them to haue gouernment a long tyme, that both the frowarde Nation maye suf­fer long for theyr sinnes, and that such wicked Princes maye in an other Worlde taste the more bytter tormentes. Againe, other hee taketh shortly out of the way, that the people maye bee deliuered from oppression, & also that the naugh­tie 30 ruler for his misdemenor may speedily receyue due punishment.

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Ethel­red. AFter B [...] ­orne King of Eastangles one Ethelred succeeded in gouernment of yt kingdō, a man noted to bee of 40 good & vertu­ous qualities, in yt he brought vp his sonne Ethelbert (which succeeded him) so in the feare of the Lorde, that he proued a righte godly prince. This Etheldred raigned (as Hari­son and also other writers haue) the terme of .lij. yeares.

After that Ceolvulf king of Northumberland was become a Monk, in the Abbey of Lindisfern,728 Egbert king of Northumber­lande. Har. hath. 21. 758 50 his vncles sonne Egbert by (order taken by the sayd Ceovulfe) succeeded him in the kingdome, & gouerned the same right worthily for the terme of xxiiij. yeares, and then became a Monke, by the example both of his predecessor the foresayd Ceo­vulf,Chaunging of crownes for Monks cowles and also of diuerse other kings in those days, so that he was the eight king who in this lād had chaunged a kings Crowne for a Monks Cowle, (as Simon Dunel. wryteth.)

This Edbert (in the .xviij. yere of his raigne,)756 and Vngust king of Pictes came to the Citie of Aleluid with theyr armeyes, and there receyued the Brytaynes into theyr subiection, the fyrst day of August: but the tenth day of the same moneth, the armie which he led from Ouan vnto Newbourgh, was for the more part lost and de­stroyed.

The same yeare on the .viij. kalendes of De­cember, the Moone beeing as then in hir full ap­peared to be of a bloudie coulour, but at length shee came to hir accustomed colour, after a mar­ueylous meanes, for a starre, whiche followed hir, passed through hir, and went before hir, the like distance as it kept in following hir before she lost hir vsuall light.Offa.

After that Offa had stayne Bernred the v­surper of the Kingdome of Mercia (as before is mentioned,) the same Offa tooke vppon hym the gouernment of that Kingdome .758. a man of such stowtnesse of stomacke,758 Mat. VVest. that he thought he should be able to bring to passe all things whatso­euer he conceyued in his mind. He raigned .xxxix. yeares.

His doings were great and marueylous,VVil. Mal. and suche as some tymes his vertues surpassed hys vices, and sometyme againe his vices seemed to ouermatch his vertues.

The Kentishmen he ouercame in a great bat­tayle at Otteforde,The [...] of king Offa. Mat. VVest. 779 and the Northumbers also were by hym vanquished, and in battaile put to flight. With Kenvulfe King of West Saxons hee fought in open battaile, and obteyned a no­ble victorie, wyth small losse of hys people, al­thoughe the same Kenwulfe was a right valy­aunt Prince, and a good Captaine. Againe, per­ceyuing that to proceede wyth craft shoulde soo­ner aduaunce his purpose, than to vse open force agaynst Egilbert King of East Angles, vnder fayre promises to giue vnto him hys daughter in maryage,Falsehed is feloship. hee allured him to come into Mercia, and receyuing him into hys Pa­layce, caused his heade to be stryken off, and af­ter by wrongfull meanes inuaded his kingdome, and got it into his possession: yet hee caused the bones of the first Martyr of this lande Saint Albone (by a myraculous meanes brought to light,) to bee taken vp, and put in a riche shrine, adourned with golde and stone, buylding a good­ly Churche of excellent workemanshippe, and founding a Monasterie in that place in honour of the same Saint, which he indowed with great possessions.The Archbi­shops sea re­moued from Canterburie to Lichfielde. Hee remoued the Archbishops Sea from Canterburie vnto Lichfield, thereby to ad­uaunce his Kingdome of Mercia, as well in dignitie and preheminēce of Spirituall power as Temporall.

[Page 195]He made great suyte to bring that his pur­pose to passe in the Court of Rome, and at length by great giftes and rewardes he obteyned it at the handes of Pope Adrian the first,785 [...]t. VVest. as then gouer­ning the Romaine Sea.

And so Eadulfus as then Bishop of Lich­fielde was adourned with the Pall, and taken for Archbishop, hauing all those Bishops with­in the limittes of King Offa his Dominion, Suffraganes vnto him, as Denebertus By­shop 10 of Worcester, Werebertus Bishop of Ches­ter, Eadulfus Bishop of Dorchester, Wl [...]nar­dus Bishop of Hereforde, Halard Bishop of Els­ham, and Cedferth Bishop of Donwich. There remayned onely to the Archbishop of Canter­burie, the Bishops of London, Wynchester, Ro­chester, and Shireburne.

[...]he Archbi­ [...]op Lambert [...]ended his, [...].And this separation continued all the life time of the Archbishoppe Lambert, although he tra­uayled earnestly to maintayne his prerogatiue, 20 insomuch for that hee styll defended his cause, and woulde not consent to his will, Offa depri­ued him of all his possessions and reuenues that he helde or enioyed wythin any part of his do­minions. Neyther was Offa satisfied herewith, but he also tooke into his handes the possessions of manye other Churches, and namely, hee fleeced the house of Malmesburie of parte of hir reue­nues.Offa allyeth himselfe with [...]ther Princes. Bycause of these and other his harde do­ings, doubting the malice of hys enimes, hee 30 procured the friendship of forraine Princes. Vn­to Brightricke king of the West Saxons hee gaue hys daughter Ethelburga in mariage. And sending diuerse Ambassadors ouer vnto Charles the great,Mat. VVest. that was both Emperour and king of Fraunce, at length he purchased his friendshippe, although before there had depended a peece of dis­pleasure betwixt them,The enter­course of mar­chants stayed. insomuch that the en­tercourse for trade of Merchandize was stayed for a tyme. 40

One of the Ambassadors that was sent vnto the said Charles (as is reported) was that famous clearke Albine,Alcuine an Englishmā. or Al [...]wine, by whose perswasion the same Charles [...] two Vniuersities, as in place conuenient it may more largely appeare.

Finally king Offa (as it were for a meane to appease Gods wrath, whiche hee doubted to bee iustly conceyued towardes him for his sinnes and wickednesse) graunted the tenth part of all hys goodes vnto Church men, and to poore people. He 50 also endowed the Church of Hereforde with great reuenues,Polidor. and as some write, he builded the Ab­bay of Bathe, placing Monkes in the same, of the order of Saint Benet, as before hee had done at Saint Albons.

Moreouer hee went vnto Rome, about the yeare of our Lorde .775. and there following the example of Inas King of the West Saxons,775 he made his realme subiect by way of tribute vnto the Churche of Rome, appoynting that euerye house within the limits of his dominions shoulde yearely pay vnto the Apostolike Sea one pennie, which payment was after named Rome Scot,Peter p [...]nce, or Rome Scot. and Peter pens.

After hys returne from Rome,VVil. Malm. 797 percey­uing himselfe to drawe into yeares, hee caused his Sonne Egfride to bee ordeyned King in hys lyfe tyme: and shortly after departing oute of this Worlde, lefte the Kingdome vnto hym, after hee had gouerned it by the space of .xxxix. yeares.Offa departed this life.

Amongst other the doings of this Offa which surely were great and marueylous, this may not passe with silence, that he caused a mightie greate ditch to be cast betwixte the Marches of hys Countrey, and the Welche confines, to deuide thereby the boundes of their dominions.

This Ditche was called Offeditch euer af­ter,Offditch. and stretched from the South side by Bry­stowe, vnder the Mountaynes of Wales, run­ning Northwarde ouer the Ryuers of Seuerne and Dee, vnto the verie mouth of Dee, where that Ryuer falleth into the Sea. Hee likewyse buylded a Church in Warwikeshire, whereof the towne there taketh name, and is called Offchurch euen to this day.

Egfred taking vpon him the rule, beganne to follow the approued good doings of his father,Egfride king of Mercia. and first restored vnto the Churches theyr aun­cient priuiledges, which his father sometime had taken from them. Great hope was conceyued of hys further good proceedings, but death cut off the same, taking him out of this lyfe, after he had raigned the space of foure Monethes, not for his owne offences (as was thought) but rather for that hys Father hadde caused so muche bloud to bee spylte for the confyrming of hym in the Kingdome, which so small a time he nowe enioyed.

After that Eadbert or Egbert king of Nor­thumberlande was become a Monke,Eadbert king of Northum­berlande. 758 Simon Dun. H. Hunt. his sonne Osoulphus succeeded him: but after he had raig­ned onely one yeare, he was traterously murthe­red by his owne feruants at Mikilwong [...]on, on the .ix. Kalends of August.

Then succeeded one Molle, otherwise called Edilwold or Edilwald, but not immediately,Edilwold king of Northum­berland. Simon Dun. Henric. Hūt. for he began not his raigne till the Nones of August in the yeare following, which was after the byrth of our Sauior .759.

This man proued right valiaunt in gouern­ment of his subiects. He slue in battaile an Earle of his Countrey named Oswin, the which artea­ring warre agaynst him, fought with him in a pight fielde at Eadwines Cliue, and receyued the worthie rewarde of rebellion.

[Page 196]This chaunced in the third yeare of his raigne.

Shortly after, that is to witte in the yeare of our Lorde .764.Simon Dun. 764 there fel such a marueylous great snowe, and therewith so extreeme a frost, as the like had not beene heard of, continuing from the begynning of the Winter, almost tyll the midst of the Spring, with the rygour whereof, trees and fruites wythered away, and lost theyr liuely shape and growth: and not onely feathered foules, but also beastes on the lande, and fishes in the 10 Sea dyed in great numbers. The same yeare died Ceolwulf somtyme king of Northumberlande, vnto whome Beda dyd dedicate his booke of Hystories of the English Nation. After that hee was become a Monke in the Monasterie of Lyndisferne,Monkes licen­ced to drinke wine. the Monkes of that house had ly­cence to drincke Wine, or Ale, where as be­fore they myght not drinke any other thing than milke, or water, by the ancient rule prescribed thē of Bishop Aydan first founder of the place. 20

The same yeare sundrye Cities, Townes, and Monasteryes were defaced and sore wa­sted with fyre chauncing on the sodayne, as Stretehu, Giwento, Anwicke, London, Yorke, Doncaster, and many other.

After that Molle had raigned .vj. yeares, he re­signed his kingdome. But other write that hee raigned .xj. yeares,VVil. Malm. and was in the ende slaine by treason of his successor Altred.

Altred began his raigne in the yeare .765. as Simō Dun. hath. Henric. Hūt. Mat. VVest. Ethelbert.This Altred raigned ten yeares ouer the Nor­thumbers, 30 and was then expulsed out of his king­dome by his owne subiects.

Then was Ethelbert, named also Edelrede, the sonne of the foresayde Molle, made king of Northumberlande, and in the fifth yeare of hys raigne, he was dryuen oute of his kingdome by two Dukes of his Countrey, named Edelbalde, and Herebert, the whiche moouing warre against him, had slaine first Aldulfe the sonne of Bosa the Generall of his armie at Kingesclyffe, and after 40 Kinewulfe, and Egga, other two of his Dukes, at Helatherne in a sore foughten fielde, so that Ethelbert dispayring of all recouerie, was con­strayned to get him oute of the Countrey. And thus was the Kingdome of Northumberlande brought into a myserable state, by the ambi­tious working of the Princes and Nobles of the same.

After that Ethelbert King of East Angles was dead,H. Hunt. Iohn Cap­graue. Mat. VVest. and others. Ethelbert king of East angles. his sonne Ethelbert succeeded hym, a 50 Prince of great towardnesse, and so vertuously brought vp by his fathers circumspect care and diligence, that hee vtterly abhorred vice, and de­lighted onely in vertue and commendable exer­cises, for the better atteyning to knowledge and vnderstanding of good sciences. There remayne manye sundrye sayings and doyngs of hym, manyfestly bearing wytnesse that there coulde not be a man more honourable, thankefull, curte­ous or gentle.

Amongst other he had this saying oftentimes in his mouth, That the greater that men [...],The [...] king [...] the more humble they ought to beare themselues: for the Lorde putteth prowde and mightie [...] from theyr seates, and exalteth the humble and meeke. Moreouer he did not shew himselfe one­ly wise in wordes, but desired also to excell in­stayednesse of maners, and continencie of life: Whereby hee wanne to hym the heartes of hys people, who perceyuing that hee was nothing delighted in the companie of women, [...] therefore mynded not maryage, they of a sin­gular loue and fauour towards him, required that he shuld in any wise yet take a wife, that he might haue issue to succeed him. At length the ma [...]ter beeing referred to hys Counsayle, hee was perswaded to followe theyr aduices. And so Alfred the daughter of Offa King of Mercia was fiaunced to hym: so that he hymselfe ap­poynted (for meane to procure more fauor at hys father in lawes hands) to go to fetch the bride frō hir fathers house.

Manye straunge things that happened to hym in taking vppon hym this iourney, putte hym in greate doubte of that whiche shoulde followe.Tokens of mishap follow. Hee was no sooner mounted on hys Horse, but that (as seemed to hym) the earth shooke vnder him: Againe, as he was in his iour­ney, aboute the mydde tyme of the daye, suche a darke myste compassed hym on eche side, that he coulde not see nor discerne for a certaine time a­ny thing aboute him at all: Lastly, as hee lay [...] one night a sleepe, hee thought hee sawe in a dreame the roofe of his owne Palayce fall downe to the ground. But althoughe wyth these things hee was brought into greate feare,The [...] mistrusted of no [...]. yet hee kept on his iourney, as hee that mistrusted no deceyte, measuring other mens maners by his owne.

King Offa right honourably receyued hym: but his wyfe named Qu [...]dred, a wyse wo­man, but therewyth wic [...]d, conceyued a ma­licious deuise in hir heart, and streyght wayes goeth aboute to perswade hir husbande to putte it in execution, which was to murther king E­thelbert, and after to take into hys handes hys Kingdome.

Offa at the firste was offended wyth hys wyfe for thys motion, but in the ende through the importunate request of the woman, hee con­sented to hir minde.

The order of the murther was committed vnto one Wynnebert,Iohn Ca [...]. Wynnebert. that had serued both the sayde Ethelbert and hys father before tyme, the whiche feyning as thoughe hee had beene sent from Offa to will Ethelbert to come vnto [Page 197] him in the night season, [...]mon Dun. [...]th. 771. slue him that once mis­trusted not any such treason.

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Offa hauing thus dispatched Ethelbert, in­uaded his kingdome,Offa conque­reth East An­gles. and conquered it. But when the Bryde Alfreda vnderstoode the death of hir 20 liked Make and Bridegrome, she abhorring the fact, did curse father and mother, & as if were in­spired with the spirit of prophecie, she pronounced that worthie punishment woulde shortly fall on hir wicked mother, for hir heynous crime cōmit­ted in perswading so detestable a deede▪ and ac­cording to hir wordes it came to passe, for hir mother dyed miserably within three Monethes after.

Alfreda a Nunne. Beda. Mat. VVest.The Mayde Alfreda refusing the worlde, pro­fessed 30 hirselfe a Nunne at Crowlande, the which place beganne to waxe famous aboute the yeare of our Lorde .695. by the meanes of one Gut­lake a man esteemed of great vertue and holy­nesse, which chose to himselfe an habitation there, and departing this lyfe about the yeare of oure Lorde .714. was buried in that place, where af­terwardes an Abbay of Monkes was builded of Saint Benets order.

The bodie of king Ethelbert at length was 40 buried at Hereford, though first it was committed to b [...]riall in a vile place, [...] to the banke of a riuer called Lugge.

The kingdome of East Angles from thence­forth was brought so into decay, that it remay­ned subiect one while vnto them of Mercia, an o­ther while vnto the west Saxons and somewhile vnto them of Kent, till that Edmonde surnamed the Martyr obteyned the gouernment thereof, (as after shall appeare.) 50

After that Selred king of East Saxons had gouerned the tearme of .xxxviij. yeares,H. Hunt. hee was slaine, but in what maner, wryters haue not expressed.

After him succeeded one Swithed, or Swi­thred, the .xj. and last in number that particu­larly gouerned those people. He was finally ex­pulsed by Egbert king of West Saxons, the same yeare that the sayde Egbert ouercame the Kentish men (as after shall be shewed) and so the kings of that kingdom of the East Saxons ceas­sed and tooke ende.

About this time,Friswide a virgine. there was a Mayde in Ox­forde named Friswide, daughter to a certaine Duke or Noble man called Didanus, wyth whom one Algarus a Prince in those parties fell in loue, and woulde haue rauished hir, but God the reuenger of sinnes was at hande as hir storie sayth. For when Algar followed the mayd that fled before him, she getting into the towne, the gate was shutte agaynst him, and his sight also was sodainly taken from him. But the Mayde by hir prayers pacifyed Gods wrath towardes him, so that his sight was to him againe resto­red. But whether this bee a fable or a true tale, hereof grewe the report that the kings of thys Realme long tymes after were afrayde to en­ter into the Citie of Oxforde. So easily is the minde of man turned to superstition, as sayth Polidore.

Kinewulfe.

Kine­wulfe. Hen. Hunt.

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AFter that the West Sax­ons had depriued theyr vnprofita­ble King Sigi­bert, they aduan­ced one Kine­wulfe or Cine­vulfus, yt which began his raigne aboute the yeare of our Lorde .756. which was in the .xvj.756 Simon Dun. hath. 755. yeare of the Emperour Constantinus, surnamed Co­pronimos, in the .vj. yeare of the raigne of Pipin­ [...]ing of France, and about the .xxij. yeare of Eth­fine king of Scottes.

This Kinewulfe proued a right worthee and valiant Prince, and was descended of the [...]ght line of Cerdicius.The Brytayns vanquished. Hee obteyned great victories agaynst the Brytaynes or Welchmen, but at Bensington or Benton; he lost a battaile again [...] Offa King of Mercia, in the .xxiiij. yeare of hys raigne: and from that time forwarde [...] ma­ny displeasures, at length through his owne fol­ly hee came vnto a shamefull ende: for where as he had raigned a long time neyther slouthful­ly nor presumptuously, yet nowe as it were ad­uaunced with the glorie of things passed, hee ey­ther thought that nothing coulde go against him; or else doubted the suretie of their state whom he should leaue behind him, and therefore he confined one Kineard the brother of Sigibert, whose fame hee perceyued to encrease more than hee woulde haue wished.

[Page 198]This Kinearde dissembling the matter, as hee that coulde giue place to tyme, gotte him out of the Countrey, and after by a secrete con­spiracie assembled togyther a knotte of vngra­cious companie, and returning priuily into the Countrey againe, watched his tyme, till he espied that the King wyth a small number of his ser­uauntes was come vnto the house of a Noble woman whome hee kept as Paramour at Mer­ton, whervpon the sayd Kineard vpon the sodain 10 beset the house-round about.

The King perceyuing himselfe thus besie­ged of his enimies, at the first caused the doores to be shutte, supposing eyther by curteous wordes to appease his enimies, or wyth his Princely au­thoritie to put them in feare. But when he sawe that by neyther meane hee coulde doe good, in a great chaufe he brake forth of the house vpon Ki­neard, and went verie neare to haue killed him: but beeing compassed aboute with multitude of 20 enimies, whylest hee stoode at defence, thin­kyng it a dishonour for hym to flie,K [...]newuif slain by conspi­rators. hee was bea­ten downe and slaine, togyther with those fewe of his seruauntes which hee had there with hym, who chose rather to die in seeking reuenge of their maisters death, than by cowardice to yeeld them­selues into the murtherers handes. There esca­ped none excepte one Welchman or Bry­tayne, an Hostage who was neuerthelesse sore wounded. 30

The bruyte of suche an heynous acte was streyght wayes blowen ouer all, and brought with speede to the eares of the Noble men and Peeres of the Realme, whiche were not farre off the place where this slaughter had beene commit­ted. Amongest other, one Osrike, for his age and wisedome accounted of most authoritie, exhor­ted the residue that in no wyse they shoulde suf­fer the death of their soueraigne Lorde to passe vnpunished vnto theyr perpetuall shame and re­proufe. 40 Wherevpon in all haste they ranne to the place where they knew to finde Kineard, who at the fyrst beganne to pleade hys cause, to make large promises, to pretende cousynage, and so forth: but when he perceyued all that hee coulde say or doe might not preuaile, hee encouraged his companie to shewe themselues valyaunt, and to resyst theyr enimyes to the vttermoste of theyr powers.

Herevpon followed a doubtfull fight, the one 50 part stryuing to saue theyr lyues, and the other to attaine honour, and punish the slaughter of theyr soueraigne Lorde. At length the victorie rested on the side where the right was, so that the wic­ked murtherer after hee had fought a while, at length was slaine, togyther w [...]th fourescore and eight of his Mates.Sim. Dunel. H. Hunt. The Kings bodie was bu­ried at Winchester, and the murtherers at Re­pingdon. Suche was the ende of King Kine­wulfe, after hee had raigned the tearme of .xxxi. yeares.

In the yeare of our Lorde .786.Bede. [...] Magd. 785. H. [...] Lega [...] [...] the Pope. or as Harison hath .787. Pope Adrian sent two Lega [...] [...] Englande, Gregorie (or as some C [...]pi [...] haue George) Bishop of Ostia, and Theophilactus bi­shop of Tuderto, with letters commendatory vn­to Offa king of Mercia, and vnto Alfwolde king of Northumberlande, and likewise to Ieanbright or Lambert Archbishop of Canterburie, and to Eaubald Archbishop of Yorke.

These Legates were gladly receyued, not only by the foresayde Kings & Archbishops, but also of all other the high estares, aswel spiritual and tem­poral of the lande, and namely of Kinewulfe king of the West Saxons, which repayred vnto king Offa to take counsaile with him for reformation of suche articles as were conteyned in the Popes letters.

There were .xx. seuerall articles whiche they had to propone on the Popes behalfe,Twentie a [...]ti­cles which the Legates had to propone. as touching the receyuing of the faith or articles established by the Nicene Coūcel, & obeying of the other general Councels with instructions concerning baptisme and keeping of Synodes yearely, for the exami­nation of Priestes and Ministers, and reforming of naughtie liuers.

Moreouer touching discretion to be vsed in the admitting of gouernors in Monasteries, and Cu­rates or priests to the ministerie in Churches: and further for the behauior of priests in wearing their apparell, namely that they should not presume to come to the aulter bare legged, least their disho­nestie might be discouered. And that in no wis [...] the Chalice or Paten were made of the borne of an Oxe, bycause the same is bloudie of nature, nor the host of a crust, but of pure bread.

Also whereas Bishops vsed to sitte in Coun­cels to iudge in secular causes, they were nowe forbidden so to doe.

Many other things were for meane of refor­mation artycled both for spirituall causes, and al­so concerning ciuill ordinaunces, as dissenabling children to be heyres to the parentes, whiche by them were not begotte in lawfull matrimonie, but on cōcubines,Nunnes con­cubines. whether they were Nunnes or secular women.

Also of paymēt of tithes, performing of vowes, auoyding of vndecent apparell, and abolishing of all maner of Ethnish vsages and customes that sounded contrarie to the order of Christianitie,Curtayling horses. as curtayling Horses, and eating of Horses flesh.

These things with many other expressed in .xx. principal articles (as we haue sayd) were first con­cluded to be receyued by the Church of the Nor­thumbers, in a Councell holden there, & subscribed by Alfwold king of the Northūbers by Delberke [Page 199] Bishop of Hexham by Eaubalde Archbishop of Yorke, Hygwalde Byshop of Lyndisferne, Edel­bert Bishop of Whiterne, Aldulfe Byshoppe of Myeth. Ethelwyne also an other Byshop by his deputies, with a number of other of the Clergie, and Lordes also of the temporaltie, as Duke Al­rike, Duke Segwulfe, Abbot Aldberi [...]ke, and Ab­bot Erhard.

After this confirmation had of the Northum­bers, there was also a counsell holden in Mercia, 10 at Cealtide in the which these persons subscribed, Iambert or Lambert Archbishop of Canterbu­rie, Offa King of Mercia, Hughbright Bishop of Lichfield, Edeulfe Bishoppe of Faron, with Vn­wone Bishop of Ligor, and nine other Bishops beside Abbots, and three Dukes, as Brorda, Far­walde, and Bercoald, with Earle Othbalde.

But nowe to returne backe to speake of other doings, as in other parties of this lande they fell out. 20

764Aboute the yeare of our Lorde .764. the Sea of Canterburie beeing voyde, one Iambert or Lambert was elected Archbishop there, and in the yeare .766. the Archbishop of Yorke Egbert de­parted this lyfe,Simon Dun. hath .780. in whose place one Adelbert suc­ceeded.

About the .xxv. yeare of Kynwulfe king of West Saxons,Simon Dun. the Northumbers hauing to their captaynes two noble men, Osbalde and Ethel­herard, burned one of their Iudges named Bearn, 30

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40 bycause hee was more cruell in iudgement (as they tooke the matter) than reason requyred.

The same tyme, one Aswalde or Alfewolde, raigned ouer the Northumbers, beeing admit­ted 50 King, after that Ethelbert was expulsed, and when the same Alfwolde had raigned tenne, (or as other haue .xj.) yeares, he was trayterous­ly,He begin his raigne Anno 779 as hath Simon Dunel. and raigned but ten yeares. and without all guilt made away, and mur­thered by his owne people. The chiefe conspi­ratour was named Siga, and his bodie was bu­ried at Hexam.

The same Alfwolde was a iust Prince, and worthilye gouerned the Northumbers to hys highe prayse and commendation. He was mur­thered (as before yee haue hearde,) the .xxiij. of September, in the yeare of our Lorde .788.788 Mat. VVest. Simon Dun. 792

In the yeare .792. Charles king of Fraunce sent into Brytaine a booke which had beene sent vnto him from Constantinople, conteyning cer­taine articles agreed vpon in a Synode (wherein were present aboue the number of three hundred Bishops) quite contrarie and disagreeing from the true fayth, namely in thys, that Images ought to be worshipped, which the Church of god vtterly abhorreth. Agaynst this booke Albinus that famous Clearke wrote a treatise confirmed with places taken out of holy Scripture, whiche treatise with the booke in name of all the Bishops and Princes of Brytayne, he presented vnto the king of Fraunce.

In the yeare .800. on Christmasse euen chan­ced, a marueylous tempest of winde,Simon Dun. 800 which ouer­threw whole Cities and townes in diuers places, and trees in greate number, beside other harmes which it did, as by death of Cattell. &c. In the yeare following a great part of the Citie of Lon­don was consumed by fire.

Brightrichus.

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AFter Kene­wulfe,Brigh­tricus. Hen. Hunt. Mat. VVest. hath .787. Simon Dun. hath .786. one Bricrichus, or Brightri [...] was ordeyned King of West Sax­ons, and began his raign in the yeare of oure lord .787. which was aboute the viij. yeare of the gouernment of the Empresse Eirene with hir sonne Constantinus, and about the second yeare of the raigne of Achaius king of Scottes.

This Brightrike was procreate of the [...]ue of Cerdicius the first king of West Saxons, and xvj. in number from him. He was a man of na­ture quiet and temperate, more desirous of peace than of warre, and therefore he stoode in doubt of ye noble valiancie of one Egbert, which after suc­ceeded him in the kingdome. The linage of Cer­dicius was in that season so cōfoūded and ming­led, that euerie one as he grew to greatest power, stroue to be king and supreme gouernor. But spe­cially Egbertus was knowne to be one that co­ueted the place, as hee that was of the blou [...] royall, and a man of greate power and lusti [...] courage.

King Brightrike therefore to liue in more suretie, banished him the l [...]nde,Egbert bani­shed. and appoynted [Page 200] him to goe into Fraunce.

Egbert vnderstanding for certaine that this his departure into a forraine Countrey shoulde turne to his aduauncement in time to come, o­beyed the kings pleasure.

About the thirde yeare of Brightrykes raigne, there fell vpon mens garmentes as they walked abrode,A straunge wonder. Crosses of bloudie colour, and bloud fell from heauen as drops of raigne.

Mat. VVest. VVil. Malm. Hen. Hunt. Danes.Some tooke this wonder for a signification of 10 the persecution that followed by the Danes: for shortly after in the yeare ensuing, there arryued three Danish shippes vpon the English coastes, against whome the Lieutenant of the parties ad­ioyning made forth to apprehend those that were come a lande, howbeeit aduenturing himselfe o­uer rashly amongest them, he was slaine: but afterwardes when the Danes perceyued that the people of the Countreyes aboute beganne to as­semble, and were comming agaynst them, they 20 fled to theyr shippes, and left their pray and spoile behinde them for that time.

These were the fyrst Danes that arryued here in this lande, beeing onely sente (as was perceyued after) to viewe the Countrey, and coastes of the same, to vnderstande howe with a greater power they myght bee able to inuade it, as shortly after they did, and warred so wyth the Englishe men, that they got a greate part [...] of the lande, and helde it in theyr owne 30 possession.

In the tenth yeare of King Brightrykes raigne, there were seene in the ayre fyrie Dra­gons flying, whiche betokened (as was thought) two grieuous plagues that followed. Fyrst a greate dearth and famine: and secondly the cruell warre of Danes,Famine and warre signified which shortly followed, as yee shall heare.

Finally, after that Brightrike had raigned the space of .xvj. yeares, he departed this life, and was 40 buried at Warham.

Some wryte that hee was poysoned by hys wife Ethelburga,Ran. Cestren. li. 5. cap. 25. Brightrike de­parted this life whom he maryed in the fourth yeare of his raigne. Shee was daughter vnto Offa King of Mercia (as before yee haue heard.) Shee is noted by wryters to haue beene a verye euill woman, proude, and high mynded as Lu­cifer,Ethelburga hir conditions and wicked nature. and therewyth disdaynfull. Shee bare hir the more stately by reason of hir fathers greate fame and magnificence: whome shee hated shee 50 woulde accuse to hir husbande, and so put them in daunger of theyr lyues. And if she might not so wreake hir rancour, shee woulde not sticke to poyson them.

And so it happened one daye, as shee ment to haue poysoned a yong Gentleman, agaynste whome shee hadde a quarell, the King chaun­ced to taste of that Cuppe, and dyed therof (as be­fore ye haue heard.)

Hir purpose indeede was not to haue poysoned the King, but onely the yong Gentleman, the which drinking after the King died also, the poy­son was so strong and vehement.A [...] of the kings of the West Saxons agaynst their wiues.

For hir heynous cryme it is sayde that the Kings of West Saxons woulde not suffer their wyues to be called Queenes, nor permitte them to sit with them in open places (where their Ma­iestie shoulde bee shewed) of manye yeares after.

Ethelburga fearing punishment, fledde into Fraunce with greate ryches and treasure, and was wel cherished in the Court of King Charles at the first, but after she was thrust into an Ab­bey, and demeaned hirself so lewdly there,The ende of Ethelburga. Simon Dan. in kee­ping companie with one of hir owne Countrey men, that shee was banished the house, and after died in great miserie.

20 Egbert king of Mercia departing this lyfe, after he had raigned foure Monethes,VVil. Mal. Kenulf. ordeyned his cousin Kenulfe to succeede in his place, which Kenulfe was come of the lyne of Penda king of Mercia, as rightly decended from hys brother Kenwalke.

This Kenulfe for his noble courage, wise­dome, and vpryght dealing, was worthie to be cōpared with the best Princes that haue raigned. His vertues passed hys fame: nothing hee dyd that enuye coulde with iuste cause reproue. At home hee shewed hymselfe godlye and [...]ligi­ous, in warre hee became victorious,The Archbi­shops sea re­stored to Can­terburie. hee resto­red the Archbishoppes Sea agayne to Canter­burie, wherein hys humblenesse was to be pray­sed, that made no accounte of any worldly ho­nour in hys Prouince, so that the order of the auncient Canons might be obserued. Hee had warres left him as it were by succession from his Predecessour Offa agaynste them of Kent, and therevppon entering that Countrey wyth a mightie armie, wasted and spoyled the same, and encountering in battayle wyth King Ed­bert, or Ethelbert, otherwise called also Pre [...],The king of Kent take [...] prisoner. ouerthrewe his armie, and tooke him prysoner in the fielde, but afterwardes he released, him to his great prayse and commendation. For where as hee buylded a Churche at Winchcombe vp­on the day of the dedication thereof, hee ledde the Kentishe King as then hys prysoner vp to the highe Aulter, and there sette him at libertye, declaring thereby a greate proufe of hys good nature.

There was present at that sight, Cuthred whō he had made king of Kent in place of Ethelbert, or Edbert, with .xiij. Bishoppes and ten Dukes. The noyse that was made of the people in reioy­sing at the kings bounteous liberalitie was mer­ueylous. For not only he thus restored ye Kentish [Page 201] King to libertie,Kenulfes libe­rality-towards Churchmen, which was not forgotten by them in their histories. but also he bestowed greate re­wards vpon all the Prelates and noble men that were come to the feast, euery Priest had a peece of golde, and euery monke a shilling. Also hee gaue away great giftes amongst the people, and foun­ded in that place an Abbey, endowing the same with great possessions. Finally, after he had raig­ned .24. yeares, he departed this life, and appoyn­ted his buriall to be in ye same Abbey of Winch­come, leauing behind him a son named Kenelme, 10 who succeeded his father in the Kingdome, but was soone murthered by hys vnnaturall sister Quenbred the seuenteenth of Iuly, as hereafter shall be shewed.

AFter that Aswald King of Northumberland was made away,Osred. 788 VV. Mal. Mat. VVest. H. Hunton. Sim. Dunel. his brother Osred the sonne of Alred tooke vppon him the rule of that Kyng­dome anno .788. and within one yere was expul­sed, and lefte the Kingdome to Ethelbert or E­delred as then reuoked out of exile, in whiche hee 20 had remayned for the space of .12. yeres, and nowe beeing restored, he continued in gouernemente of the Northumbers four yeares, or as some say .7. yeres.Duke Eardulf taken and wounded. In the second yere whereof Duke Eardulfe was taken and led to Ripon, & there without the gate of the monasterie wounded, as was thought to death by the said K. but the Monks taking his body, and laying it in a tent without the Church, after midnight he was found aliue in ye Churche. Moreouer, about the same time, ye sonnes of king 30 Alfwald wer by force drawen out of the Citie of Yorke, but firste by a wile they were trayned out of the head Church where they had taken Sanc­tuary, & so at length miserably slain by K. Ethel­bert in Wonwaldremere, the one of them highte Alfus, and the other Alfwine. In the yeare of oure Lord .792.792 Osred vpon trust of the othes and pro­mises of dyuers noble men, secretly returned into Northumberland, but his own souldiers forsooke him, and so was he taken and by king Ethelberts commaundement put to death at Cunburg on ye fourtenth day of September. The same yere K. Ethelbert married ye Lady Alfled the daughter of Offa King of Mercia, forsaking his former wife which he had, hauing no iust cause of diuorse gi­uen on hir part, whereby his people tooke such dis­pleasure againste him, that finally after he hadde raigned now this second time four yeres, or (as o­ther haue) seuen yeres, he could not auoyde the de­steny of his predecessors, but was miserably kil­led by his owne subiects at Cobre, the eightenth day of April. After whome, one Oswald a noble man, was ordeyned K. and within a .27. or .28. dayes after, was expulsed, & cōstreined to flee first into the Isle of Lindesferne,Holy ilande. Ardulf. & frō thence vnto the K. of Pictes. Then Ardulfe yt was a Duke, & son to one Arnulfe, was reuoked out of exile, & made K. & cōsecrated at Yorke by ye Archb. Cumbalde, & three other Bishops, the .25. of Iune, in the yere 796. About a two yeres after, to witte,796 in the yere 798. one Duke Wade, and other conspirators whiche had bin also partakers in ye murthering of K. Ethelbert, reysed war againste. K. Ardulf, and fought a battell with him at Walley,Walalege. but K. Ar­dulf got ye vpper hand, & chased Wade & other his enimies out of the field. In the yeare .799.799 Duke Aldred that had murthered Ethelbert or Athelred K. of Northumberlande, was slaine by another Duke called Chorthmond, in reu [...]ge of the death of his master ye saide Ethelbert. Shortly after, a­bout ye same time yt Brightrike K. of West Sa­xons departed this life, there was a sore battell foughten in Northumberlād at Wellehare, in ye which Alrick ye son of Herbert, and many other wt

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him were slain: but to reherse all the battels with their successes and issues,The English­men afflicted each other with ciuill warre. it shoulde be too tedious & irksome to ye readers, for the English people be­ing naturally hard and high minded, continually scourged each other with intestine warres. About sixe or seuē yeres after this battel, K. Ardulf was expulsed out of ye estate. And thus may ye consider in what plight things stoode in Northumberlād, by the often seditious tumultes and chaungings of gouernors, so that there be which haue writtē, [Page 202] how after the death of King Ethelbert otherwise called Edelred, diuers Bishops and other of the chiefest nobles of the countrey disdeyning suche trayterous prince quellings, ciuill sedition, and in­iurious dealings, as it were put in dayly practise amongst the Northumbers, departed out of their natiue bordures into voluntary exile, and that frō thencefoorth there was not any of the nobilitie, that durst take vpon him the kingly gouernement amongst them, fearing the prerogatiue destiny 10 thereof, as if it had bin Se [...]anes horse, whose rider came euer to some euil end. But yet by that whi­che is heeretofore shewed out of Simon Dunel­mensis, it is euident, that there raigned Kings o­uer the Northumbers, but in what authority and power to command, it may be doubted: Howbeit this is certaine, that the sundry murderings and banishmentes of their kings and Dukes giue vs greatly to gesse, that there was but sory obediēce vsed in the countrey, wherby for no small space of 20 time that kingdome remayned without an head gouernor, beeing set open to the pray and iniurie of them that were bordurers vnto it, and likewise vnto straungers: for the Danes whiche in those dayes were great rouers, had landed before in the North partes,This chanced in the vere of our Lorde 793. as Simon Dunel. hath. & spoyled the Abbey of Lindes [...]e [...]ne otherwise called holy iland, & perceiuing ye fruite­fulnesse of the countrey, & easinesse for their people to inuade it (bycause that through their priuate quarelling, there was little publike resistance to 30 be loked for) at their comming home, entised their countreymen to make viages into England, and so landing in Northumberlande,The Danes inuade Nor­thumberland. did much hurt, and obteined a great part of ye countrey in maner without resistance, bycause there was no Ruler there able to reyse any power of men by publike authoritie to encounter with the common eni­mies, by reason whereof, ye countrey was brought into great miserie, what through war of Danes, & the ciuil dissention amongst the nobles and peo­ple 40 themselues, no man being of authority (I say) able to reforme such misorders. Yet we finde, that the nobles and Captaines of the countrey, assem­bling togither at one time againste the Danes yt were landed about Tinemouth,The Danes vanquished. constreined them by sharp fight to flee back to their Shippes, & toke certain of thē in the field, whose heads they stroke off there vpon the shore.This was anno [...]94. as Simon Dunel. hath. The other that gote to their Shippes, suffered greate losse of men, & like­wise of their vessels by tempest. 50

After that Alrike (the last of K. Witchtredes sonnes which raigned in Kent successiuely after their father) was dead, the noble ofspring of the kings there sore decayed, and begā to fade away, so yt euery one which eyther by flattering had gote riches togither, or by seditious pertaking was had in estimation, sought to haue the gouernmēt and to vsurp ye title of King, abusing by vnwor­thy meanes the honor and dignitie of so high an office. Amongst other,Edbrig [...]. one Edbert or Edelberte surnamed also Prenne, gouerned the Kentishmen for the space of two yeres, & was in the ende van­quished by them of Mercia, and taken prisoner as before is said, so that for a time he liued in capti­uitie, & although afterwardes he was set at liber­tie, yet was he not receyued againe to the Kyng­dome, so that it is vncertaine what end he made. Cuthred that was appointed by Kinevulfe ye K. of Mercia, to raigne in place of the saide Edberte or Edelbert, continued in the gouernement eyght yeres as king, rather by name than by acte, inhe­riting his predecessors euill happe and calamitie, through factions and ciuill discord.

After that Iambrith or Lambert the Archbi­shop of Canterburie was departed this life,Lambert. one Edelred was ordeined in his place, vnto whome the primacie was restored, which in his predeces­sors time was taken away by Offa K. of Mer­cia, as before is recited. Also after ye deathe of Eu­balde Archbishop of Yorke, another of the same name called Eubald the second, was admitted to succeede in that see.

After that Brightrike ye K. of West Saxons was departed this life, messengers were sent with all speede into Fraunce, to giue knowledge there­of vnto Egberte, which as before is shewed, was constreined by the saide Brightrike to departe the countrey. At the first, he withdrew vnto Offa K. of Mercia, with whom hee remained for a tyme, til at length, through suite made by Brightrike, he perceiued hee mighte not longer continue there withoute danger to be deliuered into his enimies hands, and so Offa winking at the matter) he de­parted out of his countrey, and gote him ouer in­to Fraunce, but being now aduertised of Bright­rikes death, and required by earnest letters sente from his friends to come and receiue the gouern­ment of the Kingdome, he returned with al con­uenient speede into his countrey, and was recey­ued immediately for King,Egbert recey­ued King of West Saxons. His lignage. by the generall con­sent of the West Saxons, as well in respect of ye good hope which they had conceiued of his wor­thy qualities and aptnesse to haue gouernement, as of his royall lignage, beeing lineally discended from Inegild the brother of K. Inas, as sonne to Alkemounde, that was the sonne of one Eaffa, which Eaffa was sonne to Ope the sonne of the foresayd Inegild.

THis Egbert began his raigne in the yeare of our Lord .8 [...].Egbert. 802. as Simon Dunel. and M. W. hath [...] but 801. as William Har­rison [...] it our of Mal. whiche was the fourth yeare al­most ended, after that the Emperour Eirine be­gan the seconde time to rule the Empire, and in the . [...]4. yere of the raigne of Charles the great K. of France, whiche also was in the same yere after he was made Emperour of the West, and about the second yere of Conwall King of Scottes.

[Page 203]Whilest this Egbert remayned in exile, he tur­ned his aduersaries into occasion of valiancie, as it had bin a grindelstone to grind away & remoue the rust of sluggish slouthfulnes, in so much, that haunting ye wars in France, in seruice of Charles the Great, he atteined to great knowledge & expe­rience, both in matters apperteyning to the wars, & likewise to ye well ordering of a common welth in time of peace. The first warres that he tooke in hand, after he had atteyned to ye kingdom, was a­gainst 10 the Cornishmē, a remeināt of the old Bri­taines, whome he shortly ouercame and subdued. Thē he thought good to tame ye vnquiet Welch­men, yt which stil were ready to moue Rebellion against the Englishmen, as they that being van­quished,Sim. Dunel. H. Hunton. woulde not yet seeme to bee subdued, wherefore about the .14. yere of his raigne, he in­uaded the countrey of Wales, and went through the same frō East to West, not finding any per­son ye durst resist him. Thus K. Egbert hauing 20 ouercome his enimies of Wales and Cornewall▪ began to growe in authoritie aboue all the other rulers within this lande, in so much, that euery of thē began to feare their owne estate,Bernulf K. of Mercia but namely Bernevulf K. of Mercia sore stomaked the mat­ter, as he that was wise, & of a iolly loftie courage, and yet doubted to haue to do with Egbert, who was knowen also to be a man both skilfull & va­liant. At length yet cōsidering with himselfe, that if his chance should be to speede well, so much the more shuld his praise he increased. He determined to attempt the fortune of war, & thervpō intima­ted the same vnto Egbert, ye whiche supposing it shoulde be a dishonor to him to giue place, boldly prepared to meete Bernulfe in the field. Heere vp­pon they encountred togither at Ellendone,A batel fo [...] at Ellendone. and fought a sore battell, in ye which an huge [...] of men were slaine, what on the one part,Egbert wa [...] the victory [...]. & on ye other, but in the ende the victory remained with Egbert, although he had not yt like host for m [...]m­ber

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vnto Bernullfe, but he was a politike prince, & of great experience, hauing chosen his Souldiers of nimble, leane, and deliuer mē, wher Bernulfes Souldiers through long ease, were cowardly per­sons,VV. Mal. 826 40 & ouercharged with flesh. This battell was fought in the yere of our Lord .826. King Egbert hauing got this victory, was aduanced into such hope that he perswaded himself to be able without greate adoe to ouercome the residue of his neigh­bours, whose estates he saw playnely sore weake­ned & fallen in great decay. Her vpon before all o­ther, he determined to assaile Edelvulf K. of Kēt, whome he knew to be a [...] in no estimation a­mongst his subiects. A competent army therefore 50 being leuied,Alstan Bishop of Shireborne a warrioure. he apointed his son Ethelvulf & Al­stane Bishop of Shireborne, with erle Walhard to haue the conduit thereof, & sente them with the same into Kent, where they wrought suche mai­steries, that they chased both the K. & al other that would not submit thēselues out of the countrey, cōstreining them to passe ouer the Thames.The conquests of the West Saxons. And herewith the West Saxōs follwowing the vic­tory brought vnder subiection or king Egbert the countreys of Kēt, Essex, Southrey, and Sussex. The East Angles also about the same time recei­ued K. Egbert for their soueraigne Lord,Hen. Hu [...] & com­forted by his setting on againste Bernulfe king of Mercia, inuaded ye confines of his Kingdome, in reuenge of displeasures whiche he had done to thē lately before, by inuading their countrey: & as it came to passe, encountring with the said Bernulf which came against them to defend his countrey,Bernulfe K Mercia slay they slew him in the field. And thus their myndes on both parts being kindled into further wrath, ye East Angles eftsones in ye yere following, fought with thē of Mercia, & ouercame them againe, and slew their K. Ludicenus that succeeded Bernulfe in that kingdome, with .5. of his Erles. Thus the state of the kingdome of Mercia being weakened, Egbert conceiued an assured hope of good successe in the .17. yere of his raigne, made an open inuatiō into yt countrey, & chasing Whitlafe K. of Mer­cia (yt succeeded Ludicenus) out of his estate, con­quered ye whole kingdom of the Mercies. But yet [Page 204] in the yere next following, or in the third yere af­ter (as saith Harrison,) he restored it againe vnto Wightlafe, with condition, that he should enioy the same as tributary to him, and acknowledge him for his supreme gouernour. [...] Dunel. The same yeare that Bernvulf K. of Mercia was slain by ye East Angles, [...] were [...]ornish­ [...]s is to [...]pposed. there was a sore battell foughten at Ga­uelforde, betwixte them of Deuonshire, and the Britaynes, in the whiche many thousands dyed on both parts. King Egbert hauing conquered al 10 the English people, inhabiting on the South side of Humber, led foorth his army againste them of Northumberland: but the Northumbers beeyng not only vexed with ciuil sedition, but also with ye often inuasion of Danes, perceiued not how they should be able to resist the power of K, Egbert:King Egbert inuadeth Northūberlād The Northūbers submit them to Kyng Egbert. & therfore vpon good aduisement taken in the mat­ter, they resolued to submit themselues, & therevpō sent Ambassadors to him to offer their submissiō, cōmitting themselues wholly vnto his protectiō.

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King Egbert gladly receiued them, & promised to 30 defend them from all forraine enimies. And thus the kingdome of Northumberland was brought vnder subiectiō to the kings of the West Saxōs, after the state had bin sore weakened with contē ­tion and ciuill discord that had continued amōgst the nobles of the countrey, for the space of many yeres, beside the inuasion made by outwarde eni­mies, to ye greenous domage of the people. After ye K. Egbert had finished his businesse in Northū ­berlād, he turned his power towards the countrey 40 of Northwales, [...]. Higd. Northw [...]les [...] the Citie [...] Chester [...]quered by [...]bert. & subdued ye same with the Citie of Chester, which till those dayes, the Britaynes or Welchmen had kept in their possession. Whē K. Egbert had obteined these victories, and made such conquests as before is mentioned, of the peo­ple here in this lande [...]he caused a counsell to be as­sembled at Winchester, and there by aduice of the high estates, hee was Crowned K. as soueraigne gouernour, and supreme Lord of the whole land. It is also recorded, that hee caused commission 50 to be directed forth into all partes of ye Realme, to giue commandement, that frō thence forwarde al the people inhabiting within this land, should bee called Englishmē, [...]he name of [...] Ile when [...] was chāged. & not Saxōs, & likewise ye lād should be called England by one generall name, though it should appeare (as before is mentioned) that it was so called shortly after the firste time yt the Angles & Saxons gote possessiō therof. Now was K. Egberte setled in good quiet, and his do­minions reduced out of ye troubles of warre, when suddaynely newes came,The Danes. that the Danes with a nauie of .xxxv. ships, were arriued on ye Englishe coastes, & began to make sore war in the land. K. Egbert being thereof aduertised, with all conue­nient speede gote togither an army, & went foorth to giue battell to the enimies. Herevpon encoun­tring with them, there was a sore foughten fielde betwixt them, and continued with great slaugh­ter on both sides, till the night came on, and then by chance of warre the Englishmen which before were at pointe to haue gone away with victory;The English­men disco [...]i­ted by Danes. Sim. Dunel. were vanquished and put to flight, yet K. Egbert by court of the night escaped his enimies hands, but two of his chiefe Captaines Dudda and Os­mond, with two Bishops, to witte,H. Hunton. Hereferde of Winchester, and Vigferd of Shireborne,Math. VVest. were slayne in that battel, which was foughtē at Car­rum, about the .834. of Christ,834 Danes and Welchmen vanquished. Here begin­neth [...] to [...] the [...] of the Danes. Hengest [...]. 836 Math. [...]. Egbert [...]. and .34. yeare of K. Egberts raigne. In ye yere following, the Danes with their name came into West Wales, and there the Welchmen ioyning with them, rose a­gainst K. Egbert, but he with prosperous fortune vanquished and slew, both ye Danes & Welchmē, & that in great nūber, at a place called Hengisten­tō. The next yere after also, which was .836. he o­uerthrew another army of Danes which came a­gainst him, as on author writeth. Finally, whē K. [Page 205] Egbert had raigned the tearme of .36. yeres, [...] .7. monethes with greate glory for the enlarging of his kingdome with so wide boundes, which when he receiued,837 Mat. VVest. was of so small a compasse, he depar­ted this life, leauing to his issue matter of worthy praise to mainteyne that with good order whiche he with painefull diligence had ioyned togither. His body was buried at Winchester, and he lefte behind him two sonnes Ethelvoulfe, otherwise named Athaulfe and Adelstan. The firste he ap­poynted 10 to succeede him in the kingdom of West Saxons, and Athelstan hee ordeined to haue the gouernement of Kent, Sussex, and Essex.

VVil. Mal.After that Cuthred K. of Kent had raigned .8. yeres, as before is mentioned, he was constreyned to giue place vnto one Baldred, that tooke vppon him the gouernment, and raigned the space of .18. yeres, without any greate authoritie, for his sub­iects regarded him but sorily, so that in the ende, when his countrey was inuaded by the West 20 Saxons, he was easily constreyned to departe in­to exile. And thus was the kingdome of Kent an­nexed to the kingdome of the West Saxons, af­ter the same kingdome had continued in gouern­mente of kings created of the same nation for the space of .382. yeres,The ende of the kingdome of Kent. 827 yeres, that is to say, from the yeare of our Lord .464. vnto the yere .827.

Suithred or Suthred K. of Essex was van­quished and expulsed out of his kingdom by Eg­bert K.The end of the Kingdome of Eastsex. of West Saxons (as before ye may reade) 30 in the same yere that the kentishmen were subdu­ed by the said Egbert, or else very shortly after.

This Kingdome continued .281. yeres, from the yere .614. vnto the yere .795. as by the table of the Heptarchie set foorth by Alexander Neuill it appeareth.

After the decesse of Kenvulfe K. of Mercia, his sonne Kenelme a child of the age of .7. yeares was admitted K.Mat. VVest. 821 The wicked­nesse of Quē ­dred. about the yere of our Lord .821. Hee had two sisters, Quendred, and Burgenild, of the 40 which the one (that is to say) Quendrede, of a ma­litious minde, moued through ambition, enuyed hir brothers aduauncemente, and sought to make him away, so that in the ende, she corrupted ye go­uernor of his person one Ashberte, with greate re­wardes and high promises, perswading him to dispatch hir innocent brother out of life, that shee might raigne in his place. Ashbert one day vnder a colour to haue the yong king foorthe on hun­ting,King Ke­nelme mur­thered. led him into a thicke wood, and there cut off 50 the head frō his body, an Impe by reason of his tēder yeres & innocent age, vnto the world voyde of gilt, & yet thus trayterously murthered with­out cause or crime: he was afterward reputed for a Martir. There hath gone a tale that his death should be signified at Rome, and the place where the murther was committed, by a straunge man­ner: for (as they say) a white Doue came and a­light vpon the Aulter of Saint Peter, bearyng a scroll in hir [...], which she let fall on the same Aul­ter, in which scroll among other things this was contreyned, in Cle [...]c Ko [...] Bath, Keneline Ken­barne lieth vnder thorne, heaued betraned that is, at Clenc in a Cow pasture, Keneline the Kyngs Child lieth beheaded vnder a thorne. This tale I reherse [...] for any credite I thinke it [...] of, but only for yt it seemeth the place where the yong Prince innocently lost his life.

After that Keneline was thus made away,Ceolwolf K. of Mercia. 823 his Vncle Ceolwolfe the Brother of King Kenulfe was [...]rea [...]ed King of Mercia, and in the seconde yeare of his raigne, was expulsed by Bernwolfe.

Bernwolfe in the thirde yeare (or seconde as Harrison hath) of his raigne, was vanquished and put to flight in battell by Egbert King of West Saxons, and shortly after [...] of the East an­gles as before ye haue heard.

Then one Ludi [...]nus or Ludicanus was cre­ated King of Mercia, and within two yeres after came to the like ende that hap [...]es to his predeces­sor before him, as he [...] about to reuenge hys death, so that the Kingdome of Britayne began now to rec [...]e from their owne estate, and leane to an alteration, which grew in the end to the erectiō of a per [...]t Monarchie, and finall subuersion of their perticular estates and regiments.

After Ludicenus, succeeded Wightlafe,Mat. VVest 728 who first being vanquished by Egbert, King of West Saxons, was afterwardes restored to the King­dome by the same Egbert, and raigned thirtene yeres, whereof twelue at the least were vnder tri­bute which he payed to the said Egbert and to his sonne, as to his Soueraignes and supreme go­uernoures.

The Kingdome of Northumberlande was brought in subiection to the Kings of West Sa­xons, as before is mentioned, in the yeare of oure Lord .828.828 and in ye yeare of the raigne of K. Eg­bert .28. but yet here it tooke not ende as after shall appeare.

EThelwoulfus otherwise called by some wri­ters Athaulfus,Ethel­wolfus. began his raigne ouer ye West Saxons in the yeare .837. which was in the .24. yere of the Emperour Ludouicus Pius that was also K. of France, in the .10. yeare of Theophilus ye Emperour of the East, & about the third yere of Kenneth the seconde of that name K. of Scottes. This Ethelvoulf minding in his youth to haue bin a Priest, entred into the orders of Subdeacō,Hen. Hunt. Math. VVest. and as some write, he was Bishop of Winche­ster: but howsoeuer the matter stoode, or whether he was or not, sure it is, that shortly after he was assoyled of his vowes by authoritie of Pope Leo, and then maried a proper Gentlewoman named Osburga, which was his butlers daughter. Hee was of nature curteous, and rather desirous to [Page 206] liue in quiet rest, than to be troubled with the go­uernement of many countreys, [...]V. Mal. so that cōtenting himselfe with the kingdome of West Saxons, he permitted his brother Athelstan to enioy the resi­due of the countreys, which his father had subdu­ed, as Kent, and Essex, with other. He ayded the K. of Mercia Burthred against the Welchmen, and greatly aduanced his estimation, by gyuyng vnto him his daughter in marriage. But now the fourth destruction which chanced to this lande by 10 forraine enimies, [...]our especiall [...]structions [...] this land. was at hande, for the people of Denmarke, Norway, and other of those North­east regions, which in that season were greate ro­uers by Sea, had tasted the wealth of this land by such spoiles and prayes as they hadde taken in the same, so that perceiuing they coulde not purchase more profit any where else, they set their myndes to inuade the same on each side, as they had part­ly begun in the days of the late kings Brightrike and Egbert.Hen. Hunt. Simon Dun. The persecutiō vsed by these Danes 20 seemed more greeuous, than any of the other per­secutions, either before or sithence that time: for ye Romanes hauing quickly subdued the land, go­uerned it nobly withoute seeking the subuersion thereof. The Scottes and Pictes only inuaded ye North partes. And the Saxons seeking the con­quest of the land, when they had once gote it, they kept it, and did what they could, to better and ad­uance it to a florishing estate. And likewise the Normans hauing made a conquest, graunted 30 both life, libertie, and auntient lawes to the for­mer inhabitants: But the Danes long time and often assayling the land on euery side, now inua­ding it in this place, and now in that, did not at ye first so much couete to conquere it, as to spoyle it, nor to beare rule in it, as to wast & destroy it: who if they were at anye time ouercome, the victorers were nothing the more in quiet: for a new nauie, and a greter army was ready to make some new inuasiō neither did they enter all at one place,The Danes sought the [...]estruction of this lande. nor 40 at once, but one company on the East side, & an other in the West, or in the Northe and Southe coastes, in suche sorte, that the Englishmenne knew not whether they shoulde firste goe to make resistance against them.

This mischiefe beganne chiefly in the days of this K. Ethelwoulf, but it continued aboute the space of two hundred yeares,How long the per [...]ecution of the Danes lasted. as by the sequele of this Booke it shall appeare. King. Ethelwoulf was not so muche giuen to ease, but that vpō oc­casion 50 for defence of his countrey and subiectes, he was ready to take order for the beating backe of the enimies, as occasion serued, and specially, hee chose such to be of his coūsel,VVil. Malm. as were mē of great experience & wisdome. Amongst other, there were two notable Prelates,Two notable Bishops in E­thel wolfes dayes. Suithune Bishoppe of Winchester, & Adelstan Bishop of Shireborne, whiche were readie euer to giue him good aduice. Suithune was not so muche experte in worldly matters as Adelstan was, & therefore chiefly coū ­selled the K. in things apperteining to his soules health: But Adelstan tooke in hand to order mat­ters apperteining to the state of the cōmon welth, as prouiding of money, and furnishing foorthe of men to withstand the Danes, so that by him ma­ny things were both boldly begun, & happily at­chieued, as by writers hath bin recorded. He go­uerned the see of Shireborne, ye space of .50. yeres, by the good counsell and faithfull aduice of those two Prelates. K. Ethelwoulf gouerned his sub­iects right politikely, & by himselfe and his Cap­taines oftētimes put the Danes to flight, though as chance of warre falleth out, he also receyued at their hands great losses, & sundry sore detriments. In ye first yere of his raigne,Simon Dun. Hen. Hunt. the Danes arriued at Hampton, with .33. ships, againste whom he sente Erle Wulhard with part of his army, the whiche giuing battell to the enimies, made great slaugh­ter of them, and obteyned a noble victory.Danes discom­fited. Math. VVest. He sent also Erle Adelhelme with the Dorsetshire men, against an other number of Danes, whiche were landed at Portesmouth, but after long fighte,Englishmen put to fight. the sayde Adelhelme was slaine, and the Danes ob­teyned the victory. In the yeare following, Earle Herbert fought againste ye Danes at Merseware, and was there slaine, and his men chased.They are eftsones van­quished. The same yere, a great army of Danes passing by the East parts of the land, as through Lindsey, East Angle, and Kent, they flew & murthered an huge number of people. The next yere after this, they entred further into the lande, and about Canter­bury, Rochester, and Londō, did much mischiefe. In the fifth yere of his raigne, K. Ethelwoulfe wt a parte of his army encountred with the Danes at Carrum,Carrum. the whiche were arriued in those par­ties with .30. Ships, hauing their full fraughte of men, so that for so small a number of vessels, there was a great power of men of warre, in so muche, that they obteined the victory at that time,The Danes wan [...]e the victory in battell. Danes are vanquished. Simon Dun. 851 and put the K. to the woorse. About the tenth yeare of K. Ethelwoulfes raigne, one of his Captaynes called Ernwoulfe, & Bishop Athelstan, with the Sommersetshire men, and an other Captayne called Osred, with the Dorsetshire men, foughte againste the Danes, at a place called Pedredes­muth, and vanquished them with great triumph. In the sixtenth yere of his raigne, K. Ethelwoulf and his sonne Edelbald hauing assembled al their powers togither, gaue battell at Ocley,Ocley. to an huge oste of Danes, the which with four hundred and fiftie Ships had arriued at Thaimes mouth,Two hundred and fiftie Ships hath Hen. Hunt. and destroyed the famous Cities of London, and Canterbury, & also had chased in battell Bright­woulf K. of Mercia, and being nowe entred into Southrey, were encountred by K. Ethelwoulfe at Ocley aforesaid, and after fore fight and incre­dible [Page 207] slaughter made on both sides, in the end the victory by the power of God was giuen to those that beleeued on him, and ye losse rested with great confusion to the mistreantes.The Danes eftsoones vanquished. Thus K. Ethel­wolfe obteined a glorious victory in so mightie a battell, as the greater had not bin lightly hard of to chance within the English dominions. The same yeere also Athelstan K. of Kent and Duke Ealher [...] fought by Sea with the Danes,Danes ouer­come by Sea. & tooke time of their Ships, and chased the residue. More­ouer, 10 one Earle Ceorle hauing with hym the po­wer of Deuonshire, foughte with the Danes, at Winleshore,The D [...]uon­shire men vā ­quishe the Danes. and gote the victory. This yere was very luckie to the English nation, but yet the [...] ­mie of the Danes lodged al the Winter season in the Isle of Tanet. And this was the first tyme yt they remayned heere all the Winter, vsing afore time but to come and make an inuasion in one place or other, and immediately to returne home with the pray. 20

Sim. Dun. 852In the .18. yere of King Ethelwoulfes raigne, he aided Burthred King of Mercia, agaynste the Welchmen as before is mentioned,) and gaue to him his daughter in marriage, the solemnization whereof was kept at Chip [...]ham. The same yere King Ethelwoulfe sent his sonne Alvred as then but fiue yeres of age vnto Rome, where hee was sacred K. by Pope Leo the fourth, & was receiued of him as if he had bin his owne sonne. Duke E­alhere or Eachere with the Kentishmen, and one 30 Huda or rather Wada, with the men of Sou­threy, fought against the army of Danes at Te­net,Great slaugh­ter of Danes a [...] Tenet. where greate slaughter was made on bothe sides, the Englishmen preuailing in the begyn­ning, but in the ende both their foresaid Dukes or leaders dyed in that battel, beside many other that were slaine and drowned. In the nineteenth yere of his raigne, K. Ethelwoulfe ordeined, that the tenthes or tithes of all landes due to bee payed to 40 the Church, should be free from all tribute duties, or seruices regall. And afterwards, with great de­uotion he went to Rome, where he was receyued with great honor, and taried there one whole yere: hee tooke with him his son Alvred, who had bene there before as yee haue heard. He repared the Saxons schoole,The Saxons scoole. whiche Offa K. of Mercia had sometime founded in that Citie, and lately hadde bin sore decayed by fire. He confirmed the graunt of Peter Pence, to the intent that no Englishmē from thencefoorth should doe penance in boundes 50 as he sawe some there to do before his face.King Ethel­wolfes libera­litie to Chur­ches. VVil. Mal. Sim. Dunel. It is also written, that he shoulde acquit all the Chur­ches of his Realme of paying tribute to his cof­fers (as before ye haue heard) and moreouer coue­naunted to send vnto Rome euery yere three hū ­dred Markes, that is to wit, one hundred Markes to S. Peters Churche,Mancusa. an other hundred Markes to S. Paules light, and the third hundred markes to the Pope: In his returne through Fraunce, he married the Lady Iudith,The Lady Iudith. daughter to Charles yt Bald, then K. of France; and [...] hir with him into his coūtrey, placed hir by him in a chai [...]e of estate, with which doing he [...] so yt minds of his subiects, bicause it was against the order t [...] ­kē before time, for the offence of [...] the [...], that his sonne Ethelbalde and [...]o [...]ls [...]an Bishoppe of Shireborne,VVil. Mal [...] with Enwoulf Earle of Sommer­set, conspired to depose [...] his [...] [...] ­thoritie, but by mediation of friendes, the [...] was taken vp, and so ordrod, that the kingdome was deuided betwixte the father and the son with such parcialitie, that the sonne had the better parte lying Westward, and the father was [...] to conte [...]ite himselfe with the East parte and the worst. Of this trouble of Ethelwoulf, Harrison writeth somewhat otherwise, and after this man­ner word for word .857. Ethelwoulf K. of ye west Saxons beeing returned from Rome and ye par­ties beyond the Seas, is prohibited the entraunce into his Realme, by Alstone [...] Shereborne, & Ethelbald his eldest sonne, pretending outward­ly his coronation of Alfride ye marriage of Iudith the French kings daughter and open eating with hir at the Table, to be the only cause of this theyr manifest Rebelliō. Hitherto Harrison: wherby he seemeth to inferre, that this reuolting of Alstane and his son, should proceede of the ambitious de­sire of Ethelbald to raigne, and likely ynough, or else this vnequall partition should neuer haue bin made. But howsoeuer ye matter stoode, K. Ethel­woulf liued not long after his returne frō Rome, but departed this life after he hadde gouerned the kingdome of the West Saxons the space of . [...]0. yeres and odde monethes. His body was buryed at Winchester. He left behind him . [...]. sonnes, E­thelbald, Ethelbert, or Ethelbright, Ethelred and Alfred or Alvred, which were begotten of his first wife Osburga.Only Westse [...] hath Mat. W. and Simon Dunel. sayth that Ethel­bright land Sussex also, and so doth Hen. Hunt. A little before his death hee made his Testament & last will appointing his son E­thelbald to succeede him in the whele regiment of his kingdomes of Westsex and Sussex, which he held by inheritance: but the kingdomes of Kente & Essex he assigned to his son Ethelbright. About the same time also the Danes soiourned all the Winter season in the Isle of Skeepey.Bertwolf King of Mercia.

After Wightlafe K. of Mercia, one Bertwolf raigned as tributary to ye West Saxons yt space of .12. yeres about ye ende of which tearme he was chased out of yt countrey by the Danes, & thē one Burthred was made K. of that kingdome,Math West. saith t [...]e daughter. Ran. Cestren. Iohn Cap. which married Ethelswida ye sister of Ethelwoulf K. of West Saxons. In this season, one Modwine a virgin in Ireland was greatly renowmed in the world, vnto whom the forenamed K. Ethelwolf sent his son Alvred to be cured of a sore disease, yt was thoughte incurable: but by hir meanes her [Page 208] recouered healthe, and therefore when hir Mona­sterie was destroyed in Ireland, Modwen came ouer into England, vnto whome K. Ethelwolfe gaue land to build two Abbeyes, and also deliue­red vnto hir his sister Edith to bee professed a Nunne. Modwen herevpon built two Monaste­ries, one at Poule sworth, ioyning to the boundes of Arderne, wherin she placed the foresaid Edith, with Osyth and Athea: the other, whether it was a Monasterie or cell, she founded in Stren [...]shall 10 or Trentsall, where she hir selfe remained solitary a certain time in praier, and other vertuous exer­cises. And as it is reported, shee went thrice to Rome, & finally dyed, being .130. yeres of age. Hir body was firste buried in an iland compassed a­bout with the Riuer of Trent called Andresey, taking that name of a Church or Chappell of S. Androw, which she had builte in the same Iland, and dwelled therein for the space of seuen yeares. Many Monasteries she built, both in Englande, 20 (as partly aboue is mentioned) and also in Scot­land, as at Striuelius, Edenbrough, and in Ire­land, at Cellestl [...]ne, and else where.

Ethelbald and Ethelbright.

Ethel­hald & Ethel­bright.

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EThelbalde & Ethelbright deuiding theyr fathers Kyng­dome betwixte 30 them, began to raigne, Ethel­balde ouer the West Saxons, and the South Saxons, & E­thelbrighte ouer them of Kent and Essex, in the yere of our Lorde 857. which was in the second yere of the Empe­rour Lewes the secōd,857 and the .17. of Charles sur­named 40 Calvus or the bald K. of Fraunce, and a­bout the first yere of Donald ye fifth of that name K. of the Scottes.The vnlawfull marriage of Ethelbalde. VVil. Malm. The said Ethelbald greatly to his reproche tooke to wife his mother in lawe Q. Iudith, or rather as some write his own mother, whome his father had kept to concubine. He liued not past fiue yeres in gouernement of the Kyng­dome, but was taken out of this life, to the greate sorow of his subiects, whome he ruled right wor­thily, and so as they had him in great loue and e­stimatiō. 50 Then his brother Ethelbright tooke vp­pon him the rule of the whole, gouerning as well ouer the West Saxons and them of Sussex, as ouer the Kentishmen and them of Essex.

In his dayes the Danes came a land, and de­stroyed the Citie of Winchester:Hen. Hunt. Winchester des [...]royed by Danes. but Duke Os­rike with them of Hamshire, and Duke Adelwolf with the Barkshire men gaue the enimies battel, and vanquishing them, [...]. slew of them a great nū ­ber. In the fifth yeare of Ethelbrightes raigne, a nauie of the Danes ariued at the Isle of Tenet, vnto whome when the Kentishmen had promi­sed a summe of money to haue a truce graunted for a time, the Danes one night before the tearme of that truce was expired, brake foorth and wasted all the East part of Kent: wherevppon the Ken­tishmen assembling togither, made towards those tru [...]ebreakers, and caused them to depart out of ye countrey. The same yere, after that Ethelbrighte had ruled wel & peaceably the West Saxons fiue yeres, and the Kentishmē ten yeres, he ended this life, and was buried at Shireborne, as his brother Ethelbald was before him.

Ethelred.

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AFter E­thelbrighte succeeded hys brother Ethel­red,Ethel­red. and began his raigne ouer the West Sa­xons, and the more part of ye Englishe peo­ple, in the yere of our Lord .867. and in ye twelfth yere of ye Em­peroure Lewes,867 in the .27. yeare of the raigne of Charles Calvus K. of France, and about the .6. yeare of Constantine the seconde K. of Scottes.

This Ethelred was in tyme of peace a most curteous prince, and one yt by all kinde of meanes sought to winne ye harts of his people: but abroade in the warres he was sharp and sterne, as he that vnderstood what apperteined to good order, so that he would suffer no offence to escape vnpunished. By whiche meanes he was famous both in peace and warre: but hee neither liued any long time in the gouernment, nor yet was suffered to passe the short while that he raigned in rest or quietnesse: for wher as he raigned not past sixe yeres,4. yeres fore monethes saith [...] VVil. Malm. Ethelred▪ [...] fought with the Danes [...] times in one yeare. he was continually during that tearme vexed with the inuasion of the Danes, and specially towards the latter end, in so much, that as hath bin reported of writers, hee fought with them nine times in one yere: and although with diuers and variable for­tune, yet for the more part he went away with ye victory. Beside that, he oftentimes lay in awayte for their forragers, and such as strayed abrode to robbe and spoile the countrey, whom he met with all, and ouerthrew. There were slayne in his time nine Earles of those Danes, and one King, beside other of the meaner sort without number. But here is to be vnderstoode, that in this meane tyme whilest Ethelred was busied in warre to resist the inuasions of the Danes in the South and West [Page 209] partes of this lande the kings and rulers of Mer­cia and Northumberland, taking occasion ther­of,The kings of Mercia and Northumber­lande neglecte their duties. began to withdraw their couenanted subiecti­on from the Westsaxons, and tooke vpon them, as it were the absolute gouernement and rule of their countreys without respect to ayde one ano­ther, but rather were contented to sustein the eni­mies within their dominions than to preuent the iniurie with dutifull assisting those to whome by allegiance they were bounde to serue and obeye. 10 By reason wherof,The Danes grovve in puis­sance. the Danes without resistance grew into greater power amongst them whylest the inhabitantes were still put in feare eche day [...] more than other, and euery late gotten victorie by the enimies by the increase of prisoners, mini­stred occasion of some other conquest to followe. Euen about the beginning of kyng Ethelrede [...] reigne, there arriued vppon the English coastes an huge armie of the Danes, vnder the conducte of two renoumed capitaines Hungar and Hub­ba,Hungar and Vbba. 20 men of meruailous strengthe and valiancie, but bothe of them passing cruell of nature. They laye all the Winter season in Eastangle,H. Hunt. com­pounding with them of the countreye for truce vpon certaine conditions, sparing for a tyme to shewe theyr force for quietnesse sake.

In the seconde yeare of king Etheldred the said capitains came with their armie into York­shyre, finding the countrey vnprouided of neces­sarie defence bicause of the ciuil discord that reig­ned 30 amongst the Northumbers, the whiche had lately expulsed king Osbrighte,King Osbright deposed and Ella placed. that had the go­uernement of those parties, and placed one El­la in his roomth: but nowe they were constray­ned to reuoke him home agayne, and soughte to accorde him and Ella. But it was long ere that myght be brought to passe, notwithstanding yet at lengthe they were made frendes by reason of this inuasion attempted by forain enemies, and then reysing their powers they came to Yorke, 40 where the Danes, hauing wasted the countrey [...] euen to the ryuer of Tyne, were lodged.

The English hoste entryng the citie, beganne to fyghte wyth the Danes, by reason whereof a sore battayle ensued betwixte them:Osbright and Ella kinges of Northumber­lande slayne. but in the ende the two kynges Osbrighte and Ella were slayn, and a great number of the Northumbers what within the Citie, and what without, loste theyr lyues at that tyme, the residue were con­strayned to take truce with the Danes. 50

It must be vpō the .10. calendes of April, or else it vvil not cō ­curie vvith Palmesunday. Se Ma. VVest.Thys battayle was fought the .xxj. daye of Marche, on the Fryday before Palmesundaye, in the yeare .657.

Some haue written otherwyse of thys bat­tayle, reportyng that the Northumbers reuo­kyng home king Osbright (whome before they hadde banyshed) encounter wyth the Danes in the fielde, without the walles of Yorke, but they were easyly beaten backe, and chased into the Citie, the whyche by the Danes pursuyng the victorie, was sette on fyre and brente,Yorke bren [...] by Danes. togyther with the king and people that were fledde into it for succour.

Howe soeuer it came aboute, certayne it is, that the Danes gotte the victorie, and now ha­uyng subdued the Northumbers, appoynted one Egberte to reygne ouer them as kyng, vn­der their protection, whiche Egberte reigned in that sorte sixe yeeres ouer those whyche inhabi­ted beyonde the riuer of Tyne.

The same yeare Adelstane, the Bishoppe of Shirborne departed this lyfe, hauyng gouerned that sea the terme of fiftie yeares.

This Adelstane was a man of hyghe wyse­dome,The cōmenda­tion of Adel­stan bishop of Shirborne. and one that had borne no small rule in the kingdome of the Weastsaxons, as hereby it may be coniectured, that when kyng Ethelwolf returned from Rome, hee would not suffer him to bee admitted king, bycause he hadde doons in certayne poynts conttarie to the ordinance and lawes of the same kingdome, whervpon by this bishops meanes Ethelbald the sonne of the same king Ethelwolfe was established Kyng, and so continued till by agreement the kingdome was deuided betwixte them, as beefore is mencio­ned.

He greatly enriched the sea of Shirborne,Bishop Adel­stan couetous. H. Hunt. and yet thoughe hee was feruentely sette on coue­tousnesse, hee was neuerthelesse verye free and liberall.

In the yeare followyng, that is to witte, in the thyrde yeare of Etheldredes reygne,Burthred king of Mercia. the same Ethelred, wyth hys brother Alvred, went to ayde Burthred Kyng of Mercia, agaynste the two foresayde Danish Capitaynes Hungar and Vbba, the whiche were entered into Mer­cia, and had wonne the towne of Notingham, and lodged within the same towne for the win­ter season. Wherevppon the foresayde Ethelred and Burthred with their powers came to No­tingham, and besieged the Danes within it.Danes besie­ged in Noting­ham.

The Danes perceiuing themselues in daun­ger, made suite for a truce and abstinence of of warre, whiche they obteyned, and then de­parted backe to Yorke, where they soiourned the moste parte of all that yeare.

In the fourthe yeare of kyng Ethelred, the Danes comming into Eastangle, cruelly slewe that blessed man king Edmunde, as after shall be shewed, 4. Nouemb. feria. 2.

In the sixte yeare of kyng Ethelreds reigne a newe armye of greate force and power came into the countrey of the Weastsaxons vnder two leaders or kyngs of Danes,Basreeg and Halden. Basreeg and Haldene.

They lodged at R [...]ding wt their mayn army, & [Page 210] within .iij. days after the Earle of Barrockshire Edelwolf fought at Englefield with two earles of those Danes,Edelvvolfe Erle of Barke­ [...]hire fought at Englefielde vvith the Da­nes. vanquished them, and slewe the one of those Erles, whose name was Sidracke. After this king Ethelred and his brother Alvred came with a great host vnto Reding, & ther gaue bataile vnto the armie of Danes, so that an huge number of people dyed on bothe partes, but the Danes had the victorie.The Danes vvan the vic­torie at Rea­ding.

After this also king Ethelred and his brother 10 Alvred fought again with those Danes at Asch­don, where the armies on both sides were diuided into .ij. parts, so yt the two Danish kings led the one part of their armie, & certain of their Earles led the other parte. Likewise on the Englishe side king Ethelred was placed with one parte of the host against ye Danish kings, & Alvred with the other parte was appointed to encounter with the Erles. Herevpon they being on both parts ready to giue batail, the euening cōming on caused thē to deferre it till the morrow. And so early in the morning when the armies shoulde ioyne, Kyng Etheldred stayed in his tente to heare diuine ser­uice, whylest his brother vpon a forwarde cou­rage hasted to encounter his enimies, the whiche receyued him so sharply, and with so cruel fight,

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that at length, the Englishmen were at poynte to haue turned their backes: but herewith came king Ethelred and manfully renued the battaile, stayed his people from renning away, and so en­couraged them, and discoraged the enimies, that 30 by the power of God, (whō as was thought in the morning he hadde serued) the Danes finally were chased and put to flight,The Danes discomfited. losing one of their kings (that is to say) Basreeg or Osrec, and .v. Erles, Sidroc the elder, and Sidroc the yonger, Osbern, Freyn, and Harold. This battayl was fore foughten and continued tyll night, with the slaughter of many thousandes of Danes.

About .xiiij. days after, king Ethelred and his brother Alvred fought eftsoones with the Danish 40 armie at Basing, where the Danes hadde the victorie.

Also two moneths after this, they lykewise fought with the Danes at Merton.A battayle at Merton. And there the Danes after they had bene put to the worse, and pursued in chase a long tyme, yet at lengthe they also got the victorie,He vvas bi­shop of Shir­borne as Math. VVest. hath noted. in which battayle Ed­mund bishop of Shirborne was slayn, and ma­ny other that were men of woorthye fame and good accompte.

In sommer following, a mightie hoste of the 50 Danes came to Reding, and there soiorned for a tyme.

These thinges agree not (I remember wel) with that whiche Polidore Vergile hathe writ­ten of these warres whiche king Ethelred hadde with the Danes:Polid. Verg. for he maketh mencion of one Ivarus a king of the Danes,Ivarus. who landed (as he writeth) at the mouthe of Humber, and lyke a stoute enimie inuadeth the countrey adioyning, Against whom Etheldred with his brother Al­vred came with an armie, and encountring the Danes, fought with thē by the space of a whole day togither, and was in daunger to haue bin put to the worsse, but that the nighte seuered them asunder.

In the morning they ioyned againe: but the death of Ivarus, who chaunced to be slayne in the begynnyng of the battayle, discouraged the Danes, so that they were easily put to flighte,Danes put to flight. of whome (before they coulde get out of danger) a great number were slayne.

But after that they had recouered themselues togither, and found out a cōuenient place where to pitche theyr campe, they chose to theyr Capi­pitaynes Agnerus, and Hubo, two bretherne,Agnerus and Hubo. whiche indeuoured them selues by all meanes possible to repayre theyr armie: so that within fifteene dayes after, the Danes eftsoones fought wyth the Englishmenne, and gaue them suche an ouerthrowe, that little wanted of makyng an ende of all encounters to bee attempted after by the Englishemen.

But yet within a fewe dayes after this, as the Danes attended theyr market to spoyle the countrey and raunge somewhat licenciously a­broade, they fell wythin the daunger of suche ambushes as were layd for them by king Ethel­dred, that no smalle slaughter was made of them, but yet not withoute some losse of the Englishmenne. Emongst other, Ethelred him­selfe receyued a wounde, whereof he shortely af­ter dyed.

[Page 211]Thus hath Polyd. touching the warres which king Etheldred had wyth the Danes, who yet confesseth as the truth is, that suche Authors as he herein folowed, varie muche from that which the Danish writers do recorde of these matters, and namely touching the doings of Ivarus, as in the Danyshe historye you maye see more at large.

But now to oure purpose touching the death of king Ethelred, whether by reason of hurt re­ceyued 10 in fight against the Danes (as Polydore sayth) or otherwise, certain it is, that Etheldred anone after Easter departed this lyfe, in the sixte yeare of his reigne,VVynborne abbey. and was buried at Wyn­born abbey.

Agnere. Fabian.In the days of this Ethelred, the forsaid Da­nishe capitaines, Hungar, otherwise called Ag­nerus, and Hubba returning from the Northe parties into the countrey of Eastangles,870. came vnto Thetford, wherof Edmunde, who reigned 20 as king in that season ouer the Eastangles, being aduertised,Edmund K. of the East angles. he raysed an armie of men, and wente foorthe to giue battayle vnto this armie of the Danes.Framyngham castell. But he with his people was chased out of the fielde and fled to the castell of Framyng­ham, where being enuironed with a siege by his enimies, hee yelded him selfe vnto them. And bicause he would not renounce the christian faith they bound him to a tree,King Edmund shot to death. & shot arrows at him til he dyed: & afterwards cut off his head from his 30 bodie, and threw the same into a thicke groue of bushes But afterwards his frēds tooke the bodie with the head,Eglesdone. and buried the same at Eglesdon: where afterwarde also a faire monasterie was buylded by one bishop Aswyn, and chaungyng the name of the place, it was after called Sainte Edmundesbury. Thus was king Edmund put to death by the cruel Danes for his constant cō ­fessing the name of Christe in the .xvj. yeare of his reigne, and fo ceased the kingdome of East­angles.VVil. Mal. 40 For after that the Danes hadde thus slaine that blissed man, they conquered the hole countrey,Eastāgle vvith­out a gouernor and wasted it so that through their ty­rānie it remayned without any gouernor by the space of nine yeares, and then they appoynted a king to rule ouer it,Guthrun a Da­ne king of east angle. whose name was Guthrun, one of their owne nation, who gouerned bothe the Eastangles and the Eastsaxons.

Ye haue heard how the Danes slew Osryke & Ella kings of Northumberland. After which 50 victorie by them obteyned, they did muche hurte in the north parties of this lande and amongest other cruell deedes,Polychron. they destroyed the Citie of Acl [...]yd, which was a famous Citie in the tyme of the olde Saxons, as by Beda and other wry­ters it dothe manifestly appeare.

Here is to be remembred, that some wryters reherse the cause to be this:Caxton.

Osbright or Osricke king of Northumber­lande rauished the wyfe of one Bearne that was a noble man of the countrey about Yorke, who tookesuche great despite thereat, that hee fledde out of the lande, and went into Denmarke, and there complained vnto the king of Denmarke that was his cousin, of the [...] done to hym by king Osbright. Whervpon the king of Denmark glad to haue so iust a quarell against them of Northumberlande, furnyshed foorthe an ar­mie, and sente the same by Sea, (vnder the lea­dyng of hys two brethren Hungar and Hub­ba) into Northumberland, where they flew first the sayd kyng Osbrighte, and after king Ella, at a place besides Yorke, whiche vnto thys daye is called Elles crofte, takyng that name of the sayde Elle, beeing there slayne in defence of hys countrey against the Danes. Whyche Ella (as we fynde registred by wryters) was elected king by suche of the Northumbers, as in fauour of Berne had refused to be subiect vnto Osbright.

Alvred or Alfred.

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AFter the decease of King Ethelred, his bro­ther Alvred or Alfrede succeeded him,Alvred or Al­fred. and beganne hys reigne ouer the Weast Saxons, and other the more parte of the people of En­glande, in the yeare of our Lorde eyght hundred seuentie and two, whiche was in the ninteenth yeere of the Emperour Lewys the seconde,871. as Math. VVest. & Si [...] Dunesmen. do [...] note [...]. H. Hunt. and two and thirtieth yeare of the reigne of Char­les, surnamed Caluus or the balde Kyng of Fraunce, and about the eleuenth yeare of Con­stantine the seconde king of Scotland.

Although that this Alvred was sacred King in his fathers lyfe tyme by Pope Leo (as before you haue heard,) yet was he not admitted king at home, till after the decease of his three elder brethren: for he being the youngest, was kepte backe from the gouernement, though he were for his wisedome and policie most highly esteemed and had in all honour.

In the beginning of his reigne he was wrap­ped in many great troubles and miseries,Alvred perse­cuted by Da­nes. speci­ally by the persecution of the Danes, whiche made sore and gree [...]ous warres in sundry parts of this lande, destroying the same in moste [Page 212] cruell wyse. About a moneth after he was made kyng,Mat. VVest. he gaue battayl to the Danes at Wilton, hauing with him no great number of people, so that although in the beginning the Danes that day were put to the worse,The Danes ob­ [...]eyne the vic­torie. yet in the end they ob­teined the victorie. Shortly after, a truce was ta­ken betwixt the Danes and the Westsaxons. And the Danes that hadde lyen at Reading,The Danes [...]vintered at London. re­moued from thence vnto London, where they laye all the winter season. 10

In the seconde yeare of Alvred his reigne, the Danyshe kyng Halden ledde the same armye from London into Lindsey, and there lodged all that Winter at Torksey.

In the yeare following, the same Halden in­uaded Mercia,874. [...]epton. and wintred at Ripingdon. Ther were come to him three other leaders of Danes, whiche our writers name to be kings, Godrun, Esketell, and Ammond, so that their power was greatly increased.Burthred king Mercia. 20

Burthred king of Mercia whiche had gouer­ned that countrey by the space of .xxij. yeres, was not able to withstande the puissance of those eni­mies. And so thervpon he was constrained to a­uoyde the countrey, & wente to Rome, where he departed this lyfe, and was buried in the Church of our Ladie, neere to the Englishe schoole.

875.In the fourth yere of king Alvred the armie of the Danes deuided it selfe into two partes, so that king Halden with one parte therof went in­to 30 Northumberlande,The Danes [...]vente into Northumber­lande. & lay in the winter season nere to the riuer of Tyne, where hee deuided the countrey amongst his men, and remayned there for the space of two yeares, and oftentymes fet­ched thither booties and prayes out of the coun­trey of the Pictes The other part of the Danish army with the iij. aforsaid kings or leaders came vnto Cambridge,The Danes at Cambridge. & remained there a whole yere. And the same yeere king Alvred foughte by sea with vij. ships of Danes, toke one of them, & cha­sed 40 the residue.876. In the yeare next ensuing, the

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50 Danes came into the countreye of the Weast­saxons, and king Alvred tooke truce with them againe,The Dane tooke an [...] H. Hunt. and they sware to him (whiche they had not vsed to doe to any afore that tyme) that they woulde departe the countrey.

Theyr armie by sea saylyng from Warham towarde Excester,The Dane vvent to Ex­cester. susteyned great losse by tem­peste, for there peryshed syxe score shyppes at Swanewicke.

Moreouer the armie of Danes by land went to Excester in breache of the truce, and Kyng Alvred followed them, but coulde not ouertake them tyll they came to Excester, and there he ap­proched them in suche wyse, that they were glad to deliuer pledges for performaunce of such co­uenauntes as were accorded betwixte him and them.H. Hunt. And so then they departed out of the coun­trey, and drewe into Mercia. But shortly after, when they had the whole gouernemente of the lande, from Thames northward, they thought it not good to suffer king Alvred to continue in rest with the residue of the coūtreys beyōd the Tha­mes. And therefore the three aforesayd rulers of Danes, Godrun, Esketell, and Ammound, in­uading the countreye of Weastsaxons came to Chipnham, distant .xvij. myles from Bristow,877. and there pitched their tentes.

[Kyng Alvred aduertised heereof,Polyd. Of this spea­keth [...] so that all betvvine the hooked [...] is taken [...] of Polydore. hasted thy­ther, and lodging with his armie nere to the eni­myes, prouoked them to battayle. The Danes perceyuyng that eyther they muste fyghte for theyr lyues, or dye wyth shame, boldely came foorthe, and gaue battayle. The Englishemen rashely encounter with them, and thoughe that they were ouermatched with number, yet with suche violence they giue the onsette, that the eni­mies at the first were abashed of their hardie as­saultes.

But when it was perceiued that theyr slen­der ranckes were not able to resiste the thycke leghers of the enimies, they beganne to shrinke and looke backe one for an other, and so of force were constrayned to retyre: And therewithall did caste themselues into a ryng, which though it seemed to bee the beste waye that coulde bee deuysed for theyr safetie, yet by the great force and number of theyr ennimies on eache syde assaylyng them, they were so thronged togy­ther on heapes, that they hadde not roome to sturre theyr weapons. Whyche disaduantage notwythstandyng, they slewe a greate num­ber of the Danes, and amongest other, Hubba the brother of Agnere,Hubba [...]. with manye other of the Danishe capitaines.

At length the Englishmen hauing valyant­ly foughten a long tyme wyth the enymies, whyche hadde compassed them aboute, at laste they brake out and got them to theyr campe.

To bee briefe, this battayle was foughten [Page 213] with so equall fortune,The victorie [...]. that no man [...] whether [...] the victorie ought to be [...]. But after that they were [...], they [...] herd to cure their hurt [...], and to [...] dead [...] namely the [...] the [...] of their capitayn Hubba, with greate [...] pompe & [...]: which [...], they [...] theyr iorney [...] till they came to Abingdon,Abingdon. whither the Englishe [...] shor [...]ly after [...]ame also, and encamped fast by the [...].

In this meane whyle, the rumor was spread abroade that king Alvred h [...]d bin [...] the Danes, bycause that in the [...] battayle hee withdrewe to his campe. This [...] greatly to his [...] therbyn great under of en­glish [...] [...] to come to hy [...] succ [...].

The [...] after his [...] to [...] he brought his [...],The Danes [...] Englishemen fight neere to Abingdon. [...] the [...] their [...] to [...] both sydes [...] [...] the Englishmen [...] Danes, whiche had [...] and put to [...] nor the other was mynded to giue it [...] and [...] their horses [...] bat­tayle

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emongst the footmen, and thus they conti­nued with equall aduantage till night came on, whiche parted the affray, being one of the forest foughten fieldes that had bin hearde off in those days. To whether partie a man might iustly at­tribute the victorie,Vncertayne victorie. Th [...]s farre Po­lydore. it was vtterlye vncertayne, with so lyke losse and gayn the matter was tried 40 and ended betwixt them.

With the semblable chaunce of daunger and glorie .vij. times that yeare did the Englishe and Danes encounter in battail, as writers haue re­corded.Ran. Higden. Se [...]en soughtē fieldes in one yeare betvvixt Danes and En­glishmen. A peace agreed vpon. And at lengthe when their powers on bothe partes were sore diminished, they agreed vppon a peace, with these conditions, That the Danes shoulde not attempte any further warre against the Englishmenne, nor bring into this lande any newe supplye of souldioures ou [...]e of 50 Denmarke.

The Danes so­iourned at Lō ­don.The same yeare the Danes soiourned in the winter season at London, according as they had done often tymes before.

Aboute the same tyme or shortely after, there came into Englande one Rollo,An .876. sayeth Sim. Dunelm. a noble man of Denmark or Norway, with a great armie, and (notwithstanding the peace conclude [...] betweene the Englishmen and the Danes,) he beganne to wast and destroy the countrey.

King Alvred hearing these newes, wyth all speede, thoughte beste [...] the beginning to stoppe suche a common mischiefe, and immediately assembling his people, [...] against the enimies, and gaue them battaile, in the which [...] a great number of men on both sides, but the grea­ter [...]offe fel to Rollo his armie. Yet Matthewe Westin. sayeth, that the Englishemen were put to flight.

After this, it chaunced, that Rollo beeing warned in a [...]reame, left Englande, and sayled ouer into France, wher he [...] fortune so fauo­rable to him, that hee obteined in that region for him and his people a countrey, the whiche was afterwardes named Normandie,xxx. yeares af­ter this he vvas baptised. of those Nor­therne people, whiche then began to inhabite the same, as in the historie [...] of Fraunce you may see more at large.

The Danes which had [...] peace with king Alvred (as before you ha [...]e he [...]d) shortly af­ter, vpon the first occasion, br [...]ke the [...], & by the often inuasions whiche they made into the countrey of Westsaxons, brought the [...] to [Page 214] that passe,King Alured driuen to his his shifte. that there remayned to king Alvred, but onely the three countreis of Hamshire, Wil­shire, and Somersetshire, insomuch that he was constrained for a time to kepe himself close with­in the fennes and maeriffe groundes of Somer­setshire, with such small companies as he had a­boute him, constreyned to get their liuing wyth fishing, hunting, and other suche shiftes. He re­mayned for the most part within an Isle called Edelynsey,Edlingsey. that is to meane, the Ilande of no­ble 10 menne, enuironed aboute with fennes and marrisses.

Whyles he was thus shut vp within this I­land, he was by dreame aduertised of better hap shortly to follow: For as it hath bene said, Saint Cuthbert appeared to him as he lay in sleepe,A vision if is be true. and comforted him, declaring vnto him, that within a whyle Fortune shoulde so turne that he shoulde recouer againe his kingdome to the confusion of 20 his enimies: and to assure him, that this should proue true, he told him that his men which were gone abroade to catche fishe, should bring home great plentie, although the season was agaynste them, by reason that the waters were frosen, and that a colde time fell that morning, to the hin­derance of their purpose. His mother also at that tyme being in sleepe, saw the like vision. And as they had dreamed, so it came to passe: for being awakened of their sleepe, in came his men with 30 so great foyson of fishe, that the same might haue suffized a great armie of men, for the victualling of them at that season.

Shortly after, kyng Alvred tooke vpon hym the habite of a Minstrell, and going foorth of his closure, repaired to the campe of the Danyshe king,King Alvred disguiseth hym selfe. Polidore. only accompanied with one trusty seruant, and tarrying there certaine dayes togither, was suffered to goe into euery parte, and play on hys instrument, as well afore the king as others, so that there was no secrete,Fabian. but that hee vnder­stoode 40 it.

After that he had seene and learned the demea­nour of his enimies, he returned againe to hys people at Edlingsey, and there declared to hys nobles what he had seene and heard, what negli­gence was amongst the enimies, and howe easy a matter it shoulde bee for him to endomage them.

Heerevpon they conceyuing a meruaylous good hope, and enboldened wyth his wordes, a power was assembled togither, and spyes sente 50 foorth to learne and bring word where the Da­nes lodged: which being done, & certificat made accordyngly,H. Hunt. 878 877. Mat. VVest. Kyng Alvred commyng vppon them on the sodayn, slew of them a great num­ber, hauyng them at great aduauntage.

Also about the same tyme the brother of king Halden came with thirtie and three ships out of [...] the coaste of De [...]onshire [...] where the [...] m [...]n gaue [...], and stripe him [...] persons [...] his [...]. Other write [...] [...] Holden himself was present at this [...] with Ingu [...]te, otherwise called [...] were both slayne there,S. Dun. with twelue hundred of their companye (before a certayne [...]) receyuing as they hadde deserued for their cruel dealing lately by them practised in the parties of Southwales, where they had [...] them with fyre and sworde, not sparing Abbeys more than other common buyldings.

King Alvred beeing with that goodlucke the more comforted, builded a fortresse in the Ile of Edlingsey, afterwardes called Athelney,Athelney. & brea­king out oftentymes vpon the enimyes, distres­sed them at sundrie tymes wyth the ayde of the Somersetshiremen, which were at hande.

Aboute the seuenth weeke after Easter, in the seuenth yeare of hys reigne, kyng Alvred went to Eglerighston, on the East parte of S [...] ­wood, where there came to him the people of So­mersetshire, Wy [...]shyre, and Hamshyre, reioy­cing greatly to see him abroade.

From thence he wente to Edanton,Edanton▪ and there fought against the armie of the Danes,This battayle should seene the [...] the Polydor spea­keth of [...] a [...] [...]. and ch [...] ­sed them vnto their strength, where he remained afore them the space of foureteene dayes: and then the armie of the Danes deliuered hym [...] ­stages and couenaunts to departe out of his do­minions, and that their king should be baptised,Polych [...]. l. Pike. which was accomplished: for Gurthrun whom some name Gurmound, a prince or king amon­gest these Danes, came to Alvred,Gurthrun or Gu [...]mois bap­tised, and na­med Adelstan, is made king of Eastangle. and was bap­tised, king Alvred receyuyng hym at the Font­stone, named hym Adelstane, and gaue to [...] the countrey of Eastangle, whyche hee gouer­ned, (or rather spoyled,) by the space of twelue yeares.

Dyuers other of the Danishe nobilitie to the number of thirtie, (as Simon Dunelmensis hathe) came the same tyme in companye of theyr kyng Guthrun, and were lykewyse bap­tysed, on whome kyng Alvred also bestowed many riche giftes.

The same tyme (as is to bee thought) was the league concluded betwyxte kyng Alvred, and the sayde Guthrun or Gythrun, in the whyche the boundes of kyng Alureds kyng­dome are sette foorth thus:

Fyrste therefore lette the boundes or mar­ches of oure dominion stretche vnto the ryuer of Thames, and from thence to the water of Lee, euen vnto the head of the same water,Vs [...]. and so foorth streight vnto Bedforde: and finally go­ing alongst by the riuer of Ouse, lette them ende at Watlingstreete.

[Page 215]This league beeing made with the aduise of the sage personages as well English as Danes that inhabited within Est England, is [...]et [...]oorth in maister Lamberts booke of the olde Englishe lawes, in the ende of those lawes or ordinaun­ces whyche were established by the same kyng Alvred, as in the same booke ye maye see more at large. But nowe to proceed.

Here is to bee noted, that oure writers name dyuerse of the Danysh Capitaines kyngs, of the 10 whyche no mention is made in the Danyshe Chronicles, to reygne in those parties.

But true it is, that in those dayes, not one­ly the Danyshe people, but also other of those Northeast countreyes or Regyons, as Swe­daners, Norweygians, the Wenden, and such other, whyche the Englyshe people called by one generall name Danes, and the Frenchmen, Normans, vsed to roaue on the Seas, and to inuade forrayne Regions, as England, France, 20 Flaunders, and others, as in conueniente pla­ces ye maye fynde, as well in oure Hystories as also in the writers of the Frenche Hystories, and lykewyse in the Chronicles of those North Re­gyons.

The Wryters [...]eryly of the Danishe Chro­nicles, make mention of one Gurmo,Gurmo. whome they name Anglum; bycause hee was borne here in Englande, whiche succeeded his father Frotto in gouernemente of the kyngdome of Denmarke, whiche Frotto receyued baptisme in Englande, as in their historie you may reade more at large.

In the ryght yere of kyng Alvred his reigne,H. Hunt. 878. the armye of the Danes wyntered at C [...]ce­ster, and the same yeare an other armie of [...]an­gers called VVinerg [...], lay at Fulham, and in the yeare following, departed foorth of Englande, and wente into Fraunce; and the armye of king Godrun or Gurmo departed from Cirencester,879. Si. Dunel [...]. Mat. VVest. and came into East angle, and there deuidyng the countrey amongest them, beganne to inha­bite the same.

In the .xiiij. yeare of king Alvred his reigne, parte of the Danishe armie whiche was gone o­uer into Fraunce, returned into England and besieged Rochester.Rochester be­sieged. 885. But when Alvred appro­ched to the resk [...]e, the enimies fledde to theyr shippes, and passed ouer the sea agayne.

King Alvred sente a nauie of his shippes well

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furnished with menne of warre into Eastangle, the whyche at the mouthe of the Riuer called Sture, encountring with .xvj. shippes of Da­nes, set vpon them, and ouercame them in fight: But as they retourned with theyr pryses, they encountred with an other myghtie armye of the 50 enimies, and fighting wyth them, were ouer­come and vanquished.

In the yeare folowing, king Alvred besieged the Citie of London,886. London reco­uered out of the handes of the Danes. the Danes that wer with­in it, fledde from thence, and the Englishemen that were inhabitantes thereof, gladly receiued him, reioycing, that there was suche a Prince bredde of their nation that was of power able to reduce them into libertie.

This Citie being at that season the chiefe of all Mercia,VV. Malms. Ethelfleda. he deliuered [...] he keeping of duke Eldred, whiche had maried his daughter Ethel­fleda, and held a great portion of Mercia,Colvvolphus. which Colwolphus before tyme possessed by graunt of the Danes, after they had subdued kyng Bur­thred, as before is mencioned.

About the .xxj. yeare of king Alvred, a greate armie of those Danes, or Normanes, whyche hadde ben in France, [...] into England,Lymen, novve. Rother. and arriued in the hauen or [...] or Lymene in the east part of Kente, neere to the greate woodde called Andredesley,Andredesleg [...]. whyche dydde contyene in [Page 216] tymes past .Cxx. myles in length, and thirtie in breadth. These Danes landing with their people buylded a Castell at Appledore.A castel buylte at Apledore. 893. S. Dunel. at Milton.

Also in the meane tyme came Hastyng wyth lxxx. ships into the Thames, and buylded a Ca­stell at Middleton, but hee was constrained by siege,Hastings the capitain of the Danes besie­ged. He receyueth an othe. whiche king Alured planted about him to receiue an othe that he should not in any wyfe a­noy the dominion of king Alured, who vpon his promyse to departe, gaue great rewards as well 10 to him as to his wyfe and children. One of his sonnes also king Allured helde at the Fontstone, and to the other, Duke Eldred was godfather. (For as it were to winne credite, and to auoyde present daunger,) Hasting sent vnto king Allu­red these hys two sonnes, sygnifying that if it stoode with his pleasure, he coulde be content that they shoulde be baptised. But neuerthelesse this Hasting was euer moste vntrue of worde and 20 deede,Beanfleet hath Math. VVest. he buylded a castell at Beamfield. And as he was going foorth to spoyle and wast the kings countreys, Allured tooke that Castell wyth hys wyfe,This enterprise vvas atchieued by Edeldred duke of Mercia [...]n absence of the king as M. VVest. hathe noted. Excester besie­ged. children, shippes, and goodes, which he had got togither of suche spoyles as he had purchased abroade: but he restored vnto Hasting his wyfe and children, bicause hee was their godfather.

Shortly after, newes came, that a great num­ber of other shippes of Danes were come out of Northumberlande, and had besieged Excester: 30 Whylest king Allured went then against them, the other armie whiche laye at Apledore inuaded Essex, and buylt a castell in that countrey, and after went into the borders of Wales, and buil­ded an other castell neere to the riuer of Seuerne:Seuerne. but being driuen oute of that countrey, they re­turned agayne into Essex.

Those that had besieged Excester, vpō know­ledge had of king Allureds comming, fledde to their shippes, and so remayning on the sea, roa­ued abroade, seeking prayes. Besides thys, other 40 Armies there were sent foorth, whiche comming out of Northumberlande, tooke the citie of Che­ster,Chester taken by Danes. but there they were so besette aboute with their enimies, that they were constrayned to eate their horses.Great famine.

At length in the .xxiiij. yeare of king Allured they lefte that citie, and fetched a compasse about Northwales, and so meaning to sayle rounde aboute the coast to come into Northumberland, they ariued in Essex,H. Hunt. and in the winter folowing 50 drew their shippes by the Thames into the wa­ter of Luye.The vvater of Luye, novve Lee. That armie of Danes whiche had besieged Excester, tooke prayes aboute Chiche­ster, and was mette with, so that they lost many of their men, and also diuers of their ships.

In the yeare folowing, the other armie which had broughte the shippes into the riuer of Luye, began to buylde a castell neere to the same riuer, twentie myles distaunt from London [...],H. Hunt. but the Londoners came thither, and giuing battayl to the Danes, slewe .iiij. of the chiefe Capitan [...],The Londo­ners [...] against the Danes. But by Simon Dunel and Mathew We [...], it shoulde seeme, that the Londoners were at thys time put to flighte, and that foure of the kinges Thanes or barons were slaine. Howbeit Henry of Huntington hath written as before I haue re­cited: And further sayth, that when the Danes fled for their refuge to the Castell, king Alured caused the water of Luy to be deuided into three. Chanels, [...] so that the Danes shoulde not bryng backe their shippes oute of the place where they lay at ancker. When the Danes perceyued this, they lefte their shippes behynde them,Qua [...]bridge. or VV [...] ­bridge. and wente into the borders of Wales, where at Cartbridge vpon Seuerne, they buylte an other cassell, and lay there all the wynter following, hauing lefte their wiues and childrē in the countrey of East­angles. King Allured pursued them, but the Lō ­doners tooke the enimies ships, and brought some of them to the Citie, and the rest they brent.

Thus for the space of three yeeres after the ar­riuing of the mayne armie of Danes in the ha­uen of Luye, they sore endomaged the Englishe people, although the Danes themselues sustey­ned more losse at the Englishmens handes than they did to them with all pilfering and spoyling.

In the fourth yeare after their comming,The Danishe armie diuided into partes. the armie was deuided, so that parte of them wente into Northumberlande, part of them remayned in the countrey of the Eastangles, and an other parte went into Fraunce.

Also certain of their ships came vpon the coast of the Westsaxons, oftentymes settyng theyr men on lande to robbe and spoyle the countrey.

But king Allured tooke order in the best wise he might for defence of his countrey and people, and caused certaine mightie vessels to be buylded which he appointed foorth to encounter with the enimies shippes.

And thus lyke a worthie Prince and politike gouernour, he preuented eche way foorth to resist his enimies, and to sauegarde his subiects.The death of king A [...]red. Final­ly after he had reigned .29. yeeres, and an halfe, he departed this lyfe the .28 day of October. His bo­die was buried at Winchester: He left behynde him issue by his wife Ethelwitha, the daughter of Earle Ethelred of Mercia,His issue. two sonnes Ed­warde, surnamed the elder, which succeeded him, and Adelwolde. Also three daughters, Elfleda or Ethelfleda,Elfleda Ethelgeda or Elgiua and Ethel­witha. Elflede was maried (as ye haue hearde) vnto Duke Edelred, who left a notable example behinde hir of despising fleshely pleasure, for bea­ring hir husbande one chylde, and fore handeled before she coulde be delyuered, she euer after for­bare to companie with hir husbande, saying that [Page 217] it was [...] such plesure which therwith would bring so great [...].The notable saying of El­fleda.

To speake sufficiently of the worthie prayse due to so noble [...] prince as Alured was, might re­quire eloquence, learning and a large voliant. He was of [...] and beautifull, & [...] beloued of his father and mother than his other brethren. And although he was as before is [...]u­ched,VV. Malms. greatly [...] with the inuasion of fo­reyn enimies yet did he both [...] from time 10 to tyme indeuour himselfe [...] repulse them, and also attēpted to see his subiectes gouerned in good and vpright iustice.

King Alured his [...]avves.And [...] that good lawes amongest the clin­king [...] of armour, are oftentymes put to si­lence, yet he perceiuing how his people were gre­ued with theeues and robbers whiche in tyme of warre grew and increased, deuised good statutes and holsome ordinantes for punyshing of [...] offenders. 20

Amongest other thinges he ordeyned, that the countreys should be deuided into hundreds and tythings, that is to wit, quarters conteyning a certayne number of towneships, adioyning to­gither, so that euery Englisheman liuing vnder prescripte of lawes, should haue both his hundred and tithing, that if any man were accused of a­ny offence, he shoulde fynde suretie for his good demeanour: and if he coulde not fynde suche as woulde answere for him, then shoulde hee taste 30 extremitie of the lawes.

And if any manne that was guiltie fled be­fore hee founde suretie or after: all the inhabi­tants of the hundred or tithing where he dwelte shoulde be put to their fyne. By this deuise [...] brought his countrey into good tranquillitie, so that he caused bracelets of gol [...] to be hanged vp alofte on hilles, where any common [...] to see if any durst be so [...] to take them away by stealth. He was a liberale Prince namely [...] rel [...]euing of the poore. To churches [...] suche priuiledges as his father had [...] [...] ­fore him and he also sent [...] by waye of deuotion vnto Rome, and to the bodie of Saint Thomas in Indi [...]. Sig [...]elmus the bishop of Shirborne [...] the same, & brought [...] richest ones, and swete or [...] of [...]. From Rome also he broughte & [...] of the holy crosse, whiche Pope Mari [...]s did send for a present vnto king Alured.

Moreouer king Allured founded three [...] Monasteries, [...] at Edlingsey,Foundation [...] of monasteries. where he liued sometyme when the [...] had bereaued hym [...] of all his kyngdome, whiche was after called Athelney, distant from Taun [...]n in So­mersetshire about fiue myles the seconde he buil­ded at Winchester, called the [...], and the thirde at Shaftsbury, whiche man a [...] house of Nunnes, where he made his daughter Ethel­g [...]ra, or Elgiua Abbesse. But the foundation of the vniuersitie of Oxford passed all the residue of his buyldings, whiche he began by the good ex­hortation and aduise of Neotus a [...] Abbotie in those days highly estemed for his vertue and ler­ning with Alured.

This woorke he tooke in hande aboute the .23. yeare of his reigne,895. whiche was in the yeare of of out Lorde .895. So that the Vniuersitie [...]

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Cambridge was founded before thys other at Oxforde about .265. yeeres,Polydore. The vniuersi­tie of Oxforde erected. as Polydore gathe­reth. For Sigebert king of the East angles be­gan to erecte that Vniuersitie at Cambridge, [...] ­bout the yeare of our Lorde .630.

King Alured was learned himselfe and giuen muche to studie, in so muche that beside dyuers good lawes whiche he translated into the english [...]oung gathered togither and published, he also translated diuers other bookes out of Latin into [Page 218] english, as Orosius, Pastorale Gregorij, Beda de ge­stis Anglorū, Boetius de consolatione Philosophiae, and the booke of Psalms, but this he finished not, being preuented by death.

So this worthie Prince minding wel toward the common wealth of his people, in that season when learning was little esteemed amongest the Weast nations, dyd studie by all meanes possi­ble,The vertuous [...]ele of Alured to bring his people to an honest trade of lyfe. to instructe his subiectes in the trade of lea­dyng an honest lyfe, and to encourage them ge­nerally 10 to imbrace learnyng. He woulde not suf­fer any to be are office in the Courte, excepte hee were learned: and yet hee hymselfe was twelue yeares of age before hee coulde reade a worde on the booke,He is persvva­ded by his mo­ther, to applye himself to ler­ning. and was then trayned by his mothers perswasion to applye hymselfe to study, promi­sing to gyue hym a goodly fayre booke whyche she had in hir handes, if he wold shortly lerne to reade it. Herevpon going to his booke in sporte, he so earnestly sette his mynd thereto, that with­in 20 a small tyme hee profited maruellously, and became suche a fauourer of learned men, that he delyghted most in their companie, to haue conf [...] ­rence wyth them, and allured dyuers to come vnto hym out of other countreyes,Asserius Me­neuens. VVerefridus. as Asserius Meneuens. bishop of Shirborne, and Werefri­dus the byshop of Worcester, who by his com­maundemente translated the Bookes of Grego­ries Dialogues into Englishe.Iohn Scot. Also Iohn Scot whyche whyles hee was in Fraunce, translated 30 the booke of Dionysius Artopagita, entituled Hie­rarchi [...], out of Greeke into Latin, and after was Scholemaister in the Abbey of Malmesburye, and there murthered by his Schollers with pen­kniues, hee had dyuers other aboute him, bothe Englishmenne and straungers, as Pleymonde whyche afterwarde was made Archebishoppe of Canterbury,Grimbalde. Grimbalde, whome he appointed gouernour of the newe Monasterie at Winche­ster, with other. 40

But to conclude with this noble Prince king Alvred,Alured deui­ded the tyme for his neces­sarie vses. hee was so carefull in his office, that hee deuided the .xxiiij. houres which contayn the day and night in three partes, so that eight houres he spent in writing, reding and making his praiers, other eight hee employed in relieuing his bodye with meate, drinke, and slepe, and the other .viij. he bestowed in dispatching of businesse cōcerning the gouernment of the realme. He had in his cha­pell a candell of .24. partes, whereof euery one la­sted 50 an houre: So that the Sexton to whome that charge was committed, by burning of that candell warned the king euer how the time pas­sed away. A little before his death, hee ordeined his last wil and testament,His last vvyll and testament. bequeathing halfe the portion of all his goodes iustly gotten, vnto such Monasteries as he had founded. All his rents and reuenues he deuided into two equall partes, and the first part he deuided into three, bestowing the first vpon his seruants of housholde, the seconde to suche laborers, and workmen as he kept in his workes of sundrie newe buyldings, the thyrde part he gaue to strangers. The second whole part of his reuenues was so diuided, that the first por­tion thereof was bestowed amongest the poore people of his countrey, the seconde to Monaste­ries, the thirde to the findyng of poore schollers, and the .iiij. part to Churches beyonde the sea: he was diligent in the enquirie how the Iudges of his land behaued themselues in their iudgemēts, and was a sharpe correcter of them which trans­gressed in that behalfe. To be brief, he liued so as he was had in greate fauoure of his neighbors, highly honored amongst strangers. He maryed his daughter Ethelswida or rather Elstride vn­to Baldwyn Erle of Flaunders, [...]st [...]ld, [...] you find in Iacob Meyer, if ye looke for [...]. of whome hee bega [...] two sons Arnulfe and Adulfe, of the which the first succeded in the Erledome of Flaunders, and the yonger was made erle of Boloigne.

The bodie of king Alvred was firste buried in the Bishops churche: but afterwarde bicause the Canons raysed a fond tale that the same shoulde walke a nightes, his sonne king Edward remo­ued it into the newe monasterie whiche he in his lyfe tyme had founded.

The ende of the kingdome of Mercia.

IN the dayes of the forsayd king Alvred, the kyngdome of Mercia tooke ende. For after that ye Danes had expulsed king Burthred, whē he had reigned .22. yeares, he went to Rome, and there died, his wife also Ethelswida, the daugh­ter of king Athulf that was sonne to king Ecg­bert folowed him, and dyed in Pauia in Lum­bardie. The Danes hauyng got the countrey into their possession,C [...]vvolfe. made one Ceolfe king ther­of, whome they bound with an othe and deliue­rie of pledges, that he should not longer kepe the state with their pleasure, and further shoulde bee readie at all tymes to ayde them wyth suche power as he should be able to make. Thys Ce­wolf was the seruant of king Burthred. Within foure yeres after the Danes returned, & tooke one part of that kingdome into their owne handes, & left the residue vnto Cewolfe. But within fewe yeres after, king Alvred obteined that parte of Mercia which Cewolf ruled, as he did all the re­sidue of this land, except those parcels which the Danes held, as Northumberland, the countreis of the Eastangles, some parte of Mercia, & other. The yere in the whiche king Alvred thus obtey­ned the dominion of that part of Mercia whiche Cewolf had in gouernāce,886. Mat. VVest. was after the birth of our Sauior .886. so that the forsaid kingdom cō ­tinued the space of .202. yeres vnder .22. kings frō Crida to this last Cewolf. But ther be ye accōpt the continuance of this kingdome, only from the [Page 219] beginning of Penda, vnto the [...] yere of [...], by which reckning [...] not [...] ye­res [...] rather [...] last Erwolf for none, [...] his [...] vn­der subiection of the Danes, [...] our Lord .8 [...]. whe [...] Penda begā his [...].

The Eastangles [...] the Northumbers a [...] days wer vnder subiection of the Danes, [...] may be perceued by that which before [...].Guthran king of the East an­gles died .890. After Guthrā ye [...] yt eastangles by [...] 10 term of .xij. yeres, one [...] or [...] had the rule in those parties, a Dane also, & reigned .xiiij. yeres, & was at length bereued of his [...] by king Edward the sonne of K. Alvred, [...] shal appere.St. Dunelm. But now although that the North­umbers were brought greatly vnder foote by the Danes, yet could they not forget their old ac [...] ­stomed maner to stirre tumultes and rebellion a­gainst their gouernors,872 insomuch that in the yere 872. they expulsed not onely Egbert,Ecgbert king of Northum­berland expel­led from his kingdome. whome the 20 Danes had appointed king ouer one parte of the countrey (as before you haue heard) but also their archbishop Wilfhere. In the yere followng, the same Ecgbert departed this life,Egbert depar­ted this lyfe. Ricsig. after whom, one Rigsig or Ricsige succeeded as king, & the Arch­bishop Wolfhere was restored home. In ye same yeare the armie of Danes which had wintered at London, came from thēce into Northumberlād, and wintred in Lindsey, at a place called Tork­sey,The Danes vvinter in Lindsey. 975. and went the next yeere into Mercia. And in 30 the yere .975. a part of them returned into Nor­thumberland, as before ye haue herd. In the yere following,Ricsig depar­ted this lyfe. Ricsig the king of Northumberlande departed this lyfe: After whom an other Egbert succeded. And in the yeare .983. the armie of the Danes meanyng to inhabite in Northumber­lande,983. Guthred ordei­ned K. of Nor­thumberland. and to settle themselues there, chose Gu­thryd the sonne of one Hardicnute to their king, whome they had sometyme solde to a certayne widowe at Witingham. But nowe by the ad­uise 40 of an Abbot called Aldride, they redeemed his libertie, and ordeined him king to rule bothe Danes and Englishmen in that countrey.

It was sayd, that the same Aldrede being Ab­bot of holy Ilande, was warned in a vision by Sainte Cuthbert, so giue counsell bothe to the Danes and Englishmen, to make the same Gu­thrid king. This chaunced about the .xiij yere of the reigne of Alvred king of Westsaxons.

Then after that Guthrid was established king 50 he caused the bishops sea to be remoued from holy Ilande vnto Chester in the stret,The bishoppes sea remoued from holy Ilād to Chester in the streete. and for an aug­mentation of the reuenues and iurisdiction belon­ging therto, he ass [...]gned and gaue vnto Saincte Cuthbert all that countrey which lyeth betwixt the riuers of Teyse and Tyne.

Priuiledges graunted to S. Cuthbertes shrine.Moreouer this priuiledge was there graunted vnto S. Cuthbert shrine. That whosoeuer fledde into the same for succour & safegarde, should not be touched or [...] in any [...] for the space of [...]. And this freedom was confirmed not only by king Guthrid, but [...] by king Alvred. Finally king Guthrid departed this lyfe in the yeare of our Lord God . [...].894. Polydor. VV. Malms. after hee had ruled the Northumbers with muche [...] (as some [...] yeres, or somwhat mo [...] [...]. He is named by some writers [...]mond, and al­so [...], and thought to bee the same whome king [...] to be baptised. Where other [...] Guthred who [...] the Eastan­gles, was [...] Alvred [...],VV. Malms. William [...] them to be but one man, whiche [...] not lyke to be true.

After this Guthred or [...] his sonne Si­thrike succeded, and after hym other of that line,Sithrike. till king Athelstane depriued them of the domi­nion, and [...] it into his owne hands.

Edwarde the elder.

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AFter the decease of king Alvred,Edward the el­der. 901. his son Ed­warde, surnamed the elder began his reygne ouer the more parte of Englande in the yeare of our Lord 901. which was in the . [...]. yere of the em­perour Lewis in the eight yeare of the reigne of Charles, surnamed Simplex, king of France, and about the .8. yeare of Donald king of Scotland. He was sacred after the maner of other kyngs his auncesters by Athelrede the Archebishop of Canterburie. This Edward was not so learned as his father, but in princely power more high & honorable, for he ioyned the kingdome of East­angles and Mercia with other vnto his domini­on, as after shall he shewed, and vanquished the Danes, Scots, & Welchmen, to his great glory and high cōmendation. In the beginning of his reign he was disquieted by his brother. Adelwold, which toke the town of Winborn besides Bath,VVinborn [...]. and maried a Nunne there, which he had deflou­red, and attempted many things against his bro­ther. Whervpō the king came to Bath, & though Adelwold shewed a countenance as if he would haue abyd the chaunce of warre within Wyn­borne, yet he stale awaye in the night,H. Hunt. Adelvvolde fleeth to the Danes. & fled into Northūberland, wher of the Danes he was ioy­fully receiued. The king toke his wife being lefte behind, & restored hir to ye house from whence she was taken. Some haue written,VV. Malm. that this Adel­wolde or Ethelwolde, was not brother vnto [Page 220] king Edwarde, but his vncles sonne.

After this king Edwarde prouiding for the suretie of his subiectes against the forrays which the Danes vsed to make, fortifyed diuers cities and townes, and stuffed them with great garri­sons of souldiors, to defend the inhabitants, and to repulse the enimies. And surely the englishmen were so invred with warres in those dayes,The Englishe nation practi­sed in vvarres, goe commonly avvay vvith the victorie. that the people being aduertised of the inuasion of the enimies in any part of their countrey, would as­semble 10 oftentymes without knowledge of king or capitayne, and setting vpon the enimies, went commonly awaye with victorie, by reason that they ouermatched them bothe in number & pra­ctise. So were the enimies despised of the eng­lishe souldiours, and laughed to scorn of the king for their foolishe attempts.H. Hunt. Yet in the third yeare of king Edwards reigne, Ethelwolde his bro­ther came with a Nauie of the Danes into the parties of the eastangles,Essex yelded to Athelvvold. and euen at the first the 20 Essex men yelded themselues vnto him. In the yere folowing he inuaded the countrey of Mer­cia with a mightie armie, wasting and spoyling the same vnto Cry [...]de,Ran. Hig [...]. and there passing ouer the Thames, rod [...] foorth til he came to Basing­stoke, (or as some bookes haue Bri [...]tenden, [...].) ha­rying the countrey on eche syde, and so returned back into East angles with great ioy & triumph.

King Edwarde awakened heerewith,H. Hunt. assem­bled his people, & folowed the enimies, wasting all the countreye betwixt the riuer of Ouse and S. Edmunds ditch. And when he shuld returne, he gaue cōmandement, that no man should stay behinde him, but come backe togither for doubte to be forelayd by the enimies.The K [...] ­men disobey [...] the king [...], are [...] by the king Edvva [...] [...]. The Kentishmen notwithstanding this ordinance & cōmandemēt, remained behind, although the king sent .7. mes­sengers for them. The Danes awayting these aduantage, came togither, and fiercely foughte with the Kentishmen, which a long tyme vali­antly

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defended themselues. But in the ende the Danes obteyned the victorie, although they loste more people there than the Kentishmen did: and amongest other, there were slaine the forsaid A­thelwold, & diuers of the chief captains amongst the Danes. Likewise of the english side, ther died ij. dukes, Siwolf & Singlem, or Sigbelm, with sundry other mē of name, both tēporal & also spi­ritual lords & Abbots. In the .v. yere of his reign K. Edward cōcluded a truce with the Danes of Eastangle & Northumberlād at Itingford. But 50 in the yere folowing, he sent an army against thē of Northumberlād, which slew many of ye Da­nes,Fortie dayes hath S. Dunel. and took great booties both of people & cattel, remaining in the countrey the space of .v. wekes.

The yere next ensuing, the Danes with a great armie entred into Mercia, to rob & spoile ye coun­trey, against whom king Edward sent a mightie host, assembled togither of the Westsaxons and them of Mercia, the which set vpon the Danes, as they were returning homeward, & slew of thē an huge multitude, together with their chief ca­pitaines and leaders, as king Halden, and kyng Eolwils, erle Vther, erle Scurfa, & diuers other.

In the yeare .912. (or as Simon Dunel. hath 908.) the Duke of Mercia Edrid or Etheldred,H. Hunt. departed this life, and then king Edward seysed into his handes the Cities of London and Ox­ford, and all that part of Mercia which he helde. But afterwards he suffered his sister Elflede to enioy the most part therof, except the sayde cities of London and Oxford, whiche he still retayned in his owne hande. This Elfleda was wyfe to the sayd duke Edrid or Etheldred, as before you haue hearde: Of whose worthy actes more shall be sayde hereafter.

In the nynthe yeare of his reigne kyng Ed­warde buylt a castell at Hartforde, and likewise [Page 221] he buylded a towne in Essex at Wightham,VVitham. and lay himself in the meane time at Maldon, other­wise Meauldun, bringing a great part of ye coun­trey vnder his subiection, which before was sub­iect to ye Danes. In the yere folowing, the armie of the Danes departed frō Northāpton & Che­ster in breach of the former truce,Chester, or ra­ther Leycester, as I thinke. & slew a greate number of men at Hocehneretō in Oxfordshire. And shortly after their return home, an other cō ­panie of them wēt foorth and came to Leighton, 10 where the people of the countrey beeing assem­bled togither,Liget [...]ne. fought with them, and put them to flight, taking frō them all the spoyle whiche they had got, and also their horses.

In the .xj. yere of king Edw. a fleet of Danes compassed aboute the West partes, and came to the mouth of Seuerne, & so toke prayes in Wa­les: They also tooke prisoner a Welche bishop named Camelgaret,Irchenfielde. at Irchenfield, whome they 20 led to their ships: but king Edward redemed him out of their hands, paying to them .xl. lb for his raunsom. After that the armie of Danes went foorth to spoyle the countrey about Irchingfield, but the people of Chester, Hereforde, and other townes and countreys therabout, assembled togi­ther, and giuing battayl to the enimies, put them to flight, and slewe one of their noble men called Earle Rehald,Danes discom­fited. and Geolcil the brother of Earle Vter, with a great part of their armie, and draue 30 the residue into a Castell, whiche they besieged till the Danes within it gaue hostages, and co­uenanted to depart out of the kings lande.

The king caused the coasts about Seuerne to be watched, that they should not breake into his countrey: But yet they stale twice into the bor­ders: neuertheles they wer chased & slain so ma­ny as coulde not swim, and so get to their ships.

Then they remayned in the Ile of Stepen, in great miserie for lacke of victuals,The yle of Stepen. De [...]omedun. Danes sayle into Irelande. bycause they coulde not go abroade to get any. At length they 40 departed into Northwales, & from thēce sayled into Ireland.

The same yeare king Edward came to Buc­kingham with an armie, and ther taried a whole moneth, building two castels, the one vpon the one side of the water of Ouse, and the other vpon the other side of the same riuer. He also subdued Turketyllus an Erle of the Danes that dwelte in that countrey,Turketellus an earle. with all the residue of the noble men and barons of the shires of Bedforde and Northampton. 50

In the .xij. yere of K. Edwards reigne, ye Ken­tishmen & Danes fought togither at Holme: but whether partie had the victorie, writers haue not declared.Si. Dunelm. Simon Dunelm. speaketh of a batayle which the citizens of Canterbury fought ageinst a number of Danish rouers at Holme, wher the Danes were put to flight, but that should be (as he noteth an .8. yeres before this supposed time, as in the yere .904. whiche was aboute the thirde yere of king Edw. reigne. After this other of the Danes assembled thēselues togither,An. 912. Sim. Dun. & in Staf­fordshire at a place called Tottēhal, fought with the Englishmen, & after great slaughter made on bothe parties, the Danes were ouercome: and so likewise were they shortly after at Woodfield, or Wodenfield. And thus K. Edw. put the Danes to the worse in eche place commonly where hee came, and hearing that those in Northumberlād ment to breake the peace: he inuaded the countrey and so afflicted the same, that the Danes whiche were inhabitants there, gladly continued in rest and peace. But in this meane tyme,Polidore. Erick king of Eastangles. Ericke the king of those Danes which helde the countrey of eastangle was about to procure new warre, and to allure other of the Danes to ioyn with him a­gainst the Englishmen, that with cōmon agree­ment, they might sette vpon the englishe nation, and vtterly subdue them.

King Edw. hauing intelligence hereof,King Edvvard inuadeth the countrey of the Eastangles. purpo­sed to preuent him, & therevpon entryng with an armie into his countrey, cruelly wasted & spoyled the same. K. Erick hauing alreadie his people in armour through displesure conceiued hereof, and desire to be reuenged, hasted foorthe to encounter his enimies: And so they met in the field & fierce­ly assayled eche other. But as the battaile was rashly begon on king Ericks side, so was the end very harmeful to him:Ericke put to flight. for with small a doe after great losse on his side, was he vanquished and put to flight.

And after his comming home, bycause of his great ouerthrowe and foule discomfiture, he be­gan to gouerne his people with more rigour and sharp dealing thā before time he had vsed. Wher­by he prouoked the malice of the Eastangles so highly against him yt they fell vpon him & mur­thered him: yet did they not gain so much hereby as they looked to haue doone: for shortely after, they being brought lowe,The kingdome of the Eastan­gles subdued by K. Edvvard. and not able to defende their countrey, were compelled to submit them selues vnto king Edw. And so was that king­dome ioyned vnto the other dominions of the same king Edwarde, who shortly after annexed also the kingdome of Mercia vnto other of his dominions, immediatly vpon the death of his si­ster Elfleda, whome he permitted to gouern that countrey during hir lyfe. And not without good reason, for by hir wyfe & politike order vsed in all hir doings, he was greately furthered and assi­sted. But namely in reparing and buyldyng of Townes and Castelles,H. Hunt. Mat. VVest. Sim. Dunel. shee shewed hir noble magnificence, in so muche that during the time of hir gouernaunce whiche continued an eyght yeares, it is recorded by wryters, that she did buylde and repare these Townes, whose names [Page 222] heere ensewe: [...] and VVarvvike. 91 [...]. Thamwoorth beside Lichefielde, Stafford, Warwike, Shrewsburye, Waters­bury or Weddesbury, Elilesbury or rather Ed­bury in the forest of De la mere besides Chester, Brimsbery bridge vpon Seuerne, Rouncorn at the mouth of the riuer of Mercie with other.

Chester repa­red. 905. Sim. Dunel.Moreouer, by hir helpe the citie of Chester whiche by Danes had bin greately defaced, was newly repaired, fortified with walles and turrets and greatly enlarged. So that the castell whiche 10 stoode without the walles before that tyme was now brought within compasse of the new wall.

Moreouer she boldely assaulted hir enimyes whiche wente aboute to trouble the state of the countrey as the Welchemen, and Danes. She sent an armie into Wales,Queene of the VVelchmen taken. Brecanamere. Ran. Higd. H. Hunt. 918. Derby vvon from the Danes and tooke the towne of Brecknocke with the Queene of the Welch­men at Bricennamere. Also she wan from the Danes the towne of Darby, and the countrey 20 adioyning.

In this enterprise she put hir owne person in great aduēture: for a great multitude of Danes, yt were withdrawen into Derby, valiātly defen­ded the gates and entries, insomuche that they slew foure of hir chief men of warre, which wer named Wardens of hir person, euen fast by hir at the very entrie of the gates. But his notwith­standing, with valiāt fight hir people entred, and so the towne was wonne: she gotte diuers other 30 places out of their handes, and constrained them of Yorkeshire to agree with hir, so that some of them promised to become hir subiectes: Some promised to ayde hir, and some sware to be at hir cōmaundement. Finally this martiall Lady and manly Elfleda,H. Hunt. the supporter of hir coūtrey­men and terrour of the enimies,Anno Christi 919. Mat. VVest. St. Dunelm. departed this life at Thamworth aboute the .xij. of Iune, in the xviij. or rather .xix. yeare of hir brother king Ed­wards reigne, as by Math. West it should ap­peare. But Simon Dunelm. writeth, that she 40 deceassed in the yeare of Christ .915. which should be about the .xiiij. yeare of king Edwards reign. Hir bodie was conueyed to Gloucester, and there buried within the monasterie of S. Peter, which hir husband and she in their life tyme had buyl­ded, and translated thither the bones of Sainct Oswyll from Bardona.Ranul. The same monasterie was after destroyed by Danes. But Aldredus the archbishop of Yorke, who was also bishop of Worcester, repared an other in the same Ci­tie, 50 that was after the chiefe Abbey there.

After the decease of Elfieda, king Edwarde toke the dominion of Mercia as before we haue sayde) into his owne handes, and so disinherited his neece Alfwen, or Elswen, the daughter of Elfleda,This Alfvven vvas sister to Edelfled, as H. Hunt. hath. takyng hir awaye wyth him into the countrey of Westsaxons. By thys meanes he so amplifyed the boundes of his kingdome, that he had the most parte of all this Ilande of Br [...] ­tayne at his commaundement: [...]. for the [...] of the Welchmen (namely the kyng of [...], and of the Scots, acknowledging hym to be their chiefe soueraigne Lorde, and the Da­nes in Northumberland were kept so short that they durst attempt nothing againste him in his latt [...]r dayes: so that he had tyme to applye the buildyng and reparing of Cities, townes,King [...] a great [...] and [...] Notingham bridge [...]. and castels wherin he so muche delighted. He buylded a newe towne at Notingham on the southsyde of Trent, and made a bridge ouer that riuer be­twixt the olde towne and the newe.Mat. VVest. Manchester repared. An. 5 [...]6. Sim. Dun. He also re­pared Manchester beyonde the riuer of Mercie in Lancashire, accompted as then in the southe ende of Northumberlande, & he buylt a Towne of auncient writers called Thilwall, nere to the same riuer of Mercie, and placed therin a garri­son of souldiers: diuers other townes and castels he buylt, as two at Buckingham on eyther side the water of Ou [...]e (as before is shewed and also one at the mouth of the riuer of Auon. Hee like­wise buylt or new repared the townes of [...]oce­tor and Wigmore, with diuers other,H. Hunt. as one at Glademuth, about the last yeare of his reigne. Some also he destroyed whiche seemed to serue the enimies turne for harbrough, as at Temnes­forde, a Castell, whyche the Danes had buylded and fortifyed.

At lengthe after that this noble Prince king Edward had reigned somewhat aboue the terme of .xxiij. yeares, hee was taken out of this lyfe at Faringdon: His bodie was conueyed frō thence vnto Winchester, and there buried in the newe Abbey. He hadde .iij. wyues, or (as some haue written) but two, affirming that Edgiua was not his wife, but his concubine, of whom he be­gat his eldest sonne Adelstane,Polid [...]re. A [...]. who succeded him in the kingdome. This Edgiua (as hathe bene reported) dreamed on a tyme, that there rose a Moone out of hir belly, whiche with the brighte shine thereof gaue light ouer all Englande: and telling hir dreame to an ancient Gentlewoman, the same Gentlewoman coniecturyng by the dreame that whiche folowed, tooke care of hir, and caused hir to bee brought vp in good man­ners and lyke a Gentlewoman, though she were borne but of base parentage.

Herevpon when she came to ripe yeares, king Edwarde by chaunce commyng to the place where she was remaynyng, vpon the first sighte was streight rauished with hir beautie (whiche in deede excelled) that she coulde not reste till he had his pleasure of hir, and so begat of hir the for­sayde Adelstane: By hir he had also a daughter that was maryed vnto Sithrike a Dane, and king of Northumberlande.Mat. VVest. Polyd. The Scottish wri­ters name hir Beatrice, but oure writers name [Page 223] hir Editha. His seconde or rather his fyrst wyfe if he were not maried to Eguina mother to A­delstane, highte Elfleda, or Elfrida, and was daughter to one erle Ethelme: by hir he had issue two sonnes Ethelward and Edwyn, which im­mediatly departed this life after their father:The issue of K. Edvvard. & vj. daughters Elfleda, Edgiua, Ethelhilda, Ethil­da, Egditha, & Elfgiua. Elfleda becam a Nūne [...] and Ethelhilda also liued in perpetuall virgini­tie, but yet in lay habite. Egditha was maried 10 to the king of Fraunce Charles,Alias Edgiua. surnamed Sim­plex. VV. Malm. And Ethilda by help of hir brother Adelstan was bestowed vpon Hugh sonne to Robert earle of Paris, for hir singular beautie moste highly e­stemed: for nature in hir had shewed as it were hir whole cunning, in perfecting hir with all gifts and properties of a comely personage. Edgiua and Edgitha were sent by their brother Adelstan into Germanie, vnto the Emperour Henry, who bestowed one of them vpon his sonne Otho, that 20 was after Emperor, the firste of that name, and the other vnto a duke, inhabiting about ye Alpes: By his last wife named Edgiua, he had also two sonnes, Edmunde and Eldred, the whiche both reigned after their brother Adelstane successiuely. Also he had by hir two daughters, Edburge that was made a Nunne, and Edgiue, a lady of ex­cellent beautie, whom hir brother Adelstan gaue in mariage vnto Lewys king of Aquitayn.

Whyles this lande was in continuall trouble 30 of warres againste the Danes,Ran. Higd. VVil. Mal. Mat. VVest. as before is tou­ched, small regarde was hadde to the state of the Church, insomuch that the whole country of the Westsaxons by the space of .7. yeres together (in the days of this K. Edward) remained withoute any Bishop, to take order in matters appertey­ning to the church.England first accursed. Whervpon the Pope had ac­cursed the english people, bicause they suffred the Bishops seas to be vacant so long a time.

King Edward to auoyd the cursse, assembled 40 a prouincial Coūcel .905.An. 9035 in the which the Arch­bishop of Canterbury Pleymond was president. Wherein it was ordeyned, yt where the prouince of Westsaxōs in tymes past had but .ij. bishops, now it shoulde be deuided into .v. diocesses, euery of them to haue a peculiar Bishoppe. When all things were ordered and concluded in this Sy­node (as was thought requisite,) the Archbishop was sent to Rome with rich presents, to appease the Popes displeasure. When the Pope had herd 50 what order the king had taken, he was contented therewith. And so the Archebishop returned into his countrey, and in one day at Canterbury or­deined .vij. bishoppes, as fiue to the Prouince of Westsaxons,VVinchester. Cornevvall. Shirborne. VVelles. Kyrton. Mertis. that is to wit, Fridestane to the sea of Winchester, Adelstanto S. German in Cor­newal, Werstan to Shirborn, Adelme to Wel­les, and Edulfe to Kirton. Also to the prouince of Sussex, hee ordeyned one Bernegus, and to Dorchester for the prouince of Mertia, one Ce­nulfe. Here must ye note,VVil Malms. saith that Pope Formosus pro­nounced thys curse. that where William Malmes. Polichro. and other do affirme, ye Pope Formosus did accurse K. Edward & the englishe nation for suffring the bishops seas to be vacant, it cannot stand with the agreement of the tyme,904. vnlesse that the curse pronounced by Formosus for this matter long afore was not regarded, till Edward tooke respect therto. For the same For­mosus began to gouerne the Romane sea aboute the yeare of our Lord .892.892. Polidore. and liued in the papa­cie not past .vj. yeres, so that he was deade before king Edward came to the crowne. But how so euer this matter may fall out, this ye haue to cō ­sider: Although that Pleymound was sent vnto Rome to aduertise the Pope what the king had decreed and done, in the ordeyning of Bishops to their seueral seas as before ye haue heard, yet (as Master Fore hath noted) the gouernaunce and direction of the Church depended chiefly vppon the kings of this lande in those days, as it mani­festly appeareth, as wel by the decrees of K. Al­vred, as of this king Edward, whose authoritie in the election of Bishops (as before ye haue herd) seemed then alone to be sufficient.

Moreouer this I haue thought good to aduer­tise you of in this place, that this Pleymond Ar­chebishop of Canterbury (of whom ye haue herd before) was the .xix. in number from Augustine the first Archbishop there: for after Brightwold that was the .viij. in nūber, & first of the englishe nation that gouerned the sea, succeeded Tadvyn, that sat .iij. yeres: Notelyn .v. yeares: Cuthberte xviij. yeres, Brethwyn .3. yeres. Lābert .27. yeres, Adelard .13. yeres Wilfred .xxviij. yeres, Theolo­gildus or Pleogildus .iij. yeares, Celuotus, or Chelutus .x. yeares. And after them succeeded Aldred, of whome King Edwarde receyued the crowne, and he was predecessour to Pleymond.

A little before the death of king Edward,H. Hunt. Si­thrike the king of Northumberlande, killed his brother Nigellus, and then king Reynold con­quered the Citie of Yorke.

Adelstane.

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ADelstane,Adel­stane. the eldest sonne of king Edward began his reigne ouer the more parte of all [Page 224] Englande,Mat. VVest. VVil. Mal. 924. the yeare of our Lorde .924. whiche was in the .vj. yeare of the Emperor Henry the first, in the .31. yeare of the reigne of Charles, sur­named Simplex, king of France .3. moneths after the burning of Pauie, & about the .22. or .23. yeare of Constantine the third king of Scotlande.

This Adelstan was crowned and sacred king at Kingston vpon Thames of Adelme the Archbi­shop of Canterbury, which succeded Pleymond. He was the .xxiiij. king in number from Cerdi­cius 10 or Cerdik the first king of the Westsaxons.

There were in the beginning some yt set them selues against him,Alfred striueth in vayn to kepe Athelstan from the gouernmēt. as one Alfred a noble mā whiche practised by treason, to haue kept him frō the gouernmēt: but he was apprehended ere he could bring his purpose to passe, & sente to Rome there to trie himself giltie or not guiltie.VVil. Malm. And as he toke his othe for his purgation before ye aultar of saint Peter,See more here­of in the booke of Actes and Monumentes set foorth by M. Foxe vol. 1. leafe .195. he sodenly fel down to the earth, so that his 20 seruants toke him vp & bare him vnto the english schoole or hospitall, where the thirde night after he died.

Pope Iohn the .x. sent vnto king Adelstane to know if he wold that his bodie should be layde in christian burial or not. The king at the contem­plation of Alfreds frends & kinsfolks, signified to the Pope that he was contented that his bodye shuld be enterred amongst other christians. His lands being forfaited were giuen by ye king vnto 30 God & S. Peter. The cause yt moued Alfred and other his cōplices against the king, was (as some haue aledged) his bastardie. But whether that al­legation wer true, or but a slander, this is certain that except that stain of his honor▪ there was no­thing in this Adelstan worthy of blame: So that he darkned all the glorious fame of his predeces­sors both in vertuous conditions & victorious tri­umphs. Such difference is there to haue that in himselfe wherein to excell, rather than to stande vpon the worthinesse of his auncesters, sith that 40 can not rightly be called his.

After that K. Adelstane was established in the estate, he endeuored himself to answer the expec­tation of his people, which hoped for great welth to ensue by his noble & prudent gouernāce:Anno. 925. Si. Dunelm. Polyd. Fyrst therfore meaning to prouide for the suretie of his countrey, he cōcluded a peace with Sithricus K. of the Northūbers, vnto whō as ye haue hearde, he gaue one of his sisters named Editha in mari­age. Sithrike liued not past one yere after he had 50 so maried hir.VV. Mal. And thē Adelstan brought the pro­uince of the Northūbers vnto his subiection, ex­pelling one Aldulph out of the same yt rebelled a­gainst him. Ther be ye write, that Godfrey & Au­lafe the sonnes of Sithrike succeding their father in the gouernment of Northūberland, by practi­sing to moue war against king Adelstane, occa­sioned him to inuade their coūtrey, and to chase them out of the same, so that Aulaf fled into Ir [...] ­land & Godfrey into Scotlād: but other write,H. H [...]t. ye Godfrey was the father of Reignold, which was Yorke, after that Sithrike had slaine his brother Nigellus, as before is mencioned.H. Boeti [...]. The [...] vvrite [...] [...] from our En­glish author Beatrice [...]. The Scottish chronicles vary in report of these matters from ye english writers: whose chronicles affirm, yt in the life time of K. Edwarde his daughter Beatrice, was giuen in mariage to Sithrike, the gouernor of the Danes in Northumberland, with condi­tion, that if any issue male were procreate of that mariage, the same shuld inherite the dominions of K. Edward after his decease. Kyng Edward had a brother (as they say) named Edwyn,Edvvyn [...] not brother of K. Edvv. but to him. a ioy­ly Gentleman, and of great estimation amongst the Englishmen. He by Sithrikes procurement was sent into Flaunders in a ship that leaked, & so was drowned, to the greate reioycing of all the Danes, least if he had suruiued his brother, hee woulde haue made some businesse for the crowne.

About the same time Adelstā a base son of K. Edw. fled ye realme for doubt to be made away by some like trayterous practise of the Danes.Athelstā [...] the realme. Shortly after K. Edward vnderstanding ye Si­thrik went about some mischef toward him, per­suaded his daughter to poyson hir husbande the sayd Sithrike. Then Aulaffe or Aualassus, and Godfrey the sonnes of Sithrike, finding out by diligent examination, yt Beatrice was of coun­sell in poysoning hir husband, they caused hir to be apprehended▪ and put to death on this wyse:

She was sette naked vpon a Smythes colde Anuylde or stythie,Beatrice [...] death by his stepsonnes. and therewith harde rosted egges being taken foorth of the hot ymbers were putte vnder hir arme pittes, and hir armes faste bounde to hir bodie with a corde, and so in that state she remayned till hir life passed from hir.

K. Edward in reuenge of his daughters death moued war against the two brethren, Aulaf and Godfrey, & in battail finally vāquished them, but was slain in the same battail himself. Thus haue the Scotish chronicles recorded of these matters as an induction to the warres which folowed be­twixt the Scots and Danes as confederates a­gainst K. Adelstan: but for the truth thereof we leaue to the readers own iudgement. For in oure englishe writers we finde no suche matter, but that a daughter of King Edward named Ead­githa or Editha, after hir fathers deceasse was by hir brother King Athelstane, about the firste yeare of his reigne giuen in mariage (as before ye haue hearde) vnto the foresayde Sithrike king of Northumberland, that was descended of the Danishe bloud, who for the loue of the young Ladie, renounced his Heathenishe religion, and became a christian, but shortely after, forsakyng bothe hys wyfe, and the christian faythe hee [Page 225] set vppe againe the worshipping of Idols, and within a while after, as an Apostata, miserably ended his life. Wherevpon, the yong Lady, hir virginitie being preserued,Editha a Virgin. and hir body vndefy­led (as they write) passed the residue of hir dayes at Pollesworth in Warwikeshire, spendyng hir time as the same writers affirme, in fasting, wat­ching, praying, and doing of almes deedes, and so at length departed out of this world.

Thus our writers differ from the Scottish hi­story, 10 both in name & maner of end as concerning that daughter of K. Edwarde, that was coupled in marriage with Sithrike. But now to returne where we left. After that Kyng Adelstane hadde subdued them of Northumberland, hee was ad­uertised, that not onely Constantine Kyng of Scottes, but also Hudvale or Howell Kyng of Wales, wente about a priuie conspiracy agaynst him.VVil. Malm. Heerevppon with all conuenient speede as­sembling his power, he wente against them, and 20 with like good fortune subdued them bothe, and also Vimer or Wulferth K. of North wales, so that they were constreyned to submit themselues vnto him, who shortly after moued with pitie in considering their suddayne fall, restored them all three to their former estates,Mat. VVest. 926 The noble saying of king Athelstane. VV. Mal. but so as they should acknowledge themselues to gouerne vnder hym, pronouncing with all this notable saying, that more honorable it was to make a King, than to be a King. Ye must vnderstand, that as it appea­reth 30 by the Scottish Chronicles, the Scottishmē in time of the warres that the Danes made to ye English nation, gote a parte of Cumberland and other the North countreys into their possession, and so by reason of their neere adioyning to the confines of the Englishe Kings, there chaunced occasions of warre betwixte them, as well in the days of Kyng Edward, as of this Adelstane hys sonne, although indeede the Danes held the more part of the North countreys, till that this Adel­stane 40 conquered the same out of their hands, and ioyned it vnto other of his dominions, constrey­ning as well the Danes (of whom the more part of the inhabitāts then consisted) as also the Eng­lishmen, to obey him as their King and gouer­nour.

Polidor.Godfrey as is saide, being fled to the Scots, did so much there by earnest sute made to Kyng Constantine, that hee gote a power of men, and entring with the same into Northumberlande, 50 besieged the Citie of Duresme, soliciting the Ci­tizens to receyue him, whiche they woulde gladly haue done, if they had not perceyued how he was not of power able to resist the puissance of Kyng Adelstane: and therefore doubting to be punished for their offences if they reuolted, they kept the e­nimies out.

934King Adelstane beeyng sore moued agaynste the King of Scottes, that thus ayded his eni­mies, raysed an army, and wente Northwarde, purposing to reuenge that iniurie. At his com­ming into Yorkshire, hee turned out of the way,Ran. Higd. to visit the place where Saint Iohn of Beuerley was buryed, and ther offered his knife, promising that if he returned with victory, he would redeme the same with a worthy price: and so proceeded foorth on his iourney, & entring Scotland,Sim. Dun. wasted the countrey by land vnto Dunfoader, and Wer­termore, and his Nauie by Sea destroyed the coastes alongst the shore, euen to Catnesse, and so he brought the King of Scottes and other hys enimies vnto subiection at his pleasure,The Scottes subdued. constrey­ning the same King of Scottes to deliuer vnto him his sonne in hostage. It is sayde, that beyng in his iourney neere vnto the Towne of Dun­barre, he prayed vnto God, that at the instance of Saint Iohn of Beuerley, it would please him to graunt, yt he might shew some open token, wher­by it should appeare to all them that then lyued, & should hereafter succeede, that the Scottes ought to be subiect vnto ye kings of Englād.A token she­wed miracu­lously that Scottes ought to be subiect to the Kings of England. And there­with the King with his sword smote vpō a great stone standing neere to the Castel of Dunbarre, & with the stroke, there appeared a clift in the same stone to the length of an elme, whiche remayned to be shewed as a witnesse of ye thing many yeres after. At his comming backe to Beuerley, hee re­deemed his knife with a large price, as before hee had promised. After this,VVil. Mal. Mat. VVest. 934 was Edwin the Kings brother accused of some conspiracie by him be­gun against the K. whervpō he was banished the land, and sent out in an old rotten vessell without rower or Marriner, onely accompanied with one Esquire, so that beeing launched foorth from the shore, through very dispaire Edwin lept into the Sea, and drowned himselfe, but the Esquire that was with him recouered his body, and broughte it to land at Withsand besides Canterbury. But Iames Maier in the annales of Flanders sayth, that hee was drowned by fortune of the Seas, beeyng in a small vessell, and cast vp into a creeke on the coast of Picardie, was founde by Adolph Earle of Bulleigne that was his cousin ger­mayne, and honorably buryed by the same A­dolph in the Churche of Bertine: for the whyche deede of pietie and dutie of mindfull consanguini­tie, the Kyng of Englande both hartily thanked Earle Adolph, and bestowed greate giftes vppon the Church where his brother was thus buryed. For verily King Adelstane after his displeasure was assuaged,Repentance too late. and hearing of this miserable ende of his brother, sore repented hymselfe of his ri­gour so extended towardes him, in so muche that he coulde neuer abide the man that had giuen the information against him, which was his cupbea­rer, so that one time as the saide cupbearer serued [Page 226] him at the Table, and came towardes him with a cuppe of wine, one of his feete chaunced to slide, but hee recouered himselfe with the help of the o­ther foote, saying, one brother yet hathe holpe and succoured the other: whiche wordes cost him hys life: for the King remembring that by his accu­sation he had lost his brother that might haue bin an ayd to him, causeth his said cupbearer straight wayes to be put to death.

[...]Vil. Malm.In this meane while, Aulafe the sonne of Si­thericke, 10 late King of Northumberland (who is also named by Writers to be King of the Irish­men, and of many Ilands) assembled a great po­wer of Danes, Irishmē, Scottes, and other peo­ple of the out Iles, and embarqued them in .615. Shippes, and Crayers, with the whiche he arri­ued in the mouthe of Humber, and there com­ming on lande, beganne to inuade the countrey. Thys Aulafe had married the daughter of Con­stantine Kyng of Scottes,937 [...]mon Dun. by whose procuremēt 20 notwithstanding his late submission, Aulafe tooke in hand this iourney. King Adelstane aduertised of his enimies arriuall, gathered his people, and with all conuenient speede hasted towards them, and approching neere vnto them, pight downe his fielde at a place called by some Brimesbury, by other Brimes [...]ord, [...]. Hunt. [...]Vil. Malm. [...]at. VVest. [...]ec. Boetius. [...]n. Higd. [...]lafe disgui­ [...]d, commeth [...] view t [...]e [...]glish camp. and also Brimaubright, and by the Scottish Writers Browmingfielde. When knowledge hereof was had in the enimies camp, Aulafe enterprised a maruellous exployte, 30 for taking with him an harpe, hee campe into the Englishe campe, offering himselfe, disguised as a minstrell, to shewe some parte of his cunning in musicke vpon his instrument: and so being suffe­red to passe from Tente to Tente, and admitted also to play afore the Kyng, surueyghed ye whole state and order of the army. This done, he retur­ned, meaning by a cammisado to set vpō ye kings Tente. But one that had serued as a Souldiour sometime vnder Aulafe, chanced by markyng his 40 demeanor, to knowe him, and after he was gone, vttered to the King what he knewe. The Kyng semed to be displeased, in that he had not told him so mu [...]h before Aulafes departure: but in excusing himselfe, the Souldiour sayde, yee must remem­ber if it like your grace, that the same fayth which I haue giuen vnto you, I sometime ought vnto Aulafe▪ therefore if I shoulde haue betrayed hym now you might wel stand in doubt least I shuld heereafter do the like to you: but if you wil follow 50 myne aduice, remooue your Tente, least happily he assayle you vnwares. The Kyng did so, and as it chaunced in the nyght following, commeth Aulafe to assayle the English Camp, and by for­tune comming to the place where the Kings Tent before stoode,Aulafe assay­ [...] [...] the Eng­ [...]h camp [...]. he found a Bishoppe lodged, which with his company was come the same day to the army, and hadde pight vp his Tent in that place from whence the King was remoued: and so was the same Bishoppe, and most parte of his men there slaine. Which slaughter executed, Au­lafe passed forward, and came to the Kings Tēt, who in this mean time, by reason of the Alarme raised, was gote vp, and taking to him his sword in that suddayne fright, by chance it fell out of the scabbard, so that he could not finde it, but calling to God and S. Aldelme, as saith Polichron.Ran. Higd. his sword was restored to the scabbard againe. The King comforted with that miracle, boldly preas­sed foorth vpon his enimies, and so valiauntly re­sisted them, that in the ende he put them to flight, and chased them all that morning and day follo­wing, so that hee slewe of them an huge number. Some haue written, that Constantine Kyng of Scottes was slayne at this ouerthrowe,VVil. Malm. The enimies discomfited. and fine other small Kyngs or Rulers, with .12. Dukes, and welneere all the army of those straunge na­tions whiche Aulafe had gathered togither. But the Scottish Chronicles affirme, that Constan­tine was not there himself, but sent his son Mal­colme, which yet escaped sore hurt and wounded from this battell, as in the same Chronicles yee may see more at large.

When Kyng Adelstane had thus vanquished his enimies in the North parties of England,Ran. Higd. he went against them of Northwales, whose Ru­lers and Princes he caused to come before him at Hereford, and there handled them in suche sorte, that they couenaunted with him to pay yeerely in name of a Tribute twentie pounde of golde,Tribute. three hundred pounde of siluer, and fiue and twē ­tie hundred head of Neate, with Hawkes and Houndes to a certayne number.

After this, hee subdued also the Cornishmen: and whereas till those dayes they inhabited the Citie of Exeter,The Cornishmen subdued. mingled amongst the English­men, so that the one nation was as strong with­in that Citie, as the other, he ridde them quite out of the same, and repaired the walles,Exeter repaired and fortified them with ditches and turrets as the maner then was, and so remoued the Cornishmen further into the West partes of the countrey, that hee made Tamer water to be the confines betweene the Englishmen and them.

Finally,940 Simon Dun. The decesse of K. Athelstane. this noble Prince King Adelstane departed out of this world, the sixe and twēty day of October, after he hadde raigned the tearme of sixteene yeres. His body was buried at Malmes­bury. He was of stature such,The descrip­tion of Kyng Athelstane. as exceeded not the common sort of mē, and stowped somewhat, yel­low heared, for his valiancie ioyned with curte­sey beloued of al men, yet sharp against Rebels, & of inuincible constancie: his greate deuotion to­ward ye Church appeared in ye building, adorning and endewing of Monasteries and Abbeyes. He builte one at Wilton within the diocesse of [Page 227] Salisbury, and an other at Michelney in Som­mersetshire. But besides these foundations, there were few famous Monasteries within this land, but that hee adorned the same eyther with some new peece of buylding, Iewels, bookes, or portion of lands.Wolstan Archbishop of Yorke. He had in exceeding fauour Wolstane Archbishop of Yorke that liued in his dayes, for whose sake he greatly enriched that Bishopricke. His fame spred ouer all the parties of Europa,His estimation in foraine Realmes. so that sundry Princes thought themselues happy 10 if they might haue his friendship, eyther by affi­nitie or otherwise: by meanes whereof, he besto­wed his sisters so highly in marriage as before ye haue heard. Hee receyued many noble and riche presents from diuers Princes, as from Hugh K. of Fraunce Horses, and sundry riche Iewels, with certaine reliques: as Constantines sworde, in the hilte whereof was set one of the nayles wherewith Christ was fastned to ye Crosse. The Speare of Charles the great, which was thought 20 to be the same with whiche the side of our Saui­our was pearced. The banner of Saint Maurice, with a part of the holy Crosse, and likewise a part of the thorned Crowne: yet Mandeuile sawe the one halfe of this Crowne in Fraunce, and the o­ther at Constantinople, almost .400. yeares after this time, as he writeth.

Of these Iewels, K. Adelstane gaue parte to the Abbey of S. Swithune at Winchester, and part to the Abbey of Malmesbury. Moreouer, the 30 King of Norway sent vnto him a goodly ship of fine workmanshippe, with sterne gilt and purple sayles, furnished rounde about the decke within­furth, with a rowe of gilte pauises.

In the dayes of this Adelstane, raigned that worthy Guy Earle of Warwike, who as some writers haue recorded,Harding. fought with a mighty Gi­aunt of the Danes in a singular combate, and vanquished him. 40

Edmonde.

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50

EdmōdAFter that Adelstane was departed this lyfe, without leauing issue behind to succeede hym in the Kingdome, his brother Edmond, sonne of Edward the elder, borne of his last wife Edgiue, tooke vpon him the gouernment of this land,VVil. Malm. 940 and beganne his raigne in the yere of our Lord .940. which was in the fifth yere of the Emperour O­tho the first, in the .13. of Lewis,Simon Dun. surnamed trans­marinus, K. of France, and about the .38. yeare of Cōstantine ye third K. of Scotland. The Danes of Northumberlād rebelled against this Edmōd, and ordeyned Aulafe to bee their K. whome they had called out of Ireland. Some write, that thys Aulafe which now in the beginning of king Ed­monds raigne, came into Northumberland, was King of Norwey, and hauing a greate power of men with him, hee marched foorthe towardes the South parties of this lande, in purpose to subdue the whole: but K. Edmonde raysed a mighty ar­my, and encoūtred with his enimies at Lecester. But ere the matter came to the vttermost triall of Mars his iudgement, through the earnest sute of the Archbishop of Canterbury and Yorke Odo & Wolstan, a peace was concluded,A peace con­cluded. so as Edmond should enioy all that part of the land whiche lieth from Watling streete Southwarde, and Aulafe shoulde enioy the other parte as it lieth from the same streete Northward. Then Aulafe tooke to wife the Lady Alditha, daughter to Earle Or­mus, by whose coūsell and assistance he had thus obteyned the vpper hande.941 Math. VVest. Aulafe de­ceasseth. Another Au­lafe taketh vp­pon him to rule. But this Aulafe in the yere folowing, after he had destroyed the Church of Saint Balter, and brenned Tynningham, hee departed this life. Then the other Aulafe that was sonne to Kyng Sithricke, tooke vppon hym to gouerne the Northumbers.

After this, in the yere .942. King Edmond as­sembling an army, firste subdued those Danes which had gote into their possessiō the Cities and Townes of Lincolne, Lecester, Derby, Stafford and Notingham, constreyning them to receyue the Christian fayth, and reduced all the countreis euen vnto Humber vnder his subiection. Thys done, Aulafe and Reignold the sonne of Gurmo,Gurmo or Godfrey. VVil. Malm. the which as you haue heard, subdued Yorke. for meane ye sooner to obteyn peace, offered to become Christians, and to submit themselues vnto him: wherevpon he receyued them to his peace. There be that write, that this Aulafe is not that Aulafe whiche was sonne to King Sithricke, but rather that the other was hee with whome Kyng Ed­mond made partition of the Realme: but they a­gree, that this seconde Aulafe was a Dane also, and being conuerted to the faith as well through constrainte of the Kyngs puissance, as through the Preaching of the Gospell, was Baptised, Kyng Edmonde beeyng Godfather both to him, and to the foresayde Reignolde: to Aulafe at the fontstone, and to Reignolde at his confirma­tion at the Bishoppes handes. But their wic­ked natures coulde not rest in quiet, so that they brake bothe promise to GOD, and to theyr prince,944 Simon Dun. and were therefore in the yeare nexte followyng dryuen bothe out of the countrey, [Page 228] and punished by perpetuall exile. And so K. Ed­mond adioyned Northumberlande without ad­mitting any other immediate gouernor vnto his own estate.Leolin Kyng of South-Wales ayded K Edmonde in this enter­prise. 946 Moreouer, he wasted & spoiled whole Cumberland, bycause he could not reduce ye peo­ple of that countrey vnto due obeysance, and cō ­formable subiection. The two sonnes of Dun­maile K. of that prouince, hee apprehended, and caused their eyes to be put out. And herewith vp­pon consideration eyther of suche ayde as he had 10 receiued of ye Scottes at that time, or some other friendly respect, he assigned the saide countrey of Cumberlande vnto Malcolme K. of Scottes, to hold the same by fealtie of him and his successors. The Scottishe Chronicles peruerting the tyme and order of the actes and doings of the Englishe kings whiche raigned about this season, affirme, that by couenauntes of peace concluded betwixte Malcolme King of Scotlande, and Adelstane King of England, it was agreed, that Cumber­lande 20 shoulde remayne to the Scottes as in their Chronicles you may finde at full expressed. And again, that Indulfe who succeeded Malcolme in the Kingdome of Scotland, ayded K. Edmonde against Aulafe whome ye same Chronicles name Aualassus, but the time which they attribute vn­to the raignes of their Kings, will not allow the same to stand. For by accompt of their writers, King Malcolme began not his raigne till after the decesse of King Adelstane, who departed thys 30 life in the yere .9 [...]0. And Malcolme succeded Cō ­stantine the third in the yere .944. which was a­bout the third yeare of Kyng Edmonds raigne, and after Malcolme that raigned .xv. yeares suc­ceeded Indulfe in the yeare .959. The like dis­cordance preceedeth and foloweth in their wri­ters, as to the diligent Reader in conferring their Chronicles wt ours, it manifestly appeareth. We therefore (to satisfie the desirous to vnderstande & see the diuersitie of writers,) haue for the more 40 part in their Chronicles left the same as we haue found it.Polidor. The lawes of K. Edmonde.

But now to the other doings of K. Edmond: it is recorded, that hee ordeyned diuerse good and wholesome lawes very profitable and necessary for the common wealth, whiche lawes with dy­uerse other of like antiquitie are forgot and blot­ted out by rust of time, the consumer of thynges worthy of lōg remembrance, as sayth Polidore: but sithence his time they haue bin recouered for 50 the more part, and by master William Lambert turned into Latyne, were imprinted by Iohn Day in the yeare .1568. as before I haue sayde.

Fiue yeres and seuen monethes hath St. Dun.Finally, this Prince K. Edmond, after he had raigned sixe yeres and a halfe, he came to his end by great misfortune, for as some say, it chanced, that espying where one of his seruauntes was in daunger to bee slayne amongst his enimies that were about him with drawen swords, as he step­ped in to haue holpen his seruante, he was slayne at a place called Pulcher Church,Prideci [...]e hath Si. D [...] VVil. M [...] Math. VV [...] 946 or as other haue Michelsbourgh. Other say, that keeping a great feast at the aforesayde place on the day of Saint Augustine the English Apostle (which is the .26. of May, and as that yeare came about, it fell on the tewsday) as hee was set at the table, he espyed where a common robber was placed neere vnto him, whome sometime he had banished the land, and now being returned without licence, he pre­sumed to come into the kings presence, wherwith the King was so moued with high disdaine, that he suddaynely rose from the table, and flew vpon the Theefe, and catching him by the heare of the head, threwe him vnder his feete, wherewith the theefe hauing fast holde on the King, broughte him downe vppon him also, and with his knyfe stroke him into the belly in suche wise, that the Kings bowels fell out of his chest, and there pre­sently dyed: the theefe was hewen in peeces, by the Kings seruauntes, but yet he slewe and hurt diuers before they coulde dispatch him. Thys chance was lamentable, namely to the Englishe people, whiche by the ouertimely deathe of theyr King, in whome appeared many euident tokens of great excellencie, lost the hope whiche they had conceiued of great wealth to encrease by his pru­dent and most princely gouernemente. His body was buried at Glastenbury where Dunstan was then Abbot. There be that write, that the death of King Edmonde was signified aforehande to Dunstane, who about the same time attendyng vppon the same Kyng,Capgra [...]e. as hee remooued from one place to an other, chanced to accompany hym­selfe with a noble man, one Duke Elstane,A vayne tale. and as they rode togither, beholde suddaynely Dun­stane sawe in the way before hym where the Kings Musitions rode, the Deuill running and leaping amongst the same Musitions after a re­ioycing manner, whome after hee had behelde a good while, he said to the Duke, is it possible that you may see that whiche I do see, and the Duke aunswered he sawe nothing otherwise than hee ought to see. Then saide Dunstane,Crossing bringeth fight of the De [...]ies, and crossing driueth them away. blesse youre eyes with the signe of the crosse, and trie whether you can see that I see. And when hee hadde done as Dunstane appoynted hym, hee sawe also the Fende in likenesse of a little short euill fauoured Ethyopian daunsing and leaping, whereby they gathered that some euill happe was towardes some of the company. But when they had cros­sed and blessed them, the foule Spirit vanished out of their sight. And after they had talked of this vision,Dunstan as interpretor of dreames. and made an end of their talke tou­ching the same, ye Duke required of Dunstane to interpret a dreame which he had of late in sleepe, [Page 195] and that was this: he thought that he sawe in vi­sion the King with all his Nobles sit in hys di­ning chamber at meate, and as they were there­with making merry togither, the K. chanced to fall into a dead sleepe, and all the Noble men, and those of his counsell that were aboute him were changed into Roobuckes and Goates. Dustan quickly declared, that this dreame signified the Kings deathe, and the chaunging of the Nobles into dumb and insensible beastes, betokened, that 10 the Princes and gouernours of the Realm should decline from the way of truth,Dunstan seeth the Deuill of­ten, but now he was be­come a wayter at the Table when Dun­stane sate with the King. and wander as fo­lish beastes, without a guide to rule them. Also the nighte after this talke when the King was set to supper, Dunstan sawe the same sprite or some other walke vp and downe amongst them that wayted on the table, & within three days after the K. was slayne, as before ye haue heard.

Edredus or Edred. 20

Edelred

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EDredus ye brother of Edmōd & son to Edwarde ye elder, and to Edgiue hys last wife, begā his raigne ouer the Realme of Englād in the 30 yeare of oure Lord .946. or as Harrison saith. 997.946 which was in the twelfth yeare of the Emperoure Otho the firste, and in the. 21. yeare of the raigne of Lewis King of Fraunce, and about the thirde or fourth yere of Malcolme the firste of that name King of Scotland. Hee was Crowned and anointed the 16. day of August by Odo the Archbishoppe of Canterbury at Kingston vpon Thames.H. Hunton. The Northū ­bers rebell and are sub­dued. In the first yeare of his raigne, the Northumbers rebel­led against him, wherevppon hee raysed an army, inuaded their countrey, and subdued them by force. This done, he wente forwarde into Scot­lande: but the Scots without shewing any resi­stance, submitted thēselues vnto him, and so both Scottes and Northūbers receyued an oth to bee true vnto him, whiche they obserued but a small while,Aulaf retur­ned into Nor­thamberland. for he was no soner returned into ye South partes, but that Aulafe which had bin chased out of the countrey by K. Edmond as before ye haue heard, returned into Northumberlande with a great nauie of Ships, and was ioyfully receyued of the inhabitants, and restored againe to ye king­dome, which he held by the space of four yeres, and then by the accustomed disloyaltie of the Nor­thumbers, hee was by them expulsed, and then they set vp one Hyrke,Hirk or Heri­cius. or Hericius the sonne of one Harrolde to raigne ouer them, who helde not ye estate any long time. For in ye third yeere of his raigne,VVil. Malm The disloy­altie of the Northumber punished. Edredus in ye reuēge of such disloyal dea­lings in the Northumbers, destroyed the whole countrey with fire and sword, sleaying the most

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parte of the inhabitants.

Ran. Higd. Sim. Dunel.He brente the Abbey of Rippon, whiche was kept against him. As he was returning home­ward, an host of enimies brake out of Yorke, and setting vpon the rereward of the kings army at a place called Easterforde,Easterforde. made great slaughter in the same. Wherefore the King in his rage, mente to haue begun a new spoyle and destruction, but the Northumbers humbled themselues so vnto him, that putting away their foresaide K. Hirke, or Hericius, and offering great rewards and gifts to buy their peace, they obteyned pardon. But bycause that Wolstan the Archbishop of Yorke was of counsell with his countreymen in reuol­ting from K. Edredus,The Archbi­shop of Yorke imprisoned. and aduancing of Heri­cius. K. Ederdus toke him and kept him in prison [Page 230] a long time after, but at length in respect of the reuerence which he bare to his calling, he set hym at libertie, and pardoned him his offence. Math. West. reciteth an other cause of Wolstanes im­prisonment,Mat. VVest. as thus. In the yere of grace saith he 951. King Edrede put the Archbishop of Yorke in close prison,951 bycause of often complayntes ex­hibited against him, as he which had commaun­ded many Townesmen of Theadford to bee put to death, in reuenge of the Abbot Aldelme, by thē 10 vniustly slayne and murthered. After this, when Edredus had appeased all ciuill tumultes & dis­sentions within his land,VVil. Malm. he applyed himselfe to the aduancing of Religion, wholly following the mind of Dunstane, by whose exhortation he suf­fered patiently many tormentes of the body, and exercised himselfe in prayer and other deuoute studies.Edredus de­parteth thys life. Finally, after he had raigned nine yeares and a halfe, he departed this life to the great gree­uance of menne, and reioycing of Angels, as it is 20 written, and was buried at Winchester in the Cathedral Church there. Here is to be noted, that the foresaide Edrede when hee came firste to the Crowne, vpon a singular and most especiall fa­uour whiche hee bare towards Dunstan the Ab­bot of Glastenbury,Dunstan in fauor. he committed to him the che­fest part of all the threasure, as charters of landes with other monuments, and such antient prince­ly iewels as belonged to the former Kings, with other such as he gote of his owne, willing hym to 30 lay the same in safekeeping within his Monaste­rie of Glastēbury. Afterward when King Edred perceyued himselfe to be in daunger of deathe by force of that sicknesse which in deede made an end of his life, he sent into all parties to such as had a­ny of his treasure in keeping, to bring the same vnto him with all speede, that hee mighte dispose thereof before his departure out of this life, as hee should see cause. Dunstane tooke suche thyngs as he had vnder his handes, and hasted forwarde to 40 deliuer the same vnto the King, and to visit hym in that tyme of hys sicknesse according to hys duetie:But was not this a deuise thereby to de­teyne the treasure, for I do not reade that he deliue­red it out of his hands. An Angell or as some think a worse crea­ture. but as he was vpō ye way, a voice spake to him frō Heauen, saying behold K. Edred is now departed in peace. At the bearing of this voyce, the Horse whereon Dunstane rode fell downe & died, being not able to abide the presence of the Angell that thus spake to Dunstane. And when he came to the Court, he vnderstoode that the King dyed the same houre in whiche it was tolde him by the 50 Angell, as before ye haue heard.

This Edwarde in his latter dayes beeyng greatly addicted to deuotiō and religious priests, at the request of hys mother Edgina restored the Abbey of Abingdon which was built firste by K. Inas, but in these dayes sore decayed and fallen into ruine.

Edwin.

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AFter the de­cesse of E­dredus,Edre [...] his Ne­phewe Edwin the eldest sonne of Kyng Ed­mōd was ma [...]e King of Eng­land, and began his raigne ouer the same in the yeare of our L. 955. and in the .20. yeare of the Emperour Otho the firste,955 in the .28. and last yeare of the raigne of Lewis King of France, and about the twelfth yere of Malcolme the first of that name King of Scotland. He was sacred at Kingston vppon Thames by Odo the Archbishop of Canterbury. The same day of his Coronation, as the Lordes were set in counsell about weighty matters tou­ching the gouernemente of the Realme, hee rose from the place,VVil. Malm. Polidor. gate him into a chamber with one of his neere kinswomen, and there had to do with hir without respect or any regard had to his roy­all estate and princely dignitie. Dunstane lately beforenamed Abbot of Glastenbury, did not onely without feare of displeasure reprooue the king for such shamefull abusing of his body, but also cau­sed the Archbishop of Canterbury to constreyne him to forgoe ye company of that woman whom vnlawfully hee kept as his wife.Iohn Cap. There be that write, that there were two women both mother and daughter, whome K. Edwin kept as concu­bines: for the mother beeing of noble parentage, sought to satisfie the Kings lust, in hope that ey­ther hee woulde take hir, or hir daughter to wife. And therefore perceyuing that Dustane was sore against suche wanton pastime as the King vsed in their company, so wrought,Dunstane ba­nished the Realme. that Dūstan was through hir earnest trauel banished the land. And this is also reported, that when he should departe the Realme, the Deuill was hearde in the West end of the Church, taking vp a great laughter af­ter his roring manner, as though he should shew himselfe glad and ioyfull of Dunstanes goyng into exile.Dunstane seeth not the Deuill. But Dunstane perceyuing his behaui­our, spake to him, and sayd: well thou aduersarie, do not so greatly reioyce at the matter, for thou doest not now so much reioyce at my departure, but by Gods grace thou shalt be as sorowfull for my returne.Dunstane de­parted into exile. Thus was Dunstane banished by K. Edwine, so that he was compelled to passe o­uer into Flaunders, where hee remayned for a tyme within a Monasterie at Gaunt, finding muche friendshippe at the handes of the gouer­noure of that countrey. Also the more to [Page 231] wreake his wrath,VV. Mal. Edwine dis­placeth Mōkes and putteth secular Priests in their romes the King spoyled many Reli­gious houses of their goodes, and droue out the Monkes, placing secular Priests in their roomes, as namely at Malmesbury, where yet the house was not empayred, but rather enriched in landes and ornamentes by the kings liberalitie and the industrious meanes of the same Priestes whyche toke vp the bones of Saint Alderlme, and put the same in a shrine.Rebellion raised againste K. Edred. At length, the inhabitantes of ye middle parte of England, euen from Humber to 10 Thames rebelled againste him,Sim. Dun. and elected hys brother Edgar to haue the gouernemente ouer them, wherewith King Edwine tooke such griefe for that he saw no meane at hand how to remedy the matter, that shortly after when he had raig­ned somewhat more than four yeres,Edred depar­teth this life. he departed this life. His body was buried at Winchester in the new Abbey there.

Edgar. 20

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Edgar. EDgar the seconde son of Edmonde late Kyng of Englande, af­ter the deceasse of hys elder brother ye fore­sayd Edwin, beganne hys 30 raigne ouer this Realme of England in the yere of our Lord God .959.959 in the .22. yeare of the Emperour Otho the first, in the fourth yere of the raigne of Lotha­rius K. of France .510. almost ended after the cō ­ming of the Saxons .124. after the arriuall of the Danes, and in the last yeare of Malcolme K. of Scotlād.Polidor. He was Crowned and sacred at Bath, or as some say, at Kingstō vpō Thames, by O­do the Archbishop of Canterbury, being as then 40 not past .16. yeres of age, when hee was thus ad­mitted K. Hee was no lesse endowed with com­mendable giftes of mind, than with strength and force of body.Edgar a fauo­rer of Monks. He was a great fauorer of Monks, and especially hee had Dunstane in high estima­tion. Aboue all things in this world he regarded peace, and studyed dayly howe to preserue the same, to the commoditie and aduancement of his subiects. And when he had established thyngs in good quiet, and set an order in matters as seemed 50 to him best for the peaceable gouernement of hys subiectes, he prepared a great nauie of Shippes, and deuiding them in three partes,The diligent prouision of K. Edgar for defence of the Realme. hee appoynted euery part to a quarter of the Realm, to waste a­bout the coast, that no foraine enimie shoulde ap­proch the lād, but that they might bee encountred and put backe before they could take land. And e­uery yeare after Easter, he vsed to giue order, that his Ships shoulde assemble togither in theyr due places. And then would he with the East nauie, saile to the West parties of his Realme, & sen­ding those Ships backe, he would with the West nauie sayle into the North partes, and with the North nauie came backe againe into the East. This custome he vsed, that hee mighte scoure the Seas of all Pirates and Theeues. In the Win­ter season and spring time, he would ride through the prouinces of his Realme, searching out howe the Iudges and greate Lordes demeaned them­selues in the administration of Iustice, sharply punishing those that were found faulty of extor­tion, or had done otherwise in any poynte than dutie required. In all things he vsed suche poli­tike discretion, that neither was he put in daun­ger by treason of his subiects,VVil. Malm nor molested by fo­rayne enimies. He caused diuers Kings to binde themselues by oth, to bee true and faithfull vnto him, as Kinadius or rather Induf king of Scot­land, Malcolme K. of Cumberland,Mascufius. Mascutius and Archpirate as we may call him a Master Ro­uer, and also all the Kings of the Welchmen,Kings of Welchmen. Geff [...]rib Hu­val as same copies haue. as Duffuall, Gyffrith, Huvall, Iacob, and Iudit­hill, all which came to his court, and by their so­lemne othes receyued, sweare to bee at his com­mandement: and further for more manifest testi­monie thereof, he hauing them with him at Che­ster, caused them to enter into a Barge vpon the water of Dee,King Edgar roweth on the water of Dee. and placing himselfe in the fore­part of the Barge at the helme, caused those eight high Princes to rowe the Barge vp and downe ye water, shewing therby his princely prerogatiue and royall magnificence, in that he might vse the seruice of so many kings that were his subiectes. And therevpon he said (as hath bin reported) that then mighte his successors accompte themselues kings of England, when they enioyed suche pre­rogatiue of high & supreme honor. The fame of this noble Prince was spredde ouer al, as well on this side the Sea, as beyōd, in so much that great resort of straungers chanced in his dayes, whyche came euer into this land to serue him, & to see the state of his Court, as Saxons & other, yea & also Danes, whiche became very familiar with hym.Ran. Higd. King Edgar fauoreth Danes. He fauored in deede the Danes (as hath bin sayd) more than stood with ye cōmoditie of his subiects, for vnneth was anye streete in Englande, but Danes had their dwelling in ye same amongst ye Englishmē, wherby came great harme: for wher as the Danes by nature were great drinkers,English lear­ned to quaffe of the Danes. the Englishmen by cōtinuall conuersation with thē learned the same vice. King Edgar to reforme in part such excessiue quaffing as thē begā to grow in vse, caused by ye procuremēt of Dūstane,VVil. Mal. nailes to be set in cups of a certaine measure, marked for ye purpose, yt none shuld drinke more thā was as­signed by such measured cups Englishmen also [Page 232] learned of the Saxōs,Englishmen larne other [...]oes of stran­gers. Flemings, and other strā ­gers, their peculier kind of vices, as of the Saxōs a disordred fiercenesse of mind, of the Flemings a feeble tendernesse of body, where before, they re­ioyced in their own simplicitie, and esteemed not the lewde and vnprofitable maners of strangers.

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Dunstane was made Bishoppe of Worceter, [...]unstans pre­ [...]rrement. & had also the ad­ministration 10 of the See of Lō ­don committed vnto him. He was in such fa­uor with ye K. that hee ruled most things at his pleasure.Ethelwolde made bishop of VVinche­ter. E­thelwold which 20 beeyng firste a Monke of Gla­stenbury, and after Abbot of Abington, was like­wise made Bishop of Winchester, and might doe very much with the K. Also Oswalde which had bin a Monke in the Avbey of Flory in Fraunce,Oswalde. Floriacum. & after was made Bishop of Worceter, and from thence remoued to the See of Yorke,Monkes must needes write much in praise of Edgar, who had men of their coate in such estimatiō was highly in fauour with this King, so that by these three Prelates he was most councelled. Iustice in hys 30 dayes was straightly obserued, for although hee were courteous and gentle towards his friendes, yet was he sharp and hard to offenders, so that no person of what estate or degree so euer he was, es­caped worthy punishment if he did transgresse the lawes and ordinances of the Realme. Ther was no priuy theefe nor common robber that durst lay hands of other mens goods but that he might looke to make amendes with losse of his lyfe if hee were knowen to be giltie. For howe myghte men 40 that did offend, thinke to escape his hands, whych deuiseth wayes howe to ridde the countrey of all wilde rauening beastes, that liued vppon sucking the bloud of others?A tribute in [...]tituted of Welfeskins. For as it is said, he appointed Iudweall or Ludweal K. of Wales, to presente him with three hundred Woulfes yerely in name of a tribute, but after three yeares space, there was not a Wolfe to be found, and so that tribute ceas­sed in the fourth yere after it began to be payed.

Osborne and Capgrauehold that she was not his wyfe, but a Nunne. VV. Mal.In this meane time, Alfred the wife of Kyng 50 Edgare, as some saye, or rather as other write, his concubine, dyed, of whome he had begote a son named Edward. The death of this woman oc­casioned the K. to committe an heynous offence. For albeit the same time, the fame wēt, that Hor­gerius Duke of Cornewal,Orgar. or rather Deuonshire had a daughter named Alfred, a Damosell of ex­cellent beautie, whome Edgar minding to haue in marriage, appointed one of his noble men cal­led Earle Ethelwolde, to goe with al speede into Cornewall or Deuonshire, to see if the yong La­dyes beautie aunswered the report that wente of hir, then hee to breake the matter to hir father in his behalfe. Ethelwold being a yong iolly Gen­tleman, tooke his iourney into Cornewall,Erle Ethel­wold supp [...] ­ted the king of his wyfe. & com­ming to ye Duke, was well receiued, & had a sight of his daughter, wt whose beautie he was straight rauished so farre in loue, that not regarding the kings pleasure which had sent him thither, he begā to purchase the good will of both father & daugh­ter for himselfe, and did so much, that he obteyned the same indeede. Heerevpon returning to the K. hee enformed him that the Damosell was not of such beautie and comely personage as mighte hee thought worthy to matche in marriage with hys Maiestie. And shortly after perceyuing the kyngs mind by his wrongfull misreport to be turned, & nothing bent that way, he began to sue to hym yt hee mighte with his fauour marry the same Da­mosell: which the K. graunted, as one that cared not for hir, bicause of the credite whiche he gaue to Ethelwolds words. And so by this means E­thelwold obteined Alfrid in marriage, which was to his owne destruction, as the case fell out. For whē the fame of hir passing beautie did spred ouer all ye Realme now that she was married & came more abroade in sight of the people, the K. chan­ced to heare therof, and desirous to see hir, deuised vnder colour of hunting to come vnto the house of Ethelwolde, and so did: Where he had no soo­ner set his eye vpon hir, but he was so farre wrap­ped in ye chaine of burning concupiscence,King Edgar seeketh the destruction of earle Ethel­wold. that to obteine his purpose, he shortly after contriued E­thelwolds death, & married his wife. Some say, that the woman kindled the brand of purpose: for where it was knowen, that the K. would see hir. Ethelwold willed hir in no wise to trimme vp hir selfe, but rather to disfigure hir in foule garmēts, & some euill fauored attire, that hir natiue beautie should not appeare, but shee perceiuing howe the matter went, of spight set foorthe hir selfe to ye vt­termost, so that ye K. vpon the first sight of hir be­came so farre enamored of hir beautie, that taking hir husbande foorthe with him on hunting into a forrest or wood called then Werlewood,King Edgar a murtherer. and after Horewood, not shewing that hee meante hym any hurt, till at length hee had gote him within ye thicke of the woode, where hee suddaynely stroke him through with his darte, and as his bastarde son came to ye place, the K. asked hym how he li­ked ye maner of hunting, wherevnto he answered, very wel if it like your grace, for yt that liketh you ought not to displease me: wt which answer ye K. was so pacified, yt he indeuored by pretendyng his fauor towards the sonne to alleuiate the tyranni­call murder of the father. Then did the K. marry [Page 233] the Countesse Alfred, & of hir begat two sons, Ed­mond which died yōg, & Etheldred or Egelthred.

Besides this cruell acte wrought by king Ed­gar for the satisfying of his fleshly lust, hee also played another part greatly to the stayne of hys honour, mooued also by wanton loue, wyth a yong Damsel named Wilfrid, for after yt she had (to auoyde the daunger of him) eyther professed hir selfe a Nunne, or else for a colour (as the most part of wryters agree) got hir selfe into a Nunrie, 10 and clad hir in Nunnes weede, he tooke hir forth of hir Cloyster, and lay by hir sundrie tymes, and begat on hir a daughter named Edith, who com­ming to conuenient age, was made a Nunne.

His licencious life and in­continencie.A thirde example of his incontinencie, is writ­ten by Authours, and that is this. It chaunced on a time that he lodged one night at Andauer, and hauing a minde to a Lordes daughter there, he commaunded that she should be brought to his bed, but the mother of the Gentlewoman woulde 20 not that hir daughter shoulde be defloured: and therefore in the darke of the night, brought one of hir mayd seruants, and layde hir in the kings bed, she being both fayre, proper and pleasant. In the morning when the day beganne to appeare, shee made haste to arise: and being asked of the king why she so hasted, that I may goe to my dayes worke (if it please your grace) quoth she. Herewith she being stayed by the king, as it were against hir will, shee fell downe on hir knees, and requyred 30 of him that she might be made free, in guerdon of hir nights worke. For (sayth she) it is not for your honour, that the woman whiche hath tasted the pleasure of the kings bodie should any more suf­fer seruitude vnder the rule and appoyntment of a sharpe and rough mistres.

The King then being moued in his spirites, laughed at the matter, though not from the heart, (as he that tooke great indignation at the doings of the Duchesse) and pitied the case of the poore 40 wenche. But yet in fine (turning the matter to a bourd) he pardoned all the parties, and aduaun­ced the wenche to high honour, farre aboue those that had rule of hir afore: so that shee ruled them (willed they nilled they) for he vsed hir as his par­amour, till time yt he maryed the foresaid Alfrede.

For these youthfull partes, and namely for the rauishing of Wilfrida (which though she were no Nunne) yet the offence seemed right haynous, for that he shoulde once touche any woman sha­dowed 50 vnder that habite,Note the depe hypocrisie of Dunstan. hee greatly displeased Dunstan, so that by him hee was put to hys vij. yeares penance, and kept from the crowne till the .xij. yeare of his raigne or more.Ran. Higd. Fabian out of Guido de Columna. VVil. Malm. For some write that hee was not crowned nor annoynted king, till the .xxx. yeare of his age, which shoulde be about the .xiij. or .xiiij. yeare of his raigne, by that account, sithe hee entred into the rule of the kingdome about the .xvj. yeare of his age.

In deede one Authour witnesseth, that he was sacred at Bathe on a Whitsunday, the .xiij. yeare of his raigne,Hen. Hunt. Ran. Higd. and that by Dunstan Archbishop of Canterburie, and Oswolde Archbishop of Yorke. But some which suppose that he was sacred king immediately vpon the death of Edridus, affyrme that he was crowned and annointed by the Arch­bishop Odo,Polidor. Dunstan as then remayning in ex­ile, from whence he was immediately reuoked by Edgar, and first made Bishop of Worceter (as hath beene sayde) and after the deceasse of Odo was aduaunced to be Archbishop of Canterburie.Mat. VVest▪ Simon Dun. But by some writers it appeareth, that Dunstan was reuoked out of exile immediately vpon the partition of the Realme betwixte Edwyn and Edgar, which chaunced in the yeare .957. by the rebellion of the people of Mercia, and others (as before ye haue heard.) And that in the yeare fol­lowing the Archbishop Odo died, After whome succeeded Alfin bishop of Winchester, the whiche also died the same yeare that K. Edwin deceased, as he went to fetch his Pal from Rome, and then Brighthelme Bishop of Dorchester was elected Archbishop. But bycause he was not sufficient to discharge so great an office, by king Edgars com­maundement hee was constrayned to giue place to Dunstan.

Toward the latter end of king Edgars dayes,Fabian. Ran. Higd. The Welch men rebell a [...] are chastised. the Welchmen moued some rebellion agaynste him. Wherevpon he assembled an armie, and en­tring the Countrey of Glamorgan, did muche hurt in the same, chastising the inhabitants right sharpely for theyr rebellious attempts.

Amongst other spoyles taken in those parties at that time by the men of warre, the Bell of S. Ellutus was taken away, and hanged aboute a horses necke, and (as hath beene reported) in the after noone, it chaunced that king Edgar layde him downe to rest, wherevpon in sleepe there ap­peared one vnto him, and smote him on the breast with a Speare. By reason of which vision hee caused all things that had beene taken away, to be restored againe. But within .ix. dayes after the king dyed.

Whether any such thing chaunced,VVil. Malm H. Hunt. King Edgar departed th [...] life. or that he had any such vision, it forceth not. But truth it is that in the .xxxvij. yeare of his age, after hee had raigned .xvj. yeares and two Monethes he depar­ted this life, the .viij. daye of Iuly, and was bu­ried at Glastenburie.

This Edgar is higly renowmed of writers for such princely qualities as appeared in him, but chiefly for that hee was so beneficiall to the Church, namely to Monkes, the aduauncement of whom he greatly sought,Wherefore Edgar is pra [...] sed of some writers. both in buylding Ab­bayes newe from the grounde, in reparing those that were decayed: also by enriching them wyth [Page 234] great reuenues, and in connecting Collegiate Churches into Monasteries, remouing secular Priests, and bringing in Monks in their places. There passed no one yeare of his raigne, wherein he founded not one Abbay or other. The Abbay of Glastenburie which his father had begon he fini­shed. The Abbay of Abingdon also he accompli­shed and set in good order. The Abbayes of Pe­terborough and Thorney hee established. The Nunrie of Wilton he founded & richly endowed, where his daughter Editha was professed, and at length became Abbatesse there.

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To be briefe, he builded (as the Chronicles re­corde) to the number of .xl. [...]abian. [...]n. Higd. [...]en. Hunt. Abbayes and Mona­steries, in some of which he placed Monks, and in some Nunnes. By his example in those his dayes, other noble men, as well Prelates as of 30 the Laitie, did begin the foūdation of sundrie Ab­bays and Monasteries: as Adelwolde Bishop of Winchester buylded the Abbay of Ely, and as some say Peterbourgh, [...]il. Malm. & Thorney, though they were established by the king (as before is mentio­ned.) Also Earle Aylewin at the exhortation of the same Bishop Adelwold, builded the Abbay of Ramsey,Hunt. though some attribute the doing thereof vnto Oswold the Archbishop of Yorke, and some to king Edward the elder. But to conclude, the 40 religious orders of Monkes & Nunnes in these dayes florished, [...]t. VVest. [...]nkes estee­ [...] and secu­ [...]ori [...]ts litle [...]arded. & the state of secular Priests was smally regarded, insomuch that they were con­strayned to auoyd out of diuerse Colledges, and leaue the same vnto Monks, as at Worceter and Winchester, where in the new Monasterie, by­cause the priests liued not in such sort as was thē thought requisite, [...]. Higd. [...]. cap. 9. the prebends were taken from them and giuen to vicars. But when the vicars were thought to vse thēselues no better, but rather 50 worse thā the other before thē, they were likewise put out, & Monkes placed in their roomes by au­thoritie of Pope Iohn the .xiij. And this reforma­tion▪ or rather deformatiō was vsed by K. Edgar in many other places of the realm. He was (as ap­peareth by writers) namely in his beginning, cru­el against his own people, and wanton in lusting after yong women (as you haue heard before.) Of stature and proportion of bodie he was but smal & low but yet had nature enclosed within so little a personage such strength,VVil. Mal. Ran. Higd. Tho. Elias. that he durst encounter & combat with him that was thought most strong, only doubting this,Edgar small of stature but strong and hardie. least he which should haue to do with him should stand in feare of him. And as it chanced at a great feast (where ofentymes men vse their tongues more liberally than needeth,) the king of Scottes Kinadius cast out certaine wordes in this maner:Kenneth king of [...]. ‘It may (sayeth he) see [...] a maruel that so many Countreys and prouinces should bee subiect to suche a little silly bodie as Edgar is.’ These wordes being borne away by a ieaster or Minstrell, and afterwardes vttered to Edgar with greate reproche, hee dissembled the matter for a tyme, althoughe hee kept the re­membraunce thereof inclosed within his breast: and vpon occasion, at length he faigned to goe on hunting, taking the king of Scots forth with him: and hauing caused one of his seruaunts to conuey two swordes into a place within the for­rest by him appoynted in secrete wise, of purpose he withdrew from the residue of his companie, & there accompanied onely with the Scottish king, came to the place where the swordes were layde: And there taking the one of them, deliuered the o­ther to the Scottish king,The noble co­rage of king Edgar. willing him now to as­say his strength, that they might shew by proufe whether of them ought to be subiect to the other: & start not away but trie it with me (saith he) for it is a shame for a king to be ful of brags at bankets and not to be ready to fight when triall should be made abrode. The Scottish king herewith being [Page 235] astonied and maruellously abashed, fell downe at his feete, and with much humilitie confessed hys fault, & desired pardō for the same, which vpō such his humble submission K. Edgar easily granted.

This noble prince had two wiues, Egelfrida, or Elfrida, surnamed the white, the daughter of a mightie duke named Ordmer, by whome he had issue a sonne named Edward that succeeded him. His seconde wife hight Alfreda the daughter of Orgar duke of Druon. or Cornewall (as some 10 haue by whom he had issue Edmōd that died be­fore his father, and Egelthred which afterwardes was king. Also he had issue a daughter named E­ditha, begotten base of his concubine Wilfrid (as before ye haue heard.) The state of the realme in king Edgars dayes was in good poynt:VVil. Mal. for both the earth gaue hir encrease very plēteously: the E­laments shewed themselues very fauourable, ac­cording to the course of times: peace was main­teyned and no inuasion by forraine enimies at­tempted. 20 For Edgar had not onely all the whole Ile of Britain in subiection, but also was ruler & souerain Lorde ouer all the kings of the out Iles that lie within the seas about all the coasts of the same Britain euen vnto the realme of Norway. He brought also a great part of Irelande vnder his subiection with the citie of Dublin,Ireland subiect vnto king Edgar. as by au­tentike recordes it doth and may appeare.

Edwarde. 30

Ed­ward.

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AFter the de­cease of king Edgar, ther was some strife and cōtētion amōgst the Lordes and peeres of ye realm about the succes­siō of the crown:Some write that the father king Edgar appoynted Edward to suc­ceede him. Simon Dun. Iohn Capg. for Alfrida ye mo­ther 40 of Egelre­dus, or Ethelredus, and diuerse other of hir opini­on, would gladly haue aduanced the same Egel­redus to the rule: but the Archbishop Dunstan ta­king in his handes the baner of the Crucifix, pre­sented his elder brother Edward vnto the Lords as they were assembled togither, and there denoū ­ced him king, notwithstāding that both Queene Alfred and hir friends, namely Alpher the Duke of Mercia were sore agaynst him, especially for yt 50 he was begot in vnlawful bed of Elfleda ye Nun, for which offēce he did .vij. yeres penāce, & not for lying with Wilfride (as maister Fore thinketh.) But Dunstan iudging as is to be thought that Edward was more fitte for their behoufe to con­tinue the world in ye former course as Edgar had left it, than his brother Egelred (whose mother & such as tooke part with hir vnder hir sonnes au­thoritie were likely ynough to turne all vpside downe) vsed the matter so that with helpe of the Archbishop of Yorke Oswalde,Alfer duke of Mercia and o­ther immedi­ately vpon Ed­gars death be­fore the crown was establi­shed, remoued the Monkes and restored Canons. Simon Dun. and other By­shoppes, Abbottes, and certaine of the Nobilitie, as the Earle Essex and such like, he preuayled in his purpose, so that (as before is sayde) the sayde Edwarde beeing the seconde of that name whiche gouerned thys lande before the conquest, was admitted king, and beganne his raigne ouer Englande in the yeare of oure Lorde. 975.975 in the thirde yeare of the Emperour Otho the second, in the .xx. yeare of the raigne of Lothar king of Fraunce, and about the fourth yeare of Culene King of Scotlande. Hee was sacred by the sayde Archbishoppe Dunstan at Kingstone vpon Thames, to the greate griefe of his mother in law Alfred and hir friendes.

Aboute the beginning of his raigne a blasing Starre was serue,VVil. Mal. signifying (as was thought) the miserable haps that followed. And first there ensued barrennesse of ground, and thereby famine amongst the people, and morraine of Cattaile.

Also Duke Alpher or Elpher of Mercia,Alfer or Elfer, duke of Mer­cia. and other Noble men destroyed the Abbayes which King Edgar and Bishoppe Adelwold had buil­ded within the limittes of Mercia. The Priestes or Canons whiche had beene expulsed in Ed­gars tyme out of their Prebendes and Benefices, beganne to complaine of theyr wrongs that were done to them, in that they had beene put oute of possession from theyr lyuings, alledging it to bee a great offence and miserable case that a straun­ger should come and remoue an olde inhabitant, for such maner of doing coulde not please God, nor yet hee allowed of anye good man, whiche ought of mason to doubt least the same should hap to him whiche hee might see to haue beene an o­ther mans vndoing.

Aboute thys matter was harde holde, for many of the Temporall Lordes,Iohn Capg. VVil. Mal. Ran. Higd. Mat. VVest. Sim. Dunel. and namely the same Alpher, iudged that the Priestes hadde wrong. In so muche that they remoued Monkes oute of theyr places, and brought into the Monasteries secular Priestes with theyr wyues. But Edelwyn Duke of the East An­gles, and Alfred his brother, with Brightnoth or Brighnode Earle of Essex, withstoode thys doing, and gathering an armie, with great va­liancie mainteyned the Monkes in their houses, within the Countrey of East Angles.Sim. Dunel. Here­vpon were Councels holden, as at Winchester, at Kyrthling in East Angle, and at Calne.

At Winchester when the matter was brought to that passe that the Priestes were lyke to haue had theyr purpose,Polidor. an Image of the Roode that stood there in the Refectory where they sat in coū ­saile, vttered certaine wordes in this wise. God forbid it shoulde bee so: God forbid it shoulde [Page 206] be so:A pretie shift of the Monkes to disappoint the Priests. Polidor. ye iudged well once, but ye may not change well againe: as though (sayth Polidore Virgill) the Monkes had more right, which had bereft o­ther men of their possessions, than the Priestes which required restitution of their owne. But (sayth he) bycause the Image of Christ hanging on the crosse was thought to speake these words, such credite was giuen thereto, as it had beene an Oracle, that the Priests had theyr suite dashed, & all the trouble was ceassed. So the Monkes held 10 those possessions howsoeuer they came to them, by the helpe of God, or rather (as sayeth the same Polidore) by the helpe of man. For there were e­uen then dyuerse that thought this to be rather an Oracle of Phebus, than of God, that is to vn­derstande, not published by Gods power, but by the fraude and craftie deceyte of men.

The matter therefore was not so quieted, but that vpon newe trouble an other Councell was had at a manour house belonging to the K. called

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Calue,VVil. Malm. where they that were appoynted to haue 30 the hearing of the matter, satte in an vpper loft. The king by reason of his yong yeares was spa­red, so that he came not there.

Here as they were busied in arguing the mat­ter, eyther part laying for himselfe what coulde be sayde. Dunston was sore reuiled, and had sun­drie reproches layde against him: but sodainly euē in the verie heate of theyr communication, the ioystes of the lost fayled, and downe came all the companie, so that many were slaine and hurt, but 40 Dunstan alone standing vpon one of the ioystes that fell not, he escaped safe and sounde. And so this myracle with the other made an ende of the controuersie betweene the Priestes and Monkes,Dunstan by working my­racles had his will, when ar­gumentes [...]ayled. all the English people following the minde of the Archbishop Dunstan, who by meanes thereof had his will.

In this meane while, king Edwarde ruling himself by good counsaile of such as were thought discrete and sage persons, gaue great hope to the 50 worlde that he woulde walke in his fathers ver­tuous steppes, as alreadie he well beganne, and bearing alway a reuerence to his mother in lawe, and a brotherly loue to hir sonne Egeleed, vsed himselfe as became him towardes them both. Af­terwarde by chaunce as hee was in hunting in a Forrest neare to the Castell of Corfe,Polidor. VVil. Mal. where hys mother in lawe, and his brother the sayde Egel­red then soiourned, when all his companie were spredde abrode in following the game, so that hee was left alone, hee tooke the way streyght vnto his mother in lawes house, to visite hir and hys brother.

The Queene hearing that he was come, was right glad thereof,The wicked purpose of Queeen Al [...]l for that shee had occasion offered to worke that which she had of long time before ymagined, that was, to slea the king hir sonne in lawe, that hir owne sonne might enioy the garlande. She therefore requyred him to a­light, which he in no wise woulde yeeld vnto, but sayde that he had stolne from his companie, and was onely come to see hir and his brother, and to drinke with them, and therefore woulde returne to the Forrest againe to see some more sport. The Queene perceyuing that hee woulde not alight, caused drinke to be fetched, and as he had the cup at his mouth, by hir appoynment one of hir ser­uauntes stroke him into the bodie with a knife,The shamefull murther of K. Edwarde. wherevppon feeling himselfe wounded, hee sette spurres to the horse thinking to gallop away, and so to get to his companie. But being hurt to the death, he fell from his horse, so as one of his feete was fastened in the styrrop, by reason whereof his horse drew him forth through woods and launds, and the bloud whiche gushed out of the wounde shewed tokē of his death to such as followed him, and the way to the place where the horse had left [Page 237] him.Mat. VVest. Fabian. Simon Dun. VVil. Malm. That place hight Corphes gate, or Corues gate. His bodie being founde was buried without any solemne funeralles at Warham. For they that enuyed that hee shoulde enioy the Crowne, enuied also the buriall of his bodie within the Church: but the memorie of his fame coulde not so secretely bee buried vp with the bodie, as they imagined. For sundrie myracles shewed at the place where his bodie was enterred, made the same famous (as diuerse haue reported) for 10 there was sight restored to the blind, health to the sicke,Myracles. and hearing to the deafe, which are easilyer to be tolde than beleeued.

Queene Alfride also woulde haue ridden to the place where he lay, mooued with repentaunce (as hath beene sayde) but the horse wherevpon she rode woulde not come neare the graue, for anye thing that could be done to him. Neither by chan­ging the sayde horse coulde the matter be holpen. For euen the same thing happened to the other 20 horses. Herevpon the woman perceyued hir great offence towardes God for murthering the inno­cent, and did so repent hir afterward for the same, yt besides ye chastising of hir body in fasting, and o­ther kinde of penance, shee employed all hir sub­stance and patrimonie on the poore, and in buyl­ding and reparing of Churches and Mona­steries.

Buylding of Abbayes in those dayes was thought to be a full sa­tisfaction for all maner of sinnes.Two houses of Nunnes shee founded (as is sayde) the one at Warwell, the other at Ambres­burie, 30 and finally professed hirselfe a Nunne in one of them, that is to say, at Warwell, whiche house shee buylded (as some affyrme) in remem­brance of hir first husbande that was slaine there by K Edgar for hir sake (as before is mētioned.)

The bodie of this Edwarde the seconde, and surnamed the Martyr, after that it had remayned three yeares at Warham where it was first bu­ryed, was remooued vnto Shaftesburie, and with great reuerence buried there by the forenamed Al­fer, 40 or Elfere Duke of Mercia, who also did sore repent himselfe in that hee had beene agaynst the aduauncement of the sayde king Edward (as yet haue hearde.Elferus.) But yet did not he escape worthie punishment: for within one yeare after, he was eaten to death with Lite (if the Historie he true.)

King Edward came to his death after he had raigned three yeres (or as other write) three yeres and .viij.Polidor. VVil. Mal. Monethes.

Whatsoeuer hath beene reported by writers 50 of the murther committed in the person of this king Edwarde, sure it is that if he were hast be­gotten (as by wryters of no meane credit it should appeare he was in deede) great occasion undoub­tedly was giuen vnto Queene Alfred to seeke re­uenge for the wrongful keeping backe of hir sonne Egelred frō his rightful succession to the crowne: but whether that Edwarde was legitimate or not, she might yet haue deuised some other law­ful meane to haue come by hir purpose, & not so to haue procured the murther of the yong Prince in such vnlawfull maner. For hir doing therein can neither be worthily allowed, nor throughly excu­sed, although those that occasioned the mischiefe by aduauncing hir stepsonne to an other mans right, deserued most blame in this matter.

Egelredus.

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EGelredus,Egel­red. or Ethel­dredus, the sonne of king Edgar, and of his laste wife Queene Al­frede, was or­deyned King in place of his brother Ed­warde, after that the same Edwarde was dispat­ched out of the way, and beganne his raigne ouer this realme of Englande in the yeare of our lorde 979.979 Simon Dun. which was in the seuenth yeare of the Em­perour Otho the second, in the .xxiiij. of Lothaire king of Fraunce, and about the seconde or thirde yeare of Kenneth the thirde of that name King of Scotlande.

This Egelred, or Etheldred, was the .xxx. in number from Cerdicius the first King of the West Saxons: through his negligente go­uernment, the state of the common wealth fell in­to such decay (as wryters doe report) that vnder him it may bee sayde, howe the kingdome was come to the vttermost poynt or period of olde and feeble age. For whereas whilest the Realme was deuided at the first by the Saxons into sundrie dominions, it grew at length (as it were increa­sing from youthfull yeares) to one absolute Mo­narchie, which passed vnder the late remembred Princes, Egbert, Adelstane, Edgar, and others, so that in their dayes it might be said, how it was growne to mans state, but now vnder this Egel­red, through famine, pestilence, and warres, the state thereof was so shaken, turned vpside downe, and weakened on eche parte, that rightly might the season be likened vnto the olde broken yeares of mans life, which through feeblenesse is not a­ble to helpe it selfe.

Dunstan the Archbishop of Canterbury was thought to haue foreseene this thing, and therfore refused to anoynt Egelred king, whiche by the murther of his brother shoulde atteyne to the go­uernment: but at length he was compelled to it, and so he sacred him at Kingston vpon Thames, as the maner then was, on the .xxiiij. day of A­prill, assysted by Oswalde Archbishop of Yorke, and ten other Bishops.

[Page 238] VVil. Mal.But as hath beene reported, Dunstan then sayde that the English people shoulde suffer con­digne punishment generally with losse of aunci­ent liberties which before that tyme they had en­ioyed. Dunstan also long before prophecied of the flouthfulnesse that should remaine in this Ethel­red. For at what time he ministred the sacrament of Baptisme vnto him, shortly after he came in­to this world, he defyled the Font with the ordure of his wombe (as hath beene sayde) wherevppon 10 Dunstan beeing troubled in hys mynde: By the Lorde (sayth he) and his blessed mother, this child shall proue to be a slouthfull person. It hath bene written also, that when he was but tenne yeares of age, and heard that his brother Edwarde was slaine, he so offended his mother with weeping, bycause she coulde not still him, that hauing no rodde at hande, shee tooke Tapers or Sizes that stoode before hir, and bet him so sore with them, that she had almost killed him, whereby he coulde 20 neuer after abyde to haue any such Candles ligh­ted before him.

Polidor.This Egelred (as writers say) was nothing giuen to warlike enterprises, but was slouthfull, a louer of ydlenesse, and delyting in ryotous lustes, which being knowne to all men, caused him to be euill spoken of amongst his owne people, and no­thing feared amongst straungers. Herevpon the Danes that exercised roauing on the Seas, be­ganne to conceyue a boldenesse of courage to dis­quiet 30 and molest the Sea coastes of the realme, insomuche that in the seconde yeare of this Egel­reds raigne,Ran. Higd. 980 they came with seuen Shippes on the Englishe coastes of Kent, and spoyled the Isle of Tennet, the Towne of Southampton, and in the yere following they destroyed S. Petrokes Abbay in Cornewall,Sim. Dunel. Porthlande in Deuon­shire, and dyuerse other places by the Sea syde, specially in Deuonshire and Cornewall.Ran. Higd. Also a great part of Chesshire was destroyed by Pirates 40 of Norway.

982The same yeare by casualtie of fire, a greate part of the Citie of London was burnt.

983 Alfer or Elfer [...]uke of Mer­cia departed this life. Alfrike or El­frike duke of Mercia. Fabian.In the yeare of our Lorde. 983. Alfer Duke of Mercia departed this life, who was cosin to king Edgar, and his sonne Alfrike tooke vpon him the rule of that Dukedome, and within three yeares after was banished the lande.

Aboute the eight yeare of his raigne, Egel­red maryed one Elgina, or Ethelginu, daughter 50 of Earle Egbert.

In the ninth yeare of his raigne, vpon occa­sion of strife betweene him and the Bishoppe of Rochester, he made warre agaynst the same By­shop, wasted his Lordships, and besieged the citie of Rochester,VVil. Malm. Mat. VVest. till Dunstan procured the Bishops peace with paymēt of an hundred pound in gold: and bycause the king woulde not agree with the Bishop without money at the onely request of Dunstan, the said Dunstan did send him worde, that sithence he made more account of golde than of God, more of money than of S. Andrew Pa­trone of the Church of Rochester, and more of co­uetousnesse than of him being the Archbishop, the mischiefes which the Lord had threatned woulde shortly fal and come to passe, but the same should not chance whilest he was aliue, who died in the yere following, the .xxv. of May, on a Saturday.

Of this Dunstan many things are recorded by wryters,Vita Dun­stane. that he should be of such holinesse and vertue, that God wrought many myracles by him, both whiles he liued here on earth, and also after his decease. He was borne in west Saxon,Iohn Capg. Osborne. Ran. Higd. his father was named Heorstan, & his mother Ci­nifride, they in his youth set him to schole, where he so profited, that he excelled al his equals in age. Afterwarde he fell sicke of an Ague, which vexed him so sore that it draue him into a frensie: & ther­fore his parents appoynted him to the cure and charge of a certain womā, where his disease grew so on him, that he fell in a trance as though he had bin dead, & after that he sodenly arose, & by chance caught a staffe in his hande, and ran vp & downe through hilles and dales, and layde about him as though he had bene afrayde of mad dogges. The next night (as it is sayde) he gat him to the top of the church (by the help of certain ladders that stood there for workmen to mend the roof) and there ran vp and downe very daungerously, but in the ende came safely down, and layd him to sleep betwene two men that watched the Church that night, & when he wakened, maruelled howe he came there. Finally recouering his disease, his parents made him a priest, and placed him in the Abbay of Gla­stenburie, where he gaue himselfe to the reading of Scriptures and knowledge of vertue: But as well his kinsmen as certaine other did raise a re­port of him, that he gaue not himselfe so muche to the reading of scriptures, as to charming, coniu­ring and sorcery, which he vtrerly denied: howbeit learned he was in deed, and could do many pretie things both in handie worke & other deuices: he had good skill in musicke and delited much therin.

At length he grew in such fauour, that he was aduaunced into the seruice of king Adelstane. And on a time as he came to a Gentlewomans house with his harpe, and hung the same on the wall, while he shaped a priestes stoale, the Harpe soden­ly began to play a Psalm, which draue the whole houshold in such feare, that they ran out and said, hee was too cunning, and knewe more than was expedient: wherevpon he was accused of Nicro­mancie, and so banished out of the Court.

And after this he began to haue a liking to wo­men, and when Elfheagus then Bishop of Win­chester and his cousin, perswaded him to become a [Page 239] Monke, he refused it, for he rather wished to haue maried a yong damosell, whose pleasant compa­nie he dayly enioyed. But being soone after strikē with such a swelling disease in his bellie, that all his bodie was brought into such state, as though he had bene infected with a foule leprosie, hee be­thought himselfe, and vpon his recouerie sent to the bishop, who immediatly shore him a Monke, in which life he liued in so great opinion of holy­nes, as he in time became Abbot of Glastenbury: 10 where on a time as hee was in his prayers before the aulter of S. George, he fell asleepe: and ima­gining in his dreame, that an vgly rough Beare came towards him with open mouth, and set his forefeete vpon his shoulders ready to deuour him, he sodenly waking for feare, caught his walking staffe which he cōmonly went with, & layd about him, that all the Church rang thereof to the great wonder of such as stood by.Po [...]trors. The common tale of his plucking the diuell by the nose with a paire of 20 pynsors, for tempting him with women, while he was making a Chalice: the great loue that the la­die Elfleda, nigh kinswoman to K. Adelstan bare to him to hir dying day, with a great meiny of o­ther such like matters, I leaue as friuolous, and wholy impertinent to our purpose: onely this I reade, that through declaring of his dreames and visions, he obteyned in the time of K. Edgar, first the Bishoprike of Worcester, after of London, & last of al the Archbishoprike of Canterburie. And now I will returne to the doings of Egelred, and to speake of such things as chaunced in his time.

Shortly after the decease of Dunstan,VVil. Malm. Mat. VVest. The Danes in­uade this land. ye Danes inuaded this Realme on eche side, wasting and spoyling the Countrey in moste miserable wise. They arryued in so manye places at once, that the Englishe men coulde not well deuise why­ther to goe to encounter first with them. Some of them spoyled a place or towne called Wiche­port,Alias Wece­derport. and from thence passing further into the Countrey,Hen. Hunt. Sim. Dunel. Danes vanqui­shed. were mette with by the Englishe men, who giuing them battayle, lost theyr Cap­taine Goda: but yet they gotte the victorie, and beat the Danes oute of the fielde, and so that parte of the Danishe armie was brought to con­fusion.

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Simon Dun:Simon Dunel. sayth that the English men in deede wanne the fielde here, but not withoute great losse.Goda Earle of Deuonshire slaine. For besyde Goda, (who by report of the same Authour was Earle of Deuonshire) there dyed an other valyaunt man of warre na­med Strenwolde.

In the yeare. 991. Brightnod Earle of Essex, at Maldon gaue battaile to an armie of Danes, 50 (which vnder their leaders Iustin & Guthmund,Mat. VVest. had spoyled Gipswich) and was there ouercome & slaine with the most part of his people, and so the Danes obteyned in that place the victorie.

991The same yeare, and in the .xiij. yeare of king Egelreds raigne, when the land was on eche side sore afflicted, wasted and haried by the Danes, which couered the same as they had beene Gras­hoppers: by the aduise of the Archbishop of Can­terburie Siricius, (which was the second of that Sea after Dunstane,) a composition was ta­ken with the Danes,Ten thousand pound payed to the Danes. so that for the summe of ten thousand pound to them to be payde by the king, they should couenant not to trouble his subiectes any further.

This money was called Danegylt,Dane gylt. or Dane money, and was leuyed of the people. Although other take that to bee Danegylte, whiche was gyuen vnto suche Danes as King Egelred af­terwardes reteyned in his seruice to defende the lande from other Danes and enimyes that sought to inuade his Dominions. But by what name so euer thys money (whiche the Danes nowe receyued) was called, true it is that

[Page 240]Herevpon they ceassed from their most cruell inuasions for a time But shortly after they had refreshed themselues,VVil. Malm. 992 and recouered new strength, they beganne to play theyr olde partes agayne, doing the lyke myschiefe by theyr semblable inuasions, as they hadde vsed before. By rea­son hereof suche feare came vppon the Englishe people, that they dispayred to be able to resist the enimies.

H. Hunt. A nauie set forth.The king yet caused a Nauie to bee set forth 10 at London, whereof hee appoynted Earle Alfride (whom before he had banished, and lately reuoked home againe) to bee high Admyrall, adioyning with him Erle Turolde. This nauie did set for­warde from London towarde the enimies, who hauing warning giuen them from Alfrik, escaped away without hurt.

And shortly after a greater Nauye of the Danes came, and encountered with the kings flete, so that a great nūber of the Londoners were slaine, and all the kings ships taken.Alfrike [...] tour to hys Countrey. For Alfrike like a traytor turned to the Danes side.

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Mat. VVest.Math. Westm. maketh other report of this matter, declaring that Alfrike in deede being one of the chiefe captaines of the fleet, aduertised them by forewarning of the daunger that was towarde them, and that when they shoulde come to ioy­ning, the same Alfrike like a traytor fledde to the Danes, and after vpon necessitie beeing putte to flight, escaped away with them: but the other Captaines of the kings fleete, as Theodred, El­stan, and Escwen, pursued the Danes, tooke one 40 of theyr ships, and slue all those that were founde therein.

The Londoners also (as the same Mat. West. sayth) met with the nauie of the Danishe rouers as they fledde away, and slue a greate number, and also tooke the Shippe of the Traytour Al­frike with his souldiers and armour, but he him­selfe escaped, though with muche payne, hauing played the lyke trayterous part once before, and yet was reconcyled to the Kings fauour againe. 50

Hen. Hunt. [...]he sonne pu­nished for his others offence 993Vpon this mischiefe wrought by the father, the king nowe tooke his sonne Algar, and caused his eyes to be put out.

About the same time was Bambrough de­stroyed by the Danes, whiche arryued after in Humber, and wasted the Countrey of Lyndsey and Yorkeshyre, on either syde that Ryuer. And when the Englishe men were assembled to giue them battayle: before they ioyned, the Cap­taynes of the Englishe armie, Frena, Godwin,Simon Dun. Polidor. Mat. VVest. and Fredegist, that were Danes by theyr fa­thers side, beganne to flye awaye, and escaped, so gyuing the occasion of the ouerthrowe that lighted on theyr people.

But by some wryters it shoulde appeare, that after the Danes had destroyed all the North partyes, as they spredde abroade without order and good array, the people of the Countrey fell vppon them, and slue some of them, and chased the residue.

Other of the Danes with a nauie of .94.Aulafe king of Norway, and Swein king of Denmark men captaines of this fleete, as hath Simon Dun. 994 ships entred the Thames, and besieged London, a­boute our Ladie day in September. They gaue a right sore assault to the Citie, and assayed to haue sette it on fyre: But the Citizens so valy­antly defended themselues, that the Danes were beaten backe and repulsed, greatly to their losse, so that they were constrayned to departe thence with dishonour.

Then they fell to and wasted the Countreys of Essex, Kent, Sussex, and Hamshire,Henrie. Hunt. and ceas­sed not till they had enforced the King to com­pounde with them for .xvj. M. pounde,VVil. Mal. The king cō ­poūdeth with the Danes for money. which hee was glad to pay to haue peace with them.

Moreouer, whereas they wintered that yeare at Southampton: the king procured Aulafe king [Page 241] of the Norwegians to come vnto Andeuer (wher at that time he lay) vpon pledges receyued of the king for his safe returne.Mat. VVest. Simon Dun. Elphegus Bishoppe of Winchester, and Duke Ethelwold were appoin­ted by king Egelred to bring Aulafe vnto him in most honourable wise.

Aulafe king of Norway bap­tised. His promise.The same time was Aulafe baptised, K. Egel­red receyuing him at the Font stone, and so hee promised neuer after to make any warre within this lande. And receyuing great gyftes of the 10 King he returned into his Countrey, and kept his promise faythfully: But the euilles tooke not so an ende: for other of the Danes sprang vp, as they had bene the heades of the Serpent Hydra, some of them euer being redie to trouble the quiet state of the English nation.

Aboute this season that is to witte, in the yeare of our Lorde .995.Iohn Leyland. Sim. Dunel. 995 Bishop Aldayne whiche was fledde from Chester in the (Strete other­wise called Cunecester) with the bodie of Saint 20 Cuthbert for feare of the inuasion of Danes, vn­to Rippon, brought the same bodie now vnto Durhā,The Church of Durham buylded. & there began the fou [...]dation of a church: so that the Sea of that Bishoprike was from thence forth there established, and the Wooddes were there cutte downe, whiche before tyme co­uered and ouergrewe that place, wherevpon it began first to be inhabited.

Earle Vthred.Earle Vthred who gouerned that Countrey greatly furthered the Bishop in this work so that 30 all the people inhauting betweene the Ryuers of Coquid and Theis,Durham town and Mynster built. came togither to ridde the wooddes, and to helpe towarde the buylding of the Church and town there.

In the .xix. yeare of King Egelreds raigne, the Danes sayled aboute Cornewall,997 The Danes in­uade the West partes of this lande. and com­ming into the Seuerne sea, they robbed and toke prayes in the coastes of Deuonshire, and South­wales, and landing at Werheport, they burned vp the countrey, and came about vnto Pen with­streete 40 on the South coast, and so arriuing in the mouth of Tamee, water, came vnto Lydforde, and there wasted all afore them with force of fire. They burned amongest other places, the Mo­nasterie of Saint Ordulfe at Essyngstocke.

Tanestocke.After this they came into Dorsetshire, and passed through the countrey with flame and fire, not finding any that offred to resist them.

998The same yeare also they soiourned for a time in the Isle of Wight, and lyued vpon spoyles 50 and prayes whiche they tooke in Hampshire,999 The Danes ar­riue in the Thames. and Sussex: At length they came into the Thames, and so by the Ryuer of Medeway, arryued at Rochester. The Kentishmen assembled togither and fought with the Danes, but they were ouer­come, and so left the fielde to the Danes.

1000After this, the same Danes sayled into Nor­mandie, and king Egelred went into Cumber­land where the Danes inhabited in great num­bers, whom he ouercame with sore warre, and wasted almost al Cumberland, taking great spoi­les in the same.

About the same time or shortly after,1001 the Da­nes with their nauie, returning out of Norman­die, came vnto Exmouth,Exmouth. and there assaulted the Castell, but they were repulsed by th [...] that kept it.

After this they spred abrode ouer all the coun­trey exercising theyr accustomed trade of destroy­ing all defo [...] them with fire and sworde. The mē of Sōmersetshire fought with thē at Pentho,Pentho. but the Danes gate the vpper hand.

Thus the state of the realme in those dayes was verie miserable: for there wanted worthie Chieftains to rule the people, and to chastier them when they did amisse.Disagreement with counsay­lers what fruit it bringeth. There was no trust in the noble men, for euery one impugned others do­ing, and yet woulde not deuise whiche way to deale with better likelyhoope. When they assem­bled in Counsaile, and should haue occupied their heades in dipising remedies for the interchiefe of the common wealth, they turned theyr purpose vnto altercation aboute such stryles, contentions and quarelles as eche one had agaynst other, and suffered the general case to lie stil in the dust. And if at any time there was any good conclusion a­greed vpon, for the withstanding of the enimie, & reliefe of the common wealth, anon shoulde the e­nimie be aduertised thereof by such as were of ali­ance or consanguinitie vnto them. For as Hari­son in his Chronologie gathereth out of Caxton, Polichron and others, the English bloud was so mixed with that of the Danes & Britains, who were like enimies to the Englishmen, that there was almost few of the nobilitie & cōmons which had not on the one side a parent of some of them. Whereby it came to passe, that neither the secrete purposes of the k. could be cōcealed til they might take due effect, neither their assemblies proue quiet without quareling & taking of partes. Many also being sent forth with their powers one way whi­lest the K. went to make resistāce, another did re­uolt vnto his enimies & turn their swords against him (as you haue heard of Elfrik & his cōplices) & shall read of many others, so yt it was no maruell that Ethelred sped no better & yet was he as vali­ant as any of his predecessors, although ye Mo [...] fauour him not in their writings, bicause he de­maūded ayd of thē toward his warres & was no­thing fauorable to their sewd hipocrisie (as ye same house noteth:) but what is a king if his subiects be not loyall what is a realme, if the cōmon wealth be diuided: by peace & concord of smal beginnings great & famous kingdoms haue oft times procee­ded, wheras by discord ye greatest kingdoms haue oftnes bin brought to mine: & so it proued here: for whilest priuate quarels are pursued, the generall [Page 242] affayres are vtterly neglected: and whilest ech na­tion seeketh to preferre hir owne alliance, the I­land it self is like to become a desart. But to pro­ceede with our Monasticall writers: certes they lay all the fault in the king, saying that he was a mā giuē to no good exercise, he delighted in flesh­ly lustes and riotous banketting, and still sought wayes how to gather of his subiectes what might be got,The misgo­uernment of of the king. as wel by vnlawful meanes as otherwise. For he would for feyned or for very small & light 10 causes disinherite his subiectes, and cause them to redeeme their owne possessions for great summes of money. Besides these oppressions, diuerse kinds of sicknesse vexed the people also, as the bloudie Flixe,Sicknesses vexing the people. and hote burning Agues which then raged through the lande, so that many died thereof. By such maner of meanes therfore, what through the misgouernance of the king, the treason & disloyal­tie of the nobilitie,Treason in the nobilitie. the lacke of good order and due correction amongst the people, and by such other 20 scourges & mishaps as afflicted the English na­tion in that season, the lād was broght into great ruine, so that, where by strength the enimy coulde not be kept off, there was now no helpe but to ap­pease thē with mony. By reason wherof frō time of the first agreement with the Danes for tenne thousande pound tribute, it was inhanced to .xvj. thousande pounde (as ye haue heard.) And after that to twentie thousande pounde,The [...] ­cing of the [...] p [...]yle [...] of the Danes. then to .xxiiij. thousande pound, and so to .xxx. thousand pound, and lastlye to fortie thousande pounde, till at length the Realme was emptied in maner of all that money and coyne that could in it be founde.The death of Queene Elgi [...] In this meane time died Elgiua or Ethelgiua ye Queene. Then shortly after it was deuised that ye king should be a suter vnto Ri. Duke of Normā ­die, for his sister Emma,Emma. a lady of such excellent beautie, that she was named ye floure of Normā ­die. This sute was begon & toke such good succes, that the king obteyned his purpose.Hen. Hunt. And so in the yere of our lord .1002. which was about the .xxiiij yere. of K. Egelreds raigne,1002 Emma a daugh­ter of Nor­mandie maried to K. Egelred. the same Egelred re­ceiued the foresaid Emma, & maried hir wt great solemnitie. This mariage was thought to bee

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right necessary, honorable & profitable for ye realm of Englande, bycause of the great puissance of the Norman princes in those days: but as things af­terward came to passe, it turned to the subuersiō of ye whole English state: for by such affinitie & dea­ling as hapned hereby betwixt the Normās and Englishmē, occasion in ye end was ministred to ye same Normans to pretend a tytle to the crowne of Englād, in prosecuting of which title, they ob­teyned 50 and made the whole conquest of the land, as after shall appeare. Egelred being greatly ad­uaunced, as he thought, by reason of this mary­age deuised vpon presumption thereof, to cause all the Danes within the lande to bee murthered in one day. Herevpon he sent priuie Commissioners vnto all cities, boroughes and townes within his dominions, commaunding the rulers and officers in the same, to dispatche and slea all such Danes as remayned within theyr liberties,1012 The .xiii. of Nouember. at a certaine day prefixed, being Saint Bryces daye, in the yeare .1012. and in the .34. yeare of king Egelreds raigne.

Herevpon (as sundrie wryters agree,The murther of the Danes.) in one day and houre this murther beganne, and was according to the commission and instructions ex­ecuted. But where it first beganne, the fame is vncertaine: some say at Wellowyn in Herforish.Hownhill, or Houndhil, a place within Merchi [...] parish besie the forest of Needwood, somewhat more thā two myles from V [...]o [...]cester. some at a place in Staffordshire called Hownhil, and other in other places, as in suche doubtfull cases it cōmonly happeneth. But wheresoeuer it began the doers shortly after repented it. But first ere we proceede any further, we will shewd what rule the Danes kept here in this Realme before they were thus murthered, as in some bookes we [Page 243] find recorded. Where it is shewed that the Danes compelled the husbandmen to till the ground,The miserable state of this realme vnder the thraldome of the Danes. and to doe all maner of labour and toyle to bee done aboute husbandrie: and the Danes liued of the fruite and gaynes that came therof, and kept the husbādmens wiues, their daughters, maydes and seruaunts, vsing and abusing them at theyr plea­sures. And when the husbandmen came home then coulde they vneth haue such sustenaunce of meates and drinkes as fell for seruantes to haue: 10 so that the Danes had all at theyr commaunde­ments, eating and drinking of the best where the sillie man that was the owner, could hardly come to his fill of the worst.

And besides this, the common people were to oppressed by the Danes, that for feare and dread they called them in euerie such house where anye of them soiourned, Lorde Dane. And if an Englishe man and a Dane chaunced to meete at any Bridge or streyght passage,Hec. Boetius. the Eng­lishe 20 man must staye till the Lorde Dane were passed. But in proces of time, after the Danes were voyded the lande, this worde Lorde Dane was in derisionand dispite of the Danes turned by English men into a name of reproche, as Lor­dane,Lordane whe [...] of the worde came. which till these our dayes is not forgotten. For when the people in manye partes of thys Realme will note and signifie anye greate ydle lubber that will not labour nor take paine for his liuing, they will call him Lordane. But whe­ther the Danes vsed the English men in such vile maner, and kept them in such seruile thraldome or not, truth it is that vppon knowledge giuen into Denmarke of the cruell murther of the Danes here in Englande, the people of that Countrey were greatly kindled in malice, and set in such a furious rage agaynst the Englishmen,Hen. Hunt [...] Sim. Dun. The Danes re­turn to inuad [...] Englande. Exeter taken. that with all speede they made forth a Nauie full fraught with menne of warre, the whiche in the yeare following came swarming aboute the coastes of Englande, and landing in the West Coun­trey, tooke the Citie of Exeter, and got there a

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riche spoyle.

1003 Hugh a Nor­man conspi­reth with the Danes.One Hugh a Norman borne, whom Queene Emma had placed in those parties as gouernour or Sherife there, conspired with the Danes, so that all the Countrey was ouerrunne and wasted.

The king hearing that the Danes were thus landed, and spoyled the west partes of the realme, hee sente vnto Edricus to assemble a power to withstande the enimies. Herevpon the people of 50 Hampshire and Wilshire rose and got togither: But when the armyes shoulde ioyne, Earle E­dricus surnamed de Streona, The counter­feyt sicknesse of duke Edrik. faigned himselfe sick, and so betrayed his people, of whome hee had the conduct, for they perceyuing the want in theyr leader, were discouraged, and so fled.

Wilton spoy­led.The Danes followed them vnto Wilton, whiche towne they rifled and ouercame. From thence they went to Salesburie, & so taking theyr pleasure there, returned to their ships, bycause (as some write) they were aduertised that the K. was comming towards them with an huge armie.

In the yeare next ensuing, that is to wit .1004 which was aboute the .xxiiij. yeare of King E­gelreds raigne, Sweyne, or Swanus,Simon Dun. 1004 Sweyn king of Denmarke. king of Denmarke, wyth a mightie Nauie of shippes came on the coast of Norffolke, and there lan­ding with his people, made towarde Norwiche,Norwich takē by the Danes. and comming thither tooke that Citie, and spoy­led it. Then went he vnto Thetford,Thetford burnt. and when hee had taken and ryfled that Towne, hee bur­ned it, notwythstandyng a truce taken by Vikillus, or Wil [...]ketell gouernour of those par­tyes wyth the same King Sweyne after the ta­king of Norwich.

In reuenge therefore of such breache of truce, [Page 244] the same Vskellus, [...]kellus, or [...]lteketell [...]uernour of [...]rffolke. or Welfeketell, with such po­wer as he coulde rayse, assaulted the hoste of Da­nes as they returned to their shippes, and slue a great number of them, but was not able to main­taine the fight, for his enimies ouermatched him in number of men.Hunt. And so he was constrayned in the ende to giue backe: and the enimies kept on their wayes to their shippes.

[...]ein retur­ [...]d into Den­marke. [...]m. Dunel. 1005In the yeare following king Sweyne retur­ned into Denmark with all his fleete, partly con­strayned 10 so to do (as some write) by reason of the great famin and want of necessarie sustenaunce, which that yeare sore oppressed this land.

1006 [...]. Hunt. [...]weyn retur­ned into Eng­lande.In the yeare of our Lorde .1006. king Swein returned againe into Englande with a mightie huge Nauie arryuing at Sandwiche, and spoy­led all the Countrey neare vnto the Sea side. King Egelred raysed all his power agaynst him, and all the Haruest time lay abroade in the fielde to resist the Danes, which according to theyr 20 woonted maner spared not to exercise their vn­mercifull crueltie, in wasting and spoyling the land with fire and sworde, pilfering & taking of prayes in euery part where they came. Neyther coulde King Egelred remedie the matter, by­cause the enimies styll conueyed themselues with their shippes into some contrarie quarter, from the place where they knew him to be, so that his tra­uaile was in vaine.

The Danes winter in the [...]le of Wight. They inuade Hampshire, Barkshire. &c.About the beginning of Winter they remay­ned 30 in the Ile of Wight, and in the tyme of Christmasse they landed in Hampshire and pas­sed through that Countrey into Barkeshire, and came to Reding. And from thence to Walling­forde, and so to Colesey, and then approching neare to Essington, came to Achikelineslawe, and in euery place wheresoeuer they came, they made cleane worke. For that which they coulde not cary with them, they consumed with fire, burning vp theyr Iunes and sleaing their hostes. 40 In returning back, the people of the west Coun­trey gaue them battail, but preuayled not, so that they did but enriche theyr enimies with the spoyle of their bodies.

Winchester.They came fast by the gates of Winchester, as it were in maner of tryumph, with theyr vyt­tayles and spoyles whiche they had fetched fiftie myles off from the sea side.

In the meane tyme King Egelred lay about Shrewsburie sore troubled with the newes herof. 50

1007 xxxvi thousād pound hath Simon Dun.In the yeare next ensuing, the king by the ad­uice of his Counsaile gaue to king Sweine for the redeeming of peace .xxx. M. pound.

The same yeare King Egelred created the traytor Edricus Earle of Mercia.

Edricke de Str [...]on [...] made Duke or Erle of MerciaThis Edricus although hee had maryed the kings daughter Edgita, was yet noted to be one of those which disclosed the secretes of the realme, and the determinations of the Counsaile vnto the enimies. But he was suche a craftie dissem­bler, so greatly prouided of sleight to dissemble and cloke his falsehoode, that the king beeing too muche abused by him, had him in singular fa­uour, where as hee vppon a malicious purpose studyed dayly howe to bring the Realme into vtter ruine and destruction, aduertising the eni­mies from tyme to tyme howe the state of thinges stoode, whereby they came to know­ledge where they shoulde giue place,VVil. Malm. and when they mighte safely come forwarde, Moreouer, beeing sent vnto them oftentymes as a Com­missioner to treate of peace, hee perswaded them to warre. But suche was the pleasure of God, to haue him and suche other of lyke sort aduaun­ced to honour in this season, when by his diuine prouidence he ment to punishe the people of thys realme for theyr wickednesse and sinnes, whereby they had iustly prouoked his wrathe and highe displeasure.Hen. Hunt. Simon Dun. An hundreth actes as an [...] of lande 1008 Prouision for shippes and armour.

In the .xxx. yeare of King Egelreds raigne, whiche fell in the yeare of oure Lorde .1008. hee looke order that of euery three hundred and tenne hydes of lande within this realme, there shoulde one shippe be buylded, and of euery .viij. hydes a complete armor furnished.

In the yeare following, the Kinges whole fleete was brought togither at Sandwiche, and suche souldiers came thither, as were appoynted to goe to Sea in the same fleete. There had not beene seene the lyke number of shippes so teim­ly rigged and furnished in all poyntes, in anye Kinges dayes before. But no greate profitable peece of seruice was wrought by them: For the King hadde aboute that tyme banished a noble yong manne of Sussex called Wilnote,Mat. VVest. who getting togither twentie sayles, laye vppon the coastes, taking prises where he might gette them.

Brithericke the brother of Earle Edricke, desirous to wynne honour, tooke forth foure score of the sayde Shippes, and promised to bring in the enimie deade or aliue. But as hee was say­ling forwarde on the Seas, a sore tempest with an outragious winde rose with suche violence, that his shippes were cast vppon the shore. And Wilnote comming vpon them, set them on fyre, and so burned them euery one. The residue of the ships▪ when newes came to them of this mishap, returned backe to London. And then was the ar­mie dispersed, and so all the cost and trauaile of the English men proued in vaine.

After this, in the Haruest time a newe armie of Danes, vnder the conducte of three Cap­taynes, Turkell, Henning, and Aulafe,Danes land a Sandwich. lan­ded at Sandwiche,1009 Three thou [...] pound hath Simon Dun. and from thence passed forth to Canterburie, and had taken the citie, but that the Citizens gaue them a thousande pounde [Page 245] to depart from thence, and to leaue the Countrey in peace. Then went the Danes to the Ile of Wight,Sussex and Hampshire spoyled. and afterwardes landed and spoyled the Countrey of Sussex and Hamshire.

King Egelred assembled the whole power of all his subiectes, and co [...]ing to giue them bat­taile had made an [...] of their cruell [...]ar [...]ying the Countrey with the [...] of them all, if Earle Edrike with [...] to put him in [...] gi­uing 10 [...],The Danes re­turne into Kent. [...] Marty [...] returned into Kent, and lodged with theyr nauie in the Winter folowing in the Tha­mes, and oftentymes assaulting the Citie of Lō ­don, were still beaten backe to their losse.

1010After the feast of Christmasse they passed through the Countrey and Wooddes of Chil­terne vnto Oxforde,Oxford burnt. whiche Towne they bur­ned, and then returning backe they fell to wa­sting 20 of the Countrey on both sides the Thames. But hearing that an armie was assembled at London to gyue them battaile, that parte of theyr Hoste whiche kepte on the North syde of the Ryuer,Stanes. passed the fame Ryuer at Stanes, and so ioyning wyth theyr fellowes marched forth through Southerie, and comming backe to theyr Shippes in Kent, fell in hande to repayre and amende theyr shippes that were in any wise decayed. 30

Gipswich in Suffolke. Sim. Dunel.Then after Easter, the Danes sayling about the coast, arryued at Gippeswiche in Suffolke, on the day of the Ascention of our Lorde: and in­uading the Countrey, gaue battayle at a place called Wigmere, or Rigmere, vnto Vikell, or Vlfeketell leader of the English host in those par­ties, the fifth of May.

The men of Norffolke and Suffolke fledde at the fyrst onset gyuen. But the Cambridge­shire men sticked to it valiantly, wynning there­by 40 perpetuall fame and commendation. There was no mindefulnesse amongest them of run­ning awaye, so that a great number of the No­bilitie and other were beaten downe and slaine, tyll at the length one Turketell Mireneheved,Cepul for­mica. that had a Dane to hys father, fyrst beganne to take his flight, and deserued thereby an euerla­sting reproch.

The Danes obteyning the vpper hande, for the space of three monethes togyther, went vppe 50 and downe the Countreys, and wasted those par­ties of the Realme, that is to say, Norffolke, and Suffolke, with the borders of Lincolnshire, Hun­tingtonshire, and Cambridgeshire where the fennes are, gayning exceeding ryches by the spoile of the great and wealthie Abbayes and Churches which had their situation within the compasse of the same Fennes.

They also destroyed Thetforde,Thetforde, Cambridge. Hen. Hunt. and burnt Cambridge, and from thence passed through the pleasant mountain countrey of Bellesham, cruel­ly murthering the people without respect to age, degree or sexe.

After this they entred into Essex,The Danes arriue in the Thames. 1011 and so came backe to theyr ships, whiche were then arriued in the Thames. But they rested not any long time in quiet, as people that mynded nothing but the destruction of this Realme. So that shortly af­ter they had somewhat refreshed them, forwarde they set again into the Country, passing through Buckinghamshire▪ and so into Bedsordshire.Northampton burnt by Danes. And about S. Andrewes tide they turned toward Northampton, and comming thither, set fyre on that [...].

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And then returning through the west country, with fire and sword wasted and destroyed a great part thereof, and namely Wilshire, with other parties. And finally aboute the feast of Christ­masse they came againe to their shippes.

Thus had the Danes wasted and destroyed the most part of .xvj. or .xvij.How many shires the Da­nes wasted. shires within this realm as Norff. Suff. Cambridgeshire, Essex, Middle­sex, Hartfortshire, Oxfordshire, Burkingbāshire, and Bedfordshire, with a part of Huntingdonsh. and also a great portion of Northamptonshire.

This was done in the Countreys that lie on the northside the Riuer of Thames. And on the southside of the same Ryuer, they spoyled and wasted Kent, Southerie, Sussex, Barksh: Hāp­shire, and (as is before sayd) a great part of Wil­shire.1111 The king and the peeres of the realme not knowing otherwise how to redresse the matter,The king sen­deth to the Danes. Simon Dun. sent Ambassadors vnto the Danes, offring them great summes of money to leaue off suche cruell wasting and spoyling of the lande.

The Danes were contented to retayne the money, but yet coulde not abstayne from their cruell doyngs, neither was their greedie thyrst of bloud and spoyle satisfied with the wasting and destroying of so many Countieys and places as [Page 246] they had passed through. Whervpon in the yeare of our Lorde. 1011. about the feast of Saint Ma­thew in September, they layde siege to the Citie of Canterburie, which by the Citizens was va­liantly defended by the space of .xx. dayes. In the ende of which terme it was taken by the enimies, through the treason of a Deacon named A [...] ­ricus, [...] wonne by [...] Danes. whome the Archbishop Elphegus had be­fore

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that time preserued from death.

Fabian ex Antonino.The Danes exercised passing great crueltie in the winning of that Citie (as by sundrie Authors it doth and may appeare.)

The Archbi­shop Elphegus taken. Hen. Hunt.They slue of menne, women, and children a­boue the number of .viij. thousand. They tooke the Archbishop Elphegus with an other Bishop na­med 30 Godwyn. Also Abbot Lefwyn & Alseword the kings Baylif there. They spared no degree, in­somuch that they slue and tooke .900. priestes and other men of religion.Antoninus. Vincentius. And when they had taken their pleasure of the Citie, they set it on fire, and so returned to their ships.

VVil L [...]mb. ex Asserio Meneuensi & alijs.There be that write that they tithed the people after an inuerted order, slaying the whole nines through the whole multitude, and reserued the tenth: so that of all the Monkes there were but 40 foure saued, and of the lay people .4800. whereby it followeth that there dyed .43200. persons, and hereof is gathered that the citie of Canterburie, & the Countrey thereabouts (the people whereof be­like fled thither for succor) was at that time verie well inhabited, so as there haue not wanted (sayth Master Lambert) which affyrme that it had then more people than London it selfe.

1112 Hen. Hunt.But now to our purpose. In the yeare next ensuing, vpon the Saterday in Easter weeke, af­ter 50 that the Bishop Elphegus had bin kept priso­ner with them the space of .vj. or .vij. monethes, they cruelly in a rage led him fortb into the fields and dashed out his braynes with stones,The Archbi­shop Alphegus murthered. bycause he would not redeeme his libertie with three. M. pound, which they demaunded to haue bin leuied of his farmers and tenants.

This cruell murther was cōmitted at Grene­wich foure miles distant from London, the .xix. of Aprill, where he lay a certaine time vnburied,Myracles. but at length through miracles shewed (as they say) for myracles are all wrought now by deade men, and not by the liuing: the Danes permitted that his bodie might be caried to London,Elphegus bu­ried in Lōdon. & there was it buried in the Church of S. Paule, where it rested for the space of ten yeares, till king Cnute or Knoght had the gouernment of this lande,Translated to Canterburie. by whose appoyntment it was remoued to Canter­burie.

Turkillus the leader of those Danes by whom the Archbishop Elphegus was thus murthered helde Norffolke and Suffolke vnder his subiec­tion,VVil. Mal. Turkillus held Norffolk and Suffolke. and so continued in those parties as chief L. and gouernor. But the residue of the Danes at length,xlviii. thousād pound as sayth Simon Du. & Mat. VVest. compounding with the Englishmen for [...] tribute to be payed to them of .viij.M. pounde, spred abrode in the countrey soiourning in cities, townes and villages, where they mighte finde most conuenient Harbrough.

Moreouer fortye of their Shippes,H. Hunti [...] or ra­ther, (as some write) .xlv. were retayned to serue the king, promising to defende the Realme, with condition that the Souldiers and Mariners should haue prouision of meate and drinke, with apparell, found them at the kings charges.

As one Authour hath gathered, Sweyne king of Denmarke was in England at the con­cluding of this peace, which being cōfirmed with solemne othes and sufficient Hostages, he depar­ted into Denmarke.

Also the same Authour bringeth the gene­rall slaughter of Danes vppon Saint Bry [...]es daye,Mat. VVest. to haue chaunced in the yeare after the [Page 247] conclusion of this agreement, that is to witte, in the yeare .1012. at what tyme Gunthildis the sister of King Swaine was slaine,Gunthildis the sister of K. Swaine mur­thered. with hir hus­bande and sonne, by the commaundement of the false traytour Edrike. But bycause all other Au­thours agree that the same murther of Danes was executed aboute tenne yeares before thys supposed tyme: wee haue made rehearsall there­of in that place. Howbeeit for the death of Gun­thilde, it maye bee, that shee became Hostage ey­ther 10 in the yeare .1007. at what tyme King E­gelred payed thirtie thousande pounde vnto king Swayne to haue peace (as before you haue hearde) or else myght shee bee delyuered in ho­stage, in the yeare .1011. when the last agree­ment was made with the Danes (as aboue is mētioned.) But when or at what time soeuer she became hostage, this we finde of hir, that she came hither into England with hir husband Palingus,VVil. Mal. a mightie Earle, and receyued baptisme here. 20 Wherevpon she earnestly trauailed in treatie of a peace betwixt hir brother & king Egelred, whiche being brought to passe chiefely by hir suyte, shee was contented to become an Hostage for perfor­maunce thereof (as before is recyted.) And after by the commaundement of Earle Edricke shee was put to death, pronouncing that the shed­ding of hir bloude woulde cause all England one day fore to rue.

She was a right beautifull Ladie, and tooke 30 hir death without all feare, not once chaunging countenaunce, though she saw hir husbande and hir onely sonne (a yong Gentleman of much to­wardnesse) first murthered before hir face.

Turkillus dis­closeth the se­cretes of the Realme to K. Swayne.Turkillus in the meane tyme had aduertised king Swayne in what state things stoode here within the Realme: howe King Egelred was negligent, onely attending to the lustes and pleasures of the fleshe: howe the Noble menne were vnfaythfull, and the Commons weake 40 and feeble through wante of good and trustye leaders.

Simon Dun.Some wryte yet that Turkyll, as well as other of the Danes whiche remayned here in Englande was in league with King Egelred, insomuche that he was wyth him in London to helpe to defend the Citie agaynst Sweyne when hee came to assault it, (as after shall appeare.) Whiche if it bee true, a doubt may rise whether Sweine receyued any aduertisement from Tur­kill 50 to moue him the rather to inuade the realme: but suche aduertisements might come from him before that he was accorded with Egelred.

Swaine prepa­reth an armie to inuade Eng­lande.Swayne therefore as a valiaunt Prince de­sirous both to reuenge his sisters death, and win honour, prepared an huge armie, and a greate number of Shippes, with the whiche hee made towardes Englande, and firste comming to Sandwiche, taryed there a small while,He landeth at Sandwich. 1013 and ta­king eftsoones the Sea, compassed aboute the coastes of the East Angles, and arryuing in the mouth of Humber, sayled vp the water, and en­tring into the Ryuer of Trent, he landed at Gaynesbourgh,Gaynesbourgh purposing to inuade the Nor­thumbers: But they as men brought into great feare, for that they had beene subiect to the Danes in tymes past, and thinking therefore not to re­uolte to enimyes, but rather to theyr olde ac­quaintaunce, if they shoulde submitte themsel­ues to the Danes,The Northū ­bers yeeld to Swayne. streyght wayes offered to be­come subiect vnto Swayne, togither with theyr Duke named Wighthred.

Also the people of Lyndesey and all those of the Northsyde of Watlingstreete yeelded them­selues vnto him, and deliuered pledges.The people of Lyndsey yeeld themselues to him. Sim. Dunel. Then he appoynted his sonne Cnutus to haue the keping of those pledges, and to remain vpon the safegard of his ships, whiles he himselfe passed forward in­to the Countrey. Then marched he forwarde to subdue them of South Mercia:South Mercia and so came to Oxford, & to Winchester, making the countreys subiect to him throughout wheresoeuer he came.

With this prosperous successe, Swayne be­ing greatly encouraged, prepared to go vnto Lō ­don where king Egelred as then remayned, ha­uing with him Turkillus the Dane, which was retayned in wages with other of the Danes (as by report of some Authours it may appeare) and were nowe readie to defende the Citie agaynste theyr Countrey men in support of King Egel­red togyther wyth the Citizens.Simon Dun. Swayne by­cause hee woulde not steppe so farre oute of the way as to goe to the nexte bridge, lost a greate number of his menne as hee passed through the Thames.

At his comming to London, he beganne to assaulte the Citie right fiercely,Sweipe assaul­teth London. in hope eyther to put his enimie in such feare that he should dispaire of all reliefe and comfort, or at the least to trye what hee was able to doe. The Londoners on the other part, although they were broght in some feare by this sodaine attempt of the enimyes, yet considering with themselues, that the hazarde of all the whole state of the Realme was annexed to theyrs, sithe theyr Citie was the chiefe and Metropolitane of all the Kingdome,Polidor. they valy­antly stoode in defence of themselues, and of their king that was present there with them, beating backe the enimies, chasing them from the walles, and otherwise doing their best to keepe them of. At length although the Danes did most valiant­ly assault the Citie, the English men yet to de­fend their prince from all iniurie of enimies, did not shrinke, but boldly sallied forth at ye gates in heapes togither, & encountered with theyr aduer­saries, and began to fight with thē right fiercely.

[Page 248]Sweyn whilest he goeth aboute to keepe his men in order, as one most desirous to retayne the victorie nowe almoste gotten, is compassed so aboute with the Londoners on eche syde, that after he had lost a greate number of his men, he was constrayned for his safegarde to breake out through the myddest of his enimyes weapons, and was gladde that hee might so escape. And so with the residue of his armie ceassed not to iourney day and night tyll hee came to Bathe,VVil. Mal. Earle of Deuō ­shire as hath Mat. VVest. 10 where Ethelmere an Earle of greate power in those West parties of the Realme, submitted himselfe wyth all hys people vnto him, who shortly after neuerthelesse (Polidor. as some write) was compelled through want of vitayles to release the tribute lately couenanted to bee payed vnto him for a certaine summe of money, which when hee had receyued, he returned into Denmarke,Swain run­neth Den­marke. mea­ning shortly to returne againe with a greater power.

King Egelred supposed that by the payment of that money he should haue beene rid out of all troubles of warre with the Danes. But the No­bles of the realme thought otherwise and therfore willed him to prepare an armie with al speed that might be made. Sweyn taryed not long (to proue the doubt of the noble men to be grounded of fort­knowledge)Swain [...] ­neth into Eng­land to make warre. but that with swift speede be returned againe into Englande, and immediately vppon his arriuall was an armie of English men assem­bled and led agaynst him into the field. Here vpon they ioyne in battaile, which was sore foughten

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for a time,King Egelred discomfited in battaile. til at length by reason of diuerse Eng­lishmen that turned to the enimies side, the dis­comfiture fel with such slaughter vpon the Eng­lish host, that king Egelred well perceyued the state of his regall gouernment to be brought into 40 vtter daunger. Wherevpon after the losse of this fielde, hee assembled the rest of his people that were escaped, and spake vnto them after thys maner.

The Oration of K. Egelred.I shoulde for euer bee put to silence, if there wanted in vs the vertue of a fatherly minde, in giuing good aduice and counsaile for the well or­dering the administration of things in the com­mon wealth, or if there lacked courage or might in our souldiers and men of warre to defende our 50 Country. Truly to die in defence of the Country where we are borne, I [...]o esse it a worthie thing, and I for my part am readie to take vpon me to enter into the middest of the enimies in defence of my kingdome. But here I see our countrey and the whole English nation to be at a poynt to fall into vtter ruine. We are ouercome of the Danes, not with weapō or force of armes, but with trea­son wrought by our owne people: wee did at the first prepare a nauie agaynste the enimies, the which that false traytor Elfrik betrayd into their handes. Againe oftentymes haue we giuen bat­taile with euill successe, and onely through the fault of our owne people that haue beene false and disloyal, wherby we haue bene constrayned to agree with the enimies vpon dishonorable condi­tions, euen as necessitie required, which to ouer­come resteth only in God. Such kind of agreemēt hath bin made in deed to our destruction, sith the enimies haue not sticked to breake it (they being such a wicked kinde of people as neither regarde God nor man) contrarie to right & reason, and be­side all our hope & expectation. And so is the mat­ter come nowe to this passe, yt we haue not cause only to feare the losse of our gouerment out least the name of the whole English natiō be destroyed for euer. Therfore sithence the enimies are at hād▪ and as it were ouer our heades, ye to whō my cō ­mandemēt hath euer bin had in good regard▪ pro­uide▪ take counsell, & see to succor the state of your cūtry now redy to decay & to fal into irrecouerable [Page 249] ruine. Herevpon they fel in cōsultation euery one, alledging and bringing foorth his opinion as see­med to him best, but it appeared they hadde the Woolfe by the eare, for they wist not which way to turne them: If they shoulde gyue battayle it was to be doubted, least through treason amōgst themselues, the armie should be betrayed into the enimies hands, the which would not fayle to exe­cute all kinde of crueltie in the slaughter of the whole nation. And if they dyd not stand vali­antly 10 to shewe themselues ready to defende theyr countrey, there was no shifte but to yeeld them­selues, whiche though it were a thyng reproch­full and dishonorable, yet shoulde it be lesse euill as they tooke the matter, for thereby myght ma­ny bee preserued from deathe, and in tyme to come, be able to recouer the libertie of their coun­trey againe when occasion shoulde thereto be of­fered.

This poynt was allowed of them all, and so 20 in the ende they rested vpon that resolution.

King Egelred determineth to giue place vnto Sweyne.Kyng Egelred therefore determined to com­mitte hymselfe into the hands of his brother in lawe Richarde Duke of Normandy, whose si­ster (as ye haue hearde) he hadde married. But bycause he woulde not do this vnaduisedly, firste he sent ouer hys Wife Queene Emme,He sendeth his wife and sonnes ouer into Nor­mandie. Richard Duke of Normādie. with hys sonnes which he hadde begotten of hir, Alfred and Edwarde, that by theyr entertaynemente hee might vnderstande how hee shoulde be welcome. 30 Duke Richarde receyued his sister and hys Ne­phewes right ioyfully, and promised to ayde hys brother King Egelred in defence of his Kyng­dome. But in this meane while had Sueyne cō ­quered the more part of al England, and brought (by little and little) that whiche remayned, vnder his subiection. The people through feare submit­ting themselues on each hand, King Egelred in this meane time, (for the Londoners had submit­ted themselues to Sweyne) was first withdrawē 40 vnto Greenewiche,Sim. Dunel. and there remayned for a tyme with the nauie of the Danes,Hen. Hunt. which was vnder the gouernemente of Earle Turkill,Turkill. and from thence sayled vnto the Isle of Wight, and there remayned a great part of the Winter, and finally after Christmas,114 sayled hymselfe into Normandy,King Egelred passeth into Norma [...]y. and was of his brother in law ioy­fully receyued, and greatly comforted in that hys tyme of necessitie. Sweyne hauing now gote the whole rule of the lande, was reputed for Kyng, 50 and so commanded that his army shoulde be pro­uided of wages and victuals to bee taken vp and leuied through the Realme. In like manner Turkill cōmanded that to his army whych lod­ged at Greenewhich, shoulde wages and victuals be deliuered sufficiente for the finding and susten­tation therof.Sweyne han­dleth the Eng­lishmanne hardly. Sweyne vsed the victory very cru­elly against the Englishmen, oppressing them on each hand, to the intent that they being broughte lowe, he might gouerne in more suretie. The yere in which he obteined the rule thus of this Realm, and that Kyng Egelred was constreyned to flee into Normandy, was in the fiue and thirtith yere of the same Egelrede his raigne, and after the birth of our Lord. 114. Sweyne being once esta­blished in the gouernemente, dyd not onely vse much crueltie, in oppressing the laitie, but also he stretched foorthe his hande to the Churche and to the Ministers in the same, fleecing them and spoyling both Churches and Ministers, without any remorce of conscience, in so muche, that ha­uing a quarrell against the inhabitantes within the precinct of S. Edmonds land in Suffolke, he did not onely harry the countrey, but also ry­fled and spoyled the Abbey of Bury, where the body of Saint Edmond rested.

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Whervpō shortly after as hee was at Gemes­borough or Thetforde (as some haue)Fabian. Saint Edmond figliteth for the wealth, but not for the slaughter of his people. Simon Dun. 115 and there in his iollitie talked with his Nobles of his good successe in conquering of this lande, he was sud­daynely striken with a knife, as it is reported, mi­raculously, for no man wist how or by whome: and within three dayes after, to wit, on the thirde of February, hee ended his life with greenous payne and torment in yelling and roring, by rea­son of his extreme anguish beyonde all measure. There hathe sproong a pleasant tale amongst the posteritie of that age, how he should be wounded with the same knife whiche King Edmonde in his life time vsed to weare. Thus haue some of our Writers reported,Albertus Crantz. Saxo Gram­maticus. but the Danishe Chro­nicles recorde a farre more happy ende whiche should chaunce vnto this Sueyno, than is before mentioned, out of our Writers: for the sayde Chronicles reporte, yt after he had subdued Eng­land, he tooke order with King Egelred, whome they name amisse Adelstane, that he shoulde not ordeine any other successor, but onely the same Sueno. Then after this, he returned into Den­marke, where vsing himselfe like a righte godly [Page 248] Prince, at length he there ended his life, beeing a very old man. But when, or how soeuer he dyed, immediately after his decesse, the Danes elected his son Cnute or Knought to succeede in his do­minions.VVil. Mal. Hen. Hunt. Canute or Cuate. But the Englishmen of nothing more desirous than to shake the yoke of the Danishe thraldome besides their neckes and shoulders, straight wayes vpon knowledge had of Swey­nes deathe, with all speede aduertised King E­gelred thereof,Egelred sent for home. and that they were ready to receiue 10 and assist him if he woulde make hast to come o­uer to deliuer his countrey out of ye hands of strā ­gers. These newes were right ioyful vnto Egel­red, who brenning in desire to be reuenged on thē that had expulsed him out of his Kingdom, made no long tarriance to put that enterprise forward. But yet doubting ye incōstancie of the people, sent his elder son (named Edward) to trie the minds of them,Edward King Egelredes el­dest sonne. & to vnderstand whether they were cōstant or wauering in yt they had promised. The yong 20 Gentleman hasting ouer into Englande, & with diligēt enquirie perceyuing how they were bent, returned with like speede as he came into Nor­mandie againe, declaring to his father, that all things were in safetie if hee would make hast. K. Egelred then conceiued an assured hope to reco­uer his Kingdome,King Egelred ret [...]rnueth into England. ayded wt his brother in lawes power, & trusting vpon ye assistance of the Eng­lishmē, returned into England in ye time of Lēt. His returne was ioyfull & most acceptable to the 30 English people, as to those that abhorred the rule of ye Danes,Coutes ende­uor to esta­blish himselfe in the King­dome. which was most sharp and bitter to them although Cnute did what he could by boū ­tifulnesse and curteous dealings to haue reteyned thē vnder his obeisance. And to ye intēt to procure Gods fauour in the well ordering of things for ye administration in ye common wealth, he soughte first to appease his wrath, & also to make amend [...] to S. Edmond for his fathers offence commit­ted (as was thought) against him: in so muche, yt after he had obteyned the Kingdome, he causede great ditche to be cast round about the land of S. Edmond,S. Edmond ditche. & graunted many freedomes to the in­habitants, and acquit them of certain taskes and payments, vnto ye which other of their neighbors were contributaries. He also builded a Church on ye place wher S. Edmond was buried, & ordeined an house of Monkes there, or rather remoued the Canons or secular Priests that were there afore, and put Monkes in their roomes. He offered vppe also hys Crowne vnto the same S. Edmonde,Polidor. Fabian. & redemed it again with a great summe of money, which maner of doing grewe into an vse vnto o­ther kings yt folowed him. He adorned ye Church there with many riche iewels, and endowed the Monasterie with greate possessions. But these things were not done nowe at the firste, but after that he was established in the Kingdome. For in the mean time, after that K. Egelred was retur­ned out of Normandie, Cnute as then soiour­ning at Eaynesbrough, remayned there till the feast of Easter, and made agreemente with there of Lindsey, so that they finding him horses, they should altogither goe foorth to spoyle their neigh­bours. King Egelred aduertised thereof, spedde him thither with a mighty host, and with greate cruelty brenned vp the Countrey, and slewe the more part of the inhabitantes, bicause they hadde

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takē part wt his enimies.Cnute driuen to forsake the lande. He was driuen thyther by force of con­trary windes as should ap­pere by M. W. Cnute as the was not of power able to resist Egelred, and therefore ta­king his Ships whiche lay in Humber, fled from thence, & sailed about ye coast, til he came to Sād­wich, and there sore greeued in his mind to remē ­ber what mischiefe was fallen & chanced to hys [...]s & [...]s of Lindsey, only for his [...]auie, he cōmanded yt such pledges as had bin deliuered to his father by certaine noble men of this Realme,The cruell de­cree of Cnute against the English pled­ges. VVil. Malm. for assurance of theyr fidelities, should haue their noses slit, & their eares stoued, or as some write, their handes and theyr noses cut off.

[Page 251]When this cruell acte according to his com­mandement was done, he taking the Sea, sayled into Denmarke, but yet he toke not al the Danes with him whiche his father broughte hither, for Earle Turkill perceyuing the welthinesse of ye lande,This Turkil was reteyned in seruice with Egelred as I thinke. compounded with the Englishmen, and chose rather to remayne in a region replenished with all riches, than to returne home into hys owne countrey that wanted suche commodities as were here to be had. And yet as some thought, 10 hee did not forsake his soueraigne Lorde Cnute for any euill meaning towards him, but rather to ayde him when time serued, to recouer the posses­sion of Englād againe, as it afterwards wel ap­peared: for notwithstanding that he was now re­teyned by King Egelred with fortie shippes, and the floure of all the Danes that were menne of war, so as Cnute returned but with .60. Ships into his countrey, yet shortly after, Earle Tur­kill with nine of those Ships sailed into Den­marke, 20 submitted himselfe vnto Cnute, coun­selled him to returne into Englande, and pro­mised him the assistaunce of the residue of those Danish Shippes whiche yet remayned in Eng­land,Encomium Emma. beeing to the number of thirtie, with all the Souldiers and mariners that to them belonged. To conclude, hee did so much by his earnest per­swasions, that Cnute (through ayde of his bro­ther Harrold Kyng of Denmarke) gote togither a nauie of two hundred Shippes, so royally dec­ked, 30 furnished, and appoynted, both for braue shewe and necessary furniture of all manner of weapon, armour and munition, as it is strange to consider that whiche is written by them that liued in those dayes, and tooke in hand to register the doings of that time. But nowe to returne to our purpose, to shewe what chaunced in Eng­lande after the departure of Cnute. The same yeare vnto these accustomed mischiefes an vn­wonted misaduenture happened,Math. VVest. for the Sea rose 40 with suche high spring tydes, that ouerflowing the countreys nexte adioyning, diuers villages with the inhabitantes were drowned vp and de­stroyed.Simon Dun. Also to encrease the peoples miserie, K. Egelred commaunded, that .xxx. thousande. lb. shuld be leuied to pay the tribute due to ye Danes which lay at Greenewiche.

This yere also,VVil. Mal [...] Mat. VVest A counsell at Oxforde Sigeferd and Morcade murthered. King Egelred held a counsell at Oxforde, at the whiche, a great number of no­ble men were present, both Danes and English­men, and there did the King cause Sigeferd and Morcade two noble personages of the Danes to bee murthered within his owne chamber, by the trayterous practise of Edericke de Streona, whi­che accused them of some conspiracie, but the quarrell was onely as men supposed, for that the King had a desire to their goodes and possessions. Their seruauntes tooke in hand to haue reuenged the death of their masters, but were beaten barke, wherevppon, they fledde into the Steeple of S. Frifroyds Churche, and kepte the same, till fyre was set vpon the place, and so they were brenned to death. The wife of Sigesferd was taken, and sente to Malmesbury, beeing a woman of hygh fame and greate worthinesse, wherevppon the Kyngs eldest sonne named Edmond, tooke occa­sion vppon pretence of other businesse to goe thy­ther, and there to see hir, with whome hee fell so farre in loue, that he tooke and married hir.Edmond the Kings eldest sonne marri­eth the Wi­dow of Sige­ferd. That done, hee required to haue hir husbandes landes and possessions, whiche were an Earles lyuing, and lay in Northumberland, and when the K. refused to graunt his request, he goeth thither, and seased the same possessions and landes into hys hands, without hauing any commission so to do, finding the farmours and tenauntes there ready to receiue him for their Lord. While these things were a doing, Cnute hauing made his prouision of Ships and men,Cnute retur­neth into England. with all necessary furniture (as before yee haue hearde) for his returne into England, set forward with full purpose, eyther to recouer the Realme out of Egelredes handes, or to die in the quarrell. Heerevpon he landed at Sandwich, and firste Earle Turkill obteyned licence to goe against the Englishmen that were assembled to resist the Danes,Encomium Emma. and finding them at a place called Scorastan, he gaue them the o­uerthrow, gote a great bootie, and returned there­with to the Ships. After this, Eric gouernor of Norway, made a roade likewise into another parte of the countrey, and with a rich spoyle, and many Prisoners, returned vnto the nauie.

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[Page 252]After this iourney atchieued thus by Eric, Cnute commaunded that they shoulde not wast the countrey any more, but gaue order to prepare all thyngs ready to besiege London. But before hee attempted that enterprise,VVil. Malm. H. Huntin. Math. VVest. Simon Dun. as other write, hee marched foorth into Kent or rather sailing round about that countrey, tooke his iourney West­ward, and came to Fromundham, and after de­parting from thence, wasted Dorsetshire, Som­mersetshire, and Wiltshire.King Egelred sicke. Kyng Egelrede in 10 this meane time lay sicke at Cossam. His sonne Edmond had gote togither a mighty host, how­beit,Mat. VVest. ere hee came to ioyne battayle with his eni­mies, he was aduertised, that Earle Edricke wēt about to betray him, and therefore he withdrewe with the army into a place of surety. And E­dricke to make his traiterous purpose manifest to the whole world,Edricke [...] [...] to thē [...]. fled to the enimies with fortie of the Kings Shippes, fraughte with Danishe Souldiers. Herevpon, al the West countrey sub­mitted it selfe vnto Cnute, who receyued pledges of the chiefe Lords and Nobles, and then set for­ward to subdue them of Mercia.The [...] of Me [...] not yeelde. Mat. VVest. Hen. Hunt. 116 The people of that countrey woulde not yeelde, but determined to defend the quarrell and title of King Egelred so long as they mighte haue any Captayne that would stand with them, and help to order them.

In the yere .116. in Christmas, Cnute & Earle Edricke passed the Thames at Krikelade, and entring into Mercia, cruelly beganne with fire and sword, to wast and destroy the countrey,Warwikeshire wasted by Danes. and namely Warwikeshire.

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King Egelred recouered of his sicknesse.In the meane time was King Egelred reco­uered of his sicknesse, and sent sommonance foorth to rayse all his power, appoynting euery man to resort vnto him, that he mighte encounter the e­nimies and giue them battaile.He assembleth an army in vayne. But yet when his 40 people were assembled, hee was warned to take heede to himselfe, and in any wise to beware how he gaue battayle, for his owne subiects were pur­posed to betrary him. Herevpon, the armie brake vp, and King Egelrede withdrew to London, there to abide his enimies within walles, with whome in the fielde hee doubteth to trie the bat­tayle.VVil. Mal. Edmond king Egelredes sonne. His sonne Edmond gote him to Vtred, an Earle of great power, inhabiting beyond Hum­ber, and perswading him to ioyne his forces with 50 his, foorthe they wente to wast those countreyes that were become subiect to Cnute, as Stafford­shire, Lecestershire, and Shropshire, not sparing to exercise great cruelty vpon the inhabitants, as a punishmēt for their reuolting, that other might take ensample thereof. But Cnute perceyuyng whereabout they went, politikely deuised to fru­strate their purpose, and with doyng of like hurte in all places where he came, passed through Buc­kinghamshire, Bedfordshire, Huntingtonshire, and so through the Fennes, came to Stamford,Cnute, whe [...] countreys [...]e passed th [...]gh. and then entred into Lincolnshire, and from thence into Notinghamshire, and so into York­shire, not sparing to do what mischiefe myght be deuised in all places where he came. Vthred ad­uertised hereof, was constreyned to departe home to saue his owne countrey from presente destru­ction, and therefore comming backe into Nor­thumberlande, and perceyuing himselfe not able to resist the puissaunt force of his enimies, was constreyned to deliuer pledges,Earle Vthred deliuereth pledges to Cnute. and submit hym­selfe vnto Cnute: but yet was hee not heereby warranted from danger, for shortly after he was taken, and put to death, and then were his lands giuen vnto one Iricke or Iricius,Alias Egri [...]s. whome after­ward Cnute did banishe out of the Realme, by­cause that he did attempt to chalenge like autho­ritie to him in all poynts, as Cnute himselfe had.

After that Cnute had subdued the Northum­bers, hee pursued Edmond till hee heard that hee had taken London for his refuge, and stayed there [Page 253] with his father. Then didde Cnute take his Shippes,Cnute pre­pareth to be­siege London. King Egelred departed this life. Simon Dun. Mat. VVest. and came about to the coast of Hente, preparing to besiege the Citie of London: but in the meanetime, King Egelred sort worry with long sicknesse, departed this life the .23. of Aprill, being S. Georges daye, or as other haue, on S. Gregorses day, being the twelfth of Marche, but I take this to be an error growen, by mistakyng the feast day of S. Gregory for S. George. Hee raigned the tearme of . [...]7. yeres,He is buried in the Church of S. Paule at London. or little lesse. His 10 body was buryed in the Churche of S. Paule, in the North Ile besides the Choyre, as by a me­moriall there in the wall it may appeare. He had two Wiues as before is mentioned, by Elgiua his first Wife, he had issue three sonnes, Edmōd Edwine and Adelstane, besides one daughter na­med Edgi [...]a. By his secōd wife Emma, daugh­ter to Richarde the firste of that name, Duke of Normandy, and sister to Richard the second, he had two sonnes, Alfride and Edward. This E­gelfred 20 as you haue heard, had euill successe in his warres against the Danes, and besides the cala­mitie that fell thereof to his people, many other miseries oppressed this lande in his dayes, not so much through his lacke of courage and slothfull negligēce,The pride of K. Egelred a­lienated the harts of his people. as by reasō of his presumptuous price, wherby he alienated the hartes of his people from him. His affections he could not rule, but was led by them withoute order of reason, for hee did not only disinherite diuerse of his owne English sub­iects 30 without apparant cause of offence by plaine forged cauillatiōs, and also caused all the Danes to be murthered through his Realme in one day, by some lighte suspition of their euill meanings, but also gaue himselfe to lecherous lust, in abu­sing his body with naughty strumpets, forsaking

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40 50 the bedde of his owne lawfull wife, to his greate infamie and shame of that high degree of Maie­stie, whiche by his Kingly office hee bare and su­steyned. To conclude: he was from his tender youth, more apt to idle rest, than to the exercise of warres, more giuen to pleasures of the body, than to any vertues of the minde, although that toward his latter ende, beeing growen into age, and taught by long experiēce of worldly affaires, and proofe of passed miseries, hee soughte (though in vayne) to haue recouered the decayed state of his common [...]wealth and countrey.

Edmond surnamed Yronside.

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AFter that Kyng Egelred was dead, his eldest sonne Edmond surnamed Ironside was pro­claymed K. by the Lōdoners and others,Edmōd Ironside The King­dome goeth where the spi­ritualtie fauoureth. hauing the assistance of some Lordes of the Realme, al­though the more parte, and specially those of the spiritualty fauoured Cnute, bycause they had a­foretime sworn fealtie to his father. Some writē, that Cnute had planted his siege both by water & land very strongly about the Citie of London before Egelred departed this life, and immedi­ately vppon his decesse, was receyued into the Citie, but the army that was within the Citie, not consenting vnto the surrender made by the Citizens, departed the night before the day on the whych Cnute by appoyntment should enter, and in company of Edmonde Ironside (whome they had chosen to be their King and gouernour) they prepared to increase their numbers with newe supplies, meaning eftsoones to trie the fortune of battell againste the Danish power. Cnute per­ceyuing the most parte of all the Realme to bee thus against him, and hauing no great confidēce in the loyaltie of the Londoners, tooke order to leauie money for the paymente of his menne of warre and Mariners that belonged to his nauie,The author of the Booke en­tituled Enco­miō Emma [...] saith, that it was reported that Edmond offered the combate vnto Cnute at this his going frō the citie▪ but Cnute refused it. left the Citie, and embarquing himselfe, sayled to the Isle of Shepey, and there remayned all the Winter. In whiche meane while, Edmonde Ironside came to London, where he was ioyful­ly receyued of the Citizens, and continuing there till the spring of the yere, made himselfe strong a­gainst the enimies.

This Edmond for his noble courage, strēgth of body, and notable patience to endure and suf­fer all suche hardnesse and paynes as is requisite in a man of warre, was surnamed Ironside,1016 and began his raigne in the yere of our Lord. 1016. [Page 254] the sixteenth yeare of the Emperour Henry the second surnamed Claudius, in the twentith yere of the raigne of Robert King of Fraunce, and a­bout the sixth yeare of Malcome the seconde K. of the Scottes. After that Kyng Edmond hadde receyued the Crowne in the Citie of Londō by ye hands of the Archb. of Yorke, he assembled togy­ther such a power as he cold make, & with ye same marched foorthe towardes the West partes, and made the countrey subiect to him. In the meane 10 time was Enute proclaymed and ordeyned K. at Southampton by the Bishops and Abbots,Ran. Higd. and diuers Lordes also of the Temporaltie there togyther assembled, vnto whome he sware to bee their good and faithfull soueraigne, and that hee would see Iustice truely and vprightly mini­stred.Hen. Hunt. Simon Dun. Then after hee had ended his businesse at Southampton, hee drewe with his people to­wards London, and comming thither, besieged the Citie both by water and lande, causing a 20 great trenche to be cast about it, so that no man might eyther get in or come foorth.London besieged. Many greate assaultes he caused to bee gyuen vnto the Citie, but the Londoners and others within so valiant­ly defended the walles and gates, that the en [...] ­mies gote small aduauntage, and at length [...] constreyned to depart with losse. Cnute then per­ceiuing that he might not haue his purpose there, withdrewe Westward, [...] and besides Eillingham in Dorsetshire, encountred with K. Edmund in the Rogation weeke, and after sore and sharp ba­tayle, was put to the worse, and constreyned to forsake the fielde by the high prowes and man­hoode of the sayde Edmund. King Cnute ye fa [...]e nighte, after the armies were seuered, departed to­wards Winchester,Polidor. so to get himselfe out of dan­ger. Shortly after, King Edmund hearing that an other army of the Danes had besieged Salis­bury, he marched thither to succour them within,Salisbury his sieged. and immediately▪ Cnute followed him, so that at a place in Worcetershire called Sceorstan,Simon Dun. Mat. VVest. VVil. Malm. A battell with equal fortune. on ye foure and twentith of Iune, they encomitted to­gyther, and fought a right cruell battayle, which at length the nighte parted with equall fortune. And likewise on the next day they buckled togy­ther agayne, and fought with like successe as they hadde done the day before,An other b [...] ­ [...]el with his successe. for towardes euening they gaue ouer well weried, and not knowyng to

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whome the victory ought to be ascribed.

Edrick de Streona his treason.Writers haue reported, that this seconde daye when Duke Edricke perceyued the Englishmen to be at poynte to haue gote the vpper hande, hee withdrewe aside,Simon Dun. and hauing by chaunce slayne a common Souldioure called Osmear, which in visage muche resembled King Edmunde, hee cut 50 off his head, helde it vp, and shaking his sworde bloude with the slaughter, cried to the English­men, flee ye wretches, flee and get away, for your Kyng is dead, behold here his head which I hold in my hands. Heerewith had the Englishmenne fled immediately, if King Edmunde aduised of this stratageme, had not quickly gote him to an high ground wher his men might see him aliue & lustie. Heerewith also ye traytor Edricke escaped hardly ye daunger of death, ye Englishmen shot so egrely at him. At length as is said, the night par­ting them in sunder, they withdrewe the one ar­my from the other, as it had bin by consent.

The third day they remayned in armour, but yet absteyning from battayle, sate still, in taking meate and drinke to releeue their weeried bodies, and after gathered in heapes the dead carcases that had beene slayne in the former fighte,Twētie thou­sand dead bodies. the nū ­ber of which on eyther partie reconed, rose to the poynt of twentie thousand and aboue.

In the night following. Cnute remoueth his camp in secret wise,The armies dislodged. and marcheth towards Lon­don, which Citie in a manner remayned besieged [Page 255] by the nauie of the Danes. King Edmond in the morning when the lighte had discouered the de­parture of his enimies, followed thē by the tr [...], and comming to London with small adoe, re­mooued the siege, and entred the Citie like a con­querour.The Danes ouercome at Brentford. VVil. Malm. H. Hunt. Fabian. Caxton. Polidor. Shortly after he foughte with ye Danes at Brentford, and gaue them a great ouerthrow. In this meane while, Queene Emme the wid­dow of King Egelred, doubting the fortune of the warre, sente hir two sonnes Alfred and Ed­warde 10 ouer into Normandy vnto hir brother Duke Richard, or rather fled thither hirselfe with them (as some write.) Moreouer, Earle Edricke perceyuing the great manhoode of K. Edmund, began to feare, least in the ende he shoulde subdue and vanquishe the Danes, wherefore hee soughte meanes to conclude a peace, and take suche order with him as might stand with both their conten­tations, which ere long he brought about. And this was done as you shall heare by the consente 20 of Cnute (as some write) to the intente that E­dricke being had in trust with King Edmunde,H. Hunt. mighte the more easily deuise wayes how to be­tray him. Cnute disappoynted of his purpose at London, fetching a greate booty and pray out of the coūtreys next adioyning, repaired to his ships, to see what order was amongst them, the whych a little before were withdrawen into the Riuer that passeth by Rochester called Medway.The Riuer of Medway. Heere Cnute remayned certayne dayes, both to assem­ble 30 a greater power, and also to hearken & learne what his enimies meant to do, the which he easi­ly vnderstoode.King Edmūds diligence. For K. Edmund who hated no­thing worse thā to linger his businesse, assembled his people, and marching forwarde towarde hys enimies, approched neere vnto them, and pighte downe his tents not farre frō his enimies camp, exhorting his people to remember their passed vi­ctories, and to doe their good willes, at length by one battayle, so to ouerthrowe them, that they 40 mighte make an ende of the warre, and dispatche them cleerely out of the Realme. He so much en­couraged his Souldiers with these and the lyke wordes, that they disdeyning thus to haue the e­nimies dayly to prouoke them, and to put them to trouble, with egre mindes and fierce courages offered battayle to the Danes, whiche Cnute had prepared to receyue whensoeuer the Englishmē approched: and heerewith bringing his men into aray,The battell is begunne. he came foorth to meete his enimies. Then 50 was the battaile begunne with great earnestnesse on both sides, and continued foure houres, till at length the Danes beganne somewhat to shrinke, which when Cnute perceyued, hee commaunded his Horsemen to come forward into the forepart of his host. But whilest one parte of the Danes giue backe with feare, and the other come slowly forwarde,The Danes put to flighte. the array of the whole army is broken, and then without respect of shame they fledde a­mayne, so that there dyed that daye of Cnutes side four thousand and fiue hundred men,The number of Danes slain. and of Kyng Edmunds side, not past sixe hundred, and those were footemen. This battell was foughte as shoulde appeare by dyuers writers,Polidor. Fabian. Ran. Higd. Mat. VVest. at Oke­fort or Oteforde. It was thought, that if king Edmund had pursued the victory and followed in chase of his enimies in suche wise as hee safely might haue done,H. Hunt. VVil. Mal. Edrickes counsell. hee had made that day an ende of the warres: but he was counselled by Edricke as some write, in no condition to folow them, but to stay and gyue tyme to hys people to refreshe theyr weery bodyes. And so Cnute with his ar­my passed ouer the Thames into Essex, and there assembled all his power togither, and began to spoyle and wast the countrey on eache hande. King Edmund aduertised thereof, hasted foorthe to succoure his people, and at Ashdone in Essex three miles from Saffron Waldē gaue battayle to Cnute, where after sore and cruell fight conti­nued with greate slaughter on both sides a long time, Duke Edricke fledde to the comforte of the Danes, and to the discomfort of the Englishmē: so that Kyng Edmunde was constreyned in the ende to depart out of the fielde, hauing firste done all that could be wished in a worthy Chieftayne, both by wordes to encourage his men, and by deedes to shewe them good example, so that at one time the Danes were at poynte to haue gy­uen backe, but that Cnute aduised thereof, rushed into the left wing where most daunger was, and so relieued his people there, that finally the Eng­lishmen, both awearied with long fight, and also discouraged with the running away of some of theyr company, were constreyned to giue ouer, and by flighte to seeke their safegarde, so that K. Edmund myght not by any meanes bring them agayne into order. Heerevppon all the wayes and passages beeyng forelayde and stopped by the enimies, the Englishmenne wanting bothe carriage to make longer resistaunce, and percey­uing no hope to rest in fleeing, were beaten downe and slayne in heapes, so that fewe esca­ped from that dreadfull and bloudy battayle.

There dyed on Kyng Edmundes syde,Noble men slayne at the battell of Ashdone. Sim. Dunel. VVil. Mal. Duke Edmund, Duke Alfricke, and Duke Gudwin, with Earle Vlfekettell, or Vrchell of East Angle, and Duke Ayleward, that was sonne to Ardelwine, late Duke of East Angle, and to bee briefe, all the floure of the Englishe nobi­litie.

There was also slayne at this battayle ma­ny renoumed persons of the spiritualty, as ye Bi­shoppe of Lincolne, and the Abbot of Ramsey, with other, Kyng Edmund escaping away,King Edmund with draweth into Gloce­stershire. gote him into Glocestershire, and there began to rayse a new army.

[Page 256]In the place where this field was fought, are yet seuen or eyght hilles, wherein the carcasses of them that were slayne at the same field, were bu­ried, and one beeing digged downe of late, there were foūd two bodies in a coffin of stone, of whi­che the one lay with his head towards the others foote, and many chaynes of iron, like to the water chaynes of the bittes of Horses were found in the same hill. But nowe to the matter, in the meane while that Edmonde was busie to leauie a newe 10 army in Glowcest. and other parties of Mercia, Cnute hauing got so gret a victory, receiued into his obeisance, not only ye Citie of Londō, but also many other Cities and townes of great name, & shortly after hasted forward to pursue his enimie K. Edmūd, who was ready with a mighty hoste to trie the vttermost chaunce of battayle if they shoulde eftsoones ioyne.

Polidor. Mat. VVest.Herevpon, both the armies being ready to giue the onset, the one in syghte of the other at a place 20 called Dearehurst, nere to the Riuer of Seuerne, by the drifte of Duke Elricke, who then at lēgth, beganne to shewe some token of good meanyng, the two Kings came to a communication, and in the end concluded an agreement, as some haue written,Simon Dun. without any more adoe.

Other write, that when both the armies were at poynte to haue ioyned,Math. West. sayth this was Eadricke. one of the Captaynes, but whether he were a Dane or an Englishmā, it is not certaynely tolde, stood vp in such a place, 30 as he mighte be hearde of both the Princes, and boldly vttered hys wordes in forme followyng.

The saying of a Captayne.We haue most woorthy Chieftaynes fought long ynoughe one againste another, there hathe bene but too muche bloud shed betweene both the Nations, and the valiancie of the Soul­dioures on both sides is sufficiently ynough tried▪ & eyther of your manhoods lykewise, & yet cā you beare neyther good nor euill fortune, if the one of you win the battayle, he pursueth him yt is ouer­come, and if hee chaunce to be vanquished, hee re­steth not till he haue recouered newe strengthe to fight eftsoones with him that is victor. What shoulde you meane by this youre inuincible cou­rage? At what marke shooteth youre greedy desire to beare rule, and youre excessiue thirst to atteyne honor? if you fyghte for a Kyngdome, deuide it betweene you two, which sometime was suffici­ent for seauen Kyngs, but if you couet to winne fame and glorious renowme, and for the same are driuen to trie the hazarde, whether yee shall com­maund or obey, deuise the way whereby ye maye withoute so greate slaughter, and withoute suche pitifull bloudshed of both youre giltlesse peoples, trie whether of you is most worthy to be prefer­red.’

Thus made hee an ende, and the two Princes allowed well of his last motion, and so order was taken,The two [...] appoint [...] the matter by a combate. Olney. that they should fighte togither in a singu­lar combate within a little Ilande enclosed with the Riuer of Seuerne called Oldney, with con­dition, that whether of them chaunced to be Vi­ctor, should be King, and the other to resigne hys title for euer into his hands.

The two Princes entring into the place, ap­poynted in faire armoure, beginne the battalle in sight of both their armies, raunged in goodly or­der on eyther side the Riuer, with doubtfull mindes, and nothing ioyfull, as they that wa­uered betwixt hope and feare. The two Cham­pions manfully assaile eyther other, without spa­ring. Finally, they went to it on Horsebacke,Mat. VVest. and

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after on foote.Cnute of what stature he was Cnute was a man of a meane sta­ture, but yet strong and hardy, so that receyuing a great blowe by the hande of his aduersary, whi­che caused him somewhat to stagger, hee yet re­couered himselfe agayne, and boldly stepte for­warde to bee reuenged, but perceyuing hee coulde [Page 257] not find aduantage, and that he was rather to weake,K [...]e ouer­matched. and shreudly ouermatched, he spake [...] Edmunde, with a lowde voyce on this wyse: What necessitie (sayth he) ought thus to more vs, most valiant prince, that for the attey [...]ning of a kingdome,Coates vvor­ [...]es to Edmūd. we should thus put our [...] in danger, better were it that laying armouse and malice aside, wee shoulde condescende to some reasonable agreement: lette vs become sworne brethren,H. Hunt. and parte the kyngdome be­twixt 10 vs: And let vs deal so frendly, that thou mayest vse my things as thyne owne, and I thyne as though they were myne.

King Edmunde with those wordes of his aduersarie was so pacified, that immediately he caste awaye his swoorde,They take vp the matter be­tvvixt them­selues. and comming to Cnute, ioyneth hands with him. Both the ar­mies by their ensample did the lyke, which loo­ked for the same fortune to fall to their coun­treys, 20 whiche shoulde happen to their Princes by the successe of that one battayle.

After this there was an agreement deuised betwixt them, so that a partition of the realm was made, and that part that lieth foreanel [...]st Fraunce, was assigned to Edmunde, and the other fell to Cnute.

VVil. Malm.Ther be that write, how the offer was made by king Edmunde for the aduoyding of more bloudshed, that the two Princes should try the 30 matter thus togither in a singular combate. But Cnute refused the combate, bicause (as he alledged) the matche was not equall. For although he was able to matche Edmund in boldnesse of stomacke, yet was he far to weake to deale with a man of suche strength as Ed­munde was knowne to bee.

But sith they did pretend title to the realme by due and good directe meanes, he thoughte it moste conuenient, that the kingdom should be deuided betwixt them. This motion was 40 allowed of bothe the Armies, so that Kyng Edmunde was of force constrayned to bee contented therewith.Encomiom E [...]e. Thus oure common writers haue recorded of this agreement, but if I should not be thought presumptuous, in taking vppon mee to reproue, or rather but to mystrust that whiche hath bin receyued for a true narration in this matter, I would rather giue credite vnto that whiche the authoure of the booke intituled by some Encomium Emmae, 50 dothe reporte in this behalfe. Whiche is, that thorough perswasion of Edrike de Streona, Kyng Edmunde immediatlye after the bat­tayle fought at Ashdonne, sente Ambassadors vnto Cnute, to offer vnto hym peace, wyth halfe the Realme of Englande, that is to witte, the northe partes, wyth condition that King Edmunde myghte quyetly enioye the South parte, and therevppon to haue pledges delyuered interchaungeably on eyther side. Cnute hauing hearde the [...] of thys mes­sage, stayeded make aunswere tyll he had vn­derstoode what hys counsell woulde aduyse hym to doe in thys behalfe and vppon good deliberation taken in the matter, consideryng that he had loste no small number of people in the former battayle, and that being farre out of his countrey, he coulde not well haue anye newe supplye, where the Englishemen although they hadde [...] losse very ma­nys at the [...] menne of warre, yet beeyng in theyr owne countrey, it shoulde bee an easye matter for them to restore theyr decayed num­bers, it was thought expedient by the whose con [...]entē of all the Danishe Cap [...]tayns, that the offer of kyng Edmunde shoulde bee ac­cepted. And herevpon Cnute calling the Am­bassad [...]s is afore hym agayne, declared vnto them, that hee was contented to conclude a peace vppon suche conditions as they ha [...]e offered: but yet with thys addition, that their King whatsoeuer he shoulde bee, shoulde pay Cnutes souldiours their wages, with money to bee leuied of that parte of the Kingdome whiche the English king shoulde possesse. For this (sayth he) I haue vndertaken to see them payde, and otherwyse I wyll not graunte to any peace. The league and agreement ther­fore beyng concluded in this sorte, pledges are deliuered and receyued on both partes, and the armies discharged. But God (sayth myne Authour) being myndefull of his olde doctrine. That euery kingdome diuided in it selfe [...]an not long stande, shortely after [...]oke Edmunde oute of this lyfe: and by suche meanes seemed to take pu [...]e of the Englishe kingdome, least if bothe the kinges shoulde haue continued in life together, they shoulde haue liued in daunger. And incontinentely herevpon was Cnute chosen and receyued for absolute King of all the whole Realme of Englande.

Thus hath he [...] that lyued in those dayes, whose credite thereby is whiche [...]. [...] the common reporte of wri­ters touchyng the [...] of Edmund of [...] ­ryeth from this who [...] affirme; that [...] Cnute and Edmund were made friends, the [...]prist of e [...]ie and falle compiracie, [...] to in the hearts of some traiterous persons, that within ā while after king. Edmund was [...] at Oxforde,K. Edmunde t [...]aiterously slaine at Ox­forde. as be satle on a pri [...]e to [...]ot the necessaries of Nature.

The common report hath gone that Er [...] Edricke was the procurer of this [...] acte, and that (as some write) his sonne did it.Fabian. Simon Dun.

[Page 258]But the same authour that wrote Encomium Emmae, wryting of the death of Edmunde hath these words, (immediatly after hee hath firste declared in what sorte the two Princes were a­greed, and had made partition of the realme be­twixt them:) But GOD (sayeth he) beyng myndefull of his olde doctrine, That euery king­dome deuided in it self can not long stand, short­ly after tooke Edmunde out of this lyfe: and by suche meanes seemed to take pitie vpon the En­glishe 10 kingdome, least if bothe the kings shoulde haue continued in lyfe togither, they should bothe haue liued in great daunger, (and the Realme in trouble.

Wyth this agreeth also Simon Dunelmensis, who sayeth, that Kyng Edmunde dyed of na­turall sickenesse, by course of kynde at London, aboute the feast of Saincte Andrewe nexte en­suyng the late mencioned agreement.Fabian.

And this shoulde seeme true: for wheras these 20 Authours whiche reporte,Ran. Higd. that Earle Edryke was the procurer of his death, they also write, that when he knewe the acte to be done, hee ha­sted vnto Cnute,H. Hunt. and declared vnto hym what he had brought to passe for his aduauncement to the gouernement of the whole realme.

Whervppon Cnute abhorryng suche a dete­stable facte, sayde vnto hym: Bycause thou haste for my sake, made awaye the worthyest bodye of the world, I shall rayse thy head aboue all the Lordes of Englande, and so caused him to be put to death. Thus haue some bookes.

Howbeit this reporte agreeth not with other writers whiche declare howe Cnute aduaunced Edryke in the beginning of his reigne vnto high honour, and made hym gouernour of Mercia,Some thinke that he vvas D [...]e of Mer­cia before and novv had Es­sex adioyned therto. and vsed his counsell in manye things after the death of king Edmund, as in banishing Edwin, the brother of kyng Edmunde, with his sonnes also, Edmunde and Edward.

But for that there is suche discordaunce and variable reporte amongest wryters,Diuers and discordant reports of Ed­monds death. Ran. Higd. VVil. Mal. touchyng the deathe of kyng Edmunde, and some Fables inuented thereof (as the maner is) we wyll lette the residue of theyr reportes passe: Sith certaine it is, that to his ende he came, after he had reig­ned about the space of one yeare, and so muche more as is betweene the moneth of Iune, and

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the latter ende of Nouember.

His body was buryed at Glastenbury, neere his vncle king Edgar.

With thys Edmunde, surnamed Ironsyde, fell the glorious Maiestie of the English king­dome: The whiche afterwarde as it had beene an aged bodye beyng sore decayed and weake­ned by the Danes, that nowe got possession of 50 the whole, yet somewhat recouered after the space of .xxvj. yeres, vnder kyng Edward, surna­med the Confessor: and shortely thervpon as it had bin falne into a resiluation, came to extreme ruine by the inuasion and conquest of the Nor­mans: as after by gods good helpe and fauorable assistance it shall appeare.

Canute or Cnute.

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CAnute, or Cnute, whom the en­glish Chroni­cles doe name Knought,Cnute knought or Cnute af­ter the deathe of Kyng Ed­munde, tooke vpon hym the whole rule o­uer all the realme of Englande in the yeare of our Lord .1017. in the .xvij. yeare of the empe­ror Henry the seconde,1017. surnamed Claudus in [Page 259] the .xx. yeare of the reigne of Roberte king of France, and aboute the .vij. yeare of the reigne of Malcolme king of Scotlande.

Canute shortely after the death of king Ed­munde, assembled a Councell at London, in the whiche he caused all the nobles of the realme to do vnto him homage; in receiuing an othe of loy­all obeysance. Hee deuided the realme into foure parts, assigning Northumberlande vnto the rule of Irke or Iricius, Mercia vnto Edrike, & East­angle 10 vnto Turkyl, reseruing the west part to his own gouernance. He banished (as before is sayd) Edwyn, the brother of king Edmunde, but such as was suspected to bee culpable of Edmundes death, he caused to be put to execution, wherof it should appeare, that Edrick was not then in any wyse detected or once thought to bee giltie.VV. Malm. The foresayd Edwyn afterwards returned, and was then reconciled to the Kings fauour (as some do write) and was shortly after trayterously slaine 20 by his owne seruants.Ran. Higd. He was called the king of Churles.King of Churles VVil. Mal. Other write that he came secretely in­to the realme after he had bin banished, and kee­ping himselfe closely out of sighte, at length ended his lyfe, and was buried at Tauestocke.

Moreouer Edwyn and Edwarde the sonnes of king Edmund were banished the lande, and sent first vnto Sweno king of Norway to haue bin made awaye:Ran. Higd. but Sweno vppon remorse of conscience sent them into Hungarie, where they 30 founde great fauour at the handes of king Sa­lomon, in so muche that Edmunde married the daughter of the same Salomon, but had no issue by hir. Edward was aduaunced to marry with Agatha, the daughter of the Emperour Henrye, and by hir had issue two sonnes, Edmunde and Edgar, surnamed Adelyng, & as many daugh­ters, Margarete and Christine, of the whiche in place conuenient more shall be sayd.

When Kyng Cnute hadde established thyn­ges, 40 as hee thoughte, stoode moste to his suretie, he called to remembrance, that he had no issue but two bastarde sonnes Harrolde and Sweno,Polidore. K. Cnute mari­eth Queene Emme the vvi­dovv of Egel­red, in Iuly, an­no. 1017. begotten of his concubine Alwyne. Wherfore he sent ouer vnto Richarde Duke of Normandie, requiring that he mighte haue Queene Emme, the widow of king Egelred in mariage, & so ob­teyned hir, not a little to the wonder of manye, which thought a great ouersight both in the wo­man and in hir brother, that woulde satisfye the 50 requeste of Cnute herein, considering hee hadde bin such a mortall enimie to hir former husbaūd. But Duke Richarde did not only consent,Polidore. that hys sayd sister should be maryed vnto Cnute, but also he hymselfe tooke to wyfe the Lady Hest [...] ­tha, syster to the sayd Cnute.

Heere ye haue to vnderstande, that this mari­age was not made without greate consideration and large couenants granted on the part of king Cnute for before he could obtain queene Emme to his wife, it was fully condiscended and agreed that after Cnutes deceasse, the crowne of Eng­lande should remaine vnto the issue borne of this mariage betwixte hir and Cnute,The couenant made at the mariage betvvixt Cnute and Emme. whiche coue­nant although it was not perfourmed immedi­atly after the deceasse of kyng Cnute, yet in the ende it tooke place, so as the right seemed to bee deferred, and not to be taken awaye nor aboli­shed: for immediatly vpon Haroldes death that had vsurped; Hardicnute succeeded as right heire to the crown, by force of the agreement made at the tyme of the mariage solemnised betwixt his father and mother, and being once established in the Kingdome, hee ordeyned his brother Ed­warde to succede hym, whereby the Danes were vtterly excluded from all ryghte that they hadde to pretende vnto the Crowne of this land, and the Englishe bloud restored thereto,The Englishe bloud restored The praise of Quene Emme for hir vvise­dome. chiefly by that gracious conclusion of this mariage be­twixt king Cnute and Queene Emme: for the which no small prayse was thoughte to bee due vnto the sayd Queene, sith by hir politike gouer­nement, in making hir matche so beneficiall to hir selfe and hir lyne, the Crowne was thus re­couered out of the handes of the Danes, and re­stored againe in time to the right heire, as by an auncient treatise whiche some haue intitled En­comium Emmae, Encomium Emmae. and was written in those dayes it doth and may appere. Whiche booke although there bee but fewe Copies thereof abroade, gy­ueth vndoubtedly greate light to the historie of that tyme.

But nowe to our purpose. Cnute the same yeare in whiche he was thus maryed,Mat. VVest. thorought perswasion of his wyfe Queene Emme, sent a­way the Danishe nauie & armie home into Den­mark, giuing to them fourscore and two thou­sande poundes of siluer, whiche was leuied tho­roughout this lande for their wages.

In the yeare a thousande and eighteene,VVil. Mal. E­drycke de Streona Erle of Mercia, was ouer­throwen in his owne turne: for being called a­fore the King into his priuie chamber, and there in reasoning the matter about some quarell that was piked to him, hee beganne very presumptu­ously to vpbrayde the king of suche pleasures as he had before tyme done vnto him: I did (sayde he) for the loue which I bare towardes you, for­sake my soueraigne Lorde king Edmunde, and at length for your sake slewe him.

At whiche wordes, Cnute beganne to change countenaunce, as one meruaylously abashed, and streightwayes gaue sentence against Edrike in this wise: Thou art worthy (saith he) of death, and dye thou shalte, whiche art giltie of treason both towardes God and me, sith that thou hast [Page 260] slayne thyne owne soueraigne Lorde, and my deare alyed brother. Thy bloud therfore be vpon thyne owne head, fith thy toung hath vttered thy treason. And immediately hee caused his throate to be cut,Edrike put to death. and his bodie to be throwen out at the chamber windowe into the riuer of Thames.

This was the ende of Edryke, surname & de Stratten, or Streona, a man of greate infanie for his craftie dissimulation, falshod and treason, used by him to the ouerthrowe of the Englishe 10 astate, as partly before is touched.

Simon Dun.But ther be that concerning that cause of this Edriks death, seeme partly to disagree from that whyche before is recited, declaryng that Enute standing in some doubt to be betrayed thorough the treason of Edricke,Encomium E [...]. soughte occasions howe to rydde him and other (whome hee lykewyse mystrusted) out of the waye. And therfore one daye when Edryke craued some preferremente at Cnutes handes, and alledged that he had de­serued 20 to be wel thought of, sith by his flight from the battaile at Ashendone, the victorie therby in­clined vnto Cnutes parte. Cnute hearing hym speake these wordes, made this aunswere: And canst thou (quoth he) be true to me, that through fraudulent meanes diddest deceyue thy souerain Lorde and maister? but I will rewarde thee ac­cording to thy desertes, so as from hencefoorth thou shalte not deceyne any other, and so forth­with cōmaunded Erick one of his chief captains 30 to dispatch him, who incōtinētly cut off his head with his are or halbert. Verly Simon Dunel­mens sayth, kyng Cnute vnderstanding in what forte both king Egelred, and his sonne king Ed­munde Ironside had bin betrayed by the sayde Edricke, he stoode in great doubt to be lykewyse deceyued by him, and therfore was glad to haue some pretended quarrell, to dispatche both hy [...] and other, whome he lykewyse mystrusted, as it well appeared. For at the same tyme there were put to death with Edricke Earle Norman the sonne of earle Leofwyn, and brother to Earle Leofryke: also Adelwarde the sonne of Earle Agelmare and Brightricke the sonne of Alfegus gouernour of Deuonshire (without all guilt or cause as some wryte.) And in place of Norman his brother Leofryke was made earle of Mercia by the king, and had in great fauour.

This Leofricke is cōmonly also by writers named Earle of Chester.

After this, likewise Cnute banished Iric and Turkyll, two Danes, the one (as before is reci­ted) gouernor of Northumberland, and the other of Norfolke and Suffolk, or Eastangle.

Then rested the whole rule of the realme in the kings hands, whervpon he studied to preserue the people in peace, and ordeyned lawes accor­ding to the whiche, bothe Danes and English­menne shoulde bee gouerned in equall state and degree.

Diuers greate lordes whome hee founde vn­faithfull or rather suspected, he put to death,H. Hunt. Lordes put to death. as before ye haue hearde) besyde suche s he bani­shed out of the Realme. He raysed a tare or tribute of the people,A [...]. amounting to the summe of fourscore & two thousand pound, beside. xj. M. pound which the Londoners payde towards the maintenance of the Danish Armie

But wheras these things chaunced not all at one time, but in sundry seasons, we will retaurne somwhat backe to declare what other exploites were atchieued in the meane time by Cnute, not

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onely in Englande, but also in Denmarke, and elsewhere.

In the thirde yeare of his reigne hee sayled with an armie of Englishemen and Danes into 50 Denmarke to subdue the Vandals there,1019. King Cnute passeth into Denmarke. whiche then sore annoyed and warred agaynst his sub­iectes of Denmarke.

Erle Goodwyn which had the souerain conduct of the Englishmen,Erle Good­vvin his seruice in Denmarke. the night before the day ap­poynted for the battayle gote him foorthe of the campe with his people, & sodeynly assaylyng the Vandals in their lodgings, easily distressed them sleaing a great number of them, and cha [...]ing the residue. In the morning early when Cnute herd that the Englishemen were gone foorth of their lodgings, he supposed that they were eyther fled awaye, or else tourned to take part with the eni­mies. But as he approached to the enimies camp he vnderstode howe the matter wente, for hee founde nothyng there but bloud, deade bodyes, and the spoyle.

For thys good seruice, Cnute had the english­men [Page 261] in more estimation euer after,Cnute had the [...]nglishmen in estimation for their good se­ruice. and highely rewarded theyr leader the same Earle Goodw [...].

When Cnute had ordered all things in Den­marke, as was thoughte [...]houefull, he [...]tansd agayne into Englande. And within a few days after, hee was aduertised that the S [...] were made warre against his subiectes of Denmarke;1028 vnder the leading of two greate Princes V [...]fe and E [...]r [...].

Cnute therefore to defende his dominions in those parties,Cnute passeth againe into Denmarke. passed agayne with an armie into Denmarke encountred with his enimies and receyued a greate ouer throwe, d [...]sing a greate [...] both of his Danes and Englishemen. But gathering togither a nowe force of [...]ne,VV. Mal. he sette agayne vpon his enimies, and [...]

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them, constaryning the two foresayd Princes to agree vpon reasonable conditions of peace.Mat. West.

Mathewe Westm. recounteth, that at thys tyme Earle Goodwyn, and the Englishmenne 30 wrought the enterprise aboue mentioned, of as­saultyng the enimies campe in the night season, after Cnute had fyrste loste in the daye before no small number of his people. And that then the foresayde princes or kyngs, as hee nameth them Vlfus and Aulafus which latter he calleth Ei­glafe, were constrayned to agree vpon a peace.

The Danish Chronicles alledge, that the oc­casion of this warre rose hereof:Albertus Crantz. This Olauus 40 ayded Cnute (as the same writers reporte) a­gainst kyng Edmunde and the Englishemenne. But when the peace should be made betweene Cnute and Edmunde, there was no considera­tion had of Olauus: where as throught hym the Danes chiefly obteyned the victorie.

Herevpon Olavus was fore offended in hys mynde againste Cnute, and nowe vpon occasi­on sought to be reuenged. But what soeuer the cause was of this warre bewirte these two Princes, the ende was thus: That Olavus 50 was expulsed out of his kingdome, and constrai­ned to flee to Ger. thaslaus, a duke in the parties of Gastlande.

And afterwarde retourning into Norwayt, was slayne by suche of his subiects, as tooke part with Cnute, in manner as in the historie of Norway, it appereth more at large, with the co­tratretie soud in the writing of them which haue recorded the histories of those North regions.

But heer is to be remembred,Magnus Ola­vus. that the fame and glorie of the English nation was greately aduaunced in these warres, as well againste the Swed [...]ers as the Norwegians:Fabian: Polyd. H. Hunt. so that Cnute began to loue and trust the Englishmen muche better than it was thought he woulde euer haue owne. Shortly after that Cnute was retourned into Englande, that is to wi [...] (as some haue) in the .xv. yeare of his reigue,Other say, that he vvente forth of Denmark to Rome. he went to Rome to perform his vow which he had made to visite the places where the Apostles Peter and Poule had their burial.Sim. Dunel. He was honorably receyued of Pope John the xx. that them held the sea.An. 103 [...]. When he had vone his deuotion there hee retourned into Eng­lande. In the yeare following,1032 VVil. Malm. Mat. VVest. he made a iour­ney against the Scottes, whiche as then had ri­belled. But by the princely power of Cnute, they were subdued and brought agayne to obedience:1033. Scots subdued. H. Hunt. A [...]no. 1035. VVil. Mal. so that not onely king Malcomie, but also two other kinges Melbeath and Ieohmare, became his subiects. Finally after that this noble prince king Cnute had reigned the tearme of .xx. yea­res currant, after the death of Ethelred,The death of king Cnute. hee died at Shaftesbury, as the englishe writers affirme, the .xij. daye of Nouember, and was buried at Winchester. But the Danish chronicle record, that he died in Normande,H. Hunt. Al. Grantz and was burryed at Roan (as in the same Chronic [...]rs ye maye reade [...]im [...] at large) This Cnute was the mighty est [Page 262] prince that euer reigned ouer the English people:The large do­minion of king Cnute. H. Hunt. Albertus Crantz. for he had the soueraigne rule ouer al Denmark, Englande, Norway, Scotland, & part of Swe­den. Amongst other of his royall actes, he caused suche tolles and tallages as were demaunded of waygoers at bridges & streetes in the high waye betwixte Englande and Rome to be diminished to the halfes, and agayne got also a moderation to be had in the payemente of the Archbishoppes sets of his realme, whiche was leuied of them in 10 the Court of Rome when they shoulde receyue their palles, as may appeare by a letter which he himselfe being at Rome, directed to the Bishops and other of the nobles of England. In the whi­che it also appeareth, that besides the royal enter­taynment, which he had at Rome of pope Iohn, he had conference there with the Emperor Con­rade, & with Rafe king of Burgongne, and with many other great princes and noble men, which were present there at that time.Grauntes made to the benefite of Englishmen at the instance of king Cnute. Which at his re­quest 20 in fauor of those Englishmē that shuld tra­uaile to Rome, graunted (as we haue said) to di­minish such dueties as were gathered of passin­gers. He receyued there many great giftes of the Emperor, and was highly honored of him, and likewise of the Pope,Fabian. & of al other the high princes at that tyme present at Rome: so that when hee came home (as some write) hee shoulde growe greatly into pride,Polidore. Mat. VVest. insomuche that being neere to the Thames, or rather (as other write) vppon 30 the sea slronde, neere to Southhampton, and perceyuyng the water to ryse, by reason of the tyde,He caused his cha [...] to bee set there, as Math. VVest. hath. Hen Hunt. hee caste off his gowne, and wrappyng it rounde togither, threwe it on the sandes verye neere the increasing water, and sate him downe vpon it, speaking this or the lyke wordes to the sea. Thou art (sayth he) within the compasse of my dominion, and the grounde whereon I sitte is myne, and thou knowest that no wyght dare disobey my cōmandements, I therfore do now 40 commaund thee not to ryse vpon my grounde, nor to presume to wet any part of thy soueraine Lorde and gouernour. But the sea keeping hir course, rose still higher and higher, and ouerflo­wed not only the kings feete, but also flashed vp vnto his legs & knees. Wherwith the king starte sodenly vp, & withdrew from it, saying withal to his nobles that were about him:The saying of king Cnute. Behold you no­ble men, you cal me king, which can not somuch as stay by my cōmaundement▪ this smal portion 50 of water. But knowe ye for certaine, that there is no king but the father only of our Lord Iesus Christe, with whome he reigneth, and at whose becke all things are gouerned, let vs therfore ho­nour him,Zealously y­nough, if it had bi [...] according to true knovv­ledge. let vs confesse and professe him to bee the ruler of heauen, earth, and sea and besides him none other. From thence he went to Winchester and there with his own hands set his crown vpō the head of the image of the Crucifix, [...]. Mat. VVe [...] which [...] there in the church of the Apostles Peter & P [...], and frō thēceforth he wold neuer weare ye [...]rn nor any other. Some write, that he spake, [...]the formes words to ye sea vpon any presumptuous­nes of mynd, but only vpon occasion of the vain title,Polidor. which in his comendation one of his gētle­men gaue him by way of flatterie (as he rightly toke it) for he called him the most mightiest king of all kings,Flatterie re­proued. which ruled most at large both then sea and land. Therfore to reproue the vayn flat­terie of such vain persons, he deuised such maner of mean as before is mencioned: wherby both to reproue such flatterers, & also that men might be admonished to consider the omnipotencie of ye al­mightie God. He had issue by his wife Queene Emme a son, named by the English chronicles Hardiknought, but by ye Danish writers Knute,Polidore. or Knutte: also a daughter named Gonid [...]s, yt was after maryed to Henry the son of the empe­ror Conrade,Albert [...] Crantz. which also was afterward Empe­ror, & named Henry the third. By his concubine Alwynne, that was daughter to Alselme, whom some name erle of Hampton: he had two bastard sons, Harold & Sweno. He was much giuen in his latter dayes to vertue, as hee that considered howe perfect felicitie rested only in godlynes and true deuotion to serue the heauenly king and go­uernour of all things.Polidore▪ Fabian.

He repared in his time many churches, abbeis, and houses of religion, whyche by occasion of warres had bin sore defaced by him and by hys father, but specially he did greate coste vpon the Abbey of saint Edmund, in the town of Bury, as before partely is mēcioned. He buylt also two Abbeys from the foundation, as Sainct Benets in Norffolke, seuen myles distant from Nor­wyche, and an other in Norwaye.VVhich is sup­posed to bee Barclovve set Ashdo [...] a [...] is halfe a myl [...] from [...]. 1020. Sim. Dunel. He did also buylde a Churche at Ashdowne in Essex, where he obteyned the victorie of king Edmund, and was presente at the hallowing or consecration thereof with a greate multitude of the Lordes and nobles of the Realme, bothe Englishe and Danes. He also holpe with his owne handes to remoue the body of the holy Archbishop Elphe­gus, when the same was translated from Lon­don to Canterbury. The royall and moste riche iewels whiche he and his wyfe Queene Emme gaue vnto the Churche of Winchester, mighte make the beholders to wonder at such their exce­ding and bountiful munisicence.

Thus did Cnute striue to refourme all suche thyngs whiche hee and his auncesters had done amisse, and to wype awaye the spot of euill do­ing, as surely to the outward sight of the world he did in deed. He had the Archbishoppe of Can­terbury Archelnotus in singular reputation, and vsed his Counsell in matters of importaunce. [Page 263] He also fauoured highly Leofrike Earle of Che­ster,Leofrike Earle of Chester. so that the same Leofryke bare great rule in ordering of things touching the state of the Cō ­mon wealth vnder hym as one of his chief coun­sellours.

Diuers laws and statutes he made for the go­uernment of the cōmon wealth,King Cnutes lavves. partly agreeable with the lawes of king Edgar, and other the kin­ges that were his predecessors, and partely tem­pered according to his owne liking, and as was 10 thought to him most expediēt: among the which there b. diuers that concerne causes as wel eccle­siasticall as temporall. Wherby as M. For hath noted, it may be gathered, [...]hat the gouernement of spirituall matters dyd depend then not vpon ye Bishop of Rome, but rather appertayned vnto the laufull authoritie of the temporall Prince, no lesse than matters and causes temporall. But of these lawes and statutes enacted by king Cnute ye maye reade more as ye finde them sette foorth 20 in the before remembred booke of Master Wil­liam Lambert, whiche for briefnesse we heere o­mitte.

Harolde, the base sonne of Cnute.

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30

Harold Mat. VVest. VVil. Mal.AFter that Cnute was departed this lyfe, ther 40 arose great variance amongst the peeres and great Lordes of the realme about the succession. The Danes and Lōdoners (which through con­tinuall familiaritie had with the Danes, were be­come lyke vnto them) elected Harrolde the base sonne of king Cnute,Controuersie for the crovvn. to succeede in his fathers roome, hauing Earle Leofrike, and diuers other of the noble menne of the Northe partes on theyr side.

But other of the Englishmē, and namely Erle 50 Goodwyn Erle of Kent, with the chiefest lordes of the weast partes, coueted rather to haue one of K. Egelreds sons, which were in Normandie, or else Hardiknought the sonne of kyng Cnute by his wife Quene Emme,Simon Dun. The realm de­uided betvvixt Harold and Hadiknought. which remained in Denmarke, aduaunced to the place.

Thys controuersie helde in suche wyse, that the Realme was deuided (as some write) by lotte betwixte the two brethren, Harolde, and Har­dicnute.

The north parte as Mercia and Northum­berlande fell to Harrolde, and the south part vn­to Hardicnute: but at length the whole remai­ned vnto Harrolde, bycause his brother Hardi­cnute refused to come out of Denmarke to take the gouernment vpon him.

But yet the authoritie of Earle Goodwyn who had the queene and the treasure of the realm in his keeping, stayed the matter a certayn time,The authoritie of Erle Good­vvyn. H. Hunt. (hee professing hymselfe as it were Gardian to the yong men, the sonnes of the Queene, tyll at length he was constrayned to gyue ouer hys holde, and conforme hym selfe to the stronger parte and greater number.) And so at Oxforde, where the assemble was holden aboute the elec­tion, Harrolde was proclaymed kyng, and sa­cred accordyng to the manner (as some write) But it shoulde appeare by other, that the Arch­bishoppe of Canterburye Elnothus, a manne endued with all vertue and wysedome refused to crowne hym:The refusall of the Archb. El­nothus to sacre kyng Harolde. For when kyng Harolde bee­ing elected of the nobles and peeres, requyred the sayde Archebishoppe that he myght be of him sacred, and receyue at hys handes the Regall Scepter wyth the Crowne, whyche the Arche­bishoppe hadde in hys custodie, and to whome it onely did appertayne to investe hym there­wyth, the Archebishop flatly refused and wyth an othe protested, that he woulde not sacre any other for Kynge, so long as the Queenes chyldren liued: For (sayth he) Cnute committed them to my truste and assuraunce, and to them will I keepe my sayth and loyall obedience.

The scepter and crowne I heere laye downe vp­on the aulter and neyther doe I deuye nor de­liuer them vnto you: but I forbid by the Apo­stolyke authoritie all the Bishoppes, that none of them presume to take the same away, and delyuer them to you, or facte you for kyng. As for your selfe, if you dare, you maye vsurpe that whyche I haue committed vnto God and hys table.

But whether afterwardes the Kyng by one meane or other, caused the Archebyshoppe to crowne hym Kyng, or that he was sacred of some other, he was admitted for kyng of al the Englishe people, beginning hys reygne in the yeare of our Lorde a thousande thirtie and sixe,1036. in the fouretenth yeare of the Emperour Con­cade the seconde, in the sixte yeare of Henrye the firste, kyng of Fraunce, and aboute the seuen and twentie yere of Malcolme the second, king of Scotlande.

Thus Harold for his grear swyftnesse,Harold vvhy he is surnamed Harefoote. was surnamed Harefoot, of whom little is written touchyng hys doyngs, sauyng that he is noted [Page 264] to haue ben an oppressour of his people, and spot­ted wyth manye notable vices. It was spoken of dyuers in those dayes,Harolde euill spoken of. that thys Harrolde was not the sonne of Cnute, but of a shoemaker: and yt his supposed mother Elgiua, king Cnu­tes concubine,Ran. Higd ex Marione. to bring the king further in loue with hir, fayned that she was with chyld: and a­bout the time that she shuld be brought to bed (as she made hir accompt) caused the sayd Shoema­kers son to be secretly brought into hir chamber, 10 and then vntruly caused it to be reported, that she was deliuered, and the chylde so reputed to bee the kings sonne.

Mat. VVest.Immediatly vpon aduertisement had of Cnu­tes death, Alfred the sonne of king Egelred, with fifty saile landed at Sandwich, meaning to cha­lenge the crowne, & to obteyn it by lawful claym with quietnes if he might, if not, then to vse force by ayde of his frends, and to assay that way forth to winne it, if he mighte not otherwyse obteyne 20 it. From Sandwiche he came to Canterbury, and shortly after, Earle Goodwyn feygnyng to receyue hym as a friend, came to meet hym, and at Gilford in the night season, appoinied a num­ber of armed men to fall vpon the Normans as they were a sleepe, and so tooke them together with Alvred, & slewe the Normans by the poll, in suche wise that .ix. were slaine, and the .x. re­serued. But yet when those that were reserued seemed to him a greater number than he wished 30 to escape, he fell to and againe tithed them as be­fore. Alvred had his eyes put out, and was con­ueyed to the Ile of Elye, where shortely after he died.Ra. Higd. How Alvred should clayme the crowne to himselfe, I see not: for verily I can not be per­swaded that he was elder brother, although di­uers authors haue so written, sith that Gemeti­censis and the authour of the booke called Enco­mium Emma, plainly affirme, that Edward was the elder: but it might bee, that Alvred beeing a 40 man of a stouter stomacke than his brother Ed­ward, made this attempt, eyther for himself, or in the behalfe of his brother Edward, being as then absent,See M. Foxe Acts & Mon. Eag. 11 [...]. Si. Dunelm. and gone into Hungarie, as some write: but other saye, that as well Edwarde as Alvred came ouer at this tyme with a number of Nor­man knights, & men of war embarqued in a few shippes onely to speake with their mother, which as then laye at Winchester, whether to take ad­uise with hir howe to recouer their righte here in 50 this lande, or to aduaunce their brother Hardi­cnute, or for some other purpose, our authors do not declare.

But the Lordes of the realme that bare their good willes vnto Harold, and (although contra­rie to right) ment to mayntein him in the astate, seemed to be much offended wyth the comming of these two brethren in suche order: for Earle Goodwin persuaded them, yt it was great dangl [...] to suffer so many straungers to enter the realm, as they had brought with them.

Whervpon Earle Goodwyn with the assent of the other Lordes, or rather by commaunde­mente of Harolde, wente foorthe, and at Gild­forde met with Alvred that was comming to­wardes Kyng Harrolde to speake wyth hym, accordingly as he was of Harolde required to doe. But nowe being taken, and hys compa­nie miserably murthered (as before ye haue herd) to the number of six hundred Normans, Alvred hymselfe was sente into the Isle of Elye, there to remayn in the Abbey in custodie of the Mon­kes, hauyng his eyes put out as soone as he en­tred firste into the same Isle. William Malms­burye sayeth, that Alvred came ouer, and was thus handeled betwixte the tyme of Haroldes death, and the comming in of Hardicnute: and other write, that this chaunced in hys brother Hardicnutes dayes, whiche seemeth not to bee true: for Hardicnute was knowne to loue hys brethren by his mothers side too dearely, to haue suffred any suche iniurie to be wrought to eyther of them in hys tyme.

Thus ye see how writers dissent in this mat­ter, but for the better clearing of the truthe tou­ching the tyme, I haue thought good to shewe also what the author of the sayd booke intituled Encomium Emma writeth hereof, whiche is as followeth.

When Harolde was once established kyng, he sought meanes howe to rid Queene Emme out of the waye, and that secretely, for that openlye as yet he durste not attempte any thing againste hir. Shee in silence kepte hir selfe quiet, lookyng for the ende of these thyngs.

But Harrolde remembryng himself of a ma­licious purpose, by wicked aduise tooke counsell howe hee might gette into his handes and make awaye the sonnes of Queene Emme, so to bee out of daunger of all annoyanes that by them myght be procured agaynst him: and therefore hee causeth a Letter to bee written in name of their mother the sayde Emme,A co [...] letter. whiche he sente by certayne messengers suborned for the purpose into Normandie, where Edwarde and Alvred as then remayned. The tenour of whiche letter here ensueth.

Emma tantùm nomine Regina
filijs Edwarde & Alfrido materna impertit salutamina:
The tenour of the letter.

Dum domini nostri Regis obitum separatim plangimus, (filij charissimi) dum (que) diatim magis magis (que) reg­no haereditatis vestrae priuamius, miror quid ca­ptetis consilij, dum sciatis intermissionis vestrae di­latione inuas [...]r is vestri imperij fieri quitidiè solidi­tatem. Is enim incessanter vicos & vrbes circuit, [Page 265] & sibi amicos principes muneribus, minis, & pre­cibus facit: sed vnum è vobis super se mallent reg­nare quàm istius (qui nunc eis imperat) teneri di­tione. Vnde rogo vnus vestrū ad me velociter & priuatè veniat, vt salubre à me consiliū accipiat, & sciat quo pacto hoc negotium quod v [...]lo fieri debeat, per prasentem quo (que) internuncium, quid super his facturi estu remandate.

Valete cordis mei viscera. 10

The same in effect in englishe is thus.

Emme in name onely Queene,
to hir sonnes Edwarde and Alfred, sendeth motherly greting:

Whylest we separately bewayle the death of our soueraigne Lorde the kyng (moste deare sonnes) and whylest you are euery daye more and more depriued from the kingdom of your inheritance, I meruaile what you doe determine, sithe you knowe by the delaye of youre ceassyng to make some enterprise, the grounded force of the vsurper 20 of your kingdome is daily made the stronger: for incessantly goeth he frō town to towne, from ci­tie to citie, and maketh the Lordes his frende by rewardes, threattes, and prayers, but they had rather haue one of you to reigne ouer them▪ than to be kepte vnder the rule of this man that nowe gouerneth them. Wherfore my request is, that one of you do come with speed, and ye priuately ouer to me, that he maye vnderstande my whol­some aduise, and know in what sort this matter 30 ought to be handled, which I would haue to goe forward, and see that you send me worde by this present messenger what you mean to do herein.

Fare ye well euen the bowels of my heart.

These Letters were deliuered vnto suche as were made priuie to the purposed treason, who beyng fully instructed howe to deale, wente ouer into Normandie, & presentyng the Letters vnto the young Gentlemenne, vsed the matter so, 40 that they tooke it veryly that this message had bene sente from their mother, and wrote agayn by them that broughte the Letters, that one of them woulde not fayle but to come ouer vnto hir according to that she had requested, and withal appointed the day and tyme.

The messengers returning to king Harolde, enformed him howe they hadde sped.

The younger brother Alfrede, with his bro­thers consente, tooke wyth hym a certayne num­ber 50 of Gentlemen and men of warre, and first came into Flanders, where after he had remay­ned a whyle with Earle Baldwyne, he increa­sed his retinue with a few Bolongners, and pas­sed ouer into Englande, but approchyng to the shore, he was streyghtwayes descried by his eni­mies, who hasted foorth to sette vpon him: but he perceyuing their purpose, commanded ye ship­pes to caste aboute, and to make agayne to the

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sea: And after this landing at an other place, he mente to haue gone the nexte waye to his mo­ther.

But Earle Goodwyn hearyng of his arriual,Goodvvyn vvas suspected to do this vn­der a colour to betray him as by vvriters is seemeth. met him, receyued hym into his assurance, and bynding his credite with a corporal othe became his manne, and therewith leading hym oute of the highe way that leadeth to London, he brou­ghte him vnto Gildforde, where hee lodged all the straungers, by a score, a dozeyn, and halfe a a score together in Innes, so as but a fewe re­mayned aboute the yong Gentleman Alvred to attende vpon him.

There was meate and drynke plentie pre­pared in euery lodgyng, for the refreshing of all the companie. And Goodwyn takyng hys leaue for that nyght, departed to his lodgyng, promi­sing the nexte morning to come agayne to giue his dutiefull attendaunce on Alvred.

But beholde, after they had filled themselues with meates and drinkes, and were gone to bed, in the dead of the nyght came suche as king Ha­rold had appointed, and entring into euery Inne,Not only Goodvvyn but other suche as king Harold apointed, toke Alvred vvith his Normans. first feysed vppon the armour and weapons that belonged to the straungers. Whiche done, they tooke them, and chayned them faste with fetters and manacles, so keeping them sure till the nexte morning. Which being come, they wer brought foorthe with their handes bounde behynde theyr backes, and deliuered to most cruell tormentors, who were commaunded to spare none, but eue­ry tenth man, as he came to hand by lot, and so they slew nyne and left the tenth aliue. Of those that were lefte alyue, some they kepte to serue as bondmen, other for couetousnesse of gayne, they solde, and some they put in prison, of whome yet diuers afterwardes escaped.

This with more hath the forsaid author wri­ten of this matter, declaring further, that Alvred being conueyed into the ysle of Ely, had not only his eyes put out in most cruell wyse, but was al­so presently there murthered. But hee speaketh [Page 266] not further of the manner howe he was made a­way, sauing that he saith, he forbeareth to make long recitall of this matter, bycause he will not renewe the mothers greefe in hearyng it, sithe there can be no greater sorow to the mother than to heare of hir sonnes death.

I remember that in Caxton we reade, that his cruell tormentours shoulde cause his belly to be opened, and taking out one ende of his bowelles or guttes, tyed the same to a stake whiche they 10 had set fast in the ground, and then with needels of yron pricked his bodie, and caused him to run rounde about the s [...]ake, tyll he had wound out all his entrailes, and so ended his innocente lyfe, to the great shame and obloquie of his cruell aduer­saries. But whether he was thus tormented or not, or rather dyed (as I thinke) of the anguishe by putting out his eyes, no doubte but his death was reuenged by Gods hande in those that pro­cured it. 20

But whether Erle Goodwyn was chief cau­ser thereof, in betraying him vnder a cloked co­lour of pretended frendshippe, I can not saye: but that he took him and slew his companie, as some haue written, I can not thynke it to bee true, both as well for that whiche ye haue hearde reci­ted out of the author that wrote Encomium Em­mae, as also for that it should seme he myght ne­uer be so directly charged with it, but that he had matter to alledge in his owne excuse. 30

But nowe to retourne vnto other doings of king Harolde.

After he had made away his halfe brother Al­vred, his mother in law Queene Emme he spoi­led of the moste parte of hir riches, and therwith banished hir out of the realme:Simon Dun. Queene Emme banished. so that she sayled ouer into Flauntes where she was honorably receyued of Earle Baldwyne, and hauyng of hym honourable prouision assigned hir, she con­tinued 40 there for the space of three yeeres, tyl that after the death of Harrolde she was sent for by hir sonne Hardiknought, that succeded Harrolde in the kingdome.

Moreouer, Harrolde made small accompte of his subiectes,Polidor. Harold dege­nerate it from his father. degenerating from the noble ver­tues of hys father, folowing hym in few things, (except in exacting of tributes and paymentes.) He caused in deede.Hen. Hunt. viij. markes of siluer to bee leuyed of euery porte or hauen in Englande, to 50 the reteyning of .xvj.A nauie in a readinesse. shippes furnished with men of warre, whyche continued euer in a readinesse to defende the coastes from pyrates.Euil men, the longer they liue, the more they grovve into miserie.

To conclude, with this Harrold, His speedy death prouided well for his fame, bycause as it was thought if his lyfe had bene of long con­tinuance his infamie had bin the greater.

But after he had reigned foure ye [...]es or (as Ha­rison gathereth) .iij. yeres & .iij. monethes, he de­parted out of this worlde at Oxforde, and was,VVil. Ma [...] H. Hunt. VV. Mal. buryed at Winchester (as some say:) other say he dyed at Meneforde in the moneth of Apryll, and was buryed at Westminster, whiche should ap­peare to be true by that whiche after is reported of his brother Hardiknoughtes cruell dealyng, and great spite shewed towarde his dead bodye, as after shall be specified.

Hardiknought, or Hardic [...]ute.

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AFter that Harrolde was dead,Hardi­cnute. all the nobles of the realm, both Danes and Englishmen agreed to sende for Hardiknoughte, the sonne of Canute by his wyfe Queene Emme, and to make him kyng. Here is to be noted, that by the death of king Cnute, the state of thinges was muche altered in those countreys of beyonde the sea where he had rule & dominion.Alteration in the state of things. For the Nor­wegians elected one Magnus, the sonne of O­lavus, to be their king and the Danes chose this Hardiknought, whom theyr writers name Ka­nute the thirde, to their king and gouernor.

This Hardiknought or Canute being aduer­tised of the death of his halfe brother Harold, and that the Lordes of England had chosen him to their king, with all conuenient speed,Si. D [...]el and M. VVest. say, that he vvas [...]ruges in Hā ­ders vvith his mother vvhat he vvas thus sent for, being come thither to visite [...]. prepared a nauie, and imbarquing a certain number of men of warre, tooke the sea, and had the wynde so fa­uourable to his purpose that he arriued vpon the coast of Kent the .vj. day after he set out of Dē ­mark, and so comming to London, was ioyful­ly receyued and proclaymed king, & crowned of Athelnotus the Archb. of Canterbury in the yere of our Lord. 1041. in the first yere of the Empe­ror Hēry yt third, in the .ix. of Henry the first of that name king of Fraunce, and in the first yere of Mag [...]inloch, alias Machabeda king of Scot­lande. Incontinently after his establishements in the rule of this realme,Queene Emme sent for. he sent into Flaunders for his mother Queene Emme, who during the tyme of hir banishment had remayned there.

For Normandie in that season was gouerned by the French king, by reason of the minoritie of Duke Williā, surnamed the bastard.

Moreouer, in reuenge of the wrong offe­red to Queene Emme by hir sonne in lawe Harrolde, Kyng Hardiknoughte dydde cause [Page 267] Alfrike archbishop of Yorke and Erle Goodwin,The bodie of king Harolde taken vp, and throvven into Thames. with other noble men to go to Westminster, and there to take vp the bodie of the same Harold and withall appoynted, that the head therof should be striken off, and the mounke of the body to be rast into the riuer of Thames. Whiche afterwarde beyng found by Fishers, was taken vp and bu­ried in the Churchyard of Saint Clement Da­nes without Temple borre at London.S. Clement Dano [...]. He com­mitted the order and gouerment of thyngs to the handes of his mother Queene Emme, and of Goodwyn that was Erle of [...]ent.A tribute rei­sed. He le [...]ied a sore tribute of his subiectes heere in Englande to paye his souldiers and mariners of his nauie,H. Hunt. as first .xxj. M. pound. and . [...]ix. pound: and af­terward vnto .xxxij.Si. Dunelm. VVil. Mal. Mat. VVest. Simon Dun. shippes, there was a paye­ment made of eleuen thousand and .xlviij. pound. To euery mariner of his nauie he caused a pay­ment of .viij. markes to bee made, and to euerye maister .xij. markes. Aboute the payment of this 20 money, great grudge grew amongst the people, insomuche as two of his seruants, whiche were appointed Collectors in the citie of Worcester, the one named Feader, and the other Turstane, were there slain. In reuenge of which contenuit a great part of the countrey with the Citie was brent, and the goodes of the Citizens put to the sacke by such power of Lords, and men of warre as the king sent against them.

Shortly after, Edward, king Hardiknoughts 30 brother, came foorth of Normandie to visyte him and his mother Queene Emme, of whome he was moste ioyfully and honorably welcomed and entertayned, and shortly after made returne backe againe.Mat. VVest. Ran. Higd. ex Mariano. It should appere by some writers, that after his comming ouer out of Normandie he remayned still in the Realme, so that he was not in Normandie when his halfe brother Har­diknoughte dyed, but heere in Englande: al­thoughe other make other reporte, as after shall 40 be shewed.

Polyd.Also (as before ye haue hearde) some writers seeme to mean that the elder brother Alfrid came ouer at the same tyme.

But surely they are therein deceyued: for it was knowne well inough howe tenderly kyng Hardienute loued his brethren by the mothers syde, so as there was not any of the Lordes in his dayes, that durste attempte any suche in­iurie agaynste them.The bishop of of VVorcester accused for making avvaye of Alvred. True it is, that as well 50 Earle Goodwyn, as the bishop of Worcester, (that was also put in blame & suspected for the apprehending and making away of Alvred (as before ye haue heard,) were charged by Hardi­cnute, as culpable in that master, insomuch that the sayd Bishop was expulsed oute of his sea by Hardiknought: And after twelue months space was restored by meanes of such summes of mo­ney, as he gaue by waye of an [...]nde [...].

Earle Goodwyn was also put to his purga­tion,Erle Good­vvin excuseth selfe. by taking an othe that hee was not g [...]ute. Whiche othe was the better allowed, by reason of suche a present as he gaue to the king for the redeemyng of his fauour and good will,The gift vvhi­che Erle Good [...]vvin gaue to the king. there­to to wit, a [...]appe with a sterne of gold, conteyning therin . [...]. souldiours, wracing on eche of their annex two bracelettes of golde of .xvj. [...] wryght, a triple habergion gyles on their [...] with guilt [...]genets owthers heads, a sworde with gilt haltes girded to their [...]is, a [...] Axe after the maner of the Danes, outheld [...]ere shulder: [...] begat with [...] [...]tles gilt in their left hande a durche in their [...] [...]rlde: And thus to cōclude, they were furnished at all percer with armour and weapon arro [...]ding.

It hath binsayd, that Erle Goodwyn wyll­ded to marrie his daughter to one of these bre­thren,Polidor. and perceyuing that the elder brother Al­fred would disdayne to haue hir, thought good to dispatche him, that the other taking hir to wyfe, might be nexte heire to the Crowne, and so at length enioy it, as it afterwardes came to passe.

Also about that tyme, when the image of the kings of Englande was in marier extincte, the Englishe people were muche carefull (as hathe bene sayde) aboute the succession of those that shoulde enioy the crowne.

Wherevpon as one Brightwold, a Monke of Glastenburye, that was afterwarde Bishop of Winchester, (or as some haue written) of Wor­cester, studyed oftentymes theron: It chaunced that he dreamed one nyght as he slepte in bedde, that he sawe Saincte Peter sacre and annoynt Edwarde the sonne of king Egelred (as then re­maining in exile in Normandie) king of Eng­lande. And as he thought, he dyd demaunde of Saincte Peter, who shoulde succeede the fayde Edwarde 3 Wherevnto aunswere was made by the Apostle, Haue thou no care for such mat­ters: for the kingdome of Englande is Gods kingdome, which surely in good earnest may ap­peare by many great argumentes to be full true vnto suche as shall well consider the state of this realme from time to tyme, howe there hath bin euer gouernours raysed vp to maynteyn the ma­iestie of the Kingdome, and to reduce the same to the former dignitie, when by any infortunate mishap, it hath bin brought in daunger.

But to return now to Kyng Hardiknought, after that hee had reygned two yeares lackyng tenne dayes,The death of K. Hardicnute. Sim. Dunel. Math. VVest. 1042. as hee satte at Table at a greate feast holden at Lambheth, he fell downe soden­ly with the [...]ot in his hande, and so dyed, not without some suspition of poyson.

Thys chaunced the .8. daye of Anne at Lam­bheth aforsaid, where the same daye a marriage [Page 268] was solemnised betweene the lady Githa, the daughter of a noble man called Osgote Clap­pa, and a Danishe lorde called Canute Prudan. His bodie was buried at Winchester besides his fathers.K. Hardicanute his conditions. His liberalitie in housekeping. He was of nature very curteous, gentle, and liberall, specially in keeping good cheere in his house, so that he woulde haue his table coue­red foure tymes a day, furnished with great plen­tie of meats and drinks, wishing that his seruan­tes and all straungers that came to his palaice,Hen. Hunt. 10 might rather haue than want. It hath bin com­monly told that Englishmen lerned of him their excessiue gourmandize and vnmeasurable filling of their panches wyth meates and drinks,Of vvhome the englishemen learned exces­siue feedlng. wher­by they forgate the vertuous vse of sobrietie, so muche necessarye to all estates and degrees, so profitable for all common wealths, and so com­mendable both in the sight of God, and all good men. In this Hardiknought ceased the rule of the Danes within this lande, with the persecuti­on 20 which they had executed against the English nation, for the space of .250. yeres and more, that is to witte,The end of the Danish rulers. euer sith the .x. yeare of Brithrike the king of Westsaxons, at what time they first be­gan to attempt to inuade the Englishe coastes.

Howebeit (after Harison) they shoulde seeme to haue ruled heere but .207. reckening from their brynging in by the Welchemen in despite of the Saxons, at which time they first begā to inhabit here, whiche was .835. of Christe .387. after the 30 comming of the Saxons, and .35. neere complet of the reigne of Egbert.

Edwarde.

[figure]

40

Ed­ward. H. Hunt.IMmediately vpon ye death of Hardiknought and before his corps was committed to bu­ryall, his halfe brother Edwarde, sonne of kyng Egelred beogotten of Queene Emme, was cho­sen to be king of Englande, by the generall con­sent 50 of all the nobles and cōmons of the realme.Polidore. Therevppon were Ambassadours sente with all speede into Normandie, to signifie vnto him his election, and to bring him from thence into En­glande, in delyueryng pledges for more assu­raunce, that no fraude nor deceipte was ment of the Englishmen. But that vpon his comming thyther, he shoulde receyue the Crowne without all contradiction. [...] Edwarde then ayded by hys cousin William Duke of Normandie, tooke the sea, and with a small companye of Normans came into Englande, where hee was receyued with greate ioye as king of the realme,H. Hunt. VVil. Mal. The .3. of Ap [...]. and im­mediatly after was crowned at Winchester by Edsinus then archbishop of Canterbury, on Ea­sterday in the yeare of our Lorde .1043. whiche fell also about the fourth yeare of the Emperor Henrye the thirde, surnamed Niger, in the .xij. yeare of Henry the firste of that name Kyng of Fraunce, and about the third yeare of Ma [...]beth king of Scotland.

This Edwarde the third of that name before the conquest, was of nature more meeke & sim­ple than apte to the gouernement of the realme, and therfore did Erle Goodwyn not only seeke the destruction of his elder brother Alfred, but al­so holpe in that he mighte to aduaunce this Ed­warde to the crowne, in hope to beare great rule in the realme vnder him, whome hee knewe to be softe, gentle and easy to be persuaded.

But whatsoeuer writers do report hereof, sure it is that Edwarde was the elder brother, and not Alvred, so that if erle Goodwyn did shew his furtherance by his pretenced cloake of offring his frendship vnto Alvred to betraye him, he did it by king Harolds cōmandement, and yet it may be that he ment to haue vsurped the crowne to him self, if eche poynt had aunswered his expectation in the sequele of things as he hoped they would, and therfore had not passed if bothe the brethren had bin in heauen. But yet when the worlds framed contrary (peraduenture) to his purpose, he didde his test so aduaunce Edward, trusting to beare no small rule vnder him, being knowne to be a man more appliable to be gouerned by o­ther than to trust to his owne wit, and so chief­ly by the assistance of Erle Goodwyn: whose au­thoritie (as appeareth) was not small within the Realme of Englande in those dayes, Edwarde came to attayne the Crowne: wherevnto the erle of Chester Leofryke also shewed all the furthe­rance that in him lay.

Some write (which semeth also to be confir­med by the Danish chronicles) that king Hardi­knought in his lyfe tyme had receyued this Ed­warde into his Courte,Ran. Higd ex Mariano. Albert. Cranes and reteyned him still in the same in moste honourable wyse.

But for that it maye appeare in the abstracte of the Danishe Chronicles, what their writers hadde of this matter recorded, we doe here passe ouer, referring those that be desyrous to knowe the diuersitie of oure wryters and theyrs, vnto the same Chronicles, where they may fynd it more at large expressed.

Thys in no wyse is to be lefte vnremembred, that immediatly after the death of Hardiknought [Page 269] it was not only decreed and agreed vppon by the greate Lords and nobles of the Realme,Polidore. Danes expel­led. that no Dane from thencefoorth shoulde reigne ouer them, but also all menne of warre and souldiours of the Danes whiche lay within a­nye Citie or Castell in garrison within the realme of Englande, were then expulsed and put out, or rather slayne (as the Danishe wri­ters do rehearse.

Sim. Dunel.Amongst other that were banished, the la­die 10 Go [...]ild nece to king Swayn by his sister, was one,G [...]ild nece to king Svvayne. beeing as then a widowe, and with hir two of hir sonnes, whiche she had then ly­uing, Heming and Turkyll, were also caused to auoyde.

There be that write, that Alfred the brother of king Edwarde,Polidore. came not into the realme till after the death of Hardiknought, and that he didde helpe to expulse the Danes, and that 20 doone, was slaine by Erle Goodwin and other of his complices. But how this may stande, considering the circumstāces of the tyme, with suche things as are written by diuers authors hereof, it may well be doubted.

But whether Earle Goodwyn was guil­tie to the death of Alfred, eyther at this time, or before, certayne it is, that he so cleered him selfe of that cryme vnto King Edwarde, the brother of Alfred, that there was none so high­ly 30 in fauoure with hym as Earle Goodwyn was,K. Edvvarde marieth the daughter of erle Goodvvin insomuche that king Edwarde maryed the lady Eaditha, the daughter of erle Good­wyn, begotten of his wyfe Thira, that was syster to King Hardiknought, and not of his seconde wyfe, as some haue written.

But so it was, that King Edwarde neuer had to doe with hir in fleshly wyse.Polidor. But whe­ther he absteined bicause he hadde haply vowed chastitie, eyther of impotencie of nature, or for a priuie hate that hee bare to hir kinne, men 40 doubted. For it hath bene thoughte, that he e­steemed not Earle Goodwyn so greatly in his hearte,K. Edvvarde absteyneth frō the companie of his vvise. as he outwardely made shewe to doe, but rather for feare of his puissaunce, dissēbled with him, least he shoulde otherwise put hym selfe in danger both of losse of life & kingdom. Howsoeuer it was, he vsed his counsel in orde­ring of things concerning the state of the cō ­mon wealth, and namely in the harde hande­lyng of his mother Quene Emme,K. Edvvarde dealeth strayt­ly vvith his mother Queene Emme. agaynste 50 whō diuers accusatiōs were brought & alled­ged: as first for yt she consented to marrie with king Cnute, the publike enimie of the realme. Againe, that she did nothing ayde or succoure hir sonnes whyle they liued in exile, and that worse was,Queene Emme dispoiled of hir goodes. contriued to haue made them a­way. For which cause she was dispoyled of al hir goodes: And bicause she was defamed to be naughte of hir bodie with Alwyne or Adwine bishop of Winchester,She is accused of dissolute li­uing both she and the saint bishop were admitted to prison within the ci­tie of Winchester, (as some write:) but other affirme, that she was straytly kepte in the Ab­bey of Warwell,Ran. Higd. tyl by way of purging hir­selfe, after a maruellous manner, in passyng barefooted ouer certaine hot shares or plough­yrons,She purgeth hir selfe by the lavv▪ Ordalium according to the laws [...], she cle­red hir selfe (as the world tooke it) and was re­stored to hir first astate and dignitie.VV. Malm. Hir ex­cessiue couetousnesse without regarde had to the poore, caused hir also to be euil reported [...]. And ageyne, for that she euer shewed hir selfe to be more naturall to the issue whiche she had by bir second husband Cnute, than to hir chil­dren which she had by hir firste husbande kyng Egelred (as it were declaryng howe she was affected toward the fathers, by the loue [...] to the children) she loste a greate peece of good will at the handes of hir sonnes, Alfred & Ed­warde: So that nowe the said Edwarde en­ioying the realme, was easily enduced to think euill of hir, and therevppon vsed hir the more vncourteoussy. But hir greate liberalitie em­ployed on the churche of Winchester, whiche she furnished with maruelous rich iewels and ornamentes, wan hir great commendation in the worlde, and excused hir partly in the sight of many, of the infamie imputed to hir for the immoderate filling of hir coffers by all wayes and meanes shee coulde deuise. And after that she had purged hir self, as before is mēcioned, hir sonne king Edwarde had hir euer after in great honor and reuerence.Ran. Higd. And wheras Ro­bert Archbishop of Canterbury, had ben sore against hir, he was sore abashed of the matter that hee fledde into Normandye, where hee was borne.

But it shoulde seeme by that whiche after shall be said,Robert Arch­bishop of Canterbury. that he fled not the realme for this matter, but for that he counselled the king to banish Erle Goodwyn, and also to vse the En­glishmen more straitly thā reson was he shuld.

Ye must vnderstande,Frenchmen or Normans firste entered into Englande. that kyng Edwarde brought diuers Normās ouer with him whi­che in tyme of his banishment had shewed him great frendship, wherefore he nowe sought to recompense them. Amongest other, this Ro­bert was one, which before his comming ouer was a Monke in the abbey of Gemeticum he Normandie, & by the king was first aduanced to gouern ye sea of London, & after was made archbishop of Cant. & bare great rule vnder ye king, so that he coulde not auoyde the enuie of diuers noble men, & specially of erle Goodwin as after shal appere. About ye third yere of K. Edwards reigne,1046. Osgod Clap was banished [Page 270] the Realme. And in the yeare folowyng, that is to witte, in the yeare. 1047. there fell a meruai­lous great snowe,A great dearth. Ran. Higd couering the grounde fro the beginning of Ianuarie vntill the .xvij. daye of Marche. And besides this, there hapned the same yeare suche tempeste and lyghtenings, that the corne vpon the earth was brent vp and blasted: by reason whereof, there folowed a great dearthe in England, and also death of men and cattell.

Svvayn Good­vvins sonne banished. Edgi [...]a abbesse of Leoffe.About this time [...] the son of erle Good­win 10 was banished the land, & fled into Flanders.

This Swayne kepte Edgi [...]a, the Abbesse of the Monasterie of Leoffe, and forsaking his wife meante to haue marryed the foresayde Abbesse. Within a certain tyme after his banishement, he returned into Englande, in hope to purchase the kings peace by his fathers meanes and other his frendes.This Bearne vvas the son of Vlfus a Dane, vncle to thys [...]vvane by his mother, the si­ster of Kyng Svvayne. But vpon some malicious pretence, he slewe his cousin Erle Bearne, which was about to labour to the king for his pardone, and so then 20 fledde againe into Flaunders, till at length Al­lered the Archbishop of Yorke obteyned his par­don, and founde meane to reconcile him to the kings fauour.

In the meane tyme about the .vj. yere of king Edwards reigne,H. Hunt. certaine pirates of the Danes arriued in Sandwiche hauen, and entring the lande, wasted and spoyled all about the coast.

H. Hunt. The Danes spoyle Sand­vviche.There bee that write, that the Danes had at that tyme to their leaders two Capitaynes, the 30 one named Lother, and the other Irlyng.

After they had ben at Sandwiche, and brou­ght from thence great riches of golde and siluer, they coasted about vnto the side of Essex, & there spoyling the countrey, went backe to the sea, and sayling into Flanders, made sale of their spoyles & booties there, and so returned to their coūtreys.

After this, during the reigne of king Edward, there chaunced no warres, neyther forrayne nor 40 ciuile, but that the same was eyther with small slaughter luckily ended, or else without any no­table aduenture, chaunged into peace.

Ryse and Grif­fyn Princes of VVales.The Welchemen in deede with theyr princes Ryse and Griffyn wroughte some trouble, but still they were subdued, and in the ende both the sayd Ryse and Griffyn were brought vnto con­fusion: although in the meane tyme they didde muche hurte, and namely Griffyn, who wyth ayde of some Irishmen, with whome he was a­lyed, 50 aboute this tyme entred into the Seuerne sea, and tooke prayes aboute the riuer of Wye: and after returned without any battaile to him offered.

Aboute the same tyme, to witte, in the yeare 1049.1049. Si. Dunelm. the Emperour Henry the third made war­res against Baldwyn Erle of Flaunders, and for that he wished to haue the sea stopped, that the sayde Earle shoulde not escape by flight that waye foorth, he sente to king Edwarde willing him to kepe the sea with some [...] of shippes▪ Her [...] Cl [...] Ia [...]rm King Edwarde furnishyng a nauie, say wyth the same at Sandwiche, and so kept the seas on that side, till the Emperoure had his will of the Earle.

At the same tyme Swayne, sonne of Earle Goodwyn came into the realme, and traiterously slewe his cousin Bearne (as before is sayd,) the whiche trauayled to agree him with the king.

Also Gosipat Clappe, who had lefte his wyfe at Bruges in Flaunders,Simon D [...] comming amongest other of the Danishe pirates, whiche had robbed in the coastes of Kente and Essex, as before ye haue hearde, receyued hys wyfe, & departed back into Denmark with six ships, leauyng the resi­due, being. xxiij. behynde him.

Aboute the tenthe yeare of king Edwardes reigne,Fabian. Eustace Erle of Bolongne,1051. that was father vnto the valiaunt Godfreye of Bovillon and Baldwyn,Mat. VVest. The earle of Flanders com­meth into En­glande. Ra. Higd. VV. Mal. God a sister to K. Edvvard. both afterwarde kings of Hieru­rusalem, came ouer into Englande in the mo­neth of September, to visite his brother in lawe Kyng Edwarde, whose sister named Goda, he had maryed, she then being the wydow of Gual­ter de Maunte. He founde the kyng at Glouce­ster, and beyng there ioyfully receyued, after he had once dispatched suche matters for the which hee chiefly came, he tooke leaue, and retourned homewarde.VVil. Mal. But at Canterbury one of his her­bingers dealyng roughly with one of the Cite­zens aboute a lodging, whiche he sought to haue rather by force than by entreatance,D [...]ner [...]ath. II. VVestm. occasioned his owne death.

Whereof when the earle was aduertised, hee hasted thither to reuenge the slaughter of his ser­uaunt, and slewe both that Citizen whiche had killed his man. and. xviij. others.

The Citizens herewith in a greae furie, gotte them to armour,A fray in Can­terbury be­tvvixt the erle of Boloigne and the tovvns men. and sette vpon the earle and his meynie, of whome they slewe twentie persons out of hande, and wounded a greate number of the residue, so that the erle vneth mighte escape with one or two of his men from the fraye, and with all speede returned backe to the kyng, pre­senting greeuous information againste them of Cāterbury, for their cruel vsing of hym, not on­ly in sleayng of his seruauntes, but also in put­tyng him in daunger of his lyfe.

The Kyng crediting the Earle was hyghely offended agaynste the Citizens, and wyth all speede sendyng for Earle Goodwyn, declared vn­to hym in greeuous wyse, the rebellyous acte of them of Canterbury, whiche were vnder his in­risdiction.

The Erle who was a man of a bold courage and quicke witte,The erle com­plaineth to the king. dydde perceyue that the mat­ter was made a greate deale woorse at the fyrste [Page 271] in the beginnyng, than of lykelyhoode it woulde proue in the end, thought it reason therefore that firste the aunswere of the Kentishemen shoulde be hearde before any sentence were giuen against them. And herevpon although the king coman­ded hym foorthwith to goe with an armie into Rent, and to punish them of Canterbury in most rigorous manner, yet he woulde not be to hasty, but refused to execute the Kinges commaunde­ment,Earle Good­vvin offended vvith the kyng for fauouring straungers. both for that hee bare a piece of grudge in 10 his mynde, that the kyng shoulde fauour straun­gers so hyghly as he did, And agayne, bycause hereby he shuld seme to do plesure to his coūtrey­men, in taking vppon hym to defende their cause againste the rough accusations of suche as had accused them. Wherfore he declared to the king that it shoulde bee conueniente to haue the sup­posed offendours fyrste called afore hym, and if they were able to excuse themselues, then to bee suffered to departe without further vexation: and 20 if they were found faultie, then to be put to their fine, bothe as well in satisfying the King, whose peace they had broken, as also the Erle, whom they had indamaged.

A councell cal­led at Glouce­ster.Earle Goodwyn departed thus from the king, leauing him in a greate furie: howbeit hee passed little thereof, supposing it would not long continue. But the king called a greate assemble of his lordes,Syvvard Earle of Northūber­land. Leofrike Erle of Che­ster. Raufe erle of Hereford. together at Glocester, that the mat­ter might be more deepely considered. Sywarde 30 Erle of Northumberland, and Leofryke Erle of Chester, with Rafe Erle of Hereford, the kings nephew by his sister Goda, and al other the noble men of the realme, only Erle Goodwyn and his sonnes,VVil. Mal. meant not to come there, excepte they myght bring with them a great power of armed men, and so remained at Beverstane, with such bandes as they had leuyed vnder a colour to resist the Welchemen, whome they bruted abroade to bee readie to inuade the marches aboute Here­forde. 40

But the Welchemen preuenting that flaun­der, signified to the king that no such matter was ment on their parties, but that Earle Goodwyn and his sonnes with their complices, went about to moue a commotion against him. Herevpon a rumour was raysed in the Courte that the kings power shoulde shortely marche forth to assayle Earle Goodwyn in that place where hee was lodged. Whervpon the same Erle prepared him­selfe, 50 and sent to his frendes, willing to sticke to this quarrell, and if the king should go about to force them, then to withstande him, rather than to yelde and suffer themselues to be troden vnder foote by straungers.Earle Good­vvyn meaneth to defend hym selfe against the king. Svvayn.

Goodwyn in this meane tyme had got toge­ther a greate power of his countreys of Kente, Southerie, and other of the weast parts. Swayn lykewise had assembled muche people out of his countrys of Barkeshire,Ran. Higd. Mat. VVest Sim. Dunel. Haroide. Oxfordshire, Somer­setshire, Herefordshire, and Gloucestershyre. And Harrolde was also come to them wyth a greate multitude whiche hee had leuyed in Es­sex, Norffolke, Suffolke, Cambridgeshire, and Huntingdonshire.

On the other parte the Erles that were with the king, Leofryke, Sywarde, and Raufe,Si. Dunelm. rey­sed all the power whiche they might make, and the same approching to Glocester, the king thou­ghte him selfe in more suretie than before, in so­muche that where as Earle Goodwin (who lay with his armie at Langton there not farre off in Gloucestershire) had sente vnto the king re­quiryng that the Earle of Bolongne with the other Frenchmen and also the Normans which helde the Castell of Douer, might bee deliuered vnto him,

The King althoughe at the firste hee stoode in great doubt what to do, yet hearing now that an army of his friendes was commyng, made answere to the messengers, which Goodwin had sent, that hee woulde not deliuer a man of those whome Goodwin required, and herewith the said messengers being departed the kings army entred into Gloucester and such readie good willes ap­peared in them all to fight with the aduersaries, that if the kyng woulde haue permitted, they woulde forthwith haue gone foorth and gyuen battaile to the enimies. And thus the matter was at poynt to haue put the realme in hazarde not only of a field, but of vtter ruine that might therof haue ensued: for what on the one parte and the other, there were assembled the chiefest Lordes and most able personages of the lande. But by the wysedome and good aduise of Earle Leofrike and others, the matter was pacified for a tyme, and order taken, that they shoulde come to a parliament or communication at London, vppon pledges giuen and receyued as well on the one parte as the other.

The king with a mightie armye of the Nor­thumbers, and them of Mercia, came vnto London, and Earle Goodwyn with his sonnes, and a greate power of the Weast Saxons, came into Southwarke, but perceyuing that many of his companie stale awaye and flipte from hym, he durste not abyde any longer to enter talke with the Kyng, as it was couenaunted but in the nyghte nexte ensewing, fledde away with all speede possible.

Some write,VV. Mal. Svvayn eldest sonne to Goodvvin banished. howe an order was prescri­bed that Swanus the eldest sonne of Good­wyn shoulde departe the lande as a banyshed manne to qualifye the Kynges wrathe, and that Goodwyn and one other of his sonnes, that is to witte, Harrolde, shoulde come to an other [Page 272] assemble to bee holden at London, accompanyed with twelue seruauntes onely, and to resygne all his force of Knights, Gentlemen and Soul­diours vnto the Kings guyding and gouerne­ment.

But when this last article pleased nothing erle Goodwyn, and that he perceyued howe his force begann [...] to decline, so as hee shoulde not be able to matche the kinges power,Earle Good­vvin fled the realme. he fledde the realme, and so likewise did his sonnes. He himselfe with 10 his sonnes Swanus, Tostie, and Gurth, sayled into Flaunders: and Harrolde with his brother Leofwyn gat shippes at Bristow and passed in­to Irelande. Githa the wyfe of Goodwyn, and Iudith the wife of Tostie, the daughter of Baldwyn Earle of Flaunders wente ouer also with their husbands.

The king hauing perfect knowledge, that erle Goodwyn had refused to come to the Courte in suche order as he had prescribed hym, and that he 20 was departed the realm with his sonnes: he pro­claymed them outlawes, and gaue the landes of Harrolde vnto Algar,Goodvvin and his sonnes pro­claymed out­lavves. the sonne of Erle Leofrik, who guyded the same right worthyly, and resi­gned them agayne withoute grudging vnto the same Harrold when he was returned out of exile.

Also vnto Erle Oddo were giuen the counties of Deuonshire and Somersetshire.

Moreouer, about the same time ye king put his wife Queene Editha from him, and appoynted hir to straight keeping in the Abbey of Warwel.

This Editha was a noble Gentlewoman,The King [...] avvay his w [...] Queene Ed [...] well learned, and experte in all the sciences, yet hir good name was stayned somwhat, as though shee had not lyued so continently as was to be wished, both in hir husbands lyfe tyme, and after his decease. But yet at the houre of hir deathe (whyche chaunced in the dayes of Wylliam Conquerour,) shee cleared hir selfe, in takyng it vpon the charge of hir soule, that shee hadde euer lyued in perfecte chastitie: For kyng Edwarde (as before is mentioned) neuer touched hir in any actuall manner.

By thys straight dealyng with the Queene that was daughter to Earle Goodwyn, now in tyme of hir fathers exile, it hath seemed to ma­ny, that Kyng Edwarde forbare to deale with hir in carnall wyse, more for hatred of hir kin, than for any other respecte. But to proceede.

In the seconde yeare of Goodwyns banish­mente,1051. H. Hunt. both he and his sonnes hauyng prouy­ded them selues of shippes and menne of warre

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conueniente for the purpose, came vpon the coa­stes of Englande, and after the manner of Ro­uers, tooke prayes where as they espyed ad­uauntage, namely on the coastes of Kente and Sussex. 30

Griffin kyng of VVales de­stroyeth Here­fordshire.In the meane tyme also Griffyn the kyng of Wales, destroyed a great parte of Herfordshire agaynste whome the power of that countreye and also manye Normans that laye in garri­son wythin the Castell of Hereforde, com­myng to gyue battayle, were ouerthrowne on the same daye, in the whyche aboute two and twentie yeares before (or as some Copies haue thirteene yeares) the Welchemen hadde slayne Edwyn, the brother of Earle Leofrike.

Shortely after,Harold lan­deth the shire of Dorset and Somerset. Earle Harrolde and his bro­ther Leofwyn retourning out of Ireland, en­tred into the Seuerne sea, landing on the coa­stes of Somersette and Dorset shires, where fallyng to spoyle, they were encountred by a power assembled oute of the Counties of De­uonshire and Somersetshire: but Harolde putte his aduersaries to flight, and slewe thirtie Gen­tlemen of honoure, or Thanes (as they cal­led them) with a great number of others.

Earle Harrolde then and his bretherne, re­turning [Page 273] with their pray and bootie to their ships, and coasting about the poynte of Cornewalle, came and ioyned with their father and their other breethrē, as then soiourning in ye Isle of Wight.

King Edward to withstand their malice, had rigged and furnished foorth sixtie Ships of war, with the which he himselfe went to the water,Sim. Du [...]el. not sticking to lie abourde at that season, although he had appoynted for Captaynes and admirals two Earles that were his cousins, Odo and Raufe, 10 who had charge of the whole army. Raufe was his nephew, as sonne to his sister Goda by hir first husband Gualter de Maunte. But although they were knowen to bee sufficiente men for the orde­ring of such businesse, yet he thought the necessitie to be suche, as his person coulde not be presently spared. Therefore he was diligent in foreseeyng of things by good aduice, although age woulde not giue him leaue to execute the same by hys owne hand, and force of body: but as the Nauies 20 on both partes were ready to haue ioyned, they were seuered by reason of a thicke mist that then rose, whereby theyr furious rage was restrayned for that time: and immediately therevpon, Good­win and his complices were forced by a contra­ry winde, to returne to the places from whence they came. And shortly after by mediation of friends, a peace was made, and Earle Goodwine restored home, and obteined againe bothe ye kings fauour, and al his former liuings: for he was such 30 an eloquent wise man, that he cleared and purged himselfe of all such crimes and accusations, as in any sort had bin layde against him. Thus haue some written concerning this agrement betwixt King Edward and Earle Goodwin, where other make somwhat larger report therof, as thus. The same time that the two sonnes of Earle Good­win, Harrold and Leofwine came foorth of Ire­land and inuaded the West countrey, King Ed­warde rigged foorthe fortie Shippes, the whyche 40 throughly furnished with men, munition, & vit­tayles, he sente vnto Sandwich, commaundyng the Captaynes there to awaite for the comming of Earle Goodwin, whome he vnderstood to be in a readinesse to returne into Englande: but not­withstanding, there wanted no diligence in them to looke to their charge, Earle Goodwine secretly with a few Shippes whiche he had got togither, arriued in Kent, and sending forth his letters and messengers abroade vnto the Citizens of Can­terbury, 50 to thē of Sussex, Southrey, and others, required them of ayde, who with one consente, promised to liue and die with him. The Cap­taines of the nauie at Sandwich aduertised here­of, made towardes the place where they thoughte to haue found Erle Goodwin: but he being war­ned of their comming, escaped by flight, and gote him out of their daunger, wherevpon they with­drew to Sandwiche, and after returned to Lon­don. Earle Goodwin aduertised thereof, sayled to the Isle of Wighte, and wafted vp and downe those Seas, til his sonnes Harrold and Leofwine came and ioyned their nauie with his, and ceas­sing from spoyle, only sought to recouer vittailes to serue their turne. And incresing their power by suche ayde as they might any where procure, at length they came vnto Sandwiche, whereof K. Edward hauing knowledge, being then at Lon­don,It seemeth that Earle Goodwine was well friended. her sente abroade to reyse all the power hee mighte make, but they that were appoynted to come vnto him, lingered time, in whiche meane while, Earle Goodwin came into the Thames, & so vp the Riuer, arriued in Southwarke, on the day of the exaltation of the Crosse in Septem­ber, being Monday, and there staying for the ride, solicited the Londoners, so as hee obteyned of them what hee coulde desire, and afterwardes withoute disturbance, with the tide passed vp the Riuer through the South arche of the Bridge, & at ye same instant, a mighty army whiche he had by land, mustred in the fieldes on that South side the same Riuer, and herewith his nauie made to­wardes the Northe side of the Riuer, as if they mont to enclose ye kings nauie, for ye K. had also a nauie and an army by land: but yet sith ther were few either on the one part or the other, that were able to do any great feate except Englishmē, they were loth to fight one against another, where vp­pon, the wiser fort on both sides sought meanes to make an atonemente: & so at length by their dili­gent trauel, the matter was taken vp, and the ar­mies being dismissed on both partes, Erle Good­win was restored to his former dignitie. There were pledges deliuered on his behalfe, that is to wit, Wimotus one of his sonnes, and Hacun the son of Suanus, that was the eldest son of Good­win, These two pledges were sent vnto Williā Duke of Normandy, to bee kepte with hym for more assurance of Goodwines loyaltie. Some write,Ran. Higd. Mat. VVest. Simon Dun. VVil. Malm: that Suanos ye eldest son of Goodwin was not reconciled to ye kings fauour at this time, but whether he was or not, this is reported of him for a troth, ye after he had attēpted sundry rebellions against K. Edward, he lastly also rebelled against his father Goodwin, & his brother Harrow, & be­came a Pyrat, dishonoring wt such manifold rob­beries as he made on the Seas, ye noble progenie whereof he was discended. Finally vpō [...]emorse of cōsciēce (as hath bin thought) for ye murthering of his cousin (or as some say his brother) Earle Biorne, he went on pilgrimage to Ierusalem, & died by the way in returning homeward of cold which he caught (as some write) in Zicia:Ran. Higd. VVil. Mal. William Duke of Nor­mandy com­meth ouer into England but o­ther affirme, that he fell into the hands of Sara­fins, that were robbers by the high wayes, and so was murthered of them. The foresayd William Duke of Normandy (that after conquered thys lande (during the time of Goodwines outlary, [Page 274] came ouer into this lande with a faire retinue of men,Williā Duke of Normandy commeth o­uer into Eng­land. and was ioyfully receyued of the King, and had great cheere: and after he had tarried a season, he returned into his countrey, not without great giftes of iewels and other things, whiche the K. most liberally bestowed vpon him. And as some write,Polidor. King Edwards promise to duke William the King promised hym at that tyme, to make hym his heire to the Realme of England, if he chaunced to die withoute issue.

Shortly after, or rather somewhat before, died 10 O. Emme the kings mother, and was buryed at Winchester. After that Earle Goodwin was re­stored to the Kyngs fauoure, by cause hee knewe that Robert the Archbishop of Canterbury hadde bin the chiefe procurer of the Kings euill will to­wards him, he founde meanes to weare him out of credite, and diuers other specially of the Nor­mans, bearing the world in hande, that they had soughte to trouble the state of the Realme, to set variance betwixte the King and the Lordes of 20 the Englishe nation: whereas the Normans a­gayne alleaged, that Earle Goodwin and hys sonnes abused the Kings soft and gentle nature, and woulde not sticke to iest and mocke at hys curteous and milde proceedings. But howsoeuer the matter wēt, the Archbishop Robert was glad to depart out of the Realm,The Archbi­shop of Can­terbury bani­shed. and going to Rome, made complaynte in the Court there, of the iniu­ries yt were offered him: but in returning through Normandy, he dyed in the Abbey of Gemmeti­cum, 30 where he had bin Monke before his rōmyng into England. Dyuerse other were compelled to forsake the Realme at the same time, both spi­ritual men and temporal, as William Bishoppe of London,Normans ba­nished the Realme. and Vlf Bishop of Lincolne. Os­berne surnamed Pentecost, and his companyon Hugh, were constreyned to surrender their Ca­stels, and by licence of Earle Leofrike withdrewe through his countrey into Scotlande, where of Kyng Mackbeth they were honorably receyued. 40 These were Normans: for as partly yee haue hearde, Kyng Edwarde broughte with him no small number of that nation, when he came from thence to receyue the Crowne, and by them hee was altogither ruled to the greate offending of his own naturall subiects the Englishmē, name­ly Earle Goodwine and his sonnes, who in those dayes for their greate possessions and large reue­newes, were had in no small reputation with the English people. 50

After that the Archbishop of Canterbury Ro­bert was departed the Realme, as before ye haue hearde,Stigand Arch­bishop of Cā ­terbury. Stigand was made Archbishop of Can­terbury, or rather thrust him selfe into that dig­nitie, not being lawfully called, in like manner as he had done at Winchester: for where as he was first Bishop of Shireborne, he left that Churche, and tooke vpon him the Bishopricke of Winche­ster by force, and nowe atteyning to be Archby­shop of Cāterbury,Ran. Higd. Fabian. Stigand infa­med of Si­mony. he kept both Winchester and Canterbury in his hand at one instant. Thys Stigand was greatly infamed for his couetous practising in sale of possessions apperteyning to ye Church. He was nothing learned, but that want was a common fault amongst the Bishops of ye age, for it was openly spoken in those dayes, that he was meete onely to be a Bishop which coulde vse the pomp of the world, voluptuous pleasures, rich rayment, and set himselfe foorthe with a iolly retinue of gentlemen and seruauntes on Horse­backe,What [...] of men [...] to be Bishops in these dayes. for therein stoode the countenance of a Bi­shop as the worlde then framed, and not in study how to haue the people fed with the word of lyfe, to the sauing of their soules. King Edward now in the twelfth yere of his raigne,Polidor. hauing brought the state of the Realme quite from troubles of warre both by Sea and land, he began to foresee as well for the welth of his subiects, as for hym­selfe, being naturally enclined to wish well to all men. He therfore considered, how by the manifold lawes which had bin made by Britaynes, Eng­lishmen and Danes within this lande, occasion was ministred to manye, whiche measured all things by respect of their owne priuate gaine and profit, to peruert iustice, and to vse wrongful dea­ling in steede of righte, clouding the same vnder some braunche of lawe, naughtily misconstrued, wherevpon to auoyde that mischiefe, he piked out a summe of that huge and immesurable masse and heape of lawes, suche as were thought most indifferent and necessary, and therewith ordeyned a fewe, and those most wholesome, to bee from thencefoorth vsed, according to whose pre­script men might liue in due forme and rightfull order of a ciuill life.The lawes of Saint Edward instituted. These lawes wer afterwards called the common lawes, and also Sainte Ed­warde his lawes, so muche esteemed of the Eng­lishmen, that after the Conquest, when the Nor­mans oftentimes wente about to abrogate the same, there chaunced no small mutenies and re­bellions for reteyning of those lawes. But heere is to bee noted, that although they were called Saint Edwardes lawes, they were for the more part made by King Edgar, but now by K. Edwarde restored, after they had bin abrogated for a time by the Danes.

About this time,1053 or 1054 Hec. Boetus. Polidor. VVil Malm. Math. VVest. Erle Goodwin died suddain­ly (as some haue recorded) as he sate at table with the King: and vpon talke ministred of the deathe of Alfred the Kyngs brother, to excuse himselfe, he tooke a peece of bread, and eate it, saying: God let mee neuer swallow this bread downe into my chest, but that I may presently bee choked there­with, if euer I was weeting or consenting vnto Alfredes deathe: and immediately therewith,Ran. Higd. ex Marian [...] hee fell downe starke dead. Other say, that hee ended [Page 275] his life at Winchester, where beeing suddaynely surprised with sicknesse,Simon Dun. This is the likeliest tale. as hee sate at the Table with the King vpon an Easter Monday, he ly­ued yet till the Thursday following, and then dyed. Hys Earledome was giuen vnto his sonne Harrold, & Harrolds Erledome which was Oxe­ford, was gyuen vnto Algar the son of Leofricke.

This Goodwill, as hee was a man of greate power, wise, hardie, and politike, so was hee am­bitious, desirous to beare rule, and loth that any 10 other person should passe him in authoritie. But yet whether all be true that Writers report of his malitious practises to bryng hymselfe and hys sonnes to the chiefe seate of gouernemente in the Kingdome, or that of hatred such slaunders were reysed of him, it may of some perhappes be doub­ted, bycause that in the dayes of King Edwarde (whiche was a soft and gentle Prince) hee bare greate rule and authoritie, and so mighte procure to himselfe euill report for euery thing that chan­ced 20 amisse, as oftentimes it commeth to passe in suche cases, where those that haue greate doyngs in the gouernemente of the common wealthe, are commonly euill spoken of, and that now and thē without their gilt. But truth it is that Goodwin beeing in authoritie both in the dayes of K. Ed­ward and his predecessors, did many thyngs as should appeare by Writers, more by will than by law,Hen. Hunt. and so likewise did his sonnes vpo presump­tion of the great puissance that they and theyr fa­ther were of within the Realme. Hee had to wife the sister of K. Cnute, Editha, of whome hee be­gate three sonnes (as some write) that is to saye,Polidor. Harrolde, Biorne, and Tostie: also his daughter Editha, the which he found meanes to bestowe in marriage vpon King Edward as before ye haue heard. But other write,VVil. Malm. that he had but one sonne by Cnutes sister, the whiche in riding of a rough Horse, was throwen into the Riuer of Thames, and so drowned. His mother also was striken with a thunderbolte, and so perished worthely, as is reported for hir naughty doyings. She vsed to buy great numbers of yong persons, and namely maides that were of any excellencie in beutie and personage yt which she sent ouer into Denmarke, and there sold them to hir most aduantage. After hir decesse (as the same authours record) Goodwin married another woman by whome he had issue sixe sonnes, Suanus or Swayne, Harrolde, To­stie or Tosto, Wilnote, Gurth and Leofricke: of them mention is, and shall be further made, as places conuenient shall serue thereto.

About the thirtenth yeare of King Edwardes raigne (as some write,Mat. VVest. 1054 Hec. Boetius.) or rather about the nine­teenth or twentith yere as should appeare by the Scottishe Writers, Siward the noble Earle of Northumberlande with a great power of Horse­menne went into Scotland, and in battell put to

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flight Mackbeth that had vsurped the Crowne of 40 Scotland, and that done, placed Malcolme sur­named Camoyr, the son of Duncane, sometime King of Scotlande, in the gouernement of that Realme, who afterward slew the sayd Macbeth, and then raigned in quiet. Some of our Englishe writers say,Sim. Dunel. Mat. VVest. that this Malcolme was K. of Cū ­berlande, but other reporte him to be sonne to the K. of Cumberland. But heere is to be noted, that if Mackbeth raigned till the yere .1061. and was then slayne by Malcolme, Earle Siwarde was 50 not at that battaile, for as our writers do testifie, he died in the yere .1055. whiche was in the yeare next after (as the same writers affirme) that hee vāquished Mackbeth in fight, & slew many thou­sands of Scottes, & all those Normans which as ye haue heard, were withdrawē into Scotlande, when they were driuen out of England. It is re­corded also, that in the foresaid battayle, in which Earle Siwarde vanquished the Scottes, one of Siwards sonnes chaunced to be slayne, whereof, though the father had good cause to be sorowfull, yet whē he heard that he dyed of a wound which hee had receyued in fighting stoutely in the fore­part of his body, and that with his face towarde the enimie, hee greatly reioyced thereat, to heare that he died so manfully. But here is to be noted, yt not now, but a litttle before, (as Henry Hunt. saith.) ye Earle Siward, wente into Scotlande himselfe in person, hee sent his sonne with an ar­my to conquere ye land, whose hap was ther to be slaine: and when his father heard ye newes, he de­maunded whether he receiued the wound whereof he died, in ye fore parte of the body, or in the hinder part: and when it was tolde him yt he receyued it in the foreparte, I reioyce (saith he) euen with all my harte, for I woulde not wishe eyther to my sonne nor to my selfe, any other kind of death.

[Page 276] Mat. VVest. 1057Shortly after, Aldred the Bishop of Worceter was sent vnto the Emperour Henry the third, to fetch Edwarde the sonne of Edmunde Ironside into England, whome King Edward was de­sirous to see, meaning to ordeyne him heire appa­rant to the Crowne: but hee dyed the same yeare after he came into England. This Edward was surnamed the outlawe: his body was buried at Westminster,Hen. Hunt. 1055 or as an other sayth in the Church of S. Paules in London. About the same tyme, 10 King Edward by euill counsell, I wote not vp­pon what occasion, but as it is thought without cause, banished Algar the son of Earle Leofricke: wherevpon he gote him into Irelande, and there prouiding xviij. Ships of Rouers, returned, and landing in Wales, ioyned him selfe with Griffin the king, or Prince of Wales, and did much hurt on the bordures about Hereforde, of whiche place Raufe was then Erle, that was sonne vnto Go­da the sister of King Edward by hir first husbāde Gualter de Maunt.Mat. VVest. Sim. Dunel. This Earle assembling an army, came forth to giue battayle to the enimies, appoynting the Englishmen contrary to theyr manner to fight on Horsebacke, but being ready (the two and twētith of October) to giue the on­set in a place not past two miles from Hereforde, he with his Frenchmen and Normans fled,The Welch­men obteyne the victory a­gainst Eng­lishmen and Normans. and so the rest were discomfited, whome the aduersa­ries pursued, and slew to the number of fiue hun­dred, beside suche as were hurt and escaped with

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life. Griffin and Algar hauing obteyned this vi­ctory, entred into the Towne of Hereford, set the Minister on fire, slew seuen of the Cannons that stoode to defende the dores or gates of the princi­pall Church, and finally, spoyled and brente the Towne miserably. The King aduertised hereof, 40 gathered an army, ouer the whiche, Harrolde the sonne of Earle Goodwine was made generall, who followed vpon the enimies that fled before him into Northwales, and stayed not, till ha­uing passed through Stradluyd,Stradcluid. Snawdune. hee came to the Mountaynes of Snawdune, where hee pitched his fielde. The enimies durst not abide hym, but gote them into Southwales, whereof Harrolde being aduertised, left the more parte of his army in Northwales to resist the enimies there, and 50 with the residue of his people he came backe vnto Hereforde,The Citie of Hereford for­tified by Harrold. recouered the Towne, and caused a greate and mighty trench to be cast round aboute it, with an high rampire, and fensed it with gates and other fortificatiōs. After this, he did so much, that comming to a communication with Grif­fin & Algar at a place called Biligelhage, a peace was concluded, and so the nauie of Earle Algar sayled about, and came to Chester, there to re­maine till the men of warre and Marriners were payed their wages, whilest he went to the Kyng, who both pardoned his offence, and restored hym to his Earledome. After this, the very same yere being the .15. yeare of King Edwardes raigne,The decesse of Siward Earle of Northam­berlande. Ran. Higd. as some writers affirme, the noble Earle of Northumberlande Siwarde dyed of the flixe, of whome it is sayde, that when hee perceyued the houre of death to be at hand, he caused himselfe to be put in armour, and to be set vp in his chayre, affirming, that a Knighte and a man of honor, oughte to die in that sorte, rather than lying on a couch like a feeble and faint harted creature: and sitting so vprighte in his chaire armed at all pee­ces, hee ended his life, and was buried at Yorke. He was a man of a Giantlike stature, and thereto of a righte stoute and hardy courage, bycause hys sonne Walteif was but an infant, and as yet not out of his cradell, the Earledome was giuen vn­to Earle Tostie one of Gudwines sonnes.

Shortly after, in the yeare .1057. Aldred Bi­shop of Worceter, was sente ouer vnto the Em­peroure Henry the third, to fetche Edwarde the [Page 277] sonne of Edmund Ironside into Englād, whom King Edwarde was desirous to see, meaning to ordeyne him heire apparante to the Crowne: but he died the same yere, after he was now returned into England.Edward the outlaw depar­ted this life. This Edward was surnamed the outlawe: his body was buryed at Westmin­ster, or as other say, in ye Church of Saint Paule within London.

1056 Leofricke Erle of Chester de­parted this life. Ran. Higd. Mat. VVest.The same yeare, that is to witte, in the seuen­teenth or in the sixtenth yeare of King Edwards 10 raigne (as some write) Leofricke the noble Earle of Chester, or Mercia, that was sonne to Duke Leofwine, departed this life in his owne Towne of Bromeley the last day of August, and was bu­ried at Couentrie in the Abbey there which he had builded. This Earle Leofricke was a man of greate honor, wise and discret in all his doyngs. His high wisedome and policie stoode the Realm in great steede whilest he liued. He had a noble Lady to his wife, named Gudwina, at whose 20 earnest sute he made the Citie of Couentrie free of all manner tolle,Couentrie made free of tolle and cu­stome. except for Horses: and to haue that tolle layde downe, also, his foresaide Wife rode naked through the middest of the Towne, without other couerture, saue only hir heare.

Moreouer, partly▪ moued by his owne deuo­tion, and partly by the perswasion of that noble Lady his wife, he builded or beneficially augmē ­ted and repared many Abbeyes and Churches, as the saide Abbey or Priory at Couentrie, the 30 Abbeyes of Wenlocke, Worceter, Stone, Eue­shame, and Leof beside Herford.

Also, he buylded two Churches within the Ci­tie of Chester,Churches in Chester built. the one called S. Iohns, and the other Saint Werbrough. The valew of ye iewels and ornaments which he bestowed on the Abbey Church of Couentrie, was inestimable.

After Leofrickes death, his sonne Algar was made Earle, and entituled in all his landes and Seigniories. In the yeare following, to witte, 40 1058.H. Hunt. Algar Earle of Chester exiled the same Algar was accused again (through malice of some enuious persons) of treason, so that he was exiled the land, wherevppon, he repa­red agayne vnto his old friend Griffin Prince of Northwales, of whome hee was ioyfully recey­ued, and shortly after by his ayde, and also by the power of a nauie of Ships that by chaunce arri­ued in those parties at that selfe season vnlooked for out of Norway,Sim. Dunel. the said Algar recouered hys Earledome by force, as some haue written. King 50 Edward about the twentith yere of his raine,1063 Sim. Dunel. Math. VVest. as then remayning at Glocester, appoynted Earle Harrolde to inuade the Dominions of Griffin King of Wales. Harrold taking with him a po­wer of Horsemen, made speed, and came to Rut­land, and there brenned Griffins Palace, and al­so his Shippes, and then about midlent returned againe into England.

After this, about the Rogation weeke, Harrold eftsoones by the Kings commaundemente, wente against the Welchmen, and taking the Sea, say­led by Bristowe, round about the coast, compas­sing in maner al Wales. His brother Tostie that was Earle of Northumberland, met him by ap­pointment with an host of Horsemen, and so ioy­ning togither,Wales de­stroyed and harried by the Englishm [...] The Welch­men agree to pay their ac­customed tribute. they destroyed the countrey of Wales in suche sorte, that the Welchmen were compelled to submit themselues, to deliuer hosta­ges, and conditioned to pay the auntient tribute which before time they had payd. And moreouer, they renounced their Prince the forenamed Grif­fin, so that he remayned as a banished person: and finally, about the fifth day of August, they slewe him, and sent his head to Earle Harrold.1064 VVil. Malm. Sim. Dunel. After­wards King Edward graunted ye rule of Wales vnto Blengent or Blethgent, and Riuall Grif­fins two brethren, whiche did homage vnto hym for the same, and hadde serued vnder Harrold a­gainst their brother the foresaid Griffin. There be that write, that not onely Griffin, but also a­nother of his brethrē also called Rise, was brou­ght to his death by the manfull meanes, and po­litike order of Earle Harrold,VVil. Malm. and all the sauadge people of Wales, reduced into the forme of good order vnder the subiection of King Edwarde.

Shortly after,Harrold goeth ouer into Normandy. Polidor. Earle Harrolde chaunced to passe ouer into Normandy, whether of happe or of purpose it is harde to define, writers varry so much in report thereof. Some write, that he made earnest suite to King Edward, to haue licence to goe ouer to see his brother Wilnote,Edmerus. and his ne­phewe Hacun, which as yee haue heard, were de­liuered as pledges to Kyng Edwarde, and sente into Normandy to remayne there with Duke William, and at length with muche adoe, gote leaue: but yet he was told aforehand of the King: that he would repēt his iourney, and do the thing that should be preiudiciall to the Realme.

Other write,Mat. VVest. VVil. Malm. that Harrold lying at his manor of Boseham, went aboord one day into his fishers boate or Crayer, and caused the same to launche foorth to the Sea for his pleasure: but by misfor­tune at the same time, a contrary winde suddain­ly came about, and droue the vessell a lande into Fraunce vppon the coast of Ponthieu, where hee was taken by the countrey people, and presented to the Earle of Ponthieu named Guy or Guido, who kept him as a prisoner, meaning to put him to a greeuous raunsome. But Harrold remem­bring himselfe of a wile, dispatched a messenger foorthe with all speede vnto William Duke of Normandy, signifying vnto him, that he bee­yng sente from Kyng Edwarde to confirme suche Articles as other meane men that had him sente to him afore hadde talked of, by chaunce hee was fallen into the handes of the Earle [Page 278] of Ponthieu, and kepte as prisoner against all or­der of law, reason, or humanitie. Duke William thus enformed by the messenger, sent to the Erle of Ponthieu, requiring hym to set Earle Harrold at libertie, that he might repare to him according to his commissiō. The Earle of Ponthieu at the Dukes request, did not onely restore Harrolde to libertie,Harold is pre­ [...]ecuted to Duke Willi­am Duke of Normandy. Hen. Hunt. but also broughte hym into Normandy, and presented him there to the Duke, of whome he was most ioyfully receyued. 10

There be that agree partly with this reporte, and partly vary: for they write, that Earle Har­rold tooke the Sea vppon purpose to haue sayled into Flaunders, and that by force of wind he was driuen to the coast of Pouthieu, and so after came into Normandy in manner as before is mentio­ned. But by what meanes or occasion soeuer hee came thither, certayne it is, that hee was ioyfully receyued,Harold was highly wel­comed of duke William. and had great cheere made vnto hym by Duke William, ye which at that time was ready 20 to make a iourney againste the Britaynes, and tooke Earle Harrolde with him to haue his com­pany in armes in that iourney, that hee myghte haue the better triall of his valiancie. Earle Har­rold behaued himselfe so, yt he shewed good proofe both of his wisedome and policie, and also of hys forwardnesse to execute that with hand, which by wit he had deuised, so that Duke William hadde him in high fauour, and as it hath bin sayd, Erle Harrolde (to procure him more friendship at the 30 Dukes handes) declared vnto him, that Kyng Edwarde had ordeyned him his heire if hee dyed without issue, & that he woulde not fayle to keepe the Realme of England to the Dukes vse, accor­ding to that ordenance, if King Edwarde dyed without issue.Math. VVest. Duke Willi­am promised to Harrolde his daughter in marriage. And to performe this promise, he receyued a corporall othe, whether willingly to winne the more credite, or forced therto by Duke William, writers report it diuersly.

At the same time, Duke William promised 40 vnto him his daughter in marriage, whom Har­rold couenaunted in like manner to take to wife. Finally, when he should returne into Englande, Duke William deliuered vnto him his Nephew Hacun,Polidor. but kepte his brother Wilnote with hym still as a pledge. Earle Harrold then returned in­to England, and declared vnto King Edwarde what he had done, who then sayde vnto him, dyd not I tell thee that thou wouldest doe the thyng whereof thou shouldest repent thee, and procure a 50 mischiefe to follow vnto thy countrey. But God of his mercie turne that euill happe from thys Realme, or at the least, if it be his pleasure, that it must needes come to passe, yet to stay it till after my dayes.

Thus they write, that affirme, howe Harrolde went ouer of purpose into Normandy: and ga­ther thereof, that Kyng Edward foresaw the cō ­ming of the Normanes, and that he meante no­thing lesse, than to perfourme the promise ma [...]e vnto Duke William,When the promise [...] made by King Edwarde to make Duke William his heire. as to adopt hym as hys heire, which promise shoulde seeme to be made in time of his banishmente, when hee stoode in neede of his friendshippe, as the manner of men in suche cases is, to promise muche, howsoeuer they in­tend to fulfill. But rather it may be thought, that King Edwarde had made no such promise at al, but perceiued the ambitious desire of Duke Wil­liam, and therefore would not that any occasion shoulde bee ministred vnto him to take holde of. Wherefore, he was so loth that Harrold shoulde goe ouer vnto him, least that might happe, which hapned indeede.Hen. Hunt Mat. VVest. Fabian. Falling [...] betwixt bre­thren. In the four and twentith and last yeare of King Edwarde his raigne, or there­about, there fell varriance betwixt the two bree­thren, Erle Harrold, and Erle Tostie at Wind­sor, where the Courte then lay, in so muche that Earle Harrold caught Tostie by the heare of the head in the Kings presence, and stroke him.

Herevpon, Tostie departing from the Courte in great anger, came to Hereforde in the marches of Wales,The cruell dealing of Earle Tostie. where Harrolds seruants were prepa­ring for the Kings comming to theyr maisters house, which seruantes he tooke and slew, chopped them in peeces, and threwe into that hogshed of wine a legge, into that barrell of cyder an arme, into this vessel of ale an head, and so into ye lomes of methe, and tubbes of brine, and other licor, he bestowed the parties of the dead carcasses of his brothers seruauntes, sending the king word, that he had prouided at his brothers manor, agaynste his comming, good plentie of souse, and poudred meate, what so euer he should finde beside. Thys rumor of this cruell deede, sprang ouer all the Realme, wherevpō the Northumbers, whom he hadde gouerned for the space of tenne yeares very cruelly, tooke occasion to rebell againste him,The Northū ­bers Rebell against Tostie their Earle. and slew his seruants both Englishmen and Danes, spoyled his houses, and tooke away his Horses, his armoure, and all other his goodes and house­hold stuffe. The chiefest cause (as is remembred by some writers) that mooued the Northumbers thus to rise and rebell against Tostie, was for ye detestable murther of certain Gentlemen of their countrey, seruauntes vnto Gospatricke, whiche the Quene in behalfe of hir brother had caused to be slayne in the Courte by treason, in the fourth night of Christmas last past, and also in reuenge of other noble men which in the last yeare Tostie himselfe had commaunded to bee murthered in his owne chamber at Yorke, whither hee had al­lured them to come vnder colour of concludyng a peace with them. Also the greeuous payments wherewith hee charged the people of that coun­trey, set them in a great rage agaynste hym.

But the Kyng aduertised heereof, liked [Page 279] not their doings, for that they had done it with­out commaundement or commission, and there­fore sent Earle Harrold with an army to chastice them,VVil. Malm. but they were strong ynough to withstand him, as those whiche were assembled in armoure togither with the people of Lincolneshire, Not­tingamshire, and Derbishire, and hauing with them Marcherus or Malcharus, the son of Erle Algar, were come as farre as Northampton, do­ing muche hurte in the parties thereaboutes: but 10 yet to haue ye kyngs peace, they offered to returne home, so that they might haue an other Earle ap­poynted them, for that they playnely protested, yt they beeyng free men, borne and bred out of bon­dage, mighte not suffer any cruell gouernoure to rule ouer them, being taught by their auncetors, eyther to liue in libertie, or to die in defence there­of. If therfore it might please the King to assigne Marcharus the sonne of Earle Algar to be theyr Ruler, hee shoulde see how obedient subiects they 20 woulde prooue and shewe themselues to be, when they should be vsed after a reasonable & courteous manner. All things considered, their request see­med reasonable, or at least, it was thought neces­sary, that it shuld be graunted. And so was Mar­charus or Malcherus made Earle of Northum­berlande.Marcharus made Earle of Northumber­land. Tostie in great displeasure with his wife and children fayled ouer into Flaunders, & there remayned till after the decesse of King Edward. Finally,King Edward departed this life. Simon Dun. after that this courteous Prince Kyng 30 Edwarde had raigned three and twentie yeares seuen monethes and odde dayes, he departed this life at London the fourth of Ianuary, and was buried in the Church of Westminster whyche he had in his life time royally repayred after suche a stately sort, as few Churches in those dayes were like thereto within this Realme, so that after­wardes the same was a patrone for other to bee built after the same fourme. This Edward was a Prince of such a vertuous disposition of minde,King Edward his manners, and dispositiō of mind de­scribed. 40 that his fame of holynesse sprang ouer all. He ab­horred warres and shedding of bloud, in so much, that when hee liued as a banished man in Nor­mandy, hee hadde this saying oftentimes in hys mouth, that he had [...] her liue a priuate life for e­uer, than to attein the Kingdome by the slaughter and deathe of any man. Hee coulde not abide to haue the people oppressed with tributes or exacti­ons, in so much, that he caused the paymente cal­led Danegelt, whiche had continued for the space 50 almost of fortie yeres to ceasse. It hath bin sayd, that when the collectors of this money, or some other subsedy had gote an huge quātitie of threa­sure togyther, they brought it vnto him, and layd it altogither vppon an heape, so to delighte hys eyes:A Deuill fet­ching gam­balles. but he declaring that he sawe a Deuil play­ing and fetching gambals about that heape of money, commaunded that it shoulde bee had a­way, and restored againe to them of whome it was leuied.

In dyet and apparrell hee was spare and no­thing sumptuous: and although on high feastes he ware rich apparrell, as became the Mairstie of his royall personage: he shewed yet no proud [...] no [...] loftie countenance, rather praysing God for thys bountifull goodnesse towardes hym extended▪ than esteeming heerein the vayne Pompe of the worlde.

The pleasure yt he tooke chiefly in this worlde for refresshing of his w [...]ters▪ consisted onely in Hawking and Hunting whiche exercises to day­ly vsed, after he had first bin in the Church at de­uine seruice.

In other things he seemed wholly gyuen to a deuoute trade of life, charitable to the poore, and very liberall, namely to Hospitalles and houses of Religion in the parties of beyonde the Sea, wishing euer, that the Monkes and Religious persons of his Realm, woulde haue followed the vertue and holinesse of his vsed amongst them of foraine parties. As hath bin thought he was en­spired with the gift of Prophecit, and also to haue hadde the gift of healing infirmities and diseases.

Namely, he vsed to help those that were vex­ed with the disease, commonly called the Kyngs euill, and left that vertue as it were a portion of inheritance vnto his successors the Kyngs of this Realme.

Hee was warned (as hath bin reported) of hys death certaine dayes before hee dyed,A tale of a Ring. by a King that was brought to him by certaine Pilgrimes comming from Hierusalem, which ring he hadde secretly giuen to a poore man that asked his cha­ritie in the name of God and Sainte Iohn the Euangelist. But to conclude,King Edward canonized for a Saint. suche was the opi­nion conceyued of his holynesse of life, that short­ly after his decesse, hee was canonized amongst the number of Saintes, and named Edward the Confessor.

Whilest hee lay sicke of that sicknesse whereof at length hee died,VVil. Malm Mat. VVest after he hadde remayned for two dayes speechlesse, the third day after when he had lay [...]e for a time in a slumber of soft sleepe, at the tyme of his wakening, hee fetched a deepe sigh▪ and thus sayde, Oh Lorde God Almighty, if thys bee not a vaine fantasticall illusion, but a true vision which I haue seene, graunt me space to vtter the same vnto these that stande heere presente, or else not. And heerewith hauing hys speeche perfect, he declared how he had seene two Monkes stand by him as he thoughte▪ whome in his youth he knewe in Normandy to haue liued Godly, and died Christianly. These Monkes (said hee) protesting vnto mee that they were the messengers of God, spake these words, bycause ye chiefe gouernoures of England, the Bishops and [Page 264] Abbots, are not the Mynisters of God, but the Diuels, the Almighty God hath deliuered this Kingdome for one yere and a day into the hands of the enimie, and wicked spirites shall walke a­brode through the whole land. And whē I made aunswere that I woulde declare these thyngs to the people, and promised on theyr behalfe, that they shoulde doe penance in following the ex­ample of the Niniuites. They sayde agayne, that it would not be, for neyther should the people re­pente, 10 nor God take any pitie vpon them. And when is there hope to haue an ende of these mi­series sayd I, then sayde they, when a greene tree is cut in sunder in the middle, and the parte cut off, is carried three acres bredth from the stocke, & returning agayne to the stoale, shall ioyne there­with, and begin to budde and beare fruite after the former manner, by reason of the sappe rene­wing the accustomed nourishmente, then I say, may there be hope that such euils shall ceasse, and 20 diminishe: Although other that stoode by, were brought in feare with those the Kyngs wordes, the Archbishoppe Stigande yet made but a iest thereof, saying, that the olde man raued nowe in hys sicknesse, as men of great yeares vse to do. But the trouth of that Prophesie afterwards too playnely appeared, when Englande became the habitation of newe straungers, in suche wise, that there was neyther gouernoure, Bishoppe, nor Abbot remayning therein of the Englishe Na­tion. 30

But now to make an ende with K. Edward, hee was of person comely, and of an indifferente stature, of white heare, both head and bearde, of face ruddy, and in all other partes of his body fayre skinned, with due state and proportion of limmes as was thereto conueniente.

In the yeare before the deathe of Kyng Ed­warde, a blasing Starre appeared, the whyche when a Monke of Malmesbury that highte Eylmer behelde, hee vttered these wordes (as it were by way of Prophesying:) Thou arte come (fayth he) thou art come, muche to be lamēted of many a mother: it is long agone sith I saw thee, but nowe I doe beholde thee, the more terrible threatning destruction to this countrey by thy dreadfull appearance.

In the person of Kyng Edward ceased by his deathe the noble progenie of the West Saxon Kings, which had continued from the first yeare of the raigne of Cerdicke or Cerditius, the space of fiue hundred .47. yeares complete. And from Egbert two hundred sixtie sixe yeres, as by Wil­liam Harrisons Chronologie is easie to bee col­lected, whose positions as most exact for the com­putation of the tyme, I chiefly followe.

MOreouer, sith the progenie of the Saxon Kyngs seemeth wholly to take ende wt this Edward surnamed the Confessor, or the third of that name before the Conquest, we haue thought good for the better help of memorie, to set downe in order, the names as well of those that reigned among the West Saxons, (who at length as yee haue hearde, obteyned the whole Monarchie) as also of them which ruled in the other seauē kyng­domes before the same were vnited vnto the sayd Kingdome of the West Saxons.

Mat. VVest.
The line of the Kentish kings.
  • [Page 265]Hengest
  • Oisc
  • Oth, or Occa
  • Ermenricus
  • Ethelbert the first Chri­stian.
  • Eadbalde
  • Ercombert
  • Egbert
  • Lothair
  • Eadricke
  • VVithred and Sywarde
  • Ethelbert
  • Eadbert
  • Ethelbert
  • Eadbert Pren
  • Cuthred
  • Baldred
  • Athelstan.

From this Athelstane the kingdome of Kent was translated vnto the kings of the West Saxons.

Of the Kings of Mercia.
  • Crida or Creodda
  • VVibba
  • Cearli
  • Penda
  • Peada, or rather
  • VVeada, that was the first Christian.
  • Alfhere
  • Ethelfred
  • Kinred
  • Ceolred
  • Ethelbalde
  • Beornred
  • Offa, surnamed Mag­nus, or the great.
  • Egfrid
  • Kenulfe
  • Kenelme
  • Ceolulf
  • Bernulf
  • Ludican, or
  • Ludicene
  • VViglaf
  • Bertulf
  • Burthred.

From this Burthred was the Kingdome of Mercia transposed ouer to the kings of the west Saxons.

Of the Kings of VVest Saxons.
  • Cerdic, or
  • Cerdicius
  • Kenric
  • Ceauline
  • Ceolric
  • Ceolulf
  • Kinegilse, or
  • Quicheline, the first Christian.
  • Kinewalke
  • Sexburga
  • Eascwine
  • Keniwine
  • Ceadwalla
  • Inas
  • Ethelhard
  • Cuthred
  • Sigebert
  • Kineulf
  • Brithric
  • Egbert
  • Ethelulf
  • Athelbalde
  • Ethelbert
  • Ethelred
  • Alfred, or
  • Alvred.

This Alfred, or Alvred was the first Monarke of the Englishe kings, whose succession conti­nued vnto the cōming in of William the Cō ­querour.

Of the Kings of Northumberland.
  • Ida
  • Adda
  • Glap
  • Theodwald
  • Fretewulfe
  • Theodoricke
  • Athelfride
  • Edwine, the first Chri­stian king of Deira.
  • Ea [...]ifride
  • Oswalde
  • Oswie
  • Aelfride
  • Egfride
  • Ealfride
  • Osred
  • Kenrede
  • Osrike
  • Ceolwulfe
  • Eadbert
  • Osulfe
  • Acthelred Mollo
  • Ealdred
  • Aetheldred
  • Alfwolde
  • Osred
  • Ethelred agayne
  • Osred
  • Eardulfe
  • Alfwolde
  • Eandred
  • Aethelred
  • Readwulf
  • Osbert
  • Ella
  • Egbert
  • Ricsie
  • Egbert
  • Cuthred
Of the Kings of Deira.
  • Ella

This Ella raigned in Deira whylest eyght Collaterall kings raig­ned in Bernicia.

  • Aethelfride
  • Eadwine
  • Osricke
  • Oswine

The kingdome of Dei­ra was translated from Oswine to Oswie K. of Bernicia, and by this meanes ye kingdom of ye Northūbers was vni­ted. Whose bounds did extēd frō Hūber north­wards to the Scottishe sea, and in the end came vnder the power of the West Saxons.

Of the Kings of East Angles.
  • Vffa
  • Titellus
  • Redwalde
  • VVibert
  • Corpenwalde the firste Christian.
  • Sigebert
  • Egricke
  • Anna
  • Aethelhere
  • Aethelwalde
  • Ealdulphe
  • Ealswalde
  • Beorna
  • Aethelred
  • Aethelbert
  • Eadmund

Gytro the Dane. From Gytro the Dane, the kingdome of the East Angles was translated to the West Saxons.

Of the Kings of the East Saxons.
  • Earkenwine
  • Sledda
  • Sebert the firste Christian.
  • Sexred, and
  • Siwarde
  • Sigebert the little
  • Switheline
  • Sigehere and Sebba
  • Sigeharde, and
  • Seofride
  • Offa
  • Selred
  • Suithred.

From this Suithred, ye kingdome of the East Saxōs was translated to the West Saxons.

Of the Kings of the South Saxons.
  • Ella
  • Cissa
  • Ethelwalde the firste Christian.
  • Berthune
  • Aldhune.

From this Aldhune the kingdome of the South Saxons was trāslated to the west Saxons.

[Page 282]Here is to be remembred, that as partly be­fore is expressed,Mat. VVest. wee finde in some olde Wry­ters, howe the fyrst Kings of seuen of these Kingdomes of the Germaine Nation that bare rule in this Isle, fetched theyr pedegrees from one Woden, who begatte of Frea his wyfe se­uen sonnes, that is to witte, 1. Vecta, of whom came the kings of Kent .2. Fethelgeta, or Fre­thegeath, from whome the kings of Mercia dis­cended .3. Balday of whose race the Kings of 10 the West Saxons had theyr originall .4. Bel­dagius, auncetour to the kings of Bernicia, and the Northumbers .5. Wegodach, or Wegda­gus, frō whom came the kings of Deira .6. Ca­ser, from whom proceeded the kings of the East Angles .7. Nascad alias Saxuad, of whom the kings of the East Saxons had their beginning.

And here you must note, that althoughe the kings of the .viij. kingdome, that is, of the South-Saxons or of Sussex, were discended of the same 20 people, yet were they not of the same line. By o­ther it should seeme, that Woden had but fiue sonnes: as Vecta, great Grandfather to Hengest: Wepedeg, antecessor to the kings of the East An­gles: Viclac, from whom proceeded the kings of Mercia: Saxuad, from whom the kings of Essex came: & Beldeg, of whose generatiō proceeded the kings of the South Saxons, West Saxons, and the Northumbers.Simon Dun. Moreouer, there bee that bring the genealogie from Noe or Noah,Iohn Textor. the son 30 of Lamech, which Noe was the .ix. in discent frō Adam, & Woden the .xv. frō Noah, as thus: Noe was the father to Sem ye father of Bedwi, the father of Wala, the father of Hatria or Ha­thra, the father of Itermod ye father of Heremod, the father of Sheaf or Seaf, the father of Seldoa or Sceldua, the father of Beatu or Beau, ye father of Teathwij alias Tadwa or Teathwy, the fa­ther of Geta, reputed for a God among the Gen­tiles, the father of Fingodulph otherwise Bo­dulfe, 40 the father of Fritwolfe otherwise Frinin the father of Freolaf alias Freolater, the father of Frethwold or Friderwald, the father of the afore­named Woden or Othen.

Harolde.

[figure]

Harold. King Edwarde departed this life An. christ. 1065. after the account of the church of Eng­land.KIng Ed­warde bee­ing thus de­parted this life the Peeres of 50 the lande were in great doubt and perplexitie to whom they might best cō ­mit the royall gouernmēt of the realm.Mat. VVest. Polidor. For ther was not any a­mong them that had iust title thereto, or able and apt to take the charge vpō him: for although Ed­gar surnamed Edcling,Ede [...] the [...] [...]d hath one [...] [...] is come of the kings bloud. the sonne of Edward the Outlaw, that was sonne of Edmond Ironside, was the same time lately come into Englande, with his mother and sisters oute of Hungarie where he was borne: yet for that hee was but a child, and not of sufficient age to beare rule, they durst not as then commit the gouernment of the realme vnto him, least (as some haue thought) his tendernesse of age might first breed a contempt of his person, and therewith minister occasion to ci­uil discord, wherby a shipwrak of the estate might to the great annoy and present ouerthrow of such ensue, as then liued in the same. But what consi­deration so euer they had in this behalf, they ought not to haue defranded the yong Gentleman of his lawfull right to the Crowne. For as we haue heard and seene, God whose prouidence & migh­tie power is shewed by ouerthrowing of high and mightie things now and then, by the weake and feeble hath gouerned states and kingdoms often­times in as good quiet and princely policie by a childe, as by menne of rype age and greate dis­cretion.

But to the purpose, beside the doubt whiche rested among the Lordes, howe to bestowe the Crowne, the manifold and straunge wonders which were seene and heard in those days, betoke­ning (as men thought) some chaunge to bee at hande in the estate of the realme, made the Lordes afrayde, and namely bycause they stode in great doubt of William duke of Normandie, who pre­tended a right to the crowne, as lawful heyre ap­poynted by king Edward, for that he was akinne to him in the secōd and third degree.Dukes of Nor­mandie. For Richard the first of that name duke of Normandie, begot Richard the seconde, and Emme, which Emme bare Edward by hir husband Ethelred. Richarde the second also had issue Richard the thirde, and Robert, which Robert by a Concubine had issue William, surnamed the bastard, that was nowe Duke of Normandie, and after the death of hys cosin king Edwarde, made clayme (as is sayde) to the crowne of Englande. Whilest the Lordes were thus studying and consulting what shoulde be best for them to doe in these doubtes, Haralde (the sonne of Goodwin Earle of Kent,Harold pro­claymed king of Englande. proclay­med himselfe king of England.) The people be­ing not much offended therewith, bycause of the great cōfidence and opinion which they had late­ly conceyued of his valiancie.

Some write, among which Edmerus is one,Edmerus. how king Edwarde ordeyned before his death, that Harold shoulde succeed him as heyre to the crowne, and that therevpon the Lordes immedi­ately after the sayde Edwardes deceasse, crowned Harolde for their king, and so he was sacred by Aldred Archb. of Yorke, according to the custome [Page 283] and maner of the former kings, or as other af­fyrme,Mat. VVest. he set the crowne on his owne head with­out any the accustomed ceremonies, in the yeare after the byrth of our sauiour .1066. or in the yere of Christ .1065. after the account of the Church of Englād (as before is noted.) But how and when­soeuer he came to the seate royall of this King­dome, certaine it is, that this Harolde in the be­ginning of his raigne, considering with him­selfe howe and in what sort hee had taken vppon 10 him the rule of the kingdome, rather by intrusion than by any lawfull right, he studied by all mea­nes which way to winne the peoples fauour,Harold seketh to winne the peoples hartes. and omitted no occasion whereby hee might shewe any token of bounteous liberalitie, gentlenesse, & courteous behauiour towardes them. The grie­nous customs also and taxes which his predeces­sors had raysed,Sim. Dunel. he either abolished or diminished: the ordinarie wages of his seruauntes and men of warre he encreased, and further shewed hym­selfe 20 very well bent to all vertue and godlinesse, whereby he purchased no small good will of such as were his subiectes.

An Ambassade from Nor­mandie.Whylest Harolde went about thus to steale the peoples good willes, there came ouer vnloo­ked for sundrie Ambassadours from William

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30 40 the bastarde Duke of Normandie, with com­mission to requyre hym to remember his othe sometime made to the sayde William in the tyme of his extremitie, whiche was, that hee the sayde Haralde shoulde ayde him in the at­teyning of the Crowne of Englande, if King Edwarde shoulde happen to dye withoute issue. 50

This couenaunt he made (as it is supposed) in king Edwards dayes, (when by lycence of the same Edwarde, or rather (as Edmerus wry­teth) agaynst his will) he went ouer into Nor­mandie to visite his brethren, which lay there as pledges:K. Harolds answere. howbeit at this present, Haroldes ann­swere to the sayde Ambassadours was, that hee would be readie to gratifie the Duke in all that he coulde demaunde, so that he woulde not aske the realme, which alredy he had in his full possession.Edmerus. And further he declared vnto thē (as some write) that as for the othe which hee had made in tymes past vnto Duke William, the same was but a constrayned and no voluntarie oth, which in law is nothing,Mat. VVest. since thereby hee tooke vppon him to graunt that whiche was not in his power to giue, hee beeing but a subiect whilest King Ed­warde was lyuing: for if a promised vowe or othe which a Mayde maketh concerning the be­stowing of hir bodie in hir fathers house without his consent is made voyde, much more, an othe by him made that was a subiecte, and vnder the rule of a king without his soueraignes consent, ought to be voyde and of no value.

He alledged moreouer, that as for him to take an othe to deliuer the inheritaunce of anye Realme withoute the generall consent of the estates of the same, coulde not bee other than a greate peece of presumption, yea althoughe hee might haue iust tytle therevnto, so it was an vn­reasonable request of the Duke at this present to will him to renounce the Kingdome, the gouer­nance whereof hee had alreadie taken vpon him, with so great fauor and good lyking of all men.

Duke William hauing receyued this answer,Duke Williā efsoones sen­deth to king Harolde. and nothing lyking thereof, hee sendeth once a­gaine to Harolde, requyring him then at the least wise, that hee woulde take his daughter to wife, according to his former promise, in refusal wher­of he could make no sound allegation, bycause it was a thing of his owne motion, and in his ab­solute power, both to graunt and to perfourme. But Harolde beeing of a stoute courage, wyth prowde countenaunce, frowned vpon the Nor­man Ambassadors, and declared to them that his minde was nothing bent as then to yeelde there­vnto in any maner of wise. And so with other talke tending to the like effect he sent them away without any other answere.

The daughter of Duke William which Ha­rold should haue maried, was named Adeliza, as Gemeticensis hath,Gemeticensi and with hir (as the same au­thour writeth) it was couenanted by Duke Wil­liam that Harold should enioy halfe the Realme in name of hir dower.VVil. Mal. Howbeit some write that this daughter of Duke William was departed this life before the cōming of these Ambassadors, and that Harold therevppon thought himself dis­charged of the oth and couenants made to Duke William, and therefore sent them away with an vntoward answere.

But howsoeuer it was, after the departure of these Ambassadors,Polidor. king King Harold (doubting what would ensue) caused his shippes to be new­ly rigged, his men of warre to be mustred, & spee­dily put in a readinesse, to the ende that if any so­daine [Page 284] daine inuasion should be made and attempted by his enimie, he might be able to resist them.

About the same time also, and vpon the .xxiiij. of Aprill (whilest Harold was making prouision to withstande the Norman force) there appea­red a blasing Starre,R. Houed. Sam. Dun. which was seene not onely here in Englande, but also in other partes of the worlde, which continued the space of .vij. dayes.

In this meane while, Tostie the brother of king Harolde (who in the dayes of king Edward 10 for his crueltie had beene chased out of the realme by the Northumbers)Tostie seeketh to disquiet his brother. Mat. VVest. hath but .xl. returning out of Flanders assembled a Nauie of shippes from diuerse partes to the number of .lx. with the which he arriued in the Ile of Wight, and there spoiled the Country, & afterward sayling about, by the coasts of Kent, he tooke sundrie prayes there also,Polidor. Ran. Higd. Simon. Dun. and came at the last to Sandwich: So that Harolde was nowe constrayned to appoynt the Nauie whiche hee had prepared agaynst the Normans, to goe a­gaynst 20 his brother Earle Tostie: whereof the said Tostie being aduertised, drewe towardes Lynd­sey in Linconlshire, and there taking lande did muche hurt in the Countrey, both with sworde and fire,VVil. Mal. till at length Edwyne Earle of Mer­cia, and Morkarus Earle of Northumberlande, ayded with the Kings nauie,Tostie repul­ [...]ed. Polidor. Ran. Higd. chased him from thence, and caused him to flee into Scotlande, not withoute some losse both of his menne and shippes. 30

This trouble was vneth quited, when streight wayes another came in the necke thereof, farre more daungerous than the first. For Tostie perceyuing that he coulde get no ayde in Scot­lande to make any account of, he sayled forth in­to Norway,Harold Har­ [...]ager king of Norway. and there perswaded Harold Harfa­ger king of that Realme, to sayle with an armie into England, perswading him, that by meanes of a ciuill dissention lately kindled betwixt the king and his Lords, (which was not so) it should 40 be an easie matter for him to make a conquest of the whole Realme, and raigne ouer them as his predecessors had done before.

Some Authours affyrme, how Harolde king of Norway tooke this enterprise in hande of hys owne minde, and not by procurement of Tostie, saying that Tostie meeting with him in Scot­land,Ma [...]. VVest. [...] did perswade him to go forward in his pur­posed businesse, and that the sayde Harolde Har­fager with all conuenient speede passed forth,500. [...] Simon Dun. and with a Nauie of three hundred sayle, entred into the riuer of Tine, where after he had rested a few dayes to refresh his people, Erle Tostie came also with his power (according to an appointmet which should be made betwene them.The No [...]e­gians arriue in Humber.) They adde furthermore, that they sayled forth alongest the coast, till they arriued in the mouth of Humber, and then drawing vp agaynst the streame of the riuer Owse, they landed at length at a place cal­led Richehall,Richehall. H. Hunt. frō whence they set forward to in­uade the Countrey, and neare vnto Yorke on the Northside of the Citie, they fought with the po­wer of the Northumbers,The English men discom­fited. which was led by the Earles Edwyn and Marchar (two brethren) and there discomfited and chased them into the Citie, with great slaughter and bloudshed.

Harolde King of Englande beeing aduer­tised of this chaunce,This battaile was fought on the euen of S. Mathew the Apostle [...] hath Simon Dun. hee made the more haste forwardes (for he was alreadie in the fielde with his armie, intending also to come towardes hys enimies) so that vpon the fifth day after he came to Stanforde Bridge, finding there the sayde King Harfager and Tostie readie embattayled, hee fyrste assayled those that kept the Bridge, where (as some Wryters affyrme) a Norwe­gian Souldier with his Axe defended the pas­sage,VVil. Mat. Hen Hunt. Mat. VVest. maugre the whole host of the English men, and slue fortie of them or more with hys Axe, and might not bee ouercome, till an Englishe man went with a Boate vnder the Bridge, and through an hole thereof, thrust him vppe into the bodie with his Speare: although Mat. Westm. noteth that hee was slaine with a Dart whiche one of King Harolde his seruauntes threwe at him, and so ended his life. Which Bridge being wonne, the whole hoste of the English men pas­sed ouer, and ioyned with theyr enimies,The Norwe­gians dis­comfited. and after a right great and sore battayle, put them all to flight.

In this conflicte Harolde Harfager King of the Norwegians was slain,The king of Norway and Tostie slaine▪ and so likewise was Tostie, the King of Englande hys Brother,

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[Page 285] besides a great number of other, as well in the battaile as in the chase: neyther did the Englishe men escape all free, for the Norwegians fought it out a long time very stoutly,This battaile was fought the .xxv. of September as hath Simon Dun. beating downe and killing great numbers of suche as assayled them with great courage and assuraunce. The residue of the Norwegians that were left to kepe theyr shippes vnder the guiding of Olaut sonne to the king of Norway, and Paule Earle of Orkney, after they vnderstoode by theyr fellowes 10 that escaped from the field, how the matter went with Harfagar and Tostie,Mat. VVest. they hoysed vp their sayles and directed theyr course homewardes, bearing sorrowfull newes with them into theyr Countrey, of the losse of theyr King, and ouer­throwe of all his people.

Some write, that the K. of England permitted them frankly to depart with .xx.Simon Dun. shippes, hauing first caused them to deliuer suche Hostages as they had receyued of the Citizens of Yorke. But 20 howe so euer it was, Harolde, reioysing in that he had atteyned so glorious a victorie, and be­ing nowe surprysed with pryde and couetous­nesse togyther, he deuided the spoyle of the fielde nothing equally,Mat. VVest. Vnequall de­uiding of the spoyle. but to suche as he fauoured, hee distributed liberally, and to other (though they had muche better deserued) hee gaue nothing at all, reteyning styll the best part of all to himselfe, by reason whereof he lost the fauor of many of his men, who for this his vncurtesie, did not a little 30 alienate their good willes from him.

This done, he repayred to Yorke, and there stayed for a time to reforme the disordered state of the Countrey,VVil. Malm. which by reason of these warres was greatly out of frame.

In the meane tyme, William Duke of Nor­mandie (hauing knowledge after what manner king Harolde was busied in the North parties of his realme, and vnderstanding that the fouth par­ties thereof remayned without prouision of neces­sarie 40 defence) hasted with all diligence to make his purueyance of men and shippes, that he might vpon such a conuenient occasion set forward so­denly to inuade his enimie. And amongst other of his friends, vnto whom he laboured forsayde, his father in lawe Baldwine Earle of Flaunders,Ia. Meer. Baldwyn Erle of Flanders ayded Duke William to conquere Eng­lande. was one of the chiefe, who vpon promise of great summes of money and other large offers made, did ayde him with men, munition, shippes, and vittayles very freely. 50

The French king also did as much for hys part as lay in him to helpe forwarde thys so high an enterprise. Wherefore when all things were now in a readinesse, hee came to the towne of Saint Valerie,VVil. Geme. The Chroni­cles of Nor­mandie haue 896. shippes. where he hadde assembles togy­ther an huge Nauie of Shippes (to the num­ber (as some Authours affyrme) of three hun­dred sayle) and when he had taryed there a long time for a conuenable wind, at length it came a­bout euē as he himself desired. Then shipping his armie which consisted of Normans, Flemings, French men, and Britonnes, with all expedi­tion he tooke the Sea, and directing his course to­wardes Englande, hee finally landed at a place in Sussex, aunciently called Peuenessey the .28.Now Pemsey. Duke William landed at Pemsey. day of September, where he did sette his men a lande, and prouided all things necessarie to en­courage and refresh them.

At his going out of his shippe vnto the shore, one of his feete slipped as he stepped forward, but the other stacke fast in the sande, the whiche so soone as one of his knightes had espied, and seeing his hand wherevpon he stayed full of earth, when he rose, he spake aloude and sayde. Now sir Duke thou hast the soyle of Englande fast in thy hand, and shalt of a duke ere long become a King. The Duke hearing his tale laughed merily thereat, and comming a lande, by and by hee made hys Proclamation, declaring vpon what occasions he had thus entred the Realme.

The first and principall cause whiche hee al­ledged was for to chalenge his right,Hen. Hunt. meaning the Dominion of the lande that to him was gyuen and assigned (as hee sayde) by hys Nephew king Edwarde late ruler of the same lande.

The seconde was, to reuenge the death of hys Nephewe Alvred of Alfred the brother of the same King Edwarde, whome Goodwyn Earle of Kent, and his adherents had most wic­kedly murthered.

The thirde was, to be reuenged of the wrong done vnto Robert Archebishoppe of Canter­burie, who as hee was enfourmed, was exi­led by the meanes and labour of Harolde, in the dayes of King Edwarde. Wherein wee haue to note that whether it were for displeasure that the Pope hadde sometymes conceyued for the wrong done to the Archebishoppe, or at the one­ly suyte of Duke William,VVil. Malm. The Pope fa­uoured Duke Williams en­terprise. certaine it is that the Pope as then named Alexander the se­conde, fauoured thys enterpryse of the Duke, and in token thereof sent him a white Banner, whiche hee willed him to sette vp in the deske of the Shippe, wherein hee hymselfe shoulde sayle.

In deede (as wryters report) the Pope wyth hys Cardinalles,Mat. VVest. and all the whole Courte of Rome, had King Harolde euer in greate hatred and disdeyne, bycause that he had taken vppon hym the Crowne without theyr consent▪ or any Ecclesiasticall solemnitie or a­greement of the Byshoppes. And although the Pope, and his brethren the sayde Ca [...]alles dissembled the matter for the tyme, yet [...] beholding to what ende hys holde presumpti­on was like to come, they wyth frowning-for­tune [Page 286] shewed themselues also open aduersaryes, inclyning streyght wayes to the stronger part, after the manner of couetous persones, or ra­ther like to a Reede shaken with a sodaine puft of winde.

Gemeticensis.At hys fyrst landing at Peuenessey or Pem­sey (whether you will) hee fortifyed a peece of ground with strong Trenches, and leauing ther­in a competent number of menne of warre to keepe the same, hee speede him towardes Ha­stings, 10 and comming thither, he buylt an other Fortresse there with all speede possible withoute suffering his Souldiours to robbe or harry the Countrey adioyning, saying that it shoulde bee greate folly for him to spoyle that people, which ere many dayes to come were lyke to bee hys subiectes.

VVil. Mal.King Harolde beeing as yet in the North partes, and hearing that Duke William was thus landed in Englande, hee spedde him south­warde, 20 and gathering his people togither out of the Countreys as he went forwardes, at length he came neare to his enimies, and sending espy­als into their Campe to vnderstande of what strength they were:Mat. VVest. the vnskilfull messengers re­garding smally their charge, brought woorde a­gaine of nothing else but that all Duke Willi­ams Souldiers were Priestes.Normans beards shauen. VVil. Mal. Hen. Marle. For the Nor­mans had at that time theyr ouer lyps & cheekes shauen, whereas the Englishe menne vsed to 30 suffer the heare of theyr ouer lyppes to growe at length: but Harolde aunswered, that they were not Priestes, but stalwoorth and hardie Souldiours, and suche as were like to abide well by their Captaine.

Gyrth woulde not haue hys brother king Harold fight himselfe.In the meane season, Girth one of Haroldes yonger brethren (considering that periurie is ne­uer left vnpunished) aduysed his brother not to aduenture himselfe at this present in the battaile, forsomuch as he had beene sometyme sworne to 40 Duke William,Gemeticensis. but rather to suffer him and other of the Nobilitye to encounter wyth the sayde Duke, that were not bounde to him by former othe or otherwise: but Harolde aun­swered that hee was free from anye suche othe, and that in defence of hys Countrey he woulde fight boldely wyth him as wyth hys greatest enimie.

VV. Mal.Before they came to fight also, diuerse of­fers were made on both partes for an vnitie to 50 haue beene had betwixte the two Princes: but when no conditions of agreement coulde take place, they forthwith prepared themselues to trye the matter by dynt of sworde. And so on the .xiiij. day of October, beeing Saterdaye, both the Hostes mette in the fielde at a place in Sus­sex not farre from Hastinges, where as the Abbay of Battaile was afterwards buylded.

The Englishe menne were all brought in­to one entyre maine battaile a foote,The order of the English men. wyth huge Axes in theyr handes, and paled afront wyth Paueyses, in suche wyfe that it was thoughte impossible for the enimye to breake theyr array.

On the other syde the Normans were de­uided into seuerall battayles,Mat. VVe [...]. as fyrst the foote­menne that were Archers,The array of the Normans. and also those that bare Gleyues and Axes, were placed in the fore fronte, and the Horsemenne deuyded in­to Winges, stoode on the sydes in verie good order.

All the nyght before the battayle,Hon. Hunt. VVil. Mal. the Eng­lishe menne made greate noyce and slept no [...], but sang and fell to drinking and making of re­uell and pastime, as thought there had beene no accounte to bee made of the nexte dayes tray­uayle. But the Normans behaued themselues warily and soberly, spending all that night in prayer and confessing theyr sinnes vnto God, and in the Morning earely they receyued the Communion before they wente foorth to the battayle.

Some wryte that when Duke William shoulde putte on hys armour to goe to the fielde, the backe halfe of his Curasses by chaunce was sette on before by suche as holpe to arme hym, at whiche chaunce hee tooke occasion of laugh­ter, saying merily to them that stood by, No force thys is good lucke, for the estate of my Duke­dome shall bee ere night chaunged into a King­dome.

Beside this, hee spake manye comfortable woordes vnto his menne, to encourage them to the battayle. Neither was Harolde forgetfull in that poynte on his part. And so at conueni­ent tyme when both partes were readie, they made forwarde eche to encounter wyth other, on the foresayde fourtenth daye of October, with great force and assurance.

In the beginning of the battayle, the Ar­rowes flewe abroade freshly on both sides,Polidor. The battaile betwixt king Harolde and Duke Willi­am in [...]. tyll they came to ioyne at hande strokes, and then preassed eche syde vpon hys counterparte wyth Swordes, Axes, and other hand weapons right egrely.

Duke William commaunded his Horse­menne to giue the charge on the breastes of hys ennimyes battayles: but the Englishe menne keeping themselues close togyther wythoute scattering, receyued theyr enimyes vppon the poyntes of theyr Weapons wyth suche fierce­nesse and in suche slyffe order, that manye of the Norman horesemen were ouerthrowne without recouerie, and slaine at the firste brunte. When Duke William perceyued this inconuenience (as hee that well and throughlye vnderstoode [Page 287] the skilfull poyntes of warre as well as the best) he gaue a signe to his men, (according to an or­der appoynted before hande vpon any such occa­sion,) that they shoulde giue backe,The policie of duke William to disorder his enimies. Hen. Hunt. VVil. Malm. and make a countenaunce as though they did flee, which was quickly done by the Normans, and withall they embattayled theyr footemen in new order, so that their Horsemen shifted themselues on the wings, readie to reskue the footemen if their array shoulde happen to be disturbed. By this wilie stratageme 10 and pollicie of warre, the English men were de­ceyued: for they beholding the Normans some­what to shrinke backe to bring themselues into the abouesayde order, thought verily that they had fledde, and therevppon meaning to pursue them before they shoulde recouer theyr grounde, they brake theyr array, and beganne to followe the chase: wherevpon the Normans (perceyuing nowe that all things came to passe as they de­sired) speedily returned, and casting themsel­ues togyther quickly into arraye, beganne to charge them againe of newe, and so hauing them at that aduauntage, they slue them downe on euerie syde.A sore fough­ten battaile. King Harold slaine. The Englishe men on the other parte fought sore, and thought theyr king were beaten downe among them and slayne, yet were

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they lothe to flee or giue ouer, so sharpe was the battaile, that Duke William himselfe had three horses slaine vnder him that day, and not with­out great daunger of his person.

VVil. Mal. Mat. VVest.Some of the Englishe men got them to the height of an hill, and beate backe the Normans that forced themselues to wynne the hill of them, so that it was long ere the Normans could pre­uaile, 40 beeing oftentymes driuen downe into the bottom of the valley beneath.

At length the English men perceyuing them­selues to bee ouermatched and beaten downe on euerye side,The English men put to fight. and therevnto greatlye discouraged wyth slaughter of theyr King, beganne first to giue ground, and after to scatter and to runne a­way, so that well was him that might then e­scape by flight, after that they had fought the most part of all that Saterday. 50

Eron. de Bello. VVil. Geme. VVil. Malm. The Normās fall into a ditch.The Normans followed the chafe, with suche egre rashnesse, that a great number of them fal­ling with theyr Horses and armour into a blinde ditche shadowed with Reede and Sedges which grewe therein) were smouldred and pressed to death, ere they coulde be succoured or get any re­liefe.

The next day the Normans fell to gathering in the spoyle of the fielde, burying also the deade bodies of their people that were slaine at the bat­taile, gyuing licence in semblable maner to the English men to doe the like.

Of the death of Harolde diuerse report diuers­ly,Giral. Camb. insomuch that Girald. Cambren. sayth, how after king Harold had receyued many woundes, and lost his left eye, hee fledde from the fielde vn­to the Citie of Westchester, and liued there long after an holy life, as an Anker in the Cell of S. Iames, fast by Saint Iohns Church, and there made a godly ende. But the saying of Girald, Cambren in that poynt is not to be credited, by­cause of the vnlikely hoode of the thing itselfe,VVil. Mal. Hen. Hunt. Mat. VVest. and also generall consent of other wryters, who af­fyrme vniuersally that he was killed in the bat­tayle, first beeyng stryken through the left eye by the scull into the brayne with an arrow, where­vpon falling from his horse to the grounde, hee was slaine in that place, after hee had reigned nine Monethes and nine dayes, as Floriacens [...]s doth report.

He was a man of a comely stature,Floriac. Simon Dun. and of a haute courage, and albeit that for his valy­ancie he was highly renowned and honoured of all men, yet through his pryde and Ambition he [Page 288] lost the hartes of many.

Hen. Hunt. Polidor. The Chroni­cles of Nor­mandie haue of Englishmen slaine. 67974. and of Nor­mans. 6013.There was slaine in this battaile besides king Harolde and his two brethren, Gyrth and Leo­frike, what on the one side and on the other, a­boue twentie thousande menne. And finally here­by the bloud of the Saxons ceassed to raigne in Englande after they had continued possession of the same, from the fyrst comming of Hengist, which was about the yeare of our Sauiour .450. alias .449. vntill that present yeare of King Ha­rolds 10 death,1066 which chaunced in the yeare .1066. So that from the beginning of Hengist hys raigne,616 vnto Haroldes death, are reckened .616. yeares, or (after some) 617. as by supputation of the time will easily appeare.

By all the which time there raigned kings of the Saxons bloud within this lande, except that for the space. of .xx. yeares and somewhat more the Danes had the dominion of the Realme in their possession: for there are reckened from the 20 begynning of King Suenois reigne, (which was the first Dane that gouerned England) vnto the last yeare of King Hardicnute, (the last Dane that ruled here) .xxviij. yeares, in whiche meane space Egelred recouering the Kingdome reig­ned two yeares, and after him his sonne Ed­monde Ironside continued in the rule one yeare, so that the Danes had the whole possession of the lande but .xxv. yeares in all.

The bodie of king Harold is buried at Waltham.The bodie of king Harolde being founde a­mong 30 other slaine in the fielde, was buryed at Waltham, within the monasterie of the holye Crosse which her before had founded & endowed to the behoofe of futhe Canons as he had placed there, with fayre possessions.

Verily as some wryters haue) reported, there was nothing in this manne to bee in any wyse dispraysed, if his ambitious mynde coulde haue been stayed from coueting the Kingdome, and that hee could haue beene contented to haue liued 40 as a subiect.

Ex. 6. libro Policraticon, siue de nugis tutialium [...]oh [...]n Sarisb.Among other manifest proufes of his highe valiancie, this is remembred of him, that beeing sent agaynst the Welchmen (as before is partly mentioned) hee knowing theyr readie nymble­nesse in seruice, and howe with their light armed menne they were accustomed to annoy and di­stresse those that shoulde assayle them, hee like­wise (to matche them) prouided light armed men for the purpose, and so being furnished with suche 50 bandes of nymble men and light Souldiers, hee entered vpon the Mountaynes of Snowdone, and there remayned amongest the enimyes for the space of two yeares. Hee sore afflicted the Welche Nation, tooke their Kings, and sent theyr heades vnto the King that sent him a­boute this businesse, and proceeding in suche ri­gorous manner as mighte moue the hearers to lament and pitie the case, hee caused all the masle kinde that might be mette with, to be mi­serably slaine: and so with the edge of his sworde he brought the Countrey to quiet, and wythall made this lawe, that if anye Welcheman from thencefoorth shoulde presume to passe the limittes ouer Offes ditch with any weapon about him, he should lose his right hand.

To conclude, by the valiant conduct of this Chieftaine, the Welche men were then so sore brought vnder, that in maner the whole Nation might seeme to faile, and to be almost vtterly de­stroyed. And therefore by permission of the king of England, the women of Wales ioyned them­selues in mariage with English men. But to re­turne where we left.

Nowe forsomuch as it pleased God by hys hidde and secrete iudgemente so to dispose the Realme of Englande, and in suche wise as that the gouernaunce thereof shoulde fall after thys maner into the handes of William duke of Nor­mandie, I haue thought good before I enter fur­ther into this Historie (beeing nowe come to the conquest of the Realme, made by the foresayde Duke of Normandie) to set down his pedigrew, thereby to shewe howe he discended from the first Duke of that Countrey, who was named Rollo (and after by receyuing baptisme cleped Robert.)

The sayde Rollo or Rou, was sonne to a greate Lorde in Denmarke called Guyon, who hauing two sonnes, the sayde Ron, and Gourin, and being appoynted to depart the Countrey, as the lottes fell to him and other, according to the maner there vsed (in time when their people were encreased to a greater number than the Coun­trey was able to sustaine) refused to obey that order, and made warre agaynst the King there, who yet in the ende by practise founde meanes to slea the foresayde Guyon, and his sonne Gourin, so that Rou, or Rollo, hauing thus lost his father and brother, was compelled to forsake the coun­trey, with all those that had holpe his father to make warre agaynst the king. And thus dryuen to seeke aduentures, at length he became a Chri­stian, and was created Duke of Normandie, by gift of Charles King of Fraunce, surnamed Le Simple, whose daughter the Ladie Gilla hee also maried: but shee departing this life withoute is­sue, hee maryed Popce daughter to the Earle of Bessin and Bayculx, whome hee had kept as his wyfe before hee was baptised, and had had by hir a sonne named VVilliam Longue espee, and a daughter named Gerlota.

William Long espee, or Longa Sp [...]ta had to wife the Ladie Sporta, daughter to Hubert Earle of Senlis, by whome he had issue Richard the second of that name duke of Normandy, who maryed the Ladie Agnes, the daughter of Hugh [Page 289] le Grande, Earle of Paris, of whome no issue proceeded: but after hir deceasse, he maryed to his seconde wife a Gentle woman named Gonnor, daughter to a knight of the Danishe line, by whō hee had three sonnes,Ye must note that there was one Richarde duke of Nor­mandie before Rollo. Richarde that was after Duke of Normandie the third of that name, Ro­bert, & Mauger. He had also by hir three daugh­ters. Agnes, otherwise called Emme, maried first to Egelred king of Englande, and after to King Cnute: Helloye, otherwise Alix, bestowed vpon 10 Geffrey Earle of Britaigne: and Mawde cow­pled in mariage with Euldes Earle of Char­ters and Blais. Richard the thirde of that name maried Iudith, sister to Geoffray Earle of Bry­taigne, by whome he had issue three sonnes, Ri­charde, Robert, and William, and as manye daughters: Alix, maried to Reignault Earle of Burgoyne: Alienor, maried to Baldwin Earle of Flaunders: and the thirde dyed yong, beeing affianced to Alfonse King of Nauarre. Their mother deceased after she had beene maried tenne yeares, and then Duke Richard maried secondly the Ladie Estric, sister to Cnute king of Eng­lande and Denmarke, from whome hee pur­chased to be deuorced, and then maried a Gentle­woman called Pauie, by whom he had issue two sonnes, William Earle of Arques, and Mauger Archbishop of Rouen.

Richarde the fourth of that name Duke of Normandie, eldest sonne to Richarde the thirde, dyed withoute issue, and then his brother Robert succeeded in the estate, whiche Robert begatte vppon Arlete or Harleuina daughter to a Bur­gesse of Felais, William surnamed the bastard, afterwardes Duke of Normandie, and by con­quest king of England.

Hitherto haue we continued the Hystorie of this land, wherein may appeare the variable chaunges of states by course of times, and especially foure notable Conquests: as first by the Romans, secondly by Saxons, thirdly by the Danes, and now lastly by the Normans: in euerie of which alterations of the state, what is chiefly to be considered (bycause wee haue partly touched the same in the Proheme) we here omit to make any further dis­course, and so proceede to the second Booke as followeth.

1577.

THE Historie of Scotlande, conteyning the beginning, in­crease, proceedings, continuance, Actes and Gouernemente of the Scottish nation, from the originall thereof vnto the yeare. 1571. Gathered and written in the English tongue by R. H.

AT LONDON, ¶Jmprinted for Iohn Hunne.

God saue the Queene.

¶The Authours out of whome this Historie of Scotlande hath bene gathered.
  • Hector Boece.
  • Iohannes Ferrarius Pedemontanus.
  • Iohannes Maior.
  • Iohannes Fourdon.
  • Rogerus Houeden.
  • Richardus Southvvell.
  • VVilhelmus Paruus, siue Neoburgēsis.
  • Albertus Crantz.
  • Aeneas Siluius.
  • Edward Hall.
  • Richard Grafton.
  • Iohn Stovv:

And others.

[blazon or coat of arms]

❧ TO THE RIGHT Honorable the Lorde Robert Dudley, Earle of Leycester, Baron of Denbigh, Knight of the most noble order of the Garter, Maister of the Queenes Maiesties Horse, and one of hir highnesse priuy Counsell.

IT may seeme (right honorable) a gret pre­sumptiō in me, to haue taken in hand the col­lection of this Scot­tish history, and other of diuers regiōs, con­sidering so many suf­ficient men as liue in these dayes, far more able to performe the same. But where at the motion of a special frend, I vndertooke to deale therin,Reginald VVolfe. more vpō trust of his promi­sed ayde than of mine owne abilitie, it pleased God to cal him to his mercy before the worke could be fully brought to end: but yet to answere the expectatiō of his frends, and trust, which he had cōmitted to thē and me in this behalf, I haue done my good will to accōplish part of that, which in his life time was intended, al­though not to my wished desire, by reason of such wantes as had bene supplied if he had liued to haue seene it published himself. It resteth (right noble Earle) that it may please your Honor to accept my doinges in good parte, to whom I offer this parcell of my trauayles in this Historie of Scotlande, in regarde of the ho­nour due to your noble Father, for his incomparable valure well knowen and approued, aswel within that realme as els where in seruice of two Kings of most famous memory, Henry the .viij. and Edward the sixte, sounding so greatly to his renowme as [Page] the same can not passe in silence, whilest any remembraunce of those two most perelesse Princes shall remain in written Histo­ries. I therfore most humbly beseeche your honour to beare with my boldenesse in presenting you with so meane a gifte, procee­ding from one, although vnknowen to your Lordshippe, yet not without experience of your bountifull goodnesse extended to­wardes those, to whome I recken myself, most beholden: as what is he within this realme almost of any degree, which findeth not himselfe bounden to your Honour, either in his owne causes or his frendes? for suche is your inclination to pleasure all men, as the same may seeme a peculiar vertue planted in your noble harte, mouing you so much to delite therin, as no time is thought by your Honour better spent, than that whiche you employ in doing good to others. But least I shoulde enter into so large a discourse as might be framed of this and other your excellent vertues (a matter far exceding my simple knowlege) I wil cease to speake further thereof, sith the same is spread ouer al, aswel this as other regions: for no where doe want greate numbers of such as haue aboundantly tasted of your exceeding courtesies. In making you owner therfore of this abstract of the Scottish histo­ries, I most humbly beseech your honour if any thing be amisse, to impute the same to the imperfectiō and defect of better in­structions, and with your benigne & fauourable interpretation to haue me therein excused. Suche as it is I addresse it to your good Lordship with so dutiful a mind as may be imagined, be­seeching God to preserue your honor in long life, with plentiful increase of wisedome, vertue & al wishful prosperitie.

Your honours most humble to commaunde RAPHAEL HOLINSHED.

THE DESCRIPTION OF Scotlande, written at the first by Hector Boethus in Latin, and afterwarde translated into the Scottish speech by Iohn Bellendon Archdeacon of Murrey, and now finally into English, for the benefite of such as are studious in the Hi­stories, by W.H.

The Contents of the Chapters conteyned in this Booke.
  • 1 OF the boundes of Albion, with the sundrie commodities thereof, and of the great infirmities that fall vnto the people there for their intemperancie: and finally of the religion vsed there in olde tyme.
  • 2 The description of the East, VVest, and middle borders of Scotlande, with the most notable townes and floudes thereof.
  • 3 The description of Galloway, Kile, Carricke, and Cunningham, with the notable townes, lakes, and riuers in the same.
  • 4 The situation of Renfrew, Cliddesdale, Lennox Lowmund, Argile, Louchquaber, Lorne, and Kentire, with all the notable things conteyned in the same.
  • 5 Of Ros, Stranauerne, and Murray lande, with such Lakes and Riuers as are to be touched there.
  • 6 Of Boene, Anze, Buquhane, Mar, Mernes, Fiffe, and Angus, with the Lakes, Flouddes, Abbeyes, Townes, and other notable commodities there to be seene and founde.
  • 7 Of Louthian, Striuelin, Menteith, Calidon wood, Bowgewall, Gareoth, with the notable Cities, Castels and Flouds thereof.
  • 8 Of the greate plentie of Hares, Hartes, and other wilde beastes in Scotland, also of the straunge nature of sundrie Scottish dogges, and of the nature of Salmon.
  • 9 Of the sundrie kindes of Muskels and Cockles in Scotlande, and Perles gotten in the same. Of vncouth and strange fishe there to be seene, and of the nature of the herbe Citisus commonly cal­led Hadder.
  • 10 Of the Iles of Scotlande, and such notable things as are to be found in them.
  • 11 Of the nature of their Claike Geese, and diuerse maner of their procreation, and of the Isle of Thule.
  • 12 The description of Orkenay, and Shetlande, with sundrie other small Isles, and of the maners and conditions of the people dwelling in the same.
  • 13 Of the maners of the Scottes in these dayes, and their comparison, with the behauiour of the olde, and such as liued long since within this Ilande.
  • 14 The description of an auncient Pict, and such as dwelled beyond the wall of Hadrian.
  • 15 Of Bishoprikes, Vniuersities, and Counties in Scotland.

TO THE RIGHT VVORSHIPFVL Maister Thomas Secford Esquier and Maister of the Requestes, William Harison vvisheth all knovvledge of God, with dayly increase of his giftes at this present, and in the worlde to come life euerlasting.

HAuing by your singular curtesie receyued great helpe in my description of the riuers and streames of Britain, and by conference of my trauaile vvith the platformes of those fevv shires of England vvhich are by your infi­nite charges alreadie finished (as the rest shall be in time by Gods helpe, for the inestimable benefite of suche as inhabite this Ilande) not a little pullished those rough courses of diuerse vvaters not exactly before time de­scribed by Leland our Countreyman, or any auncient vvriter, I coulde not deuise anye thing more agreable vvith mine abilitie & your good nature (vvhich great­ly fauoureth anye thing that is done for a commoditie vnto many) than to shevv some token of my thankefulnesse for these your manifold kindnesses, by the dedication of my simple translation of the description of Scotland at this tyme vnto your vvorship. In deede the trauaile taken herein is not great, by­cause I tie not my translation vnto his letter, neither the treatise of it selfe such, as ta­keth vp any huge rovvme in the volume of this Chronicle. But such as it is, & vvhat soeuer it is, I yeeld it vvholy vnto you, as a testimonie of my good vvill, vvhich de­testeth vtterly to receyue any benefit though it be neuer so smal, and not to be thank­full for it. Certes my vocation is such, as calleth me to a farre other kind of studie, so that I exercise these things onely for recreation sake: and to say the truth, it is muche vnsitting for him that professeth Diuinitie, to applie his time any other vvise vnto contemplation of ciuill Histories. And this is the cause vvherfore I haue chosen ra­ther, onely vvith the losse of three or foure dayes to translate Hector out of the Scot­tish (a tongue verie like vnto ours) than vvith more expence of time to diuise a nevve, or follovv the Latin copie, vvhich is farre more large and copious. Hovv excellently if you consider the arte, Boethus hath penned it and the rest of his Historie in the La­tin, the skilfull are not ignorant: but hovv profitably and compendiously Iohn Bel­lendon Archdeacon of Murrey his interpretour hath turned him from the Latin into the Scottish tongue, there are verie fevve English men that knovv, bycause vve want the bookes. VVherefore sith the learned reade him in his ovvne stile, and his Coun­treymen in their naturall language, vvhy should not vve borovv his description and read the same in English likevvise, sith the knovvledge thereof may redounde to the great benefit of so many as heare or read the same. Accept therefore (right vvorship­full) this my simple offer, and although I assure my selfe, your naturall inclination to be such, as that it vvill take nothing in ill part that is vvell meant tovvard you, hovve rudely soeuer it bee handled in the doing, yet I vvill not let to craue pardon for my presumption, in that I dare be so bold as to offer such a trifle vnto you, whom more vveightie affayres doe dayly call from things of so small impor­taunce. Almightie God keepe your vvorship from time to time in his feare, and blesse you and my good Ladie your vvife, vvith such increase of his benefites, as may most redounde to his glorie, and your ovvne ad­uauntage.

¶The boundes of Albion with the sundry commodities thereof, and of the great infirmities that fall vnto the people there for their intemperancy, and finally of the Religion vsed there in old tyme. Chap. 1.

THe Ile of Albion contayneth in the whole circūference two 10 thousande myles, hauing in length 700. and in breadth 300. as appeareth well by the coast therof that lieth ouer a­gaynst Fraunce where it is broadest, and from whence it gathereth narrower and narrower, till it come to the vtter Marches & last boundes of England and Scotland. For betwixte the M [...]le of Galloway that is on the west side ouer against the Irish seas, and Saint Ebbes head, 20 that lieth vpon the Germaine Ocean towarde the east, are scarcely 130. myles, and thenceforth it groweth smaller and smaller till it touch vpō the North seas, where it is not aboue 30. miles, as I noted before in the descriptiō of Brytaine. This Ile is replenished with people, horses, and all other kindes of cattell and corne in moste aboundant maner, except it be in suche places where as God of his singular goodnesse [...] otherwise indued the soyle with ritche mynes of 30 Gold, Siluer, Tinne, Brasse, Copper, & quick­siluer, whiche for the most parte are so plentiful, that they suffise not onely for the necessaries of the whole Iland, but also of sundry regiōs that are situate round aboute it, if the inhabitauntes were skilfull and painefull to deale withall ac­cordingly. But the abundaunce of all other things requisite for the vse of man, that is found generally in our Iland, maketh the people lesse carefull of these commodities, and more gyuen 40 to idlenesse. For beside the great plenty of those things whiche heauen and earth do minister, as grasse, corne, and cattell, and foules of sundry kindes, there is suche store of fishe in all parties of our seas, especially towarde the North, that the same would suffise to feede and sustayne all the people of the Iland, if there were none other commodities to be found within the same. For the inhabitants of all countries that border vpō vs, as Fraunce, Flaunders, Zealande, Hol­lande, 50 and a great part of Germany (especially those whiche lie neare vnto the coast) do sayle hither with great numbers of vessels dayly to fishe vpon our coasts, and buie such as we haue already caught, not only for their owne vse, but also for the Lenton prouision of such nations as lie vpon the Leuant seas, where they sell the same at theyr owne willes, with very speedy vtterance. Many other riche and precious cō ­modities are to be gotten in the sayd Ile, wher­of the aforenamed nations do make no small accompte; beside these common things. What shall I say of our wolles,Dionysius A­lexanotinus saith that the wool of Bri­taine is often sponne so fine that it is in manner com­parable to the spyders draught. whiche are in so high estimation in all landes, bicause of their neces­sary vses, and wherof a great part is so fine, and softe, that of it are made, the costly skarlettes, pliaunt gloues, and many other grayned and delicate clothes, of whiche I thought good to make this mention, bycause the reporte thereof is not yet made common and generally knowē to all men.

Certes this I dare boldly affirme, that if the kingdomes of Brytaine had suche grace giuen them from aboue as they they might once liue in vnitie, or by any meanes be brought vnder the subiectiō of one Prince, they should ere long feele such a sauour in this amity, that they wold not onely liue frankly of their owne, without a­ny forain purchase of things, but also resist all outward inuasion, with smal trauayle and lesse dammage. For as touching their persons, and likewise theyr notable wittes, apt bothe for the attayning of learnyng and knowledge of han­dycraftes, they are inferiour to no other nation.

Therevnto we finde them to be couragious and hardy, offering themselues often vnto the vttermost perils with great assurance, so that a man may pronounce nothing to be ouer harde or past their power to performe, if they woulde giue themselues to liue temperately, and follow their predecessors in moderation of diet. Ther­fore it (is as I thinke) that almighty God in his prouidente disposition of al things, hath ordey­ned their groundes (otherwise plentifully indued with all kindes of commodities) to be destitute and voyde of wine, as forseeing that the sayde liquor whiche bringeth greatest benefite vnto o­ther countries, woulde come in the ende to be most pernicious and noysome vnto them. For they are giuen to such vnnatural rauening and greedy desire of forraine thinges (whilest they contempne or not regarde their owne) that they cannot refrayne the immoderate vse of Wine, and excesse vsed in drinking of the same: In so much that we may see diuers to be ouertaken & haūted, not only with sundry kinds of grituous maladies common to vs & them of the mayne, but also many other whiche they haue not, ney­ther be any thing at all acquainted, with as ex­periēce dayly teacheth. Some by long sicknesse and languishing greefes do grow into suche de­formitie only thorow excessiue feeding, & greedy abuse of wine, that if you knew them whē they were children and young men, you shall hardly remember them when they be old and aged: and that which more is in comparison of other that [Page 2] liue more soberly, you will hardly thinke thē to be borne in the Ile, but rather suppose them to be chaungelings and monsters, brought out of other countries to gaze & looke vpon: diuerse of them thorow the cōtinuall vse of wine, are mo­lested in their age, with phreneticall pangs and passions? seldome also shal you see those that are giuen much vnto wine and such welfare, to be­come parents of many children, sith their natu­rall moysture and generatiue force, is much a­bated, 10 if not altogither extinguished by such im­moderate diet. But to returne to our purpose, the Albanes or Brytons, as Cesar in his Com­mentaries, & Tacitus in his Annales do report, were very religious, after the maner of religion vsed in old time. For in those dayes the Priests of Brytaine named Druides, were very expert both in naturall and Morall Philosophy, and from thence came the first professors of that sect and opinion into Fraunce. The principall seat 20 also of their Priestes was in the Ile of Man, whiche was reputed at that season, for the wel-spring and foūtayne of all learning and know­ledge, and after that their Priestes were ones conuerted to the Catholike fayth, they perse­uered in the same with great constancie, with­out any note of Heresie.

The description of the East west and middle bor­ders of Scotland, with the most notable 30 townes and flouds therof. Chap. 2.

THe Pictes had sometimes the principall & most fertile parte of that countrey, whiche now is vnder the regiment of the Scottes, and after they had cōtinued in the same by the space of .1171. yeares, ioyned in maner in perpetuall league with the Scots, & mainteining mutual­ly the warres sometimes with the Brytaines & Romaines, & sometimes also iarring with their Scottish neighbours, at the last they fel into ex­treme 40 hatred one wt another, till it was brought to passe by the diuine prouidence, that the sayde Pictes were ouerthrowen, their name extin­guished, & the kingdome vnited vnto that other of the Scots for euermore. After this time fur­thermore, although the Scottes haue bene very oftentimes assayled with most daungerous and terrible warres & oftētimes inuaded by enimies from diuers regions, yet such hath bene the fa­uour of almighty God towards them, that still 50 they flourish & retaine theyr estate inuiolate.

Whatsoeuer wee haue generally spoken of Albion, that is chiefly to be vnderstanded of the Scottes, & farre greater, especially among the Scottes, as they call them in the high lande, as people that haue lesse to do with forraine Mer­chants, & therfore are lesse delicate, & not somuch corrupted with strange bloud and alliaunce. Hereby in like sorte it cōmeth to passe, that they are more harde of constitution of body, to beare off the colde blastes, to watche better, & absteyne long, wherevnto also it appeareth that they are bolde, nimble, and thereto more skilfull in the warres. As for their faith & promise, they holde it with greatest constancie, as Hector hath set downe. Towardes the Almaine sea, I find, that Scotland hath the Mers, sometime the moste plenteous region of the Pictes for their marche, which so long as the sayd people did inhabite it, was called Deera, or Dere, but after their ex­pulsion it was named Mers, that is to say, the Merches or limites of their coūtrey. In processe of time also the Scottes extended their boundes euen vnto ye Twede, which now diuideth Nor­thumberlande from the Mers. On the other side of the countrey towarde the West, sundry small bournes descend from the Cheriot hilles, & other mountaynes lying thereabout into the Solue, diuiding Cumberlād from Annandale, & so being brought into one chanel, they fall togi­ther into the Irishe Ocean, and stande for the bounds of Scotland vpō that halfe of the coun­trey. The Cheriot hilles are in like sorte taken for the middle Marches of the region, whiche with certaine smal brokes that fall frō thesame, do separate both the countries, whereby their li­mites art knowen. The Mers hath vnder mar­ches at seueral places (whether it is extended) as sometime the Germayne sea, sometime East Lowthian, somtime the Twede, & somtime the Forth, & among many strong holds & Castels, that stand vpon the borders, is the towne & Ca­stell of Barwijck in time paste called Ordolu­cium, as the inhabitantes are called Ordoluci (if Hector be not deceiued.) The Twede springeth out from a meane head, and after his augmēta­tion, with other small waters that fall into the same, it descendeth with a large course into the Almayne sea. Beyond ye Twede, to the middle March vnder the Cheriot hilles lieth Teuidale, that is to say, the vale of Tiffe: Beyond it is Eskedale, or the vale of Eske, of a riuer so cal­led that runneth thorow the same: ouer against Eskedale on the other side lieth Eusdale, so na­med of the riuer Eus that passeth thereby, & fal­leth into the water of Annande: But Tif and Eske do runne into the Twede: furthermore on the west side ouer against ye Irish sea, lieth An­nandale, wherevnto the Annand water giueth denomination, which marcheth somtimes with out the boūdes of Niddesdale, where al the three riuers aforesayd, that is to say, Eus, Annand & Sulway descende togither in one bottome into the Irish seas.

In Annādale is a Loch or lake named Loch­maben .5. miles in lēgth & 4. in breadth, not only [Page 3] very ful of fish, but of such kinde as few men are ac­quainted with. Beside this lake also there is a ca­stell of ye same name builded of purpose to restraine the furious dealing of theeues whiche do great hurt in those quarters. For not only in Anandale, but in all the Dales or Vales afore rehearsed, are many strong theeues, which often spoile the countrey, and exercise much cruel slaughter vpon such as inhabite there in any troublous time. These robbers (bicause the English do border vpō their dry marches, & are 10 their perpetual enimies) do oftē make forcible rodes into the English boundes, for their better mainte­naunce & sustētation, or els they pilfer priuily from them, as men leading in the meane season a poore beggerly & very miserable life. In the time of peace also, they are so inured to theft and rapine, that they cānot leaue off to steale at home: & notwithstāding that they be often very sore handled therefore, yet they thinke it prayse worthy to molest their aduer­saries, as they cal the truer sorte, whereby it cōmeth 20 to passe, yt many riche & fertile places of Scotlād lie wast & voyde of culture for feare of their inuasion.

Not far from the Sulway (a water where great plenty of fish is to be had) are many quicke sandes, & those so perillous that no man may well go ouer the same, but with great difficultie & daunger of his life. This vale of Annand was somtime called Or­douitia, & the people thereof Ordouices, whose aun­cient barbarousnesse is reported to be suche, that in times past they refused not to kill and eate such pri­soners 30 as had yeelded themselues vnto them. The very womē in like sort would slea their husbands, if at any time they fled frō the field, and returned to their houses, only to giue occasion vnto other mē to stand to their tacklings at euery such aduenture.

On the West borders & toward the North lieth Niddesdale, so called of the water of Nidde. It be­ginneth with a very narrow course, and increasing broder in the middle marches of Scotland, it final­ly restrayneth it self againe, till it cōmeth at the sea, 40 whether it runneth with a swift course, as ye Scot­tish writers do report. In this vale stādeth a towne named Dunfrise, wherein many fine clothes espe­cially whites are made, which are brought vp & ca­ried into England, Fraunce, Flaūders & Germany where they are had in great price and estimation.

The Description of Galloway, Kyle, Carricke and Cunningham, with the notable Townes, Lakes and Riuers in the same. Chap. 3.

ABoue Niddesdale is Galloway (named some­time 50 Brigantia) the people whereof were in times past called Brigantes: this region is deuided by the water of Cree into two partes, whereof that which lieth nearest to Niddesdale, is called nether Galloway, & the other that is aboue the Cree is na­med vpper Galloway. In nether Galloway is Kirkcowbry, a rich towne & of a good trade in mer­chaundize, and in vpper Galloway is Whitherne in Latine Candida casa, an Abbay dedicated to S. Ninian the Bishop, & there lieth his carcase, which is honored of the people with great superstition and errour. Aboue Whitherne is Wigton towne, & not far from thence is the great lake of Myrton, the one half whereof doth freze by naturall congelation as other pooles and plashes do, but the other is neuer seene to beare any Ice at all, whiche vnto me doth seeme to be great wonder. In Galloway moreouer are two other lakes, the Sal [...]et and the Neutra­men, of equall length and breadth with the Loch­myrton: As for Galloway it selfe, it yeeldeth out a great point promontory or cape (which the Scots call a Mule or Nuke) into the Irish sea. The com­mon sorte name it the Mules Nuke, & by the roun­ding of it selfe, it maketh two great lakes, named Rean and Lowis, except I be deceyued, one of these lakes or pooles is xxx. and the other xvj. myles of length, & both full of Oysters, Herring, Congers, Cockles, and other like kindes of fishe.

Some are of the opinion that Brigantia was the same region of Britain yt is now called Wales, wherein the Brytons inhabited many yeares after their expulsion out of Brytaine. But this opiniō is false, sith the Romaynes write how that Man the Iland lieth ouer against Brigantium and midde­way betwene the same and Ireland: for albeit that the brayes or bayes are now worne wider and far­der distant ech from other by the washing and wor­king of the sea, yet the same latitude and eleuation of the pole that Ptolomy ascribed to the Brygantes, agreeth well to the height of the pole ouer Gallo­way, which is very farre from Wales, sithence the Ile of Man lieth also 300. miles from thence, and in the sight of Galloway. In like sort by the testimo­ny of sundry Authors both Irish and Spanish, we affirme that out of Brigantium, a citie of Spaine, (now named Compostella) there came a new com­pany of people into Ireland called Spaniardes, & out of Irelād another crew of thesame nation with king Fergus into Albion, and in remembraunce of the citie Brigance, wherein they inhabited whilest they were in Spayne, they called themselues Bry­gantes. To this opinion in like sort Cornelius Ta­citus doth seeme to leane, who saith, that the Bry­gantes descended from the Spaniardes, whiche in his time dwelled in the vttermost partes of Bry­taine, including vnder ye name the whole Iland of Albion. These regions afore rehersed, that is to say, Annandale, Niddesdale and Galloway, beside fine wolles and store of cattell, doth also abounde with all kindes of grayne, wheate onely excepted.

Aboue Galloway is Carrike, sometime a por­tion of the region of the Silures, of whose name it is not yet certainely knowne, whether it was deri­ued from the famous citie Carricke, whose ruines do yet remaine, or not. Silury is diuided into three [Page 4] parts, videlicet Carrick, Kyle & Cunningham: In the first as I sayd, was Carrick the noble citie: and in this countrey are many strong Castels, bothe by naturall situation and pollicy of mā: herein also are fayre kine, and oxen whose flesh is delicate, and ve­ry tender to be eaten, the tallow moreouer of theyr wombes is so moyst & sappy that it neuer waxeth harde, but relenteth of the owne accorde, and becō ­meth like vnto oyle. Beyond Carrick is Kyle, so called of Coile King of Brytaine, somtime slaine 10 in the sayd region,Reade in the Latin Hector, 12 foote highe 30. foote in length, & thre elles thicke. and therein is a stone, not much aboue xij. miles from the towne of Air, ful xxx. foote high, & three elles of breadth, called the deafe stone, not without cause: for when a man is on the one side thereof, he shal not heare what is sayde or done on the other, though there be neuer so great noyse made, no not if a Canon should be discharged of set purpose, which to me doth seeme impossible, neuer­thelesse the farder a man standeth from the same, the better shall he heare what soeuer the noyse be. Next 20 vnto Kyle is Cunninghā the third part of Silurie, whose inhabitāts in time past were most noysome to ye Romaines. In Kyle is a poole named Doune, from whence the riuer Doune, doth runne thorow the middest of that region into the Irishe sea. In Cunningham likewise is a lake called Garnoth, equall in quantitie vnto the Doune, and no lesse fa­mous for the abundance of fish that is dayly found therein: and not farre from the same is the towne called Largis, where Alexander the thirde King of 30 Scotland of that name, sometime ouercame the Danes and Norwegians, whereby it grewe to be famous, and of more reputation among vs.

The situation of Renfrew, Cliddisdall, Lennox, Lowmund, Argile, Louchquhaber, Lorne, and Kentyre, with all the notable things contay­ned in the same. Chap. 4.

THe water of Clide, deuideth Lennox on the 40 Northside from the Barrony of Renfrew, & it riseth out of the same hill in Calidon wood, from whence the Annand falleth, and goeth with a long course into the Irish sea: some cal this riuer Gluda, & Cluda, but Tacitus nameth it Glota. Not far also from the fountaines of Clide, ariseth the water of Forth, that runneth on the contrary side into the Germaine Ocean. In like sorte after the water of Clude hath run for a season towarde the North, it gathereth somwhat inward til it come to the moū ­taine 50 of Granzeben, & from thence holdeth on with a swift course, til it fall as I sayd into ye Irish seas. The coūtrey where it rūneth is named Clidesdale. Betwixt Clide & Lennox lieth ye Barony of Ren­frew, wherin are two pooles named Quhinsouth & Leboth, of which the first is xij. miles in compasse, the other xx. and both very riche & plentifull of fish. But in Lennox that lieth next aboue Renfrew to­ward the Ocean (called by Ptolomy Lelgouia is a great mere or lake that hight Lochmond, of [...]. miles in length, & [...]ight in breadth, and within the Lhin or poole, are [...]0. Ilandes wel replenished with Churches & dwelling houses, & in the same also [...]re three things worthy consideration, whereof the first is, that the pleasant & very delicate fishe there bredde doth want finnes. The secōd is, that the water will often swell with huge waues though no winde be sturring, and that in such wise that the best Mari­ners in the countrey dare not aduenture to sayle thereon. There is also a very fruiteful and commo­dious Ile therein, very necessary for the pasturage of cattel, whiche fleet [...]th hither and thither as the winde bloweth. This lake is situate at the foote of the hill called Granzeben, whiche were sometime the marches or limites betwixt the Scots & Pictes, & are extended frō Lochlowmund to the mouth of Dee. Certes the Pictes had no parte of the country beyond the Granzeben, nor toward the Irish seas, for this region was inhabited by the Scots. Eight miles frō Lochlowmund is the castel of Dumbrit­taine named sometime Alcluid, and here the water of Leuen falleth into the Clide.

Beyond Lochlowmūd is Argile, an hilly coūtry and full of [...]ragges and mountaines, therin also are two lakes Lochfine and Lochquho, that diuide the region into three partes, that in the middest beyng called Knapdale. In Lochfine likewise is more plenty of herring than in any parte of the coast that compasseth the Iland, but in Lochquho are suche kindes of fishe to be vsually had as are commonly bredde in fresh waters. There are moreouer in Ar­gile two castels Glenunquhart and Encouell, and in it are 12. Iles, whose chiefe commoditie resteth rather in pasturage for cattell, than aboundance of grayne. In Argile furthermore are many ritche mynes full of mettall, but the people there haue no skill to find and trie out the same. The constant re­port also goeth there, how there is a stone of suche nature, that if it be hiddē in straw for a certaine sea­son, it will kindle of it selfe & consume the straw to ashes. There are seuen other lakes in Argile, wher­of some are thirty miles in length and breadth, and other lesse. It was told me once by Doncan Camp­bell a noble Knight, that out of Garloll one of the pooles of Argile, there came a terrible beast in the yeare of grace, 1510. which was of the bignesse of a Greyhound, and footed like a gander, and issuing out of the water early in the mornyng about Mid­somer time, did very easily and without any visible force or streyning of himselfe ouerthrow huge okes with his tayle, and therevnto killed three men out right that hunted him with three strokes of his sayd tayle, the reste of them sauing themselues in trees there aboutes, whylest the aforesayde Monster re­turned to the water. Those that are giuen to the obseruations of rare and vncouth sightes, beleeue [Page 5] that this beast is neuer seene but agaynst [...] great trouble & mischief to come vpō the realme of Scotland. For it hath ben discried also bef [...] that time, although not very often. Lorne ab [...]t­teth vpon Argile, which was once a part of Ar­gile, and reacheth out into the Irishe sea, in ma­ner of a cape or toūg, full 60. miles. This poynt also was called Nouantia, but now it is named Kyntyre, that is to say, the head of Lorne, whose vttermost part is not full 26. miles frō Ireland. 10 Some Authors affirme, that both Argile and Cantyre, were called Nouantia in old time, sith Ptolomy maketh no mention of Argile in his Cosmography. In this Lorne is great abun­dance of Barley whiche the Scottes call Beir. Beyond Lorne is Lochquhaber, heretofore a portion of Murrayland, very riche in mines of Iron & Lead, & no lesse beneficial to the country in all kindes of cattel. There are likewise many woodes, many lakes, & many riuers, but two of 20 them are mosle notable for the plenty of Sal­mons, & other delicate fishe, aswell of the salt as fresh water, which is there taken & almost with­out any trauaile: neyther is there any where els in all the Ile such store. The one of these is na­med Lochty, and the other Spanȝe, but vpon what occasiō these names were giuen vnto thē I finde as yet no certainty. The Lochty riseth not aboue eight miles from Lochnes, & falleth beneath the same into the Germaine Ocean, & 30 beside it, there is a rocky cragge, running out at length into the sea, named Hardnomorth. In ye mouth of Lochty likewise was somtime a riche towne named Inuerlochty, whether the mar­chaunts of Fraunce and Spaine did make their dayly resort, till at the last it was so defaced by the warres of the Danes, that it neuer was able sithence the sayde time to recouer hir pristinate renowne. But whether the negligēce of the due repayre of this towne, procedeth of the slouth of 40 our people, or hatred that some enuious persons do beare to cities & walled townes in our coun­trey, as yet it is vncertayne. Beyond Lochty is the castell of Dunsta [...]age, in time past named Euonium: beyōd Dunstafage also is the mouth of the water of Spanȝe, where it falleth as I heare into the Germaine Ocean.

The discourse of Ros, Stranauern, and M [...]rr [...]y land, with the lake [...], riuers and notable 50 townes in them. Chap. 5.

BEyond the water of Spanȝe lieth Ros somtime called Lugia, a very narrow re­gion God it wote, but running out in greate lēgth thorow the middest of the Ilande, being enuirōned on both sides with the Ocean. That portion thereof whiche lieth nearest to the Irish seas, is very difficulte for suche as trauell by the countrey, by reason of the high Mountaynes, whiche maketh the countrey more apt for wilde beastes than mankind to inhabite: neuerthelesse waxing more fertile on that part whiche stret­cheth toward ye Germaine sea, it yeeldeth it self to culture, & rendreth some grayne. In pasture also it is not altogither vnprofitable, sith there is good grasse, and very batable for their heards: for the valeys there, bring watered with sundry pleasant streames, do yeelde a sweete & very sa­uoury grasse, wherewith all sortes of cattell are very muche delited. In Ros are sundry lakes, but Lochbrun is the greatest. There are also many fresh riuers, fraught with excellent fishe, and finally a notable Firth or safe hauen called Cromart, whervnto diuers in time of necessitie do resort, to auoyde the daunger of shipwrack, that otherwise would assuredly annoy thē. The Scottish mē call it heill of shipmen. In this re­gion moreouer is ye towne called Thane, where the bones of Dutho an holy man (as they say) do reste, & art had in greater estimation among the superstitious sorte (as sometime ouer the whole Iland) than the holy Gospel of God and merites of his Sonne, wherby we are onely sa­ued. Two auncient houses are likewise main­tained in one vale of the Ros, whose formes re­semble so many belles, but to what ende as yet I do not find. Next vnto the sayd Ros lieth the Stramauerne, as the vttermost regiō of Scot­land, ye coastes wherof abutting for a while vpō the Dencalidon sea, do afterwarde turne againe towarde the Almaigne seas, hauing partly the Deucalidon coast, and partly Cathenese vpon the North side, Sutherland on the east, Ross [...] on the south, & Deucalidō againe vpō the west. There are three great cragges or pointes lying on the vttermost side of Stranauerne, that is to say, the Hoye, Howbrun (the greatest of ye three) and Downisby, which bicause they shoote farre off into the sea, do make two great Firthes and lakes, eche of them being seuerally distinguished from other. Next vnto Cathenese lieth Suther­land, a profitable region both for grayne and all kindes of prouision, but chiefly for the nourish­ment of vestial, whervnto it chiefly enclineth, as do the other two last before rehearsed. On the farder side also of this, lieth Murray land, som­time called Vararis, although the marches ther­of are changed from that they were of old. For wheras in time past all the regiō lying betwene Spay and Nesse to the Irelād sea, was named Murray, now it is knowen to be onely beyond the water of Spay & Kssock [...], & reacheth on vn­till it come to the Irish sea. Betwixt Ros and Murray land, is a great Baie, & likewise a dis­cēt of sundry waters: for therinto fal the Nesse, [Page 6] Nardin, Findorn, Los and Spay, whereof this latter runneth with so fierce and violent a streame, that the force of the sea at the flood stri­uing to enter into the same, is put backe & may not resist ye inuincible fal, & beats backe the wa­ter that descendeth into the Ocean. The Nesse issueth out of a lake of the same name (which is not passing eight myles from the sayde plashe, from whence the Lochtie runneth) and thence goeth into the Irishe seas: And this property it 10 hath, that neither the streame, neyther the lake it selfe will yeelde to be frozen in the very deepe of winter. Such also is the force therof, that if any Ice or whatsoeuer frosen substance be cast ther­into, it will by and by relent and dissolue againe to water, whereby it becommeth very profitable for suche cattell as are benūmed with colde. In the mouth of the Nesse, standeth a towne cal­led Inuernesse, where sometime was great abū ­dance of herring taken, but now they be gone, 20 by the secrete working of God. The common people put the fault in the riche & men of higher calling, who enuying the commoditie of the poore inhabitantes, will often seeme to bereeue them of this emolumēt, by force and slaughter. Wherevpon (as they say) it cōmeth to passe, that the encrease eftsones decayeth, & very smal store is taken there by many yeares after such iniurie offered. But to proceede: beside Lochnesse, which is 24. miles of length & 4. in breadth, by reason 30 of the great woodes there stāding, is great store of sauage beasts, as Harts, wild Horses, Roes, and suche like. There are likewise Martirnes, Beuers Foxes, & Weselles, whose skinnes and cases are solde vnto straungers at huge and ex­cessiue prices. In Murray land also is not all-only great plenty of wheate, Barley, Otes, and such like grayne, beside Nuttes and Apples, but likewise of all kindes of fishe, and especially of Salmon. The people thereof in like sort do vse 40 a strange maner of fishing: for they make a lōg Weele of wicker, narrow necked & wide mou­thed, with such cunning, that whē the tide com­meth the fishe shoote themselues into the same, & foorthwith are so inclosed, that whilest the tide lasteth he cannot get out, nor after the water is gone, escape the hands of the fishers. In this re­gion moreouer is a lake named Spiney where­in is exceeding plenty of Swannes. The cause of their increase in this place is ascribed to a 50 certaine hearbe which groweth there in great a­bundāce, and whose seede is very pleasant vnto the sayde foule in the eating, wherfore they call it Swan Gyrs: & herevnto such is the nature of ye same, that where it is once sowen or plāted, it wil neuer be destroyed, as may be proued by ex­perience. For albeit that this lake be fiue myles in length, & was sometime within the remem­brance of man very well stored with Salmon and other great fishe, yet after that this [...] began to multiply vpon the same, it became [...]o shallow, that one may now wade thorow the greatest parte thereof, by meane whereof all the great fishe there is vtterly consumed. In the portion furthermore, is the Churche of Pe [...], where the bones of litle Iohn remayneth great admiration. Certes this catcase hath bene 24. foote long, his members well proportioned ac­cording to his stature,This was no Fo [...] [...] into [...] and [...] Scotland. and not fully sixe yeares before this booke was written (by Boethus) hee sawe his hanche bone, whithe seemed so great as the whole thighe of a man, and he did thrust his a [...]me into the hollownesse thereof, whereby it appereth what mighty people grew vp in [...] region before they were ouercome with glutto­ny and excesse. In this quarter finally is the towne called Elgyn, not farre from the mouth of Spaye, and therin is a Cathedral church fur­nished with Chanons: there are thereto sundry riche and very wealthy Abbayes in Murray, as Kyll [...]s of the order of the Cisteaux, and Plus­cardy of the Cluniackes.

Of Boene, Anze, Buchquhaue, Mar, Meruis, Fiffe, and Angus, with the lakes, floudes, Abbeyes, townes, and other notable things contey­ned in the same. Chap. 6.

NExt vnto the Murray lieth Boene; and Anze, two fertile and plentifull regions, whiche extend their boundes euen vnto the [...]. They are both very notably indued with ba [...] ­ble pastures, and by reason thereof are very full of cattell, they yeelde moreouer excellent corne, & by meanes of theyr large woodes and forests not without great store of wilde beast [...]s, of sun­dry kindes and natures. Neare also vnto the Douerne water, which is a riuer marueylously stored with fish, stādeth a towne named B [...], and vnder these two regions aforesayde lieth Buchquhane, a very barable soyle for all kindes of cattell, but especially of sheepe, whose wooll exceedeth that of the like beast of all other coun­tries there aboutes for whitenesse and [...]. The riuers that are in this countrey do in lyke maner abound with Salmons, so that there is no one of them voyde of this commoditie, ex­cept the Rattra onely, wherein it is not hearde that any hath ben seene: herein also standeth the castell of Slanis, in which the high constable of Scotlād dwelleth, and neare vnto the same is a marueylous caue: for the water that droppeth into the same, in a short processe of time becom­meth an harde white stone, and except they had bene oft remoued heretofore, the caue it self had bene filled vp with the same many yeres agone. [Page 7] This region is voide of rattes, & such is the na­ture therof, that if any be brought thither from other places, they are found to die immediatly: finally it is most marueylous of all, yt as Otes do growe there in many places of themselues without culture & tillage, so if a man come thi­ther of set purpose to mow downe the same, he shal find nothing els but empty hulles & straw: but if he chaunce vpon the sodaine and without premeditatiō of the thing to cut downe any (a 10 matter impossible in my minde) he shall finde them so good & ful as any are elswhere to be ga­thered & ledde home. Certes it appeareth hereby, that this is nothing els but an illusion, where­with the wicked fends do captiuate & blinde the senses of the superstitious sort: for that it should be so by nature, it is a thing altogither impossi­ble.

Nexte vnto this, lieth the greate region of Mar, whiche is very plentifull of cattell, and 20 extendeth 60. miles in length, frō the Almaigne seas to Badzenoch.

In this is the Citie of Aberdene, wherein is a Bishops sea, and noble Vniuersitie, some­time founded by William Elphinston Bi­shop there. This citie lieth betwixt two riche ri­uers, the Done & the Dee, wherin is the greatest store of Salmons that is to be founde againe within the compasse of Albion, and likewise the greatest & longest if you respect their quantitie. 30 Next vnto Marre, we haue Mernis toward ye sea, a very fatte soyle ful of pasture, & abundant­ly replenished with euery sort of cattell. In this portion standeth Dunnother the Marshall of Scotlands house, & likewise the towne of For­don, in whiche the bones of Palladius do rest, who is taken generally for the Apostle of our nation. The water of Eske is bound vnto this region, whiche is otherwise called Northeske, a very daungerous chanell, & wherin many haue 40 perished for default of a bridge, as they haue at­tempted to passe & repasse ouer the same. Angus bordereth vpon the Mernis, it was sometime part of Horrestia, & now watered with three no­table riuers, as the Northeske already mentio­ned, & marueylously replenished with Salmōs, likewise the Southeske, & finally the Tay, the noblest water in all Scotland, and remembred by the Romayne writers vnder the name of Tau. 50

In Angus also is an highe Mountayne or Promontory, called the redde Brayes, whiche lieth out farre off into the Almayne seas. The Tay also riseth farre beyond the Mountaynes of Granzeben out of Loch Tay, whiche is a poole of 24. miles of length, and 10. of breadth, wherein are not onely diuerse Islandes with Castels in them, but the water of the lake it self (beyng moste fine and subtile) is notably reple­nished with great store of fish, and therfore very commodious for such as dwell about it. It fal­leth into the Almayne sea beside Dundee, a towne called in olde tyme Alectum, wherein I was borne, and in whiche the people trauayle very painefully about weauing and making of cloth. There are in Angus also many other ci­ties & riche Abbayes, as Mountros, Brechin & Forfayr, beside so many Castelles as lieth not in me to number. This likewise is not to be passed ouer with silence, that whereas Forfair was in tyme past a notable Citie, strengthened with two royall Castelles, as the ruynes do yet declare, now it is brought vnto litle more than a countrey village, replenished with simple co­tages. Many lakes and pooles are also in An­gus, and those well fraught with fish. There is also in this countrey one place called the vale of Eske, whose sheepe haue such white, fine, and excellent wooll, as the lyke vnto it is hardly to be founde againe within the whole Ilande.

After wee he ouer the Tay, we come vnto Fife, sometime a parte of Oxtoline: In this re­gion groweth all maner of grayne so plentiful­ly as elswhere in any part of Albion, and where no corne, is there is no lesse foyson of cattell. There are blacke stones also digged out of the grounde, whiche are very good for firing,Such are to be seene also in Lake. and suche is their intollerable heate when they are kindled, that they resolue and melte yron and therefore are very profitable for Smithes, and suche Artificers as deale with other mettalles: neyther are they founde any where els (that I do knowe of) but betweene the Tay and the Tine within the whole Ilande. Salt is like­wise made in this region in great quantitie of Sea water, whiche they boyle according to theyr maner. There are furthermore sundry ci­ties in the same, of whiche S. Andrewes is the cheefe, wherein is bothe the see of an Archbishop and a famous vniuersitie. There are moreouer sundry lakes, as Loch Torre and Loch Leuin, and in this later are diuerse Iles, and in one of them also the Churche of Saint Phillane, a Scottishe saint, of no small name and reputa­tion.

Fife is diuided of Lowthian by the riuer of Forth that runneth a large and broade chanell into the Ocean seas. Certes it is a water ve­ry plentifully indued with Cockles, Oysters, Muskles, Seales, Pellockes, Mereswyne, Whales, and greate foyson of white fishe: and among many other Iles that are to bee founde in this Fyrth, that of Maie is of grea­test fame, bycause Adrian and his fellowes were killed in the same. In the middest of this Ile springeth vp a fountayne of freshe and [Page 8] cleare water, from an high rocke, whiche is not a litle to be marueyled at, considering the quan­titie and situation of the Ile. Beside this also is a wonderfull cragge, rysing within the Sea, wherevnto is so stricte and narrow a passage, that a man shall hardly come vnto it by a fisher boate, and thereto but at one place. This rocke (called the Basse castell) is inuincible, and ther­in are many caues very profitable for defence, made heretofore by great labour and industry 10 of man. Certes, there is nothing in this rocke that is not full of admiration and wonder: ther­in also is great store of Soland geese (not vn­like to those which Plinie calleth water Egles or as we, sea Herons) & no where els but in Iilsay and this Rocke. At theyr first comming which is in the spring of the yeare, they gather suche great plenty of stickes & bowes togither for the buylding of their nestes, that the same doth suf­fice the keepers of the castel, for the yearly main­tenaunce 20 of their fewel without any other pro­uision. These foules do feede theyr young with the most delicate fish that they can come by. For though they haue already praied vpon any one, and haue it faste in their becke or talons, yet if they happen as they flie toward the land to espy a better, they let the first fall againe into the sea, & pursue the later, with great & egre swiftnesse vntill they take holde thereof. Sometimes their pray is taken from them by the keepers of the 30 castel, as are also their stickes from time to time for the aforesayde vse: but they making small or rather no resistaunce, do turne agayne forth­with, for more wood or fishe (as their losse requi­reth) not ceasing till they haue buylded theyr nestes with the one, & nourished vp their young with the other, so that what by the timber of their nests, the beguiling them of their pray, and stealyng away of their young, they bring yere­ly no small commoditie vnto the owner of the 40 castell. Within the bowells of these geese there is a kinde of greace to be had of singular force in Medicine, and flaying likewise the skinne from their bodies with the fatte, they make an oyle very profitable for the Gowte and many other diseases in the haunches and groynes of man­kinde. In this cragge more, there groweth an hearbe very pleasaunt & delicious for Salades, but if it be taken vp and planted elswhere, it ey­ther groweth not at all, or vtterly giueth ouer 50 the vertues wherewith it was earst indued. There was sometime a stone found here in this rocke muche like to a water sponge or pumise, hollow on the one side, and of such nature, that if any salte water had bene powred thereinto, and suffred to runne thorow, it woulde forth­with lose the naturall saltnesse, and become fresh and very pleasant vnto the mouth and taste: we heare in these dayes that this stone is to be seene in Fast castell, whether it was brought after it had passed many handes for the triall of this matter.

In this Firth also is the Ile Aymon, where­in is an Abbay. There are likewise diuers other Ilandes, and those very full of Conies: and in the sayde Firth are sundry fisshes oftentimes seene of monstrous shape, with cowles hanging ouer theyr heades lyke vnto Monkes, and in the rest resemblyng the body of man. They shewe themselues likewise aboue the water to the n [...] ­uell, howbeit they neuer appeare but agaynst some great Pestilence of menne, or Murrey [...] of cattell: wherefore their onely sight doth breede great terrour vnto the Scottishe nation, who are very great obseruers of vncouth signes and tokens.

The description of Lowthian, Striueling, Men­teth, Calidon wood, Bowgewall, Gar [...]oth, with the notable Cities, Castels and Floudes thereof. Chap. 7.

ON the Southside of the Forth lieth Low­thian, so called of Lothe or Loth, one of the Kinges of the Pictes, it was sometime named Pictlande: but now it is parcell of the Scottish kingdome, and thereto for bounty of soyle is not inferiour to any region of Scotlande. In Lowthian are many Abbayes, Castelles and townes, as Hadington, Dunbar, Northder­wi [...]e and Leith: but Edenborow passeth them all, aswell in pollicy of regiment as in forme of buylding and wisedome, and riches of the inha­bitantes: therein also is the castell of Maydens remembred by the moste renowned Authors, and also the Kings cheefe pallace, whiche di­pleth the renowne of the aforesayde citie. Not farre from thence moreouer, is a certayne oyly spring whiche riseth out of the ground in suche aboundance, that the more is caried from thēce, the more is restored: and the people are perswa­ded hereof, that it is very medicinable agaynst all Cankers and skalles. Not farre from the mouth of Forth is the castel of Dunbar, whiche by naturall situation and industry of man, is now become one of the chiefe holdes in Albion. It was sometime the principall house apper­tayning to the Earles of Marche: and there harde by is a towne of the same name, wherein is a rich Abbay, or Colledge of Chanons foun­ded by those Earles. Nexte vnto Lowthian lieth Mers, whereof I haue spoken already, but wee will nowe goe vp higher into the lande. Nearest vnto Mers therefore lieth Teuidale, and aboue it is Twedale: nexte vnto [Page 9] Twedale is Druysdale, Walcopdale, Douglasse­dale, and Clidisdale, and all these are suche names as the riuers haue that runne along their botomes. The principall towne of Cliddesdale is Glasco the Archbishops see, wherein is a notable Church ere­cted in the honour of Saint Mungow, and buyl­ded with great magnificence. In Glasco also is a noble Vniuersitie where the liberal Artes and Sci­ences are very zealously taught. In this region moreouer is a very riche mine of Gold, and another 10 of Azure, the commoditie of whiche later is reaped with small trauayle. There are sometimes founde diuers precious stones also, as Rubies and Dia­mōdes. Certes this myne was disclosed in the time of Iames the fourth, who would no doubt, haue brought it to full perfection if he had longer liued, whereas now litle profite redoundeth thereby to the common wealth, bycause it is eyther vtterly ne­glected or not very much regarded. North of Glas­co lieth Menteith, and Striueling shire bordering 20 vpon Argile & Lennox. In Striueling shyre is the towne of Striueling, and aboue it is the Castell of Striueling, which was sometime called the do­lorous Mountaine. At this towne also began the great Calidon wood, whiche ranne thorow Men­teith and Stratherne, to Atholl and Lochquhaber, as Ptholomy writeth in his first table. In this wood were somtime white Bulles with shack bears and curled manes like fierce Lions, otherwise they were lyke vnto the tame, neuerthelesse so wilde and 30 sauage, that they woulde neuer be made familiar, nor tast of any hearbe or grasse that mans hande had once touched, after many dayes. Being taken also by the industry of man (whiche was very hard to do) they would refuse all sustenaunce, and sterue themselues to death. As soone as any did inuade them, they would rushe vpon him with great vio­lence, and beare him to the earth:) as for Dogges, Nettes, or any kinde of weapon they feared not, neyther cared for any maner of engine. It is sayd 40 that Robert Bruze after his Coronation did hunt one of these Bulles in the aforesayde wood, being accompanied but with a small trayne, in whiche voyage he escaped narowly with his life. For after the beast felt himselfe sore wounded by the hunters, he rushed vpō the King, who hauing now no wea­pon left in his hande wherewith to defend himselfe, he had surely perished if reskue had not come: how­beit in this distresse one came running vnto him who ouerthrew the Bull by playne force, and held 50 him downe till the Hunters came that killed him out right. For this valiant acte also the King in­dued the aforesaid partie with great possessions, and his linage is to this day called of the Turnebulles, bicause he ouerturned the beast, and saued the kings lyfe, by such great prowes and manhood. Certes the flesh of these beastes were reputed in old time as a most delicate foode, and onely meete for the nobi­lity, notwithstanding that it be very ful of sinewes and gristles, whereat some delicate feeders do often take offence. In times paste also they were bredde in many places of the Calidon, but now they be all cōsumed by the gluttony of the inhabitants, so that none of them are left, but only in Comernald. On the east side of Menteith lieth Stratherne, & borde­reth also vpon Fife: thorow the valeys likewise of this region runneth the water of Ern, that falleth into Tay. This is moreouer worthy to be noted, that not foure miles from the confluence of Ern & Tay, there is a stone of small quantitie, and yet of great wonder, for in what place soeuer it be layde, it wil not be remoued from thence by manuall pra­ctise, acte or engine, and yet one man may so soone moue it as an hundred. On the other side of Tay beyond Angus and Gowray lieth Stermond, a re­gion plentifully indued both with grasse and corne. Not farre from Stermond is Athole, wherein are many noble valeys and ryuers full of fishe, as pikes Lampernes, &c. The soyle there also is so boūtifull, that it yeeldeth corne in manner without any til­lage: there is likewyse therein a towne called Lud, whose fieldes are so plenteous that (if they be well tilled and dressed) they will yeelde greate store of Barley without any sowing of seede. Howbeit as this is in that parte of the region often verified, so in other there is a contrarious disposition to bee founde in the earth, whiche turneth wheate soone into good & perfite Rye, the like whereof I heare, to be not farre from Luke and in the countreys there­aboutes. West of Buchquhane and Boene, lieth Bostgewell, and Gareoth very plentifull soyles bothe for grasse and corne. In Gareoth also is an hill called Doundore, that is to say, the Golden mountayne: for the Sheepe that feede thereon are yellow, and their teeth of the same hewe, resem­blyng burnished golde. Theyr fleshe moreouer is redde as it were tygned with Saffron, and so is their wooll muche after the same maner. There is furthermore in the same region, an heape of stones lying togither in maner of a Crowne which yeeld a sounde when one of them is stricken as if it were a bell. Some are of the opinion, that one Idoll Temple or other stoode heretofore in that place whylest the Scottishe nation was addicted to the worshippyng of Diuels. Many other regions are in Scotlād, as Bradalbane, Strabraun and Bad­zenoth with diuers small territories and floudes, howbeit they are not so notable as those which we haue already touched, and therefore I thinke it but folly to deale any farther with them.

Of the great plenty of Hares, redde Dere, and o­ther wilde beastes in Scotland, of the strange properties of sundry Scottish Dogges, and of the nature of Salmon. Chap. 8.

[Page 10]HAuyng made this speciall description of the Realme of Scotland, now will I touche such thinges as concerne the same in generall. First of all therefore in the fieldes and wilde places of the countrey there is great plenty of Hares, red Dere, Fallow dere, Ro [...]s, wilde Horses, Wolfes and Foxes. These Horses are not gotten but by great flight and pollicie: for in the winter season the in­habitants turne certayne tame Horses and Mares amongst them, wherewith they growe in the ende 10 to be so familiar, that afterward they go with them to and fro, and finally home into theyr Maisters yardes, where they be taken & soone broken to their handes. The Wolues are most fierce and noysome vnto the heardes and flockes in all partes of Scot­land, sauing in one parcell of Angus, called Glen­nors dale, where these beastes do no maner of hurt vnto the domesticall cattell, but pray onely vpon the wilde. Foxes do much mischiefe generally in all steades, but chiefly in the Mountaynes, where 20 they be very hardly hunted, howbeit arte hath deui­sed a meane to preuent their malice, and to preserue theyr pultrie. Certes there is almost no house that dothe not for certayne dayes cherishe vp a yong Foxe, which the Scottes do call a Todde, and then killing the same, they mince the fleshe thereof a­mongst suche meate, as they giue vnto their foules and other litle bestial, and by this meanes so many foules and cattell as eate hereof are preserued from daunger of the Foxe, almost by two monethes af­ter, 30 so that they may wander whether they will, for the Fores as it were winding or smelling the fleshe of their fellowes yet in their croppes, will in nowise meddle with them, but eschew and knowe suche a one, although it were among an hundred of other. In Scotland moreouer are Dogs of meruailous condition: for beside the common nature and vni­uersall properties of Dogges of all other countries, there are three sortes with vs, whiche are not seene elswhere in any quarter of the worlde. The firste 40 is an Hounde of greate swiftnesse, hardinesse, and strenght, fierce and cruell vpon all wilde beastes, & egre against theeues, that offer their Maisters any violence. The second is a rache or hound very ex­quisite in followyng the foote (which we call draw­ing) whether it be of man or beast, yea he will pur­sue any maner of foule, and finde out whatsoeuer fish is cast vp, or lurketh among the rockes, by that excellent sence of smelling wherewith he is indued. The thirde sorte is no greater than that of Raches, 50 in collour for the most parte red with blacke spots, or els blacke and full of redde markes. These are so skilfull that they will pursue a theefe or theefe sto­len goodes in moste precise maner, and finding the trespasser, with great assuraunce, they will make a rayse vpon him. Or if it be so that he haue taken the water for his sauegarde, he shrinketh not to follow him, and entring and issuyng at the same places where the partie went in and out, he neuer ceaseth to raunge til he haue nosed his footing, and be come to the place wherein the theefe is shrowded. The Dogges of this kinde are called Sleuthoundes. Certes this report would seeme mere incredible, ex­cepte it were dayly had in experience vpon the bor­ders of Englande and Scotland, where pillage is good purchase indifferently on both sides. There is a lawe also among the borderers in time of peace, that who so denieth entraunce or sute of a Sleut­hound in pursuyte made after fellons and stolen goodes, shalbe holden as accessary vnto the theft or taken for the selfe theefe.

Of foules suche (as I meane) as liue by pray, there are sundry sortes in Scotlande, as Egles, Faucons, Goshaukes, Sparhaukes, Marlions and such like, but of water Foules there is so great store that the report thereof may seeme to exceede all cre­dite. There are other kindes of birdes also in this countrey, the like of whiche is no where els to be seene, as the Caper [...]ailȝe or wilde Horse greater in body than the Rauen, and liuing only by the [...] and barkes of the Pine trees. We haue in like ma­ner many More cockes and Hennes, whiche [...] ­steyning from corne do feede vpon nought els, but the leaues of Cytisus, whiche the Scottes do com­monly call Hadder. These two are very delicate in Eating. The thirde sorte is reddish blacke of co­lour, in quantitie comparable to the Phesaunt, and no lesse delicious in taste and sauour at the table, our countrey men call them wild Cockes, and their cheese sustenaunce is by wheate. Beside these, we haue moreouer another foule in Mers more strāge and vncouth than all these afore mentioned, called a Gustard, fully so great as a Swanne, but in co­lour of feathers and taste of fleshe, little differing from a Partriche, howbeit these byrdes are not ve­ry common, neyther to be seene in all places, suche also is their qualitie, that if they perceiue their egges to haue bene touched in theyr absence by mans hād (whiche lie commonly on the bare earth) they for­sake those nestes and lay in other places. All other our foules are common to vs and other nations. Salmon is more plentifull in Scotland than in a­ny other region of the worlde, and bicause the na­ture of this fish is strange, I wil set downe somuch as I do knowe hereof at this present time as fol­loweth. The Salmon in Haruest time, commeth vp into the small riuers, where the water is moste shallow, and there the male & female rubbing their wombe one agaynst another, they shedde theyr spawne, which forthwith they couer with sand and grauell & so depart away, from henceforth they are gant & slēder, & in apparance so leaue yt thei appeare nought els but skin & bone, & therfore worthely sayd to be growne out of vse and season, it is sayd also yt if they touche any of their full fellowes, during the time of this theyr leannesse, ye same side which they [Page 11] touched will likewise become leane, whereby it cōmeth to passe, that a Salmō is oft seene to be fat on the one side of ye chyne, & leane on ye other. But to proceede, the aforesayd spawne & milte being hidden in the sande (as you haue heard) in the next spring doth yeelde great numbers of li­tle frie, but so neshe & tender, for a long time that till they come to be so great as a mans finger (if you catch any of thē) yon shal perceyue them to melt & their substance to dissolue & fade euen as 10 if it were gelly, or in sayd foorth against ye sunne. Frō henceforth they go to the sea, where within the space of xx. dayes they grow to a maruey­lous greatnesse, & then returning againe toward the place of their generation, they shew a nota­ble spectacle not vnworthy to be considered of. Certes in Scotlande there are many linnes or pooles, whiche being in some places among the rockes very shallow aboue, & yet deepe beneath, with the fall of the water, & thereto the Salmon 20 not able to pearce thorow the Chanell, either for swiftnesse of the course or depth of the discen [...], of such water as cōmeth against him, he goeth so neare vnto the side of the rocke or damme, if I shall so call it, as he may, & there aduentureth to leape ouer & vp into the lin, if he leape well at the first, he abtaineth his desire, if not he, assayeth eftsoones the second or third time, till he returne now into his coūtry: a great fish able to swimme against the streame, that before was a litle hod 30 & ma [...]gre his resistence, caried with the violent course of the water into the mayne Ocean, such as assay often to leape, and cannot get ouer, do broose thēselues & become Measelled: others that happen to fal vpon dry land a thing often seene, are taken by the people (that watch their times) in cawdrons of hote water, which they set vpon the shallow & dry plottes with fire vnder them, in hope to catche the fattest, & suche as by reason of theyr weight do oftenest leape shorte. Cer­tes 40 ye tast of these is reputed to be most delicate, and therfore their price is cōmonly greater than of the rest. It is inhibited in Scotland to take any Salmon from the eight of September, vn­till the xv. of Nouember. Finally there is no mā that knoweth readily whereon this fishe liueth, for neuer was any thing yet found in their bel­lies, other than a thicke slymy humour.

Of the sundry kindes of Muskles and Cockles in 50 Scotland, and pearles gotten in the same: of the vncouth and strange fish there to be seene, and of the nature of the herbe Cythisus commonly called Hadder. Chap. 9.

HEre it resteth that I shewe the nature of Muskles & Cockles, wherof we haue many & sundry kindes amongst vs: of these also so [...]e are small, and yet if they be eaten fresh, are not without a naturall delicacy in tast. Others are greater & not vnlike in forme & quātitie to those that haue the purple: & albeit that they are vt­terly voyde thereof, yet is their meate and sub­stance right pleasant in the eating. There are of an other sorte whiche are longer & greater, than either of these, called horse Muskles, to be had in the Dee & the Done, & in these are the pearles in­gendred. Certes they loue to be resident in the deepest and cleerest waters that are voyde of mudde & filth, & such is their estimation among the deintiest kindes of foode, that they were not vnworthely called of old time, widowes lustes. Their shelles also are as it were wrought euen from the very toppes, and thereto ful of spottes▪ wherein (as in yeld of gaine) they farre exceede al other. These early in the morning,Cardane de­nieth this, lib. 7. de Sub­tilitate. in the gē ­tle, cleere, & calme ayre, lift vp their vpper shel [...]s & mouthes, a litle aboue the water, and there re­ceiue of the fine & pleasant breath or dew of hea­uen, & afterwardes according to the measure & quantitie of this vitall force receyued, they firste conceyue▪ then swell, and finally product the pearle. They are so sensible & quicke of hearing, yt although you standing on the bray or banke aboue them, do speake neuer so softly, or throw neuer so small a stone into the water, yet they wil descrie yo [...], and settle againe to the botome, without returne for that time. Doubtlesse they haue as it were a naturall carefulnesse of their owne commodity, as not ignorant, how great estimation wee mortall men make of the same amongst vs, and therefore so soone as the fisher men do catche them, they binde their shelles to­gither, for otherwise they would open, and shea [...] theyr pearles of purpose, for whiche they know themselues to be taken and pursued. Their ma­ner of apprehension is this, first foure or fiue per­sons go into the riuer togither, vp vnto the shoulders, and there stand in a compasse one by another with poles in their handes, wherby they rest more surely, sith they fixe thē in the ground, & stay with one hand vpon them: Then casting their eyes downe to the botome of the water, they espie where they lie by their shinyng and cleerenesse, and with their toes take them vp (for the deapth of the water will not suffer them to stoupe for them (& giue thē to such as stand next them. The perles that are so gotten in Scotlād, are not of small value, they are very orient and bright, light & round, & somtimes of the quanti­tie of ye nayle of ones litle finger, as I haue had & seene by mine own experiēce. Almost such an­other muskle found on the coast of Spaine, the shels whereof are gathered by such as go in pil­grimage to S. Iames; & brought into Scot­lād, but they are wtout perles, bicause thei liue in salt water, which is an enimy to ye Margarite: [Page 12] but Cardane also denieth it. In all the sea coastes also of Scotlād are Cockles & M [...]skles of the same forme, but without this commo­dity. Many vncouth and strange shapes of fish likewise are seene there, whereof some are ar­med with shelles, some with harde skales, and diuers round as a ball skinned like an Ircheon or Hedgehogge, hauing but one conduct bothe for purgation of their excrements, and reception of their sustenaūce. To shew euery kinde of fish 10 that is in Scotlād, it were but a vaine, trauaile, sith the same are knowē almost in euery region. In like sorte we haue such plenty of fishe vpon our seuerall coastes, that although Millions & infinite numbers of them be taken on the one day, yet on the next their losse wil so be supplied with new store, that nothing shal be missing by reason of the yesterfang: so bountifull is God in these his benefites vnto vs. Furthermore, there is another gift bestowed vpon vs by the singu­lar 20 prouidence of God. For the greater dearth and penury of flesh and corne is seene in Scot­land, the greater store of fishe is taken vpon our shores. In like sorte in the desertes and wilde places of this realme, there groweth an hearbe of it self called Hadder or Hather very delicate,Galen lib. 1. de An [...] lo [...]is saith that Cytisus is no hearbe but a shrubbe, and so dothe Pliny lib. 12. cap 3 lib. 13. cap 24 lib 16. cap: 38: And Columella in the end of his 5. boke, where he accompteth it amōg trees. as Columella lib. 9. cap. 4. sayth, for Goates and all kinde of cattell to feede vpon, and likewise for diuers Foules, but Bees especially. This herbe in Iune yeeldeth a purple floure, sweete 30 as bony, whereof the Pictes in time paste did make a pleasaunt drinke, and very wholesome for the body: but for asmuche as the maner of making hereof is perished in the hauocke made of the Pictes, when the Scottes subdued their countrey, it lieth not in me to set downe the or­der of it, neyther shewed they euer the learning hereof to any but to their owne nation. Final­ly there is no parte of Scotland so barren and vnprofitable, but it produceth eyther yron or 40 some other kinde of mettall, as may be proued easely thorow out all the Iles that are annexed to the same.

Of the Iles of Scotland, and such notable things as are to be found in them. Chap. 10.

BEing fallen at the laste into mention of our Iles, I wil addresse my self to describe the same, in maner and forme as followeth. In 50 the Irishe sea betwixt Ireland and Scotlande are forty and three Iles, whereof some are xxx. myles long, diuers xij. and others more or lesse. These are called by some writers Euboniae, and by other Hebrides. But the principall of them all is that of Man, whiche lieth ouer a­gainst Galloway, and was sometime the prin­cipall seate of the Driuydes, as Cornelius Taci­tus, Cesar in his Cōmentaries, and other R [...] ­mayne writers do testifie at large. North from the Ile of Man lieth Arran, otherwise named Botha, after S. Brandons time, who dwelled there in a little cottage, whiche (as all other the like were in those dayes) was called Bothe. Frō Arran wee go to Hellaw and Rothesay, whiche later is so named of ye Scot, which brought the Scottes firste out of Ireland into Brytaine. Not farre from this Ile is Ailsay, where there is such store of Soland geese as the sayde before to be in Bas. Beyond Ailsay lie many other di­stinguished by their seuerall names, but full of mynes, as of Iron, Tinne, Lead, and sundry other mettals. Howbeit the moste notable Ile belonging to Scotland is Ila, that lieth beyond the promontory of Nouant cliffe, (in Scottish the toūg of Lorue) within sight of Lochquhabre. Certes it is a riche parcell, xxx. miles of length, and full of corne and mettall, if the people were cunning to finde and trimme the same. Not farre from thence is Cumbra, and Mula, fully so large as Ila both for length and breadth. In Mula is a fayre spring two miles from the sea, from whence runneth a little brooke or strippet, whereof you shall reade more in the description of Brytaine, lib. 1. cap. 8. Neare vnto this is Iona, otherwise called Columkill, in whiche is an Abbay, wherein the Kings of Scotlande were commonly buried from the time of Fer­gus the second, vnto Malcoline Cammor, who excited the Monastery of Dunfermelin, where sithence that time the moste parte of our Kings haue bene of custome interred. Passing forward to ye Northnorthwest seas, ouer agaynst Rosse is an Ile named Lewis .lx. myles in length, in this Ile is but one fishe riuer, and it is sayd that if a womā wade thorow the same at the spring of the yere, there shall no Salmon be seene there for a twelf moneth after, wheras otherwise that fishe is knowen to abounde there in very great plenty. Beyonde Lewis lie the Sky and the Rona, in the later wherof, it is incredible to say what of Seale, of Pellock & Porpasse is to be seene, whiche are nothing abashed at the sight of any man. The last and vttermost Ile is na­med Hirtha, where the eleuation of the pole, is lxiij. degrees, and sithence the latitude of Man, is but lvij. I conclude, that from the Ile of Man the first Ile of Albion, to Hirtha the last Ile hereof are 377. myles, after 62. miles and an half to eche degree, as Ptholomy hath set down. It is named Hirtha, which in Irish soundeth so much as a Sheepe in English, for herein that kinde of cattell aboundeth, eche one being grea­ter than any Bucke, their Hornes longer and thicker than of the Bugle, and thereto they haue side tailes that reach vnto the earth. It is enui­rōned [Page 13] on euery part with rochy or rocky cr [...]gs, whereby fewe vesselles may lande there but at one place, where the working of the sea is often times so terrible and rough, that no man days aduenture thither without daunger of his lyfe. They that go thither therefore, do watch theyr times when the sea is calme and still. In the moneth of Iune also, a Priest commeth vnto them out of Leuissa, and ministreth the sacra­ment of Baptisme to all the children that haue 10 bene borne there sithe that moneth in the yeare precedent: whiche beyng done, and a certayne number of Masses sayde, he receyueth Tithes of all their commodities, & then returneth home againe.

In the Ile of Lewis are two Churches or Chappels, wherof one is dedicated to S. Peter, another to S. Clement. The fame is, that so soone as the fire goeth out in this Ile, the man that is holden of most cleane and innocent life, 20 goeth to the Aultare with great solemnity, and there layeth a wispe of straw, which being done they fall all to prayer, in the middest whereof fire commeth downe from Heauē and kindleth or setteth the same on fire.

Beyond this, is yet another Ile, but voyde of people and all other liuing Creatures, sauing a certen kinde of beastes like vnto Sheepe, whose nature and forme I haue already touched in the description of Brytaine, and therefore omitte it 30 here, for haste and breuitie sake. Betwixt these Iles also is a right daungerous passage, sith the sea by working of opposite streames hath in­gendred a goulf, whiche sometime taketh in an incomprehensible deale of water, and somtimes casteth it foorth agayne, by meanes wherof ma­ny shippes that by rage of winde and weather are inforced to come that way, are eyther swal­lowed vp by the waues, or throwen against the rockes to their vtter daunger and ruine. The 40 greatest rage of this confluēce is at a place cal­led Corebrecke, where it will eyther sinke or at the least wise draw any ship vnto it, though it be a full myle distant from the same.

Of the nature of the Claike geese, and sundry maners of their procreation, and of the Ile of Thule. Chap. 11.

NOw it is come to hande that I entreate 50 of those Geese, which are ingendred by the sea, whose procreatiō hath hitherto bene thought to haue bene made vpon trees. But the opinion is false, and yet sith theyr generation is strange in deede, I haue not a litle trauayled, and with no small diligence indeuoured to search out the truth hereof, wherby I learne that their ingen­drure is rather to be referred to the sea, than anything els, if my coniecture be▪ oughtes: for al­though that they are in sundry wise producted, yet I finde the same to be performed continu­ally in the sea, and not elswhere, as shal appeare hereafter. All trees cast into the Element in processe of tyme become worme eaten, & in the holes thereof are the sayde wormes to be founde though very little and small (in comparison to that they be afterwarde) to be perceyued at the first. In the beginnyng, these wormes do shew their heades and feete, & last of all their plumes and winges. Finally when they are come to the iust measure and quantitie of Geese, they flye in the ayre as other foules do. This was notably proued in the yeare of grace 1490. in sight of many people, beside the Castell of Petsleg [...], whether the body of a greate tree was brought by working of the sea. This tree beyng taken, it was caried to the Lord of the soyle, who sone after caused it to be flitte in sunder with a sawe which being done, it is incredible to see, what a multitude of wormes came out of these holes. Of these also some appeared as if they had bene but newe shapen, diuerse had head, foote and winges, but no fethers, the rest were formed in­to perfite foules. At the last when the people had gazed thereon by the space of an whole day, they caried it to S. Andrewes Churche beside [...]ire, where the saide blocke remayneth still to be seene. Within two yeares after there hapned such another tree to come into the fyrth of Tay beside Dundee, worme eaten and full of young ge [...]se after the same maner: the thirde was seene in the [...]auen of Leith beside Edenborow: also within a fewe yeares, in like sorte a ship named the Cristopher, after she had lien three yeares at [...] in one of these yles was brought to Leith where bycause hir timber was found to be rot­ten shee was taken in sunder, and in hir keel [...] were found infinite holes as if they had bene ea­ten with wormes or bored with a wimble, and eche one of them filled with such creatures as I haue sayde before. Here if any man will al­ledge that the Christopher was buylded of such timber onely as grew in these Iles, and that all rootes & trees there growing, are of such nature as in their corruptiō do turne into these foules, I will disproue his assertion by one notable ex­ample shewed before mine eyes. Master Alex­ander Galloway parson of Kinkell, was with vs in these Iles, and giuing his minde with at­tentiue diligence to searche out a full resolution with vs of these obscure and hidden matters, it hapned on a tyme that he tooke vp a braunche of Alga, called in Scottishe, Seatangle, whiche hanged ful of muskle shelles from the roote euen to the very to [...]. Being also desirous to see what was in them, he grewe to be more astonished [Page 14] than before: for when he had opened one or two of them, he saw no fish but a foule perfitely sha­ped, fully answering to the capacitie of the shell.

Finally, knowing that I was very inquisi­tiue of these and the like rare nouelties, he came hastily with the sayde hearbe and shewed it vn­to me, who founde no lesse by experience [...]an I before reported. By these and many other rea­sons and examples I cannot beleeue that these Claikes or Barnacles as I call them) are pro­ducted 10 eyther by the qualities of the trees or the rootes thereof, but only by the nature of the sea, whiche is the cause and product [...] of so many wonderfull creatures. Furthermore, bycause the rude and ignoraunt people saw oftentimes the fruytes that fell from trees (which stoode ne­uer in the sea, conuerted within shorte time into geese, they beleeued that these geese grewe vpon trees, hangyng by their nebbes as apples and other fruyte do by their stalkes, but their opi­nion 20 is vtterly to be reiected. For so soone as these apples or fruyte fall from the tree into the Sea, they grow first to be worme eaten, and in processe of time to be conuerted into geese.

Thus haue I spoken sufficiently of the Iles of the Hebrides adiacent vnto the realme of Scotland, and therewith all would shut vp my discourse of the same, were it not that I haue somwhat to say also of Thule, not vnknowen vnto the Romaynes, as may appeare by Taci­tus, 30 who telleth how the Romaine nauy by the cōmaundement of Agricola, was sent to dewe the coastes of the whole Iland of Brytaine, and in their returne reported how they had seene the Thule, with other Ilandes lying aboute the same. Ptholomy writeth that the Ile of Thule is one of the Shetland Iles, whiche lie neare vnto Norway, and beyond the Orchades, but this cannot be proued so by late experience: for Thule is many miles distant from Shetland. 40 Some say that Thule is the same whiche wee call Island: other write that it is the last Ile of the Ocean sea, and so is Island, which lieth in the colde frosty sea, beyond the Artike circle to­ward the North pole. The people of Islande bycause no corne groweth among them, lyue onely by fishe, whiche they drie and powder so small as meale doth come backe from the mill, afterward they mixe it with water, and worke it vp for bread. 50

Of the description of Orkenay, and Shetland with sundry other smal Iles, and of the maners and conditions of the people dwelling in the same. Chap. 12.

BEyond the Iles of Scotlond lie those of Orkenay partly toward the Northwest, and partly toward the A [...]anc [...] seas. The prin­cipall Ile of these is called Pomb [...], wherein is a Bishops se [...], and two strong castels. In their groweth no wheate, they are in like sorte voyde of wood, howbeit al other graine groweth there very plentifully, they be without all vene [...]ous beasts: also neither can such as are brought thi­ther liue any while, more than in Irelād, which susteyneth no creature that is aduērsarie to mis­kinde, ouer and beside this, there are no frogg [...] as for Erls they are seldome found & to be seene in the Orchades. Hauing thus fallen into the mentiō of Ireland, I thinke it good among [...] ­uers other rare gifts of nature to remember one thing that I haue proued by experience to be done there (although the tractation of Ireland & hir commodities appertaine not to this place whiche farre passeth all that euer I haue [...] in bookes. Certes there is a Loch, linne, or [...] there, neare vnto the whiche by many miles, there groweth neyther hearbe nor tree, howbeith such is the qualitie of this water, that if a [...] be pitched in the same, the nature thereof [...] within one yeeres space, alter and change accor­dingly, for that parte thereof which [...] the grounde is conuerted into harde [...], the same that is enuironed with water turneth [...] tough yron, onely that portion whiche is [...] the sayd Element retaining hir formes woddy substaunce, whereby it is often seene [...] in out and the same body, three distinct substance [...] found, that is to say, stone, yron, & wood, which farre exceedeth all credite. But to returne a­gaine to our Orchades, whereof things of [...] or no lesse importaunce are to be rehearse [...], [...] sith there is great abundance of Barley wherof they make the strongest Ale that is to be founde in Albion, and thereto knowen, that they are the greatest drynkers of any men in the worlde, yet was there neuer dronken or man disguised with drinke seene there, neyther any foole, [...] person otherwise berefte of his wittes thorow phrenesie or madnesse. There is herevnto small vse of Phisick [...]e: for mankinde liueth there most commonly vnto extreme age in found & perfite health, whose bodies also are of strong consti­tution & very white of colour. The Ewes that are to be found in these Ilandes haue for ye most part two or three Lās a peece, at euery [...]e [...]ing, and therewithall they haue in this countrey suche plenty of foules bothe wilde and tame, as the lyke number agayne is not to be founde in Brytaine. Theyr horses are litle greater than the French Asses, but in their labour they ex­ceede all other, what shoulde I speake of the plenty of fishe there to be had, which passeth al credite: among whiche there is one sorte greater than any horse, of marueylous and incredible [Page 15] sluggye desire to sleepe. This fi [...] when the pro­uideth to sleepe, fastneth hyr huge teeth vpon some cragge that lieth aboue the water; & then slumbreth or falleth into a moste [...]ounde reste, whiche the seafaring men espyi [...]g, they foorth­with cast ancre, and then letting downe theyr shippe boates, they conueigh themselues to the fishe, and bore a greate hole thorow hir tayle, whereinto they put one ende of a cable, and so make it sure, the other ende is fastned to a great 10 ancre, whiche is let fall of purpose into the sea, and thus is their enterprise attempted ere long to be atchieued. For after this wounde, it is not long ere the fishe awaketh, who feeling hir selfe to be hurt, leapeth at once into the sea, thinking to hide and shrowde hir in the deepes: but being stayed by the weight of the ancre, and indeuou­ring in vayne to breake the cable, she laboureth so vehemently, that at the last she windeth hir­selfe out of hir skinne (for the which she is com­monly 20 taken) and soone after also turneth vp hir belly, yeelding hir life vnto the waues, and hyr body to the Mariners, who make an excellent oyle of hir greace, and passing strōg cables of hir hide or skinne. Certes such is the force of Rope made of the skinne of this fishe, that they will holde at a plunge no lesse than the Spanishe Sparto. Herein also they exceede ye same in that they will continue very long without fretting asunder. 30

An hundred miles beyond the Orchades are the Schetland Iles, whose chiefe commodities stande onely by fish which is dried in the sunne. There are brought also into Scotland out of these Ilandes great store of Sheepes felles, oxe hides, Goate skins, & cases of Martirnes dryed in the sunne. And in the same maner the Mar­chaunts of Hollande, Zeelande and Germany, fetch them yearely by barter and exchaunge for other common and necessary wares, with the 40 people of that nation, who for maners and con­ditions resemble much the Orchanois. The same in like sorte that is sayde of the Orcha­noys, concerning drunkennesse and frenesy, is verified on them, as is also their length of lyfe, although not in so rare maner: Sith these in steede of strong Ale, content themselues with water, and very slender diet. Beyōd the Sche [...] ­landes there are diuers other Ilandes, of lyke condition, but without corne and all maner of 50 fleshe to feede vpon. These dry their fishe at the Sunne, and when they are thorowe stiffe, they grinde them to smal powder, which they worke vp with water into loaues, and so vse the same in lieu of other bread. Theyr firing consisteth of the boanes of suche fishes as they take, and yet they content themselues in suche maner with this their poore kinde of lyueloode, that they shinke their estate most happy in respect of such as inhabite in the Maine. Certes there is no quareelling amongst these for wealth or gaine, but eche one prouideth suche store of fishe in Somer whiche he taketh himselfe, as shall finde his family, or keepe his house in winter. They are voyde of all ambitious m [...]de, & neuer trou­bled with ciuile or forren wardes, as men that deeme firme peace and quitenesse, with mutuall loue and amity, to be the chiefe felicity to be sought for in this life, and to remaine herein, ech one to his power dothe shewe his whole inde­uour. This finally is to be added vnto their cō ­mendation, that they are simple, playne, voyde of crafte, and all maner of Serpentine suttlety, whiche endeth commonly with mischiefe, and reigneth in the Maine. Once in the yeare there commeth a Priest vnto them from Orkenay (of whiche Diocesse they are) who ministreth vnto them the Sacrament of Baptisme, and after a certayne tyme (hauing taken vp in the meane time his Tithes in fishe, whiche is their sole increase, and very truly payde) he returneth home againe the same way that he came. If any giftes of nature are to be numbred as par­celles of worldly riches and renowne, they are not without these also: for the people of these Iles are lusty, fayre, strong of body, and highe of stature, so ye nature hath not fayled to indue them with these things, and that in most excel­lent maner. What should I say of their helth, whiche is and may be preferred aboue all trea­sure, as they well know that are oppressed with long and grieuous infirmities: for here among these men, you shall very seldome heare of sick­nesse to attache any, vntill extreame age come that killeth them altogither, and this is that ex­ceeding benefit naturally appropried vnto their rareases. As for their quietnesse of minde, it is alwayes suche as is constant, vnchaungeable, and therefore incomparable vnto any riches or huge masse of worldly treasure.

Herevnto furthermore, if it be true riches (as it is in deede for ech one not to couet other mēs gooddes, but to content himself with that which is his owne, and not to stande in neede of any thing, can any men be founde in any other re­gion more riche and fortunate than the Shet­land men and these Ilanders? Finally, if those be the true honors, and reuerent dueties whiche the obedient sonne with greate sincerity and voyde of all flattery, doth shewe vnto his good parents, and wherewithall the best sort do mer­uaylously reioyce and delite themselues, & that these are also not wanting in these regions, can we iustly say that these mē do lacke any thing, or shall we not rather affirme with great assu­rance that they rather stand in neede of nothing [Page 16] that any mortal man can iustly wish or desire [...] But if there be any man that will accuse me of vntruth in the recitall of these things, as one that lieth lowde and by authoritie of a people dwelling far off, for so much as I my selfe was neuer in those Ilandes, he shal vnderstand that I learned all these things of the reuerent father Edward Bishop of the Orchades, with whom one of these Ilanders dwelled, who not onely made a like rehearsall of these things with his 10 owne mouth, but also verified the same in his owne person, for his height farre passed the cō ­mon stature of men, thereto he was excellently well featured in his limmes, so white of skinne ouer all, that he might contend in beauty with any lady of the lande, & finally so wight & strōg of body, that no man in all those quarters durst rūne or wrestle with him. Hereby also we may see, how far they are deceyued whiche iudge thē to be barbarous, & miserable creatures that in­habite 20 far from the Tropike lines, for there are no people more happy than those that dwell in these quarters, as I haue proued already.

See Matthio­lus vpon the first booke of Dioscorides, capite de po­pulo alba & nigra.Furthermore, among the rockes & cragges of these Iles groweth the delectable Amber, called. Electrum, Chrysolectrū, or as Dioscorides hath Pterygophoron, indued with so vehemēt an at­tractiue force, yt being chafed it draweth straw, floxe, and other like light matter vnto it. This gumme is ingendred of the sea froth whiche is 30 throwen vp by continuall repercussion of crags & rockes against the sea walles, & through per­petual working of ye waues groweth in time to become tough as glew, til it fall at ye last from ye rocke againe into the sea. Suche as haue often viewed & marked the generation of this gūme, whilest it hāgeth on ye rocke, affirme it to be like a froth & bubble of water without al massy sad­nesse, bycause that as yet it is not sufficiently hardned by the working of the Element. Som­times 40 ye Seatangle is found enuironed also wt ­al,Alga. bicause it is driuē hither & thither by the wor­king of ye waues, & so lōg as it fleetes to & fro in this maner, so long is it apte to cleaue to any thing that it toucheth. Twoo yeeres before I wrote this booke, there came a great lompe of Amber into Buchquhane, in quantity so bigge as any horse, which the heardmē that kept their cattell neare hand caught vp, & not knowing in deede what it was, they caried it home, & threw 50 a portion thereof into the fire: finally perceiuing a sweete & delectable sauour to proceede frō the same, they ran by & by to the Priest of ye towne where they dwelled, telling him how they had found a peece of stuffe whiche would serue very well in steede of Frākensence, wherwith to per­fume his sainctes or rather Idols in the church. These mē supposed that sir Iohn had ben more cunning than themselues, but contrary to that expectation, it fell out that he was no lesse vn­skilful & voyde of knowledge than they, & there­fore refusing the whole lumpe, he tooke but [...] small portion therof, and returned the rest vnto thē, whereby it came to litle proofe & lesse ga [...] among the common sorte, who suffred it to pe­rish by reason of theyr vnskilfulnesse. [...] when they brake it in peeces, it resembled in co­lour vnto the purest golde, & shined as if it had bene the laie or flame of a cādle. Herein also the Prouerb was proued true, that the Sow reck [...] not of Balme. But so sone as I vnderstoode of the matter, I vsed such diligence, that one po [...] ­tiō therof was brought to me at Aberden. And thus much of the Hebrides, Orchades & Schet­land Iles subiect vnto the Scottish regiment. I might no doubt haue made rehersall of diuers other things worthy the noting in this behalfe. But I haue made choise onely of the most rare & excellent, and so would finish this descriptiō, were it not that one thing hath stayed me right pleasant to be remembred, as an vncouth and strange incident, whereof master Iames O­gilby Ambassadour from Iames our King, (among other) vnto the King of Fraunce, hath certified me, & whereof he had experience of l [...]e at such time as he was constrayned by tempest of weather to get to land in Norway. Th [...] standeth the case, being driuen, as I sayde, vpon the shore of Norway, he and his company saw a kinde of people raungyng vp & downe in the mountaynes there, much like vnto those which diuers pictures giue forth for wilde men, [...]e [...]ry and vgly to behold. In the end being aduertized that they were sauage & wilde beastes, yet ne­uerthelesse deadly enimies to mākind, they vn­derstood thervnto that although in the day time they abhorred & feared the sight of man, yet in the night they would by great companies in­uade the small villages & countrey townes, kil­ling & sleying so many as they found, or where no dogges were kept to put by their rage & fury. Certes such is their nature, that they stande in great feare of dogges, at whose barking & sight they flie and runne away with no small ha [...]e & terrour, wherefore the inhabitants are inforced to cherish great numbers of the said beasts, ther­by to keepe off those wilde men that otherwise would annoy them: they are moreouer of suche strength, that somtimes they pull vp yong t [...]ees by the rootes to fight withall amōg themselues. The Ambassadors [...]eyng these vncouth crea­tures, were not a litle astonnied, & therfore to be sure frō all inuasion, they procured a strōg gard, to watch al night about thē, with great f [...]res to giue light ouer all that quarter, till on the mor­row that they tooke the sea & so departed thence. [Page 17] Finally the Norwegiās shewed thē, that there was another people not far of, whiche liued all the Sōmer time in the sea like fish, & fed of such as they did catch, but in ye Winter half (bicause the water is cold) they prayed vpon such wilde beasts as fedde on the mountaynes, whiche cō ­ming downe from the snowy hilles to grase in the valeys, they killed with dartes & weapons, & carried vnto their caues. In this exercise also they tie certaine litle boordes to their feete, which 10 beare them vp from sinking into the snow, & so with a staffe in their handes, they make the bet­ter shifte to clime vp and come downe from the cragges and mountaines, wherof in that region there is very great plenty and aboundance.

Of the maners of the Scottes in these dayes, and their comparison with the behauiour of the old, and such as liued long since with­in this Iland. Chap. 13. 20

FOrasmuch as diuers noble men haue desi­red me to shew apart the old maners of the Scots touched in my history, to the end it may be knowen how far our nation in these present dayes are different in their maners & behauiour frō those of our forefathers, & herevnto although I assure my self already yt the reuealing of these things will procure vnto me the hatred of sun­dry worthy or renowmed personages (of which few wil yeelde to heare their doings touched, or 30 their errours reproued) yet bicause I ow [...] such duetie & seruice vnto those that haue made this request vnto me, & least I should seeme ingrate not to herken vnto thē in this behalf I haue cō ­descended to the performaunce of their desires, & somuch the rather, for yt they alledge how it wil be very profitable vnto al readers, but especially such as are not immoderately giuen ouer into their owne affections, nor so wholly drowned in their owne sensuality & pleasures, but vpon 40 consideration of wholsome admonition will be very willing to leaue what soeuer offendeth in them. First of al therfore, I will declare what vsages haue ben among our elders both in [...]me of warre & peace, and by what wisedome & in­dustrie they haue preuailed so long time against such & so many mighty aduersaries, as first the Brytons, then ye Saxons, next of al the Danes whiche haue entred into this Iland with huge armies, to spoyle and su [...]due the same. Further­more, 50 I wil set downe with somuch breuily as I can, how the falling by litle & litle frō the fru­galitie and customes of their Forefathers, their vertue & force also began in like order to decay. And finally how in these daies either by the cle­mēcy of our neighbours, or by their delicate ne­gligence rather than by our owne prowes, wee liue in security, & thereby as it were ouerwhel­med & wrapped vp in al [...], & excesse, wher­into our want of exercise and martiall prowesse doth marueylously impest vs. Certes I beleue that by this meanes such [...] are of ye more cou­ragious sort (& yet reteyning a sauour of the tē ­perantie of theyr elders) will e [...]ioyce to hea [...]e their manhoode and great prowes cōmended in this wise, as others of the cō [...]ny sect (in seruise maner addicted to gather good, and spende their times in role excesse & riot) se [...]ing their errours iustly reprehended, & the dishonor gotten thereby openly reuealed, will the rather addresse them­selues to reformation of their estate, thereby to recouer the auncient renowme of their Forefa­thers, in answering to their prowes, than pro [...]e a reproche vnto their successours, thorow their lewde behauiours neuer to be forgotten. This also I protest before al men, that what soeuer I shall speake of the euill maners of our times, I do not meane it vnto all, but [...]hose only whome blind [...] loue, couetousnesse intemperancy, ex­cesse and abuse of al Goddes good giftes haue so touched, that they des [...]rue much more to be re­prehended then I will vouchsafe to attempt in this my [...] treatize, therefore if any man shall [...] him selfe to be rubbed on the gall [...]y me. I counsell him that he conceale not his in­firmity, by [...] reuenge on othermē, but e [...] ­the [...] [...] to procure the remedy in first ac­knowledging his misdemeanors, whiche is the one and better halfe of his cure.

Our elders although they were right vertu­ous both i [...] warre abrode, and at home in peace, were yet neuerthelesse in conuersation & beha­uiour very temperate, whiche is the fountaine & originall of al vertues. In sleepe they were cō ­petent, in meate & drinke sober, & contēted with such foode as was ready a [...] hande and prepared with litle cost. Their bread consisted of suche stuffe as grew most readily on ye ground, with­out al maner of sifting and bousting, wherby to please the palate, but baked vp as it came frō the mill without any suche curiosity, whiche is a great abasing of the force therof vnto our day­ly nourishment. The flesh whereon they chief­ly fed, was either such as they gate by hunting, wherin they tooke great de [...]e & which increased not a litle their strength and nimblenesse, or els suche tame ca [...]tell as they bredde vp at home, wherof [...]eefe was accompted the principall, as it is yet in our dayes, though after another ma­ner & fa [...] discrepant from the vse and custome of other countries. The stickes or young befettes vngelded, we either kill yoūg for veale, or geld, to the end that they may [...] afterwarde for tillage [...]n ea [...]ng vp of the ground, but the [...]ow­calfes and heigh [...]ers, are neuer killed till they be with Calf, for then are they fattest & most deli­cious [Page 18] to the mouth. The common meate of our elders was fish, howbeit not only or somuch for the plenty therof, as for that one landes lay oftē wast and vntilled, bicause of the great warres which they cōmonly had in hand. They breake also their fast early in the morning wt some slē ­der repast, & so cōtinued without any other diet vntill supper time, in whiche they had but one dish, whereby it came to passe, yt their stomackes were neuer ouercharged, nor their bones desi­rous 10 of rest thorow the fulnesse of their bellies. At suche time as they determined of set purpose to be mery, they vsed a kinde of Aquavite voyde of al spice, & only consisting of such hearbes and rootes as grew in their owne gardens, otherwise their common drinke was Ale: but in tyme of warre when they were inforced to lie in campe, they contented thēselues with water as rediest for their turnes. Eche souldier also had so much meale as might serue him for a day, whiche he 20 made vp in cakes, and baked on the coles, as the Romaines sometimes vsed to do, and the Em­perour Caracalla himselfe as Herodian hath re­mēbred. Seldome did they eat any flesh in their tentes, except they gate it frō their aduersaries, such as they had likewise was eaten half rawe, bycause they supposed the iuyce therof so vsed to nourish very abundantly. But fishe was much more plentifull amongst them, especially when they wāted their vsuall prayes, or could not at­tayne 30 vnto them. They brought furthermore from their houses to the field with them, a vessel of butter, cheese, meale, milke, & vineger tempred togither as a shoote ancre against extreme hun­ger, on whiche they would feede & sucke out the moysture, when other prouision coulde not be gotten. In like maner whensoeuer they had en­tred into league and amity with their enimies, they would not liue in such security, that therby they would suffer their bodies and forces to de­generate, 40 but they did keepe themselues in their former actiuity and nimblenesse of limmes, ey­ther with continuall hunting (a game greatly esteemed among our auncestors) or with run­ning from the hilles to the valeys, or from the valeys to the hilles, or with wrestling, and such kindes of pastime wherby they were neuer idle. Their heads were alwayes shauē, after the ma­ner of ye aūcient Spaniardes, with a litle tuft of heare only left on their forepartes, & neuer coue­red, 50 except whē they were troubled wt sickenesse, by whiche meanes it came to passe that fewe of our nation in olde time was seene to be balde & hearelesse. They went also bare footed, or if they had any shone, they dipped them first in ye wa­ter ere they did put thē on, especially in Winter when sharpest weather shewed it self, to the end that ye soles of their feete (which were wel hard­ned in Sommer with heate and in winter with cold, might be more strong and able to susteyne great labour and dayly trauaile. Their apparell was not made for brauery & pōpe, but as should seeme best to couer their bodies & serue their ap­pointed vses, their hosen were shaped also of lin­nen or wollen, whiche neuer came higher than their knees, their breches were for the most part of hēpe, clokes also they had for winter made of course wooll, but in the sommer time they ware of the finest that coulde be gotten. They slept moreouer eyther vpon the bare floore or pallets of straw, teaching their childrē euen from theyr infancy to eschew ease, & practise the like hard­nesse: & sith it was a cause of suspitiō of the mo­thers fidelity towarde hir husbande, to seeke a strange nurse for hir childrē (although hire milke fayled) ech womā wold take intollerable paines to bring vp & nourish hir owne children. They thought them furthermore not to be kindly fo­stered, except they were so well nourished after their birthes with the milke of theyr brestes, as they were before they were borne with ye bloud of their owne bellies, nay they feared least they should degenerate & grow out of kinde, except they gaue them sucke themselues, and eschewed strange milke, therfore in labour & painefulnesse they were equall, and neither sexe regarded the heate in sommer or cold in winter, but trauailed barefooted, & in time of warres the mē had their cariages & victuals trussed behinde thē on their horses, or els vpon their owne shulders without refusall of any labour, enioyned vnto them by their Captaines, If it hapned them at any time to be vanquished, they fled with such speede to ye mountaines, that no horse might ouertake thē & very oft escaped. The violence that was done to any one of them, was reputed cōmon to al & such was their deadly fude conceyued in these cases, that vntil they had requited the like with more extremity, they would neuer be quiet nor let go their displeasure. The noblest & most cou­ragious Gentleman would soonest desire to be placed in the forewarde, where his vassalage or seruice & manhood should readiliest be seene▪ and such was the friendship of the nobility amongst thēselues, that whylest they contended which of them should be most faithful & frendly to other, they would oft fal out, & quarel one wt another. Somtimes it hapned yt their Captaine was be­set wt extreme peril, or peraduenture some other of the nobility, in which cases they yt were of his [...]ād wold suddenly rush in thorow ye thickest of their enimies vnto him, & deliuer him, or els [...] they could not so do, they would altogither lose their liues with him, thinking it a perpetuall note of reproche to ouerliue their leader. The graues & sepulchres of our noblemen had com­mōly [Page 19] so many Obeliskes & spires pitched about them, as the deceased had killed enimies before time in ye fielde: if any souldier had ben found in the fielde without his flint & tinder boxe, or had walked or gone vp & downe with his sworde at his side, and not naked in his hād, for then vsed they light armor for ye most part, he was terri­bly scourged: but he that solde or morgaged his weapon, was forthwith cut frō his company & banished as an exile: he that fled or went frō the 10 battayle without leaue of his Capitayne, was slayne wheresoeuer he was mette afterward, without any iudgement or sentence, and all his goodes cōfiscated to the Prince: Their light ar­mour in those dayes consisted of the launce, the bow, the long sword which hanged at the side of ye owner, & therto a buckler, but afterward hea­uier armour came into generall vsage. In these dayes also the womē of our country were of no lesse courage than the men, for al stout maydēs 20 & wiues (if they were not with childe) marched so wel into the field as did the men, & so soone as the army did set forward, they slew the first li­uing creature yt they foūd, in whose bloud they not onely bathed their swordes, but also tasted thereof with their mo [...]thes, with no lesse religiō & assurance conceyued, than if they had already bene sure of some notable & fortunate victory: when they saw their owne bloud run frō them in the fight, they wexed neuer a whit astonnied 30 with the matter, but rather doubling their cou­rages, with more egernesse they assailed their e­nimies. This also is to be noted of thē, that they neuer sought any victory by treason, falshed or sleight, as thinking it a great reproch to winne the fielde any otherwise than by mere manhood, prowesse, & playne dealing. When they went foorth vnto the warres, eche one went with the King of his owne cost (except the hyred soldier) which custome is yet in vse. If any were trou­bled 40 with the falling Euyll, or Lepre, or fallen frantike, or otherwise out of his wits, they were diligētly sought out: & least those diseases should passe further by infectuous generatiō vnto their issue & posterity, they gelded the mē. But ye wo­mē were secluded into some odde place farre off from the cōpany of men, where if she afterward hapned to be gotten with childe, both she & the infant were runne thorow with a launce: glut­tons & raueners, drōkardes, & egregious deuou­ters 50 of victualles, were punished also by death, first being permitted to deuour so much as they listed, & thē drowned in one fresh riuer or other.

Furthermore, as iustice in time of warre was cōmonly driuē to perke, so in daies of peace our countreymen that offended, were oft seuerely punished & with inconuenient rigor. For they wel considered that after their people should re­turne and come home againe from the warres, they would be giuē to so many enormities, that the same theyr excesse should hardly be rest lay­ned but by extreeme seuerity: suche also was theyr nature, that so soone as they knew them­selues guilty of any offence committed agaynst the estate or cōmon wealth, that first attempt was to set discord amongst the Pictes & Prin­ces of the realme, neuerthelesse when they are gently intreated, & with commons moderation, they are found to be very t [...]actable, & pliant vn­to reason: in priuate bargaines & contractes they are so willing to giue euery man his owne, that they will yeelde the more. And so farre is it growne into a some euē in these our dayes, that except there be some s [...]plusage aboue the bare couenaunt, they will breake of and not go forwarde with the bargayne. They vsed at the first the rites and maners of the Egyptians frō whence they came, & in al their priuate affayres they vsed not to write with common letters as other nations did, but rather with Cyphers and figures of creatures made in maner of letters as their Epitaphes vpon their tombes & sepultures remayning amōgst vs do hitherto declare. Ne­uerthelesse in our times this Hietoglyphical ma­ner of writing (I wote not by what meanes) is perished & lost, and yet they haue certaine letters propre vnto thēselues, which were sometime in cōmon vse: but among such as retaine the aun­cient spech, they haue their aspiratiōs, dipthōgs, & pronunciation better than any other. The cō ­mon sorte are not in vre withall, but onely they which inhabite in the higher part of the coūtry, & sith they haue their language, more eloquent and apt than others, they are called Poetes, they make also Poetes wt great solemnity & honour, being borne out therein by the authority of the Prince. Beside ye skil also of many other artes & sciences, whose rules & Methodes are turned into ye sayd language, are giuē by tradition frō theyr elders, they chiefly excel in Phisick, wherin they go far beyond many other, who learning of thē ye natures & qualitie of such hearbes as grow in those quarters, do heale al maner of diseases euē by their only applicatiō. Certes there is no regiō in ye whole world so barrē & vnfruteful, through distaūce frō the Sunne, but by ye prouidence of God all maner of necessaries for the sustentatiō of mankind dwelling there, are to be had therin, if ye inhabitants were such as had any skil how to vse ye same in order. Neuerthelesse our elders which dwelled continually vpō the Marches of England, learned ye Saxon toung through cō ­tinuall trade of marchandize and hazard of the warres, long since, whereby it came to passe that we neglected our owne language, and our owne maners, and thereto bothe our auncient [Page 20] order in writing and speakyng is vtterly left among vs, that inhabite neare vnto thē, wheras contrary wise those that dwell in the moūtaines reteyne still their auncient speach & letters, & al­most all their olde rites, wherevnto in time past their Forefathers haue bene accustomed. One thing hereof also may euidently be seene (for an example) in their boates whiche they call Car­rockes, for being made of Osiers & couered with Bull hides, they vse to passe & repasse with them 10 ouer their riuers & waters in catching of Sal­mons, & when they haue done, they beare them on their backes vnto what place soeuer it plea­seth them. But we will now leaue the maners of our auncient friendes, & intreate of our later countreymen. In processe of time therfore, and chiefly aboute the dayes of Malcolme Cammor, our maners began greatly to chaunge & alter. For when our neighbours the Brytons began, after they were subdued by the Romaynes, to 20 waxe idle & slouthful, and there vpon driuen out of their countrey into Wales by their enimies the Saxōs, we began to haue alliāce (by proxi­mity of the Romaines) with Englishmē, espe­cially after the subuersion of the Pictes, & tho­row our dayly trades & cōuersation with them, to learne also their maners, & therewithall their lāguage as I haue sayd alredy. Hereby shortly after it came also to passe, that the temperaunce and vertue of our auncestors grew to be iudged 30 worthy of small estimation amongst vs, not­withstanding that a certayne idle desire of our former renowne did still remayne within vs.

Furthermore as men not walking in ye right pathe, we begā to follow also the vaine shadow of the Germaine honor & titles of nobility, and boasting of the same after the English maner, it fell out ere long, that where as he in times past was accompted only honorable, which excelled othermen not in ritches and possessions, but in 40 prowesse and manhoode, now he would be takē most glorious that wēt loden with most titles, whereof it came to passe, that some were named Dukes, some Erles, some Lords, some Barōs, in which vain puffes they fixed al their felicity. Before time the noble men of Scotlād were of one condition, and called by the name Thanes, so much in Latine as Questores regij, gatherers of ye kings duties, in English: and this denomi­nation was giuen vnto them after their desert & 50 merite. But how far we in these present dayes are swarued from the vertues and temperaunce of our elders, I beleeue there is no man so elo­quent, nor indued with such vtterance, as that he is able sufficiently to expresse. For whereas they gaue their mindes to doughtinesse, we ap­ply our selues to dronkennesse: they had plenty with sufficiency, we haue inordinate excesse wt superfluity: they were temperate [...] and so is the case [...]ow altered with [...] which can deuoure & drinke most, [...] m [...]n and most honest companion, and therein hath no peere if he can once find ye vaine, though with his great trauaile to pu [...]ury himself of the plentifullest number of newe fine and delicate dishes, and best prouoke his stomacke to [...] the greatest quantitie of them, though he [...] make due digestiō of it. B [...]ing thus drow [...] in our delicate gluttony, it is a world to sée, ho [...] we stuffe our selues both day and night, neuer ceasing to ingorge and poure in, till our bellies [...]e so full that we must needes depart. Certes it is not supposed me [...]te that we should now con­tent our selues with breakefast and supper only as our elders haue done before vs, nor inough that we haue added our dinners vnto their a­foresayd meales, but we must haue thereto our beuerages and [...], suppers, so that small [...] is spaced wherein to occupy one selues vnto a­ny godly excercise, sith almost the whole day & night do fearcely suffice for the f [...]lling of our paunches. We haue also our m [...]rcha [...], whose charge is not to looke out, and bring [...] suche things as necessarily appertaine to the [...]nte­nance of our liues, but vnto the furniture [...] kitchen, and these search al the secrete [...] of our forrestes for [...]enison, of the ayre for soules, & of the sea for fishe, for wine also they trauayle not onely into Fraunce, whose wi [...]es do [...] grow into cōtempt, but also into Spaine, Ita­ly and Greece: nay Afrike is not boyde of our factours, no nor Asia, and only for fine and deli­cate wines if they may be had for money. In like sorte they gad ouer all the world for sweete and pleasant spices, & drugges (prouoke is vnto all lust and licentiousnesse of behauiour) as men that aduenture their owne liues to bring home poyson and destruction vnto their countreymē, as if the minde were not already sufficiently he­reft of hir im [...]ge of the Diuinity, but must yet more be clogged & ouerladen with such a [...]an­ked case, therwithall to be extinguished [...] whiche already dwelleth or is buried rather [...] such an vgly sepulchre. The body likewyse be­ing oppressed with such an heape of superfluous foode, although otherwise it be indued with a [...] excellent nature, cannot be able to execute his office, nor keepe it selfe vpright, but must needes yeelde as ouercome, & to be torne in peeces and rent with sundry maladies.

Hereof also it commeth to passe that our coūtreymen trauayling into the colder regions are now a dayes cōtrary to their former vsage taken sometime with feuers, whereby their in­wards partes do burne & parch as it were with continuall fire, the onely cause whereof we may [Page 21] ascribe vnto those hoate spices and drugges which are brought vnto vs from the hoate coū ­treys. Others of them are so swollen & growen full of humors, that they are often taken soden­ly and die of vehemēt apoplexies, and although here & there one or two recouer for a litle while, yet are they but dead people reuiuing agayne, leading the rest of their liues like shadowes, and walking aboute as if they were buried already. Our youth also following these vnhappy steps 10 of theyr parentes, giue themselues wholy to iust & licentiousnesse, hauing all vertue and know­ledge in contempt, and eschewing the same as a Pestilence and subuersion of their pleasures, wherevnto they apply themselues as vnto the most excellent trade. But sithence they are now inured and as it were haunted with these vices, when tyme doth come of seruice and that our countrey shall stand in neede of manhood, these will be becomen so esseminate, that they muste 20 now ride on horsebacke as cladde in heauy ar­mour, for on foote they cannot go by reason of their fatnesse whiche choketh vp their vitall for­ces, neyther be able to performe any thing at all in comparison of the soueraigne manhoode and prowesse of theyr elders. So soone also as they returne home, bicause their possessions are not otherwise able to nourishe them vp in pleasure and pampering of their m [...]wes, they must fall to couetous and greedy practizes, thereby to en­riche 30 themselues, or els proue strong theeues, or finally sowers of dissention and discord among the Noble men, thereby to pray some commo­ditie. Certes these and other vices followyng them necessarily, proceede generally from none other fountayne than voluptuous life & intem­perancy, the whiche if we would refrayne, there is no regiō vnder the Sunne that would proue more wholesome, lesse subiect to Pestilence, nor more commodious and profitable for the sustē ­tation 40 of hir people. Certes I dispayre not of the redresse of these things, but still hope that in shorte tyme these corrupted maners of my coū ­treymen will be turned into a better frame, wee are not yet become impudent, neyther altogi­ther haue cast of vnshamefastnesse, sithe that in a great many some remaynder of our auncient sobernesse and manhoode doth yet appeare, and thereto newnesse of lyfe with feruent deuotion increase euery day, through the working of the 50 zeale of our Christian religion in vs. This al­so will I adde, without offence I trust vnto o­ther nations, that there was neuer people more stedfast to my knowlege in the Christian faith, nor more constant in theyr faithfull promises,When they do make any. than the Scots haue bene sithence their first be­ginning: and for a conclusion I will say more, not onely for their prayse, but also in exhorting them vnto perseuerance, that as our people now liuing do passe their auncestors in sumptuous & curious attyre, so they are more nette and fine in their houses, better giuen to learning, & m [...]ch more magnificent in buylding and decking of theyr Churches. God graunt them also to re­turne to their former frugality, and that with speede. Amen.

Hethirto haue I translated Hectors descri­ption of Scotland out of the Scottish into the English toung, being not a litle ayded therein by the Latine, frō whence somtime the transla­tor swarueth not a litle, as I haue done also frō him, now and then following the Latine, and now and then gathering such sence out of both as most did stande with my purposed breuity. Now will I set downe the description of an Auncient Pict, as I haue gathered it out of He­rodian & other, and then I will giue ouer not only to wryte more at this present, but for euer hereafter of any Historicall matters, sith I see that this honest kind of recreation is denied me, and all time spent about the same in these dayes vtterly condemned, as vayne and sauouring of negligence, and Heathenish impiety.

The description of an auncient Pict. Chap. 14.

THe Pict (saith Herodian) hath generally no vse of apparell, howbeit the nobler sorte of them do wrappe theyr heades and wombes in houpes of yron, which they take for great bra­uery, esteeming this kinde of attyre in suche as weare the same, to be a token of wealth and ri­ches, and so great an ornament, as if they had worne Golde or any costly iewelles. Beside this, and the shauing of theyr nether lippe, they paynted ouer their bodies with the images of al kindes of beastes, so that he was the gayest mā, that had his skinne most disguised in this ma­ner. Certes none of them regarded to weare a­ny apparell, bycause they esteemed it a greate glory to haue these paintings seene. In warres they were bolde, and desirous to shedde bloud, contenting themselues (in steede of other ar­mour) with a shorte launce, and narrow target, or buckler, theyr swordes were tied to their na­ked sides with a thong, and as for Iacke, shirt of Mayle, or Helmet, they made no regarde of them, bycause they would trouble thē in swim­ming, or otherwise at a pinche, whē they should be compelled to wade. Dion wryting general­ly of the whole countrey, diuideth it with Hero­dien into the Calidons, and Meates, saying that the sayde country is very sauage, their Cities voyde of walles, & fields, without townes: they liue moreouer (saith he) by hunting and pray, and often times with the fruite of their trees: & albeit that they haue exceeding plenty of fish, [Page 22] yet they eate not of it. They liue naked in tents and without shoes on theyr feete, theyr wiues are common, and children generally looked vn­to: they haue moreouer a populous regiment, & are very ready to steale: they fight in wagons, & haue little light & swift horses, whiche runne also very swiftly, and stande at their feete with like stedfastnesse. In ye nether end of their laun­ces they haue hollow bullets of Brasse, in eche is a litle peece or two of yron, whiche ratleth when they shake it, & maketh a strange noyse where many of them are togither. They haue also narrow daggers: but chiefly they can s [...] ­steyne hunger and colde best of all men, & like­wise sore labour: and if it happen them to hun­ger and haue no meate at hand, they wil sitte in the marrishes vp to the chinnes by many dayes togither. In the wooddes they feede on rootes or barkes of trees, and they haue a kinde of meate among them, whereof if they take but so muche as a beane, they neyther hunger nor thirste in a long time after. And thus much of the meates (whiche were the nearest vs) and the Caledons that dwelled beyond the wall, and both in their prouince called Maxima Cesariensis, wherof let this suffice.

The number of Bishoppes in Scot­land. Chap. 15.

  • THe Archbishoprijc of S. Andrewes.
  • Glasque.
  • Dunfalden.
  • Dunblanen.
  • Aberden.
  • Breche [...].
  • Mora [...]y.
  • Ros.
  • Whitherne.
  • Cathnes.
  • Argadie.
  • Orkeney.
  • Ymor one of the Iles whiche are exempt and pertayne vnto the Pope.
There are three Vniuersities.
  • SAint Andrewes.
  • Aberden.
  • Glasquo.
Dukedomes.
  • ROthsay.
  • Albany.
Erledomes.
  • CA [...]nes.
  • Sotherland.
  • Rosse.
  • Morauy.
  • Buchquhan.
  • Garuiach.
  • Garmoran.
  • Mar.
  • Mernis.
  • Angus.
  • Gowri.
  • Fiffe.
  • Marche.
  • Athole.
  • Stratherne.
  • Menteth.
  • Leuenor.
  • Wigton.
  • Duglasse.
  • Carryke.
  • Crawford.
  • Annandale.
  • Durmonth.
  • Huntley.
Visconties.
  • BErw [...]ic, alias North Berwi [...].
  • Roxborow.
  • Selkyrk.
  • Twedale.
  • Dunfrise.
  • Niddisdale.
  • Wigton.
  • A [...]e.
  • Lanarke.
  • Dumbritten.
  • Ste [...]uelin.
  • Lowthian.
  • Clakmanan.
  • Kymos.
  • Fiffe.
  • Perth.
  • Angus.
  • Marnis.
  • Aberden.
  • Bamph.
  • Fores.
  • Inuernes.
FINIS.

THE HISTORIE of Scotlande.

THE Scottishmen, accor­ding to the maner of other nations, esteeming it a glorie to fetche their beginning of great auncientie, say that their original discent came from the Greekes and Egyptians. For there was (as the Scottishe olde Historiographers haue left in writing) a certaine noble man a­mong the Greekes, named Gathelus, Gathelus. the sonne of Cecrops, which builded the City of Athens: or as some other woulde, he was the sonne of Argus Nealus, the fourth king of the Argiues. Gathelus gy­uen to wil and pleasure. This Gathelus playing in his youth manye wilde and vnruly partes in the Countrie of Macedonia and Achaia, was dyuerse tymes sharpely rebuked by his father and other of hys friends: so that in [...]ne disdeining their correcti­on and wholsome admonitions,Gathelus went in to Egypt, Anno mundi. 2416. Gathelus was enterteyned of Pharao. Gathelus went agaynst the enimies. Moyses Cap­taine general vnder Pharao. Lib. 2. Cap. 7. Gathelus his doings ad­uaunced. Moises doings not alowed. he was bani­shed by his father: after which he got togither a number of strong and lustie yong men, such as had vsed the like trade of liuing, and togither with them fled ouer into Egypt: & comming thither in the xxxiij. yeare of Pharao Orus, as then king of that Countrey, was receyued of him in most glad­some wise, for that his seruice (as it was thought) might stande in great stead, in those warres which the Egyptians helde the same time with the Ethiopians that had inuaded the realme of Egypt, e­uen vnto Memphis. This Gathelus, to bee short, went forth with his bandes agaynst the same Ethiopians, vnder Moses the Captaine generall of the armie, chosen thereto by diuine Oracle (as Iosephus wryteth) which Moses obteyned the victorie, and conquered Saba by force, he the chiefest and principall Citie which stoode in the Isle Meroe.

For such tokens of valiancie and worthie prowes as Gathelus shewed, both in this Countrey, & in other places, he grew also into such estimation with Pharao, that he gaue him his daughter in mariage. But Moses was rather enuied than honored for his doyng, bycause the Egyptians doub­ted least the Israelites should encrease to such a puyssant multitude, that in the ende they might v­surpe and chalenge the gouernance of the whole Realme, and bring it by rebelling into their owne handes: wherefore diuerse informations were made to the king agaynst him,Moyses fled. so that when he once perceyued himselfe to be in daunger of the lawe, and looked for no mercie at their handes, fled from thence out of the Countrey, and gate him into the lande of Madian.The Citie Thebes was giuen vnto Gathelus. Scota daughter to Pharao.

Vnto Gathelus and his people, there was giuen a Citie called Thebes (Egyptiaca) being ta­ken from the Israelites.

Here must you vnderstande, that Pharaos daughter whiche Gathelus thus maryed, was called Scota, of whom such as came of the posteritie of that nation, were afterwardes, and are at this pre­sent day called Scoti, that is to say Scottish men: and the land where they inhabite Scotia, that is to say, Scotlande.The credite of this historie of Gathelus, we leaue to the authors. Israel oppres­sed. Moses called out of Madian into Egypt.

Gathelus thus being aduaunced by such honourable maryage, lyued all the dayes of his father in law Pharao Orus, in great honour. But after his discease, and in the thirde generation, an o­ther king named Pharao Chencres, succeeded in his throne, who oppressed the people of Israel then abyding in Egypt, with more bōdage, than euer his father, or grandfather had don before him. Nei­ther was there hope of any redresse, till Moyses returned by Gods appoyntment from amongst the Madianites (where he had remayned in exile) into Egypt, and there declared vnto this Pharao Gods commaundement, touching the deliuerance of his people.

But forsomuch as his wordes were regarded, neyther with the king nor with his subiects,Moses not regarded. Exodus. 5. that lande was plagued in most horrible and terrible maner: and moreouer it was signified vnto such as sought to know what was meant by way of Oracles, that sorer and more grieuous plagues should after follow, if remedie were not founde the sooner.

[Page 2]Gathelus therefore being certified hereof, and giuing credite to the Oracles aforesayde, determi­ned out of hande to forsake the countrey,Gathelus lea­uing Egypt, seeketh other countreyes. and seeke him a new place of abode in some other partyes, of the worlde. Wherefore he caused a number of shippes to be rigged, and all necessarie puruey­ance to be prouided,, and when the same was once readie and all things set in order, he tooke with him his wife and children, and a great multitude of people both Greekes and Egyptians, whom he embarqued in those shippes,Gathelus de­pa [...]ting was, Anno mundi. 2453. W.H. 3643. H.B. and hoysing vp sayles, departed out of the mouth of the riuer Ni­lus, in the yeare of the worldes creation 2453. when hee had dwelled in Egypt .39. yeares and more.

Beeing thus departed, after some trouble in the voyage, they arriued first on the coastes of Nu­mydia,He was repul­sed in Barbary whiche is one of the regions of Affrike, now called Barbarie: but beyng put backe from thence by the stowte resistaunce of the inhabitauntes, they tooke the Seas agayne, and landed in a part of Spayne, whiche long after was called Lusitania.

He landed in Portingale.There be that haue written how it should be cleped Port Gathele of this Gathelus, and certaine yeares after Lusitania, and eftsoones agayne in a maner to haue got the former name being some­what corruptly called Portingale. But who is able in a mater of such auncientie to auowche any thing for truth?

Gathelus with his companie beyng thus come to lande, sought abrode in the countrey for vy­tayles and such other necessarie things as they wanted (for their long being on the Seas had wa­sted all their purueyance:The inhabi­tants resist Gathelus. Were ouer­throwne. whose arriual being once knowen in the countrey, the people assembled to­gither, and fiercely encountring with the straungers, after sharpe and cruell fight, in the ende the Spanyardes were put to the worse and chased out of the fielde.

[figure]

This victory put Gathelus and his folkes in hope of good successe to haue their a place for them to inhabite in,A communi­cation. and so to end their long wandering in straunge and vncertaine places. And to the in­tent they might bring their purpose the more easily to passe, they found meanes by way of commu­nication to ioyne in friendship with the Spanyardes, and obtayning of them a plotte where they might buylde a place for to inhabite in:Gathelus buil­deth the Citie Bracchara. shortly after they began the foundation of a Citie neare to the bankes of the Riuer called of auncient tyme Mundus, and afterwardes Bracchara.

It chaunced after this, that the Spanyardes (perceyuing these straungers to increase further in puysa [...]nce, than (as they thought) stoode well with theyr securitie) sought diuerse occasions to fal at debate with them, and to make warres vpon them: But when they vnderstoode that Gathelus was as ready to defend,A consultation as they were to inuade, they eftsoones fell to a communication, and perswa­ded with Gathelus that it should be best for him and his people, for the auoyding of variance, to re­moue vnto the Northside of Spayne, lying vpon the coastes of the Cantabrian seas, nowe called Galitia (where he should finde much voyde grounde, by reason of the smal number of Inhabitants) adding that if they would so do,Gathelus left Portingale, and went into Galitia. He builded a Citie called Brigantia, and nowe Com­postella. they would ayde them to the vttermost agaynst all such as shoulde attempt to disquiet their indeuours in any maner of wise.

This offer Gathelus gladly accepted, and causing publike sacrifice to be celebrate in honour of the Goddes, he departed with all his people into Galitia, and there concluding a league with the in­habitants, buylded a Citie, which he named Brigantia, but after it was called Nouium, and now Compostella.

[Page 3] Gathe­lus.

[figure]

HEre Gathelus beng [...]ntituled [...]oy the name of [...] king, de­uised and or­ [...]eyne [...] lawes or his people to lyue by,He maketh lawes and or­dinances. that the City 10 myghte not only be fenced with strong walles, but also with good and holesome statutes and ordinaunces, the chiefest fortifications that may be for al Ci­ties and Countreys. And bycause he would not onely haue his sayde people to liue vnder one lawe, but also to be known and called by one name, he gaue cōmaundement that they should be all called Scottishmen (as before is sayde) of his wife Scota.

In continuance of time, this nation grewe to a wōderful multitude,The Spani­ardes fight with the Scot [...] infortunately. so that the Spaniards doubting the worst, determined to foresee reme­die in tyme, and herevpon purposing vtterly to destroy them, got them againe to armour, and with their whole puissance comming vpon the Scottish men, gaue them a sore battaile, though in the ende they were put to flight, the victorie remayning with the Scottish men, albeit not without great bloudshed on eyther part, as the Scottish hystorie sayth.

[figure]

A peace con­cluded.At length a necessarie peace was agreed vp­on betwixt both parties, the conditions whereof were these: that aswell Scottish men as Spa­niards 30 should liue after their owne lawes, and neither of them to inuade other.

Gathelus mi­nistred iustice.Gathelus hauing peace thus with his neigh­bors, sate vpon his Marble stone in Brigantia, where he gaue lawes, and ministred iustice vn­to his people, thereby to mainteyne them in wealth and quietnesse.

[figure]

40 50

A description of the seate.This stone was in fashion like a seate or Chayre, hauing such a fatall destinie, as the Scottes say, following it, that wheresoeuer it should be founde, there shoulde the Scottish men raigne and haue the supreme gouernance. Here­of it came to passe, that first in Spaine, after in Irelande, and then in Scotlande, the Kings which ruled ouer the Scottish men receyued the Crowne sitting vpon that stone, vntill the time of Robert the first king of Scotlande. The in­scription also of the stone though ingraued long time after, as shoulde appeare, was this:

Ni fallat fatum, Scoti quocun (que) locatum
Inuenient lapidem, regnare tenentur ibidem.

Which may be thus translated:

Except olde sawes do sayle,
and wisards wittes be blinde,
The Scottes in place must raigne,
where they this stone shall finde.

But to re­turne

[figure]

where I lefte, touchyng Gathelus.Galitia not sufficient to find the Scot [...].

When he per­ceyued that his people multy­plyed in suche wise, as the cuntrey which was appoynted him by the laste a­greement, was not able to su­steyne them, he was lothe to [Page 4] breake the peace whiche he had established wyth the Spaniards by seeking to enlarge the bounds of his dominion with breach of couenaunt: and therefore vnderstanding that there was an Islād lying north ouer agaynst Spaine,The Scottes seeke newe seates. wherein were but fewe Inhabitours, he caused all such shippes as he was able to make, to bee brought togither into an Hauen neare vnto Brigantia, and com­maunding a great armie of his owne people and subiectes to bee assembled, he appoynted his two 10 sonnes whome hee had by his wife Scota, the one named Hyberus, and the other Himecus, to conuey them ouer into that Islande, whiche afterwardes they named Hibernia, after Hy­berus, but nowe it is commonly called Ire­lande.

The Scots a­riue in IrelandAt their first arriuall there, they came into the hauen of Dundalke, where getting a lande, they first encamped themselues neare vnto the shore, and then sente forth certaine of their folkes to 20 search if they could learne what people inhabited in the countrey, by whom at their returne, and by such as they had happened vppon and brought with them, they vnderstoode howe there was no great number of Inhabitants in that Isle,Irish men liue by milke and hearbes. and that they which dwelled there were verie simple, such I meane as liued onely by mylke and hear­ [...]es, with other the like things as the earth by na­ture brought forth of hir owne accorde, without mans helpe or vse of any tyllage. 30

Irish men are gently en­treated.Herevpon Hiber with his brother Himecus, went not aboute with force, but by gentlenesse to wynne those people, mynding to ioyne them in friendshippe so wyth theyr Scottishe men, that bothe the people myghte bee made as one.

Neyther was this harde to bee done, sithence the Inhabitauntes (perceyuing the Scottishe men not to goe about to harme them came floc­king in wholy about them, submitting themsel­ues 40 into their handes with gladnesse.

Hiber.

[figure]

WHEN thynges were once sette here in a staye, and that or­ders were gy­uen howe the land shoulde be conuerted vnto 50 tillage, and manu [...]d for ye better bringing forth of suche things as serue for mans sustenance,Hiber retur­ned into Spain Hiber (leauing his brother in charge with the gouernaunce of all those whiche were appoynted to abyde there in Irelande with the most part of the ships and residue of the com­pany, sayled backe into Spaine, where finding his father Gathelus deade,Hiber succee­ded his [...] hee succeeded in hys place of gouernment, to the great reioycing of all the people there.

This Hiber was a man of great courage, and more gyuen to the warres than his father before him, so that where his father contenting himselfe with the boundes and limittes of the Countrey assigned him by composition, sought no further (as is sayde) to enlarge the same:Hiber a con­querour. Hi­ber ceassed not to conquere Cities and townes neare adioynyng to the borders of his subiectes, by reason whereof hys fame spredde ouer all those parties: And in the ende constreyned his enimyes to seeke for peace,A peace. whiche hee willingly graunted: so that a league being concluded be­twixte the Scottes and Spaniardes, the same tooke suche good successe,Spaniards and Scots become one people. that within certayne yeares after, both the Nations, what by ma [...]age and other contractes whiche they exercised togy­ther, became one: The succession also of the Kings continued after Hibers deceasse in hys posteritie a long season. Amongest the whiche, Meteltus, Hermoneus, Ptolomeus, Hiberius, and Simon Brechus, were of most woorthie fame, as is recorded by suche as haue wry [...]ten the Hystories of that Nation more at large.

[figure]

IN the meane whyle that these things were thus a doo­ing in Spaine,Heme­cus. Heme­cus beeing left,Hemecus king in Irelande. as is be­fore remembred in Ire­lande, to haue the go­uernaunce there, ru­led bothe the people of Scottishe men, and the former Inhabi­taunts, with as muche indifferencie as was possible: yet coulde he not ioyne them so in one,Dissention. but that after his deceasse eyther of them woulde haue seuerall Rulers of their owne Nation to gouerne them: by reason whereof, falling eftsoo­nes at discorde amongst themselues, there ensued sharpe and cruell warres betwixte them, whiche beeing ended some tymes by truce (when bothe partyes happilye were throughlye wearyed,) they renued notwithstanding theyr malicious stryfe agayne, so soone as they had once recoue­red theyr decayed strengthes, so that the one see­king the others destruction, they continued in great disquiet for a long time.

These Scottish men being thus troubled in Irelande,The Scottes s [...]a [...]e Am­bassadour vn­to Metellus in Spaine. finally addressed an Ambassade vnto Metellus, who as then raigned amongest the Scottishe menne in Spaine, requiring him of ayde and succour agaynste theyr enimyes, who went aboute wyth toothe and nayle to ex­pell all the Scottishe Nation out of Irelande, [Page 5] which they were like ynough to bring to passe, if in time there were not spedy remedie through his ayde prouided for the contrarie.

Metellus hearing these newes, as a man mo­ued with a naturall zeale towarde all the Scot­tish linage, ga [...]e eare to their request, supposing it should be his part to defende his kinnes folke from all wrong and iniuries:Ayde sent to assist the Scots in Irelande. immediately therefore he sent his thre sonnes, Hermoneus, Ptolomeus, and Hibertus, with a chosen power of warriours 10 ouer into Irelande, where vanquishing the eni­mies with fierce and cruell battailes, they set the Scottishmen in sure and quiet possession of all their lands and liuings. This done, Ptolomeus, and Hibertus remayned there to rule and inha­bite the countrey,Hermoneus returned into Spaine againe. but Hermoneus who was the eldest brother, returned backe againe into Spain, there to succeede his father when time shoulde serue thereto. After this the Scottishe estate con­tinued many yeares in good quiet in Ireland, the 20 people still increasing in welth and puissance, till prosperitie the mother of contention, stirred vp grudge and partialities amongst them, whiche shortly would haue decayed the force of ye Scot­tish nation; if the auncient Lords had not proui­ded redresse in time, which was to perswade the people to haue a king of theyr owne, who beyng partaker with none of them in their factions, might haue the absolute gouernāce of the whole: so that by common cōsent they sent into Spaine 30 for one Simon Brek,Symon Brek. whose name was right famous amongst them in that season, both aswel for that hee was lineally descended of the bloud royall, as also for that he had shewed many pro­ues of his noble valiancie in sundrie affayres and businesse.

Brechus came into Irelande.This Simō being glad of these tidings, sayled quickly into Irelande, and brought thither with him amongst other princely iewels and regall monuments, the fatal stone of marble, wherein he 40 caused himselfe to be crowned, in token of his full possession, and establishment ouer that kingdo [...].

Bre­chus.

[figure]

BRechus beeyng thus crowned, was ye first king yt rai­gned ouer the Scottish men in Irelande, who began his raigned [...] in the yeere from the creation of the worlde, 50 3270:4504. H.B. which fynte by [...] Harisons ac­com [...]t is after the stoud, 1616:60. H. B. from the first buylding of Rome, 5.5. after the entrie of Brutus into Brytaine, 870. and before the Incarnation of our Sauiour,696. H.B. 697.

And hauing ruled his subiects with great iu­stice by the space of .xl. yeres or therabout, he died, after whose deceasse succeeded Fandufus,Fandufus. who had issue Ethion, and he [...]gat Glancus, whiche Glancus begat Noitafilus▪ the father of Roth­say: all of them raigned successiuely [...] the Scotish men in Irelande, as in the description of that land more plainly may appeare.Rothsay.

This Rothsay (perceyuing the Scottish na­tion encreased to a greater multitude in Ireland than the country was wel able to sustaine) trans­ported ouer certaine numbers of them into the Iles aunciently called [...]bo [...]es, The Scottes [...]erie ouer into the westerne Isles. afterwards H [...] ­b [...]ides, but now by the Scottes, the western Iles, bycause they lie on the west halfe of Scotlande: and there they placed them to inhabite.They inhabite the Isle of Rothsay. He named also that Isle which he first beganne to possesse, Rothsay, after his owne name. Which transla­tion of these Scottish men into those Isles was 133. yeares after the [...]oro [...]ation of Brechus.

This Rothsay had not beene long in those Isles, but that hearing of his fathers deceasse, he returned into Irelande to succede in his place. Where the Scottish men p [...]eyuing the fertilitie of the Isles, and how the same serued wel for the breeding of cattel, became so desirous to inhabite the same, that they went ouer thither dayly in­greate numbers, with their wiues, children, and whole families, so that within a [...]horte time, they multiplied in such wise, that the Isles were not large ynough to finde them sustenauce,The Scottes inhabite the maine lande of Scotlande. by reason wherof diuerse companies of them got them ouer into the maine lande of the North part of this our Bry [...]taine, called as then Al­bion, where they first inhabited a waste and de­sert portion thereof, lying to waste [...] west ne­uer against the foreremembred Isles, by [...]he [...] al­readie inhabited. Anno mundi. 338 [...]. 4617. H.B. They inhabite the countrey called Arguile.

That part where they first beganne to [...] themselues, they named Arguel [...]lia, after the name of their first Captain and guide Gathelus, but the Inhabitantes at this day call it Arguyle.They make lawes and or­dinances.

At their first comming because they percey­ued they coulde not liue without lawes and [...] gouernment they seuered thereof [...] into [...]th [...], or as it were into hundreds, [...] wee pertaken e­uery of the same hauing a speciall gouernment [...] see their lawes ministred,Gouernours had in reue­rence. and iustice [...]: whiche gouernours were had in suche reue­rence, that they were as [...]ch afrayde to sweare by the name of any one of them, as they [...] the Goddes.

In this state they continued many [...],They liue in peace. encreasing in pubc [...] of [...] mightie mo­tion, and liued in good [...] ou [...] trouble of watres or [...] vpon [...] any [...] ­raine [...]

In this meane time also,The Pictes came into Scotland, one of Germanie. the Pictes whiche were [...] people of Germanie, as most wri­ters do agree, came [...] also in [...] [Page 6] part of Brytayne, which nowe is comprehended likewise within Scotlande.

Some say that they came forth of the hyther part of Scithia, and other there be whiche holde opinion, that they discended of the people named in olde time Agathirsi, whiche inhabited in a part of Sarmatia, & were called Pictes, bycause they vsed to paynt and colour theyr faces, or as some suppose, for that they vsed gay apparell of dyuerse and sundrie colours: but the same wry­ters 10 generally confesse, that they first came into Germanie or hyther Scithia (that is to meane Denmarke) many yeares before they entred into Brytaine.Pictes came out of Den­marke.

The Pictes came first into Orkney, chaunging their seates came into the maine lande of Scotlande, Pictlande, Firth.Truth it is that they first came out of Germa­nie, into the Isles of Orkeney, and there inhabi­ting for a season, feryed ouer into Cathenese, whereof it came to passe, that the streyte there at this present is called Pictland firth: and so in cō ­tinuance of time encreasing in number, they pas­sed 20 further into the lande, and got possession of Rosse, Murray land, Merne, and Anguse, and after that, entring into Fiffe, and Lowthian, they droue such Brytaynes from thence as inhabited there before, whiche were but a simple kinde of people, as those that applyed nothing but onely nourishing and breeding of cattaile.

These Pictes, as by conference of tymes may appeare, entred first into Scotlande, aboute the yeare after the creation of the worlde 3633, and 30 being once ariued,4867. H.B. they began to erect and builde certaine fortes,The Pictes make strong holdes. wherein they might defend them­selues, if any force of enimies shoulde chaunce to put them vnto such shiftes: but perceyuing they could not continue any time without wiues to mainteyne their stock and progenie by bringing forth issue, they thought it expedient to require of the Scottishe men some number of women to marrie with,The Pictes require womē of the Sottes. that thereby a sure alliance might be had betwixt both nations, and that if neede re­quyred, 40 they might the better defende them from their common enimies the Brytaynes, whome they knewe woulde be lothe to see the encrease of eyther Scottes or Pictes, as those that were straungers to them, and vsurpers vpon theyr confines▪

A league made.This request was graunted, and a ful league ratifyed betwixt the Scottishe men, and Pictes, with couenauntes▪ that neither of them shoulde seeke to vsurpe anye peece of that whiche the o­ther 50 helde, but [...]ntent themselues wyth theyr owne marckes. And further, hee that attemp­ted to wrong the on [...], shoulde bee accompted an enimie to bothe▪ and agaynste whome they shoulde bee readie to ioyne theyr powers in ey­ther others defence.

The succession of the gouern­ment.Also it was accorded, that if at any tyme it were doubtfull who ought to succeede in the go­uernment of the Pictishe kingdome, some o [...]e discended of those Scottish women should be ad­mitted to the throne.

This allyaunce was euen at the first mis­lyked of the Brytaynes,Their alli [...] misliked. who doubted that if these two Nations shoulde once bee ioyned in­separatly togyther, they might in tyme to come, [...]ncrease to greater puissaunce than should stand well with the suretie of their estate. There­fore studying howe to preuent that daunger,Diss [...]ti [...] a present de­stroyer. they thought the readyest meane to destroy both those Nations was (if they might bring it to passe) to sette them firste togither by the eares amongest themselues, that afterwardes when their powers were by suche meanes sor [...] abated, they might the more easily subdue them at their pleasures.

This deuise the Brytaynes kept secrete for a time, till occasion serued to worke theyr in­tent. In whiche meane while the affinitie be­twixt the Scottes and Pictes increased to the welth of both nations, and for the issue sake great loue and friendshippe was mainteyned amongst them: the Pictes applyed themselues to tyl­ling the grounde, and buylding of fortresses:The Pictes good hus­bandmen. the Scottes sette all their delighte in hunting and fowling,The Scottes giuen to hun­ting and fow­ling. Good bow [...]. vsing about the same to go armed in Iackes and light iesternes with bowe and ar­rowes, no otherwyse than if it had beene in o­pen warre: For in this exercise they placed all the hope of the defence of their possessions, lands, and liberties.

At length, the Brytaynes perceyuing hap­pily some grudge or enuie to bee entred amongst them,The Brytaines send an Am­bassadour vnto the Pictes. they sente solemne Ambassadours vnto the Pictes, declaring that it were more honou­rable for them to ioyne in league with the Bry­taynes, than with the Scottes: whiche Bry­taynes were knowne to bee right famous, both in peace and warre,A craft [...]e sug­gestion. and inhabited a Countrey most fruitefull and replenished with all commo­dities necessarie, hauing therein riche mynes of diuerse kindes of mettall, where the Scottes be­ing a rude Nation, wilde and sauage, inhabi­ted a barraine Countrey, full of roughe and fruitlesse mountaynes, delyting therto in nothing but in the slaughter of men and beastes: And herevnto they added that, (whiche most moued the Pictes) howe it was foretolde by prophecies,Prophecies. that the Scottes through treason shoulde vtter­ly in time to come extinguishe and destroye all the Pictishe blo [...]de,A league con­cluded with the Brytaynes. whiche pre [...]ations in­duced the Pictes at the last, to make a league with the Brytaynes, who promised their ayde at all tymes in whatsoeuer enterp [...]is [...] the Pictes shoulde take in hande agaynst the Scottes, and as often as occasion should require.

[Page 7]Thys league thus beeyng confirmed wyth the Brytaynes,The Picts be­c [...]me enimies to the Scots. encouraged the Pictes so, that they sought dayly howe to pyke quarelles, and fall out with the Scottishe men: wherevppon making Proclamation that no Scottish man shoulde enter into their borders, vpon paine of death:The Scots re­uenge the in­iurie done vn­to them. some suche as they tooke within the same, they cruelly slue, other they ransomed at excessiue summes: wherevpon the Scottes beeing kynd­led with iust displeasure, on the other side, requy­ted 10 them with the like, euer as they caught any of the sayd Picts by hap or otherwise amongs them or in their walkes.

The one nation seeking thus to bee reuenged of the other,Open warre. there ensued open warre betwyxte them:Scottes sende for ayde into Irelande. wherevpon the Scottishe men, to the ende they mighte bee the better able to maintaine their quarell, sent ouer their Ambassadours vnto their kinnesmen in Irelande, requyring them of ayde in that present daunger, as hauing nowe 20 not onely warres with the Pictes, but also wyth the Brytaynes, who mynded nothing, but the vtter destruction of them and their linage, ex­cept speedie remedie were founde.They require a gouernour. And for that they saw it needefull, to haue one onely head and gouernor, they made sute also to haue some cap­tayne of honour wyth them into Albion, vnto whome as vnto their king they woulde submyt themselues.

Ferguhardus king in Ire­lande.In that season amongest the Irish Scottishe 30 men, there raigned a king named Ferguhardus, who inclyning to the petition of the Brytishe Scots, caused an huge army forthwith to be le­uied, & thereto he appoynted his owne sonne Fer­gusius to be general of the same,Fergusius sent into Scotland. a worthie yong gētleman, and an expert warriour: whom he sent ouer with this puissant cōpany, with such speede as was possible. He had also with him the mar­ble stone,The marble stone. that he might conceyue the better hope to raigne there as a king, bycause he went foorth 40 vnto such a daungerous warre.

Such also as went with him in this iourney, had theyr wyues, their children, and all theyr substance with them, as the maner of the nation then was, when they went forth into any foreyn countrey.

Nowe it came to passe that this Fergusius was no sooner come into Albion amongest the Scottishe men there,Fergusius lan­ded in Albion. but that in a Parliament called and assembled in Argile for the purpose,A Parliament. 50 they first consulted after what sort they myghte mainteyne themselues against their enimies, and what order for gouernment should be obserued a­mongst them: where finally for auoyding of such inconueniences, as might rise through many go­uernours, they decreed to choose onely one, whom in all things as their king and heade,A king is for to be obeyed. they would from thenceforth follow and obey.

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BVt bicause there was none thought so meete to beare that office,Fergu­sius. as Fergusius,Fergusius the first king in Scotlande. and that the chaire of hope was also broughte wyth him▪ they cōclu­ded by whole cō ­sent to commit that charge vnto him, & so to the great reioysing of the people, he was placed vpon his marble stone, and crowned king, being the first of the Scottish nation that euer ruled in Al­bion as absolute gouernour, who began his raign in the yeare after the creation of the worlde 3640, which is (as Harison sayth in his Chronologie) before the incarnation of our Sauiour 327. after the buylding of Rome 420. and after the entring of Brutus into Brytayne 790.

The kingdome of the Scottishe men beeing thus begunne in Albion, Fergusius tooke vppon him to rule as king, making prouision on al sides to resist his enimies: who whylest these things were a dooing in Argile,The Brytaines and Pictes a­gaynst the Scottes. had assembled theyr powers: vnto whome also the Brytaynes had ioyned themselues, and were now entred into the Scottish borders.

Ferguse hauing hereof knowledge, speedi­ly got togyther hys people, and came wyth Banners displayed to encounter hys enimyes. In king Ferguses Banner, there was a redde Lion portrayed rampant, wyth hys tayle fol­den towardes his backe, as thoughe hee dyd beate the same, whiche is the maner of them, when they bee mooued to displeasure.

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The kings Banner with a Lion gueles in it.

Ferguse was the first that bare this cognisance in Albion, which euer sithence hath bene borne by those Kings that haue successiuely raigned after him there.

[Page 8]Both the armies were nowe come within sight of other, and readie to haue giuen the on­set, when there went a murmuring amongest the Pictes,The Brytayns are about to deceyue the Pictes. that their companions the Bry­taynes were gotten to a hyll a little beside them, minding to see the ende of the battell before they did sturre, and then if occasion serued (as theyr hope was it shoulde) they purposed to fall vpon both partyes, as well Pictes as Scottes, and so to destroy them both, the vanquishers togy­ther 10 with the vanquished, as they founde them out of aray in following the chase.

Treason re­uealed vnto Ferguse.The like report was brought vnto Ferguse, by one that fled vnto his syde from the enimies campe, touching this treason of the Brytaynes, conspiring the exterminion of both the people. By reason whereof, eyther parte beeing put in feare of that whiche might ensue through the malicious purpose of the Brytaynes, they kept their tents certaine dayes togither without ma­king 20 any haste to battayle. And in the meane while Ferguse sent a messenger vnto the King of the Pyctes,Ferguse sen­deth to the Pictes. requyring him to come to a com­munication before they should fight, for that he had to informe him of such matters as pertey­ned no lesse to the safegarde and preseruation of the Pictes, than of his owne people the Scottes.

The king of the Pictes willingly gaue eare to this message, and so a little beside both the ar­mies standing in battayle array, the two kings 30 accompanied with a fewe of their nobles mette togither, where in the ende the danger in whiche they both stoode,A peace to be concluded. beeing plainly disclosed, and throughly wayed, they condiscended to haue a further treatie of peace, whiche the King of the Pictes alledged hee mighte not con­clude without the publike consent of his subiects, and therfore he appoynted on the day following to returne to the same place againe, there to giue a resolute answere, after he had vnderstoode the 40 mindes of his lords and commons in the same.

The king of the Pictes cal­led his coun­saile and com­mons.Herevpon therfore returning to his campe, he called his counsaile afore him, declaring the sub­staunce of the communication which had bene betwixt king Ferguse and him, whiche was in effect tending to this ende. First consydering the present deuises of the Brytaynes, there was no­thing more expedient than a peace to be agreed vpon, as well for the commoditie of the Pictes, as Scottes, if they would yeeld withall to auoid 50 the imminent perill of their vtter ruine and com­mon destruction intended by the Brytaynes.

Herevpō also he required their aduise what they thought good to be don: declaring that according as they counsayled him he would worke therin. This matter being thus proposed, as there were diuerse heades,Diuerse heads, diuerse opi­nions. so were there sundrie opinions. Some iudged that in no wise they coulde enter friendship againe with the Scottes, who had so cruelly slaine and murthered a great number of the Pictish nation: and had shewed such tokens of a beastlyke furious nature, that there was no hope to continue long in amitie with suche a ra­ging kind of people: & hereto they held that it was not vnknowne how the prophecie went that the Scots shoulde in the ende destroy all the Pictish progenie.A Prophecie. So that it were wisdom to keepe their power vnder so lōg as was possible, & not to en­crease the same by ioyning with thē in frendship.

Other were of a contrarie minde, esteeming that in no wise the Scottish mens friendshippe ought to be refused, vnlesse they would determin to seeke newe dwellings in some other forrayne parties, sith the Brytaines would not fayle, but vpon occasion take what vantage they could to expulse them both, aswel Scottes as Pictes, out of the countreys now by them possessed. And as for that, which was alledged touching the pro­phecie, if the Goddes had so determined, then might no policie of man preuent it: and if there were no such thing appointed by the same gods, what follye then were it to cast suche dreadfull doubtes where no cause was. Ouer and besides this, they had taken them wiues of the Scottish nation, and therby ingraffed their seede (the hope of their posteritie) in that stock, which is the nea­rest meane and forciblest occasion to nourishe friendship, that is or may be amongst people de­uised: therefore it should not be onely profitable but necessary also, to haue peace with the Scots, to renue againe with them the former league to the perpetual strengthning and aduancement of both the nations.

Whilest the Picts were thus in debating the matter,The Pictes admonished by their wiues to peace. their wiues also being presēt there in the armie, came in amongest them with their chil­dren, & in most lamentable wise besought their husbands to haue pitie vpon them, in their so so­rowfull case, and not to suffer their handes to be defiled with vnnaturall murther, sithe it were lesse discōfort to them with their sillie little ones to die any kynd of death whatsoeuer it were, ra­ther than to behold theyr husbands with their fa­thers, their brethren, and other kinnesfolke ioyne togyther in battaile, and there to kill one another wythout all mercie and compassion.

The Nobles and Gentlemen of the Pictes hearing the cries of these women,The Pictes [...] moued to pitie: and being now somewhat moued to pitie, consented at laste to haue peace with the Scottish men, and to renew againe the olde league that was heretofore be­tweene them: And for mutuall iniuries hereto­fore committed, that there should be had a mu­tuall recōpence according as might stande with equitie & reason. So that where the Bryttains had bene the chiefe procurers of all that mischiefe [Page 9] and discorde betwixt them, in hope therby to de­stroy bothe the parties, they should now be repu­ted from hencefoorth as cōmon enimies to them both:Bryttaines re­puted as eni­mies. as for all other articles or conditions of a­greement, it was ordeined that their king should do therein as vnto him might seeme good.

The meeting of the twoo kings.In the morning therefore, as was appointed, the king of Pictes meeting with king Ferguse, declared what his subiectes were agreed vpon: & further opening his mind touching the establish­ment 10 of the peace, thought it conuenient to haue a day of meting betwixt them to ratify the same. Wherwith Ferguse being well contented & glad that through his motion a peace should thus en­sue,An other day taken for the ratification of the peace. a day was appointed betwixt them and kept accordingly, so that comming together, the aun­cient league was in all poynts renewed, with some conditions added therto, auaylable as was thought, for the stronger confirmation thereof.

The Bryttains go homeward disapointed of their purpose.Before this, & after the first meeting betwixt 20 the Scottes and Pictes, I meane so soone as the Brytains had vnderstanding of this agreement, they had no lust to tarie longer in the fielde, but raysing their power, they departed their wayes homewardes, doubting least the sayd agreement might turne smally to theyr gayne.

The Scottes and Pictes re­turne home in peace.The Pictes and Scottish men also after they had thus fully ratified the peace and league be­twixt them, brake vp their campes, euery man repayring to the place of his abode. 30

The kyng also of the Bryttaines named Coil (soiournyng in that season neare aboute Yorke,This Coilus by the circū ­stance of the time, & other consideratiōs, should seeme to be the same whom the Bryttā [...] name Gutteline.) beyng informed of this sodeyne reno­uation of the league betwixt the Scottish men and Pictes, was nothing ioyfull of the newes: for he doubted least in time to come their confe­deracie might be occasion of their further increa­sing in puissance, and after that some new occa­sion of his trouble. Wherefore studying by what wayes and meanes he might best prouide reme­die 40 for suche inconueniences as might ensue,Coilus his subtiltie. he attempted nothing openly for the space of twoo yeares, but onely watched his time, to the ende that if he might in that season chaunce (through the insolent courage of eyther nation) to espie a­ny occasiō seruiseable for his turne, he might set vpon and be a plague vnto them bothe.

At length also he caused his subiectes (such I meane as bordered neare to the marches of both the people) to fetche prayes and booties out of the 50 Pictish confines.The Bryttains robbe the Scots and the Pictes for to stirre discord. So that when the Pictes sent thither with request to haue restitution made, it was by and by aunswered that the Scottes had done such trespasses, (being a people invred vnto such feates by nature,) and not the Bryttaines, who were nothing guilty in that kind of matter: & thus would the Bryttans do in like sort when they had robbed the Scots, so that with such in­iurious dissimulation,The Scottes and Pictes in­uade the Bryt­tains. aswel Scots as Picts be­ing not a litle offended, they entred soone after in­to the Bryttish confines, robbing & spoyling the same, as their custome is,Coilus entred into Scotland with an armie. with al maner of cruel­tie. When Coil of Bryttaine had notice of these doings, he tooke grieuous indignation thereat, & thervpon determined to proue whether he might with open warres atchieue his purpose, which he could not bring to pas by his former cloked pra­ctise. And herwith assembling an army, he entred into the Scottish borders lying towards the I­rish seas, wasting with fire & sworde whatsoeuer he founde in his wayes, till he came euen to the riuer of Dune, where encampyng himselfe vpon the bankes therof, he sent foorth companies of his Souldiers to destroy the countrey, and to bryng in all suche prysoners as they should lay handes vpon. But in the meane tyme,Ferguse as­sembled a great power of Scottishmen. and so soone as Ferguse heard of the approche of the Bryttons, he caused all the people in the countrey to gette them with theyr goodes and cattayles vnto the Mountaines, except suche as were able to beare armure: whom he appoynted to attend vpon him, to defende the countrey as occasion serued. Wherof Coil hauing knowledge brought by an espiall, he sent foorth about fiue thousand nimble men, and such as had bene vsed to clyme craggie hilles, to go before and winne the passages, pur­posing the next day to follow himselfe with the whole army. But the Scottishmen and Pictes being now assembled togither, and certified here­of also by their spies, they first fell in consultation what they were best to do: & in the ende agreed that the same night they shoulde sette vppon the Bryttishe camp: Ferguse with his Scottishmen on the one side, and the kyng of the Pictes on the other: so that in the dead of the night the Scot­tish men killyng the watche, were entered into the Brittishe campe, ere Coil had knowledge of any such thing: whereby it came to passe that whilest the Bryttaines (awaked with the noyse) drew vnto that parte where the Alarme rose, to beate backe the Scottes, the Pictes commyng ouer the riuer of Dune, by a certayne blinde fourde, assayled them on the backes, to the great confusion of the whole armie, by reason where­of the Bryttaines (seyng none other remedie but to saue themselues by flight,) turned their backes and fled, in whiche turmoyle they were troden downe and fell by heapes one vpon an o­ther and were not able to helpe themselues, nor yet to make shifte to auoyde the handes of their aduersaries.Coil was slayne and his whole armie discomfited, of whom as He­ctor Boetius sayeth, their countrey of Coil tooke name. In this businesse also Coil himselfe chaunced to be oppressed amongst the rest, so that he was founde dead in the searche of such as were slayne, & after solemnly buried ac­cording to his estate in Troynouant, leauing the kingdom vnto his sonne Sisellius, who with [Page 10] his mother Mertia gouerned the same together by the space of many yeares.

Such Brytains also as escaped out of theyr enimies handes, gote them togither in the nexte morning, & perceyuing what losse they had su­steyned not only by the death of their Prince, but also in the slaughter of a greate parte of theyr whole armie,Peace conclu­ded. sent an Herault vnto the Scottes & Pictes to require a peace, which though the most part of the people were not in will to haue cōsen­ted 10 vnto, yet perswaded in the end by their Prin­ces, they were contented to yeeld thereto: so that a generall peace was concluded, and speedily pu­blished betwixt them.

Immediatly herevpon the Pictes with theyr part of the spoile gotten at this iourney departed to their homes, & Ferguse returned into Argile: where studying daily for the quiet aduancement of the Scottish cōmune wealth,A parliament. he called a par­liament of his nobles, & first declaring to the as­sembly 20 how much bound they were to the Gods for giuing them this victory ouer so puissant eni­mies as the Brytains were,An exhorta­tion vnto qui­etnesse and peace. he exhorted them to liue in friendly concord amongst themselues, and to abstaine frō violating the leagues, now con­cluded, aswell with the Brytains, as before hand with the Pictes.

Also for the auoyding of enuious conten­tion, and for the better assurance of euery mans estate,The lande is parted. he iudged it necessary to haue a particion 30 made of al the landes belongyng to the Scottish dominion. For before they occupied the whole as in commune, without knowyng to whom this peece or that did belong. Whiche politike aduise of Ferguse, the Scottish men praised most high­ly,Obedient sub­iectes. promising not onely to follow his counsayle herein, in all that he shoulde wishe, but also in all that he should otherwise commaunde.

Whervpon shortly after there were chosen by his aduise .vij. auncient personages, men of good 40 conscience & great experience:Men diuide the lande into portions. which were apoin­ted to be Surueyours of the whole countrey, & to deuide the same as neare as they coulde into a set number of equal portions, (but with this cō ­sideration, that according as the fruitfulnesse or barraynnesse of the soyle required, so they should enlarge or diminish the circuite of their bounds.) Whē they had vewed the countrey, & according to their commission, seuered foorth the same into parts,The gouern­ment is giuen vnto the no­bles by lottes. they returned into Argile where Ferguse 50 then soiourned, & there in his presence, the names of al his noble men that were reputed as Gouer­nours were put in lottes, euery of them to haue such parte of the realme for his owne, as shoulde fall to him by good lucke and present happe.

By this meanes eche of them being placed as his chaūce fell, they inhabited their quarters with such people as they had the leading of, so that af­terwardes the countreys tooke theyr names of those the first Gouernours: which names for the more parte (being a little chaunged) remayne a­mongst them euen vnto this day.

Ferguse hauing thus without occasion of en­uie deuided his countrey amongst his nobles and subiects,Statutes and lawes are made. studied furthermore to deuise lawes for the mayntenaunce of commune quiet amongst them. And therfore amongst other ordinances he made statutes against murder, roberies, burning of houses, and specially against thefte.

He buylded also the castell of Berogoniū in Loughquhabre on the weste side of Albion,Beregonium. ouer against the westerne Isles, where he appoynted a courte to be kept for the administration of iu­stice: that both the Albion Scots,A place apoin­ted for iustice. and also those of the same Isles might haue their accesse and resorte thyther for redresse of wrongs, and en­dyng of all controuersies. The residue of his life, he passed in reste and peace with his neyghbours the Pictes and Brytaines, endeuouring by all meanes, to knit and couple the hartes of his sub­iectes in one friendly bande of inwarde loue and amitie.

Finally,Ferguse went into Ireland, and in his re­turne was drowned. saylyng afterwarde into Irelande to be arbitratour in a matter of variance betwixte the Nobles of that lande, as he returned home­wardes, by force of tempest, the shippe wherein he was embarqued, was dryuen vpon a rocke, where he perished, after he had raygned as kyng amongst the Scottish men in Albion aboute xxv. yeares.Rocke Fer­guse, other­wise R [...]ocke Ferguse. The rocke where he was thus cast away, hath bene euer sithence called Rocke Fer­guse, after his name.

In the same season there raygned amongst the Brytains one Enanius,Esdadus. Cruthneus. Camelonus. named by Hector Boetius Esdadus, and amongst the Pictes one Cruthneus Camelonus, that buylded a famous Citie, vpon the banke of the riuer called Carone,This citie the Scottishe wry­ters take to [...]e Camelodunā, of the whiche there is so oftē mention made in the Romain writers: but verily herein they do great­ly erre. as the Scottish wryters affirme, appointyng it to be the chiefe Citie of all the Pictishe kyng­dome, where in times paste there was a fayre commodious hauen apt to herbrough shippes in at all seasons, but now it is damned vp in suche sorte, that vnneath there appeareth any token where that hauen was: and the citie it selfe was finally subuerted by Kenneth kyng of Scotland, as after shall appeare.

The forenamed Cruthneus buylded also the Towne of Agneda,Agneda nowe called Edyn­brough. The castell of maydens. afterwardes called E­dynbrough, of Ethus kyng of the Pictes, the castell was named, the castell of Maydens, for that the daughters of the Pictishe kings, were there kept vnder strayte custodie, appoynted to learne to sow and worke, till they came to yeares of mariage.

But nowe to returne to the Scottish men. After the death of Ferguse, the Nobles of the [Page 11] Realme assembled togyther, to take councell whom they might choose to succeede in his place.The Scots cō ­s [...]lt about an other election of a king. Many of them in respect of the highe benefites whiche theyr nation had receyued by the politike gouernment of kyng Ferguse, would not in any wise that his sonnes, though young of yeares, should be forgotten, but that according to reason & equitie, the eldest of them should be elected, s [...]h they might not otherwise deliuer themselues of the note of ingratitude towards his father, vnto 10 whom they were more bounde than with toung might well be expressed.

Other hauing a speciall regarde to the quiet of theyr common wealth, doubted least if they crowned a chylde to theyr kyng during his mi­noritie, it coulde not be, but that there shoulde follow stryfe, enuie, and contention, for the go­uernaunce of his person and realme amōgst the Nobles, and that in suche wise, as the people be­ing diuided into sundrie factions, the due admi­nistration 20 of iustice shoulde be neglected, the Nobles bearing and bolstering vp all kindes of iniuries done or committed by any of their par­takers.

And though it might so happen that they a­greed vppon one speciall gouernour, as reason was they shoulde, yet shoulde he seeke to ad­uaunce his kinsfolkes more than reason happely required, and peraduenture do things other­waies muche displeasant to no small number of 30 them, by that his priuate authoritie.

And againe the King shoulde no sooner come to yeares of any discretion, but one or o­ther woulde put him in minde to take vpon him to rule the whole himselfe, before he vnderstoode what charge he had in hande: and by reason of his frayle youth he lightly woulde not followe the councell of any, but suche as consented vn­to him in his sensuall lustes and inordinate [...] ­sies, whiche commonly raygne in suche Princes 40 as take vppon them gouernance of realmes be­fore they knowe (through wante of sufficien [...] yeares) how to gouerne themselues.

For these and the like considerations, allea­ged by some of no small authoritie amongs [...] them,Feritharis chosen king. it was agreed in the ende, that one Feritharis the brother of the late deceassed Ferguse shoulde be crowned King and ha [...]e the gouer­nance of the Realme during his l [...] [...] here­with in the meane time to see his Nephewes 50 king Ferguse his [...] brought vp in prince­ly nurture and discipline, as appertayned to the Sonnes of a king: that after his deceasse, if he liued till any of them were come to rype yeares, they might succeede him [...] the [...]state and king­dome.

This ordinance also they decreed to be ob­serued as a lawe from thence foorth euer after that if the king died leauing no issue, but suche as were vnder age to succeede him, then shoulde one of his nearest Cousins, such as was thought moste meete to occupie the roome, be chosen to raigne as king during his life, and after his de­ceasse the crowne to reuerte vnto his predeces­sors issue without controuersie, if the same were ones growne vp to lawfull age.

By this meanes then were children exclu­ded from obtayning the crowne, least the pu­blike libertie of the realme might chaunce to be put in daunger. But yet was it afterwardes per­ceyued that this deuise for choosing of kings, mi­nistred occasion sometimes to the vncle to seeke the destruction of the Nephew, and likewise to the Nephew to procure the dispatche of the vn­cle and vncles Sonnes,The choosing of kings was not alowed. with the committing of many haynous murders of right woorthie prin­ces, to the no small daunger of ouerthrowing the whole state of the commune wealth, so that finally that ordinance was clearly abrogated, as you shall heare hereafter.

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BVt nowe to my pur­pose.Feri­tharis. After Feri­tharis with the full consente of al the people was thus elected king, hee was inthro­nized with all so­lempnities in re­ceiuing his king­ly ornamēts, as his two edged sword,A two edged sword. his Scep­ter royal, & his crown of gold fashioned in forme of a rampire made for defence of a towne or for­tresse, signifying that hee tooke vppon him to preserue the libertie of his countrey to see of­fendours duely punished, and the execution of lawes with equall iustice truely ministred.

These ornamentes of inuesture remayned vnto the Scottishe kings, without being in a­ny poinct chaunged, till the dayes of Achaius kyng of Scotlande, who establishing a perpe­tuall league with Charles the greate Empe­rour and king of Fraunce,The crowne chaunged. to endure for euer betwixte the Scottes and French menne, ad­ded vnto the crowne foure Flower de Lyces to­gither with foure crosselettes deuided in sun­der by equall spaces, rising somewhat higher than the Flower de Lyces▪ that thereby the ob­seruing of the Christian Religion and sincere faithe, maynteined by the Scottishe nation, might be the more euident to all men that be­helde it.

But now as touching Feritharis,The league with the Picts confirmed. shortly af­ter he was thus inuested kyng▪ he came to an en­ternew with the king of the Pictes, where many [Page 12] things being communed of, touching the wealth of bothe nations,The league with the Picts confirmed. the league was in solempne wise confirmed, and suche punished as had done any thing sounding to the breache of the same.

After this, beyng returned home, he ordered himselfe in the administration of his charge very vprightly, without giuyng iust occasion vnto a­ny to finde himself grieued: and thus continued he certaine yeares in such loue of all the estates of the realme, that afterwards when his Nephewe 10 Ferlegus the eldest sonne of king Ferguse, beyng nowe come to full age, through instigation of some insolent persons, and such as by alteration hoped for aduauncement, required contrary to the ordinance before established, to haue of him the crowne: the mater was taken in such ill part, that where before the same Ferlegus was highly beloued and honored of all the people, they were now ready (if Feritharis had not with authori­tie and gentle perswasions stayed them) to haue 20 torne him all to peeces: but although their rage was somwhat appeased by Feritharis as is sayd, yet woulde they not be pacified thorowly, till that all such as had bene of councell with him in that practise, had suffred death, and new gouer­nours appointed to haue the ouersight of him.

Feritharis lyued not passing a three moneths after this businesse, but died sodenly in the night, the trueth not beyng knowen whether by natu­rall death,Feritharis sud­dainly died. or through treaso [...] of Ferlegus and 30 certaine of his complices, (whereof there was no small suspition) for that he togither with them found meanes to flee first to the Pictes, and after to the Brytaines,Ferlegus exi­led▪ where he passed the residue of his lyfe in great shame and ignominie.

An election of a new king.Feritharis beyng thus dead in the .xv. yeare of his reygne, the Nobles assembled togither for the election of a new king, and in the end they agreed vpon Mainus the yonger sonne of king Fer­guse, as then beyng about .xxiiij. yeares of age. 40

Mai­nus.

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THys Mai­nus beyng of contrarie con­ditiōs to his bro­ther Ferlegus, was thus aduā ­ced to the crown by the whole cō ­sent of the No­bles & cōmons, who yet kept in freshe memorie the noble gouernement of his fa­ther Ferguse.Iustice mayn­tayned. He therfore studying to answeare the peoples expectation in following his sayde fathers woorthie actes, mainteyned iustice in all points without sufferyng any bearing or bolste­ring of wrong.Smal maters redrest among neighbours. If there were any controuersie risen betwixt neyghbour and neighbour within one hundred or kandrede, he willed that the [...] might be taken vp and ended amongst them at home by order of some authorized courte there. But if the mater were of such importāce as that it could not well be decided without auctoritie of some higher courte,Great [...] determined by the king. he would then haue the hea­ring thereof himself, at such time as he vsed euery yeare once to haue a publyke assemblie out of al partes of his realme, to conferre togither for such purposes: At what time also suche as were no­torious offenders, were arraigned and punished by death or otherwise, accordyng to the faulte which they earst had cōmitted.Mainus con­firmed the league with the Pictes. Also for the more quiet of his subiects he cōfirmed the anciēt league with the Pictes, theyr king named Chrinus, re­quiring the same by his ambassadours sent vnto him. Moreouer this Mainus vpō a religious de­uotion towarde the Goddes, hauing an assured beliefe, that without their fauours al worldly po­licies were but vayne, deuised sundry new cere­monies to be added vnto the olde: and also cau­sed certaine places in sundrie partes of his domi­nions to be appoynted out,Mainus a de­uoute man in his religion. and compassed about with great huge stones round lyke a ring: but to­wardes the South was one mightie stone farre greater than all the rest, pitched vp in maner of an aulter, wheron their priests might make their sacrifices in honour of their Goddes.

In witnesse of the thing there remayneth [...]n­to this day certaine of those greate stones stan­ding rounde ringwise, which places are called by the cōmon people the old chapels of the Gods. A mā wold maruel by what shift, policy or strēgth such mightie stones were raysed in that maner.

Amongst other the Goddes also,Diana hono­red of the Scots. whiche the Scottishmen had in most reuerence, Diana was chiefe, whom they accompted as their peculiar patronesse, for that she was taken to be the God­desse of hunting,Diana God­desse of hun­ting. wherein consisted their chiefest exercise, pastime and delite.

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The newe Moone is worshipped.

[Page 13]Vnto hyr therefore he instituted monethly sacrifice, by reason wherof this vse was takē vp, that so soone as any of them g [...]t sight of the new Moone nexte after hyr chaunge, he saluted hyr with certaine prayers or salutations most reue­rently. Whiche custome endured amongst them many hundred yeares after.

A liuing pro­uided for the priests.Mainus did also appoint foorth liuings for the Priests to be taken of suche sacrifice as was offered vp to the Goddes. 10

Finally, when he had thus instructed his peo­ple in lawes and ordinances, aswel touching the religious seruice of the Goddes, as also for poli­tike gouernment of his countrey, he ended his life, after he had raigned about .xxix. yeares: lea­uing the estate to his sonne Doruadille, Elidu­rus raygning the same time in Brytaine, and Thaara amongst the Pictes.

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DOruadille beyng crowned king of the Scottes,Dorua­dille. established a newe league with the Brytaines by sen­ding his Ambassadours vnto them:Doruadille a louer of peace. and with the Pictes hee renewed and confirmed the aun­cient aliaunce.

He set all his plea­sure on Hunting and keeping of houndes and greyhoundes,Doruadill had pleasure in hunting. ordayning that euery householder shoulde finde him twoo houndes and one grey­hounde.

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If a hunter chaunced in following the game, to lose an eye or a limme, so that he were not able to helpe himselfe after that time, he made a sta­tute that he should be found of the common trea­sory. 40

The reward for killing of a Wolfe.He that killed a Wolf should haue an oxe for his paines. This beast in deede the Scottish men euen from the beginning vsed to pursue in al they might deuise, bicause the same is suche an enimie to cattayle, wherein consisted the chiefest portion of all their wealth and substance.

Thus the Scottish men in this season, set­ting all their delite on hunting, began also to vse lawes and statutes in processe of time concer­ning 50 the same.Lawes made for hunting. And first it was ordeyned, that he whose dogge did teyse & go through to the end of the course with ye Deare, so that he were seene to be at the fall, should haue the skinne: the head and the hornes to remayne to him whose dogge did best next. The bodie being drest and broken vp, shoulde be distributed at the pleasure and dis­cretion of the Maister of the game. The bowels and paunche were cast to the dogges as the case required.The dogges rewarded. And if there rose any doubte in any of these points, they should choose by common con­sent, a iudge to determine of the matter.

But whether these deuices were lawes made by the kyng as then for the further aduancement of his pleasure, or rather customes growen, and ratified by long and continual vse, I can not tel, but certaine it is, they were obserued through all the Scottish regiōs as hauing the force of lawes, and so are vsed euen vnto these dayes.

Beside these ordinaunces for hunting,Old lawes al­lowed, & new [...] established. Dor­uadille commaunded also that all such statutes as Ferguse had made shoulde be kept and obser­ued: wherevnto he added certaine new, namely diuers sortes of punishments for sundrie kindes of transgressions, according to the qualities of the same: whiche hee caused to be ingrossed in bookes of recorde, and committed to the custodie of a graue counsellour, who by a common con­sent should haue the interpretatiō of those lawes if any doubt arose, and that when any offender [Page 14] should come before the iudge, & heare the sentence redde by him, the same offender might vnderstād that he receyued nothing but right at the iudges handes: by reason whereof it came to passe, that such offenders without repining willingly were contented to suffer any punishment what soeuer it was that the law did so appoynt them.

This custome grewe into suche force, that it neuer might yet be abrogated amongst them of the westerne Isles, but that euen vnto this day 10 they haue theyr Lawiers amongst them, with­out whose denunciation or decree taken out of the register, no iudgement is reputed lawfull.

These were the actes and doyngs of kyng Doruadile, who in the .xxviij. yeare of his raigne departed this world at Berigonium, now called Dounstafage, leauing behind him a sonne called Reuther as yet not of sufficient age to succeede in the estate.Nothatus. By reason whereof Nothatus the brother of Doruadille a man of comely perso­nage 20 and witte, apte (as was thought) to haue a Realme in gouernaunce, was crowned king by force of the law aboue remēbred, debarring chil­drē vnder age to inherit in successiō of ye crowne.

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No­thatus.

THis Nothatus had vnneth raygned twoo yeares, when all the people beg [...]nne to [...] out vpon him, for suche tyrannicall partes as he practised aswel against the meane estates as [...] highe. And for so muche as he being admonished of his duetie and required to reforme certaine di­shonorable vsages by him exercised, he woulde giue no eare thereto: Therfore one Doualus go­uernour of Brigantia,Brigantia, [...] called as the Scottes say Galloway. conspiring with other Nobles of the Realme to depose him, enti [...]ed Reuther kyng Doruadilles Sonne, to take parte with them, and to clayme the crowne as dewe to hym by discente from his Father.

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And so assemblyng a companie of their faction, sufficient for their enterprise, they entered the palayce where Nothatus lay, and after reaso­ning with him of certayne points touchyng his misgouernment in the estate,Nothatus murdered. diuers of theyr companie not tarying till they were commaun­ded, rashly fell vpon him, and murthered him to­gither 50 with diuers of suche Nobles and Gentle­men, as they knewe to be enimies to Doualus and his friendes.

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AFter this they pro­claymed Reuther king,Reu­ther. and crowned him with all due solēpnitie,Reuther crow­ned king. Diuers Lordes offended. diuers of the Nobles of ye realme being high­ly displeased therewith, for that they iudged it not only a gret offence to haue the king thus traiterously murthred, but also saw hereby the ancient ordināce of choo­sing their king through consent of the people, to be brokē by the wicked attempt of a priuate per­son, & an vnskilfull yong man aduaunced to the [Page 15] crowne, cōtrary to ye decree of an autentike law.

N [...]tis.Amongst other one Ferquhard the sonne in law of Nothatus gouernour of Lorne & Cantyr called an assemblie of the people,A conspiracie of Ferquhard against Doua­lus. and beganne to declare what enormities were like to ensue tho­row this tirannicall attempt of Doualus.

Ferquhart fled into Ila. Doualus hearing whereaboute Ferquhart went, hastly came to the place where this assem­ble was made, & there slaying diuers of the chiefe, he did put Ferquhard also in great hazarde of his 10 lyfe, who by flying yet escaped his hands and, got him ouer into the Isle of Ila, whither resorted vnto him diuers of the Nobles (that fauored not Douale) with a great number of the commons.

In the end, Ferquharde perswaded his cōpa­nions to set al feare a parte,Ferquhart re­turneth into Scotland for to reuenge his iniurie. and to returne with him into Scotlande to take reuenge of Douale and his complices, being traytours and enimies to the realme and common wealth, so that firste ioyning handes whiche they did wette in mans bloud according to the custome then vsed) they promised one to an other to liue and die in the quarel: and after embarquing themselues in cer­taine vessels, they entred the sea and passed ouer into Scotlande, where gathering togither no small number of such as willingly resorted vnto them to their ayde, they encountred with Do­uale in battayle, whose hoste twyce in one day was put to flight neare to the citie▪ Berigonium. Berigonium with the losse of an eyght thousande men.

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The night parted the fray, but in the nexte mor­ning Douale & his partakers through greate in­dignation conceiued for that they were so beaten backe by Ferquhard (hauing in all his hoste not past a x.M. persons) fiercely came foorth of theyr tentes to giue battaile afreshe, & finding their e­nimies 40 ready to receyue them, there was fought so cruell a battayle betwixt them, that in the end eyther parte being sore trauayled with slaughter and long fight, was glad to giue place to the o­ther, not passing an eight hūdred of all those that were present that day in the fielde, as then being left aliue.Douale is [...]yne. Vpon Douales parte there was slaine Gethus kyng of Pictes, whose daughter kyng Reuther had maried, with a great number of his people: also Douale himselfe with diuers of the 50 Nobles of Scotlande, beside Gentlemen and commons that tooke parte with him.

Ferquhart is [...]layne.On the cōtrary side there died also Ferquhard himselfe with diuers gouernours of Trybes, be­side the residue of the Nobles, Gentlemen and commons of Rosse, Cathenese, Marne, Argile, Cantyr, and Lorne, with them of the westerne Isles which were there with him.

Reuther escaping with lyfe from this bloud­die encounter,Reuther the king fledde. in the night followyng departed his wayes with such of his people as were left a­liue. Wherof his enimies being aduertised in the next morning, pursued after him with such dili­gence,Reuther pursued and takē. that in the end they tooke him within a ca­stell in Cathenese whither he was fledde for suc­cour: he was pardoned of life,He is pardo­ned of life. partly in respect of his fathers merites, and partly againe for that it was knowen how his tender youth was such as had not deserued death by any fact, otherwise thā in that he had followed the councell of malicious persons. By this [...]uel murder & huge slaughter thus committed betwixte these twoo nations of Scottish men & Picts, bothe their forces were so greatly enfeebled, that they became an easie pray to their aūcient & cōmon enimies the Brytains, who in such oportunitie of occasion thought not to sit stil til the same might haply be past & gone.

First therfore with a mightie armie the Bry­tains inuaded the Picts:The Brytains vpō occasiō in­uade the picts. The Picts ex­pulsed by the Brytains flee in to the Isles of Orkeney. the nobles of which na­tion perceyuing themselues not able to make re­sistance, fled with theyr wiues, their children, and the most parte of their goodes, ouer into the Isles [Page 16] of Orkeney, and there assembling togither, they created them a new king to haue the gouernance ouer them,Gethus king. who was also named Gethus, and brother to the other Gethus a little before men­tioned. Here also they remayned certaine yeares after, liuing in peaceable manner with the for­mer inhabitants whom they found there, wrog­ing them by no iniurious dealing at all (if the Scottish historie be true.)

Why Orke­ney was called Pictland as some suppose, but the trueth shoulde seeme to be that they were so called bycause the Pictes inhabi­ted there be­fore they set foote in Bry­taine.Hereof moreouer as some suppose it came to 10 passe, that these Ilāds of Orkeney are named by diuers wryters the aūcient kingdome of ye Picts.

In the meane while the Brytains seasing v­pon such countreys as these Pictes had forsaken, that is to say, the Mers, Louthien and other, they left in diuers places wher they thought expediēt, garysons of men of warre, to keepe the same in due subiection: and after entred into the confines of the Scottish kingdome, brēning and wasting all afore them,The Brytaines inuade the Scottes. wherewith suche Scottes as yet 20 remayned aliue, being highly moued to indigna­tion, came stoutly into the fielde to defende theyr countrey,The Scottes ouerthrowen. & encoūtring with their enimies neare to Kalendar wood, they loste a ij.M. of theyr companie: the residue also being sore chased, fled into sundrie parties for sauegard of their liues.

This discomfiture put the Scottishe nation into such feare & terrour, that they vtterly dispai­red of al recouerie, where contrarywise the Bry­tains were so aduaunced (in hope vtterly to expel 30 all aliens out of their Isle) that pursuyng the victory in most earnest wise, they forced Reuther and all the Nobilitie of the Scottish nation that was yet left aliue, to flee for sauegarde of theyr liues into the castell of Berigonium, where they helde themselues as in the surest holde.

The Brytains being certified of the repaire of their enimies to Berigoniū, enuironed the castell with a strong and vehement siege, vntill that the Scots within were constreyned through [...] of vitayles to eate each other,Scots b [...] [...] an other. according as ye lots fell by a cōmon agreement made amongst them.

But when it came to passe, that euen those that were reputed as heads and gouernours, & in whom consisted the hope of theyr whole defense, did now and then come to the shambles aswell as other of lesse reputation, they thought it beste to trie by issuyng foorth, if any of theyr happes might be so good as to escape the daūger present, whereas by tarying still within the fortresse, they should but deuoure one another without any re­uenge for losse of their liues, had vpon their fierce and cruell enimies.

Wherevpon by common consente there is­sueth foorth,The Scottes come forth [...] fight. firste one Colane Lorde of Can­tyr with an hundreth of his owne Souldiers, and fiercely skyrmishing with the Brytains, de­fended himself a good space right māfully, though in the ende bothe he and his whole bande were borne downe and slayne with preasse and multi­tude of his enimies that assailed him on each side.

In the meane season, whilest he thus occupied the Brytains in fight on one side,Reuther esc [...] ­peth. Reuther with the residue of his people brake foorth by an other way, and escaping to the sea side, got shippes and fled ouer into the westerne Isles, where he found a great number of other Scottish men, that were gotten thither, being compelled by Denus king of the Brytains, to auoyde foorth of the coun­treys whiche they before inhabited.

Reuther remayned not long in the Isles,Reuther p [...]s­seth into Ire­land. but passed ouer into Ireland. The Brytains not a littell moued for his escape with the other of the Scottish Lordes, reuenged theyr displeasure on such cōmons and other meane people as fell into their handes, so that suche as might escape, gotte them into the moūtaynes, & liued there by rootes,They inhab [...] the moun­taines. berries, & other wilde fruytes in sommer, and in

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[Page 17] winter by such venison and flesh of wilde beastes as they killed in the wildernesse: and sometimes they came downe & made reyses vpon the Bry­taines that occupied theyr houses and [...]andes, fetching great booties very often from amongst them.

This cruell warre lasted a .xij. yeares, t [...]ll in maner all such Scottes and Pictes as remayned in Albion were brought vnder seruitude to the Brytains. In which meane while, Gethus king 10 of the Pictes kepte his siege royall in Pomonia the chiefest Isle of the Orkeneys.Reuther is [...]te for out of Ireland. Reuther also begot of his wife a sonne named Thereus, and shortly after being procured by letters and mes­sengers sent vnto him from the foresayd Gethus and such Scottes as were yet remayning in Al­bion, he assembled a number of shippes togither, & first with a chosen power of warriours sayled to the western Isles, where increasing his num­bers, he passed ouer into Albion, landing on the 20 weste halfe of Rosse at Lough Bruum,A custome. & there comming a land, the first person that they mette with (according to a custome vsed amōgst them in those dayes) they slew, & wetting the pointes of theyr weapons in his bloud, they firste tasted thereof after theyr manner, then holding vp their weapōs into the ayre, they desired of the Goddes that they might reuenge the bloud of their elders with happy battaile against the Brytons their e­nimies. After this, heating that Gethus king of the Picts was also entred the lād with a mighty power of Germains which were come to his ayd and was not past a .xxx. miles of,The Ger­mains in ayde of the Pictes. he stayed there abidyng for his comming, to the intent that ioy­ning theyr powers togither, they might be the better able to furnish theyr enterprise.

The third day after they mette togither with great ioy and cōgratulations,Reuther and Gethus meete & ioyne their powers togi­ther. vnto whom with all speede a great number also of those Scottish­men and Pictes that had still continued i [...] the countrey (during the time of the persecution by the Brytains) dayly resorted and came flock­ing in from eche side vnto them.

Sisillius king of the Brytains who succee­ded after Denus, as then lately deceassed, hauing knowledge hereof, assembled a great army of his subiectes,The Brytains are discōfited by the Scottes and Pictes. and hearing that the Scots and Picts were entred into the borders of his Realme, hee hasted foorth to encounter with their powers, & so ioyning with them in battaile, after long and cruel fight, in the end the victory remayned with the Scottish men and Pictes, by the greate va­liauncie and manfull prowes of Reuther:Whereof Re­thirdail tooke the name. wher­vpon the place where that battaile was foughtē hath bene euer since called Redirdail, as ye wold say Reuthers valley.

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This victorie was not very pleasant to any of the parties, by reason of the greate numbers of men slaine on bothe sides, in so muche that they 50 were gladde to fall to agreement immediatly af­ter,A peace con­cluded. & concluded a peace, with conditions that the Scottish men & Pictes should be restored againe vnto their auncient possessiōs & lands in Albion.

This peace cōtinued a long time after inuio­late betwixte these nations. The yeare that Reuther returned thus into Albion,204. H. B. was before the birth of Christe .216. after the buylding of Rome .529. and from the creation of the world. 3750. Reuther by Beda in his Ecclesiasticall historie of England is named Reuda:4995. H. B. Reuther by Beda is named Reuda. who also supposeth him to be ye first of al ye Scottish prin­ces yt set any foote in Brytain there to inhabite, his coming thither was (as seemeth to some) lōg after the supposed time here before alledged. And verily there is great cause to moue a doubt of ye truth of that which Hector Boetius hath writtē in following (as he saith) other authors, touching the firste comming into Brytaine, aswell of the [Page 18] Stots & Picts: for if it were true that so long be­fore the comming of the Romains into this Isle they were here plāted & growē to such puissance, it is strange that no mentiō is made of them in any of their writings, till aboute the yeare .360. after Christ, as in place conuenient it shall more plainely appeare. Reuther passed the residue of his dayes without any further warres, forrayne or ciuill,An. mundi. 4997. H.B. and so departed this worlde at Berigo­nium, in the .xxvj. yeare of his raygne. 10

Reu­tha.

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AFter Reuther his deceasse, his vncles Sonne called Reutha succeeded in the king­dome, chosen thereto by the common agree­ment of all the estates, bycause that Thereus Sonne to Reuther vn­neath come to the age 20 of tenne yeares, was thought vnable to take the charge vpon him.

Reutha therfore being thus elected to raygne as king ouer the Scottish mē,An ordinance for buriall of theyr Princes. ordained that such noblemen as had atchieued any notable exployte in defence of their countrey, should be had in per­petual memorie, & buried in solempne wise in se­pulchres aloft vpō hilles or mountaines,Obeliskes or pointed stones vpō the which were set so many Obelisks or lōg pointed stones, as they had slaine enimies in the warres: 30 wherof some remaine there to be seene euen vnto this day.

Craftes men brought into Scotlande to instruct the people.This Reutha also vnderstandyng of the lacke of all maner of craftes men in his Realme, & of suche as were expert in the liberall sciences, caused a great number of moste perfect artificers to be sent for, to inhabite amongst his people, the better to instruct them in their occupatiōs. Vnto these also as vnto other professing any liberall arte,Liuings ap­pointed forth vnto these craftes men. were appointed honest liuings, by way of 40 fees assigned to be receiued, of suche oxen & beefes as were killed, to euery man of science & artificer his parte. And further eche of them had certaine measures of Otes and Barly in steede of yearly annuities. For as yet the vse of coigne was not knowen among the Scottish men. The whiche custome of distributing theyr beasts, which they killed in this wise, is still vsed in the Westerne Isles euen vnto these our dayes. Reutha per­ceiuing furthermore that through vnskilful Chi­rurgions 50 & Phisitions many wounded & diseased persons were oftentimes cast away,A law for Phi­sitions & Chi­rurgions. ordeined by the aduice and consent of his counsell, that none should take vpō them as a Chirurgion or Phisi­tion, vnlesse they were by long experience well practised aforehand in those sciences. For before that time they vsed to carie foorth such persons as were sicke or otherwise hurte, and to lay them in some open place in the streetes or market s [...]edde, that al such as came by, might according to their knowledge declare their aduise, and shew if they had bene vexed with the like disease) by what meanes they had escaped the daunger, & recoue­red agayn theyr health. For no mā might with­out the note of high reproche passe by in keeping silence in this behalf. And this was according to the custome of the olde Egyptians.

Reutha thus studying for the aduauncement of the common wealth of his subiects, continued in the estate with great prosperitie, til finally per­ceyuing himselfe farre growen in age and not so able to trauell in the affayres of the realme as he was before, he caused a parliament to be assem­bled, and there in presence of all the estates he re­quired to be discharged of the gouernment: and that the same might be cōmitted vnto his cousin Thereus, who as then was not onely of suffici­ent age to take it vpon him, but also of suche to­wardnesse as that in eche mans opinion he was thought likely to atteyne vnto the prowesse of any of his noble progenitours.

Thus, Reutha after he had raygned a .xvij. yeares, returned to a priuate lyfe,Reutha resig­ned the estate vnto his co [...] Thereus. resigning the whole rule of the realme vnto the foresayd The­reus being through his perswasion receyued as king of all estates by common consent there in that present assemble.

THis Thereus for the first .vj. yeares was e­quall in al points of princely gouernmēt to any of his predecessors,The­reus. but afterward he chaūged his copie in such maner, that iustice and all other kindes of vertue being set aparte,Iustice negle­cted and [...] embraced. he neyther re­garded the lawes of the Gods nor yet of men, but gaue himselfe to al sortes of filthinesse & most detestable vices, so farre foorth, that his subiectes (as their custome is in following the maners & vsages of theyr Princes,) became so outragious in theyr licentious liuings, and namely the No­bles and Gentlemen, that thereof ensue [...] the [...]te, murder, rape, spoyling, and all kindes of oppres­sion of those seely soules that had not meane to resist, so as in fine diuers gouernours of the tribes perceyuing no hope of amendmēt whilest The­reus should raygne, conspired togither,The nobles cōspire against Thereus. deuising meanes how to depose him of al kingly autho­ritie. But he hauing notice of their purposed in­tentions, and doubting the sequele thereof, con­ueyed himselfe out of the way, in moste secrete wise, fleyng for succour vnto the Brytaines,Thereus fled to the Brytai [...] vn­to whom though he made earnest suyte for ayde to be restored home againe, yet coulde hee pur­chase no suche fauour amongst them▪ so that leading a miserable lyfe long time after with­in the citie of Yorke, hee finally there ended his daies. He raigned in Scotland about, xij. yeares or more.

[Page 19] Cona­nus.

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IMme­diatlye after this his auoyding ye Realme, the Nobles and peeres chose one Cona­nus Lord of Galoway to 10 rule ye estate as Gouernour,Conanus is chosen king. whose authoritie had bene euer great amōgst the people. His studie was chiefly imployed how to reduce the Lordes & Nobles of the Realme, into concorde and friendly amitie, where before through the negligence of Thereus eche sought others destructiōs. Also he caused due punishment to be executed vpon all such as liued by robbyng & reuing, of whom in the beginning of his gouernment there was no smal nūber▪ Conanus per­secuteth of­fendours. but he weeded them foorth, in suche wise that ere he lefte off, there was not one of them to be founde.

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At length, after it was vnderstood that The­reus was deade,He renoun­ceth the estate. this Conanus renounced the administration in presence of all the estates as­sembled in parliament at Berigonium, where by common consent Iosina the brother of The­reus was chosen to raygne as king,Iosina elected king. for that Thereus had lefte no issue behinde him to suc­ceede.

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Josina.THis Iosina, being proclaymed king, re­newed the auncient leagues with the Picts and Brytaines.

He had Phisitions in greate estimation: for that during his abode in Ireland, he was nouri­shed of a ch [...]e amongst them, and by reason thereof had some knowledge in their facultie, spe­cially he vnderstoode the vertues and properties of hearbes, wherwith in those dayes the Scottes vsed to heale and remedie all maner of sores and [Page 20] diseases, which as then were few in nūber in re­spect of the sundrie kinds which are now knowē amongst vs: and al by reason of the superfluous feeding and excesse of meates and drinkes vsed in our time,Surfeiting the cause of strāge diseases, which so commonly now raigne. where as our elders suffised with a little, liued without surfeyting, the chiefest bree­der of suche straunge and manifolde sicknesses. In this Iosina his dayes it chaūced that a Por­tingale shippe was driuen and drowned by force of a streyneable tempest, neare vnto the shoore of 10 one of the Scottish Isles, where diuers of those that were within the same shippe, Maryners and other,Two auncient philosophers through ship­wracke arriue in Scotland, & are ioyfully receyued of the king. escaped to land, amongst whom were two auncient and fatherly old men of right reuerend aspect and countenance. These two in compa­nie with some of the inhabitaunts of that Isle came ouer vnto Berigonium, where the king as then soiourned. They were Spanish priestes of the Pagane religion, whose purpose was to haue gone vnto Athens in Grecia, as some wryte: 20 But whence soeuer they were, and what purpose soeuer they had, certaine it is, they were Philo­sophers: and therefore the king receyued them most ioyfully, doing them al the honour he could deuise, and commaunding that they shoulde be lodged within his owne palayce, where they had all things needefull, and accordingly ministred vnto them.

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These Philosophers after they had refreshed themselues at theyr case for the space of .xiiij. dayes, the king caused them to come before him, requyring them to shew their opinion what they thought by the nature of the soyle, the maners 50 and customes of his people, so farrefoorth as they had seene and heard. They without pausing for answere declared, that as yet they had not had time to learne those things but onely thus farre, by coniecture they supposed that the ground was more likely to be fruitefull of metall mines, than of corne and grayne, as conteyning farre more riches vnderneath the earth than aboue, and this they sayde that they gathered by the influence of the Heauens vnder the whiche it lay. And as for the rites and vsages of the people, in one pointe they coulde in no wise commende them,The Scottish religion [...] ­proued. for that in religiō they followed the superstitious rites of the Egyptiās, worshipping the immortall Gods in the shape of beastes and foules, where as God was euen the same that did comprehended bothe heauen and earth, with the waters and al things in them conteyned, whom they named Nature, and as it were the prymordiall cause or begin­ning of all things, vnto whom it was not pos­sible to deuise any similitude of liuing thing that might in any wise represent him. Therfore (sayd they) mē ought to worship the liuing God with fire and deuoute prayer, buylding him a temple for that purpose, and onely vnto him to burne incense, and to perfourme vowes: at whose hāds such as liued chastly, vprightly, and according to the rules of iustice,Vpright li­uing well re­warded at Gods hands. ought euer to looke for some high benefite, where other that liued contrarily might euer stande in doubte of contrary reward.

With these theyr sensible instructions they perswaded many of the Scottishe nation vnto theyr opinion, though the greatest parte woulde by no meanes follow any other kinde of religion, than that whiche they had receyued from theyr elders: neyther coulde any of them be brought to thinke otherwise of the Sunne, the Moone & Starres, but that there was a certaine deuine power or godhead in euery one of thē. And thus much of these straungers briefly and by the way, who came into Scotlād at this present,Iosina depar­teth this life. but now to proceede with our purpose, when Iosina had raigned .xxiiij. yeares, hee departed out of this worlde at Berigonium, beyng a man of greate age. He lefte behinde him a sonne named Fin­nanus, who a little before his Fathers deceasse was by consent of the people proclaymed king of Scotlande.

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THis Finnanus had the nobles of his realme in such estimatiō,Finna­nus. that he ordeyned that no­thing should be decreed or practised touching the publike affayres of the realme, except they were first made priuie and of counsell in the same. He sought also to winne the fauour of his people by meekenesse & gentle intreating of thē, in somuch [Page 25] that though he wente aboute to restore the olde religion somewhat defaced by his father through information as is sayde of the twoo aboue men­cioned sage Philosophers, yet did he not con­streyne any man to woorship the Goddes, other­wise than his fansie serued him.

Prelates or­dred in reli­gion.He was the firste that initituted those Pre­lates whiche gouerned after the manner of Bi­shoppes,Druides in the old Scottish toung called Durcergliis. in all maters pertayning to religion, and were called in the Scottish tounge Durcer­glijs· 10 and in Latine Druides.

These Diuides were appointed to be resident within the Isle of Man, as the Scottish menne holde opinion,The Scottes mistake Man for Anglesey. but other thinke rather that they were resident in Anglesey in the Brytish tongue called Mon.

Vnto these also hauing great liuings assigned them, were the inferiour priests subiect, as recey­uing at their handes all iniunctions & orders for the vse of their sacrifices and other ceremonies. 20

These Druides afterwardes applied thēselues so earnestly to the studie of Philosophy, aswell naturall as morall, that they were had in no small reuerence of the people, as they that were bothe accompted and knowen to be men of most perfect lyfe and innocencie:The authori­tie of the Druides in­creased. by meanes whereof theyr authoritie dayly so farre foorth increased, that finally iudgements in moste doubtfull ma­ters were committed vnto their determinations, offenders by theyr discretion punished, and suche 30 as had well deserued, accordingly by theyr ap­poyntments rewarded.

Moreouer suche as refused to obey theyr de­crees and ordinaunces, were by them excommu­nicate, so that no creature durste once keepe companie with such till they were reconciled a­gayne, & cleerely by the same Druides assoyled.

Plinie, Cornelius Tacitus, Strabo, and Iu­lius Cesar, with diuers approued Authours, make mencion of these Druides, signifying how 40 the first beginning of their religion was in Bry­taine, (which some comprehende all wholly vn­der the name of Albion) and from thence was the same religion brought ouer into Fraunce. Finnanus was not onely praysed for his setting foorth of that Heathen religion, but also for his politike gouernment of the estate in ioyfull reste & quietnesse. Neyther was his fame a little ad­uaunced for the mariage concluded and made betwixt his sonne Durstus and Agasia daugh­ter 50 to the kyng of Brytains, for by that aliaunce he wanne diuers of the Bryttish nation vnto his friendship.

Finally, this Finnanus died at Camelon beyng come thither to visite the kyng of Pictes as then sore diseased, after hee had raigned a­bout the space of a .xxx. yeares. His bodie was conueyed vnto Berigonium, and there buried amongst his predecessours.

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AFter hym succeeded his sonne ye forena­med Durstus,Dur­stus. farre differyng from his noble fa­ther in all vertuous demeanour, as he that was altogether

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gyuen to banquetting and excessiue drunken­nesse. Suche of the nobles as his Father had in highe reuerence he made light accompts of: ac­cepting onely those that of theyr wicked deuices could finde out new kindes of voluptuous plea­sures, through whose perswasions some of his peares he cōfined,Wicked coun­sellers. some he spoyled of al their sub­stance & inheritance, other he put to death with­out iuste cause or any kinde of lawfull meanes.

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Furthermore he forsoke the cōpanie of his law­full wife Agasia, causing hyr to be forced and abused by diuers vile persons in moste vilanous maner.

[Page 22]With these and the semblable inordinate pra­ctises he procured the indignation of his people so farre foorth agaynst him,A conspiracie. that those of the we­sterne Isles with them of Cantyr, Lorne, Ar­gile and Rosse, conspyred togither in the refor­mation of suche disorders as were dayly vsed in the administration of iustice, by the wicked sug­gestion of euill disposed councellours, against whom they pretended to make theyr warre, and not against theyr king. 10

There were so many also that fauoured them in this quarrell,A craftie and cloked dissi­mulation. and so fewe that leaned to the king to ayde him against them, that he was constreyned to dissemble with them for a tyme, in promising not onely to remoue from him suche as they woulde appoint, but also to be or­dered in all things according as they shoulde thinke good. And to put them in beliefe that hee ment as hee spake, he cōmitted some such coun­sellours as hee had aboute him vnto warde, and 20 other some (of whome he little passed) he sense vnto them as prysoners, to receyue such punish­mēt by death or otherwise, as they should thinke conuenient.

He further also in presence of Doro the go­uernour of Cantyr, sente to him for that pur­pose,Craftie dissi­mulation. sware in solempne wise afore the image of Diana, to performe all suche promises and co­uenantes as he was agreed vpon and had made vnto the conspiratours.

With whiche cloked dissimulation they be­ing deceyued, came without suspect of further guile vnto Berigonium, where at their firste comming he was readie to receyue them (as see­med by his fayned countenance) with gladsome harte and moste friendly meanyng: but they were no sooner entred the Castell, but that a number of armed menne appointed for the pur­pose,A cruell [...] ­ther. fell vpon them, and slewe them all without mercie.

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This haynous act being once signified abrode 40 in their countreys amongst their friendes and kinsfolke,A new tumult. caused a new commociō, so that with­in a fewe dayes after, many thousandes of men in furious rage came before the castell,King Durstus besieged. and be­sieged the king moste straitly therein. Who per­ceyuing himselfe in suche daunger as he knewe not well howe to escape, came foorth with suche companie as he had about him, and encountring with his enimies was straight wayes beaten downe amongst them,Durstus is slayne. and so at once loste there 50 bothe kingdome and life in the .ix. yeare of his raygne.

Durstus being thus dispatched, his children doubting the indignation of the people concey­ued agaynst them for theyr fathers faulte, to a­uoyde the peril▪ fledde ouer into Ireland, and im­mediatly the Nobles of the Realme assembled themselues togither for the choosing of a newe king, in no wise minding to haue any of Dur­stus his race to raygne ouer them, least they woulde seeke by some meanes to reuenge his death: howbeit at length when they were at poynt to haue fallen at variaunce in susteyning of contrarie opinions aboute the election of their Prince, through a wittie oration made by Co­ranus gouernour of Argile, who alledged ma­ny weightie reasons for the auoyding of sedi­tion, they all agreed to committe the free ele­ction vnto the same Coranus, promising firme­ly to accept whome so euer hee shoulde name. Hereupon Coranus consulting a little with the peares of the Realme, named one Ewyn the vncles sonne of Durstus,Ewyn is cho­sen king. who as then remay­ned in Picte lande, whither hee had withdrawen himselfe in Durstus his dayes, beyng banished the realme by him, for that he coulde not away with his corrupt maners.

[Page 23]This election was acceptable to all estates, for that thereby the administration of the king­dome continued in the ly [...] of theyr former kings.

Ewyn.

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ANd Ewin shortly after was brought foorth of Pict lande with al regall solempnitie, and at Berigonium placed vpon the stone of Mar­ble, to the great reioysing of the people there as­sembled. Herewith also the nobles of the realme 20 putting theyr hands in his, bound themselues by othe to be loyall and faithfull subiectes vnto him in all points,Swearing of fealtie firste begonne. which custome of swearing fealtie then firste by Ewins commaundement begon, and continued many hundred of yeares after amongst his and their posteritie: in somuch that the Captaines of the Trybes also required the same kinde of othe of them that inhabited with­in theyr liberties, whiche in parte remayneth yet vnto this day amongst those of the Westerne 30 Isles, and suche as inhabite in the mountaynes. For at the creation of a new gouernour, whom they name theyr Captaine, they vse the like cere­monies: whiche being ended, at the nexte fayre kept within that countrey, proclamatiō is made, that no man inhabiting within his iurisdiction, shall name this newe gouernour by any other name from thenceforth, than by the aunciēt and accustomed name as suche rulers aforetime haue bene called by. And that so ofte as they heare him named,Humble re­uerence. they shall put off theyr cappes or hattes, and make a certaine curtesie in signe of honour due to him, in suche maner as we vse in hearing diuine seruice, whē any holy misterie is in doing, or any sacred name of the almightie creatour re­cited.

But now touching king Ewyn, his chiefest studie was to mainteyne iustice throughout his dominion,The dutie of a good Prince. and to weede out suche transgressers as went aboute to trouble the quiet estate of his subiectes. 50

Furthermore considering what inconuenien­cie proceeded through the vse of voluptuous plea­sures and wanton delytes,A notable or­dinance. he ordeyned that the youth of his realme shoulde be trayned to endure hardnesse, payne and trauell, as to lie vpon harde bordes without any feather beddes or pillowes vnder them. Also to exercise themselues to throw

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the darte, to shoote, to wrastell, and beare armure aswell in time of peace as of warre: that when neede required; trauell and suche kinde of exer­cises, should be no payne but pleasure vnto them: where otherwayes lacke of vse, might make the same intollerable. Whilest Ewyn is thus occu­pied aboute the setting foorth of necessary ordi­naunces for the wealth of his Realme, the kyng of the Pictes did sende vnto hym Ambassadours, to require his ayde agaynst the Brytons, who were entred his countrey in robbing and spoy­ling the same.

Ewyn consenting quickly to that request, leuied an armie foorthwith, and with all speede passed forward to ioyne with the Pictes, in pur­pose to reuenge the olde iniuries done to his na­tion by the Brytayns, who likewise were as readie to receyue battayle as the Scottes and Pictes were desirous to giue it, so that bothe the armies encountring togither (the Scottes and Pictes on the one side, and the Brytayns on the other) there ensued a sore conflict betwixte them, continued with vnmercyfull slaughter, till night parted them in sunder:A doubtfull battayle. No man as then able to iudge who had the better, but either parte beyng priuie to their owne losses, with­drew themselues further off from the place of the battell, so that the Scottes and Pictes the same night gotte them into the mountaynes of Picte lande, and the Brytons so soone as it was day made homewards with all speede towardes their countrey, leauing no smal pray and bootie behind them, which the Scottish men and Picts recoue­red cōming downe withall speede frō the moun­taines, when they once heard that their enimies were departed.

King Ewyn being returned from this iour­ney, determined to passe the residue of his lyfe in reste and quietnesse, appointyng iudges in e­uery parte of his Realme, for the ministring of iustice and executing of the lawes according to the due forme and ordinance of the same.

[Page 24]He appointed also such as should watche for the apprehension of thieues and robbers by the high wayes, assigning them liuings of the com­mon treasorie to liue by. And there be euen vnto this day that holde still such liuings, though the office be worne out of vse and forgotten.

After this, he buylded a castell not far distaunt from Berigonium, whiche hee named after his owne name Euonium: but afterwardes it was called Dounstafage,Dounstafage is buylded. whiche is as muche to say, 10 as Steuennes castell, whiche name it beareth at this present. Finally, this Ewyn after he had raygned to the great weale of the Realme, about xix. yeares, he departed this life, leauing behinde him a sonne base begotten, named Gillus, who causing his fathers funerals to be executed with all solempne pompe and ceremonies, raised vp soone after sundrie Obeliskes aboute his graue neare vnto Dounstafage, where he was buried.

There were present also at the buriall, twoo 20 of Durstus his sonnes, whome Ewyn in his life time had reuoked home out of Ireland where they were in exile. Bothe these, aswell the one as the other, bicause they were twinnes and not knowē whether of thē came first into the world, looked to be king after Ewyn. Their names were Dothan & Dorgal. And such malicious e­mulatiō and enuious spite, rose betwixt the two brethren for the attayning of their purpose, that greater could not be deuised,The crafty working of Gillus. whiche Gillus, like 30 a craftie & subtill Foxe, by couert meanes sought still to augment: and in the end causing them to come togither for some conclusion of agreement, at length when he had set them further at oddes than they were before, he procured a number of Souldiers appoynted for the purpose to rayse a tumult, (as though it had bene in taking of con­trary partes) and there to slea them bothe. Thus Gillus hauing brought to purpose that he came for,Durstus twoo sonnes are slaine. sheweth in countenaunce as though he had 40 bene much offended therewith, and done what he coulde to haue appeased the matter, and herewith he commeth running foorth with a highe voyce, declaring to his cōpanie, that if he had not made good shifte for himselfe, he had bene slaine by the handes of Dothan and Dorgall, who fell into suche mischiefe themselues, as they had prepared for other. Herevpon also he required his friendes and seruaunts most earnestly to conuey him in­to some sure place where he might be out of daū ­ger, 50 and in better securitie: in so much that ma­ny of those that hearde him, giuing credite to his woordes, went with him with all speede vnto Dounstafage, where being receyued into the ca­stell with diuers of the Nobles that followed him, he gotte him into a galery, and there ma­king an inuectiue oration against the Sonnes of Durstus, and touching by the way what perill might ensue to the common wealth by ciuill di­uision, he perswaded them to committe the rule vnto his handes, vntill it mighte be certainely knowen, vnto whom the same of right apper­tayned.

Those that were present, perceyuing to what issue his paynted processe tended,The Nobles through [...], consented to cre [...] Gillus king. and doubting least if they shoulde seeme to stande against him at that instant in this his demaunde, they might happely be the firste that shoulde repent the bar­gaine, consented to proclayme him king: wher­vpō he required al such as were present, to sweare to him fealtie, and to do him homage according to the custome. And herewith agreably as he had before promised, and according to his fathers will, (as he alledged) he distributed among them all suche cattell as belonged to his saide father: Whereby he wanne the greater fauour of many, but yet not iudging himselfe altogether in sure­tie, by reason that Dothan had left behinde him three sonnes, as then remayning in the Isle of Man, in the bringing vp of the Druides,Gillus goeth about to mur­ther Dotha [...] sonnes also. he pur­posed therefore to dispatche them also for the bet­ter assurance of his estate, and therevpon made a iourney thither himselfe, fayning as though he meant nothing but al loue and friendly affection towards the children, by whiche meanes he gat [...] twoo of them into his handes, the one named Lismorus, being about twelue yeeres of age, and the other Cormacus that was twoo yeares yon­ger. The yongest of the three named Ederus, be­ing aboute seuen yeares olde, as his better happe was, chaunced to be sicke at that time, by reason wherof he escaped his hands: Gillus feyning as though he wished to haue the other two brought vp like the children of a Prince, he ledde them a­way with him into Scotland, leauing certaine of his seruants behinde him, to ridde Ederus the yongest out of the way at leysure, and as for the other twaine, the night following after his com­ming home to Dounstafage,A detestable murther. hee caused them to bee murthered, euen in their Tutors armes, whose ayde most pitifully they besought and re­quired.

But the woman that had the keeping of E­derus now in his sicknesse, prouided more ware­ly for his sauegarde, for shee smelling out what was the kings purpose,Ederus esca­peth. in the dead of the night gotte hir selfe togither with Ederus into a ship, and passed ouer into Argyle, where being set a lande, she caried him on hyr shoulders vp into the mountaines, and there within a secrete denne susteyned his languishing life for certaine mo­nethes in great care and misery.

Gillus notwithstanding these his cruel acts,Gillus coun­terfeyteth a zeale to iustice, shewed yet in outward apparaunce, that no man was more desirous of the quiet state and prospe­rous successe of the common wealth than hee: [Page 25] euer reasoning amongest his nobles, and that in the presence of his cōmons, touching the main­tenance of iustice, and punishment of misdo [...]s, whereas hee himselfe thyrsted continually and most of all after the bloud of those whō he doub­ted any thing likely to attempt the reuenge of his wicked misgouernance: insomuch that he caused in one place and other, all such to be murthered and slaine as bare any good wil toward the law­full line of Durstus. 10

The Scottes rise against Gillus.Nowe the people seeing the dayly slaughter of the nobilitie, and at the last growing to be ve­rie sore moued against him, namely those of Gal­loway, Kyle, Carrike, and Coningham, wyth them of Cantyr, Lorne, and Argyle, they assem­bled their powers togyther, and with all speede marched forth towardes the place where they thought to finde the Tyrant: who hearing of this their conspiracie, assembled such puissance as he could make, and hauing no other refuge but to 20 trie the matter by battell, made towardes hys enimies with more speede than good successe: for ere the two armies came to ioyning, a greate number of Gillus his friendes fled to the contra­rie part, so that herevpon doubting the issue if hee were constrayned to fight,Gillus depar­teth secretely and getteth ouer into Ire­lande. hee stale priuily from amongst the residue of his folkes, and getting in­to a fishers boate, conueyed himselfe ouer into Irelande: whose departure being once knowne, his Souldiours yelded themselues vnto Cadall, 30 gouernour of Galloway,Cadal of Ga­loway is cho­sen gouernor of the realme. who was Captain ge­nerall of all the conspirators, and nowe by con­sent of all the estates created gouernour of the realme, till they had chosen a king.

This Cadall immediately vpon the greate authoritie giuē him, gat first al the best fortresses into his handes, as Berigonium, Dunstafage, and other: then hee passed ouer into the Isle of Ila; to prouide the better for the resisting of Gil­lus, if hee shoulde attempt any thing by purcha­sing 40 ayde amongst them of the westerne Isles. Thither was brought vnto him also, the yong Ederus by such of Durstus his friendes, as had escaped the cruel handes of Gillus) whom Ca­dall caused to be honourably conueyed vnto E­piake the chiefest Citie of Galloway,Lelande and other take E­piake not to be so farre north. there to bee brought vp in princely nuriture, that cōming to full age he might the better bee able to take vpon him the gouernance.Gillus pur­chaseth ayde in Irelande. In whiche meane while Gillus made all the friendes in Irelande that he 50 could, insomuch that vpon such golden promises as hee made vnto the chiefest gouernours there, they consented to ayde him with all their forces. Whereof Cadall being aduertised, he thought it best that a king should be chosen, and thereby an vnitie to be framed amongst all the estates of the realme, wherevpon causing a counsell to be as­sembled for the same intent, by common agree­ment, [...] Ewen▪ a man of worthie [...],Ewyn the se­conde of that name chosen king. ne­phew to king Fi [...]ane by his brother Doua [...] was in the end proclaimed king: who was [...] come frō the Isle of Gowe [...] into Albion, [...]n [...] pany with Cadall, & kepte himselfe close hith [...] within the sayde Isle, for [...] of Gillus [...] sought amongst other to haue destroyd h [...] [...].

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THis E [...] [...] name,Ewin. [...] great pr [...] [...] beginning of his raigne, to [...]sist the [...]yde [...] [...]ni­mie. A [...]d [...]ea­ring [...] [...]ad bene in the Isle of Ila, and put the same t [...] [...]ire and sworde, he prepared an army and ships [...]lso, to transport therewith ouer [...] [...]ere to reuenge that inimi [...] [...] Gillus therein, to the [...]span [...]rey.

The forenamed Cadall▪ Cadal with an armie is sent into Irelande gouernour of Gal­loway, was appoynted also to haue the [...]ing of this armie: who taking the sea at Du [...]ta­fage, directed his course streyght ouer [...] the coastes of Irelande, where taking lande and en­countring with his enimies, he put them to the worse, insomuch that Gillus fearing to fal [...] into his aduersaryes handes, fled out of the field [...] ▪ into the next wood, where hee thought to haue saued himselfe. His souldiours also perceyuing him to bee fled, gaue ouer the fielde, and yeelded them­selues vnto Cadal, who tooke them to grace, and forthwith sent out certaine companies to seeke Gillus,Gillus is takē. who foūd him in a den closed about with thicke wooddes and bushes, where he had li [...]n hid certain dayes & was almost steriled for hunger.

Those that found him immediately stroke off his heade, and presented the same vnto Cadal,Gillus be­headed. to the great reioycing of all the companie.

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[Page 26]Thus after that Cadall had atchiued his en­terprise with good successe, he tooke the [...] againe to returne into Scotlande,A shipwrake by a tempest. but by meanes of a grieuous tempest, he lost the greatest part of hys armie, with all the spoyle and ryches that they had gotten in that voyage. Whiche mischaunce sore blemished the glorie of so famous a victorie, so that the reioysing of many, was turned into dolefull mourning for the losse of their friendes and kinnesfolke,Cadal for his good and faythful ser­uice is re­warded. but namely Cadall tooke it so 10 grieuously, that nothing coulde [...]ee more offen­siue vnto him. Howe beeit, after he was come a lande, the King and other of the Nobles recom­forted him in all that they might, and the king gaue him also much fayre landes, with diuerse Castelles in Galloway in recompence of hys good and faythfull seruice at sundrie tymes she­wed in defence of hys Countrey, and made hym Gouernour of Galloway also, whiche hee verye thankefully accepted.

After this king Ewin came to an enteruiew with the king of Pictes in the borders of Gallo­way,An enteruiew betwixt the kings of S [...] and Picte. and there renued the auncient league be­twixt the Scottishe men and Pictes. For more corroboration whereof, Sijora the daughter of Gethus the thirde king of the Pictes, was ioyned in maryage with Ederus, the solemnization be­ing kept at Epiake.

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These things thus accomplished, Ewin re­turned vnto Dunstafage, where beeing certified by letters from the Lieutenant of Rosse, that the Ilanders of Orkney had passed Pictland Fyrth,The people of Orkney in­ [...]de Cath­ne [...]. and were entered into Cathenese, robbing and spoyling that Countrey with a greate part of Rosse, he leuied an armie with all speede, and ha­sted 40 towardes the enimies, constrayning them by his sodaine comming to fight whether they woulde or not, hauing no leysure to gette away, so that with small resistaunce they were vanqui­shed and chased, some into the mountaynes, and other to the Sea side: of whome part escaped by Boates ouer into their Countreys, the residue of them in this their sodaine ouerthrow being ey­ther slaine,Bladus king of Orkney slea­eth himselfe. drowned, or taken. But Bladus the king of Orkney, for that he woulde not come 50 into his enimies handes, slue himselfe. And thus ended this enterprise against the enimies of Orkney: greatly to the encrease of Ewins fame amongst the Scottish nation.

After this he visited the weast partes of hys Realme, and at the mouth of the ryuer of Loch­tey he buylded a Citie whiche he named Enuer­lochtey,Enuerlochtey is buylded. enfranchising the same with a Sanc­tuarie for the refuge of offenders. Thys Ci­tie afterwardes was muche frequented wyth Marchauntes of Fraunce and Spaine, by rea­son of the great aboundance of Salmons, Her­rings, and other fishe whiche was taken there. The olde ruines of this Citye in part remayne to be seene in that place where it stoode, euen vnto this day.

He likewise buylt an other Citie in the East parte of the Realme neare to the water called Lochnesse,Enuernesse buylded. which he named Enuernesse, after the name of the same water. Whither in tymes past there resorted many Marchantes of Germanie, wyth such marchandise as the Inhabitantes of the Countrey there stoode in neede of, exchaun­ging the same with them for Marterne skinnes, and other such furres, wherewith they made their returne. This Citie is as yet remayning, and beareth the olde name, rich and well stored with diuerse kinds of Marchandise, so that this Ewin proued a moste famous Prince for his worthie exploytes right fortunately atchieued, bothe in peace and warre.Cadall de­ceassed. And finally vnderstanding the death of his deare and entyrelye beloued friende Cadall, hee repayred vnto Epiake, as well to [Page 27] giue order for the pacifying of his sonnes beeing at variance for their fathers inheritance, as also to doe the more honour to his friende nowe de­ceassed, by erecting some monument neare vnto his Sepulchre.

Comming therefore to Epiacke: and setting an accorde betwixt the yong men, hee caused an Image to be made in all poyntes resembling the personage of Cadal, as neare as might be: which he placed in the myddest of the Market steede, 10 commaunding the same to be honoured wyth burning of Incense and other diuine Cere­monies.

Within fewe dayes also, through inwarde sorrow, as was thought, for the losse of so deare a friende, he began to waxe sicke himselfe, and at length perceyuing he shoulde not escape present death, he caused Ederus (of whome before men­tion is made) to be brought vnto him, into whose handes with many wholsome aduertisementes 20 howe to vse himselfe in gouernment of his sub­iects,Ewin resigneth the estate. he wholy resigned the estate, the which after his deceasse he knew to be due vnto him without all question and controuersie:Ewins decease. and afterwarde de­parted this worlde when he had raigned seuen­tene yeares continually for the most part in high wealth and felicitie.

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AFter the deceasse of Ewin,Ederus. Ederus was in maner before expres­sed receyued for king by the whole assent of all the Scot­tishmē. Whose chiefe delighte was altogyther in hunting and keeping of Houndes and Greyhoundes, to chase and pur­sue

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wilde beastes, and namely the Woolfe the 40 herdmans foe, by meanes whereof his aduance­ment was muche the more acceptable amongest the Nobles, who in those dayes were whollye gyuen to the kynde of pleasure and pastyme.

In the begynning of his raigne there was no trouble towardes, the publike state of the Realme being maynteyned by vpright iustice, and all transgressions through terrour of due pu­nishmente politikely repressed.

The first that went about to put him to any 50 notable trouble,Bredus inua­deth the Scots. was one Bredus of the Isles, neare of kinne to Gisius that vsurper and mur­therer, who with a power of Irish men and other of the westerne Isles landed in Argyle, wasting and spoyling the countrey with fire and sworde, whereof Ederus being aduertised (who was the same time in those partes a hunting amongst the mountaynes) gathered an armie with all speede, and hasting to the place where his enimies ships lay at ancre,Ederus bur­neth his eni­mies ships. he first burned ye same, to take away all meane from them to escape by flight.

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[Page 28]The morning next following he did set vpon them also at vnwares: of whome some hee slue, and the residue being taken, either in the fight or chase, by his commaundement were hanged, and cruelly executed to the example of all others.

Ederus went into the western Isles.After this, he passed ouer into ye western Isles, where hee did execution vpon such as had ayded Bredus, putting some to death, and causing o­ther to fine at his pleasure, and depriuing some vtterly of all that euer they had. 10

At his returne againe into Scotlande, there met him Ambassadours sent from Cassybilane king of the Brytaynes,Cassybilane king of the Brytaynes, re­quireth of the Scottish men ayde agaynst the Romaines requyring him of ayde agaynst Iulius Cesar, who (as the same king had perfite vnderstanding) was appoynted very shortly to passe the seas from Fraunce, ouer into this Isle, with a mightie power of Romaynes, to subdue the Inhabitants vnto the seigniorie and iurisdiction of Rome.

Ederus receyued these Ambassadours very 20 courteously:Androgeus chiefe Ambas­sadour of the Brytaynes, de­clareth the ef­fect of his message. and forsomuch as their maysters request requyred counsell, hee caused his Lordes whiche were then present, to assemble togy­ther the nexte daye, afore whome he willed that Androgeus chiefe of the British Ambassadours, shoulde declare the effect of his message, which he did so eloquently and vttering such sensible mat­ter, how it stoode the Scottish men vpon, to ayde the Brytaynes agaynst suche common enimies to all nations as the Romaynes were, that in the 30 ende it was concluded by the king with the ad­uice of his nobles, that he shoulde not onely sende a power to ayde the Brytaynes agaynste the Romaynes,The Scottes graunt to ayde the Brytaynes agaynst the Romaynes. but also sende some of his Lordes with Androgeus and his associates vnto Gethus king of the Pictes, to moue him to doe the lyke: who hearing howe reasonable their demaundes were, promised further to accomplish the same.

Thus the Britishe Ambassadours hauing spedde, according to their desires repayred home­wardes: 40 immediately vppon whose departure both the kings, Ederus, and Gethus, leuied their armies, and sent them forth towardes London where as then Cassybilane soiourned.

I finde that the Scottes were a ten thou­sande men vnder the leading of Cadallane go­uernour of Galloway,Cadallane and Douald wyth ten thousande Scottish men send to ayde the Brytaynes. the sonne of Cadall before remembred, and one Doualde gouernour of Ar­gyle. But what succes followed of this first iour­ney which Cesar made into Brytayne, ye shall 50 finde the same in the Hystorie of England more at length expressed.

The yeare that Iulius Cesar came to in­uade Brytaine,5139. H.B. was the fourth of Ederus hys raigne, from the creation of the worlde 3912. complete, whiche is after maister Harisons ac­count 54.60. H.B. before the comming of our Sauiour, and 692. after the buylding of Rome.

The Scottishe men and Pictes hauing theyr part of the spoyle which the Romaynes at theyr departure left behynde them, were sente home to their Countreys with great thankes and re­wards for their paynes,The Brytaines exalted in pride. but the Brytaynes were so exalted in pryde by the departure of the Ro­maynes, that they beleeued verily they shoulde haue no more to do with those enimies, or if they had, they thought themselues strong ynough to repulse them without ayde of other. By meanes whereof when king Ederus was informed howe the Romaynes prepared to inuade them afreshe,The Brytaynes refuse ayde being offered them. and had sent them word thereof, offering to them his ayde: they made no account of that offer, but answered yt it was not necessarie for euery light inuasion of forraine enimies to seeke helpe at o­ther mens handes, being of puissance sufficient of themselues to resist the same well ynough.

But of this refusall of so friendly an offer, it was not long ere the Brytaynes sore repented them.Iulius Caesar inuadeth this land the se­conde time. For shortly after Iulius Cesar with a far greater power than that which he brought wyth him at the first time, landed here in this Isle a­mongst them againe: and being at three sundrie times fiercely encountred by king Cassybilan, at length hee put the same Cassybilane wyth hys Brytaynes to flight,The Brytaynes are ouer­throwne. slaying and taking a great number of them. Amongst other of the prisoners, were three of their chiefest Captaynes, Andro­geus, Cisentoriges, and Tenantius. By rea­son of which ouerthrow Cassibylane was so dis­couraged, that doubting further mischief,Cassybilane yeeldeth to Caesar. he yeel­ded himselfe vnto Cesar, accepting suche condi­tions of peace as were appoynted him, and for performance of couenants, delyuered sufficient pledges.

Cesar hauing thus conquered the Brytayns,Iulius Caesar his message vnto the Scotes and Pictes. sent his Ambassadours vnto the Kings of the Scottish men, and Picts, requiring them to sub­mit themselues as Cassybilane had done, or else he bad them looke for open warres at the Ro­maynes handes, which they might assure them­selues they should in no wise be able to sustaine, considering their mightie and huge puissance, ha­uing the most part of the whole worlde at theyr commaundement alreadie.The answere of the Scottes and Pictes vn­to Caesar his Ambassadors. Wherevnto aswell the one king as the other, made this or much-what the like answere, that they were bent soo­ner to lose theyr liues than theyr lybertie. Which their resolution if they were putte to the tryall, shoulde be euidently proued by the deed it selfe.

Cesar hauing receyued this answere from these two nations,Caesar sendeth new messen­gers vnto the Scottes and Picts, but they sped muche like to the former. he sendeth newe messengers vnto them with a more roughe embassie, who not onely by threates, but also by great reasons went about to perswade them vnto submission. But they persisting in their former opinion for defence of their liberties, and vtterly refusing all [Page 29] maner of bondage, would encline by no meanes to come in any bonde of friendshippe with the Romaynes.

After the returne of these last messengers, Ce­sar was fully resolued to enter into their Coun­treys, to force them vnto that by dynt of sworde, wherevnto by treatie he might not enduce them:The rebellion of the Gaules breaketh Cae­sar his pur­posed iourney agaynst the Scottes. and had set forwarde on that iourney shortly af­ter in deede, if he had not beene called backe into Fraunce, to pacifie sundrie commotions there 10 raysed by the reuolting of the people inhabiting those Countreys, where the Picardes and Nor­mans, with other the inhabitantes neare aboute Chartres, now dwell.

The common Scottishe Chronicles record, howe Iulius Cesar came as farre as Kalendar wood,Kalendar or Caledon wood & there wan by force the citie of Camelon where the Pictish kings vsed most to soiourne.

This cannot be true, for Caesar came not neare Scot­land, as in the Historie of Englande it appeareth.Herevnto the same Chronicles adde, that Cesar buylded a great stone house of .xxiiij. cu­bites 20 in heigth, and of .xij. cubites in breadth, of square hewen stones, right workemanly framed, which house they saye Cesar caused to be vsed in steede of a iudgement Hall, and here placed it neare the Ryuer of Caron, ouer agaynst the forenamed Citie of Camelone, as a witnesse that the Romaynes armie had beene so farre for­warde within that Countrey.

Suche an house there remayneth to be seene euen vnto this day, and is called Iulius Hoff,Iulius Hoff. that is Iulius Hall, or Iulius Court. Howbe­it, other more agreeable to the likelyhoode of a troth, wryte that this house was sometymes a Temple, buylded to the honour of Claudius Cesar, and of the Goddesse Victoria, by the Ro­maine Captaine Vespasian, at suche tyme as he made warres in that Countrey, before hys ad­uauncement to the Empyre.

But to returne vnto Ederus. About the same time in which he looked to be inuaded by Iulius Cesar and the Romaynes, and for that purpose had sent for them of the westerne Isles to reen­force his host, he was now inforced to conuert it another way, for there was one Murketus,Murketus ne­phew vnto Gillus inua­deth the we­sterne Isles. ne­phewe vnto the aboue remembred Gillus, that came with a nauie out of Irelande to robbe and spoyle those Isles, being destitute as then of men to resist him. But Ederus hearing thereof, dis­patched Cadallanus with an armie into those parties for defence of his subiects: which Cadal­lanus behaued himselfe so politikely in this ex­ployte, that setting vpon the enimies as they lay at ancre, he tooke thē in the night season without making any great defence, and after hanged thē

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vp along the shore side within ye Isle of Gowre: Murket himselfe being honoured with an higher place to hang in than al the rest,Murket is hanged with [...]ny more. due to him that was their chief head and leader in that voyage. 50

The remnant of Ederus his raigne passed without any other notable trouble: and so after he had raigned 38. yeares,48. H.B. 26. H.B. Ederus depar­teth this life. he deceassed a very olde man, about the 23. yeare of the Empyre of Au­gustus Cesar. He was buried also at Dunsta­sage with all due pompe and solemnitie, hauing dyverse obelyskes (as the custome then was) erected and sette vp aboute the place where hee was so intumilate.

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AFter hym raigned his sonne Ewyn,Ewin. the third of that name, nothing lyke in anye princelye quali­tyes vnto hys noble progeni­tors, but con­trariwise infa­med [Page 30] in all kynde of vices.

In the first yeares of his raigne he was who­ly drowned in lasciuious lecherie, abandoning himselfe altogither to lie waltring amongst a sort of vile strumpettes,A licentious king. hys lust beeing neuer tho­rowely satisfied, thoughe neuer so often awea­ryed.

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The nobles of the realme he had in no regard at all, of whom some he confined, and some hee caused to be murthered, onely bycause hee might the more freely without gainsaying haunte hys vile trade of liuing with their wiues and cosins.

Such delite he had also in his filthie and most abhominable ribaldrie,Fylthie lawes. that he made lawes for 30 maintenance of the like amongst his subiectes, as thus: That it might be lawful for euery man to marrie diuerse and sundrie wiues, some sixe, some ten, according to their substance and qua­lities. And as for poore mennes wiues, they were appoynted to be common vnto the Lordes of the soyle: and further that the same Lordes shoulde first deflowre the Bride after hir mariage: which last ordinaunce tooke such effect, that of manye hundred yeares after it coulde by no meanes be abrogated, thoughe the two former liberties were by authoritie of the Kings succeeding, shortly after this Ewins deceasse taken away and reuoked.

But now to cōclude touching ye doings of this Ewin, ye shal vnderstand,Ewin is pur­sued and for­saken of his subiectes. yt at length such lords as greatly abhorred his vile conditions and vsa­ges, conspired agaynst him, and raysing an ar­mie of their friendes and partakers, encountered with him in the fielde, and there tooke him priso­ner, being destitute of all ayde and succours: For such as he brought with him not once offered to strike one stroke in his quarell.

Ewin being thus taken,Ewin condem­ned to perpe­tual prison. was by and by con­demned to perpetuall prison: and Cadallane of whome ye haue heard before, immediately pro­claymed gouernour of the Realme. Howbeit the night following after that Ewin (according to the iudgement pronounced agaynst him, was committed vnto warde) a presumptuous yong man, in hope to haue thankes of Cadallane, en­tred into the chamber where he was enclosed,Ewyn is strangled. and there strangled him. But in steede of thankes he was recompenced with death: for Cadallane de­testing such a wicked deed, caused him to be han­ged in open sight of all men.

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Such was the ende of Ewin: beeing thus dispatched in prison, in the seuenth yeare after he began his raigne ouer the Scottish men, beeing the ix.32. H.B. yeare of Augustus Cesar his gouernment of the Romaine Empyre.

AFter Ewin succeeded Metellanus,Metel­lane. sonne to one Carrane, the brother of Ederus a prince of most gentle behauiour.

This Metellanus mainteyned his subiects in great quietnesse and rest, without any maner of warres, either forraine or Ciuill.

[Page 31]Such wicked lawes as his predecessour had established, he did what he could to abolishe. But such yong Gentlemen as delited in sensuall lust, and licentious libertie, stoode so stiffely therein a­gaynst him that in the ende he was glad to leaue off his purpose.

Kymbaline king of the Brytaynes.About the same time also there came vnto Kymbaline king of the Brytayns an Ambassa­dor

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10 20 from Augustus the Emperour, with thanks, for that entring into the gouernment of the Bri­tish estate, he had kept his allegeance towarde the Romaine Empyre: exhorting him to keepe hys subiects in peace with all their neighbours, sithe the whole worlde through meanes of the same 30 Augustus, was now in quiet, without al warres or troublesome tumults.

These Ambassadours went also vnto Me­tellanus the king of the Scottish men, exhorting him to acknowledge a superioritie in the Ro­maine Emperour, vnto whome the people inha­biting in the furthest partes of the East, had sent their ambassadors with rich iewels to present his person withall.Metellanus becommeth friend to the Romaines. Wherewith Metellanus beeing partly moued to haue a friendly amitie with the 40 Romaines, he sent vnto Rome certaine rich pre­sents to the Emperour, and to the Goddes in the Capitoll, in signe of honour, by whiche meanes he obteined an amitie with the Romaines, which continued betwixt them and his kingdome for a long time after.

Thus a generall peace as then raigning tho­rowout the whole worlde, it pleased the gyuer and authour of all peace to bee borne at the same tyme,The byrth of our Sauiour CHRIST. of that blessed virgin Marie, in the Citie 50 of Bethleem in the tribe of Iuda. Which blessed and salutiferous byrth came to passe in the xij.10. H.B. yeare of Metellanus hys raigne, and in the xlij. of Augustus hys Empyre: from the fyrste establishing of the Scottishe kingdome by Fer­gusius 324. yeares,330. H.B. 5199. H.B. and after the creation of the worlde 3966. as Harison in his Chronologie doth manifestly conclude.

After this, Metellanus raigned certain yeares in continuall peace and quietnesse, euer readie to do the thing that might bee to the contentation and weale of his people.

Finally,Metellane de­parteth this worlde. 29. H.B. 14. H.B. hee passed oute of this life in the xxxix. yeare of his raigne, which was the .xxviij. after the byrth of our Sauiour, and .xiij. of Ty­berius the Emperour. Howbeit he left no issue a­liue behind him to succeede in the gouernment of the kingdome:Caratake is proclaymed king. This Caratake all the Brytish and Englishe a writers take to be a Brytaine, and inhabiting within that portion of the Isle now called Englande. for those children which hee had begotten, hee buried in his life time, by meanes whereof one Caretake, sonne to Cadallane, and nephewe to king Metellane by his sister Eu­ropeia, was proclaymed King, as he that excel­led in ryches and puyssaunt aucthoritie aboue all other the peeres and highe estates of the realme, and had not a little to doe in the administration of publike affayres in the latter dayes of his vncle Metellane.

THe first thing he did after he was established in the estate,Cara­take. he sailed into the western Isles to appease a rebellion moued by the Gouernour there. Which done, and the authours punished, he returned into Aldion and came vnto Caricto­nium, whiche was sometymes a famous Citie, and Metropolitane of Scotlande, situate with­in the Countrey cleped Carrycke as it appeareth by the ruynes there remayning euen vnto thys daye.

In this Citie was Caratake borne, and ther­fore fauouring it the more,Caretake was borne in Carricke. hee lay there moste commonly, and did what he coulde to aduaunce the wealth and state thereof.

Whilest these things were a doing in Scot­lande, Kymbaline king of the Brytaynes dyed,Kymbaline king of Bry­taynes dieth. who for that hee had beene brought vp in Rome, obserued his promised obedience towardes the Empyre:Guiderius the British king rebelleth a­gaynst the Romaines. bu [...] [...]iderius succeeding disdayned to see the libertie of his countrey oppressed by the Romaines, and therfore procuring the Brytains to assist him, assembled a power and inuaded the Romaines with such violence that none escaped with life, but suche as saued themselues within Cassels and Fortresses. The Emperour Clau­dius that then gouerned the Romaine Empyre aduertised hereof, sent two Captaynes,Planctius otherwise Plautius. Aulus Planctius, and C [...]ieus Sensius to appease that rebellion. They landing in Brytaine with their armie, vanquished Guiderius in battaile,Guiderius sen­deth to Cara­take for ayde. so that he was constrayned to send vnto Caratake king of Scots for ayde agaynst the common enimies of both nations. Caratake hauing consydered the effect of this Message, gaue counsaile to the Brytaynes to sende into Fraunce then called Gallia, to practise wyth the people thereto moue some rebellion agaynst the Romaines, in hope of helpe, whiche they were assured to haue by the Brytaynes. This counsaile was followed, for [Page 32] immediately vpon the Ambassadours returne,Fraunce in those dayes Gallia. there were sent ouer into Fraunce certain intelli­gensaries to moue some conspiracie which had taken effect (by reason of the generall hate of ser­uitude wherein the Romaines kepte the people subiect to them in those dayes) if Guiderius had not beene constrayned to giue battayle,Guiderius slaine. and chaunced to be slaine in the same ere the Gaustes coulde bee resolued vppon any determinate pur­pose. This ouerthrowe beeing reported in 10 Fraunce, caused the Gaulles to stay theyr inten­ded rebellion. Shortly after Claudius hym­selfe came ouer into Brytayne,The Emperor Claudius commeth into Brytaine. and receyuing the Brytaynes vnder his obeysaunce, ordered things among them at his pleasure. And after preparing his nauie and armie with all puruey­aunce conuenient, hee set forwarde towardes the Isles of Orkney,Claudius say­leth into the Orkneys. purposing to conquere the same, for that they had ayded the Brytaynes in these last warres agaynst the Romaines. But 20 approching neare to those Isles, he was in dan­ger to haue beene cast away by a tempest rysing by chaunce, euen as he was entered the streyte betwixt the Orkeneys and Dungisbie heade in Catenese called Pictlande Frith: yet at length getting to lande, hee founde in that Isle where hee fyrst arryued, no bodie at home, all the peo­ple through feare vpon the first sight of the great multitude of shippes beeing fled to hyde themsel­ues in caues and dennes amongest the rockes 30 and mountaynes.

Claudius therefore leauing this Isle, passed into Pomonia the chiefest of all the Orkneys,Now Kirke­wale. where discomfiting suche as appeared abrode to make resistance, he besieged the king of these Isles named Ganus,Claudius ta­keth the king of the Ork­neys. within a Castel whither hee was withdrawne, and finally causing him to yeelde himselfe prisoner, led him with other nobles of Brytayne (whome hee had for pledges) vnto Rome, the more to set forth the glorie of his tri­umph 40 at his returne vnto the Citie.

The doubt of Claudius go­ing into the Orkneys.But whatsoeuer Hector Boetius and others write of this passage of Claudius into the Ork­neys, it is not like that he came there at all, for if he stayed not past .xvj. dayes in Brytayne,Dion Cassius. as by Dion Cassius it appeareth that hee did not in deed, how should we ymagin that he coulde both pacifie the South partes of Brytayne, and after go into Orkney and conquere the same with [...] so small a time, being readie to returne towardes Rome at the ende of those .xvj. dayes, as the sayd Dion affirmeth? But this discourse haue I made according to their owne Histories, least I should seeme to defraude them of whatsoeuer glory [...] be gotten by errours, as the maner is of them as well as of other Nations, whiche to aduaunce their antiquities and glorie of theyr auncetou [...] take the aduantage oftentymes of wryters stand worthie of credite.

But nowe againe to our purpose. [...] Ar [...]irag [...] being established in the kingdome of Brytayne vpon some priuate displeasure forsooke his wyfe named Voada, the sister of Caratake king of the Scottish men, and maryed one Genissa a Ro­maine Ladie, whiche acte manye of the Bry­taynes disallowed, the more in deede, bycause he had fayre issue alreadie by Voada, as a sonne and two daughters. But this was done, as all men iudged, by the counsell of Aulus Planctius, thereby to breake all friendship and alliaunce be­twixt the Brytaynes and Scottes, to the ende that in no case of rebellion they should ioyne their powers togither.

Neither did he onely refuse Voada, whom al men knewe to be his lawfull wife,Voada impri­soned. but also cau­sed hir to be kept in prison, till that the Brytayns (hauing indignation thereat) got hir out of the place where she was kept,Voada is deli­uered out of prison, and conueyed into Wales. and conueyed hir into Wales, togither with hir children.

With which dealing Aruiragus being highly moued, determined with force of armes to pu­nish them that had thus misused him: but per­ceyuing that not onely those people which inha­bited the Countrey, nowe called Wales, and o­ther that adioyned on the North Marches ther­of were readie to defende the Queene agaynste his malice, he was fayne to require ayde of the Romaynes, who with their Captaine Aulus Planctius assembling togyther with such of the Brytayns as tooke part with Aruiragus, set for­warde towarde the enimies,Aruiragus gi­ueth his eni­mies an o­uerthrow. and ioyning with them in battail, did giue them the ouerthrow.

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[Page 33]The next day after this victorie thus gotten, worde was brought that the people inhabiting in the countreys,A commotion agaynst Ar­uiragus. which we now cal Lancashire, Yorkshire, and Darbishire, were vp in armor a­gaynst the king and the Romaines, by reason whereof Aruiragus and Aulus Planctius with­drewe towardes London, that defending the sea coastes towards Fraunce, they might yet haue the sea open at all tymes whatsoeuer chaunced.

And to reenforce their power, Aulus Plancti­us 10 sent ouer for two Legions of Souldiors into Fraunce, to come with all speede to his ayde.

The Brytayns make them­selues strong.The Brytaynes who had gone so farre in the matter that they could not wel withdraw them­selues, now being certified of al their enimies do­ings, thought best to make themselues so strong as was possible. And to the ende that they might proceede in some orderly meane, all the greatest Lordes & estates assembled togither at Shrews­burie,The Brytaines assemble themselues at Shrewesburie. in those dayes called Coriminum, where 20 they concluded vppon a league to ayde one ano­ther with all their might and maine agaynst the Romaines and Aruiragus, who went aboute to bring them wholy vnder seruile subiection and thraldome of the same Romaines.

They confe­derate them­selues togitherThey beeing thus agreed to make warres in this quarell, and for the same purpose to ioyne theyr whole puyssance togither, there rose a doubt whome they myght choose for theyr generall Captaine, for that it was feared least there might 30 growe some secrete enuie amongest the Nobles being of equal power, if one should be in this case preferred before an other.

For the auoyding of which mischiefe, by the graue admonition of one Comus, a noble man of the parties of Wales,Caratake cho­sen to be cap­taine of the Brytaynes. they accorded to sende Messengers vnto Caratake the King of Scot­lande, requyring him to ayde them in their right and iust quarel agaynst Aruiragus and the Ro­maines, whereby hee might reuenge the iniurie 40 done to his syster Queene Voada and hir issue,Aruiragus woulde disen­herite hys owne children which he had by Voada. whome the father throughe counsayle of the Ro­maines purposed to disenherite, to the ende, suche chyldren as he had by Genissa (for that they were of the Romain bloud) might enioy the kingdome.

They further declared, that all the Brytishe Lordes, whiche were confederate in this entre­prise, had chosen him by common assent to bee their general and chief leader, if it might so please 50 him to take it vpon him, as their [...] was hee would: considering the iust causes of there warre, and the suretie whiche by victorie gotten might ensue vnto al the inhabitants of the whole Isle of Albion.

Caratake pro­mised ayd vn­to the Bry­taynes.Caratake hauing hearde the summe of these request, and throughly waying the same, promi­sed them to be readie with his whole puissance in the beginning of the next [...], to co [...]e to theyr ayde, vnto what place soeuer they shoulde [...] them, they myght be must assured: wylling them in the meane haue so to prouide for themselues, as theyr enimyes might haue no aduauntage at their handes.

With this agreeable [...] the Brytishe Messengers [...] vnto Shrew [...]sburie to the [...], who [...] at the [...]wes, made [...] to goe agaynst the Romaines, [...] hope of good successe, speciallye throughe ayde of the Scotte [...] and Pictes,The Pictes ioyne with Scottes and Brytaynes, a­gaynst the Romaines. who also wyth theyr King called Con­kyst were willing to helpe towardes the dely­uering of the lande from vondage of the Ro­maines, whose nestling so neare their noses they were loth to see or heare of.

So soone therefore as the [...] appro [...]hed, all those three people, Brytaynes, Scottes▪ and Pictes, gathered theyr powers togither, and met in Yorkeshyre, in purpose to encounter wyth theyr enimyes in battayle, wheresoeuer they founde them.

Aruiragus & Aulus Planctius hauing know­ledge of all the doings of the confederates, like­wyse assembled their power, and comming to­wardes them, for a while to [...]der fo ioyne in battayle, throughe counsaile of Planctius, who perceyuing the most part of the Brytaynes and Scottes to be but newe Souldiers, taken vp of late to fil the numbers, knew that by proceeding tyme they woulde be soone out of heart, throughe watching and euill harborough, in such sort that in the ende they shoulde be easie ynough to deale with: and euen so it came [...]o passe. For the Ro­maines refusing to fight a generall battayle, yet scoured so the fieldes on eche side abrode, that neyther the Brytaynes nor Scottes coulde goe forth any wayes for forrage or v [...]ttailes,The Brytaynes awearied through tra­uaile. but they were stil snatched vp, so that what through hun­ger, lacke of sleepe, and other diseases, many of the Brytaynes began to conuey themselues from the campe home to theyr houses, of whome some beyng taken by the enimies, declared yt the whole armie of the confederates was in great distresse and sore enfeebled by suche vnaccustomed tra­uaile and diseases as they were enforced vnto in the campe. Wherevpon Aruiragus and Au [...]s Planctius determined the next day to giue bat­taile. And so in the morning they arrayed theyr people and marched forth betymes towardes the campe of the confederates.

Caratake who (as ye haue hearde) was ge­nerall of all the confederates,The Romains giue battail to the Brytaynes. vnderstanding the enimies intent, was as readie to receyue bat­tayle as they were to offer it: wherevpon there ensued right great and vnmercifull slaughter be­twixt [Page 34] them on both partes without sparing at al tyll such time as the night parted the fray, with suche losse on eyther side,Night pa [...]ch the fray. that after they were once got in sūder, neither part had any hast after­wardes

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to ioyne againe: so that in the morning there appeared none in the fielde but onely the deade bodyes, those that were left aliue as wel on the one part as the other being fled and scattered into the wooddes and mountaynes.

Aruiragus and Planctius got them vnto London:Caratake re­turneth home to Caricto­nium. and Caratake commaunding his peo­ple home ech man into his Countrey, he himselfe withdrewe first towardes Yorke, and after vnto 30 the Citye of Carrike. Whither shortly after there came vnto him Ambassadors from Aulus Planctius,Ambassadors are sent vnto Caratake from Aulus Plan­ctius. sent to knowe vpon what occasion hee did ayde the Brytishe rebelles agaynst the Romaine Empyre, declaring that if he woulde not be conformable to make a worthie amendes for so presumptuous an enterprise, he shoulde be sure to haue the Romaines his enimies: and that in suche wise, as he shoulde perceyue, it were muche better for him to seeke their friendshippe, 40 than to abyde their enimitie. Herevnto Ca­ratake answered,Caratake his answere vnto the Ambas­sadours. that he had iust cause to do that which he did. Considering the iniuries which his sister Voada with hir son Guiderius had & were lyke to receyue by their counsel & meanes: & there­fore he was so little mynded to make any amen­des for that was done, that he thought it more reason that the Romaines shoulde clearly auoyd out of the whole possession of Brytaine, eyther else they might assure themselues to haue aswell 50 the Brytaynes, as also the Scottes and Pictes to be their perpetual enimies, and that onely for the chalenge of their auncient liberties & freedom.

The Romaine Ambassadors being returned with this answere, Planctius tooke no small in­dignation therat, sore menacing to be reuenged of so high and cōtumelious wordes pronounced a­gaynst the maiestie of the Romaine Empyre.

About the same tyme Aruiragus vpon trust conceyued by ioyning his power with the other confederate Brytaynes to expulse the Romaines quite out of the realme,Aruiragus reuolteth. and so to recouer the en­tyre estate reuolting from thē, fled vnto Shrews­burie, where the same time such Brytish Lordes as were enimies to the Romaines, were assem­bled againe in coūsail, by whom Aruiragus was receyued with great gladnesse (ye may be sure) of those Lordes, trusting by his meanes to haue their force in maner doubled.

His wife Genissa being the same season great with childe,Genissa the wife of Arui­ragus dieth. tooke such thought for this reuolting of hir husband, that trauayling before hir tyme, she immediately dyed therewith.

But Aulus Planctius perceyuing now tho­rowly how little trust there was to be put in the Brytaynes,A messenger sent vnto Claudius the Em­perour from Planctius. dispatched a messenger in all haste with letters vnto Claudius the Emperour, who as then soiourned at Rome, signifying vnto him in what daunger the state of Brytaine stoode, if tymely prouision were not the sooner made.

Claudius waying the matter by good aduise of counsaile, ordeyned by decree of the Senate, that Vespasian (of whom ye haue heard before) should be sent hither with an armie to tame the prowde and loftie stomackes of the Bry­taynes, with their confederates the Scottes and Pictes.

Vespasian herevpon departing from Rome,Vespasian commeth in­to Brytayne. came into Fraunce, and encreasing his legions, with a supplie of such soldiers as he found there, passed ouer into this our Brytaine, where con­trarie to the report which he had heard afore hys comming he founde euery fortresse so wel furni­shed after ye warlik order of the Romaine vsage, and moreouer all suche companies of menne [Page 35] of warre as kept the field so well appoynted and ordered, that he coulde not but much prayse the greate diligence and politike gouernment of Planctius.

Nowe when Vespasian had a little refreshed his men, and taken order howe to proceede in the reducing of the Brytaynes to theyr former obe­dience, he set forwarde towarde Aruiragus and other the enimies,The Brytayns gather an armie. whome he vnderstoode as then to be at Yorke making their assemble, not gene­rally 10 of all that were able to beare a Clubbe, as they did the yeare before, but out of all parties a chosen number of pyked men were sent for, as out of Deuonshire and Cornewal there came six thousande: forth of Wales and the marches xij. thousande,I [...]ni. and the lyke number forth of Kendal, Westmerlande, and Cumberlande. Out of Ox­fordshire and other the partyes of Brytayne sub­iect vnto Aruiragus, there came a .xxxv. thousād. Al which numbers assembled neare vnto Yorke, 20 euery man bringing hys prouision with him to serue him for two Monethes space.The Scots and Pictes come to ayde the Brytaynes. Illythara or Tharan king of the Pictes. Vnto the same place came also Caratake with .xxx. thou­sande Scottishe men: and Illythara otherwyse called Tharan, king of the Pictes, with almoste as many of his subiects.

Vespasian being certified still from tyme to tyme of all the doings of hys enimies, hasted with all speede towardes them. And by the lea­ding of truste guydes comming to the place where they were encamped within a Matrishe grounde not passing .xij. myles from Yorke,Vespasian as­sayleth the Brytaynes in their campe. h [...] fiercely vpon a sodaine setteth vpon them wyth­in their campe ere they thought that he had beene neare them. But yet notwythstanding they manfully stoode to their defence: insomuch, that those in the right wing of the Romaines armie, were lyke to haue beene distressed, if Vespasian perceyuing the daunger, had not sent a Legion to their ayde in tyme, wherby the battayle was newly in that part restored.

The Captaynes on eyther syde did what they coulde to encourage their folkes to sticke to their tackle without giuing ouer by any meanes, con­sidering what gaine came by victorie, and what losse ensued by receyuing the ouerthrow.

The Brytaynes, Scottes, and Pictes, lyke enraged Lyons, ranne vppon the Romaines,

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with such cruel desire of reuenge,The desperate hardinesse of the Brytaynes and Scottish men. that euen when they were thrust through vpon the poynt of any weapon, they woulde runne still vpon the same, to come vnto him that helde it, that they might requite him with the like againe. But yet would not all that their fierce and desperate hardinesse preuaile,Fortune fa­uoureth the Romaines. for fortune by fatall appoyntment be­ing 50 bent to aduaunce the Romains vnto the do­minion of the whole worlde, shewed hir seife so fauourable vnto them in this battaile, that in the ende, thoughe the Brytaynes wyth the confe­derates did what lay in men to do for attayning of victorie,The Brytayns receyue the o­uerthrowe. yet were they beaten downe and slain euerie mothers sonne, a fewe onely except, which escaped by flight.

Aruiragus seeing the slaughter of his people, woulde haue slaine himselfe, but that some of his seruantes caryed hym by force out of the fielde, that hee myght bee preserued yet vnto some bet­ter fortune.

Caratake escaping by flight,Caratake es­capeth. Tharan king of the Pictes is slaine. fled into hys countrey, but Tharan king of the Pictes, not co­ueting to liue after such losse of his people, threw away his armor with al his kingly ornaments, & sitting down vpon a stone, as a mā past himself, was there slain by suche as followed in the chase.

Aruiragus being conueyed out of danger, and gotten into Yorke, consydered howe by reason of this great discomfiture, it was vnpossible to resyst the Romaine puissaunce, and therefore [Page 36] with consent of the residue of his Nobles that were escaped from the battaile,Messengers sent by Arui­ragus vnto Vespasiā with submission. hee sent an He­ralde vnto Vespasian, offering to submit him­selfe in moste humble wyse vnto any reasonable conditions of peace and agreement. Wherevpon Vespasian comaunded that Aruiragus should in priuate apparell come in vnto him, for he would not talke of any peace, except he had Aruiragus present, and therefore hee sent vnto him his safe­conduct to assure him safe both to come and goe. 10

Aruiragus cōmeth in vn­to Vespasian. Aruiragus is restored again to his former dignitie.Aruiragus seeing no other remedie, came in vnto Vespasian, according to his appoyntment, and vpon his submission was pardoned of all his trespasse, and placed againe in the kingdome.

The Cities and good townes also that were partakers in the rebellion, were in semblable wyse forgiuen without fining or other indemni­tie,The Brytaynes are pardoned but yet deli­uer newe hostages. and so likewise were all the Nobles of the Countrey. Howbeeit for the better assuraunce of their loyaltie in tyme to come, they delyuered 20 new hostages.

Their lawes abrogated. New lawes.Their auncient lawes also were abrogated, and the Romain lawes in their place established. For the administration of the whiche, in euerye prouince was appointed a Romaine iudge to see good orders obserued according to the fourme thereof. By which meanes the Brytishe nation eftsoones returned vnto hir former obedience of the Romain Empyre.

All the winter following, Vespasian laye at Yorke, making his apprestes agaynste the nexte spring to go against the Scottes and Pictes. So soone therefore as the Sommer was come, Ves­pasian setteth forward with his armie, and ente­ring into the marches of his enimies, hee did put them in such feare, that the Pictes were glad to yeeld themselues vnto him, a few of the nobles & some other except, which were withdrawne into Camelon, in hope through strength of that town to defend themselues from all assaultes.

Vespasian being certified therof, came and be­sieged them within the same city,Camelon be­sieged by Vespasian. not minding to depart till he had them at his pleasure. This siege cōtinued til they within being in dāger to famish through want of vittailes, surrendred themselues with the towne into Vespasians handes.Camelon sur­rendred.

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The kings re­gal ornaments taken.In this towne were founde all the regall or­naments: as the crowne, and swoorde, with o­ther iewels belonging to the kings of the Pictes. The swoorde hauing the haft of golde, and a purple scabbarde verie fynely wrought and trim­med, Vespasian vsed to weare in all the warres wherein he afterwardes chaunced to bee, in hope (I cannot tell) of what good successe and lucke 50 to follow thereof.

The Pictish Lordes which were within Ca­melon, were commaunded to deliuer pledges: and after licēced to depart without any other domage

Vespasian himselfe remayning at Camelon,Camelon peo­pled with Romaines. tooke order for the peopling of the towne wyth Romaines, graunting them the vse of the liber­tyes and priuileges which the Romaines inha­biting in Rome enioyed.

Also ouer agaynst the towne vpon the banke of the Ryuer of Carone, he buylded a Temple,Iulius Hoff. This was as Colchester, as the British and English wry­ters do gesse. in honour of the Emperour Claudius, wherein he sette vp two Images, the one representing Claudius, and the other the Goddesse Victoria.

Whilest he was thus occupied, tidings came to him,Caratake as­semble th [...] as armie. that Caratake king of the Scottish men had assembled in Galloway, a great armie of Scottes, Pictes and Brytaynes, in purpose to come agaynst the Romaines, to reuenge the last ouerthrow. Whervpon Vespasian with al speede sent forth a strong power vnder the leading of Aulus Planctius to encounter the enimies.Planctius sent forth with an armie a­gaynst Ca­ratake.

Planctius beeing approched within foure myles of them, encamped himselfe in a strong place, [Page 37] as thoughe hee minded not to passe further, tyll Vespasian with the residue of his whole puis­sance were come to his ayde. Neuerthelesse night was no sooner come on, but that hee gaue gene­rall commaundement through his host, that eue­rie man shoulde make him readie to depart at a certaine houre vnder the Standarts of their cap­taynes in order of battaile. And so in the second watche of the night, he set forwarde, following certaine guydes, (which knew all the strayts and 10 passages of the countrey) [...] he came to the place where Caratake with his armie was lodged:Planctius set­teth vpon the Scottish camp. and first killing the watche that stoode to defende his entrance, till the armie was raysed, he set vpon the whole campe, and though he founde suche re­sistance, that the battaile continued [...] and cruell from the dawning of the daye, tyll it was highe Noone, yet in the ende the vic­torie remayned with the Romaines, and the Scottes with the Pictes, and suche Brytaynes

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as were on their parte, put to flight and cha­sed.Caratake fly­eth into Dun­stafage. 30 Caratake escaping out of the battaile, fled into Argyle, and got him to the Castel of Dun­stafage.

Dyuerse of the Brytaynes and Pictes which as yet had not submitted themselues, were put in such dread through brute of this ouerthrow, that immediately therevpon they came in and yeel­ded themselues vnto Vespasian.The people of Galloway sub­mit themsel­ues to the Ro­maines. And in sem­blable wise the people of Galloway vtterly dys­payring longer to defende theyr Countrey a­gaynst 40 Planctius (who was nowe entered into their confines, and had taken the Citie of Car­ricke) offered to become subiectes vnto the Ro­maines, which they might neuer be brought vn­to before that tyme.

These newes being certified vnto Vespasian by a Purceuaunt, he rode streight wayes vnto Carrike, and there receyued the othes of the no­bles, and other the inhabitants of the countrey.

Ambassadors sent vnto Ca­ratake.That done, he sent Ambassadours vnto Ca­ratake, 50 to trie if he might perswade him by any meanes to become friende vnto the Romaine Empyre, in acknowledging some maner of sub­iection therevnto: but this deuise was to small purpose,Caratake vt­terly refuseth to become a subiet. for Caratake was determined rather to ende hys lyfe as a free Scottishe man in de­fence of libertie, than to become thrall vnto any forrayne Nation, in hope to liue long tyme in seruitude, doubting least if he came any wayes forth within the daunger of the Romaines, they woulde vsurpe the whole dominion vnto them­selues.

Whose mynde when Vespasian vnderstood by his answer made to the Ambassadours which were sent vnto him, he was minded to haue gone with an armie vnto Dunstafage where Cara­take lay, but that he was infourmed what daun­gerous passages he must marche through, all full of desart Mountaynes, bogges and quauenyres, without any prouision of vitailes or forrage to be found by all the way as the army should passe.

Leauing therefore this enterpryse, hee cau­sed so many vesselles to be assembled, as coulde bee prouided on all partes, purposing to haue passed ouer into the Isle of Man, into the which there were gotten togither a great sort of Brytaynes and Pictes, that had escaped the Ro­maines handes. But this iourney was also bro­ken by an other incident,The Isle of Wight re­belleth. for euen the same tyme newes were broughte that the Brytaynes of the Isle of Wyght, with the Kentish men, and diuerse other the inhabitantes vppon the South coast, were reuolted, and had slaine diuerse, Ro­maines, which lay in garisons in those partes.

Vespasian therefore mynding to cure thys wounde ere it should throughly [...]ester,Vespasian ap­peaseth the Rebelles. hasted thi­ther with al speed, & with little ad [...] pacifying the [Page 38] rebelles, caused the chiefe offenders to be punished in his respect according to their deserts.

Shortly after being sent for by the Empe­rour Claudius,Vespasian re­turneth to Rome. hee returned vnto Rome with great glorie for his noble and high atchieued vic­tories. Aulus Planctius was left in charge with the gouernment of Brytayne after Vespasians departure:Planctius left as gouernor. who hearing that Cara [...]ake had as­sembled a great armie of Scottes and other such Brytaynes and Pictes as had not yet submitted themselues vnto the Romains,Planctius pre­pareth to meet the Scottes. in purpose to re­couer againe those Countreys which Vespasian had lately cōquered, he likewise prepared to meete them, so that both the armies encountering togi­ther,

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there was foughte a righte terrible battaile wyth great slaughter on both partyes,The Romains through poli­cie vanquish the Scottish men. tyll fi­nally 30 the victorie enclyning to the Romaines, more throughe skilfull policie than puissaunt force, the Scottes, Pictes, and Brytaynes were discomfited and chased into the bogges and marishes, the common refuge in those dayes for the Scottes, when by any aduenture they chaunced to be put to flight.

After this ouerthrowe the warre was con­tinued for a two yeares space by rodes and in­cursions, made one vppon another in the con­fines 40 of Kyle and Galloway. In whiche meane tyme Planctius fell sicke of the Flixe, whiche styll continuing wyth hym, [...]lanctius fal­ [...]th sicke. brought hym at length in suche case, that he was not able to trauayle at all in the publyke affayres of hys offyce. So that hee wrote his Letters vn­to the Emperour Claudius, signifying vnto him in what case hee stoode, and therevpon requyred that some sufficient personage might bee sent to occupie his roome. 50

Claudius hauing receyued his Letters, and vnderstanding the effect of the same, sente one Ostorius Scapula,Ostorius Sca­pula is sent in­to Brytayne. a man of highe lynage, and of good experience both in peace and warre, to haue the gouernance in Brytayne.

About the tyme of whose arriuall into Bry­tayne,Aulus Planc­tius dyeth. Aulus Planctius departed out of thys worlde at Camelon, where hee then soiourned. Hys bodye was burned, and according to the vsage of the Romaines in those dayes, the ashes were closed in a Chest,The vsage a­mong Scottes to burne the deade bodie. and buryed within the Church of Claudius and Victoria, which (as is sayde) Vespasian buylded neare vnto Camelon, vpon the Riuer side there. Hereof was a custome taken vp amongst both Scottes and Pictes, as some thinke, to burne the bodies of the deade, and to burie the ashes. Whereof there hath beene founde diuerse tokens and monuments in thys our age. As in the yeare 1521. at Findour a vil­lage in Merne, fiue miles distant from Aberdine there were founde in an olde graue two Chestes of a straunge making ful of ashes, either of them being engrauen with Romaine letters, whiche so soone as they were brought into the ayre, fell to dust. Likewise in the fieldes of an other town called Kenbacten in Marre a ten myles distant from Aberdyne, about the same tyme were found by certayne Ploughmen two Sepulchres made of cut and squared stones, wherein were a foure Chestes, of workemanshippe, bignesse and in­scription lyke to the other two. Many the sem­blable monumentes haue beene founde in diuerse places in Scotlande in tymes past: but it is to be thought, that in these Sepultures there were Romaynes buryed, and neyther Scottes nor Pictes.

But nowe to our purpose. Immediately vp­pon the comming of Ostorius into Brytayne, [Page 39] the people of the west Countreys rebelled,The Brytayns yet eftsoones rebell. pro­curing the Northren men with the Scottes of Galloway, and all the Pictes to doe she like.

The Brytayns require ayde of Caratake.They sent also vnto Caratake, requyring him in this common quarell agaynst the Romaines to put to his helping hande for recouerie of the auncient libertie of the whole lande of Albion, considering it was like they shoulde matche well ynough with this new Romain captaine Osto­rius Scapula, that vnderstoode little of the ma­ners 10 and vsages of the Brytaynes.

But this notwithstanding, Ostorius beeing enformed of all these practises, and remembring what furtheraunce it were for a captaine [...] begynning to win a name by some prayse wor­thy enterprise,The Brytayns of the west part are chased. he made first towards the western Brytaynes, whome he thought to surprise ere they shoulde assemble with the other rebels, and so meeting with them, he chased and toke a great number of them as they fled here and there, out of all order.

After this,Iceni. he went agaynst the people called Iceni, which (as some think)Oxfordshire is assayled. Some take the Iceni to be the Norffolk men inhabited the Coun­trey nowe called Oxfordshire, but others take them to bee Norffolke men, who beeing gathe­red togither, were gotten into a strong place, en­closed about with a great ditche, as they vse to [...] grounds, that no Horsemen should

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breake in vpon them: yet this notwithstanding, Ostorius assayled them within their strength, and in the ende breaking downe the rampyre, with suche ayde as he had, burst in at length a­mongst them, sleaing and taking the most part 30 of them: for few or none escaped, they were so kept in on eche side. But of this battaile, and like­wise of other enterprises which Ostorius and o­ther of the Romaine Lieutenants atchieued here in Brytayne, ye shal find more thereof in the hy­storie of Englande according to the true report of the Romaine wryters, the which verily make no mention either of Scottes or Pictes tyll the yeare of our Lorde 320. at the soonest. And as for the Silures and Brygantes remoued by 40 Hector Boetius so farre Northwarde, it is eui­dently proued by Humfrey Lluyd and others, that they inhabited Countreys conteyned nowe within the lymyttes of Englande. The lyke ye haue to vnderstande of the Ordouici where Ca­ratake gouerned as king, and not in Carri [...]ke, as to the well aduised Reader I doubt not but it may sufficiently appeare, as well in the descrip­tion as Hystorie of Englande aforesayde.

They of Gal­loway are bea­ten and pa­cifyed.But nowe to returne where wee lefte: 50 the brute of this late victorie quieted the busie myndes of such other of the Brytaynes, as were readie to haue reuolted. But they of Galloway woulde not at the fyrst giue ouer, but in trust of ayde at the handes of Caratake continu­ed in theyr rebellion, till Ostorius came thy­ther, and beate downe suche as made resy­staunce, whereby the other were soone pacifyed.

After this he entered into the confines of Kile and Cantyre,Kile and Can­tyre wasted and spoyled. spoyling and wasting those coun­treys, and brought from thence a great number of captiues.

With which iniurie Caratake being not a little kindled, he assembled a mighty army,Caratake as­sembleth an armie. wherein he had at the least .xl. thousand mē, what of his own subiects & other such as came to his ayde. For af­ter he was entered into Pictland, there came vn­to him out of all parties no small number, of such as desired either to be reuenged on the Romaine, either else to loose life and libertie both at once, for the tast of bondage was so bitter vnto all the inhabitants of Albion in this season, that they in maner were wholy conspired togither to remoue that yoke of thraldom from their shoulders which so painfully pinched them.

Caratake thus furnished with an armie,The strength of the place where Cara­take was en­camped. Of this matter ye may reade more in Eng­lande. chose forth a strong place to lodge in, fenced on the one side with the course of a deepe foordlesse Ryuer, and on the other sides it mighte not bee appro­ched vnto for the steepenesse of the cragges and such fencing as they had made with great sto­nes, in places where there was any easie way to enter.

All suche women as were somewhat stept in age, and came thither with them,Women en­camped. in greate numbers, were by Caratake placed on eyther syde hys battayles, both as well to encourage the men to doe valiauntly wyth showting and hallowing vnto them,Women pla­ced in order of battayle. as also to assayle the Ro­maines with stones as they shoulde approche. Other suche as were yong and lustie, were [Page 40] appoynted to keepe aray amongest the men to fight in the battaile.

Caratake and his Captaynes exhort their men to fight.Caratake hauing thus ordered his fielde, and hearing that Ostorius was come to giue battail, he exhorted his people to sticke to it like men, and so in semblable wise did all his Captaynes and Sergeantes of the bandes, going from ranke to ranke to encourage their Souldiers, declaring howe that thys was the armie that must eyther bring libertie or thraldome to them and theyr po­steritie 10 for euer.

On the other part, Ostorius minding to trie the matter by battaile,Ostorius co [...]th his Romaines. sette his people in araye after the auncient maner of the Romaines, wil­ling them to consider that they were discended of those parents and auncetours whiche had sub­dued the whole worlde: and againe, that those with whome they shoulde now matche, were but naked people, fighting more with a certayne maner of a furious rage and a disordered vio­lence, than with anye polityke discretion or con­stancie.

Herewith vpon commaundement giuen on both partes, the battaile began right [...]ote, and for

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a good space verie doubtfull, till the practised knowledge of the Romaines vanquished the fu­rious violence of the Scottes,Caratake ouer­throwne by the Romains. His Queene was taken. Pictes, and Bry­taynes: who being put to flight, fledde into the Mountaynes to escape the enimies handes, who pursued them most egrely.

Amongest other of the prisoners there was taken Caratakes wife, with his daughter and brethren.Caratake be­trayed by his [...]tepmother. He himselfe fledde for succour vnto his stepmother Car [...]imandua: but as aduersitie fin­deth 40 fewe friends, she caused him to be taken and deliuered vnto Ostorius.

This was in the ninth yeare after the begin­ning of the warres.

Ostorius vsed him verie honourably, accor­ding to the degree of a king. Finally he sent him vnto Rome,Caratake i [...] sent vnto Rome. togyther with his wyfe, his daugh­ter, and brethren. Hys fame was suche through all places, that where hee passed by, the people came flocking in on ech syde to see him, of whom 50 they had hearde so muche report for his stoute resistaunce made so long a time agaynst the Ro­maine puissance.

Is shewed vn­to the people in a triumph.At his comming to Rome hee was shewed in tryumphe, all the people beeing called to the sight: for the victorye and apprehension of him was iudged equall wyth anye other atchieued enterpryse agaynst whatsoeuer the most puissant enimies of former tyme.

The Emperour Claudius vppon respecte as was thought of his Princely behauiour and notifyed valiauncie, restored hym to libertye,Caratake re­stored to li­bertie. and reteyning hys daughter and eldest brother at Rome as pledges, vpon his othe receyued to bee a true subiect vnto the Empyre, he sent him home into his Countrey againe, assigning vn­to hym the gouernance of Galloway, with Kile, Carricke and Cunningham.

He lyued not passing a two yeares after hys returne into Scotlande,Caratake departeth this life. studying most chiefely during that tyme howe to preserue hys people in peace and quietnesse. Hee departed thys worlde one and twentie yeares after the de­ceasse of hys vncle Metellane, in the yeare of our Lorde .54.54

A little before hys falling into the handes of the Romaines,Straunge sightes seene. there were sundrye straunge syghtes seene in Albion, as fighting of horse­menne abroade in the fieldes, wyth greate slaughter, as seemed on bothe partyes: and forthwyth the same so vanyshed awaye, that no appearaunce of them coulde any where bee perceyued.

Also a sort of Woolues in the night season set vpon suche as were keeping cattayle abroade in the fieldes, and caried away one of them to the [Page 41] woodes, & in the morning suffred him to escape from amongst them againe.

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Moreouer at Carrike there 20 was a chylde borne, perfit in al his limmes, sauing ye head, whiche was lyke to a Ra­uens. These vnketh sightes and monsters put the people 30 in no small feare: but after that Caratake was restored to his libertie and countrey, all was interpreted to the best.

Cor­breide.

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AFter Caratakes decease his youn­ger brother Corbreide was chosen to suc­ceede 40 in his place, in the .lviij. yeare after Christe, for his elder brother was departed at Rome throughe chaunge of aire not a­greable to his nature.

This Corbreid was a stoute mā of stomake, much resembling his brother Caratake. In the first beginning of his raigne he did his endeuour 50 to purge his dominion of suche as troubled the quiet state thereof by robbing & spoyling the hus­bande men and other the meaner people of the coūtrey, of the which robbers there was no small number in those dayes, specially in the westerne Isles, also in Rosse and Catnese.

In the meane time the Pictes hauing crea­ted there a newe king called Conkist, gouernour of Mers & Lothian,The Pictes moue warre a­gainst the Ro­mains. they set vpon the Romains being aboute to make fortresses in those parties. And but that succours came in time from the next Townes and Castels adioyning, they had slaine all the whole number of them, and yet ay­ded as they were, the maister of the campe, and right other of the captaines, with diuers offi­cers of bands, beside common souldiers, lost their lyues there.

Shortly after also,The Pictes o­uerthrow the Romaine for­ragers. the same Picts ouerthrew a number of forragers with suche companies of horsemen as came to defende them.

Herewith Ostorius being not a litle moued, made ready his bandes,Ostorius en­countreth the Pictes. and fiercely encountred with the Pictes, who defended themselues so vi­gorously, that the fore warde of the Romains was neare hande discomfited. Whiche daunger Ostorius perceiuing,Ostorius is wounded. speedily came to relieue the same, but preassing to farre amōgst his enimies, he was sore wounded, and in greate daunger to haue bene slaine. The night comming vpon par­ted the fraye, not without huge slaughter on both partes.

After this, the warre continued still betwixte them with often incursions and skirmishes. At length the Pictes with suche other Brytains as were come vnto them out of the Isle of Man & other parties,The Romains trayned forth into ambushes and so distres­sed. encountred with the Romains in battayle, and vpon the firste ioyning, of purpose gaue backe, trayning some of the Romains to pursue them vnto suche places, where they had layde theyr ambushes, and so compassing them about, slewe a great number of them, and chased the residue into the straytes of the mountaynes, where they, were also surprysed by suche of the Pictes as returned from the battayle.

Ostorius vnderstanding how the mater wēt, withdrewe with the reste of his people vnto his campe: and shortly after sent a Purceuant vnto Rome, to enforme the Emperour in what state things stoode in Brytaine, by reason of this re­bellion of the Pictes, who neyther by force nor gentle perswasions could be pacified.

The Emperour determining to prouide re­medie therfore, sent worde againe that he would not that the Pictes shoulde be e [...]tsoones receyued vpon theyr submission, if they were driuen to make [...]yte for pardon, but vtterly to be destroyed and exterminated. For the accomplishment whereof, he appoynted two legions of suche men of warre as soiourned in Fraunce to passe ouer into Brytaine.

But in the meane whyle Ostorius departed this worlde,Ostorius dieth whether of his hurtes as the Scot­tishe chronicles make mention, or through sick­nesse as shoulde rather seeme by Cornelius Ta­citus, it forceth not.

After whose decease Man [...]ins Valeus had [Page 42] the chiefest charge,Manlius Va­lens inuadeth the Pictes. who bringyng his army foorth to encounter the Pictes that came to seeke battell, was fiercely fought withall. Notwith­stāding the victory had abidē on his side, if at the very point there had not come succours to the Picts, (that is to witte) iiij.C. horsemen out of the countrey of Kendall,The Romain [...] are discōfited by the Pictes. by whose fresh onset the Romains were discōfited and chased vnto their campe, there being slayne aboue .iij. thousande of them at that ouerthrowe, and on the Pictes side there wanted a twoo thousande of theyr num­ber at the least.

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About the same time there arriued in Brytain an other Romain captaine to be general in place of Ostorius now deceased,Aulus Didius commeth into Brytaine. his name was Aulus 20 Didius. With him came the .ij. legions afore re­mēbred. At his first cōming ouer he mustered the old crewes of the Romaine souldiers first, much blaming them for their negligence in suffering the enimies so to encrease vpō them, to the great daunger of loosing all that, (through slouth and fayntnesse of courage) whiche lately before in Brytaine had bene wonne and cōquered by high prowes and valiant cōduct of his predecessours. In the ende he exhorted them to put away all 30 feare, and fully to determine with themselues, to recouer againe the honour which they had lately lost, whiche he sayde would easily be brought to passe, if they would take vnto them manful sto­makes, and obey him and suche other as had the gouernaunce and leading of them.

The Pictes being enformed that this Aulus Didius was arriued with this newe supplie of men,The Picts sent to the Scottes for ayde. and prepared to come against them, they thought good to sende vnto Corbreide king of 40 Scotlād to require his ayd against the Romains reputed as commune enimies to al such as loued libertie, and hated to liue in seruile bondage.

For whiche respect Corbreide was the sooner moued to cōdiscend vnto ye request of the Picts: & thervpō assembling an armie entred into Gal­loway. Whereof Aulus Didius being certified, sent an Heraulde vnto him with all speede, com­maūding that he should depart out of those quar­ters, sithe hee had no right there, considering that 50 Galloway was assigned vnto Caratake but for terme of his own life, by force of the Emperours graunt, and now by the death of the same Cara­take was reuerted againe vnto the Empire.

Caesius Nasica entred with an armie into Galloway.The Heraulde had vnneath done his message when worde came vnto Corbreide how an ar­mie of the Romains vnder the guiding of Caesius Nasica was entred into ye marches of Galloway to the great terrour of all the inhabitants, doub­ting to be spoyled and robbed on eche hande. These newes put the Herauld in no smal daun­ger of his life, had not Corbreide vpon regarde to the law of armes licenced him to departe.

The hoste which Corbreid brought with him into Galloway, he bestowed in castels and for­tresses abrode in the countrey, for more safegard, but he himselfe rode in all haste vnto Epiake, to haue the aduise & ayd of one Venusius,Venusius the husbande of Cartimandua. that had maried the forenamed Cartimandua that vn­kind stepmother of Caratake, as ye haue hearde▪ before. This Venusius was of councell with his wife Cartimandua in the betraying of king Ca­ratake, & therfore was growen into much hatred of the people for that facte, but through support of the Romains he was for a time defended from all their malices.Venusius re­uolteth. Notwithstanding in the ende being aweried of the proude gouernment of the Romains, he reuolted frō them vnto Corbreide. Wherewith his wife being offended, founde meanes to apprehend bothe him and his brethern with certaine of his kinsfolkes, and layed them fast in pryson.

But nowe Corbreide at his cōming thither,Cartimandua is buried quicke. did not onely set them at libertie, but also tooke & caused Cartimandua to be buried quicke.

In the meane while a certaine number of Scottes distressed a fewe foragers of the Ro­mains, but following the chase somwhat rashly, they were enclosed by the enimies and slayne. This mischaunce put the Scots in great feare, and the Romains in hope of good successe, so that Nasica was in purpose to haue assayled a cer­taine strōg place, wherin a numbre of the Scot­tish mē were gotten, & had fortified ye entries, had not other newes altered his purpose: for hearyng howe an other armie of the Scottes was ioyned with the Pictes, and were approched within a three myles of him, hee brought his hoste foorth into a playne where hee ordered his battayles [Page 43] ready to receyue thē. Whereof the Scottish men hauing knowledge, hasted foorth towardes him, & were no sooner come in sight of the Romains, but that with great violence they gaue the onset, most fiercely beginning the battaile, which con­tinued till sunne setting with great slaughter on bothe sides: At what time the Romains were at the point to haue discomfited theyr enimies, had not those Scottishmen (whiche were left in for­tresses (as is sayde) abroade in the countrey, come 10 at that selfe instant to the ayde of their fellowes, by whose meanes the battaile was renewed a­gaine,The night parted the fray whiche lasted till that mirke night parted, them in sunder. The Romains withdrewe to theyr campe, and the Scottes and Pictes gotte them vp into the mountaynes.

A peace con­cluded.Shortly after a peace was concluded betwixt the parties, with these conditions: that the Ro­mains should content thēselues with that which they had in possessiō before the beginning of these 20 last warres, and suffer Corbreide to enioye all suche countreys as his brother Caratake helde. And likewise the Picts paying theyr former tri­bute for the finding of suche garisons of Ro­mains as lay at Camelone, they shoulde be no further charged with any other exactiōs. More­ouer it was agreed, that neither the Scottes nor Pictes from thence foorth should receyue or suc­cour any rebelles of French men or Brytains, nor shoulde ayde by any maner of meanes the 30 inhabitantes of the Isle of Man, who had done many notable displeasures to the Romains du­ring the last warres.

Aulus Didius departeth this life at Londō.This peace continued a .vj. yeares during the life of Aulus Didius, who at the end of those .vj. yeares, departed this life at London, leauing be­hinde him all things in good quiet.

After his deceasse the Emperour Ne [...]o who succeeded Claudius,Verannius is made Lieute­nant of Bry­taine. appointed one Verannius to be lieutenant of Brytaine, a man very ambi­tious 40 and muche desirous of honour, by meanes wherof, in hope to aduaunce his name, he sought occasiōs to haue warres with the Scottish men: And at length hearing that certaine of them be­ing borderers had fetched booties out of Picte land, he sent a great power of Romains to make a rode into the nexte Marches of the Scottes, from whence they brought a great spoyle, bothe of men and goodes.

With which iniuries the Scottes being mo­ued, 50 sought dayly in semblable sorte to be reuen­ged, so that by suche meanes the warre was re­newed.Verannius de­parteth this lyfe. But before any notable encounter chaū ­ced betwixte them, Verannius died. His laste woordes were full of ambitious boastes, wishing to haue liued but twoo yeares longer, that hee might haue subdued the whole Isle of Albion vnto the Romaine Empyre, as if he might haue had so muche tyme he doubted not to haue done.

Paulinus Suetonius succeeded in his place,Paulinus Sue­tonius. a man of an excellent witte and very desirous of peace. He first cōfirmed the auncient league with Corbreide king of Scotlande: a recompence be­ing made in euery behalfe for all wrongs and iniuries done on eyther parte.Anglesey and not Man, was thus inuaded by Suetonius.

After this (as Hector Boetius hath gathered) he conquered the Isle of Man: but for asmuche as by probable reasons it is apparant inough that it was not Man, but the Isle of Anglesey whiche the Brytaines name Mon, and at this time was subdued by Suetonius, wee haue here omitted to make report thereof, referring you to the place in the Englishe chronicle, where wee haue spoken sufficiently after what sorte Sueto­nius bothe attempted and atchieued this enter­prise, whiche being brought to ende, he was sent for into Gallia, to represse certaine tumults ray­sed among the people there. In whose absence the Brytaines thinking to haue a meete time for their purpose, moued a new rebellion, but by the relation of Cornelius Tacitus, this chaunced whilest Suetonius was busie in conquering the Isle of Anglesey, as in the English chronicle it likewise appeareth, with the straunge sightes and wonders whiche happened about the same time, wherevpon the Soothsayers (as Hector Boetius hath) declared that the Romains should receyue a great ouerthrow. Vpon truste of whose words the Pictes and other Brytaines inhabiting in Camelone and in the Marches thereaboutes,The Scots and pictes kill the Romains. set vpon suche Romains as inhabited there, & slewe a great many of them ere they were in doubte of any rebellion. The residue whiche escaped, gotte them into an old churche, where they were slaine eche mothers sonne.

Also Petus Cerialis comming with a legion of footemen and a troupe of horsemen to theyr succours,Petus Cerialis his men being slaine retur­ned. was encountred by the Pictes, and be­ing put to flight, loste all his footemen, hardly escaping himselfe with the horsemen to the cāpe. Shortly after he tooke vp his tentes and returned towardes Kent,Catus the pro­curatour of Brytaine, fled into Fraunce. where Catus the procuratour or receyuer as I may call him of Brytaine as then soiourned, who vnderstanding howe the whole Isle was on eache side in an vprore, fled ouer into Fraunce then called Gallia.

This meane while Queene Voada sent vnto hyr brother Corbreide king of Scotland,Queene Voada desireth ayde of hyr brother Corbreide. requi­ring his ayde against the Romains, who had so vilely vsed hyr and hyr doughters, to the greate dishonour of hyr and all hyr linage, and nowe was the time to be reuenged of such iniuries the whole nation of the Brytains through the co­uetous dealing of the procuratour Catus being risen in armes to recouer theyr ancient liberties.

Corbreide being highly displeased towardes [Page 44] the Romains for ye euil intreating of his Sister, determined either to see hyr satisfied by woorthie recompence, or els to be reuenged on them that had misused hyr. And hereof gaue signification vnto Catus the procuratour that was as then returned into Brytaine with a power of men of warre.

Corbreide receyuing but a scorneful answere from him, found meanes to ioyne in league [...] Charanat king of the Pictes,Charanat king of the Pictes. and gathering to­gither a mightie armie of one and other [...] the Romains and their associates, slaying down a wonderfull number of them. He also breth [...] and destroyed diuers townes, suche as in keeping their allegiance to the Romains,The Romain [...] slaine. stoode earnestly to their defence as Barwike & Carlile with other.

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Aboute the same season there arriued in the Frithe a number of Dutche ships,Dutchmen ar­riue in Scot­land. fraught with people of Merherne or Morouia, a regio in Ger­manie 30 situate betwixt Boheme and Hungarie. They were driuen out of theyr owne countrey by the Romains, and assembling togither vnder a famous captaine named Roderike, came down to the mouth of ye Rhine, where making shift for vessels, they tooke the seas to seke them some new habitations: and thus arriuing in Picte lande, were ioyfully receyued of the Pictes and Scots, for that they were reputed right valiant men, & glad to reuenge theyr owne iniuries against the 40 Romains. Namely with the Pictes they were much esteemed, for that they came foorth of the same countrey from whence theyr auncetours were discended.

Merhernes were men of goodly statureTheyr huge bodies and mightie limmes did greatly commend them in the sight of all men before whom they mustered, so that comming to the place where the kings of Scottes and Pictes were encāped with their people ready to marche foorth towardes the enimies, they were highly 50 welcomed and vpon theyr offer receyued into companie and appoynted to goe foorth in that iourney, in ayde of Queene Voada against the Romains.

Women come with the queene in ar­mor.With this Voada was assembled a mightie hoste of the Brytains: amongst whome were a v. M. women, wholy bent to reuenge the villa­nies done to theyr persons by the Romains, or to die in the payne. And for this purpose were they come well appointed with armor and wea­pon, to be the first that should giue the onset.

Voada hearing of hyr brothers approch with the king of Pictes and their armies, met them on the way accompanied with a greate number of the Nobles of Brytaine, and brought them to hyr campe with great ioy and triumphe.

After taking aduise how to behaue themselues in theyr enterprise, they thought it good to make haste to fight with the Procuratour Catus, ere any new power of men of warre might come to his ayde foorth of Gallia nowe called Fraunce. Wherevpon marchyng towardes him, they met togither in the fielde,The Romaines are put to flight and o­uerthrowe [...]. where betwixte them wh [...]rs striken a right fierce and cruel battayle: but in the ende the horsemen of the Romains, parte beyng first put to flight, the footemē were beaten downe on eache side:Catus was wounded. Catus himselfe beyng wounded escaped very hardly by flight, and shortly after got him ouer into Fraunce.

The Scottes and Picts with other the Bry­taines hauing atchieued this victory, pursued their enimies frō place to place, so that there died by the swoord,70000. Ro­mains slaine, and [...] Bryt [...]. what in the batayle and els where in the chase a .lxx. M. Romains & other straun­gers which serued amongst them, and of Scots, Pictes, and other Brytaynes, were slaine .xxx. thousande.

The Gouernour Suetonius being then in Gallia, hearing of this ouerthrow, and in what [Page 45] daunger things stoode in Brytayne, by reason of the same, came ouer with two Legions of soul­diours, and .x. thousande of other Brygants, as ayders to those Legions.

Voada the Queene vnderstanding his ar­riuall,Voada assem­bled an armie agaynst the Romaines. assembled againe hir people, and sent vnto the Scottes and Pictes to come to hir ayde: who togither with the Morauians came wyth all speede vnto hir. When they were thus assem­bled, Brytaynes, Scottes, Pictes and Mora­uians on one part, and Romaines with theyr aydes on the other, they marched forth to en­counter togyther with deliberate myndes to trie the matter by dynt of sword, being earnestly ex­horted therto by theyr gouernours on either side. So that ioyning puissance agaynst puissance,

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they fought a right cruell battaile, manye in the beginning being slaine and borne downe on both sides. But in the ende the victorie abode with the Romaines, the Brytaynes wyth other the Albians were chased out of the fielde.The Romayns ouerthrow the Scottes and Pictes. There 30 were slaine of them at the poynt of a .lxxx. thou­sande persons as Tacitus wryteth. The more part of the Morauians, togither with their cap­taine Roderike were in that number.The Moraui­ans all slaine. Voada the Queene doubting to come into the handes of hir enimies, slue hir self. Two of hir daughters were taken prisoners,Voada slue hirselfe. and brought armed euen as they were founde fighting in the battaile, vnto Sue­tonius.

The eldest of them within a fewe monethes 40 after was maryed vnto a noble Romaine na­med Marius,Marius was made king. who had defloured hir before time. He was also created king of Britaine by the Emperours authoritie, that thereby the state of the Countrey might bee reduced vnto a better quiet. He vsed to lie most an ende in the partyes of Kendale, and named a part thereof (where he passed the moste parte of his tyme altogither in hunting) Westmerlande,Westmerland. after his owne name, though afterwardes, when the Romaines were 50 expulsed, a portion of the same adioyning nexte to the Scottes, was called Cumberlande.

H [...]frey Lluyd doubteth of this historie of the Mora­uians. Murray lande.The Morauians which escaped from the dis­comfiture, had that portion of Scotlande assig­ned forth vnto them to inhabite in, that lyeth be­twixt the Riuers of Torne and Spey, called e­uen vnto this day Mourrey lande.

Corbreyd being thus ouerthrowne, and ha­uing his power greatly infeebled thereby, passed the residue of his life in quietnesse: For the Ro­maines being troubled with ciuill warres, med­led neither with the Scottes nor Pictes, but on­ly studied to keepe the south partes of Brytayne in due obedience.

Finally Corbreyd departed this worlde,Corbreid dead af­ter he had raigned a .xxxiiij. yeares, and was bu­ried amongst his elders neare vnto Dunstafage,Anno Christi. 71. H B. with many obeliskes set vp about him.

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AFter Cor­breyd suc­ceded one Dardan,Dar­dan. which for his huge sta­ture was afterwarde surna­med the great. He was lyne­ally descended from Metel­lane, who was his great grandfather.

The Nobles and Commons of the Realme chose him to their king, onely for the good opi­nion they had conceyued of him in his predeces­sours dayes, by whome he was had in great e [...]ti­mation, and had atchieued vnder him manye worthie enterprises, so that he was thought most meetest for the roome, considering the sonnes of Corbreyd were not as yet come to ripe yeares to enioy the same.Corbreyd his three sonnes. For the sayd Corbreyd had three sonnes in all, Corbreyd, Tulcane, and Breeke. The eldest had beene brought vp with Voada, [Page 46] Queene of the Brytains, whereby he had lear­ned the maners & vsages of the Bryttish natiō, and therevpon was surnamed Galde: for so the Scottish men vse euen vnto this day to name a­ny of theyr owne countrey men that hath lear­ned the courtesie and manners of straunge coun­treys. But to returne to Dardane, in the begin­ning of his raigne he gouerned the estate by good indifferent iustice, but after he had cōtinued ther­in by the space of two yeares,Dardane fal­leth into all kind of vices. he began to fall in­to 10 all kinde of vices, remouing from offices such as were vpright bearers of themselues, in the some and aduancing to their places brybers and extorcioners.

The nobles he had in suspect, fauouring one­ly suche as through flatterie were by him prefer­red: And where he was drowned beyond all the termes of honestie in fleshly and sensual lust, yet was his couetousnesse so great, that all was to little which he might lay handes vpon. 20

He also put to death diuers honorable perso­nages,His cosin Car­dorus & other suche as hee perceyued to grutche at his doings. Hee likewise purposed to haue made a­way the Sonnes of his predecessour Corbreide, but his trayterous practise being disclosed,The commōs rebell. the moste parte of the Nobles and commons of the Realme rebelled against him, and sending for Corbreide Galde the eldest sonne of the former Corbreide, remayning as then in the Isle of Man, (where hee shoulde haue bene murthered) 30 they chose him to their King. And at length beating downe all suche as made resistance, they gotte that cruell tyrant Dardane into their handes, and bringing him foorth before the mul­titude,Dardane is beheaded. they caused his heade to bee openly stri­ken of.

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This was the .lxxxj. yeare after the birth of our Sauiour,75. H.B. 6. of Vespa­sian. H.B. being the firste of the Emperour Domitian, and the fourth complete of his owne raygne ouer the Scottish men.

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COrbreide Galde being thus chosen (as I haue sayde)Corbreid Galde. to succeede in the gouern­ment of Scotland af­ter Dardane,Gald [...] [...] wi [...]e [...] Galgacus, [...] a [...] but a Brytaine as o­ther thinke Seashore of [...] English is called by Cornelius Tacitus Galgacus, a prynce of comely personage, and of right noble porte. In the firste beginning of his raygne he punished suche as had bene furthe­rers of his predecessours misgouernment, and afterwardes hee passed ouer into the Westerne Isles, where he appeased certayne rebelles, which went aboute to disquiet the state of the common wealth there.Galfe punish­eth such as di­sturbe the quiet state of his subiectes. From thence he sayled vnto the Isles of Lewys and Skie, and put to death cer­taine offenders that woulde not be obedient vn­to their gouernours and iudges. After this hee returned by Rosse, and set a stay also in that countrey, touching certaine misdemeanours of the people there.

To bee shorte, hee purged the whole realme of all suche robbers, theeues, and other the lyke offenders agaynst the quiet peace of his subie­ctes, as were hugely increased by the licencious rule of his predecessour Dardane, and here­vnto hee was mightely ayded by the Mora­uians,The Morauians help to appre­hende theeues and offenders. who pursued suche offenders moste ear­nestly, and brought in vnto him no small num­ber of them, euer as they caught them.

By this meanes was the state of the com­mon wealth brought into better quiet, and the yeare next ensuing being the thirde of Galde his raygne, hee called a counsell at Dunstafage, wherein hee labored muche for the abrogating of the wicked lawes instituted by king Ewyn,Galde laboreth to abrogate wicked lawes. as before is partely specified: but hee coulde not obtaine more than that poore men from thence foorth should haue their wiues free to themselues without being abused from time to time indif­ferently by their landelordes as heretofore they had bene.

Whilest he was thus busied about the esta­blishing of holsome orders and statutes for the wealth of his subiectes,Petilius Cer [...]a­lis a Romaine captaine sente by Vespasian into Brytaine. woorde was brought him that Petilius Cerialis a Romaine Cap­taine being sente from Vespasian the Empe­rour to haue the gouernment of Brytaine, was landed with a puissant armie in the countrey, and minded shortly to inuade the borders of his realme, as Annandale and Galloway.

With these newes Galde being somewhat astonied,The Ord [...]ni­ces and Bry­gants mistake by the Scot­tish wryten. thought good to vnderstande the cer­taintie of the enimies doings, before hee made any sturre for the leauying of his people, & there­fore appoynted certaine light horsemen to ride [Page 47] foorth, and to bryng certaine newes of that whiche they might heare or see: who at theyr returne declared that the enimies armie was a­broade in the fieldes,The Pictes o­uerthrowe by the Romains. The Romains purpose to en­ter into Gal­loway. vppon the borders of Picte lande, and had giuen the Pictes already a great ouerthrow, and further, howe they were turned westwarde on the lefte hande, in purpose to enter into Galloway.

Galde being thus certified of the Romains approche towardes his countrey,Galde deter­mineth to fight with the Roma [...]s. determined to 10 giue them battayle before they entred into the inner partes of his Realme, and therefore with all speede hee assembled his people, to the num­ber of fiftie thousande menne, all suche as were able to beare armor, being readie to repayre vnto him in suche present necessitie for defence of theyr countrey.

It hath bene reported, that as hee marthed foorth towardes his enimies, sundrie straunge sights appeared by the way.Strange sights appeare to the Scottishe armie. An Egle was seene almost all a whole day, flying vp and downe o­uer the Scottishe armie, euen as though she had laboured hyr selfe weary.

Also an armed man was seene flying round aboute the armye, and suddenly vanished a­way.

There fell in lyke manner out of a darke cloude in the fieldes through the whiche the ar­mie shoulde passe, diuers kindes of birdes that were spotted with bloud.

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These monstruous sightes troubled mennes mindes diuersly, some construing the same, to signifie good successe, and some otherwise. Also the chiefest captaynes amongst the Scottes were not all of one opinion,The Scottes not all of one minde. for some of them 40 waying the great force of the Romaine armie, beyng the greatest that euer had bene brought into theyr countrey before that day, counselled that they shoulde in no wise be fought withall, but rather to suffer them to weary themselues, till vitayles and other prouisions shoulde fayle them, and then to take the aduauntage of them as occasion serued: Other were of a contrarie minde, iudging it beste (sith the whole puissaunce of the Realme was assembled) to giue bat­tayle, 50 least by deferryng time, the courage and great desire which the people had to fight, should waxe faynt and decay: so that all things consi­dered,The Scottes a­gree to fight with the Ro­ma [...]. it was generally in the ende agreed vp­pon to giue battayle, and so comming within sight of the enimies hoste, they made ready to encounter them. At the firste the Scottes were somewhat amazed with the greate multitude of theyr aduersaries, but through the cheerefull exhortations of theyr King, and other their Ca­ptaines, theyr stomackes began [...] to [...], so that they boldely sette vppon the Romaines, whereof ensued betwixte them a righte [...] and cruell battayle, howbeit in the [...] the vi­ctorie inclined to the Romān [...]s,The Scots are discomfited. and the Scottes were chased out of the fielde. Galdes himselfe was wounded in the face, yet escapes hee out of the battaile, but not without great daunger in deede, by reason the Romaines pursued most egerly [...] the chase.

There were slaine of the Scotish menne (as theyr chronicles make reporte) aboue a twelue thousande, and of the Romains about sixe thou­sande.

This victorie beyng thus atchieued,The citie cal­led Epiake, is wonne by the Romains. the Ro­mains gote possession of Epiake with the grea­test parte of all Galloway, and passed the re­sidue of that yeare without any other nota­ble exployte: but in the sommer followyng Pe­tilins the Romaine gouernour wente aboute to subdue the reste of the countrey, the Scottes [Page 48] oftentimes making diuerse skirmishes with him, but in no wise durste ioyne with them puissance agaynst puissance,The Scottes durst not fight any field with the Romains. least they shoulde haue put their Countrey into further daunger, if they had chaūced eftsoones to haue receyued ye ouerthrow.

Here haue wee thought good to aduertise the Reader, that although the Scottish wryters im­pute all the trauayles whiche Petilius spent in subduing the Brygantes, and Frontinus in con­quering the Silures, to be employed chiefly a­gaynst 10 Scottes and Pictes: the opinion of the best learned is wholy contrarie thereunto, affyr­ming the same Brygātes and Silures not to be so farre North by the distance of many myles,Touching al the doings of the Romains in Brytain yee shal finde suf­ficiently in the historie of En­gland. as Hector Boetius and other his Countreymen do place them, which thing in the Historie of Eng­lande wee haue also noted, where ye maye reade more of all the doings of the Romaynes here in Brytaine, as in their wryters we finde the same recorded. But neuerthelesse we haue here follo­wed 20 the course of the Scottishe Historie, in ma­ner as it is written by the Scottes themselues, not bynding any man more in this place than in other to credite them further than by conference of authours it shall seeme to them expedient. In the meane time then, whilest Petilius was occu­pied as before ye haue heard in ye cōquest of Gal­loway.Vodicia re­neweth warres with the Ro­mains. Vodicia the daughter of Aruiragus (whō the Romains had before time misused as before in this treatise is partely touched) gathered togi­ther 30 a crew of soldiours within the Isle of Man, partely of the inhabitants, and partely of suche Scottish men of Galloway as were fledde thi­ther for succour: with these shee tooke the seas, and landing in Galloway, vpon purpose to re­uenge hyr iniuries in times past receyued at the Romains handes,The Romaine campe assailed in the night by Vodicia. set vppon their tentes in the night season, when they looked for nothing lesse than to be disquieted, by reason wherof they were brought into suche disorder, that if Petilius had 40 not caused suche fire brandes to be kindled as he had prepared and dressed with pitche, rosen and [...]allow, for the like purpose, the whole campe had bene in great daunger: but these torches or fyre brandes gaue not onely light to see where to make resistaunce, but also being caste in the faces of the enimies, stayed theyr hardie forwardnesse, whereby the Romains hauing leasure to place themselues in array, defended the entries of theyr campe, till the day was sprong, and then giuing 50 a full onset vppon theyr enimies, they put them quite to flight.

But Vodicia not herewith discouraged, ha­sted with al speede vnto Epiake, and taking that Citie she setteth fire on it,Epiake is takē and brenned by Vodicia. and slewe suche Ro­mains as she founde there, whereof Petilius be­ing certified, sente foorth a legion against hyr to withstande hir attemptes. Those that had the charge of them that were thus sent, vsed suche di­ligence, that laying an ambushe for hir [...] fitte for that purpose, they so inclosed hir; [...] slayng the moste parte of hir companie, she [...] taken prysoner hir selfe, and being brought [...] vnto Petilius, vpon hir stoute answears made vnto him, as he questioned with hir aboute hyr bolde enterpryses,Vodicia is slayne. shee was presently slayne by the souldiers.

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Anone after Petilius was certified, that the inhabitaunts of the Isle of Wight,The Brytain rebell. with other southerne Brytains, had raysed a comulation a­gainst king Marius, so that without speedy suc­cors they were like to driue him out of his king­dome:The Brytain are apeased. wherevpon he hasted thither with al▪ con­uenient speede, and subduing the rebelles [...] all things there in good order and stay. And [...] ­mayning there till the next yeare after, he set sicke of the flixe and died.Petilius the Romaine le­gate died. Immediatly wherevpon the Emperour sente one. Iulius Frontinus to succeede in his place.

This Frontinus brought with him a two re­gions of souldiours, and after he had taken order,Iulius Fronti­nus se [...]e [...] Brytaine. with king Marius for the keeping of the Bry­tains in due subiection of the Empire, he purpo­sed to bryng fuche vnto obedience as inhabited within and beyond the woodes of Calydone,The Silures mistaken for Scottish men. and as yet not vanquished by any man.

Therefore entring first into Galloway,Frōtinus pur­poseth to pur­sue the con­quest of the Sylures whom the Scots mi­stake for Gal­loway men. and visiting such garrisons of the Romaines, as Pe­tilius had left there for the keping of that quarter he commended their loialtie and diligence, in that they had looked so well to their charge, that the enimie had gayned no aduauntage at theyr [...]lan­des, whilest the armie was occupied in the fo [...]th partes about other affayres there.

Hee also sent an Heralde vnto the king of the Pictes with letters,Frontinus re­quireth to ioyneth [...] with the Pictes. requiring him to re [...]e by confyrmation the former league betwixt hys people and the Romaines, and not by any mea­nes to ayde the Scottes as before time they had done to their great losse and hinderance.

[Page 49] The Pictishe king refuseth to be in league with the Ro­mains.Herevnto the king of Pictes muche suspe­cting the matter, made a direct answeare, that hee sawe no cause why hee shoulde in fauour of the Romains suffer his confederates the Scottes to be subdued and brought to destruction with­out all reason or equitie: and therfore he was de­termined by the aduice of his peeres and coun­sellours, to ayde the Scottes against suche as sought nothing but the meanes howe to bring the whole Isle of Albion into thraldome and 10 seruile bondage.

Frontinus little regarding this vntowardly answeare, sette forewarde to subdue such Scots as were yet disobedient. And so entring into the borders of Kile,Galde resisteth the romains. Carrike and Coningham, had diuers skirmishes with suche as king Galde had assembled to defend his countrey, but for so much as hee was diseased with sickenesse,By reason of sicknesse, he withdraweth into Argile. hee was at length constrayned to withdrawe himselfe into Argile, leauing his power behinde him to resist 20 the enimies attemptes: but shortly after his de­parture from amongst them, they were fought withall by the Romains and discomfited,The Scots are discomfited. three thousande of them being slaine in the fielde. By reason of whiche ouerthrowe those countreys submitted themselues to the Romains,They submit themselues to the romains. percey­uing no hope otherwise howe to escape that pre­sent daunger.

These Scots of Carrike, Kile, and Conin­gham, being thus brought into subiection, the ar­mie 30 was licenced to withdraw to their lodgings for the winter season, during the which,Frontinus be­ing vexed with sicknesse, returneth to Rome. Fronti­nus fel sicke of superfluous abundance of [...]lea [...]n [...], which vexed him in suche sorte, that the Empe­rour Domitian, who as then gouerned the Ro­maine Empyre, sent for him home vnto Rome, and appointed a right valiaunt personage,Iulius Agri­cola is sent in­to Brytaine. one Iulius Agricola to succeede as lieutenaunt of Britaine in his roume.

Aboute the time of whose arriuall there,The Scots of Annandale beate downe the Romains. the Scottes of Annandall slewe a great number of the Romains, with whiche successe they procu­red also the Pictes with the inhabitants of Gal­loway, Kyle, Carrike and Coningham to re­bell.

These newes being reported vnto Agricola,Agricola pre­pareth to goe against the Scottes. he made his prouisiō with al speede to go against them. And first entring into the borders of Pure lande, he reduced such as inhabited about the cō ­fines of Barwike to their former subiection, and after marching foorth towardes the citie of Ca­melone, Karanach king of the Picts encountred him by the way,Karanath king of the Picts is discomfited by the Romains. but being fiercely beaten off by the Romain [...], he fled backe into the citie, & with­in three daies after hauing reenforsed his power, he eftsoones gaue battayle againe to his enimies, but then also being vanquished, hee lost the most parte of al his men, & so immediately there vpon was Camelone wonne by force,Camelone ta­ken by force. & a great num­ber of the Citezens slaine.

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Agricola cau­seth it to be fortified.Agricola caused it to be newly fortified, and 50 further through same of this victorious begin­ning, he recouered the most parte of al the castels and fortresses of Picte lande.

The forenamed Karanath escaping out of that present daunger,Karanath fle­eth beyōd the Firth. got him beyonde the water of Firth, for the more suretie of his owne person.

Agricola hauing sped thus in Pict lād, mar­ched foorth against them of Annandall: who at the first, making resistaunce for a time, at length were constreyned to giue backe, and so fledde to their owne houses, where in the night following by their owne wiues they were murthered eche mothers sonne: for so the women of that nation vsed to put away the shame of their husbandes when they had at any time fled out of the fielde,The Scots of Annandale slaine by their wiues. from theyr enimies.

Agricola vnderstanding that by winning him [Page 50] same in the beginning, it should be no small fur­therance vnto him for the atchieuing of other en­terprises in time to come, determined to pursue his good fortune.Here is a ma­nifest errour in the Scottish writers, taking Man for An­glesey. Agricola as­sayleth the Isle of Anglesey, and not Man as Hector Boe­tius mistaketh it. And thervpon prepared to sub­due the Isle of Man, but wanting vessels to cō ­uey his armie ouer, he found meanes that such as could swimme, and knew the shallow places of that coast, made shifte to passe the goulfe, and so got a land, to the great wonder and amazing of the inhabitants, who watched the sea coastes, to 10 resist suche shippes as they looked for, to haue ar­riued vpon theyr shore: but nowe dispayring to resist such kind of warriours as endaugered thē ­selues to passe the seas in that maner of wise, they submitted thēselues vnto Agricola.

The Isle of An­glesey is sub­dued by Agri­cola. Agricola win­tereth in Gal­loway. Who taking pledges of them, and appoyn­ting certaine garrisons to keepe diuers holdes and places of defence within that Isle, passed o­uer with the residue of his people into Galloway, where he soiourned all the winter followyng: 20 whiche being passed, and sommer once come, he assembled his men of warre againe, and visited a great parte of that countrey with Kyle, Carrike and Coningham, the inhabitants wherof he put in such feare with the onely shewe of his warlike armie, disposed in suche politike order and wise conducte, that there was none to be founde that durst aduaunce themselues to encounter him, so that hespēt that sommers season in keeping such of the Scottes as had bene aforetime subdued, 30 from attempting any commotion, & when win­ter was come, he assembled the nobles of the coū ­trey, exhorting them by gentle perswasions, to frame themselues to a ciuill trade of liuing, as­well in buylding of temples,Agricola stu­dieth to bring the Scots vnto ciuilitie. houses, and other e­difices after the Romaine maner, as also in wea­ring of comely and decent apparell, and aboue all things to set their childrē to schole, to be brought vp in eloquence and good nurture.

By this meanes he thought to traine them frō 40 their accustomes fiercenesse, & to winne them the sooner to be cōtēted with bōdage, though he colo­red it with neuer so fayre a glosse of humanitie.

The thirde winter being thus spent, and the next sommer commen vpon, Agricola inuaded suche countreys as were yet vndiscouered by the Romains,Kalēdar wood Agricola com­meth vnto Sterling. entring by the nether side of Cali­done wood, euen vnto the dolorous mountaine, whiche afterwardes by the Scottes was cleped Sterling. It was called the dolorous mountain 50 for that in the night season, there was heard right lamentable noyse and cries as though the same had bene of some creatures that had bewayled theyr miserable cases:Illusion of spi­rites. whiche vndoubtedly was the craftie illusions of wicked sprytes, to keepe mens mindes still oppressed in blinde errours and superstitious fantasies.

Agricola considering the naturall strength of this mountaine with the site of an olde ruinous castel that stood thereon,Agrie [...]la buil­ded the castel of Sterling with the bridge. he caused the same with all diligence to be repaired, & a bridge to be made ouer the Forth there, by the which he passed with his whole armie ouer into Fyfe, and the day af­ter hearing that the king of the Picts was with­drawen into a castell thereby, standing vpon an high mountaine cleeped Beenart,Moūt Bee [...]. he enuironned the same with a strong siege, how be it his hoped pray was not as then within it, for Karanach king of the Picts, enformed of the Romains ap­proche, gotte him foorth abrode into the fieldes,Karanach a­sayleth Ster­ling bride, which the Ro­mains defen­ded. and assembling his power purposed by might, to haue brokē the bridge which Agricola had made ouer the Forth at Sterling, but being repulsed by suche as were set there to defende the same, in his returne from thence hee was encountred by Agricola himselfe, who being certified of this at­tempt of his enimies, had leuied his siege & was comming towardes them, so that both the hostes meeting togither in the fieldes, there was fought a sore battayle betwixt them, though in the ende the Pictes were discomfited,Karanath in eftsoone [...] cha­sed and their king the foresayde Karanath chased vnto the riuer of Tay, where he got a boate, and escaped to the furtherside of that water.

By reason of this ouerthrowe, Agricola brought in subiection those countreys, whiche lie betweene the waters of Forth and Tay,Fyfe with o­ther countreys brought into subiections of the Romi [...]e [...] as Fyfe, Fothryke, and Emedalle, and soiourning there all the winter following, he buylte sundrie fortresses in places most conuenient for the [...]ee­ping of the inhabitaunts in theyr co [...]enaunted obedience, after his departure from amongest them.

In the meane while the king of the Pictes kept him at Dundee, whyther refused vnto him a greate number of the Picter [...]de, suche as had escaped the Romains handes.Karanath cō ­forted by his nobles. These comforted theyr king in all that they [...]te, willing him to be of good cheere, and to hope wel of the recouerie of his losses agayne, by haue good fortune and meanes that [...] to come, ere might long, promising to the [...]e­rance therof al that in them lay, aswell for coun­cell as ayde of hande: And herevppon they tooke aduice, whiche way to worke, in somache that at length it was by great deliberation thought good to seeke for succour at the handes of theyr aun­cient confederates the Scottes,The Pictes sende for ayde vnto king Galde. and so incon­tinently there were certayne messengers dis­patched with all speede vnto Galde the Scot­tishe kyng, requiring him in that commune im­pardie to ioyne in league with hys auncient friendes the Pictes, agaynst the ambitious and moste cruell Romains, who sought nothing els but ye vtter subuersiō of the whole land of Albion, as was manifestly apparāt by their proceeding. [Page 51] hauing alreadie occupied and wrongfully sur­prised a great part not v [...]che of the Pictish king­dome, but also of the Scottish dominimus, [...] ­ding stil to go foreward in such vnrighteous con­quests, if by timely resistāce they were not staīed.

Galde promi­seth to ioyne in league with the Pictes a­gainst the Ro­mains. Galde vpon this request and mocions of the Picts gladly consented to ioyne his power with theirs, in common defence of bothe the realmes (against such common eninuies as the Romains were esteemed) hauing herevnto the assent of all 10 his peeres and chiefest counsellours.

Thus whilest the kings of the Scottes and Pictes were concluding a league togither for de­fence of themselues and theyr countreys, certaine Scottes entred into the confines of Kyle, Car­rike and Coningham,The Scots slea the Romaine souldiers, ly­ing in certaine garrisons. & wanne diuers fortresses, wherein certain garrisons of Romaine souldiers foiourned, whom they slewe downe right with­out al mercie, spoyling the whole countrey.

Agricola hauing knowledge hereof, wente 20 streight waies thither with a power, and pursu­ing them that had done those iniuries, some hee tooke amongst the hilles and mountaynes, whi­ther they were fledde,The riuer of Clyde, other­wise called Cl [...]de. Agricola re­pulsing the Scottes, could not yet winne the castell of Dunbreton, aunciently called Awld­luch, or Al­cluth. and the residue hee chased beyond the riuer of Clyde, but the castel of Dun­bryton hee coulde not by any meanes obtaynes though he assayed to winne it euen to the vtter­most of his power. It was called in those dayes Alcluth that is to meane: all stone.

The Scottish men being thus driuen backe, 30 Agricola repaired suche castels and fortresses as they had ouerthrowen and heaten downe.

In the yeare following, being the fifth after the first comming of Agricola into Brytaine, he caused his shippes to be brought about from the Isle of Wight into the water of Lochfine in Ar­gite,The romayne nauie arriueth in the water of Lochfin. thereby to put his enimies in vtter dispayre of escaping his handes eyther by water or lande: And therevpon passing ouer the riuer of Clyde with his armie, and finding his nauie there, hee 40 set vpon the countrey of Lennox,Agricola inua­deth Lennox. in purpose to subdue the same. But after he had made sundrie skyrmishes with the inhabitauntes, hee was cer­tified by letters from the gouernour of Came­lone, that the Pictes were ready to rebell, by rea­son whereof he left off this enterprice against the Scottes,Agricola re­turneth into Pict lande, to appease a re­bellion of the people there. and drew hacke into Picte lande, lea­uing a parte of his armie to keepe possession of the water of Clyde till his returne againe into those parties. 50

At his comming into Picte lande, he appeased the rebelles with small a do, punishing the chiefe authours according to their demerites. This done,He returneth into Clyde. he returned vnto the water of Clyde, lying at that winter beyond the same, taking order for the gouernment of those parties, in due obedience of the Romaine Empyre.

The sommer following he appointed his na­uie to search alongst by the coast all the hauens and cre [...] of Argyle▪ and of the Ilandes neare to the same.Agricola pur­sueth his en­terprise a­gainst the Scones. Whilest he by land passing ouer the water of [...] [...]ine, went about to cōquere [...]nes and cas [...]l the ugly half dis [...] at the [...] by reason of the rough wayes, stra [...] passages, highen went armes [...] them thicke wo [...] [...] fenne [...] and [...]ssest with the great riuers, whiche with his armie her most [...] need [...]s possesithe minded to [...] his porpuse: but the olde souldiers beyng cured with [...] and trauayle [...] came all Sspan [...] by the wise coun [...]ct of theyr worth Genery [...] and other the Captaynes, and so inuading the coun­trey tooke Towns and Castels, of the whiche some they beate [...]ene a aduised, and some they fortified, and shared with garisons of [...] of warre.

About the same time the commaundement of king Galdie and other the [...] as of Scot­land,All the Scottes assemble. all the able men of Cantyre, Lorne, Mur­reyland, Lugemarth, also those of the westerne Isles, and of all other parties bringing to the Scottish, dominions, were appointed [...] assemble and come togither in Atholl, at a place not pas­sing fiue miles distant from the castell of Cali­done now cleped Dunkeld, there to abide the cō ­ming of Karanath King of the Pictes, to the end that ioyning togither in one armie, they might worke some hight exploit. But he hauing assem­bled .xv. thousand of his mē of war as he mar­ched alongst by the mountaine of Gra [...]hene, in times pact cleped Mens Gr [...]mpius, there chaun­ced a mutinie amongst his people so that fal­ling togither by the eares,Karanach king of the Pictes slaine by mis­fortune of one of his owne sublectes. Karanach himselfe comming amongst them vnarmed as hee was, to parte the fray, was slayne presently at in­wares, by one that knewe not what hee was. By reason of whiche mischaunce that iourney was broken, for the Pictes being vtterly ama­zed and discomforted her with skaled and depar­ted in sunder.

Galde with his Scottes now being thus disappointed of the Pictes his chiefest ayde durst not leoparde to trie the chaunce of battayle with the enimies, but determined with lighte skir­mishes, and by withdrawing of vitayles out of their walke, to stoppe them from f [...]rther procee­ding in conquest of the countrey, and in the meane tyme to prouide agaynst the nexte som­mer newe ayde and succours to keepe the fielde, and so to encoūter with them, puissance against puissance, if they remayned so long in the coun­trey.

An ambassage from the Scots vnto the Picts. The Scots resting, vpō this resolutiō, thought good to send some honorable ambassade vnto the Pictes to moue thē vnto mutual agreemēt & cō ­cord amōgst thēselfs, wherby they might be able [Page 52] to resist the common ruine of their countrie as then in present daunger to be oppressed by the Romaines.

The Pictes brought to a­greement a­mongst them­selues.Those that were sente on this message dyd so dilygently behaue them selues, in bringing their purpose to passe, that the Pictes in the ende a­greed to ioyne in friendly amytic one with an o­ther, and to choose one Garnard to their king to succede in the counte of Karanach.

They also confirmed the former league with 10 the Scots, and by theyr procurement sent mes­sangers vnto the Norwegians and Danes, re­quiring them of ayde against the Romains the common enimies of all such nations as loued to l [...]ue in libertie, where so euer the same were inha­biting in any part on the whole face of the earth.

Ambassadours sent vnto the Danes & Irish men for ayde.There were also sent ambassadours vnto the Irish men from the Scottes for the same intent, and from both those places there was great ayde promised, as frō them that esteemed themselues 20 halfe bounde by a naturall respect, to succour such as were discended of the same auncestours and countreys that they were of, and now lyke to be expulsed out of those seates, whiche theyr forefa­thers had got possession in by iuste title of con­quest, and lefte the same vnto their posteritie to enioy for euer.

Whilest these things were thus in doing, Galons deuiding his armie into sundrie partes did what was possible to resist al the attempts of 30 the Romains.The fame of Galde his puis­sance, putteth the Romains in feare. Who standing in doubte of his puissaunce rather through fame thereof, than for anye apparaunt sight or other knowledge had, durste not put themselues in daunger to enter into Calidone woode of all that sommer, and the winter following was so extreeme, by reason of frost, snow, and coldnesse of ayre, that they were not able to enterprise any exployte on neyther parte: howbeit the sommer was no sooner come (being the seuenth after the comming of Agri­cola 40 into Brytaine) but that they prepared to in­uade one an other againe with al their forces.

An ayde of I­rish mē, come to the succors of the Scottes.Forth of Ireland there came (according as was promised) a greate power of men of warre and ioyned with an army of Scottish men in Atholl, being there alreadie assembled in greate numbers out of all the quarters of the Scottishe dominions. Thither came also Garnard king of the Pictes with his power.

Galde chosen to be generall against the Romains.All whiche forces being thus assembled togi­ther 50 by cōmon agreement amongst them, Galde king of the Scots was chosen to be theyr gene­rall, who hearing that Agricola with his hoste was entred into Kalendar woodde, deuided the whole armie into three battailes, and so marched foorth toward the enimies in purpose to encoun­ter them. Agricola being of this aduertised by spialles, parted his people also into three wardes, doubting to be enclosed within some cōbersome place by reason of the great multitude of his eni­mies, that were esteemed to be in number about fiftie thousande of one and other.

Galde on the otherside vnderstanding by spi­als this order of the Romains, in the dead of the night setteth vppon one of those legions whiche was lodged next vnto him,Galde search vpon one [...] of his enimies in the night. and finding meanes to flea the watche, was entred into the enimies lodgings before they had any knowledge of his comming, so that the fight was right fierce and cruell euen among the Romaines tentes and lodgings.

But Agricola being certified of this enter­prise of the Scottes, sent forth, withall speede a certaine number of light horsemen and footemen to assayle them on the backes, and so to keepe them occupied till hee might come with all the residue of his people to the rescue. They that were thus sent, accomplishing theyr enterprise accor­ding to the deuise in that behalfe appointed, gaue a right fierce and stoute charge vpon the Scottes and Pictes, greatly to the reliefe of those that were by them assayled, and withall sore amazed and disordered by reason of the enimies sudden inuasion.

By this meanes the fight cōtinued right fierce and cruell on al sides,Agricola com­meth to the succours of his men. til at length the day begin­ning to appeare, shewed to the Scottes & Pictes the plaine vew of the whole Romaine armie, ap­proching vnder the conducte of Agricola, to the succour of his people, being thus in daunger to be distressed. Herewith were the Scots and Pictes put in such feare,Agricola dis­comfiteth his enimies. that immediatly they fel to rū ­ning away towards the woodes and bogges, the accustomed places of theyr refuge.

This ouerthrow did so abash both the Scots & Picts, that they durst attempt nomore the for­tune of battaile till they had some ayde out of Denmarke, but ouely did what they could to de­fend their townes & countrey, by making sundry r [...]yses vpon their enimies as occasion and opor­tunitie serued. But the Romains supposing nothing to be to harde for their vndaunted vali­ancie, but that they were able to ouercome what so euer should stand at defence against them, de­termined at length,The romain pas [...]e through Ca [...]idone wood, ouer the [...] [...] of A [...]ound. to find an ende of the Isle of Albion, and so passing through Kalender wood, and ouer the riuer of Amound, they pitched their fielde neare to the riuer of Tay, not farre from the castell named Calidone or Kalendar.

The Picts by reason that theyr enimies were lodged so neare vnto the confines of theyr coun­trey,The Pictes brenne the ci­tie of Tulice. doubting what might follow thereof, bren­ned the citie of Tuline, least the same enimies chauncing to take it, should furnish it with some garnison of menne, to the great daunger of the whole Pictish kingdome,

[Page 53]This citie stoode vppon the banke of Tay, right beautifully buylte, with many fayre ca­stels and Towers, as may appeare can vnto this day by the olde ruines thereof, strong rather by the workermans hande, than by nature.

The place where Tolyne stoode, is cal­led by the in­habitants at this day Inch­tuthill.The Scottish men in out tune call the place Inchtathill.

All theyr wiles and children theyr demossed vnto the mountaynes of Gra [...]b [...]ne for theyr more suretie and safegarde.

The Germains comming to serue the Ro­mains, rebell against theyr Captaine and leaders.About the same time the Romains were not a little disquieted, by reason of a mutinie whiche chaunced amongst suche Germaines as were appoynted to come ouer vnto Agricola, as a new supplie to furnishe vp suche numbers as were de­cayed in his armie. These slaying theyr Cap­taine, and suche other Romains as were ap­poynted to haue the [...]der of them for their way­nyng in warlike feates at the beginning, as the maner was, got certaine pinnesses whiche they 20 happened vpon in the riuer of Tamys, and say­ling aboute the East and North coastes of this Isle, arriued in Tay water, offering themselues to the Scottes and Pictes to serue against the Romains, whose malice they dread for theyr offence committed if they shoulde returne into theyr owne countreys, whiche lay aboute the month of the Rhine, and was as then subiect to the Romaine Empyre,These Vsipites first inhabited the parties be­twixte the mountains of Hessen, & the Rhine, nowe called Hoch­r [...]g, frō whēce they remoued into the nether countreyes. Danes and Norwegians, come to ayde the Scots and Pictes. the inhabitants in those dayes, being cleped vsquithes, the whiche as 30 some suppose inhabited Cleueland and Gulick.

Theyr offer was accepted moste thankeful­ly, and in places appoynted for them to inhabite amongst the Murtayes, bicause they were dis­cēded as it were of one nation.

Whilest these things were thus a doing, there came also the long wished ayde from the Dailes and Norwegian, to the number of tenne thousande mens, vnder the leading of one Gildo.

Gildo is kepte pep [...] off from landing by the Romains. This Gildo with his na [...]ie firste arriued in the Frithe betwixt Fyfe and Louthian, but for that the Romains kepte him off from landing there, hee caste aboute and come into the riuer of Tay,Gildo arriueth in Tay water. where he landed all his people, and proui­sion whereof he had good store bothe vittayle and armme.

Cornelius Ta­citus maketh no mention of any fortaine ayd to come to the succours of his enimies, comprehēding them all vnder the name of Brytons. Garnard the king of the Picts, ioyfully receiueth Gil­do.Garnard king of the Pictes hearing of theyr arriuall there, [...]withwith vpon the newes depar­ted from Dundee, accompanied with a greate 50 number of his Nobles, and cōming to the place where Gildo with his armie was lodged, recey­ued him in moste ioyfull wise, feasted and ban­quetted him and his people, and shewed them all the tokens of moste hartie loue and friendship that coulde be deuised.

Gildo himself was led by the king vnto Dun­dee, and lodged with him there in the castle, his people were prouided for abrode in the countrey in places moste for theyr vast, to refreshe them­selues the better after their painefull iourney by the seas.

Shortly after there came vnto Dundee the Sect to the king Galde,Galde cōmeth vnto Dundee to welcome Gildo. who for his parte did all the honour that in him lay vnto Gildo, shew­ing himselfe moste ioyfull and gladde of his cō ­ming yeelding vnto him and his people suche thankes and congratulations, as sc [...] beste to the purpose, and receyued no losse at has and their handes againe.

After they had remayned thus certaine dayes togither at Dundee,Gald, Garnard and Gildo, as­sembles coū ­sel at Forfare, where they de­uise how to proceede in theyr warre. bothe the kings Galde and Garnarde togyther with this [...], wente into the Castle of Forfare, there to consulte with the Captaines and gouernours of theyr menne of warre, how to mayntaine themselues in theyr enterprise against the enemie. At length they resolued not to goe forth into the first til the winter season were paste, for dou [...]te of the in­conuienience that might ensue by reason of the extreeme colde intemperancie of ay [...] to the whiche that countrey is greatly subiect.

In the meane time they tooke order for the furniture of all things necessarie for the warres,They deter­mine to rest al the winter, & make fronter warre onely. to haue the same in a perfite readinesse agaynst the next spring, and till then they did appoynt onely to keepe fronter warke, that the Romains should not stray abroade to fetche in vittayles and other prouisions, to theyr owne gaynes and the vndoing of the poore inhabitants.

Vpon this determination when the coun­sell was broake vp, Gal [...]e withdrewe into A­tholl, to defende those parties, and Garnarde with the Danishe generall Gildo, furnished all the Castels and holdes in Angus, ouer agaynst the riuer of Tay, to stoppe the passages of the same, that the enimies shoulde enter no further on that side. Thus passed the winter for that yeare, without any griat exployte on either part atchieued.

In the beginning of the nexte sommer,Agricola sen­deth forth his nauie of ships, to discouer the furthest poynt of Brytaine northwarde. Agri­cols appointed his nauie of ships to sayle aboute the coastes of the furthest partes of Albion, ma­king diligent search of euery creeke and hauen a­longst by the same. The Mariners execūting his commaundement, [...]ayled rounde aboute the Northe coaste, and discoueryng many of the Westerne Isles, and likewise those of Dr [...]ney, till at length they founde out Picte lande Firth, being a streyte of Sea, of twentie miles in breadth, whiche separateth the Isles of Orkney from the poynt of Cathinesse, passing with so swifte a course, that without an expert pylote the shippes that shall passe the same are often­times in great daunger, by reason of the contre­ry course of the tydes.

[Page 54]The Romaine mariners therfore finding cer­taine husband men in the next Isles, constreines them to go a shipborde, and to guide them tho­row that streyte, promising them high rewardes for theyr labour: but they vpon a malicious in­tent not passing for their owne liues, so they might be reuenged of theyr enimies in casting away suche a notable number of them togither with theyr vessels, entred the fireyte at suche an inconuenient time,The Romaine ships through want of pylots are losse in Pictlād Firth. that the shippes were borne 10 with violence of the streame against the rockes and shelues, in suche wise that a number of the same were drowned and loste without reco­uerie.

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Agricola ma­king a bridge ouer Tay wa­ter, passeth by the same with his hoste, and encampeth neare to the foote of the mountayne of Granzbene.Some of them that were not ouer hastie to follow the firste, seeing the present losse of theyr fellowes, returned by the same way they came vnto Agricola, who in this meane tyme had caused a bridge to be made ouer ye riuer of Tay, by the whiche hee passed with his whole armie, and encamped on the further side thereof neare to the rootes of the mountayne of Granzbene, leauing the bridge garnised with a competent 40 number of souldiers to defende it against the e­nimies.

The Pictes being not a little troubled here­with, dispatched foorth a messenger with all haste vnto Galde the Scottishe king, signifying vnto him the whole matter, and therevpon requyred him of ayde.

Galde hauing mustered his people aswell Scottishe as Irishe, essembled them togither to the number of .xl. thousand persons, what of one 50 and other, and incontinently with al speede mar­cheth foorth to come vnto the ayde of the Pictes, and so within a fewe dayes passing ouer the mountaine of Grambene, he arriueth in a val­ley beyonde the same mountayne,Galde king of the Scottish men commeth to the ayde of the Pictes. where he fin­deth the Pictes, Danes, and Norwegians, en­camped togither not farre off from the host of the Romains.

Here taking aduise togither, and in the ende determining to giue battayle,The Scots and Pictes deter­mine to giue battayle to the Romains. king Galde (vn­to whome as before is expressed, the gouernance of the whole was committed) assembling togi­ther all the number of the confederates, made vnto them a long and pithie oration,Galde exhor­teth his people to higher manbelly exhorting them in defence of libertie, (the most [...] iewel that mā might enioy) to shew theyr man­ly stomakes against them that sought onely is depriue them of that so greate a benefite.

And sithe they were driuen euen to the vtter­moste boundes of theyr countrey, he perswaded them to make vertue of necessitie, and rather choose to die with honour, than to liue in perpe­tuall shame and ignominie, whiche must n [...]eded ensue to theyr whole nation, if they suffered themselues to bee vanquished in that iustau [...]t. With these woordes, or other muche what of the semblable effect, Galde so moued the handes of his people, that they desired nothing [...] ioyne with theyr enimies and to trie it with them by dinte of swoorde, which they vniuersal­ly signified according to theyr accustomed vse with a great noyse, shoute and clamour.

On the other parte Agricola, though he p [...] ­ceyued a greate desire amongst his souldiers to fight, yet hee was not negligent on his owne behalfe to encourage them with moste cheerefull woordes and countenaunce, so that bothe the ar­mies being thus bente to haue battayle, the ge­nerals on bothe partes beganne to sette them in array.

Agricola to the ende his armie being the les­ser number shoulde not bee assayled both afront and on the sides, prouided (by disposing them in a certaine order) a remedie against that disad­uantage.

On the other side, king Galde,Galde by rea­son of his mul­titude, this lieth to endde his enimies. by reason of the aduauntage whiche hee had in his greate multitude and number, ordered his battayl [...]s thereafter, with a long and large fronte, pla­cing the fame vppon the higher grounde, of pur­pose to compasse in the enimies on eche side.

At the firste approche of the one armie to­wardes the other,The armies approch togi­ther to fight. the battayle was begonne righte fiercely with shotte of arrowes and hur­ling of dartes, whiche being once paste,They ioyne. they ioy­ned togither to trie the matter by hande strokes, wherein the Scottes and Pictes had one disad­uauntage, for those that were archers (or as I may call them kernes) comming once to fight at hande blowes, had nothing but broade swordes and certaine sorie light bucklers to defend them­selues with, suche as serue to better purpose for menne to ryde with abroade at home,The Scottish mens disaduā ­tage, by reason of their vnfit weapons. than to bee caried foorth into the warres, thought the same haue bene so vsed amongst the Scottish men, euen till these our dayes.

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The Romains therefore being well appoin­ted 20 with armure and broade Tergettes, slewe downe right a greate number of these Scottes and Pictes thus slenderly furnished, without re­ceiuing any great domage againe at their hāds, till king Galde appoynted his speare menne to steppe foorth before those archers and kernes, to succour them, and therewith also the bill menne came forewarde and stroke on so freshly, that the Romains were beaten downe on heapes, in such wise that they were neare at poynt to haue 30 bene discomfited,A cohort of Germains re­stored the Ro­maine side, neare at poynt to haue had the worse. had not a bande of Germains (whiche serued amongst the Romains) rushed foorth with greate violence vppon the Scottishe men where moste daunger appeared, and so re­stored againe the faynting stomakes of the Ro­mains, whereby the battayle renewed on bothe sides againe right fierce and cruell, that greate ruthe it was to beholde that blouddie fight and moste vnmercyfull murder betwixte them, whiche continued with more violence on the 40 Scottishe side than any warlyke skill,The night se­vereth the ar­mies in sunder and parteth the fray. till final­ly the night comming on tooke the dayes light from them bothe, and so parted the fray.

The Romains withdraw to their cāpe, & the Scottes to the moūtains.The Romains withdrewe to theyr campe, and the Scottes and Pictes with theyr confede­rates the Danes, Norwegians and Irish men, suche as were left aliue got them into the nexte mountaynes, hauing loste in this cruell conflict the moste parte of theyr whole numbers. 50

Cornelius Tacitus agreeth not in al points with the Scottishe Chronicles in a booke which he wrote of the lyfe of Iulius Agricola, where hee intreateth of this battayle. For hee spea­keth but of .xxx.See more hereof in the historie of England. thousande men, (which he com­prehendeth vnder the generall name of Bry­tains) to be assembled at that time agaynst the Romains, making no mention of any Scottes, Pictes, Irish men, Norwegians or Danes, that should be there in their ayde.

The number of them that were slayne of the Brytains side (as the same Tacitus recoun­teth) amounted to aboute .x.M. men,The number of them that were slayne at this battayle. & of Ro­mains not passing .iij.C. and .xl. Amongst whom was one Aulus Atticus, a captaine of one of the cohortes. But as the Scottish writers af­firme, there died that day of Scottes, Pictes and other their confederates at the poynt of .xx.M. and of the Romains and suche as serued on their side, as good as .xij.M. Moreouer the night following when Galdus with the residue of his people which were left aliue was withdrawen to the mountains, & that the huge losse was vnder­stoode by the wiues & kinneswomen of the dead, there began a pitiful nayse amongst them, lamē ­ting and bewailing theyr miserable case & losses.

But Galde doubting least the same shoulde come to the eares of some espialles,Women be­wayle their friendes. that mighte lurke neare to the place where hee was with­drawen, caused an huge shoute and noyse to be raysed by his people, as though it had bene in to­ken of some reioysing, till the women bewayling thus the death of theyr friendes might be remo­ued out of the way. This done, they fell to take counsel what was best to do in this case: & in the end al things considered, it was determined that somewhat before the dawning of ye next morow euery man should dislodge & withdraw himselfe into suche place as he thought moste meetest for his safegard,The Scottish men and Picts breake vp their campe. saue only such as were appointed to attend Galde & Garnard into Atholle whether they minded with al speede to go. Thus leauing a gret nūber of fires to dissimule their departure, they dislodged & made away with al speede pos­sible. In the morning when their departure was once discouered, a great nūber of ye Romains fol­lowed [Page 56] as it had bene in the chase, but some of the vnaduisedly aduenturing to farre forward,The Romains in pursuyng vnaduisedly are distressed. were enclosed by theyr enimies and slayne. Those that wrought this feat gotte them to the nexte hilles and so escaped. At length when all the fieldes and countreys adioyning were discoue­red, and the same appearing to be quite deliuered of all ambushmentes of the enimies, Agricola caused the spoyle to be gathered, and after mar­ched foorth into Angus, where (for so muche as 10 sommer was paste) he appointed to winter,Agricola subdueth Angus and wintreth there. and so comming thyther and subduing the countrey, he tooke pledges of the best amongst the inhabi­tants, and lodged his people about him in places most conuenient.

Aboute the same time Agricola heard newes, from his nauie (as thē riding at auere in Argile) what mishap had chaunced to the same in Pict­land Frith.Agricola is certified of the mischaunce of his nauie. But herewith being not greatly dis­couraged, he gaue order that the shippes whiche 20 had escaped should be newe rigged and furnished with all necessarie prouisiōs, & manned through­ly, bothe with able mariners and men of warre. This done, he appoynted them eftsoones to at­tempt fortune, and to take theyr course agayne to come rounde aboute by the Orkeneys,The Romaine fleete sayleth round aboute the north point of Albiō and so vp alongst by the east coaste: whiche enterprise they luckely accomplished, and in the water of Taye they brente the Danish fleete lying there in herbrough. 30

Here is to be noted, that before the fore remē ­bred ouerthrow of the Scottes and their confe­derates at the foote of Gra [...]zbene, there happened many sundry vnkithes & strange sightes in this Isle.Straunge visi­ons. Amongst other there appeared flying in the ayre certaine firie visions, muche to be wondered at. Also a great peece of Kalendar wood, seemed in the night time as it had bin on a flaming fire, but in the morning there appeared no such tokē. There was in lyke manner seene in the ayre the 40 similitude of certayne shippes.Shippes seene in the ayre. It rayned frogges. A monstruous childe borne. And in Angus it rayned Frogges. At Tuline there was a childe borne hauing bothe shapes, so filthie a sight to beholde, that foorthwith they ridde it out of the way for offending others eies. These prodigious things were diuersly interpreted, according to the variable fancie of man.

Domitian the Emperour en­uieth the prosperous suc­cesse of A­gricola. Agricola is sente for to Rome, one Cneus Trebellius appointed in his place whiche causeth the souldiers to make a mu­tinie.After that the prosperous successe of Agrico­la was once notified to the Emperour Domi­tian, he tooke suche enuie thereat, that shortly af­ter, 50 vnder a colour to sende him into Syria to be lieutenant there, he countermaunded him home vnto Rome, appoynting one Cneus Trebel­lius to succeede him in the gouernment of Bry­taine, but ye armie bearing more fauour vnto one Trebellianus being cousin to Agricola, caused no smal trouble amongst the souldiers, so that in the end after certaine bickerings betwixt them, Trebellianus tooke a sort of ye best soldiers away with him, & went ouer with them into Fraunce.

The Scottes taking occasion hereof,The Scots vpō occasiō of [...] amongst the Romaine, come forth a­gainst them. ioyned with the Pictes, and entred into Angus. Wher­of Cneus Trebellianus being informed assem­bled his people, who perceyuing no greate fore­wardnesse in theyr leader, created Caius Sisin­nius (brother to the forenamed Trebellianus) theyr Captayne, but hee woulde in no wise mid­dle with that charge, though they were very ear­nest in hande with him to take it vpon him. In the meane time came the enimies vnder the lea­ding of Galde ready to giue the onset,The Scots set vpon the Ro­mains. wherwith the Romains being sore troubled, by reason of this discorde amongst themselues, set forewarde yet, right valiantly, to giue battaile to theyr eni­mies: howbeit in the ende, bycause that Sisin­nius receyued a mortall wounde,The Romains are discōfited. and so depar­ted out of the fielde, they fell at length to run­ning away, the Scottes and Pictes following in the chase right fiercely.

This atchieued victorie after so many vn­luckie enterpryses highly reioyced the appalled hartes of the Albions, hauing bene continually in maner now for the space of l. yeares through aduerse fortune, grieuously oppressed by the Ro­mains, who being not a litle discouraged by this ouerthrow,The Romains withdraw vnto Tulyne. They retire backe ouer the water of Tay, and breake the bridge after them. withdrewe themselues wholly vnto Tulyne, and shortly after for theyr more safe­gard, they got them ouer the riuer of Tay, brea­king the bridge whiche they had made there, to the ende that by the same the Scottes and Picts should haue no passage in that place.

But Galde hauing got this notable victorie with the spoyle of the Romains campe, thought it best with the aduice of his nobles, to pursue the Romains without delay, not suffering them to haue time to prouide for resistance. And hervpon cōming to the castle of Calidone otherwise Ka­lendar, they gotte ouer the riuer of Tay,The Scots get ouer the riuers of Tay, neare to Calidone castel. by a bridge of wood layde ouer the same riuer, whiche in that place is but narrow, by reason of the rockes and cliues forcing the bankes on eyther side to a straytnesse.

The Romaine Capitanes also not ignorant of the passage of the enimies,The Scottes eftsoones g [...]ue ba [...]ayle to the romaine. brought foorth their armie, and made themselues ready to encounter them, but for that the forenamed [...]aius Sisin­nius was not able to stirre by reason of his woūdes receyued in the last battayle, they chose one Titus Celius, a valiant Gētleman of Rome to be theyr leader, and so vnder his conduite set­ting vpon their enimies they fought right fierce­ly for a time,The romains are againe dis­comfited. but yet in the ende they were put to flight, and chased into Calidone.

There were slayne of the Romaine parte in this encounter to the number of .v. M. and of the Scottes and other the confederates ij.M.

[Page 57] The Britayns hearing of the euil aduen­tures fallen to the Romains, revolt frō their obedience.After this victorie thus obteyned by the Scottes, a great number of the Brytaynes re­uolted from the Romain obedience, as those that inhabited the coūtry which we now cal Wales, with the marches, slaying and chasing awaye such Romaines as lay abrode in those parties.

This done, they sent vnto Galde king of the Scottes certaine messengers with rich iewelles and gyftes, in token of their reioycing and glad­nesse for his victories, promising him further­more 10 such ayd as they were able to make against the Romaines the common enimies of all the whole Albion nation.

The Romains send into Ma­rius king of the Brytaynes for ayde.In this meane while, did the Romains with­in Calydone castel direct their messengers with letters vnto Marius king of the Brytaines, sig­nifying vnto him the present daunger wherein things stood in those parties by the cruel rage of ye Scottishmen and Pyctes, whom fortune had aduaunced with the gaine of two foughten fiel­des, 20 insomuch that if timely succours were not the sooner sent, the losse woulde be irrecouerable. Hereunto Marius answered,Marius king of the Brytains doubteth re­bellion of his subiectes. that as thē a cōmō conspiracie, appeared to be in hand amongst his subiects so far forth yt he doubted greatly the sure­tie of his owne estate: And as for hope of ayde to be sent from Rome, he sawe smal likelihood, con­sidering the slender prouision there through the misgouernemente of cruel Domitian, who by reason of the hatred whiche the people bare him, 30 regarded nothing but howe to keepe them from rising vp in armor against him,Marius coun­sayleth the Romaines to leaue the north partes vnto the enimies, and to draw vnto him into the south partes to kepe the same. and therefore he thought it necessarie that leauing the north parts to the enimies, they should all withdrawe to­wardes him into the south partes, to keepe yet the more fruitfull portion of the Isle in due obedi­ence, sithe their puissance might not suffice to re­taine and rule the whole.

These newes greatly washed the Romaine armie, and muche the more for that aboute the 40 same time it was shewed them howe king Galde with an huge armie of Scottish men and Pictes, was come within tenne myles of them. Where­vpon the Romaines not knowing at that in­stant what was best for them to doe, in the ende they concluded to withdrawe into Cantyr, where being arriued,The romains withdraw in­to Cantyr, and after into Galloway. and perceyuing themselues as yet to be in no great suretie there, they went away from thence with speede into Galloway.

In the meane time king Galde supposing it 50 best eftsoones to fight with them ere they mighte haue any space to reenforce their power,Galde pursu­eth the ro­maines. followed them with all diligence, not forcing thoughe hee left behinde him diuerse Castelles and fortresses furnished with sundrie garrisons of his enimies, so that he might discomfit and chase away their maine power whiche hee thought might as then easily be done, considering the great multitudes of people whiche came flocking in on eche syde, presenting themselues with offering their se [...] vnto him, & shewing furthermore great tokens of ioy and gladnesse, for that it had pleased the gods at length yet to declare themselues fauourable in this their relieuing of the oppressed Brytaynes. Herevnto Galdus on the other syde giuing them heartie thankes for their trauayle, hee receyued them very gently, myxing his talke wyth most confortable wordes, therewith to put them in hope of such good and prosperous successe, as that shortly they shoulde thereby bee restored intyrely vnto theyr former liberties, and perpetually de­lyuered from all forrayne seruitude and bon­dage.

But to proceede, at length he did so much by his iourneys, that hee came into Galloway,The romains determine a­gaine to fight with the Scots. where the Romaines with al speede (seeing none other remedie) resolued themselues to giue him battayle, and therevppon exhorting one an o­ther to playe the men, sithe theyr onely refuge rested in their weapons poyntes, they fiercelye gaue the onsette, and at the first, put the lefte wing of the Scottes and Pictes wholy vnto the worst.The romain [...] fiercely assaile the Scottes. In whiche wing according to their maner in those dayes vsed, there were a greate number of women mingled amongest the men. Galde therefore perceyuing the daunger, succou­red them (with such as were appoynted to giue the looking on till neede requyred, and then to go where they shoulde bee commaunded.) By whiche meanes the battayle on that syde was re [...]ued a freshe, the women shewing no lesse valiancie than the menne,Straunge dea­ling in womē and contrarie to their na­ture. and therewith muche more crueltie, for they spared none at all thoughe they offered neuer so muche to haue there lyues preserued.

In fine, the Romaines beeing chased in the left wing, their ouerthrow gaue occasion to al the residue to flee backe to their campe,The romains flie to their campe. being pur­sued so egrely by the Scottes and Pictes, that they had muche adoe to defende the entries of theyr trenches, where both partyes fought right egrely, tyll at length the night parted them both in sunder.

Being parted,The Scottes purpose to as­saile the ro­main campe. the Scottes gaue not them­selues to test, but prouided them of all things ne­cessarie agaynst the next morning to assayle that enimies a fresh, and namely from the mirwood they fetched great plentie of fagottes and bri [...] to fyll the trenches withall. But this theyr de­meanor and purpose being vnderstood of the Ro­maines, they requyred a communication,The romains require a communication. the whiche (though some perswaded Galdus [...]n the contrarie,) vppon deepe considerations of for­tunes frayle fauour, was at length graunted vnto them, and foure auncient Romaines had in right honourable and [...] apparēt [...] [Page 58] forth and were admitted to the presence of the kings (Galde of the Scottes,The Romains submit them­selues as van­quished. and Garnard of the Pictes) vnto whome with humble submis­sion they acknowledged themselues as vanqui­shed,

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and that by the iust wrath and reuenge of the equall Goddes, which agaynst them they had conceyued for the wrongfull inuasion of that which in no wise of right appertained vnto them. Therefore if it might please those kings to brydle and refrayne their displeasure agaynst them, in licensing them vnder some reasonable condi­tions of appoyntment to depart, it shoulde bee 30 a thing resounding so muche to theyr fame and glorie, as nothing coulde bee more, con­sidering so humble sure made to them by the Oratours of those people who were reputed as vanquishers of the whole worlde.

Herewyth falling prostrate at the feete of those Kings, they besought them of pardon, in suche pitifull wyse, that the heartes of the hea­rers beganne somewhat to mollifye, and at length Galde tooke vppon hym to answere in 40 name of all the redsiue of the Scottish and Pic­tishe Nations, and in the ende concluded, that they were contented to graunt a peace on these conditions:The conditi­ons of peace prescribed to the Romaines by the Scottes and Pictes. That the Romaines shoulde ceasse from that daye forwarde in anye wyse to infest or disquiet by waye of any inuasion the Scot­tishe and Pictishe borders, and also to departe wholye out of those Countreyes, restoring all such holdes and Fortresses as they helde wyth­in the same. And further to delyuer all pryso­ners, 50 pledges, and fugetyues whatsoeuer as then remayning in theyr handes, togyther wyth suche goodes and spoyle as they had latelye taken.

These conditions beeing certyfied to the Romaynes by theyr Oratours, were gladly ac­cepted, sith they sawe no better meane, howe to delyuer themselues out of that present daunger. And so delyuering sufficient Hostages for per­fourmaunce of all the Articles of agreement,The Romains depart out of Galloway. they departed without protracting time, mar­ching Southwardes to come into Kent, where Marius king of the south Brytaynes soiourned as then.

Agricola as the Scottishe Chronicles re­port, left at his departure towardes Rome, to the number of .lx. thousande men in the Romain armie what of one and other, but nowe at theyr departure out of Galloway, there remayned vn­neath .xx. thousande, the residue being dispatched by one meane or other.

By this conclusion of peace then,The Romains giue vp all their holdes and fortresses which they kept within the Scottishe or Pictish do­minions. the Scottes and Pictes got againe the whole possession of all suche Countreyes as the Romaines had before wonne and takē away from them, as the Mers, Louthian, the Marches about Barwike, Fyffe, and Angus, wyth Kyle, Cantyr, Coningham, and Galloway: all the Romaine garisons de­parting oute of the fortresses, and leauing the same vp vnto the former owners.

Galdus hauing thus ended the warres with the Romaines, tooke order to set good directions amongst his people for the quiet and peaceable gouernment of the common wealth, visiting dayly the countreys abrode, the better to vnder­stande the state of them, and to refourme the same where it was needfull.Galdus studi­eth to pre­serue his sub­iects in good quiet now af­ter the warres were ended. Further considering that as warre breadeth good souldiers so peace by iustice ryddeth them out of the way, if they bee not the better prouided for.

Suche as had serued long time in the laste warres, and had not any trade nowe in tyme of peace whereby to get theyr lyuing, he placed in garrisons neare to the borders of the Brytaynes [Page 59] for defence of the Countrey.

After this, hee came to an enteruewe wyth Garnarde king of Pictes at Calidone, or Ka­lendar, to redresse certain troubles raysed betwixt their subiectes being borderers concerning the li­mittes of their Countrey: where perceyuing a sort of euill disposed persons to bee wholy in the fault, vpon a naughtie intent to steale and trou­ble the peace whiche they had with such trauaile and labour sought to restore, they punished the offenders, and set al things in good quiet, and so 10 departed in sunder with great loue & friendship.

Thus Galdus applying all his studie and di­ligence to aduaunce the common wealth and quiet state of his Countrey, lyued many yeares so highly in the fauour of all his subiects, that the like hath beene but seldome hearde of: finally to their greate griefe and displeasure hee ended hys lyfe,Galde depar­teth this life at Epiake. more deare to them than theyr owne at E­piake, in the .xxxv. yeare of his raigne, (whiche was about the .xv. yeare of the Empyre of A­drian, the 4098. yeare after the worldes crea­tion, and from the byrth of our sauiour .131.3. H.B. 5302. H.B. 103. H.B. and was buryed with greate lamentation in moste pompous maner, and layde in a goodly Tumbe which was raysed with mightie huge stones, ha­uing

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a great number of obeliskes set vp round a­bout it according to the maner. Furthermore to the ende his memorie shoulde euer endure, the Countrey where hee fought laste with the Ro­mains was called Galdia,Galloway ta­keth the name of Galde. after his name, which by addition of a fewe letters is nowe called Gal­loway, and before that tyme Brygantia, as the Scottes do holde: but howe that seemeth to a­gree 40 with a truth, ye may reade in the Historie of Englande.

Lug­thake. An vngracious force succe­deth after his worthy father.

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AFter this famous Prince was thus departed hence, his son Lugthake succeeded in rule of the Scottishe kingdome, no lesse ab­horred of al men for his detestable and filthye 50 vices ioyned with all kind of crueltie and co­uetousnesse, than his fa­ther was beloued for his noble and excellent ver­tues.The inconti­nencie of Lugthake. This Lugthake went so farre paste the boundes of all continencie in following his sen­suall lustes, that he forced and rauished not one­ly aunt, neece, and sister, but euen his owne daughters also.His small re­garde to the nobilitie. Fauor shewed to men of base condition. Such as were honourable per­sonages and meete to gouerne in the common wealth he nothing regarded, but committed the administration of things vnto vile persons, and such as coulde best deuise home to inuent quarels agaynst the riche, whereby they might be fleesed of all whatsoeuer they had: and oftentymes vpon some forged cause cruelly put to death. So little did he prouide to see offenders in any wise cor­rected,Offenders mainteyned. that contrarily hee mainteyned them in suche sorte therein, that iustice was quite bani­shed, and nothing but spoyle and rauine ex­ercised.Iustice is ba­nished.

Thus he continued aboue two yeares, to the greate ruyne of the common wealth. Finally, when he went about to put vnto death suche as in an assemble called at Dunstafage spake a­gainst the misordered gouernment of the realme,Lugthake woulde haue put to death such as spake agaynst his misgouern­ment. Lugthake is murthered with a num­ber of his mē. he was there murthered amongest the people, with a number of those also, whome he vsed to haue attendaunt on his person for safegarde of the same.

His owne bodie was solemnly buryed by appoyntment of the Nobles, hauing respect to his fathers benefites, but the carkasses of hys Garde were cast out into the fieldes, there to bee [Page 60] deuoured of beastes and byrdes of rauyn.

Mogall ne­phew to Gal­du [...] is admit­ted king, and studieth to redresse abu­ses.AFter Lugthake was thus dispatched, one Mogall the Nephewe of Galdus by his daughter was admitted king in his place. Hys chiefest studie was to refourme the decayed state of his Countrey, and first he caused such wicked Counsellours of his predecessours and Vncle Lugthake, as had escaped with life (when theyr maister was made away) to be put to death, ac­cording to their iust deseruings.

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He restored also the due worshipping of the Goddes, in part as then neglected, by the wicked counsaile of the former rulers.

The Scottish men in like maner conceyuing an assured hope of a good redresse in all their grie­ues and oppressions, by the meanes of such a wel 30 disposed Prince,Mogal is be­loued of his subiects. began to beare him incredible loue and fauour, euen the lyke as they had done to his grandfather Galdus.

The Picts de­sire ayde of the Scots against the RomainsIn the meane time came certaine Ambassa­dours from the Pictes vnto this Mogall, re­quyring him of ayde agaynst the Romaines and Brytayns, who by a sodaine inuasion had done much hurt in Pictlande, to the great distresse of the inhabitants.

The same time they of Galloway certified him 40 also by letters,The Romains inuade the Scottish bor­ders. that the same Romains had made a rode into theyr Countrey, and ledde away a great bootie of goodes and prisoners.

Mogall hauing a mynde no lesse gyuen to deedes of chiualrie, than to the studie of ciuill go­uernment and religious deuotion,Mogall re­quireth resti­tution of wrongs done by the Ro­maines. reioysed that he had iust occasion giuen him to shewe some proufe of his valiant inclination, and so herevp­pon sent an Herald at armes vnto the Romains, requyring to haue restitution and amendes for 50 the iniuries thus by them committed.

The Heralde doing his message, receyued nothing but scornefull wordes, and disdainfull menaces,Mogall pre­pareth to the warres. Mogal visi­teth his grand­fathers se­pulchre. whereby Mogall beeing throughly kindled with despite, assembled his power togy­ther forth of all the parties of his dominions, and comming with the same into Galloway, visited his grandfathers Sepulchre, honouring the same with great reuerence and solemne supplications, requyring as it were his ayde agaynst those e­nimies, which had violated the league made be­twixt him and them, by solemne othes and o­ther accustomed meanes of ratification.

This done, he drewe into Annandale,The Picts and Scots ioyne their powers togither and enter into the landes of their enimies. where Vnipanus as then king of the Pictes abode hys comming. There ioyning their powers togy­ther, they marched forth into Cumberland, and so forwarde into Westmerlande, with fire and sworde, wasting and spoyling those Countreys, as then belonging to the Romaines.

Lucius Antenous the Romaine Lieutenant lying the same tyme at Yorke,Lucius Ante­nous Lieute­nant of Bry­taine. beeing certified hereof by such as fledde for feare out of those par­ties thus inuaded by the Scottes, gathered a mightie armie out of all the Countreys of Bry­tayne, and hasted forth with the same towardes his enimies,Mogall ex­horteth his men to doe valiantly. of whose approche Mogal hauing notice, he made a long Oration vnto his people to encourage them to fight manfully against the Romaines, perswading them effectually thereto by many familier examples brought in of the va­liant enterprises atchieued by their elders, in de­fence of their Countrey and libertie of the same.

In like maner Lucius Antenous for his part exhorted the Romains and other his souldiours,Lucius Ante­nous likewise encourageth his folkes. to call to remembrance the victorious exploytes of their predecessours, and how that as then they should fight but with a rude and barbarous peo­ple, running to battaile more vppon a furious rage and violent madnesse, than with any dis­cretion or aduised order, saying furthermore, that it lay nowe in their handes with no great adoe to [Page 61] recouer that which through the negligent slouth of Cneus Trebellius was before lost, whereby they should attaine great honour and famous re­noume for euermore.

By this meanes the armies on both sides be­ing kindled with desire of battaile, in hope of victorie,The battaile b [...]ginneth be­t [...]eene the Romaines and Albions. they drew neare togither, and began the fight right fiercely at the first with throwing and shooting of dartes and arrowes so thicke that one might vnneth see another. 10

The place was more for the aduauntage of the Scots than of the Romaines, bycause they were compelled to fight as it were by companies and partes, by reason of bogges and marishes, with such sideling hankes on the sydes that they could keepe none aray: yet all these impediments notwithstanding, this battaile was fought so farre forth to the vtterance,A cruel fight. that in the ende after a wonderful slaughter on both sides made, when theyr swordes and other weapons were spent, 20 they buckled togither with short daggers. Fi­nally the violent charge of the Scottes & Pictes, was such,The romaines retyre. that the Romaines were constrayned to retyre, which their generall Antenous percey­uing, did what hee coulde to stay them, and to bring them forward againe, but as he was most busie in the forefront to exhort them herevnto,Lucius Ante­nous is woun­ded. he was wounded with an arrowe, and therevpon departed out of the battaile, which gaue occasion to diuerse other of his companie to followe him,The romaines are put to flight. 30 by meanes whereof all the residue fell to running away, and made towarde the next wood, there to saue themselues as well as they might, thoughe some companies perceyuing that they could not reache thither without manifest daunger, closed themselues togither and departed by an other way, which they tooke at aduenture, not know­ing towardes what partes they drewe, so that they lay al the night following within two miles of the Scottes and Pictes, who for that the day 40 was in maner spent (before the Romaines were put to flight,) encamped themselues in the selfe same place where the battaile was fought, and in the morning hearing that parte of their enimies were lodged so neare them, and knew not which way to draw, they sent a number forth of theyr campe to fight with them, and to kil them if they resisted, or to bring them captiue to the king if they shoulde seeme willing to yeelde.

Those that were thus sent, founde the Ro­maines 50 in verie good order of battaile for so smal a bande, not minding to yeeld themselues as pri­soners. By reason of which their obstinate wyl­fulnesse,Lucius Ante­nous sendeth letters vnto Rome, certi­fying the Em­perour Adrian of the ouer­throw. they were slaine in the ende euerie mo­thers sonne.

Lucius Antenous hauing thus receyued the ouerthrow, dispatched a post vnto Rome with all haste, signifying vnto the Emperour Adrian the whole maner of the discomfiture, and howe that by reason therof things stood in great daun­ger here in Brytaine, if speedie succours were not the sooner sent, for the enimies were neuer more cruell and fierce, than at this present,Women as readie to the battail as men. not onely the men, but also the women (as in the last bat­taile he sawe plaine proufe) who cared not for the losse of their owne lyues, so that they might die reuenged.

When Adrian vnderstood these newes,Adriā the Em­perour prepa­reth to go in­to Brytayne. he pur­posed forthwith to goe himselfe into Brytayne, causing therefore an armie to be leuied, he passed forth with the same into Fraunce, then called Gallia, and comming to Callice, he transported ouer into Brytayne,Adrian trans­porteth into Brytayne. where hee learned howe the Scottes and Pictes were neuer more busie than at this present, hauing of late wasted and spoyled the Countrey euen to the Riuer of Tine.

Herewith Adrian being sore offended, ioyned the power which he had brought with him from Rome,Adrian com­meth to York. with the other which he had caused to be raysed in Fraunce and Brytayne. This done, he remoued to Yorke, where soiourning certaine dayes to refresh his people, he afterwardes drewe towardes the borders, and comming to the riuer of Tine, he passed ouer the same.

The fourth day after,He passeth o­uer the riuer of Tine. he came into a Coun­trey wherein was left no kinde of earthly thing seruing to mans vse, and so passing forwarde a day or two, he found neither corn,Adrian findeth nothing a­brode in the countrey of his enimies. nor other pro­uision of vittaile, nor any kind of liuing creature, all the people being fled into the mountaines and marrish groundes, where no man might come vnto them, as cōmonly in case of extreme daun­ger they were accustomed to lie abroade in the same without house or any couerture ouer theyr heades.What maner of people he had to doe with. Howbeit for all that he gaue not ouer to pursue them, but finding them out where they lurked in the hilles and woods, he grieuously af­flicted them, and that in sundrie maner. In the ende espying the barrennesse of the soyle, rude­nesse of the people, and that there was no hope left to come by sufficient prouision for the main­tenance of his armie, be determined not to spend any longer time in suche a vaine and fruitlesse trauaile, and therfore returned vnto Tine, where to restraine the Scottes and Pictes from inua­ding such of the Brytaynes as were subiect to the Romaine Empyre,Adrian begin­neth to make a wall for safe­garde of the Britaynes a­gainst the Picts & Scots. he caused a great trench to be cast ouerthwart the lande, from the mouth of Tine to the ryuer of Eske, and a wall to bee made on the inner syde of the same, of turfe and soddes.

The Scottish Chronicles make mention that it was begonne by Adrian,The romaine wryters doe confirme the same. but not finished tyll the dayes of the Emperour Seuerus, who made an ende of it, and therefore the same Chronicles name it the wall of Septimius Seuerus.

[Page 62]Adrianus hauing thus dispatched in the North partes of Brytayne, in hys returne vi­sited Wales with the Marches of the same, set­ting an order amongest such as had mooued a commotion agaynst the Magistrates in those partyes, the Authours whereof hee punished ac­cording to their offences, and so then he came to London, whither at the same tyme a great num­ber of the Brytayne Nobilitie resorted to doe hym honour,Adrian com­meth to Lon­don. according to theyr duties. And 10 hee for hys parte shewed them suche friendlye entertaynment, that they coulde not wishe any better.

Adrian retur­neth towarde Rome.After this he sayled ouer into Fraunce, ta­king Lucius Antenous with him, bycause hee coulde not away with the ayre of Brytayne, in whose place he left one Aulus Victorinus Lieu­tenant there,Aulus Victo­torinus Lieu­tenant of Bry­taine. who disposed dyuerse garrisons of Souldiours in places neare vnto the foreremem­bred Wall, for defence of the inhabitauntes a­gaynst 20 the violence of the Scottes and Pictes. Who seeing this demeanor of the Romaines, deuided those landes and Countreys (whiche they had lately wasted on the further syde of Tine) in suche sorte betwyxte them, that all whatsoeuer laye towardes the Irishe Sea, re­mayned to the Scottes,The Scottishe men and Picts deuide the countreys be­yonde Tine betwixt them. and the rest coasting vpon the Almayne Seas, fell vnto the Pictes for their portion.

After this Mogall liued many yeares in good 30 quiet without any trouble of enimies. But being puffed vp in pryde by suche notable victories as he had thus got of the Romaines the conque­rours of the worlde,Mogal throgh prise abuseth himselfe in sundrie kindes of vices. hee coulde not in tyme of peace maister hys owne vnruly appetytes, but that drowned in the fylthie lustes of the bodye, hee spared neyther Mayde, Wydowe, nor wyfe.

Againe hee was giuen to suche vnquench­able couetyse, that nothing mighte suffice hym, fynding many forged matters agaynst the riche, whereby to bereue them both of life and substaunce. Hee was the fyrst whiche ordey­ned that suche as were banished or condem­ned for anye cryme,A couetous and cruel or­dinance. shoulde forfeyte all theyr landes and goodes wythoute any consideration had, eyther to wyfe or chylde, whiche is ob­serued at the full euen vnto these oure dayes, where before it was otherwyse in that Coun­trey.

But these so notable vices in the Prince coulde not long continue vnpunished, for at length a conspiracie was practised agaynst him, whereof hee hauing knowledge (whether by witchcraft or otherwyse by relation of friends,A conspiracie attempted a­gaynst Mogal. the certaintie is not knowne) in the deade of the night hee armed himselfe,Mogall fleeth out of his owne house. and with two of his seruauntes onely fledde to the next wood, not gyuing notice of his departure to any other of his householde.

The morning being come, and knowledge had how he was thus departed, the conspiratours pursued after him, who perceyuing them to ap­proche, sought wayes how to haue escaped their handes: but such was his happe that hee fell a­mongest other that were as readie as the fyrst to wreake their malice vppon him,Mogal is mur­thered. and so by them hee was immediately murthered in the .xxxvj.

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yeare of his raigne, beeing the .4136. of the world,148. H.B. and after the byrth of our Sauiour 169. Antonius Pius then gouerning the Romaine Empyre, and Phiatus surnamed Albus, raig­ning amongest the Pictes. His heade beeing smitten off, was set vppon a poles ende, and caryed aboute in derision: but afterwardes in respect of his lynage it was buryed togither with

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the bodie by appoyntment of the nobles, not­withstanding 20 the commons thought it moste vnworthie of any such honour.

Conarus Conarus the sonne of Mo­gal succedeth his father.

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MOgal being thus dispatched, as ye haue heard, his sonne Co­narus was admitted King, who (as is re­ported) 30 was priuie to the cōspiracie de­uised agaynst his father, and as hee came to the gouernment by wicked meanes, so in the ende hee vsed hymselfe muche what accordinglye in the same: for after hee had for a tyme dissem­bled hys naughtie nature, he beganne at the last openly to shewe himselfe in his right colours, committing firste of all the administration of 40 publike affayres vnto men of base condition and vile nature.

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50

His chiefe delyght was altogyther in ban­quetting and costly fare,Conarus giuen to excessiue gluttonie. not regarding the aun­cient temperancie in feeding vsed amongst hys worthie antecessours.

In wasting therefore hys kingly reue­newes vppon such ryotous excesse, hee was no­thing abasshed to require in an open assemble of hys Nobles, a subsidie to bee graunted to­wardes the maintenaunce of suche royall cheere, as hee iudged to stand with his honour to haue dayly in his house: And therefore whereas the rentes that belonged to the crowne were not suf­ficient to furnishe the charges, he requested a ge­nerall contribution to bee leuied throughe the Realme, of euerie person according to theyr abi­lities, for the maintenaunce of suche superflu­ous expences as hee dayly vsed in excessiue ban­ketting.

The Lordes marueyling to heare hym moue any such demaunde, and considering wythall the occasion thereof, they asked respite to make theyr aunswere tyll the next day:The Lordes conspire a­gainst Co­narus. whiche beeing graunted, in the night following they commu­ned secretely togyther, and in the ende conclu­ded, not onely to denie hys request, but also to depose him of all kingly gouernment, sithe hys naughtie life requyred no lesse.

The next day therefore when they were a­gaine set downe in the Counsell Chamber, one of them in name of the residue, tooke vpon hym to speake,The answere of the Lordes to the demaūd of Conarus. declaring that the Lordes and Com­mons of the Realme, marueyled not a little how it should come to passe, that the king hauing no warres wherewith to consume his treasure, shoulde yet bee enforced to demaunde a tallage for maintenaunce of his estate and charges of hys householde, but the faulte was knowne well ynoughe to reste in suche as hee moste vnwoorthylye had preferred to rule thinges [Page 60] vnder him, who being come of naught, did no­thing but deuise meanes howe to cause the king to spoyle his naturall subiectes of theyr goodes and possessions, therewyth to enriche them­selues, but, (sayeth he) as they shall be prouided for well ynoughe ere long, and so aduaun­ced, as they shall not neede to thyrst for other mennes lyuings, that is to witte, euen to a faire payre of Gallowes, there to ende their liues with shame, as a number of suche other losengers 10 had often done before them: so it is conuenient that the King sithe his skill is so small in the ad­ministration of his office, shoulde bee shutte vp in some one Chamber or other, and suche a one to haue the gouernaunce of the Realme as may be thought by common assent of the Lords most meete to take it vpon him.

The King hearing this tale, started vp, and with a loude voyce beganne to call them tray­tours, adding that if they went about any hurte 20 to his person, they shoulde deare abye the bar­gaine.Conarus is ta­ken and com­mitted to close keeping. But notwithstanding these wordes, such as were appoynted thereto, caught him betwixt them, and had him forth to a place assigned where they layde hym vppe maugre all hys re­sistaunce.

Conarus his ministers are punished for their offences.In lyke maner, all suche as had borne of­fices vnder him, were attached and had to prison, where the most part of them vpon examination taken of their offences, suffered death according to their iust demerites.

Then was the rule of the Realme commyt­ted vnto one Argadus, a man of noble byrth,Argadus is chosen to go­uerne the Realme. and ruler of Argyle, who vnder the name of a Go­uernour tooke vpon him the publike regiment till other aduise might be taken.

His studie in the begynning was onely to clense the Countrey of all mysdoers, and to see the peace kept to the quiet of the people: and fi­nally in all his doings shewed a perfite patrone of an vpright Iusticier.Argadus an vpright in­sticier. But within a few yeares after (as it often happeneth) prosperous successe chaunged his former mynde to an euill disposi­tion, whereby he ordered things after his owne selfewill more than by reason,Prosperitie chaungeth conditions. without the aduise of his peeres.

And further to the manifest ruyne of the com­mon wealth, he nourished ciuill discorde and se­dition amongst the nobles, supposing it to make for his welfare, so long as they were at oddes. He also maryed a Pictish Ladie, the better to streng­then himselfe by this his forraine aliaunce.

Hereupon the Peeres of the Realme vnder­standing what mischiefe might ensue by these manifolde and sundrie abuses of the gouernour, caused a Parliament to be called, where in pre­sence of the whole assemblie, they layde vnto his charge, howe (that through his misgouernment

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and presumption,Argadus is rebuked. not onely in coupling himselfe in maryage with a wife of a straunge Nation, but also for attempting many other things pre­iudicial 50 to the estate of the Realme, without con­sent of the Nobles or Commons of the same) he had deserued greeuous punishment, his tres­passe being so much the greater, in yt considering the meane howe he came to that dignitie, he an­swered not their expectation, nor performed the trust which was generally committed vnto him.

Argadus hearing himselfe thus charged, and not able to lay any likely excuse,Argadus con­fesseth his fault. fell vppon hys knees, and partly as it were confessing his fault with teares gushing frō his eyes, besought them of pardon, wholy submitting himselfe to bee or­dered at their discretion.

The Lordes being moued with this humble submission of Argadus,Argadus is permitted to continue in his office. vpon promise he shoulde redresse al his former misdemeanours, were con­tented that he should continue still in the admi­nistration [Page 65] of the Realme, but suche as had beene his chiefest Counsellours were committed to warde.

After this sharpe admonition and warning thus giuen,Argadus amē ­deth his for­mer misgo­uernance, and ruleth him [...]elf by better ad­uice. Argadus did nothing touching the gouernment of the common wealth, without the aduice of his Peeres: and soone after amongest other things, he tooke order for the limitting how farre the authoritie of inferiour officers, as Bay­liffes, Boroughmaisters, Constables, and such other shoulde extende. But especially he trauai­led moste diligently for the punishing of theaues and robbers, of whom none escaped with life that fell into his handes.

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A notable statute.Moreouer hee ordeyned by statute, that no man exercising any publike office, should taste of any drinke that might make him drunken. Hee also banished all suche persons as vsed with dres­sing 30 of delicate meates, and as I may call them, deyntie dishes,Fine cookerie banished. or banketting cheare, to allure mennes appetites from the olde rude fare accu­stomed amongst their elders, who sought not to follow theyr delicious appetites, but onely pro­uided to sustayne nature, which is satisfied with a little, and that voyde of costly furniture.

Argadus thus beeing occupied in reforming the state of the common wealth, brought many euill doers into good frame and order, and such as 40 were vpright liuers of themselues, endeuored still to proceede forward to better and better.

Conarus de­parteth out of this worlde. 162. H. B.At length in the eight yeare of his gouern­ment Conarus beeing consumed with long im­prisonment, departed oute of this life, in the fourtenth yeare after the begynning of hys raigne.

Etho­dius. Ethodius the nephewe of Mogal is cho­sen king.

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AFter whose deceasse, the nobles and other 50 estates of the realme assēbling themselues togi­ther, chose one Ethodius, Ne­phew to King Mogall by hys sister, to raigne ouer them.

But Argadus being highly rewarded with landes and lyuings for his faythfull and diligent paynes taken in the aduauncement of the pub­like weale, during the time of his gouernment, was thereto soone after created as it were Lorde President of the Counsell,Argadus is create Lorde president of the counsell. thereby to bee chie­fest in authoritie next to the king, in the ordering and rule of all publike affayres and causes.

Shortly after Ethodius (as the custome of newe kings in those dayes was) went ouer into the westerne Iles, there to take order for the ad­ministration of iustice, where immediately vpon his arriual, it was shewed him that not passing two or three dayes before, there had bene a great cōflict fought betwixt yt nobles or clannes of the countrey,Ciuil discorde amongst the Lordes of the Iles. by reason of a strife that was stirred a­mongst their seruants, being a cōpany of naugh­tie and vnruly fellowes, to the great disquiet of the Inhabitants.

Herevpon was Argadus sent forth inconte­nētly with a power to appease that businesse,Argadus is sent forth to apprehend the rebelles. and to bring in the offenders, that they might receyue rewarde according to their demerites. Argadus forthwith hasted towards the place, where he vn­derstood the rebelles to be remayning, and appre­hending their whole nūber of thē, some by force, and some vpō their humble submission, he retur­ned back with them to the king, who causing the matter to be throghly heard, such as were ye con­fest beginners, & most in fault,The Iland re­belles are pu­nished. were punished by death, and the other fined at the kings pleasure.

[Page 66]The Ilande people beeing thus appeased, the king returned into Albion, where as then lying at Enuerlochthee, a towne (as is sayde) in Louchquhaber,The Romains inuade the Pictish & Scottish borders. worde came vnto him, yt the Ro­maines had broken downe the Wall buylded by the Emperour Adrian, and made a greate rode into the Scottishe and Pictishe borders, where meeting with the Inhabitantes assembled to­gyther in defence of theyr Countrey (after a sore conflict) the victorie remayned with the Ro­maines: by reason wherof they led a great bootie of cattel and other goodes away with them to the places where they soiourned. 10

Ethodius re­quyteth resti­tution of his subiects goods taken away by the Romains.Ethodius beeing mooued herewyth, sente foorthwyth an Heralde vnto Victorine the Romaine Lieutenant, requyring that his sub­iectes myghte haue restitution of theyr goodes wrongfully taken from them, or else to looke for warres within .xv. dayes after.

Victorine answered herevnto, that the 20 Scottes and Pictes had fyrst begonne to breake downe the foresayde Wall,Victorines answere to Ethodius re­quest. and to buylde a Tower vppon the same, fortifying it wyth a number of menne of warre, who running day­lye into the Brytishe confines, fetched prayes thence from amongest the Romaine subiects, and thoughe hee had sent dyuerse tymes to the Scot­tishe and Pictishe Wardens for restitution, yet coulde hee neuer haue anye towardly answere, so that hee was constrayned to begynne the 30 warre in manner and fourme as hee had done alreadie.

Ethiodius ex­horteth the king of Picts to make warres against the Romains.Ethodius not a little kyndled with this an­swere, wrote streyght wayes vnto the King of the Pictes, exhorting him in reuenge of suche in­iuries as his subiectes had lately receyued at the handes of the Romaines, to inuade the Wall on the syde where it deuided his Countrey from the Brytaynes, and to breake in vppon the eni­mies by the same, and for his parte hee promised 40 shortly after to come, and to ioyne with him in such a necessarie enterprise agaynst the common enimies of both their Countreyes.

The Pictish king giuing thankes to the mes­senger for his paynes, promised with all speede to sette forwarde according to the aduice of E­thodius.

The Romaines in like maner hauing know­ledge of the whole intention of the two Kings, with all speede made preparation also for the 50 warres, but the Scottes and Pictes first brea­king in vpon them,The Scottishe men & Pictes inuade the Brytish bor­ders. did muche hurt abrode in the Countreyes next adioyning. Which when the Romains perceyued, they passed by the enimies campe in the night season, and entered into the Pictishe borders, wasting and spoyling all a­fore them.

When the two Kings vnderstoode this, they hasted forth forwardes them, and were no soouner come within sight of them, but that they made eche towardes other,The Romaine encountred by the Scottishe▪ [...]hen & Pictes. and so encountering togy­ther, there was fought a sore battaile with doubt­full victorie, for the right wings on eyther syde banquished the lefte, the breastes of bothe the battayles keeping theyr grounde,Night pa [...] the battaile. the one not once shrinking backe from the other, tyl night seuered them in sunder, but not without suche slaughter made on bothe sydes, that beeing once parted, they made no greate haste to ioyne agayne togyther: for as well the one parte as the other beeing thus disseuered, drew incontinently homewardes without abyding for the morning. Neither did they attempt any further exploite of all that yeare following.

In whiche meane tyme Victorine sent let­ters vnto Rome to the Emperour Marcus An­tonius Aurelius,Victorine sen­deth leuen to Rome. who as then gouerned the Empyre, signifying vnto him in what state things stoode in Brytaine: Further declaring that if conuenient succours were not sente in tyme, it woulde bee harde to resist the [...]ous rage of the enimies, by reason of the small trust hee perceyued was to bee had in the Brytaines, beeing no lesse readie vppon occasion to make warres in recouerie of their libertie, than the Scottes or Pictes were too encroche vppon them.

The Emperour vpon recept of these letters, thought in his minde that Victorine was not so valiant a Captaine as the case requyred, and that therevppon the Scottes and Pictes became the more enboldened to resist,Victorine is sent for to re­turne vnto Rome, and one Calphurnius sent into Bry­taine to suc­ceede in his roome. therefore hee sente for him home, appoynting one Agricola Cal­phurnius to succeede in hys roome, who was (as some haue lefte in wryting) the Nephew of Iulius Agricola, the moste famous Cap­tayne of the Romaines that euer came into Brytaine.

This Calphurnius comming into Brytain with the armie, ioyned to the fame the power which he founde there, as well of the Brytaynes as of other seruing vnder the Romaine ensignes. Which done, he repayred to Yorke,Calphurnius entreth into the borders of his enimies. and after towardes the Riuer of Tine, where beeing ary­ued, he marched foorth into the borders of his eni­myes, finding all the Countrey rounde aboute him so clearly wasted and burned, that there was not a house left standing, nor a graine of corne, or one heade of Cattell to be founde therein. Yet notwithstanding al this, forth he passed through Northumberlande, and entering into Pictlande wasted al that was before him with fire & sword. And for so muche as Winter came vpon, when hee had done his will in that behalfe,Calphurnius returneth to Yorke. hee retur­ned vnto Yorke, where hee soiourned vntill the Spring.

[Page 67]When Sommer was once come, hauing made his prouision to warre on the Scottes and Pictes,The Welchmē rebell against the Romains. worde came vnto him, that the Welch­men were reuolted, and beganne to rayse warre agaynst the Romaines, so that taking order for the repayring of the Wall made by Adrian, which the enimies in dyuerse places had broken downe, and leauing a sufficient number of men of warre for defence of the same agaynst all in­uasions that might bee attempted,The Welch­men brought to their for­mer obedience he turned the 10 residue of his power agaynst those Welche Re­belles, whome in the ende, though not without much ado he reduced to obedience.

The inhabi­tants of the Ile of Wight reuolt frō the Romains, and are cōstreined againe to be obedient.Immediately after this, he heard also howe the Brytaynes of the Isle of Wight were vp in armor agaynst suche Romaines as ruled there, sundrie noble men of the maine Isle taking their part, but they also were at length brought againe to their former subiection, and the authours of that rebellion punished by death. 20

In the meane tyme the Scottes and Pictes determined not to attempt any further exployte agaynst the Romaines, doubting the verie name and linage of Agricola in the Lieutenaunt Cal­phurnius,The name of Agricola dredful to the Scottish men and Pictes. by calling to remembrance the noble atchieued conquestes of his grandfather Iulius Agricola, of whose victorious exploytes, besyde that which ye haue here before heard: the English historie also doth make a long rehearsall.

Calphurnius studieth to re­form the estate of Brytaine.Calphurnius being thus at quiet on that side, 30 intended wholy to reform al misorders amongst the Brytaynes, which being brought to indiffe­rent good passe,Calphurnius returneth vn­to Rome. he was sent for home againe vn­to Rome by the Emperour Antonius Commo­dus, the sonne and successour of the foremem­bred Marcus Aurelius,Publius Tre­bellius sent as Lieutenaunt into Brytaine. sending one Publius Trebellius into Brytayne there to supplie hys charge.

This Trebellius comming into Brytain, at the first vsed himselfe very vprightly in his office, 40 shewing all honor and loue towardes the Bry­taynes, subiectes to the Romaine Empyre, and namely to Lucius, who raigned as king of the lande, vnder the name and authoritie of the Ro­maine Empyre.

But after that he had once wonne him a peece of credit amongst them, he chaunged his maners, or rather discouered his naturall inclination, so wholy giuen to couetousnesse,Publius Tre­bellius giuen to couetousnes that his only stu­die was set whiche way to fill his bagges, not 50 caring howe vntruly hee forged accusations a­gaynste the riche, so that eyther by death or ba­nishment, their goodes might be confiscate, and so come to his handes.

He is hated of the Brytaines.By this wicked gouernment, the Brytaines baganne so sore to hate him, that had it not beene for the loue of their king, the foresayde Lucius, (who holpe to appease them) there had beene some Rebellion practised agaynste him in the South part.

Now the Scottes and Pictes hauing know­ledge of this misliking in the Brytayns towards the Romaine Lieutenant,The Scottes and Pictes re­nue the warre against the Romaines. thought it a time con­uenient for them also to be doing, to the ende they might reuenge their former iniuries: and here­vpon leuying an armie, they came to the oft re­mēbred wall, & ouerthrowing the same in diuerse places they entred into the British cōfines with great spoyle and crueltie.

Trebellius being hereof informed, hasted forth with all the power he coulde make, to resist their inuasions: but finding the enimies readye in the field, and encountring them sooner than he looked for,Trebellius fighteth with his enimies, is forsaken of his owne men, and chased out of the fielde. he was euen vpon the first ioyning abādoned of the most part of his whole armie, whiche con­sisted of Britains & Frenchmē, thē called Gauls, so that the residue beeing beaten downe, he was glad to saue himselfe as well as he might be set­ting the spurs to his horse, and galloping away.

After this,Westmerland and Kendall spoyled by the Scottish men and Pictes. gathering togither his people again as they fled from the discomfiture he retired back with them vnto Yorke, hauing lost in his bicke­ring a great number of his best soldiers, and men of warre: for the Scottes and Pictes missing no small number of their friends in that battaile, wer not satisfied with those whom they had likewyse slain in the fight, but also fel vpon their prisoners which they had taken, and slue them also in re­uenge of their fellowes whom they had lost.

Afterwards they harried the coūtreys of West­merland and Kendal in most cruel wise, Trebel­lius not being so hardy to fight with them again for doubt of some traine that might bee practised by the Brytaines. Neither was his suspition grounded vpon the credite of any light informa­tion, as may appeare by that which followed: for immediately after, the Cōmons of the countrey rose against the Romaines, in purpose to haue driuen them all out of land.

Their captain was one Caldorus a Pict born.The Brytishe Cōmons rise against Tre­bellius, one Caldorus a Pict beeing their captaine. There were also diuerse of the Britishe nobilitie amongest them not knowne, for they were dis­guised in straunge apparel, counterfeiting them­selues to be of the vulgar sort. The furie of these people was great, but yet in the ende the politike order of the Romains vanquished them,The same commons are van­quished. howbait not without great slaughter on both sides.

Caldorus escaping the handes of this enimies, fled into his natiue countrey of Pictland,Caldorus re­ioyceth at the slaughter as wel of the one part as of the other. not a little reioysing that he had procured such slaugh­ter amongst the Romaines and Brytaines, both being enimies to him and his countrey.

Suche prisoners also of the Brytaynes as fell into hands of the Romaines, were hanged vp, vpon sundrie trees and gibets: whereat other of the Brytains being offered, in ye night season. [Page 68] tooke downe those deade bodies,The spite of the Brytaynes shewed to­wardes the Romaines. and hanged vp as many of the Romaines in theyr places, the truth beeing neuer knowne who were the doers of that act.

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The Lieutenant Trebellius perceyuing thus what daunger he stoode in on euerie part,Trebellius writeth to the Emperor Cō ­modus for ayde. wrote vnto the Emperour Commodus, that withoute some reformation were had, the Romaines were not like to keepe foote any long season in Bry­tayne, and therefore requyred to haue some ayde sent ouer vnto him in time. But the Emperour doubting least the fault rested most in the Lieu­tenant himselfe,Pertinax sent as Lieuetenant into Brytaine. appoynted that one Pertinax an 30 auncient gentleman, & one for his high and no­table vertues greatly esteemed both amongst the men of warre, and also in the Senate, should go into Brytaine, to bee Legate there in place of Trebellius.

This Pertinax comming into Brytain, ac­cording to the Emperours appoyntment, tooke vpon him the office. And first setting a staye a­mongst the Brytaines, by right prudent and wel aduised gouernmēt, he afterwards made a iour­ney 40 agaynst the Scottes and Pictes,Pertinax dri­ueth back both the Scots and Pictes. dryuing them by great slaughter beyonde Adrians wall, and so constreyned them to remaine within their own confines, pursuing them no further, for that hee was sente for home vnto Rome, where the Emperour Commodus beeing murthered a­mongst his owne men,Pertinax is chosen Em­perour. he was agaynst his will preferred to his place.

About the same time the state of the Scottish common wealth was brought into great daun­ger 50 through an other incident, as by reason of a rebellion stirred by them of the westerne Isles, who not quieted in their stomackes for the death of their friendes executed by Argadus (as before ye haue heard) assembled thēselues togither, and comming ouer into Argyle,Argyle infe­sted by the Iland men. spoyled and harryed the countrey in piteous wise. For redresse where­of, Argadus was sent thither againe with an ar­mie, and in the meane time Ethodius the king with a great host of Scottishe men and Pictes lay in campe neare vnto Adrians wall, to resist the inuasion of the enimies on that syde, if happe­ly they should attempt any new exployt against him in those partes.

The Ilande men hearing of Argadus hys approche, drewe themselues togither to receyue him by battaile, if he minded to offer it. In which meane time two thousand Irishe men were lan­ded in that Countrey, in hope of spoyle,The Irish men lande in Argyle. and hea­ring that Argadus was comming that wayes forth to fight with his enimies, they layde them­selues secretely in ambushe by the way where hee shoulde passe, and when he was passed by them,The Irish men lay an ambush to entrappe Argadus. they brake forth vppon his rerewarde sodainly, putting his people in suche disorder by their vio­lent impression at the first brunt, that though he did what in him laye to bring them againe into aray of battayle,Argadus is slaine. yet in the ende hee was there slaine with two thousande of his armie, the re­sidue escaping by flight out of the handes of their wilde and cruel enimies.

Ethodius hauing knowledge hereof, with an armie of .xx. thousand men hasted forth towards Argyle to reuenge the death of his valiant Cap­taine Argadus vpon the rebelles. Who hearing of his comming, made towardes the Sea, and woulde gladly haue bene gone, but by reason of a contrary winde they were forced to stay agaynst their willes, so that hee finding them still in the Countrey, wrought so warely by closing them vp among the Hilles and Mountaynes,The Ilande men yeelde themselues. that fi­nally constrayned through famine, they submit­ted themselues vpon these conditions, that their heade Captaine with two hundred others of the chiefest, shoulde yeeld themselues simplie to the [Page 69] kings mercie, and the residue to be licenced to de­part againe into their Countreys.

Those that were appoynted to bee deliuered to the king with their captaine,Execution. suffered death by

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sentence of the Nobles and Peeres of the realme. Whereat the other taking indignation, thoughe they had alreadie yeelded vppe theyr weapons, yet beganne they to fall vppon the Scottes with hurling of stones, and other suche things as came to hande, tyll finallye they were bea­ten downe by the armed Souldiers, and a greate number of them slayne: the residue es­caping as well as they myght, fledde into the 30 Mountaynes.

The Islande menne beeing thus vanqui­shed, and the Romaines attempting nothing a­gaynst the Scottishe men or Pictes,Ethodius visi­teth his coun­treys, to see iustice main­teyned. Ethodius visited all the partes of his Realme, taking order for the due execution of Iustice amongest hys subiects.

And for that hee woulde not spende his time in idlenesse, beeing nowe at rest from warres, hee beganne to exercise himselfe in hunting, and 40 for the better nourishing of game,He giueth him selfe to hun­ting, and cau­seth the lawes for the main­tenaunce of game to bee well kept and looked vnto. hee tooke or­der that all suche ordinances as had beene deui­sed by his elders, shoulde straytely bee obserued and kept: as that no man shoulde bee so hardie to goe aboute to destroy any Hares with nettes, grennes, or Harepypes: Neither to kill them in theyr formes by anye meanes: nor after that they had beene once coursed and escaped, to follow the sute, to the entente to starte them a­gayne. Also that none shoulde goe aboute to 50 kyll anye Harte or Hynde, during all the Win­ter season, at what tyme they were accusto­med for hunger to leaue the Mountaynes, For­restes, and Wooddes, and to come downe into the fieldes and couertes, neare vnto the townes and houses.

He ordeyned moreouer therunto, that no man shoulde presume to kill any Hinde Calues, de­testing nothing more than to haue suche game destroyed, as serued for the exercise and solace of him and his Nobles.

The other vacant tyme, whilest hee rested from hunting, hee spent for the moste parte in hearing of Musick, hauing diuerse cunning play­ers of sundrie kindes of Instruments attending in his court.

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At length setting all his pleasure in hea­ring of a Musition beeing horne in one of the west Isles,Ethodius mur­thered by a Musitian. 194. H.B. hee was murthered by him in the night time within his owne chamber. The mur­therer beeing apprehended, and examined vpon what occasion hee did that heynous fact, for the which he had deserued the most extreme kinde of punishment that might be deuised he answered: that in reuenge of the death of suche his kins­men and friendes as the King hadde caused to bee executed in Argyle, hee purposed long [Page 70] before to doe that deede, and nowe that hee had accomplished hys purpose, hee was readie to re­ceyue what kynde of death they woulde ad­iudge him to. For sure I am of this, sayeth he, that howe terrible so euer my execution shall be, yet can it not be so painefull, but that I shall re­ioyce euen in the verie instaunt of my death, for that I haue in suche notable sorte reuenged the deathes of all my kynsmen and friendes. Finally by commaundement of the Magistrates he was drawne in peeces with wilde horses in moste violent wise.

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Septimus Se­uerus. H. B.Ethodius raigned. xxxiij. yeares, vntyll the latter dayes of Caracalla the Emperour. Hee was buryed at Dunstafage with all suche pom­pous ceremonies as was accustomed about the enterrement of kings in that age. 30

In his dayes Lucius the King of Brytaine receyued the fayth with a great part of his peo­ple,Brytayne re­ceyueth the Christian faith in the yeare 187. beeing the yeare after the byrth of our Sa­uiour, as the Scottes Chronicles haue 187. but after the Brytish 177.

Satra­hel.

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After the death of Ethodius, his brother Satrahel or Serra­hell 40 (as some write hym,) was chosen to succeed by the common con­sent and voy­ces of al the estates of the Realme. For although Ethodius left a sonne behinde him, yet bycause hee was very yong in yeares, hee was thought insufficient to haue so great a charge (as the rule 50 of a kingdome) committed vnto his handes.

Thys Satrahell was subtile of nature, and a greate dissembler, whose purpose was to de­fraude the issue of hys brother Ethodius from attayning at any tyme vnto the rule of the king­dome,Satrahel see­keth to de­stroy such as were in fauor with his pre­decessor. and therefore to bring hys purpose the better to passe, hee founde forged matter agaynst all such as were familier friends vnto Ethodius, thereby to put them vnto death. Neyther dealt hee any thing more sincerely with a great num­ber of other of his wealthie subiectes, whose landes and goodes hee onely sought to enioye at his owne will.

By meanes whereof suche mischefe ensued through the Realme,Discord riseth among the people throgh the king [...] gouernour. and such ciuil sedition day­ly rose amongst the people, that pitie it was to beholde it: the king beeing not so bolde all the while, as once to shewe his face abrode for re­dresse thereof, by reason hee vnderstoode well y­noughe what hatred the people bare towardes hym,Serrahel stra [...] ­gled to death by his owne seruants. 197. H. B. neyther did his keeping within doores saue his lyfe any long tyme, for in the ende his owne seruauntes founde meanes to strangle him, and that before hee had raigned fully foure yeares.

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[Page 71] Donald

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10

IN his place succeeded his brother Donald, a prince of far cōtrary nature and conditions, for he was free, curteous, and without al deceyte, more righteous than rigorous, & afore all things desyrous that peace and concorde might prosper among his subiects. Neither bare he with offen­ders, but suche as were disobedient agaynst the lawes & wholsome ordinances of the realme, he caused to be duely punished: finally he tooke such 20 order for reformation of things,Donald studi­eth to reduce his subiectes vnto all ci­uilitie. that hee reduced his subiects as it had beene from a wylde and sa­uage rudenesse, vnto a perfect ciuill trade of hu­manitie.

Aboute the same time Lucius king of the Brytaynes beeing deade,Lucius the king of Bry­taynes dyeth. the Romaynes per­ceyuing that a Kings authoritie amongest the Brytaynes, did nothing else but diminishe the maiestie of the Imperiall iurisdiction amongest them,The Romains purpose to make a pro­uince of the kingdome of the Brytaynes. determined not to suffer any more of the 30 Brytishe Nation to enioy that title.

This thing mooued the Brytaynes to suche indignation, that by procurement of one Ful­gentius,The Brytayns rebel & chose one Fulgen­tius to their captaine, who sendeth for ayde vnto the Scottish men. dyuerse of them rebelled, and choosing the same Fulgentius to theyr generall, they dy­rected a Messenger with letters vnto Donalde King of the Scottes, requyring him to ioyne wyth them in league agaynste theyr auncient enimyes the Romaines, whose endeuour (as hee knewe) had euer beene from tyme to tyme, 40 howe to bring the whole Islande vnder theyr subiection, and to extinguishe all the Nobilitie and auncient inhabitours of the same. Adding furthermore, that if he woulde nowe put to hys helping hande, the time neuer serued better for the dispatching of them wholly out of the Isle, considering the sundrie rebellions attempted as well by the people of Germanye and Fraunce, as also of the easterly Nations and Countreys. 50

Donald pro­miseth to ayde Fulgentius.Donald receyued the Messenger most friend­ly, and being glad to vnderstande of these newes, hee promised to ayde Fulgentius with all the power he was able to make, and to meete hym at suche day and place as hee shoulde afterwarde appoynt. The lyke answere was made also by the king of Pictes, vnto whom in semblable wise Fulgentius had directed his letters.

Thus the Brytaynes (being confirmed with hope of great ayde from the Scottes and Pictes) assembling their hoste togyther,The Brytaynes come to Adri­ans wall, and pull it downe to let in the Scottes. resorted vnto the wall of Adrian, which they ouerthrew in diuerse places, that their friendes might haue the more free accesse and entrie vnto them by the same. Neither were the Scottes and Pictes slowe for theyr part to make forwarde:The Scottishe men & Pictes come to the ayde of the Brytaynes. so that they like­wyse comming thither, holpe to throwe downe that Wall, and to fyll vp the trench or ditch that went alongst the same.

Thys done, ioyning theyr powers togither, they passed foorth towardes Yorke,The Scots and Pictes inuade the Brytaynes. in hope to haue founde the Romaine Lieutenaunt Tre­bellius within that Citie, and to haue besieged him therein: But hauing knowledge howe hee was withdrawne into Kent, there to gather a power,The Scottes helpe the Bry­tayns to spoile their owne countrey. they lefte theyr purpose of besieging that Citie, and fell to spoyling and harrying of the Countrey abroade on euerie syde, constrayning the moste parte of the people to come in and yeelde themselues vnder theyr obeysance.

Thus they continued in passing from one quarter of the Countrey to another, till Win­ter enforced them to breake vppe their campe, and to lycence the Souldiours to departe home into theyr Countreys, tyll they had newe summonance to assemble and meete againe.

In this meane tyme Trebellius certifyed the Emperour Seuerus of all thys trouble and rebellion in Brytayne,Trebellius certifieth the Emperour of the state of Brytaine. wherevppon Seuerus with all speede leuyed an armie, and sette for­warde with the same himselfe in person towarde Brytayne, as in the Englishe Historie more plainly it may appeare.

At his comming into Brytaine, hee slacked no time, but assembling his power, prepared to go agaynst the enimies.

Fulgentius doubting the force of his enimies sent Ambassadours vnto him to treate for peace, but Seuerus woulde not graunt to any, where­vpon Fulgentius confirmed the myndes of the Brytaynes with all comfortable wordes,Fulgentius en­courageth the Brytaynes to sticke vnto their begun enterprise. in the best wise hee coulde, exhorting them to sticke to theyr necessarilye begonne enterpryse, for re­couerie of theyr long wyshed libertie, whiche he doubted not, but by vanquishing the Em­perour at that present, they shoulde assuredly [...] attayne: And as for victorie, hee was in no doubt, so that they woulde plucke their heartes vnto them, and trie it foorth manfully by dynte of Swoorde lyke fellowes and brethren knitte in one faythfull bande of trustye concorde, consydering the enimyes armie beeyng gathered of so many sundrie nations and languages, that consent in one opinion, the chiefest meane for the atteyning of victorie, must needes bee wanting amongst them.

[Page 72]The Brytaynes mooued herewith, promi­sed hym to liue and dye in the quarell. Where­vpon he tooke aduice with them, whiche way to mainteyne themselues agaynste Seuerus, of whose comming they were alreadie certifyed. For Seuerus hauing dispatched the Brytishe Ambassadours from him,Seuerus set­teth forth to­wardes his enimies. set incontinently for­warde towards Yorke, leauing his yonger sonne named Geta in the South partes to haue the gouernaunce of the same in hys absence. Hys 10 eldest sonne Antoninus he tooke with him in this iourney agaynst his enimies.

Seuerus com­meth to York.At his comming to Yorke, hee did sacrifice to the Goddes, according to his Ethnishe cu­stome, and also tooke aduice with his Captaines howe to proceede in his enterprise agaynst hys enimies.

This done, he marcheth foorth with hys ar­mie towardes them, who beeing alreadie ioyned with the Scottes and Pictes, were determined 20 to abyde him,Seuerus is en­countered by his enimies. in so muche that those of the one side came no sooner in sight of the other, but that they hasted forth to ioyne togyther in battayle, whereof ensued great slaughter betwixt them, though the Brytishe part (notwithstanding their ayde of Scottes and Pictes) were not able long to endure agaynst the great multitude and prac­tysed skil of the Romaine Souldiours, so that in the ende they were opened perforce and put to flight with the losse of xxx.Fulgentius is put to flight, and his armie discomfited. thousande, what of 30 Brytaynes, Scottishmen and Pictes.

Fulgentius himselfe seeing the discomfiture and huge slaughter made of his people, had run in amongst the thickest preace of his enimyes, had not those that were aboute him ledde him a­way by force, and so at length he got him among the troupes of the Scottishe men and Pictes, and togyther with them passed ouer Tine, and so into the borders of his friendes,Fulgentius withdraweth into Pictland. where he got togyther suche Souldiers as he coulde, that had 40 escaped from the battail, and retayned them with wages so well as hee myght, in hope vpon occa­sion to employ them eftsoones agaynste his eni­myes. The Scottes also sent into Irelande for ayde, and the Pictes into Denmarke and Norway.

Suche of the Brytishe Nobilitie as fell in­to the handes of the Romaines, Seuerus pu­nished moste grieuously, but the Commons he vsed more gentlye, as it were making ex­cuse 50 for them beeing procured thereto by theyr Captaines.

After this, when Winter was come, hee appoynted hys menne of warre to drawe vnto places conuenient for them to lodge in,Seuerus win­ereth at York. tyll the next Spring. Hee himselfe wintered at Yorke.

In the next Sommer there was little done worthie to be spoken of, but that there were cer­tayne skirmishes betwixt the Romaines lying on the borders, and the Scottes and Pictes, e­uer as occasion serued, eyther of the partyes to worke any exployte for theyr aduauntage. But forsomuche as the Scottes had no ayde sente them forth of Irelande, they were not mynded to ieoparde againe in a foughten fielde, suppo­sing it sufficient if they might defend their owne, thoughe they gayned nothing as then, conside­ring the puyssaunce that was readie bent against them.

At length Seuerus fell sicke at Yorke,Seuerus sick­neth. and his sonne Antoninus lying on the borders beyonde Tine, caused the wall afore mentioned, deuy­ding the Brytayns from the Scottes and Picts to be repayred.The wall is repayred.

This wall was buylt (as is before recyted) first by Adrian the Emperour, to stay the Scot­tishe men from inuading the lands apperteyning to the subiectes of the Romaine Empyre, and after ouerthrowne in dyuerse places as well by Scottes and Pictes, as by the Brytaynes, in sort as before is partly mentioned. Antoninus caused it to be fortified with Bastilyons, one be­ing placed so neare to another, as trumpettes be­ing appoynted in eche of them, the sounde might be heard betwixt to warne one another vpon the first discrying of the enimies approche.

Finally Seuerus dyeth,Seuerus dieth. though not so soone as his son Antoninus wished, in hope after him to attaine the Emperiall dignitie. Concluding therefore a league with the Scottishe men and Pictes, and graunting peace to Fulgentius,Antoninus is hope to bee Emperor con­cludeth a peac [...] with the eni­mies. and other such Brytishe rebelles as were fledde wyth him into Pictlande, hee receyued sufficient pled­ges, and then returned towardes London, where his mother with his brother Geta as then lay.

Shortly after, both the brethren departed forth of the Isle, and went to Rome, as in the Hystorie of Englande it appeareth.

But now to returne vnto Donald the Scot­tishe king, ye shall vnderstande,Donald studi­ous to main­teyne his sub­iects in peace and concorde. that being dely­uered of forrayne trouble, he studied chiefely how to preserue his people in good peace and perfecte tranquilitie. Which minde our Sauiour Christ the authour of all peace and concorde had gyuen vnto him, being lately afore conuerted vnto the true faith from his wicked paganisme and heath­nishe Idolatrie.

For as we finde in Hector Boetius,Donald con­uerted vnto Christian be­liefe in the dayes of the Emperour Seuerus. in the dayes of the aboue mentioned Emperour Seue­rus, he sent a messenger with letters vnto Pope Victor (Zephirinus sayeth Harison) beeing the xv. in number, as they say, after Saint Peter, de­claring vnto him that hee was fully mynded to receyue the Christian Religion, and vtterly to forsake the superstitious seruice of the Heathnish Goddes, and therfore instantly requyred him to [Page 73] sende ouer into Scotlande some godly learned men, to instruct him in the right beliefe.

The Pope hearing this, and being glad to increase the faith of Christ through all parties of the worlde, sent with all speede into Scotlande such well disposed persons as he thought moste meete for that purpose, who at theyr arriuall there, did theyr endeuour in such diligēt sort, that not only the king, but also through his ensample a great number of the nobilitie were baptised,The Scottish men receyued the faith in the yere of our sauiour. 203. 5399. H. B. 533. H. B. & 10 clearely forsoke their former errours & idolatrie.

This was in the yeare after the byrth of our Sauiour .202. from the creation of the worlde 4170. and after the firste erection of the Scot­tishe kingdome .530. as Harrison in his chrono­logie dothe manifestly confirme.

Moreouer this Donald was the firste as the Scottishe chronicles alledge, that caused siluer and golde to be coyned in his realme.Donald firste caused siluer and gold to be coyned in Scotland. The stamp whiche he deuised for the same, was a crosse on 20 the one side, and his face on the other. Before that time the Scottes vsed no coyne, but eyther exchāged and bartered ware for ware, either else occupied with Bryttishe and Romaine money, as diuers marble chestes full of the same whiche haue bene founde of late yeares in sundry partes of Scotland, do very well witnesse.

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Donald depar­teth out of this worlde. Anno christi. 216. H. B.Finally king Donald in the .xxj. yeare of his raigne departed out of this life, and was buried according to the maner of our Christian religiō, without any heathenish ceremonies.

Etho­dius.

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AFter him succee­ded Ethodius the seconde, and sonne of 50 the former Ethodius, whiche prince proued so very a foole, that the regiment of the realme was quite taken from him,The gouer­naunce of the realme com­mitted to sun­drie noble mē. and committed vnto certaine Noble men, who being deui­ded into sundry quarters of the realme, tooke ve­ry good order for the due gouernment of the par­ties so to them limitted, and vsed themselues ve­ry vprightly in all their doings. As for cause of warres they had none, for Seuerus before his death had giuen suche order for the gouernment of the Brytains, that they durst not once stirre by reason of such pledges as were deliuered and conueighed to Rome,Ethodius be­ing giuen to couetousnesse, is slaine by his owne seruants that wayted vpon him. Anno christi. 231. H. B. whiche were the chiefest of all the Brittish nobilitie. At length Ethodius being apt for nothing but to fil his coffers, as one though doltish, yet naturally giuē to vnquench­able couetousnesse, was slaine by those that were appointed to the garde of his person, in the .xvj. yeare of his raigne.

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THen was his son Athirco elected by the generall voyces of all the estates,Athir­co. who in the beginning of his raygne shewed himself very sober, gētle, cour­teys, and friendly of behauiour, exercising himselfe in all landa­ble pastimes conueni­ent for his estate, and herewith he was so free & liberall towardes all men, that hee wanne him wonderfull muche prayse and loue amongst his people.

But these his noble vertues encreased not in him togither with age, but contrarily decayed, in suche sorte, that after he had raigned .viij. yeares,Athirco chaū ­ged in condi­tions frō good to bad. he was quite altered: in place of liberalitie, em­bracing auarice: for courtesie and amiable coun­tenaunce, he vsed sterne and loftie lookes: for cō ­mendable exercises, he gaue himselfe wholly to filthie pleasures and sensuall lustes of the bodie: & such as could further his purpose most in these his beastlie affections, hee cherished & had them most in estimation,Athirco regar­deth not his nobles. not regarding at all the no­bilitie of his realme, but was as ready to wrong them by villanous iniurie, as hee was any other [Page 74] of the lowest and meanest degrees.

It chaunced that a noble man in Argile (be­ing one of no small authoritie amongst the peo­ple of that countrey) named Natholocus, had twoo fayre yong Gentlewomen to his daugh­ters:The villanous acte of Athir­co, in abusing a Noble mans daughters. now the king being very desirous to satisfie his lust vpon them, forced them both the one af­ter the other, and not so content, deliuered them afterwardes to be abused in the semblable sorte by his pages and seruaunts. The father vnder­standing 10 this villanie done to his daughters by theyr owne lamentable complaint, sente for his friendes, and opening vnto them the whole mat­ter, he requyred theyr assistaunce.

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They being in a wonderfull furie to heare of suche an iniurie done to their bloud,The kinsmen and friends of the gentlewo­men conspire against Athir­co. promised in reuenge thereof to spende bothe life, landes and goodes, and foorthwith departing in sunder, they prepared themselues to assemble theyr powers, procuring a greate number of other Noble men to ioyne with them in so necessarie an enterprise, as to rid the countrey of suche a caytife wretch, respecting nothing but the satisfying of his fil­thie carnal lustes, and the accomplishment of his 40 most beastly appetites.

When they were once got togither in a com­panie, they marched forth towards Dunstafage, where they vnderstoode that the king as then did soiourne, a great multitude of people still resor­ting vnto them by the way, after it was once knowen whereabout they went. Athirco hearing of theyr approche, called togither his power sup­posing at the first to haue beaten downe his eni­mies, but when hee had throughly wayed the 50 matter,Athirco doub­ting to be for­saken of his owne mē, if it came to the triall of bat­taile, cōu [...]yed himselfe from amōgst them. and considered of what force and power they were, and how feeble his part was through want of good willes in his people, hee priuily stale away from them, and woulde haue passed ouer into Ila, one of the westerne Isles, to haue procured some succour there, but being embar­qued and set from the shore, he was by contrarie windes driuē backe againe to land, where doub­ting to come into his enimies handes, hee chose rather to slea himselfe,Athirco slay­eth himselfe. and so ended his wretched life in suche miserable extremitie after hee had raigned the space of. xij. yeares. His raigne con­tinued till the dayes of the Emperour Gordian the third, or as other say, till the time of the Em­perour Valerian.242. H. B. But as Master Harison hath gathered, hee raigned in the dayes of the Empe­rour Aurelius Claudius.Doorus the brother of A­thirco co [...]y­eth himselfe out of the way Doorus the brother of Athirco vnderstāding of the death of his brother, disguised himselfe in beggers weede for doubte of death, and went into Pictlande with .iij. of his Nephewes, sonnes to the same Athirco, whose names were Sindock, Carance, and Donald.

Howebeit Natholocus hauing knowledge whither he was fled,Natholocus seeketh the life of Doorus sent forth certaine of his ser­uants with cōmaundement to searche him out, commaunding furthermore very straightly, that if they founde him, they should dispatch him out of life, for feare of further mischiefe. But they that were sent, finding one in all features & pro­portiō of body resembling Doorus, slew the one in steede of the other, & so returning home to their Master, they made him very ioyfull of ye newes, although in deede they came not neare to Doo­rus. Then Natholocus causing the estates of the Realme to assemble, he handled the mater in such wise, by disswading thē to choose any of A­thircos bloud to raigne ouer thē, (for doubt least they should seeke any meanes how to reuēge his death,) that in the ende,Natholocus is chosen to be king. this Natholocus was e­lected himself, more by force, than by any cōmon cōsent of the nobles: for diuers of them doubting ye craftie nature (whiche they knew to be in him) wished rather that the issue of Athirco (hauing deserued nothing why to be defrauded of ye king­dome, saue only in respect of the fathers offences) might haue enioyed that whiche of right they ought to haue had, that is, either one of thē to be king, or els some neare kinsman of theyrs to raigne as king, til the eldest of them might come to sufficient yeares, to beare the rule himselfe.

BVt Natholocus beyng once proclaymed king by the multitude,Na­tholocus and Athircos bloud attaynted of treason, and so published, accor­ding to the custome, he tooke the othes of those that were present,Natholocus goeth vnto Dunstafage to be [...]sed. and then repayred vnto Dun­stafage, there to be inuested according to the manner.

This done, hee called suche aside as he suspe­cted, and talking with them alone, hee exhorted them to be faithfull,Natholocus seeketh to procure loue of the nobilitie through bribes. promising to be theyr assu­red good Lorde and Maister, and for an earnest thereof, he gaue vnto diuers of them very great rewardes.

Generally vnto all men he shewed himselfe very gentle and tractable, thereby to winne their loues, for the better establishment of his newe [Page 75] atchieued estate: And hereto he employed suche riches as the former kings had heaped togither amongst the Nobles; studying by all meanes to auoyde all seditious quarels and secrete dis­cordes amongst them.

Thus [...]ling the realme at his will for cer­taine yeares,Fortune fauo­ring Natho­l [...]cus for a [...] began to chaunge coū ­tenance. at length fortune began to shewe a chaunge of countenance after hir olde accusto­mes guile. For Doorus the brother of Arthirco (whom as ye haue heard Natholocus supposed 10 to haue bene dead wrote certaine letters signi­fying his owne estate with the welfare of his Nephewes the children of Athirco vnto certaine Scottishe Lordes,Doorus wry­teth vnto cer­taine Scottish lords, to moue them to rebel­ [...]. whome hee knewe to fauour his cause.

Whiche letters hee deliuered vnto a Pictishe woman, appoynting hyr how and to whome she shoulde deliuer the same, but the woman appre­hended by the way, and brought vnto Natho­locus, hee caused hyr secretely to be sacked and 20 throwen into a riuer.

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Afterwardes sending for suche of the Nobles as the direction of the foresayde letters had gi­uen him occasion to haue in some susp [...]ion,Natholocus putreth such to death, as he suspecteth to fauour Doo­rus. he committed them first to pryson, and at length caused them to be secretely strangled.

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A rebellion a­gainst Natho­locus.Whiche wicked deede being once notified a­broade, moued so the hartes of theyr friends and alies, that they procured the people to rebell: and so gathering them togither, they raysed open and cruell warres against him.

Natholocus enformed of their determinati­ons, withdrewe himselfe priuily into Murray lande, there to get togither an armie to resist his enimies, and for that he was desirous also to vn­derstande somewhat of the issue of this trouble,Natholocus sendeth vnto a witche, to know the con­clusion of his enimies at­temptes. 50 he sent one of his trustie seruaunts being a gen­tleman of that countrey, vnto a woman that dwelt in the Isle of Colmkil (otherwise called Iona) esteemed very skilfull in foreshewing of things to come, to learne of hyr what fortune should happe of this warre, whiche was already begunne.

The Witche consulting with hyr sprytes, declared in the ende howe it shoulde come short­ly to passe,The witches answere. that the king shoulde bee murthered not by his open enimies, but by the handes of one of his moste familiar friendes, in whom hee had reposed an especiall truste. The messenger demaunding by whose handes that shoulde be, euen by thine saith she, as it shal be well knowen within these fewe dayes. The Gentleman hea­ring these wordes, rayled against hyr very bit­terly, bidding hyr go lyke an olde Witche: for he trusted to see hyr brent before he shoulde com­mitte so villanous a deede.What happe­ned by giuing credite to the woordes of a Witche. And departing from hyr, hee wente by and by to signifie what answeare hee had receyued: but before hee came where the King lay, his minde was altered, so that what for doubte on the one side that if hee shoulde declare the truthe, as it was tolde him, the king mighte happily conceyue some greate [Page 76] suspition, that it should follow by his meanes as shee had declared, & therevpon put him to death first▪ and for feare on the other side that if he kept it secrete, it might happen to be reuealed by some other, and then he to run in asmuche daunger of life as before: he determined wt himselfe to worke the surest way, and so comming to the king, hee was ledde aside by him into his priuie cham­ber, where al other being commaūded to auoide, he declared how he had sped: & then falling forth­with vpō Natholocus,Natholocus murthered. with his dagger he slew him outright, & threwe his body into a priuie:

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and afterwardes getting out by a backe doore, and taking his horse whiche he had there readie, he fledde with all speede vnto the campe of the conspiratours, and was the firste that brought newes vnto them of this acte thus by him at­chieued. 30

252. H. B.This chaunced in the yeare of our Lord .280. and in the .xj. yeare after the first entring of Na­tholocus into the estate.

The Lordes of the realme as­semble togi­ther to choose a new king.After Natholocus was thus dispatched, the peeres assēbled togither to ordeyne for ye gouern­ment of the realme, where in the ende it was a­mongst them concluded, that the sonnes of A­thirco should be sent for into Picteland, and Fin­dock receiued for king.The sonnes of Athirco are sent for, & the eldest of them named Fin­dock chosen to raygne. The Morauian that slew 40 Natholocus was appointed to fetch them, who according to his commission, comming into Pict lande, conueyed them right honorably into Argile, where Findocke beyng already chosen king, was placed on the stone of marble with all the ceremonies in that case appertayning.

Fin­docke.

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THis Fin­dock was in ye flower of his age, of per­son 50 most beu­tyfull,Findocke his noble quali­ties, and ver­tuous disposi­tion. cleane made, and of a goodly stature: wherewt were ioyned moste excellent gifts of the minde, not so much desirous to seeme, as to be vertuous in deede. He was curteous, meeke, and full of af­fabilitie, studying alwayes to winne friendship and loue, rather by gentlenesse, than by feare and menacing wordes.

The leagues with the Brytaines,Findock ob­serueth the leagues con­firmed of for­mer tymes with his ney­bours. Those of the out Isles in­uade the coū ­treys of Rosse and Murray lande. Pictes and Romains hee firmely obserued. But as peace with forrayne enimies, breedeth ofttimes ciuill discorde at home, so came it then to passe with him at this present: for one Donald of the Isles, a noble man borne, came ouer with an armie in­to Rosse and Murray land, fetching from thence a great spoile & bootie, not without great slaugh­ter of suche as enforced themselues for to resist him. The occasion as he pretended was to re­uenge the death of Natholocus.Findocke ma­keth a iourney into the Isles, to subdue the rebelles. But Findock vnderstanding his doings, prepared an armie with shippes, and sayled ouer with the same into the Isle of Ila, where encountring with Do­nald and other his enimies, he vanquished & cha­sed them egerly without returning once backe, till eyther the swoorde or the sea had made an end of them all.

Donald himselfe taking a boate in hope to haue escaped,Donald is drowned. the preasse was such at his entring into the same, that before they could get it off frō the shore, it sunke by meanes of the ouerlading, and so he and all they that were on borde were drowned therewithall.The Iland mē with ayde of the Irishe kernes, make oftē incersions into Argile, & other of the Scottish coun­treys.

The king hauing atchieued this victory, re­turned into Albanie: but the Iland men not ful­ly quieted with this slaughter of theyr fellowes, sent ouer into Ireland, and got from thence cer­taine [Page 77] Kernes, who vnder the leading of an other Donald, the sonne of the former Donald, made stertes now and then into Argile and Cantyre, doing many shrewde turnes in the same, ere they could be suppressed.

Findock go­eth againe to subdue the re­bels of the Isles.But Findock being soone enformed of these tidings, went ouer againe into the Isles, & suche of his enimies as he founde, he caused to be han­ged, to giue other ensample, what to looke for when they should rebel, but Donald escaped, and 10 got ouer into Ireland, where he remayned till he heard that the king was returned backe into Al­banie, and then he came againe. But perceyuing himselfe not able to worke suche feates as he ho­ped to haue done, he sente a messenger vnto the king,Donald offe­reth to yeelde himself [...] vpon certaine con­ditions, but is not receyued. offering to yeelde himselfe & to become his true subiect if he might get his pardon, and be at his owne libertie. But being answeared that hee should not be receyued, vnlesse hee would come vnto Dunstafage with other of his chiefest com­plices, 20 and to stande fully at the kings mercie: he refused thus to do, deuising an other meane how to be reuenged.

Donald deui­seth how to murther king Findock, by two naughtie persons.Therefore to beginne withal, he procured two naughtie persons to go ouer into Albanie, and to fayne themselues to haue fled from him, where also he willed them to offer theyr seruice vnto the king, and to disclose vnto him certaine light se­cretes of the sayde Donalds, thereby to winne credite if it might be, and in the ende to espie a 30 time to ridde him out of the way.

These craftie mates, working according to Donaldes wicked instructions, at length with much a do they gate credite, & after credite they got place so neare the king by the furtherance of Caraunce the kings brother (whome they made priuie also vnto theyr intent) that finding all things correspondent to theyr purpose (one day as the king hunted) the one began to feede him with a tale of ye hatred whiche the Ilanders bare 40 towards him, whereto he gaue very good eare, whilest the other smote him to the harte with a

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50 Iaueline,Findocke is slayne. and so leauing the iron sticking in his bodie, he fled away in haste, with his trayterous companion and fellow.

Those that were neare, seing what had hap­ned, some of them ran to him to see if they might relieue him, as then strugling with the pangs of death, other followed the murtherers, and o­uertaking them, brought them backe to receyue theyr meede, according to that whiche they had iustly deserued: being also examined they confes­sed how they were procured vnto it,The murthe­rers confesse by whose pro­curement they did the deede. not only by Donald of the Isles, but also by Carantius the kings owne brother, who of set purpose being out of the way at that present, & hauing know­ledge that he was accused of the kings death,A pretie indu­ction (if not forged) to the historie that afterwardes followeth of Carausius or Carantius as the Scottes wryte him. fled out of the countrey as a banished man, first into Brytaine, from whence (after he had remayned there for a time) hee went vnto Rome, and ser­uing in the warres vnder the Emperours Aure­lius Probus Carus, & Dio [...]setianus, he bec [...]me right famous and a very skilfull captayne. But if this reporte be true that [...] of whome Eutropius maketh mention were discended of so high parentage, meruaile it is, that neyther the same Eutropius, nor any [...] of the Romaine writers, could at no time come to the knowledge thereof, whiche if they had done, no doubted they woulde haue spoken somewhat of the same for although he might happely vpon the considera­tion aforesayd counterfaite himself to be borne of some base kinred, & so for a time to dissēble what he was, yet afterwards that he attayned vnto so high degree of honour, as to vsurpe the imperiall robes of purpure, and to possesse the dominion of Brytaine, it is not like but that to aduaunce his credite and authoritie royall he would haue set foorth to the vttermost the nobilitie of his birthe, if he had bene come of any and that so apparant­ly to the worlde, that aswell his enimies as friendes shoulde bothe haue knowen and spoken of it.

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[...]. Indocus beyng thus slayne in the x. yeare of his raygne,Donald and buried with great lamentation of the peo­ple at Dunstasage, his brother Donald, thirde some to Athirco, was admitted to the king­dome, who immediatly vpon his entring into the estate, prepared to go into the Isles against Donald that common enimie of Scotland.

But this Donald himselfe,Donald of the Isles inuadeth Scotland. deliuered the king of a great peece of that trauayle. For so soone as he hearde that the murther by him cōtriued was executed, he assembled a mightie power of the [Page 78] Iland men, and transporting with them ouer into Rosse, proclaymed himself king, persecuting with fire and swoorde all suche as denied him o­bedience.

King Donald being aduertised of that attēpt of his aduersarie, speedily marcheth foorth with such power as he had already assembled, sending proclamations abroade, that all other appointed to serue, should follow him with speede.

Thus cōming into Murray land, he pitched 10 downe his tents, purposing there to abide the cō ­ming of the residue of his armie: But Donalde of the Isles vnderstanding all his demeanour & whole intention, thought it best to assayle him within his campe,Donald of the Isles sodenly setteth vpō the enimies. before all his power shoulde come vnto him, and being thus resolued, hee set forewarde in the night time, and was vpon his enimies before that his cōming towardes them was once signified in their campe.

The king then vnderstanding his aduersarie to be at hand, bringeth foorth his men, setteth thē in array, and exhorteth them with many pithie woordes, to receyue their enimies with manly stomackes.

But the Iland men encouraged also by theyr Captaine, gaue the onset so roundly, that the Scottish men had not leysure to occupie theyr shotte, but were enforced euen at the firste to ioygne at hand blowes, which were bestowed in suche furious sorte, that in the ende the Scottes being oppressed with multitude, were cōstreyned to giue backe, some sauing themselues by flight, and some standing at defence till they were bea­ten downe and killed in the place.The Scottes ouerthrowen.

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There were slayne on the kings parte three thousand men, and .ij. thousand taken prisoners: 30 amongst whom were .xxx. personages of hono­rable estate togither with the king himself being woūded so sore,Donald depar­teth this worlde. that he died within .iij. dayes af­ter the battell, rather through anguish of minde than of his hurtes, as some haue written, in the same yeare that he began his raigne.

Donalde of the Isles taketh vpon him as king.Donald of the Isles hauing thus got the vi­ctory, tooke vpon him as king, accordingly as he had caused himself at the first to be proclaymed.

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BVt bycause hee 40 came to the estate thus by bloud,Donald he conti­nued still in doubte and feare of newe conspira­cies, being giltie in con­science of his wrongful vsurpation.A giltie con­science.

Those prysoners al­so whiche he had taken in the battell, he kept in 50 perpetuall captiuitie, menacing them present death if any of their friendes and alies attempted any sturre against him.

Moreouer hee nourished priuie factions a­mongst the nobilitie, supposing therby that their powers would be the more feeble in any publike exployte that was to be moued against him: fi­nally if any mischiefe happened among them, he caused the matter throughly to be looked vpon, but with such regarde that he alwayes enriched his owne cofers with the forfaytures and penal­ties which he tooke vp amongst them.

He seldome times went abroade, and when he stirred foorth any whither, he had his garde a­bout him appoynted with weapon in warlike sorte, for doubte of treason. He aduaunced di­uers of base condition to great wealth & honour, and behaued himself so in sundry sortes with his mistrustful crueltie, that many there were which dradde him, & but a fewe that loued him, so that in the end being in a maner runne into the dead­ly hatred of al men,Donald of the Isles is mur­thered. Anno christi. 27 [...]. H.B. he was murthered one night at Enuerlochthee (whither he was come to haue passed ouer into the Isles) by certayne that had conspired his death in the .xij. yeare of his reigne.

The chiefe of the conspiratours was one Crathlynt the sonne of king Findock,Crathlynt chiefe conspi­ratour in the murthering of Donald. who im­mediatly after the deede done, conueyed himself secretely out of the chamber, and repayring vnto certaine nobles and gentlemen inhabiting neere hand in the countrey, he declared vnto them the whole mater, exhorting them to ayde him in re­uenging the iniuries done not only to them pri­uately as he knew very well,Crathlynt procureth the n [...] ­bl [...] of the countrey, to oppresse the seruaunts of king Donald but also to ye whole state of ye Scottish cōmōwealth, by the naugh­tie suggestion of diuers of the kings complices, who as yet vnderstood nothing of theyr Mai­sters death, but were all quiet in theyr beddes, [Page 79] as men suspecting nothing lesse than that which was now happened.

The Gentlemen hearing the newes, and re­ioysing greatly thereat, got them to theyr wea­pons, and early in the very dawning of the day, coming vpon the kings houshold meagny, they slew aboue .ij.C. of them in the place where they lodged, the residue escaping foorth of the house, and thinking to saue themselues, were beaten downe in the coūtrey as they passed, by the peo­ple, 10 who bare so deadly and mortall hatred vnto the late king, that they not onely reioyced muche at his death, but thought themselues sufficiently reuenged, when they could kill any that did be­long vnto him.

Crath­lynt.

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AFter this Crath­lynt, being certain­ly knowen to bee the sonne of king Findock, by suche euident tokens 20 as were shewed by him that brought him vp,Crathlynt is made king. was (partely in respect of his iust title, & partly for consideration of his good seruice in deliue­ring his countrey of so detestable a tyraunt) ad­uaunced to the gouernment of the kingdome, by consent of all the estates, and so being confirmed king, he perswaded with the people that all the 30 linage of the late tyrant Donald might be pluc­ked vp, euen as it were a tree by the rootes, least any of them haply remayning aliue, should find meanes afterwards to disturbe ye cōmon wealth.

The people cōsented lightly herevnto, as they that beside the mortall hate whiche they bare to­wards Donald, were now sodenly in loue with Crathlynt, not only for his witte and other qua­lities of the mind, but also by reason of his come­ly personage and passing beautie, setting foorth all his doings greatly to his high prayse & com­mendation.

The issue therfore with other the kinsmen and alies of Donald were sought for,The kinsmen and friends of Donald of the Isles are per­secuted. and those that were found, without any difference or respect of age or sexe, were cruelly put vnto death.

Whiche done Crathlynt appoynted foorth iudges and other administratours of iustice to see the lawes executed,The politike gouernment of Crathlynt. and the countreys gouer­ned in good and quiet order, euery man being as­signed to his owne proper circuite. These hee choose out of the most ancient peares and barons of his realme. The yonger sorte he reserued to attend vpon his person.Crathlynt go­eth to hunt in the mountains of Granzbene, anciently cal­led Grampeus mons. An ambassade frō the Pictes. When he had taken di­rection in this wise for the rule of his kingdome, he went vp into the mountains of Granzebene, there to passe the time for a whyle in hunting the harte, and other wilde beastes, whether came vnto him ambassadours from Thelargus king of the Pictes, declaring the ioye whiche theyr maister had conceyued for the slaughter of Do­nald, and the restoring of the right bloud againe vnto the estate,The Pictes re­quire the league to be renewed. requiring that the ancient league betwixt the Pictes and Scottishmen might be once againe renewed.

Crathlynt receiued these ambassadours most ioyfully, giuing them hartie thankes on the be­half of theyr Master for this signification of his good will shewed by theyr comming,Crathlynt promiseth to ob­serue the aun­cient amitie betwixt the Scottishe men and Pictes. and here­with promised, that during his life he woulde gladly obserue the olde auncient amitie establi­shed betwixt the twoo nations: according to the tenure of the old league.

Moreouer when the sayde Ambassadours should departe,The present sent by Crath­lynt vnto the king of the Pictes. he tooke vnto them to deliuer frō him as a present vnto theyr Maister certayne horses, with Houndes and Greyhoundes, suche as he thought that kyng Thelargus wanted.

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[Page 80] Diuers Pictish Lordes come vnto Crathlint to hunt and make merie with him.And shortly after ye returne of these ambassa­dours into theyr countrey, diuers yong Gentle­men of the Pictishe nobilitie repayred vnto king Crathlynth, to hunte and make mery with him, but when they should depart homewardes, per­ceyuing that the Scottish dogges did far excelle theyrs,A prayse of the Scottish dogs. both in fayrenesse, swiftnesse, hardinesse, and also in long standing vp and holding out, they got diuers bothe dogges and bitches of the beste kindes for breede to be giuen them by the 10 Scottish Lordes,The Pictes steale one of the kings best greyhoundes. and yet not so contented, they stale one belonging to the king from his keeper, being more esteemed of him than all the other whiche he had aboute him. The Master of the leashe being enformed hereof, pursued after them which had stolē that dogge, thinking in deede to haue taken him from them, but they not willing to departe with him,The Scottes & Picts sight for a greyhound. fell at altercation, and in the end chaunced to strike the Master of the leash through with theyr boore speares that hee died 20 presently, wherevpon a noise and crie being ray­sed in the countrey by his seruants, diuers of the Scottes, as they were goyng home from Hun­ting, returned, and falling vpon the Pictes to re­uenge the death of theyr fellowe,What mischief ensued vpon so light an occa­siō, as the stea­ling of a dog. This chaunced about the yere of Christe .288. as 10. Ma. no­teth. there ensued a shrewde bickering betwixte them, so that of the Scots there died .lx. Gentlemen, besides a great number of the commons, not one of them vnder­standing till al was done what the mater ment. Of the Pictes there were aboute an hundred 30 slayne.

The kinsmen and friends of the Scottes that were thus slaine, were wonderfully moued with the iniurie committed, in so much that without commaundement of king or captayne, they as­sembled in greate number togither,The Scottes robbe the Pi­ctish borders. and entring into the Pictishe confines, they began to robbe, spoyle and kill after the maner of warre, where­with the Pictes being set in a rage, came foorth togither into the field,The Scots and Picts encoūter in battaile. and encountring with the 40 Scottes, there was fought a sore battell betwixt them without Capitaine, order, or standerd, till at length the victorie remayned with the Picts, of whome were slaine notwithstanding the day went on their sides,The Scottes discomfited by the Pictes. about .ij.M. men, but of the Scots there died aboue .iij.M. or more, as was supposed.

Of what con­tinuance the league was be­twixt the Scots and Pictes, and now broken a­bout a small matter, as be­gonne about a dogge.Thus vpon a light occasion was the league broken betwixt these two nations, who had con­tinued as friends, the one still readie to ayde the 50 other, euer sithe the dayes of king Reutha, being the .vij. in number that raigned after Fergus.

These two nations beyng thus fallen at de­bate, it was wonder to vnderstand with what crueltie the one sought to destroy the other. No pitie might moue their cruell hartes to spare ey­ther man,Cruell warres. woman or childe that fell into theyr handes: Suche was theyr inordinate and lyke desire which they had to shedde ech others bloud.

At length Thelargus king of the Pictes be­ing a very aged mā,Thelarg. king of the Pictes being an aged man, desireth to haue peace, and thereupon sendeth his ambassadours vnto Crathlin [...]. & perceyuing what mischief was happened through the follie of a few wilful persons, appoynted certaine of his counsell to go as Ambassadours vnto king Crathlynt, to finde some meanes to haue the mater taken vp, for the auoyding of the imminent daunger that was like to ensue to both nations.

They according to theyr instructions com­ming to the place where Crathlynt as then so­iourned, had much ado to get licence to come vn­to his presence: but at length being admitted, they vsed suche humble perswasions grounded vpon reasonable considerations,A truce graun­ted that although no peace could be fully cōcluded, yet a truce was graunted them for three moneths space, whiche was but soryly obserued, for deadly hatred and inward desire of reuenge was entred so farre in­to the brestes of the commons on bothe sides, that neyther commaundement nor punishment might stay them from the inuading of one an o­thers confines, maugre theyr Princes and all theyr sore restraints.

In this meane time was the estate of the Romaine Empyre in Brytaine brought into trouble by Carantius,Carantius na­med by Eutro­pius Caurassius troubleth the estate of Bry­taine. of whome a little before mention hath bene made. Eutropius nameth him Caurassius: he woulde not be acknowen at his comming to Rome of what linage hee was discēded, and so he was reputed to be but of some base stocke, but yet through his woorthie seruice in the warres, he atteyned vnto great honour, and was appointed by Diocletian to haue the souerayne regarde ouer the coastes of the french Ocean, to defende the same from Pyrates of the Saxons and other Germains, that sore mole­sted the same in those dayes.The wylle practise of Ca­rantius. But for that he vsed to suffer those rouers to take spoyles and pryses, to the ende hee might in theyr returne take the same from them againe, and conuert the gayne wholly to his owne vse, without restoring that whiche was due to the owners,Carantius se [...] ­teth to come to make aun­swere to suche matters as he was charged with. or sending any porcion thereof to the Romaine Emperour, hee was complayned vpon, and sent for, but for that he doubted to come to his answere, as one which knew himselfe giltie, he furnished his nauy with men, vittayles and ordinaunce,Carantius re­uolting com­meth into Westmerland, & causeth the people there to take his parte against the Romaine. & with the same tooke his course aboute the west partes of Bry­taine, and landed in Westmerlande, where he easily procured the people there to submit them­selues to be vnder his rule and obeysance, & pro­mised to deliuer them from the grieuous yoke and bondage of the Romaines.

Thus hauing begonne the fundation of that whiche hee purposed to atchieue, for his further aduauncement therein, hee sent ambassadours vnto his Nephewe kyng Crathlynt, bothe de­claring [Page 81] what he was,Carantius sen­deth messen­gers vnto king Crathlynt, in excusing his faulte for his brother Fin­dockes death. & also excusing the trespas surmised against him, for being of counsell tou­ching the murder of his brother Findock, father to the same Crathlynt: & therefore if in putting away al mistrust of his innocēcie in that behalf, he would ayde him against the Romains: hee doubted not but that he should in short time vt­terly expel them out of all Brytaine,Carantius re­quireth to be ayded against the Romains. & enioy all those prouinces within the same, (which as then they possessed) vnto his owne vse & this, he sayd, 10 should be more honor & game both to the Scot­tish men & Picts, if they could be cōtented to re­new frendship, & ioyne with him in ayde against their cōmon enimies, than to seeke to destroy one an other, as he lately vnderstoode they had done for a dogge.Crathlynt re­ioyceth to heare that Ca­rantius was a­liue. Crathlynt hearing the wordes of these ambassadours, reioyced not a little, that his vncle Carātius was not only aliue, but also had through his valiācie atchieued so high renowme as to be accounted one of the worthiest warri­ours 20 amongst al the Romaine Captaines. And herewith vpō good aduice he determined to ayde him in that his enterprise for the conquest of Brytaine to the vttermost of his power.Crathlynt re­solueth to ayde Carantius, and certifieth him of the same. Adding further that if it were not for the warres whiche he doubted to haue with the Picts, he would not onely sende him ayde of men, but also come with them himself: and hereof he assured the ambassa­dours both by woorde of mouth & letters. Who returning with such answeare vnto their Mai­ster 30 Carantius, he reioyced not a little, to vnder­stand how well they had spedde,The king of the Pictes also, promiseth to ayde Carātius. and so much the more for that he receyued aboute the same time the like answeare from the king of Pictes.

Shortly after he came to an enteruew with the king of Scottes at the water of Eske,Crathlint king of the Scots & Orātius come to talke togi­ther. where after he had purged himselfe with many wordes of excuse, touching the murder of his brother Findock, there was an assured friendship cōclu­ded betwixt them. And at the motion of Caran­tius, 40 Crathlynt was contented to come to a cō ­munication with the king of Picts, for conclusiō of a peace, to the intent, that both of them might ioyne their powers togither, in ayde of Carātius against the Romains.Crathlynt and the king of the Pictes come to a cōmunicatiō by Carantius his meanes, who trauaileth to set them at one. At this communication both the kings mette, & Carantius likewise was there, as a man indifferent betwixt them bothe, to do what he could, to linke thē both in amitie. And verily his presence there vnto stoode to much in steede, that chiefly through his perswasion 50 groūded vpon great reasons & weightie cōsidera­tions, they agreed to cōclude a peace & to renew the old league in such manner & forme, and with such cōditions, as should be thought requi [...]e by the aduise & discrete order of .viij. auncient per­sons: iiij. to be chosen on the one parte, & .iiij. on the other. Which .viij. persons taking the matter in hand, did so aduisedly giue order for the auoy­ding of all causes of grudge & hatred,Peace confir­med agayne betwixte the Scottishmen and Pictes. that bothe partes held them satisfied with their arbitrement and direction, so that a ioyfull peace was confir­med, and all variance vtterly quenched.

In this meane time Quintus Bassianus the Romaine lieutenant in Brytaine, vnderstāding how Carantius was thus reuolted, and had not only caused them of Westmerland to rebell but also stayne and chased the Romains out of that countrey, he was not a little disquieted, & deter­mined with all speede to go against him, & to re­uenge these iniuries.Quintus Bassi­anus entreth into Westmer­land, but hea­ring that his enimies were at Yorke he turneth thi­therwardes. Within a fewe dayes after hauing his armie readie, hee entred into West­merland: but hearing that his enimies were al­ready come to Yorke, & had won the citie by sur­render, he turned his force thitherwards, in pur­pose to fight with them, though hee vnderstood they were in .iij. great battels, as the Scottes in one, the Pictes in an other, & those of Carantius his retinew in the third. He lodged that night within a strong place fensed aboute with mar­risses. But Carantius vnderstanding all the manner of his enimies by his espials, & being in cāpe within .x. miles of them or therabout, in the same night he raised his field without any great bruite, and by the leading of certaine guides hee marched straight towards the place where Bas­sianus was encāped, so that anone after ye spring of the day he came thither: whereof Bassianus being aduertised, and perceyuing he should haue battell, maketh readie for ye same, giuing the best exhortation he could vnto his people to play the men: but for so much as the most parte of his ar­mie were Brytains,The Brytains betray the Ro­mains. all his woordes nothing a­uayled: for they desirous to see the vtter ruine of all the Romaine power, euen at the very poynt when the battels should haue ioyned, withdrew thēselues aparte without any stroke striken, and got thē vp into the next mountayns, to see what would insue. The residue of the Romain armie, seing thēselues thus forsaken of their fellowes, & their sides left bare & open for the enimie to enter vpon them, fell to plaine running away,The Romains are discōfited. but by reason of the marisse ground cōpassing them in on each side, sewing wel to purpose for ye Scots, & other the confederates,The slaughter of the Ro­mains. a great nūber of the Ro­mains, & other of their parte were ouertaken and slaine. Amongst whom Bassianus himself was one, & Hircius themperours procurator an other.

The Brytains (who as is sayd refused to fight in the beginning of the battell) yeelded thēselues vnto Carantius,The Brytains yeelde them­selues vnto Ca­rantius. & sware to be his true liege mē & subiects. In like manner Carantius appointed al such of the nobilitie as were betwixt .xx. yeres and .lx. to remaine with him in hostage: but the spoyle of the field he diuided amongst his people equally, so that aswel the Scottish men & Picts, as also his owne souldiers held thē well content [Page 82] and satisfied therewith. After this victory Ca­rantius caused himself to be proclaymed king of Brytaine,Carantius or Carautius, as Eutropius na­meth him, v­surpeth the kingdome of Brytaine. vsurping the gouernment therof who­ly to himself, and retayning .2000. of the Scots and Pictes, to attend vpon the sauegard of his person, sent the residue home laden with riches of the enimies spoyle. Hee sent also with them his ambassadours, to render thankes vnto bothe the kings for theyr ayd in this so prosperous a victo­rie,Carantius ha­uing got the victory, deui­deth the gaine in assigning to his cōfederates their due por­cions. assigning vnto them as a portion of the con­quest, 10 the countreys of Westmerland and Cum­berland, with all that region whiche lay betwixt Adrians walle, and the citie of Yorke, to enioy as their owne proper patrimonie for euermore. Finally the sayde Carantius was slayne by his companion Alectus, as in the English historie ye may finde more at large.

After this Crathlynt king of the Scots deli­uered frō troubles against the Romains, deuised sundry good ordinances for the quiet state of the Scottish cōmon wealth, causing the peace to be diligently obserued betwixt him and the Pictes.

Also in his dayes the persecution of the Christians chaūced,The persecutiō of the Chri­stians by Dio­cletian. which the Emperour Dio­cletian cōmaūded to be executed in most furious wise, so that there were fewe partes of the world (where any Christians were knowē to inhabite) that tasted not of that his cruell ordinaunce and scourge in that behalf. In Brytaine also, as wel as in other places, there was no small quantitie of innocent bloud shed, with moste vnmercifull murder committed, to the greate triumphe of Christes crosse, that glorious ensigne of our re­ligion.

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In whiche time Constantius Chlorus father to Constantine the great, was resident in Bry­taine, who adiudging the Scottes to be a people wholly giuen to pillage and slaughter, as they 40 were in deede, determined with himselfe to haue brought them to subiection. But ere he could at­chieue any notable enterprise he died, leauing be­hind him the fame of a right gentle and worthy Prince,Constantius persecuteth the Christians. sauing that in one poynt he sore stayned his honor, for that hee was one of the chiefe that persecuted the Christian flocke vnder Diocle­tian, forcing no small number of the faithfull a­mongst the Brytains,Many of the Brytains flee to the Scottes, to auoyde per­secution. to flee vnto the Scottes & Picts to auoyde his persecutiō. Whom Crath­lynt 50 receyued for his part most louingly, and as­signed vnto them (as the Scots say) the Isle of Man for a place of habitation,Crathlynt di­stroyeth the temples of the false goddes in Man. destroying al such temples of the heathen religion belonging to the Dr [...]ides which had cōtinued there sith the begin­ning. And vtterly abolished all thē superstitious rites & customes of the same Druides, with their whole order and brotherhood. He erected a tēple there, which he dedicated vnto Iesus Christ our Sauiour, wherin the Christiās might celebrate their deuine seruice, according to their professiō. This Church being richly endowed was the first Bishops sea amōgst the Scots,The first Bi­shops sea in Scotland. Sodore [...]sis ec­clesia. Crathlynt de­parteth out of this worlde. & thervpon was taken for the mother Church of the realme. It is now called the church of Saint Sauiour.

Finally Crathlynt departed out of this life, after he had raigned .xxiiij. yeares, being muche praysed aswell for his politike gouernmēt as for his great & earnest zeale which he bare towards ye aduancement of the true Christian religion.

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FIncormak that was hys vncles sonne,Fincor­mak. succeeded him in the kingdom, and was placed on the stone of marble, to the great re­ioycing of al ye estates, who wisshed him a prosperous raigne, and long to cōtinue therin. [Page 83] There liued in king Crathlynts dayes, a noble Christian called Amphibalus a Brytaine borne,Amphibalus. who fleeing frō the persecutiō then raysed in his countrey,The church of S. Sauiour, o­therwise cal­led Sodoren­sis Ecclesia. came vnto the same Crathlynt, & by him was created the first bishop of S. Sauiours church in Man, this Amphibalus did very much good amongst the Scots & Brytains in setting forth the word of life, & rooting out of their harts all supersticious errours, of blinde gentilitie.

There were other also of right famous me­morie 10 aboute the same time, that ceassed not in preaching, and instructing the people in the right belieue, as Modocus, Priscus, Calanus, Ferra­nus, Ambianus, and Carnocus, called by an old auncient name in the Scottish tongue Culdei, Culdei. that is, to vnderstande Cultores dei, or as you woulde say in English the worshippers of God.

What yeare Fincomark be­gan his raigne.But nowe to the purpose touching Finco­mark, ye shal vnderstād, that he began his raigne in the yere, (as W. Harrison saith) after the birth 20 of our Sauiour .325.322. H B. 5490. H.B. 655. H.B. First of Con­stantine. H.B. after the creation of the world .4292. and from the first establishing of the Scottishe kingdome .652. and in the .20. yeare of Constantine the Emperour.

It chaunced that Octauius king of the Bry­tains was vanquished by Traherus a Romaine capitaine,Octauius is vanquished, & fleeth into Scotland. & forced for his refuge to flee vnto this Fincomark then king of Scottes, who receyued him as a friēd. And furthermore though he were required by Traherus to deliuer him vnto his 30 hands, as a traytour & a rebell vnto the Romain Empyre, yet Fincomark refused so to do, choo­sing rather to sustayne all Traherus his malice, and to haue warres with the Romaine Empe­rour thā to betray his friend, who had put his life into his hands vpō an especiall trust of safegard.

Traherus in­uadeth West­merland.Herewith Traherus being not a litle moued, assembled his power, & entred into westmerlād, the which countrey had remayned in the Scot­tish mens hands euer sith Carantius deliuered it 40 ouer vnto thē.Fincomark rayseth his power. Fincomark hearing that the Ro­mains would thus make him warres, had like­wise raysed a puissant armie, to resist thē, so that he had at the least .lx.M. persons togither in one armie, as .xxx.M. of his owne countrey men, xx. M. Picts, & .x.M. of such Brytains as followed after Octauius. Fincomark being thus furni­shed, hasted forth to encounter with his enimies before they shoulde haue time to do any notable domage vnto his subiects, & so comming within 50 sight of them, sent an Heralde vnto Traherus, to vnderstand the cause why he thus inuaded his coūtrey, but receiuing frō him an vntoward an­swere, he brought foorth his people into the fielde in order ready to giue battell,Fincomark ioyneth in bat­tell with Tra­herus. & so ioyning with the enimie there was fought a right sore & cruell conflict, which cōtinued for a time with vnmer­cifull murder and slaughter on bothe partes.

Finally whan the Romains were at point to haue got the vpper hand, they were sodenly put in suche feare with the sight of a number of hus­bande men, who had got togither theyr cattell & were driuing the same away, that supposing they had bene some newe succours comming to ayde theyr enimies,The Romains flee. they immediatly fled vpon the same, leauing the victorie to their aduersa­ries: howbeit of the Scottes side were slayne (as theyr chronicles report .xv.M. men,The numbers slayne. and on the Romaine parte about .xvj. thousand.

Traherus himselfe escaped vnto Yorke, but hearing that Fincomark, and Octauius pursued after him, he forsooke that Citie & got him into places of more suretie, so that when the enimies came thither, the Citezins yeelded themselues,Yorke is yeel­ded vnto Octa­uius. & receyued Octauius as their Prince, offering frō thence foorth to be vnder his rule & gouernment.

The newes of these atchieued victories being bruted throughout the realme, caused a greate number of the nobles to come in vnto Octauius,Octauius ob­tayneth the rule of Bry­taine. who receyued them moste thankfully, and to cō ­clude wrought so by theyr support, that he was shortly after restored to the gouernaunce of the whole realme, & established therein according to his owne wishe. This done, Fincomark retur­ned into his countrey, aswell himselfe as other of his nobles & mē of warre, being highly rewarded for their paines & trauaile susteyned in that iour­ney. There was also promise made and confir­med by solemne othe,Westmerlande assigned to the Scottish men. that the countrey of west­merlād with such other parties as were assigned vnto his predecessor king Crathlynt, by order of Carantius at the time of theyr ioyning togither in league against the Romains, should for euer remayne vnto Fincomark, and to his successors the Scottish kings without any clayme or title to be made to the same by any of the Brytains: but this promise was not long kept, for shortly after that Octauius had once chased all the Ro­maines foorth of the Brittish confines, and that Traherus was fled ouer into Fraūce,A councel kept at Yorke. there was a councell called at Yorke, where it was not on­ly ordeyned, that from thence forth there should neuer any straunger be suffred to raigne ouer the Brytaines, but also that the boundes of the realme should be extended forth beyond the wall made (as before is recited) by the Emperour A­drian, euen vnto the old auncient bounds, and li­mites, expulsing foorth the inhabitants of for­raine nations.

Suche an immoderate luste of inlarging his dominion enflamed the harte of Octauius,Octauius co­ueteth to en­large his do­minion. that neither regard of his othe, nor remēbrance of be­nefites receyued, might stay him from seeking to wrong them, whose ayde had restored him vnto his former estate and dignitie, as before we haue rehersed. For herevpon there were .x.M. men of [Page 84] warre sent into Westmerlande,The Brytains inuade West­merland. to the intent to conquere the same out of the Scottishe mens handes: but beyng encountred with a power of Scottish men & Pictes, they were sharply repul­sed and quickly put to flight. About the same time also,Traherus re­turneth into Brytaine. Octauius is vanquished by Traherus. Traherus returned out of Fraunce with .ij. legiōs of Romains, and .xx.M. of other aydes. And giuing battel vnto Octauius, he vā ­quished his armie, & constrayned him for his re­fuge to flee vnto the mouth of Humber, where he 10 got certaine vessels & sayled into Norway, there to saue his life, bicause that Scotland was now no sure refuge for him: And thus was Traherus againe in possession of Brytaine, as lieutenant to Constantine the Emperour: but shortly after he was by certaine conspiratours in fauour of Octauius murthered,Traherus by a conspiracie is murthered. and then Octauius retur­ned againe: as in the English chronicle is men­cioned more at large.

Octauius is re­conciled with Fincomark.Immediatly vpon his returne, he reconciled 20 himself with Fincomark the Scottish king, and was contented that he should quietly enioy the coūtreys of Westmerland & Cumberland, with such other territories as Carantius had graūted in former time vnto Crathlynt.Octauius en­treth into a­mitie with the Pictish king. He likewise sent vnto the king of the Pictes, & concluded a friend­ship with him, to the intent he might haue ayde frō him also, if it chaūced the Romains eftsoones to inuade his countrey, as shortly after they did, not [...]easing til they had so aweried him with cō ­tinual 30 warres, that in the end to be at rest (as his age & other necessities then required) he deliuered into theyr handes,Octauius be­commeth tri­butarie vnto the Romaine Emperour. certaine castels & fortresses, & also became tributarie to the Emperour on con­dition he might vse the office and name of a king all the residue of his dayes. These things being thus quieted in Albion, ye Romains, Brytains, Scottish men and Pictes,17. of Constans & Constantius Emperours. H. B. continued in friendly peace without any notable trouble, till the .ix. yeare of the raigne of Valentinian Emperour of 40 Rome: & first of Damasus the Pope. In ye which yeare Fincomark king of Scottes departed this life,Fincomark de­ceassed. 358. H. B. after he had gouerned the estate aboue .xlvij. yeares. This was in ye yeare of our redēptiō. [...]72.

This Fincomark, left behind him .ij. sonnes, the one named Eugenius,Eugenius & E­thodius sonnes to Fincomark. being as then aboute xviij. yeares of age, the other hight Ethodius, & was yonger thā his brother by one yeare, so that neyther of them might succeede theyr father by reason they were not of yeares sufficient to rule, 50 according to the auncient ordinance.

Romacus, Fe­thelmacus and Angusianus, sonnes to three seuerall bre­thren, pretende a right to the estate.Herevpon a councell was called in Argile, where there was hard holde betwixt the .iij. Ne­phewes to king Crathlynt, that were begotten by .iij. of his brethren, which of them should go­uerne the lande: their names were Romacus, Fethelmacus, & Angusianus. Romacus had a Pictish lady of the bloud royall of that nation to his mother, & for that his father was eldest bro­ther next vnto Crathlynt, he looked to be prefer­red, though he himself was yonger in yeares thā eyther Fethelmacus or Angusianus. Fethel­macus gaue his consent with suche voyces as he had vnto Angusianus, wherwith Romacus be­ing not a little offended, sought meanes to haue distroyed them both:Romacus see­keth meanes to distroy his cousins. but his practise being disco­uered, caused many to withdrawe theyr good willes frō him, whereby his aduersaries were the more encouraged: & therevpon the councell brake vp, either parte deuising how to strengthen thē ­selues against the others practises.Angusianus with vpright dealing pur­chaseth the more friend­shippe. But for so much as Angusianus vsed plaine meanes with­out any fraudulēt dealing, he got the more frēds, so that Romacus was constreyned in the end to require ayd of the king of Picts, who being neare of kinne to him, might not denie his request.

Angusianus therefore vnderstanding what daunger he was in, if he fell into his aduersaries hands, got togither an armie of such as fauoured his cause,Romacus van­quisheth An­gusianus. & encountring with him in battel was put to flight, & forced to flee into the Westerne Isles with his cousin Fethelmacus, where re­maining for a while, at length he was aduertised that the inhabitants had conspired against him, for doubt whereof he got him ouer into Ireland.

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ANgusianus beyng thus chased out of the realme,Roma­cus. Romacus was receyued by the most part of the nobles and cōmons for theyr king:Romacus is receyued for king. But as the accu­stomed manner of ty­rants cōming thus to the gouernement of a realme, through euill meanes is to rule with crueltie, so did he behaue himself, according to that semblable rate, so soone as hee thought himselfe to be sure of the estate. Wherefore suche as had borne any euill will to Fincomark, & were out of fauour in his dayes, those did Romacus call vnto him, & afterwarde vsed their councel aboue al other mens, aduaun­cing them also to moste high rule & riche offices. Againe those whiche had bene in fauour with Fincomark,Romacus go­uerneth tyran­nically. or bare any affection towardes his issue, he sought couertly to bereaue them both of life, landes, and goodes, so that by suche his do­ings, there was gathered no light suspitiō, that he would likewise ere long find meanes to dispatch Ethodius and Eugenius the sonnes of the same Fincomarke,Ethodius and Eugenius the sonnes of Fin­comark, are conueyed into the Isle of Mā. therby to be the more assured of the crowne & kingdome it self. The two childrē also fearing asmuch on their owne behalfe, by the ad­uise & help of their trustie friendes, conueyed thē ­selues into westmerlād, & after ouer into the Isle [Page 85] of Man, where they remayned looking for a day.

Then began banishments, confiscations of goodes, & slaughter of such as were thought to be fauourers of Angusians cause, without respecte either of sexe or age,The Scottishe Lordes cōspire against Ro­macus. til the nobles of the Realme being not a little moued with such his cruell do­ings, & tirannicall gouernment, conspired togi­ther by secrete meanes how to deliuer their coū ­trey of so pernicious a tyrant: And to bring this their purpose the more speedily to passe, they 10 wrought so closely, that they had assembled a great armie, & were come with the same within x. miles of the place where he then lay, ere he had any vnderstanding of their enterpryse, so that whereas he (being vnprouided of resistance) as­sayed by flight towardes Pict land to haue esca­ped their hands,Romacus ap­prehended and put to death. it preuayled him nothing, for he was taken by the way, and receyued such end as his former passed life had very well deserued, in the .iiij. yeare of his raigne: his head was set vpō 20 the end of a pole, & caried about to be shewed vn­to the people to their great reioysing. There were slaine also at the same time besides him, diuers Scots & Pictes, who had bene of councell with him in al his cruel practises.Angusianus proclaymed king. After which executiō done, they sente for Angusianus, who returned into Scotland, & was proclaimed king, aswel by consent of the Lordes, as fauour of the cōmons. Aboute the same time bicause the Brytons had slaine the Romaine lieutenant, the Emperour Constantius sent one Maximus thither to cha­stise the rebels, with whom the same Maximus encountring in battell gaue them a great ouer­throw. And within three dayes after Octauius king of the Brytons, through griefe, age & long sicknesse, being consumed to the last point, depar­ted this life. He left a sonne behinde him named also Octauius, who doubting to fall into ye hāds of the Romains, fled into the Isle of Man, & re­mayned there certaine yeares vnknowen with Eugenius and Ethodius, the sonnes of Finco­mark. The Brytons also persisting in their re­bellion, were eftsoones discomfited in battel by Maximus, and sore by him persecuted til he had brought them againe to their full subiection.

Whilest these troubles cōtinued in Brytain▪ Nectanus king of the Pictes maketh sore warres vpon the Scottes. Angusianus king of Scots was sore disquieted by Nectanus king of Picts, who enforced him­self to reuenge the death of his cousin Romacus, making sundrie rodes & forrayes into the Scot­tish confines, & greatly endamaged the countrey, by spoyling of goodes, murthering of the inhabi­tants, & brenning of townes with the villages, & in the end hauing his power increased by the ays

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of certaine Scottish men, which had borne good will to Romacus, he preassed so sore vpō Angu­sianus, that he had no remedie but to trie the ha­zard of battell in a pitched fielde: for no friendly 50 perswasiōs to haue peace or any agreemēt could be hard, though Angusianus made hūble suite to haue purchased the same. Wherefore perceiuing no hope of attonement, he prepared an army, & met his enimie in the field, where after sore fight and much slaughter, the victorie remayned with Angusianus,The Picts dis­comfited by Scottes. & Nectanus with his Pictes were chased and forced to saue themselues by flight.

Nectanus himselfe neuer rested till he came vnto Camelone, where he called a counsell of his nobles to haue theyr aduise by what meanes he might be reuēged of the iniuries receyued by the Scots, wherof he was most desirous,Nectanus de­sirous of re­uenge. not regar­ding into what daunger he brought his owne realme, so he might somewhat ease his rancour and displeasure, whiche he had thus conceyued against his enimies the Scottes.

Neither wāted there diuers great personages in that assemble which (to content his minde and to winne fauour of him) set foreward the matter [Page 86] in such earnest wise (that notwithstanding what other could say to the contrarie) it was ordeyned that with al speede an army should be leuied, and ledde foorth into the Scottish borders.

Nectanus hauing thus the consent of his no­bles to inuade the Scottes a new, caused men of warre to be takē vp through all the parties of his dominion, & that of the choysest men that might be gotte: the whiche being once assembled, hee stayed not long but set foreward with them,Nectanus inuadeth the Scot­tish confines. and 10 entred into Kalendar wood, spoyling & destroy­ing all afore him at his owne will and pleasure.

Angusianus understāding his furie, & doubting lest the Brytains through setting on of the Ro­mains should seeke to ioyne with the Pictes to the destruction of the Scots, thought good to as­say if by any friendly meanes hee might bring Nectanus to fal vnto some reasonable point, ra­ther than by the warres to endaunger bothe the Pictish & Scottish estates, in putting the same in 20 aduenture to fall into the hands of theyr ancient enimies the Romains & the Brytons.Angusianus su­eth for peace. Herevpō therfore he wrote vnto Nectanus a gētle letter, declaring therin al such daungers & incōueniēces as might ensue by this warre thus by him at­tempted. And againe how necessary it were for both nations to haue peace togither as then, cō ­sidering howe it was not to be thought that the Romaine legate Maximus (hauing now all the Brytons at his cōmaundement) would rest (if 30 occasiō were offered) til that he had fully subdued both the Scottes & Pictes: For the auoyding of which peril he offered for his parte, to accept any reasonable cōditions of peace, that should by him be prescribed.Nectanus re­fuseth al offers of peace. But Nectanus in no wise would giue eare to any treatie of peace, so that Angu­sianus being forced to giue battell for defence of his subiects, brought his people into the field, and exhorting thē to play the men with sundrie cō ­fortable wordes, he placed thē in order of battel. 40

Angusianus & Nectanus ioyne in battel with their ar­mies.On the other part Nectanus likewise encou­raged his folkes to do valiantly, so that the Ar­chers on bothe sides stepped forewarde, letting their arrowes flie freely one at an other, till at length comming to hand blowes they stroke on freshly, beating downe and killing without spa­ring on either side, so that a good space the victory was doubtful. At length Angusianus perceiuing his people to be put to the worse,Angusianus is slayne. rushed foorth in­to the thickest of the preasse amōgst his enimies, 50 where hee was quickly espied, oppressed with presse and slaine out of hand, the most part of his people missing him, and not vnderstāding what was become of him,The Scots are discomfited. supposed yt he had bene fled, & therefore fell also to running away, but the re­sidue that stoode still at their defence were slaine downe right.

Thus the victory remayned with the Pictes, but neither part had any cause to reioyce, for the chieftains on both sides were slayne,Nectanus is also slayne. besides ma­ny thousands of other, so that aswell the one na­tiō as the other departed frō the place right pen­sife & sorrowfull, giuing many a sore curse vnto suche as had bene the procurers & nurrishers of such detestable hatred betwixt those two natiōs, which had so long a time bene conioyned in the faithfull bande of amitie, to the great quiet and wealth of both the countreys. After this bloudy battell, aswell the Scots as Pictes sat still for a season, not attempting any enterprise of impor­tance the one against the other.

ANgusianus raigned not paste .ij.Fethel­macus. yeares be­fore he was slaine thus in the field, as ye be­fore haue herd, in whose place succeeded his cou­sin Fethelmacus with little better successe, for in ye .ij. yeare of his raigne, desirous to be reuēged of the Pictes, he assembled an armie, & entring into Angus, began to spoyle & slea downe right all yt was before him, without regard to impotent, a­ged, tender infants, or other. The Picts also be­ing kindled herewith, gathered their power togi­ther, & encountring with the Scots, there was a sore battell fought betwixt them, but the Scots first putting the wings of their enimies hoste to flight,The Scottes discomfite the pictes. at length discōfited their mayne battell al­so, being left naked on bothe sides of all ayde or succour, great slaughter was made in the chase of the Pictes as they fled hither & thither to saue themselues.An other Ne­ctanus king of the pictes di­eth of hurtes receyued in the fight with the scottes. So that among other their king na­med Nectanus brother to the aboue remembred Nectanus, being wounded with an arrow died within three dayes after that this cruell conflict was ended. The courage of the Scottes nowe being aduaunced with this their prosperous suc­cesse, they passed forthwith ouer ye riuer of Tay, to robbe, harrie, and spoyle the countrey of Fyfe.

The Pictes perceyuing themselues not to be strong inough to matche with theyr enimies in playne field at hāds strokes, determined yet with skirmishes and light encountrings if it were pos­sible to keepe them off from the winning of any of theyr fensed townes, castels or strong holdes. And to be the more able to mayntaine thēselues in this theyr purposed intention, they choose one Hiergust to theyr king, a man of subtill nature,Hiergust is chosen king of pictes. and craftie imaginatiō. This Hiergust deuising how to deliuer his countrey of such an intollera­ble enimie as Fethelmacus was, procured two slie fellowes Picts by nation, to coūterfeyte thē ­selues for Scots, & for that they were cunnyng throwers of the darte, in which kinde of exercise the same Fethelmacus tooke great pleasure,A pretented treason. they were apointed to make sure to be in seruice with him, to the intent that when they might espie theyr time, they should slea him, by one kind of meane or other.

[Page 87]They (according as they were instructed cō ­ming into Scotland) found meanes not only to haue place in the kings house, but also to corrupt one of his Musitians an harper, & to bring him to be of counsell with them, in this their wicked purpose. By reason whereof, in one night as hee lay at Carryk, where he was busie to make his prouision there for the warres against the Picts, the same Musitian (hauing playde in the kings bed chamber till he had brought him a sleepe did 10 let in those .ij.Fethelmacus is murthered in his bedde. Pictish traytours, who foorthwith slew him euen as he lay so sleeping: but the king groning grieuously at the deadly stroke, some of them that watched before the chamber doore, per­ceyuing what was happened, followed after the murtherers, who fledde with all speede vnto the next mountaines, where they sought to defende themselues with hurling downe stones vpō thē that came vp towardes them: but in the end, be­ing taken, & confessing the deede, with the whole 20 manner of the same, they were drawen in peeces with wilde horses, the Musitian being also ap­prehended & conuict of the treason, suffered sem­blably the like kinde of death. Fethelmacus came to his end in the .iij.In the fifthe yeare of the Emperour Constantius. yeare of his raigne being the second yeare after the death of the Emperour Valentinian. In this season (as in times paste hath bene beleeued) certaine bones of the Apostle S. Andrew,369. H.B. were brought foorth of Achaia, a prouince in Grecia into Scotland, by a Grekishe 30 Monke named Regulus Albatus, cōmonly cal­led S.Saint Reule cōmeth into Fife, thē a part of Pictland, & now of Scot­land. Reule, a man in those dayes highly estee­med, for the opiniō which the world had cōceiued of him for his holy & vertuous life, to whō king Hiergust gaue his palaice that stoode in ye part of Fife, where ye same Regulus first lāded: at whose contēplacion also, he erected a church in old time called Kirkruil, yt is, the Church of S. Reule, af­terwards named ye old church of S. Andrewes, stāding in the abbey churchyarde, where ye Cha­nons 40 were wont to be buried. But to leaue this matter to ye further report & credite of ye Scottish Chronicles, wee will proceede with our purpose.

The Scottes sende into the Isle of Man, for Fincomarke his sonnes. After the death of Fethelmacus the nobles & cōmons of the Scottish natiō sent into the Isle of Man for Eugenius the sonne of king Finco­marke, where he wt his brother Ethodius had re­mained, during the dayes of the .iij. last remēbred kings. Romacus, Angusianus, & Fethelmacus.

Euge­nius.THis Eugenius at his cōming into Albanie 50 was inuested king of the Scots by cōmon consent of all the nation. About the same season Maximus the Romaine lieutenāt in Brytain, vnderstanding of the late dissention betwixt the Scottish men & Picts,Eugenius is inuested king. deuised whiche wayes he might best subdue both those nations, therby not onely to enlarge the boundes of the Romaine Empyre, & to deliuer the Brytains from inua­sions of those so cruell enimies, but also to haue the south part of the Isle more obedient & loyall vnto the same Empyre than heretofore it had bene.The practise of Maximus to destroy the Scottes. He thought good therfore in ye beginning to assay if he might ioyne in friendship with the one of the natiōs, til he had destroyed the other: for he cōsidered it would be an harde peece of worke to haue to do with them both at one instant time.

Whervpō directing his letters vnto Hiergust king of the Pictes,He sendeth vn­to Hiergust king of the Pictes. he required to renewe the old league with him & his people, promising to ayde him against the Scots, cōmon enimies not only to the Pictish natiō, but also to all such people as loued rest & quietnesse, as might easily be percei­ued by their continuall practise & vsage, euer see­king to disturbe their neighbours with rodes and forrayes, so that it stood with a general common wealth to haue thē vtterly distrayed & extirped.

Hiergust right ioyful of these newes, gaue har­tie thanks vnto almightie God, that had moued the Romaine lieutenant to make such offer vnto him, wherby the furious rage of ye Scots might be once repressed, & put away frō his people, and therfore willing to cōfirme a friendship with the same lieutenāt, he promised to renew the aunci­ent league betwixt the Romains & Picts,Hiergust his answeare vnto Maximus his message. vpon any reasonable cōditiōs, which he should deuise, not only requiring his ayde at this time against the sayd Scots, but also at all other as occasion should demaund.Maximus and Hiergust ioyne in friendship, and the Scottes proclaymed enimies to thē both. Maximus hauing receyued this answeare, he foūd meanes also to come to a cōmunication with Hiergust neare vnto Yorke, where the league was cōfirmed betwixt them, & therein ye Scots not only adiudged for cōmon e­nimies, both to ye Romains & Brytains, but also to the Picts. And further therwith were certaine orders appoynted how the warre should be pur­sued with al expeditiō against thē. These things thus finished, & both the Princes returned to their homes,An Herald sent frō Maximus vnto Eugenius Maximus sente an Heralde vnto Euge­nius the Scottish king, cōmaunding him on the behalf of the Romaine Empire, to make restitu­tiō for al wrōgs & iniuries done vnto the Pictish nation. And further to deliuer into the handes of Hiergust the king of the Picts the authors of the same wrōgs & iniuries, to be punished at his dis­cretiō, or if he would refuse thus to do, that thē he should looke to haue the Emperour and the Ro­maine people enimies vnto him & all his nation.

Eugenius for answere herevnto,The answeare of Eugenius vnto the He­rald. declared that sith his entring into the gouernmēt of the Scot­tish estate, hee had done nothing that might be thought preiudiciall either to the Romains or to the Brytains their subiects: And as for the Picts he would be gladde to haue a peace, with them if there might bee amends made for all displea­sures done on either parte, according as shoulde be thought to stande with equitie and reason. [Page 88] Neyther did hee see what cause the Romains shoulde haue to make warres for the Pictes, a­gaynst those that had done them no displeasure: but if it were so, that hee muste needes haue warres, he would do what in him lay to defende the libertie of the Scottish natiō, trusting chiefly in the succours of almightie God, who vsed to fauour the cause of the iust and innocent, against suche as sought to wrong them vpon fayned quarrels without occasion giuen. 10

Maximus ray­seth a mightie armie. He inuadeth the Scottish regions.Maximus receyuing this answere from Eu­genius, assembled with all speede a strong and mighty armie of Romains, Brytains, & French men, with the which entring into Westmerlād, he spoyled that countrey most miserably, taking diuers castels & strong holdes by force, the which he furnished with garrisons of his people, and then passing into Annandale,Cruell warres. brenned and haried the same: from thence he entred into Galloway, omitting no kinde of tyrannie that mighte be 20 shewed against the inhabitantes, so that the fear was greate throughout all the countrey: for of many yeares before, so great an armie had not bene seene in those parties.

Eugenius ga­thereth his power, figh­teth with his enimies, and is discomfited.Eugenius notwithstanding, gathering his power togither, determined to trie the fortune of battell, & so ioyning with his enimies neare vnto the water of Cree, his people were quickly put to flight, & chased, by reason that they were muche inferiour in number: but the Romains pursuyng 30 the chase,The Romains following to forewardly in the chase, re­ceiue domage. hapned to light amongst thē of Argile, whiche had not bene at the battell, but were cō ­ming towards it, and now fiercely encountring with suche as pursued theyr friends, they caused them to retyre backe with some losse, whervpon the other Scottes also (which were chased) retur­ned, and gaue a freshe onset, so that if night had not come on the sooner, there had bene a far grea­ter multitude of ye Romains slain in that bicke­ring than they themselues did thinke of. Herevpō 40 the Romains doubting what theyr enimies in­tēded to do, they fortified their campe that night very strōgly:Eugenius breaketh vp his armie. but Eugenius vnderstanding what a multitude of his folkes were slaine in the bat­tell, so that the very streame of the water of Cree was stopped vp with dead carcases, he thought best with the aduice of his peares, to licence his people to departe to their homes, and not to fight any more with his enimies for that time.

Whiche being done, he himselfe repayred the 50 same night vnto Carricke, where he remayned for a season, making prouision for defence of his realme the best he could deuise. Maximus ha­uing knowledge in the morning how the Scots were quite gone theyr wayes, he determined to haue followed thē, but being ascertayned of a re­belliō amongst the Brytains in Kent,A rebellion in Kent. he chaū ­ged his purpose, & returned thitherwardes, to ap­pease that tumulte, leauing in Galloway a good parte of his armie to keepe such holdes as he had got in that voyage. The yeere following Maxi­mus was so busied in ye south parts of Brytaine, that he could not attēd vnto the warres against the Scots, otherwise than in maintayning such garrisons as he had placed in their countreys, by reason whereof sundry bickerings happened be­twixt them of the same garrysons & the Scots, who laboured not onely to deliuer theyr owne countrey out of the handes of all forrainers, but also to inuade & destroy Pictlande, so that they harried the countrey of Fyfe,The Scots en­domage the pictes. with part of Men­teth, and Sterling shyre, brenning and wasting townes, castels and houses most cruelly.

Wherof Maximus being certified, made sem­blāce as though he were sore grieued therewith,Maximus his fayned griefe. but inwardly he could haue reioyced at nothing more than to heare of the iniuries done by the Scots vnto ye Picts, supposing it to make chief­ly for his purpose: & herevpō preparing an armie against the next sommer, whē he had disposed al things in a quiet order amongst the Brytains,Maximus eft­soones inua­deth the Scot [...] he set foreward with the same towardes Gallo­way, where being arriued, there was no kinde of crueltie spared against the poore inhabitants.

Eugenius in the meane time vnderstāding ye cōming of his enimies, mustred his people,Eugenius pre­pareth an ar­mie to defend his countrey. & ap­pointed the assemble to be made in the countrey of Kyle, whiche way hee heard that his enimies would trauayle. Thither came also not only al the able men of the Scottish dominiōs, but like­wise a great number of lustie and strong womē apt to beare armure,Women vsed to the warres. according to the old accu­stomed guise of theyr nation, so that there were numbred in this armie .l.M.The number of the Scottish armie. persons right fierce and hardie, desirous either to vāquish the enimie with dinte of sworde, or els to die presently in the place.

Maximus hearing that the Scots were thus encāped in Kyle, marched towards thē, & lodged the same night not far off frō the riuer of Mūda,The approche of Maximus towardes the Scottes. where knowledge was giuen vnto Eugenius, yt Maximus was come within .v. miles of him, with a greater armie, than he had at his last en­coūtring wt him in Galloway. These aduertise­ments caused no small sturre to be raysed in the cāpe, some being strikē with present feare, where other cōtrarywise moued with high indignatiō, desired nothing so much as to ioyne in battell wt the Romains, whose cruell tirannie they very much detested. Eugenius himselfe shewed no countenance of feare at all, but encouraging his people with comfortable wordes,Eugenius cō ­forteth his people. he brought thē streight in order of battell, deuided into thrée wardes, cōmitting one of them to the leading of his brother Ethodius, & the secōd to Doalus the gouernour of Argile, reseruing the .iij. to himself. [Page 89] This done, he made vnto them a pithie oration, declaring how necessarie it was for them to play the men, considering that in victorie consisted the onely hope of libertie, and in beeing vanquished, theyr Countrey was endaungered to be brought into perpetuall bondage for euer, for the onelye marke which the Romains shotte at, was to op­presse the libertie of the whole Ilande, and to re­duce the lame into the forme of a Prouince, to be gouerned at the wil of the victorers, to the breach 10 of all their olde auncient lawes, and long con­tinued customes.

With these and many other like reasons hee went about to encourage the myndes of his sub­iects, in such wise, that in maner the most part of them determined rather to die with honour, than to liue in such miserie, as they feared woulde en­sue if the victorie shoulde rest vpon the Romains side.The sodaine arriuall of Maximus. And as they were in such talke togither, so­dainly commeth in one of theyr scoutes wyth 20 newes, that Maximus with his armie was euen at hande.

This was in the morning anone after the Sunne was vp, whereas he was not looked for till the euening following, insomuche that the fame his sodaine arriuall chauncing so farre con­trarie to theyr former expectations, troubled all their heads, and brought them into a great maze, for that hereby they were constrained to chaunge the order of theyr battailes to haue the sunne on their backes, as they had prouided at the fyrst it should haue bene, if the enimies had not come vn­till the after noone.

Yet notwithstanding, they had no sooner chaū ­ged their place, and gotten themselues into array of battaile againe,The Scottes giue the onse [...] but that with great violence they preassed forwarde to giue the onset vpon the Romaines. Which Maximus perceyuing, made all the speede he coulde, to set his men in order of battaile, that he might receyue his enimies com­ming thus to encounter him.

So both sides beeing fully bent to battayle, and approched within daunger of shot, they lette flie the same most egerly,The battailes ioyne. albeit that through ha­sting forth to ioyne at hande strokes, there was little hurt done with bowes or dartes.

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The Scottes crying vpon the name of their worthie and most famous auncetter king Gald, layde aboute them moste fiercely after they came once to the ioyning: and lykewise the Romains being encouraged with the chearefull wordes of the Lieutenant Maximus,Doubtfull fight. boldely encountered them, so that it was doubtfull at the first whe­ther part should haue the worse ende of the staffe: but shortly there followed variable successe, for on 50 the one part, they of Rosse and Mar, being ap­poynted vnder Ethodius to encounter that wing of the enimies where the Pictes were, fought so egerly and with such fierce willes,Ethodius ouer throweth the Pictes. that they easi­ly put the Pictes vnto flight, beating downe a great number of them as they woulde haue pas­sed the water of Dune, but streight wayes after fallyng to the spoyle, they were slayn downright by a legion of suche Romaines as were sente by Maximus vnto the succours of the Pictes.The Scots ha­uing vanqui­shed the Picts, are slaine by the Romain [...]

On the other side in the left wing those of Ar­gile, Cantyre, Kyle, and Coningham, who were matched with the Brytaines, French men, and Germains, after long and cruell fight were there slaine in the place, greatly to theyr fame and glo­rie for euer, so that by this meanes the maine battaile of the Scottish men wherein Eugenius himselfe stoode amongst his people, was left bare and naked on both the sydes. Which Maximus perceyuing, he caused the same to bee assayled on ech part with such violence, that in the end longer resistaunce preuayled not,The Scottish battaile is o­uerthrowne. but that their mayne battaile must néedes be opened perforce, by mea­nes whereof Eugenius choosing rather to die in the place, than eyther to saue his life by flight, or [Page 90] by rendering himselfe into his enimies handes to liue in miserie. [...]ugenius is [...]aine. &c. was there slaine togither with a great number of his nobles and gentlemen, ha­uing determined by the example of their maister to die rather speedily with honour, than longer to liue with shame and reproch.

Thus Eugenius lost his life with his king­dome in the thirde yeare after his first entring in­to the rule, hauing enioyed few good dayes in rest during the sayde tyme. 10

Such of the Scots also as were appoynted to kepe the cariage and trusse of the field, seeing their Lordes and maisters thus slaine,The furious [...]age of the Scottish Car­ [...]ers. rushed forth with such weapōs as they had at hād, in purpose to slea some number of their enimies, not passing though it should cost them also their owne liues, so that they might die reuenged. The slaughter was great whiche at the first was made, more through an obstinate desire of reuenge, than by any valiant actiuitie: but this companie being a­non 20 broken in sunder, and driuen backe, they were finally slaine and beaten downe.

Moreouer the Romains that pursued in chase after their enimies, when the battaile was done, encountered with great numbers of such women and aged persons as followed a farre off, to vn­derstand the successe of the fielde, doubting what happe might fall to their children and kinsfolkes, whose slaughter when they perceyued, like people enraged they flew vpon such Romaines as they 30 met with, but being easily vanquished, and refu­sing to flee, they were also slain and cut in peeces in a most miserable maner.

The Romaines hauing thus rid the fieldes of all kind of enimies, lodged that night abrode, here and there at their pleasure, where they might hear the dolefull gronings, and lamentable cōplaints of them that lay wounded, and as yet not deade, cursing most bitterly the cruel tyrannie and co­uetous ambition of the Romans, with that most 40 detestable disloyaltie of the Picts, procuring this murther and destruction of those people that had deserued farre otherwise at their handes.

When the morning was come, Maximus the Lieutenaunt caused the spoyle of the deade bo­dyes to be gathered,The spoyle de­uided amongst the souldiers. and equally deuided amongst his men of warre. And such as were founde sore wounded and not dead, to shewe some token of clemencie, according to the olde accustomed ma­ner of the auncient Romaines, hee commaun­ded 50 surgeons to see to the cure of them. The other being deade, he suffered to be buryed, causing the corps of Eugenius hymselfe to bee enterred in most solemne and pompous sort,The buriall of the dead bo­dies by ap­pointment of Maximus. after the vsage of the Romaine Princes.

His brother Ethodius beeing found man­gled in moste pitifull wise, and in manner halfe deade, was also taken vp by commaundement of the same Maximus,Ethodius sore wounded, is committed to the cure of Surgeons. and Surgeons charged to haue the ordering of hym, and to shewe theyr diligence for the cure of his hurtes in most speedie and gentle wise.

The victorie thus atchieued, Maximus sur­ueyeth the Countreyes of Kyle, Carricke, and Conningham, with that also of Calidone, and seazeth the same into hys handes, suffering the Inhabitauntes to enioye both goodes and landes in peace and quietnesse vppon theyr othes of allegeaunce, wythoute anye further mole­station.

Hiergust King of the Pictes with other the Nobles of that Nation,Hiergust de­sireth the vtter destruction of the Scottes. were nothing conten­ted therewith, desirous to see the vtter destruction of all the Scottishe race. Wherevnto Maxi­mus at the first would not agree, alledging the ancient custom of the Romains, who sought ra­ther to vanquish by benefites, than by the sword, euer vsing to spare suche as submitted themsel­ues, and in no wise to spot their honour nor ma­iestie of their Empyre with crueltie.

But the Pictes not satisfied herewith,The earnest sute of the Picts to haue the Scottishe men banished and expulled out of the Countrey. went about earnestly to perswade him in no condition to suffer the Scottes to haue any abyding with­in the confines of Brytayne, if hee wished anye quietnesse in the estate thereof, for theyr delyght (sayde the Pictes) was onely set to seeke occasi­ons howe to disturbe the peace, to liue by the pyl­lage and spoyle of theyr neighbours, and name­ly of the Pictes, vnto whose confusion (as the Prophecies spake) they were begotten and borne. Finally when all theyr earnest sute myssed the wished effect, they fell to,Where wordes faile, gyftes preuaile. and assayed if they might bring that to passe by wicked meede and through corrupting brybes, whiche they coulde not do by other meanes.

And euen as it oftentymes chaunceth in suche cases, where wordes are but spent in wast, giftes yet preuayle:The procla­mation for the auoyding of all Scottishe men forth of the whole Iland of Bry­taine. so also came it to passe euen here, for at length a Proclaymation came forth by procurement of the Picts, that al such as were naturall Scottishe men, shoulde by a certayne day auoyde oute of those Countreyes that they possessed in Brytayne, vppon paine of losing life and goodes, and to delyuer vp theyr houses and landes vnto suche Brytaynes and Pictes as were appoynted by the Romaines for to enioy the same.

The Scottes perceyuing themselues not able to make any resistaunce,The Scottes plagued for their beastly crueltie. obeyed thys com­maundement, some of them passing ouer into Ireland, some into the westerne Iles, and some of them got ouer also into Norway, and Den­marke, and manye there were that got inter­taynment amongest the Romaine Souldiers, and went ouer with them into Fraunce, as yet called Gallia, to serue in the warres there, [Page 91] and in other places vnder ye Emperors ensignes.

The Pictes were so cruel and diligent to see all the Scottish linage confined, that they would not consent that a certaine number of gentlewo­men should remaine behinde,The cruel dea­ling the Picts. who had their hus­bandes slaine in the last warres, and made in­tercession in moste lamentable wise vnto Maxi­mus, that they might bee permitted to abide in their natiue Countrey all the residue of their ly­ues, though in seruile estate, to the ende that they might bee buryed after the same were once ended in graues with their slaine husbandes.

Cartandis Queene of Scottes.Moreouer where Cartandis Queene of the 10 Scottes, late wife vnto Eugenius, was brought vnto Maximus, with two gentlewomen and a groome from the tumbe of hir husband, where she had remayned euer sithe his buriall in continuall mourning, forsomuche as she was a Brytayne, and discended by lynage from the Princes of Wales. Maximus lamenting hir miserable case, 20 assigned the Citie of Carricke vnto hir, with cer­taine other reuenues for the maintenance of hir estate. But after she had taken leaue of suche as had the cōduction of hir, and was come into a vil­lage not farre from Carricke aforesayd, it chaun­ced that a sort of Pictishe ryders, (or as I maye call them robbers) met with hir, small to hir pro­fite, & lesse to their own ease, for they did not only slea hir groome, but also beate hir gentlewomen, and stripped both them and hir of all that they 30 had, whereof Maximus being enformed, caused them that had done so vile a deede to bee appre­hended and executed by death, according as they had deserued. The Queene hirselfe being brought backe vnto Maximus, and honourably entrea­ted, had all hir substance restored vnto hir againe so neare as it was possible.

The Pictes of­fended with Maximus.But the Pictes being offended herewith, and specially for the putting to death of their men, sundrie of their Nobilitie came vnto Maximus, 40 and began to make a sore complaint in that be­halfe, declaring that the desertes of their Nation had not beene suche towarde the Romaine Em­pyre, as to haue their people put to execution for a womans sake, being both an enimie and a pri­soner: therefore they requyred that she might be confined into Brytayne, and according to the tenor of the proscription, spoyled of all hir goodes.

Cartandis la­menteth hir infortunate estate.Here Cartandis being present hirselfe, began to make pitifull lamentation, bewayling hir most 50 vnhappie estate, in that contrarie to the order of hir wretched case and present miserable fortune, she shoulde nowe be forced to returne againe into hir Countrey: wishing rather than she should be inforced so to doe, that she might offer vp hir life, as a sacrifice in the place of hir husbandes burial: and therefore holding vp hir handes vnto Maxi­mus in most pitifull wise, she besought hym in­stantly, that it might please him, either to suffer hir to passe the residue of hir life after such sort as shee thought beste agreed wyth hir widow like estate, or else to take the same from hir presently by some violent meanes of execution.

There was not a man other than the Pictes, that same and heard hir at that instant, but la­mented hir wofull distresse, so that in the end the request of the Pictes was disallowed, and Car­tandis hauing liuing assigned hir for the main­tenance of hir degree, was licenced to depart into what place shee thought expedient, there to liue as shee thought best▪ withoute lette or distur­baunce.

The same tyme the Scottishe Bishops and Priests beeing banished as well as the other sort of the Scottish people,The Mona­sterie of Iona buylded by banished Scot­tish Monkes. a number of their Monkes got them into the Ile of Iona, now called Colm kill, where they erected a Monasterie for theyr owne habitation, the worthinesse whereof hath beene right famous, euen vnto these our dayes, as that whiche was afterwarde endowed wyth many fayre reuenues by diuerse of the Scottishe kings, who had their burials there after the re­turne of the Scottes into Albanie as shal be here­after expressed.

The yeare in the whiche the Scottishmen were thus vanquished by the Romaines and Pictes,The time that the Scottes were thus confined. 5547. H.B. 379. H.B. 710. H.B. The second yeare of Iu­lian the Apo­stata. H.B. Straunge visions. and finally confined out of theyr seates, was from the creation of the worlde 4319, after the byrth of our Sauiour 352. from the begin­ning of the Scottishe kingdome 679. and the thirde yeare of Magnentius.

The same yeare before Eugenius gaue bat­tail vnto Maximus, many straunge sights were seene in the furthest partes of Albion, stryking a wonderful dread into many mens hearts.

In the night season in the ayre were seene firie swordes and other weapons moue in a long ranke, after comming togither on a heape,Swordes and weapons seene in the ayre. and being chaunged into an huge flame as it had ben a firebrande, it then vanished away. The waters of the ryuer of Dune ran with bloud, the bankes of the same ryuer flashed oft tymes as they had beene all on a fire.It rayneth byrdes. There were seene also a num­ber of small byrdes fall out of the ayre so thicke, that it seemed it had rayned byrdes, and inconti­nently came a great number of Rauens that de­uoured vp the same.

Certaine Witches and Southsayers decla­ring that these things betokened the destruction of the Scottishe kingdome, were commaunded by the Priestes to holde their peace on payne of death, as they that tolde nothing but lyes and fables, though afterwardes their tales proued most true.

But to returne to our historie. Ethodius the brother of Eugenius being cured, as is sayde by [Page 92] commaundement of Maximus,Ethodius con­fined into Denmarke. was yet bani­shed amongst the residue, and constrained to take an othe, that he shoulde immediately repayre in­to Denmarke, and hereafter not to approch nea­rer vnto the coastes of Albion, for doubt of some newe attempt that might be made by the Scots through his meanes, thereby to returne into that Countrey agayne, and to recouer theyr former estate.

But this stayed not them of the westerne 10 Iles,Gillo chosen captaine of the banished Scots in the western Iles comming into Argile, is vanquished by the Pictes. but that assembling themselues togyther, and chosing one Gillo to their capitain they pas­sed ouer into Argyle, where in the ende they were encountered by such Pictes as were set there to defende that Countrey, and slaine eche mo­thers sonne. Their vesselles were also taken and brought into sundrie Hauens of the Coun­trey to serue for defence of the coastes vppon any newe enterprise which the Scottes shoulde chaunce to make:The Scottes repayre into Irelande. but the other Scottes percey­uing 20 they were not able to furnishe forth a newe armie in the Iles by any ayde they might pur­chase there, sayled ouer into Irelande, where pre­senting themselues vnto the King of that Regi­on, they declared vnto him from poynt to poynt all their infortunate chaunces, and lamentable calamities which were happened vnto them of late through the tyrannicall puissance of the Ro­maines, and malicious enuie of the Pictes, in suche sort as nothing coulde be more miserable 30 than their present estate, considering the ruine of so mightie a kingdome, and the final banishment of the inhabitants from their houses and lands, which had beene in possession of them and theyr elders, by the space almoste of seuen hundred yeares.

The king of Irelande with his nobles la­ment the Scot­tish mens case.The Irishe king with his Nobles moued with pitie to heare and vnderstande so dolefull calamities to haue chaunced vnto that Nation, whose good or bad happe coulde not but touche 40 them verie neare, considering they were discen­ded both of one progenie, comforted these Scot­tishe men to the best of their powers, and in the ende concluded to ayde them with tenne thou­sande men,The Irish men conclude to ayde the Scot­tishmen. and to furnish them forth with ships, vittayles, and munitions to passe into Albanie for recouerie of their Countrey.

This ayde being put in a readinesse, and the shippes rigged and decked as was requisite for such an enterprise, they tooke the seas, and lan­ding 50 in Cantyre,The Scottes and Irishmen lande in Cantyre. chaunced to meete with Heir­dorstane brother to Heirgust king of the Pictes, accompanied with a great number of Picts and Brytaynes assembled to defende the Countrey,The Pictes en­counter with the Scots and Irish men, and are discōfited. but being sharpely assayled of the Scottes and Irish men they were quickely put to flight, and such as were ouertaken dyed on the sworde, to the great terrour of all the newe inhabitants that were planted in those parties.

This Victorie thus atchieued, there were that gaue counsell not to attempt fortune ouer fame, but to take suche booties of goodes and prisoners as they had got in the Countrey, and to returne therewith into Irelande. Other were of a con­trarie opinion, supposing it best to followe the victorie, and eyther to recouer againe theyr aun­cient seates, or else to die in the valiaunt attempt thereof. Which aduice was followed, as the best, though it proued otherwise: for before they could come to any conclusion of that enterprise, the Romaines, Pictes, and Brytaynes gathered themselues togither,The Scots and Irish men are ouerthrowne. & gaue battail again to that Scottishe and Irishe companie, wherein they o­uerthrewe them, to theyr vtter ruyne and de­struction.

The newes of this infortunate encounter be­ing brought into Irelande, put the king and his Nobles there in such feare of the Romaines,The king of Irelande see­keth for peace. that they thought it best wt al speed to send Ambassa­dors vnto Maximus to sew vnto him for peace. They that were sent at the first were sore blamed and checked by Maximus, for that they had ay­ded the Scottishe men in the last inuasion made into Albion: but at length accepting their excuse,Maximus graf­teth peace to the Irish men. hee graunted a peace vpon certaine conditions, wherof the most principall article was, that in no wyse they should receyue, ayd, or succour any enimie to the Romain empire.Maximus see­keth by his bounteous li­beralitie to win the peo­ples fauour. This Maximus hauing got a quiet peace on ech side, vsed al mea­nes possible howe to procure the loue of his soul­diers and men of warre, shewing hym selfe not only gentle, curteous and meeke towardes them, but also so liberall and free, that his bounteous giftes passed all vnderstanding: in so muche that as is reported by writers, he bestowed in one day neare hande as much in rewardes, as the reuenue of Brytayne yeelded to the Empyre in a whole yeare.

This franke liberalitie and curteous behaui­our he vsed not onely towardes the Romaines, and his other men of warre, but also towardes the Brytaynes and Pictes, conforming hym­selfe so neare vnto theyr manners and fashions, that at his comming into Pictlande, he layde a­way his Romaine apparell, and arayed himselfe in garments after the Pictish guise.

By this maner of meanes therefore hee wan him such loue and fauour, as well amongest his souldiers, as also amongst the Pictes and Bry­taynes,Maximus is chosen Empe­rour in Bry­tayne. that in the ende by common consente they chose him for Emperour, in the 383. yeare after Christe, protesting generally, that they would owe onely theyr obeysance vnto him as to their supreme gouernour.

Here the Scottish Chronicles somewhat va­rie from other writers, who affyrme that Maxi­mus [Page 93] was thus aduaunced to the Imperiall dig­nitie, rather by constraint of his men of warre, than by any meanes which he of himselfe vsed to attaine vnto the same. Where the saide Chroni­cles neuerthelesse shewe, that it came chiefly to passe by his owne seeking, procuring certain per­sons to worke for him as instruments to frame other to this his purposed intent.

He helde the dominion of the Empyre being thus preferred to the Imperial estate,Maximus ru­led the estate of Brytaine xvii. yeares. the space of fiue yeares. All the countreyes and people of Al­bion beeing at his cōmaundement without con­tradiction: which had not chanced vnto any one 10 mā before his time, sith ye Ile was first inhabited.

At length desirous of more Empire, he passed ouer into France with a mightye armie, in pur­pose to subdue al France and Italie, with such o­ther countries as were obedient vnto Gratian as then Emperor of Rome.The Emperor Gratian is slain by Maximus. But how prosperously he spedde in the beginning, and how at length he 20 was slain at Aquileia in Italy, ye shal find in ye historie of England a great deale more at large.

By reason of such trouble in the estate of the Romaine Empyre, Octauius the sonne of Octauius late king of the Brytaynes, the which (as before is sayde) fledde into the Isle of Man, and after departing from thence, got ouer into Fraunce, returned nowe into Brytayne, and did so much there, that the Brytains receyued him to theyr king: but shortly after he was constrayned 30 to agree with the Romaine Emperour Theo­dosius, so that the Brytaynes shoulde pay theyr woonted tribute, and liue vnder suche lawes as by the Emperor should be to them prescribed. In al other respects, Octauius shoulde be reputed du­ring his life for king. Immediately herevpon two Lieutenāts were sent from Theodosius, of whō the one named Martius soiourned at London, and the other called Victorine, at Yorke. And with al expedition they began to put the Romain 40 lawes in practise, abolishing the olde Brytishe lawes, to the greate offence of many that coulde not well brooke straunge ordinances. Namely the Pictes repyned sore thereat, and vsed most an ende their owne lawes and constitutions, great­ly to the contempt of the Romaine estate.

Whereof Victorine the one of the Romaine Lieutenants hauing knowledge, gaue strayte commaundement vnto Hiergust the Pictishe king, that in no wise hee shoulde suffer the olde 50 lawes and rude ordinaunces of his Countrey, to be vsed any longer amongst his subiects, vppon payne that might ensue for disobedience shewed towards the Maiestie of the Romaine Empyre.

Hiergust nowe perceyuing into what thral­dome and miserie his Countrey was brought, by meanes of the warres which he had procured agaynst his neighbours the Scottishe men, as a man sore repenting his passed follie, and seeing no readie meane presente howe to reforme the same, being aged and sore broken with continu­all sicknesse, he got himselfe secretly into his pri­uie Chamber,Hiergust slay­eth himselfe. where immediately hee slue hym­selfe, to be ridde of the sight of that present seruile estate, into the whiche he sawe both him and his whole Countrey reduced.

Whose death being once knowne,The Pictes are forbidden to create a king. Victorine commaunded that the Pictes should not choose a­ny other from thenceforth, to raigne as King o­uer them, nor to obey any other Magistrates, but onely such as shoulde bee appoynted to haue the gouernment of them, by commaundement and commission of the Romaine Emperour. For it was agreed, as he alledged, by the tenour of the league, concluded betwixt Hiergust and Maxi­mus, that after the deceasse of the same Hiergust, all his dominions shoulde bee gouerned by Ro­maine officers in fourme of a Prouince. How­beeit the Pictes nothing regarded the wordes of Victorine,Durstus is cho­sen king of the Pictes. but by common agreement chose one Durstus the seconde sonne of Hiergust to bee their king.

Wherevpon Victorine beeing enformed of theyr doings, raysed a power, and made suche speede towardes them, that hee was gotten so neare vnto the Citie of Camelon, ere they had a­ny knowledge of his approch,Durstus is be­sieged of the Romaines. that Durstus with other of the Nobles, beeing as then within the same, could not haue space to escape their wayes, but being forthwith besieged within it, at length they were taken by force of assault, and the citie sacked, to the great enryching of the Romaine armie, and vtter vndooing of the poore Inhabi­tauntes.

Durstus with other the chiefest prisoners were firste had vnto London,Durstus is brought pri­soner to Lon­don. and from thence conueyed to Rome, there to haue iudgement by decree of the Senate. The residue of the nobles that were taken there, suffered in the markette place at Camelon.

Thus was that tumult appeased,The Picts be­come tribu­taries. and the Picts commaunded to pay yearly vnto the Em­perours procurator the fourth parte of all theyr reuenues growing of theyr corne and cattell. Beside this trybute hee charged them also wyth diuerse base seruices, as to labor in mettal mines,They are put to their base seruices. to digge stones forth of the quarreys, and to make bricke to bee sent into Brytaine, or into o­ther places whyther it pleased hym to com­maunde it.

The cause why hee burdened them in suche sort was (as hee sayde) to teache them to knowe themselues. For they were become so loftie sithe the departure of the Scottishmen out of the Ile, that if they were not restrayned in time by au­thoritie of the Romaine puissaunce, the whole [Page 94] British nation were like to be shortly disquieted, by theyr wilfull meanes and insolent presump­tions.

Neither was it thought sufficient vnto Vic­torine to charge the Pictes in manner as is be­fore specified,The Pictes are commaunded to dwell be­yonde the wa­ter of Forth. but to theyr further greeuaunce hee deuised an other way, whereby to bring them in the ende vnto vtter destruction, whiche was this: he constrayned them togither with theyr wyues, children, and whole familyes, to re­moue 10 beyonde the water of Forth, and to leaue all the Countreys on this syde the same water as well those whiche they aunciently had in­habited, as the other which of late apperteyned vnto the Scottes, and were assigned vnto them by Maximus to possesse, after that the Scottes were expelled.

All whiche Countreys thus by the Pictes nowe left voyde, were appoynted by Victorine vnto the Brytaynes, as subiectes to the Em­pyre, 20 to be inhabited. And for a perfite diui­sion betwixte the Pictes,A wall made to diuide the Brytains from the Pictes. and the same Bry­taynes, hee commaunded a Wall to bee made, and a trench to be cast alongst by the same, from Abyrcorne, throughe the territorie of Glaskow vnto Alcluthe, or Auldcluch, now clalled Dun­breton, so running from the East Sea vnto the West. Hereto proclamation was made, that if any of the Pictishe nation did enterprise to passe this Wall,The Picts for­biddē to passe ouer beyonde that wall. and to enter into the Brytishe con­fines 30 withoute licence of the Magistrates, hee should die for it.

Whylest the Pictes through theyr owne fault, are thus brought into moste miserable sub­iection of the Romaines, the Scottishe men as is sayde) beeing banished the lande,The Scottes liue in other Countreys. lyue in o­ther Countreyes by shyfting oute the tyme so well as they myght, some continuing wyth theyr wyues and children, gotte a poore lyuing wyth theyr hande, as exercysing some Sci­ence 40 or occupation. Other there were that followed the warres, and serued vnder sundrye woorthie Captaynes here and there as occasion serued.

Ethodius bro­ther vnto Eu­genius, late king of Scot­lande.But Ethodius the brother of Eugenius commaunded (as is sayde) to goe into Den­marke, was ioyfully receyued of the King there. Who also gaue hym an office, therewyth to mainteyne hys degree, so that hee lyued there certayne yeares in ryght honourable estate, 50 and begatte of his wyfe whom he brought thy­ther wyth hym foorth of Albanie, a sonne na­med Erthus,Eith the sonne of Ethodius, begot Ferguse who after his fathers deceasse hadde issue by hys wyfe called Rocha (a Ladie of highe Parentage amongest the Nobles of Denmarke, as daughter to one Rorichus se­cond person of the Realme) a sonne named Fer­guse, whose chaunce was afterwardes to restore the Scottish nation againe to their former estate and Kingdome.

In his yong yeares,The Gorthes make an expe­dition against the Empyre of Rome. hee was appoynted to serue vnder Alaryke the Gottishe King in that famous voyage which he tooke in hande agaynst the Romaine Empyre. For suche was the hate as then of all the Northerne Regions and Kingdomes towardes the Romaine name, that by generall agreement they conspyred togy­to the vtter ruyne and finall destruction there­of. And so eche of them sente forth a power in ayde of the sayde Alaryke chosen by com­mon consent as Generall of the whole enter­pryse.

Ferguse being set forth by the King of Den­marke with a power of Danes,Ferguse was sent to ayde the Gothes. and with a cho­sen number of suche Scottish men as were with­drawne into those parties went with the better will, for that besyde the common quarell, he bare a priuate grudge towardes the Romanes for the vsing of his auncetters so cruelly in expulsing them oute of theyr owne homes and natiue Countrey.

This Ferguse was present with the Gothes at the wynning of Rome,Rome sacked. in the sacking where­of, amongest other spoyles, hee gotte (as is re­ported) a certaine Cheste full of bookes, the whiche some holde opinion hee brought after­wardes into the westerne Iles, and caused them to bee kept in Iona, nowe Colmekill, within a librarie there buylded for the same intent. Which bookes (as is to bee supposed) were certaine hy­stories or monumentes of olde antiquities. But the same were so defaced in the dayes of Hector Boetius (who as hee himselfe wryteth, caused them to be brought ouer vnto him to Aberdyne) that it coulde not be vnderstoode of what matter they intreated.

It is wrytten moreouer of Ferguse that hee continued wyth Alaryke in all hys enterpry­ses, so long as hee lyued,Ferguse was a Captain vnder Alarike and Athaulf kings of the Gothes. and afterwardes ser­ued vnder hys successour Athaulfus, to hys greate fame, and in suche honourable estima­tion, as fewe were founde comparable vnto him in those dayes.

At length requyring a safecunduyte to re­turne into Denmarke,Ferguse with leaue returned againe from Italie into Denmarke. he was licenced to depart with highe and right bountifull rewardes, as in part of recompence of his good and faythfull ser­uice shewed, during the tyme of the warres, as wel in the life time of the sayd Athaulfus, as also in the dayes of his predecessour the foresayde Alaryke.

About the same season, the Bishoppes sea of Candida casa, otherwyse called Quhitterne, was fyrst instituted by one Ninian a preacher, that tooke greate paynes,Saint Ninian. (as the report hathe gone) to instruct the Pictes and Brytaynes in [Page 95] the Christian fayth. Hee was afterwardes re­puted a Saint, and the place of his buriall had in such veneration, that many vsed to resort thither for deuotion sake, as the maner in tymes past was when pilgrymage goings were vsed.

But nowe to returne where wee left tou­ching the Pictes, and to shewe the maner howe the Scottes returned againe into Albanie: Yee shall vnderstande, that the Pictes beeing brought into seruile bondage (as before wee haue partlye declared) and doubting dayly of worse to ensue, they sent secrete messengers vnto suche Scottes as remayned in exyle in the Westerne Iles,The Picts sent into forraine Countreys to call home the Scottes. in 10 Norway, and in other partes of the worlde, promising them, if they woulde giue the attempt for recouerie of theyr auncient dwelling pla­ces in Albanie, they shoulde bee sure of all the ayde that in them lay, being readie to spende their lyues to reuenge the iniuryes whiche they dayly susteyned at the Romaines handes, whose con­tynuall 20 practise euer was howe to oppresse the auncient libertyes of all such Nations as came vnder theyr subiection. The experience where­of they nowe felte, to theyr vnsufferable gree­uaunce, looking for nothing else but shortlye to bee expulsed oute of theyr Countrey, and dryuen to goe seeke them other places to inha­bite in straunge Countreys, after the manner of Outlawes, as it had chaunced alreadie to the Scottes by commaundement of Maximus, as 30 before is expressed.

Ferguse sent vnto the Scots dispersed.Ferguse vnto whom amongst other this mes­sage was chiefly directed, reioyced greatly of the newes. And firste conferring with the king of Denmark, of whose ayde he knew himselfe assu­red, by his aduise he sent letters abrode forthwith into Norwaye, Orkney, the Westerne Iles, and into Ireland, vnto such of the Scottish men as dwelt in those places to vnderstande theyr minde herein. 40

And beeing certifyed that they were vni­uersally agreed,Ferguse prepa­red himselfe to warre. not onely to trye theyr chaunce for recouerie of theyr former estate and King­dome, but also had chosen him to be gouernour & generall Captaine in that enterpryse: he prepa­red partly at his owne costes, and partly at the charges of the king of Denmarke, and other of his friendes and alyes there, a greate multitude both of men of warre and Shippes, in purpose to passe ouer into Albanie to recouer hys Grandfa­thers 50 estate, whiche as it was thought myght nowe bee the more easily brought to passe, sithe the Pictes woulde ayde him thereto, vppon an earnest desire whiche they had to reuenge theyr owne iniuries receyued at the Romaines hands, and to delyuer themselues from such throldome as they dayly felte themselues oppressed wyth, doubting withall shortly to bee quite expelled out of theyr whole Countrey, as they had bene forced to forgoe a great and the better part ther­of alreadie.

In this meane tyme,Gratian vsur­ped the go­uernance of Brytaine. one Gratian discended of the Brytishe bloud, by consent of the Romain Legate Martius, (both of them going agaynste theyr allegiaunce) vsurped the gouernaunce of Brytayne by his owne priuate authoritie: but shortly after, they two falling at variance togi­ther, the one of them slue the other.Martius slain. And then the Souldiers not staying till they vnderstoode the pleasure of Honorius the Emperour,Constantine succeedeth Martius. chose one Constantine to succeed in the place of Mar­tius, who passing ouer into Fraunce, was slaine there by Constantius,Constantine is slaine. one of the Captaynes of the sayd Honorius.

Victorine the other of the Romaine Le­gates hearing of the deathe both of Martius and Constantine,The Lieutenāt of the north commeth to London. remoued from Yorke vnto Lon­don, the better to prouide for the safe keeping of the lande to the Emperour Honorius hys vse: for that hee doubted sundrie daungers whiche might chaunce, by reason the Countrey was as then vnprouided of men of warre, the moste part of them beyng transported ouer into Fraunce, with the forenamed Constantine, and not a­gayne returned.

The Pictes enfourmed of these things,The Picts send speedily vnto Ferguse. sente him to make haste, sith if he should haue wished worde with all speede vnto Fergus, requiryng him to make haste, sith if he should haue wished for a conuenient tyme, a better coulde not bee deuised: considering the present state of things as well in Brytayne, as in other partes of the Romaine Empyre, the people euerie where being readie to moue rebellion.

Ferguse vnderstanding the whole, by suche messengers as styll came one after ano­ther vnto hym from the Pictes, hee hasted to departe wyth all diligence: and when all things were readie, hee tooke the Sea with hys ar­mie, and within eight dayes after,Ferguse arry­ued with his ships in Mur­rey Fyrth. he arryued in safetie wythin the Fyrth of Murray lande with all his vesselles and people, where ta­king lande, and worde thereof beeing brought into Irelande, into Orkeney, and into the We­sterne Iles, all suche of the Scottishe lynage as lyued in those partes in exyle, came wyth theyr wyues, children and whose families in moste speedie wise vnto hym, as thoughe the Countrey had beene alreadie recouered out of the enimies handes, withoute all doubtes of further perill or businesse.

The Pictes also reioysing greatly at the newes of his comming, [...]payred vnto hym,The Picts ioy­fully receyue Ferguse. and shewed him all the honour that might be de­uised, beseeching him to pardon and forget all iniuryes and displeasures by them wroughte and contryued in tymes paste agaynste the [Page 96] Scottish nation, sithe now they were readie for the aduauncement thereof to spende theyr lyues agaynst such as were enimies to the same.The Pictes craue pardon excusing them selues. Nei­ther was the fault theyrs, in that Hiergust had consented with the Romaines to banishe the Scottish people, but in their auncetters, who be­ing blinded through the fayre wordes and sweet promises of the Romaines, sawe not the mys­chiefe which they brought vpon their own heads, and their posterities. Therefore they desired him 10 to renue againe the league betwixt the Pictishe and Scottish Nations, with such conditions of appoyntment as it shoulde please him to pre­scribe.

Ferguse.Ferguse by consent of his Nobles answerd, that he was contented to stablish the league with them, euen according to the tenour of the aunci­ent agreement, and to ioyne his power wyth theyrs to helpe to restore them vnto their former estate and liberties, so that they woulde bee con­tented 20 to surrender vp into the Scottishe mens handes, all such townes and Countreys, from the which they had beene expulsed by great fraud and iniurie. And as for the displeasures done to the Scottishe men in tymes past by ayding the Romaines agaynst them,The Picts pu­nished for their vntruthes (as he thought) the Pictes had felt punishment ynough for the same alreadie, being reduced into most seruile and mi­serable bondage, as iustly rewarded by almightie God for their great vntrouthes, vsed and shewed 30 towardes theyr auncient neighbours, faythfull friendes and allies.

The Pictes were throughly pleased and sa­tisfied with Ferguse his wordes, so that within few dayes after, theyr king (whome they had lately chosen sith the time that the Scottish men were thus returned) came vnto Ferguse,The auncient league renued again betwixt the Scottes and Pictes. and ra­tifyed the league with him, according to the ar­ticles of that other whiche in tyme past had beene obserued on the behalfe of the Scottishe and 40 Pictish nations, with such solemne othes and as­surance, as betwixt princes in semblable cases, of custome is requisite and necessarie.

The Scottes restored to their coūtryesThen were those Countreys restored to the Scottish men againe, out of the which they had beene expelled by the Romaines power.

Ferguse

[figure]

ANd Fer­guse then being cōueyed with a ryght 50 honorable cō ­panie of lords,Ferguse is cō ­ueyed into Argyle, and there inuested king. gentlemen, & commons in­to Argyle, was there placed on the Chayre of Marble, and proclaymed king wyth all such accustomed pompe and ceremonies as to him apperteyned.

This was in the .xlv. yeare after the Scots had beene dryuen forth of Albanie, and after the byrth of our Sauiour 424.422. H.B 396. Io. Ma. The 18. yeare of the Emperor Honorius H.B 755. H.B. in the yeare after the death of Honorius the Emperour, and from the firste erection of the Scottish kingdome 750. yeares complete.

All suche Castelles also and Fortresses as the Pictes helde within any of those Countreys, which belonged vnto the Scottes, were surren­dred into theyr handes in peaceable wise: but the residue whiche the Romains kepte were earnest­ly defended for a whyle, though at lēgth through want of victuals & other necessaries, they lyke­wyse were deliuered.

If I should here say what I thinke, and that mine opinion might passe for currant coyne, I would not sticke to affyrme that either now first (or not long before their late supposed expulsion from hence) the Scottes settled themselues to in­habite here within this Ile,When the Scottes first got certaine seates here in this Ile of Brytaine as some thinke. and that they had no certain seates in the same til then. But that com­ming either forth of Irelande, or frō the westerne iles wher they before inhabited, they vsed to make often inuasions into this land, greatly molesting as well the Brytaynes, the auncient inhabitants thereof, as the Romaines that then helde the Ile vnder their subiection. For I can neyther per­swade my selfe, nor wishe other to beleeue, that there was any suche continuaunce in succession of kings, as their histories doe mention, and as we haue here before set downe in following the same histories, bycause wee will not willingly seeme to offer iniurie to their nation, which per­aduenture are otherwise perswaded, & thinke the same succession to be most true, where other per­chance may cōiecture (& not moued therto with­out good reason) that suche kings as in their hy­stories are auouched to raigne one after another here in this Ile, eyther raigned in Irelande, or in the oute Iles, and that verily not successiuely, but diuerse of them at one season, and in diuerse places. Which mistaking of the course of hysto­ries hath bredde errours, not onely among the Scottish wryters, but euen among some of the Brytishe and Englishe writers also, as to the learned and well aduised readers it may plainly appeare. And as for Galde, and some other hap­pely, which they take to be kings of Scottes, al­thoughe they raigned in that parte of this Ile which afterwardes was possessed by Scots, and after them named Scotland, yet were they mere Brytaynes, and had little to do with Scottes, except perchaunce we may thinke that they helde the out Iles in subiection, where the Scots were then inhabiting, farre longer time perhaps (before their settling in Brytayne) than theyr hystories [Page 97] make mention.

Victorine pre­pareth an ar­my to goe a­gainst the Scottes.But nowe to returne where wee left. After that Victorine the Romain legate was aduerti­sed of all the foreremembred doings of the Scot­tishmen and Pictes, he caused an armie to be le­uied with all speede, and hasted forth with the same vnto Yorke,Victorine see­keth to per­suade the Picts from taking part with the Scottes. where beeing arriued, hee at­tempted by an Heralde at armes to perswade the Pictes to forsake their confederacie lately con­cluded with the Scots: but perceyuing he could 10 not bring it to passe, he determined to pursue both those nations with open warre: and so therevpon setting forward, he passed forth till he came neare vnto Camelon,Victorine en­campeth neare vnto Camelon with .50000. men. wher he encāped with his whole armie, hauing therein (as the report went) about fiftie thousand persons at the least.

Ferguse being aduertised hereof, hauing in like maner alreadie assembled a mightie huge hoste,Ferguse pas­seth the Forth. both of Scottishmen and Pictes, came therwith ouer the Forth, and marched forth with all speed 20 in the night season,Ferguse pur­poseth to as­sayle his eni­mies in the dawning of the day. in purpose to haue set on hys enimies verye early in the dawning of the next morning: but Victorine hauing knowledge ther­of, commaunded his men to be arraunged and set in order of battaile by the third watch of the same night, so that being readie to receyue the Scottes vpon their first approch, there was fought a right sore and cruell battaile, with such slaughter on both partes,The riuer of Carron rūneth with bloud. that the ryuer of Carron (neare vnto which their battailes ioyned) was well neare fil­led 30 with dead bodies, and the water thereof so chaunged into a ruddie hewe, that it seemed as though it had runne altogither with bloud. In the ende (whilest as yet it was doubtfull to whe­ther side the victorie would encline) there came such a sodaine shower of raine,The battaile seuered by reason of a tempest. mixed with suche great abundance of haylestones, that neyther part was able to haue sight of other, so that by reason of the violent rage of that huge storme and tempest, eyther side was fayne to withdraw 40 from the other.

There were slaine in this battaile such great numbers of men, aswell on the one side as the o­ther, that they had small lust to ioyne in battaile againe for certaine yeares after.

For the Romain Lieutenant vnderstanding what losse of people he had susteyned without at­tempting any further exployte,The lieutenāt furnishing di­uerse holdes, returneth into Kent. appoynted cer­taine of his companies to lie in garrison wythin sundrie fortresses in Pictlande, and wyth the re­sidue 50 hee returned into Kent. In like sort the Scottes with their confederates the Pictes,The Scots and Pictes breake vp their camp. per­ceyuing themselues not able as then to make any further attempt agaynst theyr enimies, brake vp theyr armye, and deuised onely howe they might defende that, which they had alreadie in possession.

And forsomuch as the Pictishe Nation was encreased to a greater multitude of people, than those Countreys which they then held, were able to finde with sufficient sustenance (considering what a great portion of their auncient seates the Brytaynes and Romaines kept from them) it was agreed by the Scottes, that they shoulde enioy the Countrey of Athole,Athole assig­ned to the Pictes. with other landes bordering neare vnto the same, lying wyth­oute the compasse of the Mountayne of Grane [...]he [...].

The Pictes then beeing placed in Athole en­creased there wonderfully and buylt many fayre Castels and towers in those parties, to the great beautifying of that Countrey.

In which meane while,The Brytaines by the appointment of Vic­torine make a Wall. Victorine the Ro­maine Lieutenant commaunded the Brytayns to make hast with the wal, wherof ye haue heard made of turfe, and susteyned with certaine postes of tymber passing ouerthwart the borders be­twixt them and their enimies, beginning as yee haue heard, at Abircorne, and so stretching forth by Glascow, and Kyrkpatryk, euen vnto Alde­cluch, nowe Dunbryton .lxxx. myles more Northward, than the other wal, which the Em­peror Adrian caused (as is sayd to be made.

Whereof the Scottes and Pictes being en­formed, they assembled themselues togither,The Scottishe men and Picts interrupt the making of that Wall. and vnder the leading of a noble man called Graym, they set vpon the Brytaynes, as they were busie in working about the same, and slue not onely a great number of labourers and souldiours, which were set to labour and defende the worke, but al­so entering into the Brytish borders, fetched from thence a great bootie of Cattaile and other riches, which they foūd dispersed abrode in the coūtrey.

This Graym (who as I sayde was chiefe of this enterpryse) was brother vnto the Scot­tish Queene, the wife of king Ferguse.Graim, other­wise called Graham, and his lynage. He was borne in Denmarke (as some holde opinion) in the time of the Scottish mens banishment, and had a Scottish man to his father descended of a noble house, and a Danish Ladie to his mother. He himselfe also maried a noble woman of that nation, and had by hir a daughter,Ferguse ma­ried a daugh­ter of Graym. whome Fer­guse by the perswasion of the king of Denmarke tooke to wife, and had issue by hir (afore his com­ming into Scotlande) three sonnes, Eugenius, Dongarus, & Constantius, of whom hereafter in their place mention shall bee made, as occasion serueth.

Other there be,Diuersitie of opinions tou­ching the ori­ginall begin­ning of the Graymes. that affyrme how this Graym was a Brytayne borne, and that through hate which he bare towardes the Romaines for their cruell gouernment, he fledde forth of his natiue Countrey, and continued euer after amongst the Scottes, as first in Denmarke, and after­wardes in Albion, euer readie to doe what displeasures hee coulde deuise agaynst the Ro­maynes [Page 98] and other theyr friendes or subiectes. Of thys Graym those Scottes which vnto this day beare that surname, are sayde to bee dis­cended.

But now to the purpose, ye shall vnderstand, that after that it was knowne in forraine coun­treys, howe the Scottes had gotte foote agayne within those Regions in Albion, which theyr elders of auncient tyme had possessed, there came dayly dyuerse companyes of that Nation out 10 of Spaine,The Scottish men returne into theyr Countrey. Fraunce, Germanie, and Italye, (where during the tyme of theyr banishment they had serued vnder sundrye Captaynes) vnto Ferguse to ayde hym, in recouerie of theyr Countrey and auncient seates,Ferguse inua­deth the con­fines of the Brytaynes. oute of the whiche they had beene moste cruelly expulsed. So that Ferguse nowe seeing hys power thus not a little augmented by theyr comming, en­tereth into the borders of Kyle, Carrik, and Cunningham, spoyling and harrying those 20 Countreys on euery side: but shortly therevpon commeth the armie of the Romains,The Scots put to the worse. with whom the Scottes encountering in battaile, receyued no lesse domage than they minded to haue done vnto theyr aduersaries. Wherevpon being for­ced to leaue that Countrey, they drewe backe into Argyle, where Ferguse wyntered for that part of the yeare which yet remayned.

When Sommer was come, he was coun­sayled to haue eftsoones offered battayle vnto 30 Victorine,Victorine in­uadeth Gal­loway. who as then was entered Galloway, & rather to trie the vttermost poynt of Fortunes chaunce agaynst him, than to sustaine such dis­pleasures and iniuries at the Romaines handes, as by them were dayly done vnto him and hys people, but there were other that gaue other ad­uice, alledging how the daunger was great to ieopard againe in battaile with the Romaines,Ferguse is dis­swaded to fight with the Romanes. being mē of such skill and practise in the feates of warres, considering what losse had chaunced in 40 the two former battayles. Againe, there was great likelyhoode, that if he coulde be contented to forbeare for a tyme, and seeke to defende the bor­ders of his Countrey, so well as he might with­out giuing battayle,The Romaine Empyre inua­ded by barba­rous nations. it must needes come to passe that shortly the Romaine Empyre shoulde bee brought vnto such ruynous decay, by reason of the multitude of enimies, whiche as then inua­ded the same on eche side, that in the ende Vic­torine doubting his owne suretie, woulde con­uey 50 himselfe wyth his men of warre out of the Countrey, and then shoulde it bee an easie mat­ter for the Scottes and Pictes, to recouer again all suche Countreys, as aunciently belonged to theyr elders, and whollye to restore the estates of theyr common wealthes vnto theyr former dignities.

This aduise was followed as the best and most likely, so that making sundry rodes into the borders of their enimies Countreys so to keepe them still occupied. Ferguse and the Scottes re­fused vtterly to come to any foughten field with them.Victorine ac­cused vnto Honorius. Shortly after also it chaunced that Victo­rine was accused vnto the Emperour Honorius of some secrete practise agaynst his Maiestie, as to bee about to vsurpe the crowne of Brytayne, wherevnto hee was compelled in deede, by the souldiers whose heartes hee had wonne through his bounteous liberalitie sundrie wayes declared towardes them and vnderstanding at this pre­sent, that he was mynded to haue fled his wayes for doubt of the sayde information made against him, they moued him with such earnest perswa­sions to take vppon him the Imperiall dignitie, promising euen to liue and die with him in de­fence thereof, aswell agaynst Honorius,Victorine ta­keth vpon him the name and authoritie of Emperour in Brytayne. as all o­ther, that in the ende he consented vnto their de­sires, and so was proclaymed Emperor, and clo­thed in purpure, vsing thereto all the other Im­perial ornaments, as if he had bene Emperour in deede. But afterwardes when one Heraclianus was sent with an army by Honorius into Bry­tayne agaynst this Victorine,Heraclianus is sent agaynst Victorine. the most part of the souldiers, with those Brytaynes which had acknowledged him for their supreme gouernour, beganne to feare the sequele of the matter, and af­terward requiring pardon for their offences, they tooke Victorine,Victorine is deliuered in­to the hande of Heraclianus. and deliuered him prisoner vnto the same Heraclianus, with dyuerse other of hys confederates, and so by this meanes was the e­state of Brytayne recouered vnto the behoofe of Honorius,Heraclianus is sent into Af­fricke. who shortly after sent for Heraclia­nus, mynding to sende him into Affrike against one Athalus, who vsurped there against the Ro­maine Empyre.

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At his de­parture foorth of Brytayne,Placidus lieu­tenant of Bry­taine. he left one Placidus as Lieu­tenant and ge­nerall of the Romaine ar­mye in those parties: a man of no greate courage, and lesse skill,The warre re­nued by the Scottes. which being peceyued of the Scottes, gaue occasion vnto Ferguse theyr king to renue the warre. And first hee procured Durstus king of the Picts, being the third of that name to ioyne with him in that enterprise, accor­ding to the articles of the league. Who cōsenting therevnto, whē their powers were once assēbled,The Scots and Pictes inuade the borders of their enimies. they entred into ye marches of their enimies ouer­rūning the most of part Kile, Carrik, & Cōning­ham, and after they had taken their pleasure there [Page 99] they entered into Gallowaye, destroying all before them, which way soeuer they passed. Then turning into Pictland, they subdue the whole re­gion, and expulse all such Romaines and Bry­taines as inhabite in the same.

Placidus being aduertised hereof,Placidus ga­thereth a power. gathered a great power, and commeth forwarde towardes them, with whom encountering in battaile, after

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long fight,He encounte­reth with his enimies. his horsemen chaunced to be put to flight, so that the legions of his footemen beeing left naked on the sides, were so sore beaten with the shot of arrowes,Placidus recei­ueth the ouer­throw. and hurling of dartes, that in the ende they were forced to breake their array, and so being chased, left to the Scottes and Picts a great and ioyfull victorie. Placidus himselfe es­capeth 30 vnto Yorke,He flyeth to Yorke. whither the Scottes were minded to haue pursued him, had not the want of such numbers as they had lost at the battaile, somewhat abated their couragious intents.

In the meane time Placidus not onely moo­ned wyth this ouerthrowe, but also waying wyth himselfe after what sorte the Romaine Empyre was afflicted, with inuasion of the barbarous Nations in Germanie, Fraunce, Spaine, Italie, and Affrike, thought it good to 40 conclude some peace with the Scots and Pictes,Placidus see­keth to haue peace. for doubt of further mishappes that might en­sue. And so by suche meanes as he made short­ly after, a league was concluded betwixte the Scottes, Pictes, and Romaines, wyth these conditions,A league con­cluded betwixt Scottes, Pictes, and Romains. that the Scottes and Pictes shoulde enioy and keepe theyr auncient seates and Re­gions, whiche they had nowe recouered, and hereafter not to make anye rodes or forrayes into the Prouince belonging to the Romaines, 50 and that the same Romaines contenting them­selues with the Brytishe confines, shoulde not moue any warre or hostilitie towards the Scots or Pictes.

This league being thus concluded and ra­tefied, the Scottishe men and Pictes endeuoured themselues to reduce the state of theyr common wealth into the auncient fourme and order. Ferguse made partition of landes and groundes throughout all his kingdome,Ferguse deui­deth the lande in partes. and assigned the same forth vnto his subiectes the Scottishmen, and to such other straungers as were come into Albion to serue him in the warres agaynst hys enimies, and were mynded now to remain there. The other that were desirous to depart agayne into theyr Countreys, he gaue them honourable rewards, with safeconduits to passe their wayes at their owne pleasures.

At this time also were the names of diuerse Countreys and people chaunged in the parties of Scotlande, vpon sundrie considerations,The names of diuerse places in Scotlande chaunged. as Cor­nana a part of Scotlande, lying in the furthest ende of all the Countrey,Cathnesse, whereof it is so named. tooke a newe name of one Cathus, a valiant Captaine, and of the pro­montorie there shooting forth into the sea called Nesse: so that beeing compounde togither, that countrey was cleped Cathnesse.

Also of certaine Irishe men called Rossians,Rosse. the countrey of Rosse tooke that name, beeing a­fore named Lugia.

That part of the Countrey aunciently cal­led Thezalia, which lyeth on the Sea coast,Buthquhane. be­ganne to be called Buthquhane, of the trybute v­sed to be payed there for sheepe,The significa­tion of the name of Buth­quhane. of the which kind of Cattell there is greate store in that Prouince. For Quhane in the olde Scottishe tongue sig­nifyed trybute: and Buth, a flocke of sheepe.

The other parte of Thezalia lying into the landewarde, was called Bogdale,Bogdale. of the Ry­uer named Bog, which runneth through the middes of it.

Louchquhaber tooke the name of a greate meare or water, into the whiche the Ryuer of [Page 100] Quhabre falleth and passeth through the same,Louchquhaber notable by reason of the great plentie of Salmōs taken therein.

Athole, Mur­ray lande.Some other Countreys there be, which keepe theyr auncient names euen vnto this day, as A­thole, and Murrey lande. And some names re­maine a little chaunged by length of time,Argyle, for Argathile: and Mar, for Mar­thea. as Argyle, for Argathile: Mar, for Marthea: and such like.

Ferguse also repayred suche Temples and 10 Churches as the warres had defaced,Ferguse re­payreth chur­ches, and pro­uideth liuings for religious persons. and resto­red again Churchmen vnto their former liuings: and further encreased the same where hee sawe cause, and builded certaine Celles and Chappels for religious persons to inhabit in, assigning vn­to them large reuenues for their finding.

The first foun­dation of the Abbay within the Ile of Iona now Colmkil.He also layde the foundation of that famous Abbay within the Ile of Iona, now Colmkill, appoynting the same for the burial of kings, with certaine ordinaunces and customes to be vsed a­bout 20 the same.

Moreouer, in the time of peace hee was not negligent in prouiding for the defence of his realme.Ferguse re­payreth his Castels. Such Castels as were decayed and ouer­throwne by the enimies in the warre time, he re­payred, and in those which stoode towardes the borders of the Brytish countreys, he placed sun­drie garrisons of such souldiers as wanted teades to gette theyr lyuing nowe, in tyme of peace, assigning them sufficient stypendes to lyue 30 vpon.

In this meane tyme, Honorius the Empe­rour being dead, and the estate of the Romaine Empyre dayly falling into decay,Placidus the Lieutenant of Britaine dieth. it chaunced also that Placidus the Lieutenant of Brytaine departed out of this life, by reason whereof the Scottish men and Pictes tooke occasion to renue the warres,The Scots and Pictes renue the warre. making as it were a clayme vnto the Countreys of Westmerlande, and Cumber­lande, which theyr elders in tymes past had held 40 and possessed.

Entering therefore into those Countreys, they take,The crueltie of the Scottes and Pictes. spoyle, and destroy all such of the Bry­tish nation as went about to destroy them. Nei­ther spared they impotēt age or other, but shewed great crueltie agaynst all suche as came in theyr wayes. Many an honest woman they reuished and misused after a most villaynous maner.

The Romaine souldiers after the deceasse of Placidus,Castius ordey­ned Lieutenāt of Brytayne. ordeyned one Castius to succeede in 50 his roomth, who beeing aduertised of thys en­terpryse of the Scottishe men and Pictes, doub­ted least (as the trouth was) that Dionethus the sonne of Octauius sometyme King of the Brytaynes,Dionethus, or Dionotus as some bookes haue. in hope to attayne the Crowne of Brytayne, as due to him by inheritance, would nowe seeke to ayde the Scottishe king Ferguse, whose sister he had in mariage. Castius therfore more desirous of peace than of warres,Castius sen­deth vnto Ferguse. sent forth a messenger at Armes vnto king Ferguse, requi­ring him to remember the league made betwixt him and the Romaines, and to withdrawe hys power forth of the prouinces which were subiect vnto the same Romans, without proceeding any further in that vnlawfull attempt, either else hee should be sure to feele the puissant force of those people readie bent agaynst him, by whom his el­ders had beene dryuen out of theyr Countreys, and banished quite forth of al their dwellings and places of habitation in Albion.

But hereunto was answere made with great indignation, that as for the league thus alledged,The answere of king Ferguse. ceassed by the death of Placidus, & as for peare, there was no cause why he should looke for any, till the whole prouinces both of Westmerlande and Cumberland were restored againe vnto the hands of the Scottish men and Picts, according as of reason they ought to be. The like answere also was made by Durstus king of the Pictes vnto whom Castius had sent a like message.

Wherwithall the sayde Castius beyng not a little moued,Castius ray­seth an army. assembleth an armie, and with all speed marcheth foorth towardes his enimies: but before his entring into Westmerland, wher they were as then lodged in campe,Dionethus ioyneth with the Scottes agaynst the Romaines. hee had perfect knowledge how Dionethus with his Welchmē (for his landes lay in Wales) was alreadie ioy­ned with the Scottes.

Whiche newes sore appalied the heartes of the Brytaynes, but yet beeing encouraged with comfortable wordes of their Captaines to pro­ceede, forwarde they goe togither with the Ro­maines, and withn three dayes after they came within sight of their enimies, being raunged in battaile readie to receyue them,The armies ioyne in bat­taile. so that streight wayes buckling togither, there was a right fierce and cruel battaile fought betwixt them, til finally the multitude of the Scottishe archers & Kernes so compassed in the battailes of the Romains on eche side, and specially on the backes, that in the ende, and by reason of the losse of their generall Castius (who was slaine there amongst them,The Romains giue backe.) those of the middle ward being discomfited, brake theyr array, and fledde. Wherevpon the residue likewise followed: the Scots, Picts,The Scottes follow in the chase to rashly and Welch­men pursuing them so egerly without all order, that there was no small nūber of them distressed by the Romains, the which in their giuing back, kept thē close togither, readie to defend thēselues, & to beat down such of their enimies as followed more rashly than warily in the chase, not once re­garding to keepe any order of battaile: but yet by other companyes that pursued more order­ly togyther for theyr most aduantage, there was great slaughter made both of the Romains and Brytaynes.

[Page 101] Dionethus proclaymed king of Bry­taine.After this victorie thus atchieued, Dione­thus was proclaymed King of Brytaine, and sore warres continued in the lande by the pur­sute of the Welchmen, Scottes, and Pictes, to the great hazard of the Prouince, and likely ex­pulsing of al the Romains quite out of the same.

Etius Lieute­nant of the Romaines in Fraunce or Gall [...]a.About this time also there remayned in France, one Etius Lieutenant to the Emperour Valen­tinianus, who vnderstanding all these things by letters and messengers sent from the captains 10 which yet remayned aliue in Brytaine, appoyn­ted one Maximianus being a kinne to the Em­perour,Maximianus sent ouer into Brytayne. to passe with an armie in all haste ouer into Britaine, to ayde and succor the Romains and suche Brytaynes there, as still continued in theyr allegeance whiche they had promised vnto the Romaine Empyre.

This Maximianus at his arriuall in the I­lande was most ioyfully receyued by the souldi­ers and subiectes of the foresayde Empyre. All 20 the Lordes and nobles of the Countrey resorted also vnto him, shewing themselues most glad of his comming, and promising with what ayde so euer they were able to make, to goe with him a­gainst their enimies. Whervpon procuring them to assemble their powers,Maximianus causeth the Brytaynes to ioyne with him to go a­gainst the Scottes. and to ioyne the same with his, which he had brought ouer with him, he passed through the countrey vnto Yorke, and so from thence marched forth towards the Scottes being alreadie assembled in campe to defende the 30 countrey of Westmerland against him.

There were both the kings of Scots & Picts, Ferguse and Durstus,The Scottes and Pictes as­sembled a­gaynst the Romaines. with Dionethus naming himselfe king of the Britaines, who had brought with him beside the Welchmen a great number of those Brytaynes that inhabited in the Coun­treys now accounted the marches of Wales, the which onely amongst al other the Brytaines ac­knowledged him for king.

When both the armies were come neare to­gither,The armies prepare to battaile. they camped for that night the one in sight of the other, and in the morning following they prepared themselues to battail Ferguse first ma­king an earnest oration vnto his people to encou­rage them the more boldly to giue the onset,Ferguse exhorteth his people to do valiantly de­clared amongst other things how the right was on theyr side,Right mini­streth hope of good successe. which alwayes ought to minister hope of good successe in them, that enterprise any thing in defence thereof, where contrarily all such as attempted to disquiet other by iniury & wrong doing, could not but looke for an euill conclusion of their malicious intentes and purposes. Ney­ther were other of his captaines negligent in their duties, but that both in exhorting theyr bandes, they vsed most comfortable wordes, and in dis­posing them in good order of battaile, they shewed most readie and earnest diligence.

On the other side, Maximianus with hys Captaines and officers of bandes were as busie on their side to array their battailes most for their aduauntage, as they saw cause and occasion, so that both the armies being readie to fight,The onset is giuen. the on­set was giuen, and that in moste furious wyse, the Romaines beeing at the first sore annoyed

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with arrowes and dartes, which slew so thicke from eche syde, that theyr sight was in manner taken from them, the Skie seeming as it had beene couered ouer with a Pentise.Maximianus perceyuing the disaduantage prouideth to remedie the l [...]e. So that Maximianus perceyuing this disaduauntage, he caused a freshe Legion of his Souldiers to ad­uaunce forwarde to the succour of their fellowes, by reason whereof, the battayle was forth wyth most cruelly renued, the hyndermost wings of the Romaines sore preassing vpon their [...] so that in the ende passing quite through theyr battayles,The Scottes disordered. they caused a great disorder and fears amongest those Scottes and other theyr confe­derates, whiche were placed in the hindermost [Page 102] rankes, but yet casting themselues in a ring, they made great and stout resistance for a space, and at length a great number euen of the most vali­ant personages of the whole host closed themsel­ues togither, and with a maine force assayed to haue broken through the thickest preasse of theyr enimies, but being enuironed about on eche part, they were there slaine eche mothers sonne. Whi­lest the Romaines drew togither to resist on that side, other of the Scottishe men, Pictes, Bry­taynes 10 and Welchmen, founde a way to gette forth through their enimies on the other syde, and so being gotten past them, made away as fast as their feete might beare them: But a great num­ber being notwithstanding ouertaken, were slain and beaten downe right pitifully.

The two kings Ferguse and Durstus are slaine.Ferguse the Scottishe king, and Durstus king of the Pictes were slaine in this mortall battaile togither, with the most part of all theyr nobilitie. Dionethus being sore wounded esca­ped 20 to the sea side,Dionethus escapeth. and there getting a shippe, pas­sed ouer into Wales.

This ouerthrow sore dismayed both the Scot­tish and Pictishe nations, who loked for nothing more than present expulsion out of their Coun­treys,Maximianus pursueth the victorie. for Maximianus pursuing the victorie, burst into Galloway, most cruelly wasting and spoyling the same. And whē he had made an end there, he entred into Annandal, and into the Pic­tish confines, destroying all before him with fire 30 and sworde. Camelon was besieged, taken by force,Camelon ta­ken by force. and miserably put to sack and spoyle, with diuerse other notable townes and places, as well belonging to the Pictes as Scottes. Neyther was there any ende of these cruel doings, till both the Scottes and Pictes for their refuge were ge­nerally constrayned to withdraw themselues be­yond the wall of Abircorne,The Scots and Pictes with­draw beyonde the wall of Abircorne. which (as before is said) a few yeares passed was begon by the Bry­tayns, and stretched from Abircorne aforesaid, o­uerthwart 40 the lād vnto Alcluth now Dūbreton.

Maximianus hauing thus driuen his enimies beyond this wall, caused them to make assurance by theyr othe of couenant neuer to passe the same againe by way of hostilitie, eyther agaynst the Brytaynes, or Romaines.

There were that counselled Maximianus ei­ther vtterly to haue destroyed both the Scottes and Pictes, either else to haue dryuen them out of the whole Ile. But he being satisfied with that 50 whiche was alreadie done, thought good to re­turne vnto Yorke, and there to winter, that in the beginning of the next spring hee might go into Wales to chastise Dionethus and other of that Countrey for theyr rebellion, in ayding the e­nimies of the Empyre.

But when the time came that he should haue set forward on that iourney, he heard such newes from the parties of beyonde the Seas, into what ruinous decay the Empyre was fallen, without any likelyhoode of recouerie, that chaunging his purpose,Maximianus taketh vpon him the abso­lute gouernāce of Brytayne, with the Em­perial rytle. he determined to vsurpe the crowne of Brytayne as absolute king thereof himselfe, and to haue the more fauour of the Brytishe Nation without any impeachment in the beginning of his raigne, he took to wife one of the daughters of Dionethus, being the elder of those two, He marieth Othilia, the daughter of Dionethus. which he only had without issue male, by the sister of king Ferguse.

She that was thus coupled in mariage with Maximianus hight Othilia, & the other daugh­ter named Vrsula, was professed a Nunne in an house of religion, to the intent that ye whole right which Dionethus pretended to the realme,Dionethus re­puted for se­cond person of the realme. might remaine to the wife of Maximianus. Then was Dionethus made secōd person of the realm, aswel in degree of honor, as in publike gouernment.

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ANd why­lest these thinges were thus a doing in Brytayne,Euge­nius. Eugenius created king of Scottes. the Scottish lords had created Engenius the son of Ferguse, king of theyr realme, as due to him by rightful succession from his father, who had gouerned the same by the space of. xvj. yeares ere he was slaine (as before is specified) in the last mentioned battaile.

This Eugenius began his raigne as we find in the yeare of our Lorde .440.430. H. B. after the first be­ginning of the Scottish kingdome .767.760. H.B. His fathers corps which at the first was secretely bu­ried as occasion suffered; whiles the Romaines were yet in the Countrey,The bodie of Ferguse is bu­ried in the Abbay of Iona otherwyse Colmkill. hee caused to be taken vp, and conueyed ouer into the Ile of Iona, o­therwise called Colmekil, where with al solemne pomp and ceremonies it was intumulate, accor­ding to the ordinance which he himselfe had de­uised in his life time, within the Abbey there.

In like maner Maximianus to the intent to establish himselfe the more quietly in the estate of Brytayne, and to deliuer his subiects the Bry­taynes, which bordered vpon the Scottish domi­nions, from all trouble of warres,Maximianus graunteth peace to the Scottish men. was conten­ted to make peace with the Scottes vpon lyght sute made vnto him for the same.

After this also, he being once fully established in the estate of Britaine, coueted also to attaine to the ripe in gouernment of the whole Empyre, & therfore assembling al the forces of the Brytish youth sayled into Gallia, causing himselfe to be proclaimed emperor, & so vsurped ye title as in the [Page 103] English and Italian Hystorie, you maye finde more largely expressed. He left behinde him in Brytayne his father in lawe Dionethus as chief gouernor their, with one legion of Romain soul­diours.

After this did Etius the Emperors Lieute­nāt in France, send for such Romains as Maxi­mianus had left in Brytaine, who reuolting frō their othes of allegiāce giuē vnto the same Max­imianus, obeyed Etius as one that supplyed the 10 roomth of their rightfull Lorde and maister the Emperour Valentinian. So that in this wise was Brytaine dispurueyed of all maner of ab [...] men meete for defence,The Scots and Pictes inuade the Brytaynes. whereof the Scottes and Pictes tooke good occasion to inuade the Brytish borders, not sparing to pursue with fire & sworde all such of the Brytaines as did yet continue in obeysance to Maximianus.

They first droue those Brytaines out of all the Countreys, which had bene taken from them by the same Maximianus, & by other of the Ro­mains and Britains, as Pictland, Kyle, Carr [...],

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and Cunningham, Galloway, the Marches and Northumberland. This done, they entered into Cūberland,The prospe­rous successe of the Scot­tish men. Westmerland, & Kendal, not ceasing til they had spoyled & defaced all those countreys with the most part of all Yorkshire, in such cruell wise that they made al those quarters barren both of corne & cattaile which way soeuer they passed.

The Brytains perceyuing into what daun­ger they were brought, if some good redresse were not found in time,The Brytayns require ayde of Valentinian the Emperor. sent ouer with all speed vnto 40 Rome for succor to be had at the Emperor Va­lentinians hands, for Maximianus was other­wise occupied. Valentinian desirous to deliuer the Brytaynes from suche cruell enimies as the Scottes and Picts shewed themselues to be, least through their meanes al the whole Ile should re­uolt from the obedience of the Romains, appoin­ted one Gallio born in Rauenna,Gallio Rauen­nas is sent o­ther into Bry­tayne. and as then so­iourning about Paris in Fraunce, with a legion of souldiers, to passe ouer into Brytain, to driue 50 back the Scots and Picts from further molesting the subiects of the Empyre.

The Scots and Pictes vpon knowledge had of this Gallios arriual,The Scots and Pictes refuse vpon battail [...] the Ro­maines. drew back into their coū ­tryes, not minding to fight with the Romains, whose force they doubted and not without cause, hauing had in times past so many notable ouer­throwes & slaughters at their hands. But Gallio pursued thē euen vnto the water of Forth,Gallio pursu­eth the Scottes and Pictes. where in sundrie skirmishes he slue no small number of them, and for that he knewe he should be sent for shortly to returne againe into France, to helpe to resist suche barbarous nations as warred in the same, for the better defence of the Brytaynes a­gainst their enimies the Scots and Picts (whom he knew would not be any while in quiet after he was once gone,Gallio causeth the wall of Abircorne to be repayred.) he caused the wall to bee newly made vp betwixt Abircorne and the mouth of Clude water, thereby to defend the Romain pro­uince from all soden inuasions of the enimies.

This wall was carst made of turfe, but now repayred with stone,The maner of the buylding of that wall. and strēgthened with great postes or pyles of wood, driuen in betwixt in pla­ces most needfull. It was also .viij. foote in breadth, and .xij. foot in height, and in certain tur­rets, cast forth vpon this wall, Gallio appoynted watche and warde to be kept, that vpon the eni­mies approche towardes the same,The ordinance of Gallio for watch to be kept on the wall. warning might be giuen by fire in the night, and by smoke in the daye, vnto suche of the Brytaynes as dwelled neare vppon those borders (commaun­dement being giuen vppon paine of death for be­ing found in the contrary) that euery man vpon such knowledge had, shoulde resort immediately to the place appointed, with suche armour and weapon, as for him was requisite.

[Page 104]When Gallio had thus giuen order for the suretie of the Brytaynes, and deliuered them at that present from the cruell handes of theyr eni­mies,Gallio retur­neth into Fraunce. he returned into Fraunce with the armie that he brought with him, according to the com­maundement which he had from Etius the Em­perours Lieutenant there.

His departure out of Brytaine was no soo­ner knowne of the Scottish men and Pictes, but that with all their maine force they determine to 10 set vpon the Brytains againe.The Scots and Pictes deter­min to inuade the Brytaynes againe. So that assem­bling their powers togither, the kings of both those nations exhort their men to doe valiantly: Eugenius the king of the Scottish men encora­geth them throughe hope of high rewardes and spoyle: the Pictish king likewise for his part pro­miseth the Lieutenantship of Camelon (an office of most honour amongest them) vnto him that first should passe the wall of Abircorne.

The Brytaines resort to the Wall of Abir­corne to de­fende it.Whervpon the Brytains being aduertised of 20 their enimies intentions, according to the ordi­nance before appoynted, drewe in defensible wise vnto that part of the wall, where they vnderstood the Scottes and Pictes were minded to assault.The Scots and Pictes approch the wall to assault it. At length when the Scottish and Pictish kings were come to the wall, and had theyr people rea­die to giue the approch, they themselues stoode a­part somewhat out of daunger of shot: and suche bandes as were appoynted to assayle, aduaunced forth of the maine battailes vnder the leading of 30 that Grayme,Graym assaul­teth the wall. the which as ye haue heard, was chiefe in repulsing the Brytaynes when they had first made the same wall by commaundement of Victorine the Romaine Lieutenant. Neyther shewed he lesse proofe of his valiancie at this time than hee had done before. For though the Bry­taynes made earnest resistaunce, so farre as their power woulde extende,The wall is ouerthrowne. yet at the length by fyne force the Wall was vndermined and throwne downe in sundrie places, so that the whole num­bers 40 of the Scottes and Pictes entered by the same into Pictlande, beating downe the Bry­taynes on eche syde that went about to make re­sistaunce, for none escaped theyr handes, but such as saued themselues by flight.

There came also an other power of Scottes and Pictes by water out of Fyfe, and landing in Pictland, pursued the Brytayns with more cru­eltie than the kings did themselues. Both houses and people passed by fire and sworde, insomuche 50 that all such of the Brytaynes as coulde get a­waye, withdrewe foorth of the Countrey,The Brytaines leaue Pictland and get them­selues ouer the riuer of Tine. not staying tyll they came beyonde the Ryuer of Tyne: by reason whereof, all that Countrey which lyeth betwyxt Tweede and Tyne was deliuered by appoyntment of the Kings vnto the Souldiers, to spoyle and vse at theyr pleasure, wherevppon followed many notorious ensam­ples of crueltie, enuie, couetousnesse, wrath, and malice.

In the meane tyme, whilest the Scottishe and Pictishe menne of warre applyed theyr Market,The Wall of Adrian is re­payred by the Brytaynes. the Brytaines with all diligence repay­red and newly fortified the other wall begon (as is sayd) by the Emperour Adrian, shooting ouer­thwart the countrey, from the riuer of Tine, vn­to the riuer of Eske.

Howbeit the Scottes and Picts, bicause win­ter approched,The countreys lying north from the wall of Adrian de­uided amongst the Scottes and Pictes. made no further attempt agaynst the Brytaines at that time, but diuiding those Countreys which lie by north from the foresayd wall of Adrian, among themselues, according to the order in that behalfe appoynted by theyr kings, they fortifyed certaine Castels and holdes for defence of the same Countreys, as it were to countergarison suche Brytaynes as continually kept watch and warde vpon the foresayde wall, The Brytaynes therefore mistrusting least so soone as the spring were come, the Scots would inuade their Countreys, which lay on the south part of the same wal, breaking in by force through it, as they had done the yeare before through the other wall of Abircorne,The Brytaines requite succor and ayde at the handes of Etius. they sent Ambassadors vnto Etius the Romain Lieutenant gouerning Gallia, nowe called Fraunce vnder the Empe­rour Valentinian, requyring to haue some ayde and succour at his handes, whereby to resist suche fierce and cruel enimies, as sought to destroy and expulse out of their landes and houses, all such of the Brytaynes as acknowledged themselues in any maner of wise subiectes vnto the Empyre. But Etius, whether bicause he would not, or ra­ther bycause he conueniently coulde not (for that he was otherwise occupied in defence of Gallia agaynste the Frenche men) made a direct an­swere,Etius refuseth to ayde the Brytaines. that hee had no men of warre in store to sende ouer into Brytaine, and therefore willed thē to do what they could for their own defence, for ayde of him they might none haue.

The messengers returned home with this an­swere, and made report therof in a publike assem­ble of all the Brytish nobilitie, being as then ga­thered togither at London to consult there for the estate and order of their countrey. Where after long deliberation (notwithstāding that they per­ceyued they shoulde haue no more ayde from the Romaines) it was yet determined,The Brytaines forsaken of the Romaines de­termine yet to make resistāce. that to resist the enimies, the whole puissance of the Brytishe nation shoulde be mustred, as well men as wo­men being able to do any feate or seruice auaila­ble in defence of their Countrey, and rather to trie the vttermost poynt of Fortunes chaunce, than to suffer themselues to be ouercome with­out resistance.

But Conanus Camber, a prince of great au­thoritie amongest them, as one that was discen­ded [Page 105] of the bloud of Octauius sometime king of Brytain,Conanus Cā ­ber coūcelleth the Brytons to seeke for peace at the Scottish mens handes. went about with earnest perswasions to remoue the residue of the nobilitie from this determination, aduising them to seeke for peace at the Scottish mens handes, rather than to life the doubtfull chaunce of Mars his iudgement, considering the feeblenesse of theyr whole force now,Brytaine dis­peopled of warlike mē by Maximianus. euer sithence that the tyrant Maximianus had in manner emptied and dispeopled the land of all suche able men as were apt for seruice in 10 the warres.

Conanus coun­cell is not re­ceyued.But this aduise of Conanus was very euill taken, and moued the multitude that heard him, to be greatly offended with his woordes, not spa­ring to say that hee spake like no true man nor louer of his countrey: so that the former ordi­nance, (that is to say, to seeke an end of the wars by dint of swoorde) was allowed for the best.

The Brytons make their ap­prests to go a­gainst the Scottes.And herevpon there were musters taken, ar­mure and weapon prouided, and bothe place and 20 day appointed, where they should assemble togi­ther to marche foorth toward the enimie. Cona­nus sore lamenting theyr doings, called almigh­tie God to recorde, that that which he had sayd, was spoken onely for the loue and zeale whiche he bare to his countrey, and sithence his aduise might not be followed, he doubted greatly least the ruine of the Bryttish estate by some fatall appointment drew fast vpon them.

Conanus is slaine amongst the Brytains.The people hearing him speake such wordes, 30 some wilfull wicked persons fell vpon him, and slew him there presently amongst them: where­with other being sore moued to indignation, set vpon the murtherers there to haue reuenged his death immediatly. Wherevpon began taking of partes, & togither they went by the eares in such furious wise, that sundry amongst them being slayne, the magistrates had much a do to apeace the fray.

In this meane time, whilest the Brytons 40 were thus busled in sending of theyr Ambassa­dours to the Romayns, and consulting togither for defence of theyr countrey,The Scots rase the wall of A­bicorne. the Scottes firste razed downe the wall of Abircorne, not leauing one piece thereof whole, so that a fewe tokens ex­cepted, nothing remayneth to be seene at this day of all that huge and wonderfull worde, it is cal­led now in these dayes,Gramysdike. Gramisdike, bicause there Grayme was not onely (as ye haue heard) chiefe in repulsing the Brytains from the same, but al­so 50 at this time in the rasing of it to the ground, he was the greatest doer.

The Scottish and Pictishe kings inuade the Bryttishe borders.Which being accomplished, the Scottish and Pictish kings assembled theyr powers, and ouer­threw al such fortresses as had not bene destroyed the yeare before, standing on the North side of Adrians wall, the whiche wall the Brytons had newly fortified, but yet were not able to de­fend the same from the power of the enimie, who now set vpon the Brytons with a mayne force, in so much that vndermining the fundations of that walle in diuers places:Adrians walle vndermined & ouerthrowen. at length sundry partes therof were reuersed into the dieth, so that the souldiers breaking in by the same, cruelty beate downe the Brytons whiche stoode at de­fence.

The ca [...]ie being thus wonne, both the kings with their powers marched foorth into the south countreys, commaundement being giuen, that no man vpon payne of death should kil any wo­man or childe, aged person or otherwise inpute [...] and not able to beare at [...]ute. But this com­maundement in some places was but slenderly obeyed.Crueltie of Scottes. Suche desire of reuenge was planted in the Scottishemens hartes by reason of the re­membraunce of old iniuries, that vnneath made they any difference eyther of age or sexe. To be short, all those countreys whiche lie betwixt the riuers of Tyne and Humber, were wasted and spoyled, the whole number of the inhabitāts (such as could make shift to escape the enimies hands) got them ouer the foresaid riuer of Humber, there to remayne as further out of daunger.

The report of which mischiefe being brought to London to the Lordes there (who as ye haue heard were not all of one accorde togither) they tooke new aduise, to redresse the present mischief in this māner. First they thought it best to sende foorth .ij. ambassades,The Lordes of Brytaine take new aduise. one to the Scots & Pictes to require a peace: And an other with letters vn­to Etius the Romaine lieutenant in Fraunce, for freshe ayde and succour.See more here­of in England. The te [...]n of which letters as then sent vnto Etius here ensueth.

The lamentable complaints of the Brytons vnto Etius thrice Consull.The tenour of the letters sent vnto Etius frō the Brytons as is written by Hect. Boetius. At what time our el­ders became subiectes into the Romains, they vnderstood by woorthie proues and notable en­samples, that the Senate was a moste safe re­fuge and hauen, to be wished of all such as fledde to the same for support. But we theyr posteritie by the pernicious working of the legate Maxi­mianus, tending wholy to one distructione, being spoyled both of force and substance, and therfore remayning in greate daunger of loosing bothe kingdome and sides, through the sore and terri­ble inuasion of one most cruel enimies the Scots and Pictes, making humble suyte for succours vnto the Romaine Empyre, according to the loyall trust & most assured confidence, the which euer like true and faithfull subiectes we haue re­posed in the same, are yet neglected, and nothing regarded, but deliuered as a pray vnto the Bar­barous nations to be spoyled, destroyed & slaine in most piteous wise, which can not but be an e­uident signe, that eyther the Romains haue chaunged theyr most commendable maners into [Page 106] the worst that may be deuissed, either els theyr most large Empyre, through the wrath & highe displeasure of almightie God, is now giuen for a pray vnto other forraine nations. But if it be so, that the atall force of the time present, doth re­quire that without all remedie, the lande of the Brytons being takē away from the Romains, must needes be brought vnder subiection of some barbarous nation. Wee neither abhorre nor re­fuse the gouernment of any people or nation, 10 the Scots & Pictes (the most cruell of all other) onely excepted, whose crueltie wee hauing long sithence to muche tasted, are at this present brought vnto that point, by theyr late increased puyssance, that we know not now after the losse of our goodes and cattell, which way to safegard our liues, for the Turfe walles being pulled downe, & the ditches filled vp with earth, whiche afore time did somewhat stay them, now brea­king in vpon vs without letting passe any one 20 kinde of crueltie, they haue distroyed our fieldes, brenned vp our houses, townes and villages, and beaten downe and rased to the grounde our ca­stels & towers, with such other places of defence, not sparing to put to the sworde as wel the poore innocent children, women, and impotent age, as such other innumerable numbers of men, whiche they haue slayne standing at defence with wea­pon in hande. And as for vs, whiche are the re­sidue of our decayed nation, they haue driuen e­uen 30 to the sea side, and from thence (bycause wee can not passe ouer) wee are put backe vpon our enimies againe. And hereof proceede two kindes of our destruction, for eyther are wee drowned in the ragyng flouddes, eyther els slayne moste vnmercyfully by our cruell enimies. Therefore if the honour of the Romaine people, if our assu­red loyaltie & loue, whiche we beare to the Em­pyre of Rome, nowe continued for the space of these .300. yeares or there aboute, may moue 40 you to rewe on our miseries, wee humbly pray & beseeche you, not to suffer vs longer to be trodde vnder foote of these our most beastly & cruell eni­mies, but sende vnto vs some cōuenable succors & that with all speede, least we seeme to be more cruelly betrayed of the Romains, thā brought to distruction by these barbarous people, & that wee be not set forth as a notable ensample for al other to be ware, how they put confidence hereafter ei­ther in the rule or friendship of the Romains. 50

But not so largely as here is expressed. The answeare of Etius.Paulus Diaconus, Beede, Geffray of Mun­mouth, Veremound, and other, make mention of these foresayde letters. Wherevnto Etius aun­swearing, declared that those calamities, infor­tunes & losses sustayned by the Brytains were right displeasant vnto him, & so muche the more for that through the sundry inuasions made, as­well into Fraunce as also into Italy it selfe, and into other parties of the Romaine Empyre by people of sundry nations, he coulde not as then spare any men of warre to send ouer vnto them, and therfore he willed the Brytons to make the best shifte they could, to defend themselues for a time, till things were better quieted in other par­ties, & then should they see suche redresse of their iniuries prouided, as they should thinke them­selues to be very well reuenged.

Aboute the same time that the ambassadours returned with this answere vnto London from Etius, the other also came backe foorth of the north without hope to speede of that aboute the which they had bene sent:The Scottes & Picts would agree vpon no resonable con­dition of peace. for the Scots & Pictes woulde encline to no reasonable conditions of peace, onlesse the Brytains would wholly sub­mit themselues as subiectes vnto them.

The Brytons hereat, tooke such indignatiō, that by a generall consent they agreed to trie it out with the enimies by mayne force: and here­vpon made theyr prouision with all diligence.

The Scottes and Picts hearing of the Bry­tons intents,The Scots and Pictes prepare against the Brytons. gathered their people togither with more speede than was thought possible for them to haue done, and foorthwith rushed into the bor­ders of theyr enimies countreys in right puys­saunt wise and most warrelike order.

In the forewarde went suche as came foorth of Galloway and Annandale with those Pictes whiche inhabited about the coastes of Barwike.The order of the Scots and Pictes entring into the landes of the Brytons. Then followed there a mightie battell of those whiche came foorth of Argyle, Athole, and other Pictes inhabiting neare vnto the parties of Ka­lendar and Camelone with them of Fyfe, and Angus. In the middes of this battell bothe the kings kept theyr place with their choysest soul­diers, and standards borne afore them. Then came the cariage and trusse of the armie, nexte wherevnto a great number of noble men of both the nations followed in fayre order of battell, with theyr seruaunts and men of warre the best they coulde choose foorth. And last of all (as the maner of those nations hath bene euen from the beginning) there came a great multitude of the commons closing vp the backe of the whole a­foresayd armie.

The Brytons also comming foorth into the field with theyr whole puissaunce to encounter theyr enimies,The Brytons doubte to ioyne with the mayne armie of the Scottes and Pictes. when they vnderstood by espials the order and mayne force of the Scottes and Pictes, they were halfe discouraged in theyr mindes, and thought good therefore once againe to assay if any peace might be purchased. But sending forth theyr Ambassadours vnto the con­federate kings to that end, theyr answeare was, that except the Brytons would yeeld thēselues, their wifes and children with all theyr goodes and substaunce into the handes of their enimies, [Page 107] simply without all conditions, there would bee no peace graunted.

When this was knowen abrode in the hoste of the Brytains, what through kindeled yre on the one parte, and dispayre on the other, prouo­king theyr mindes to displeasure,The Brytons vpon the Scot­tishmens re­fusall to haue peace require to haue bat­tell. they generally vpon chaunge of purpose required battell, euen al the whole number of them. Whereof ensued a most cruell and mortall fight: For the Brytains (as it were) resolued to die in defence of theyr 10 countrey, and to reuenge theyr owne deaths vpō the enimies, with more fiercenesse thā is credible to be thought, gaue ye onset,The fierce on­set giuen by the Brytons. & ouerthrew a great number of their enimies, in somuch that those of Galloway and the Pictes fighting in the fore­warde with them of Argyle, Athole & such other as were in the battell with the kings, were in great daunger to bee put to the worse:Graymes au­thoritie in or­dering of the battailes. whiche Grayme perceyuing (by whom the most part of the army was ruled, and that by cōmaundement

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of both the Kings) called foorth a number of the Iland men, who were appoynted to attend the cariage, and sent them with all diligence vnto the fore ward to the succors of thē of Galloway, 30 being then at the point to haue sought refuge by flight.Those of the westerne Isles comming to the succours of the fore­ward restored the battaile. But by the comming of these Iland men to their succors, they tooke courage afresh, so that the battell was againe moste fiercely renewed, & so cōtinued a space with great slaughter on both partes, till finally the Brytons being oppressed with the multitude of theyr enimies, & not able longer to endure,The Brytons runne away. fell to tunning away, thinking to saue themselues in certaine bogges, mosses, & marisse grounds neare vnto the place of the bat­tell: 40 but suche coysterels, and other as remayned with the Scottish cariage, seing the discomfiture of theyr aduersaries, ranne foorth and pursued them into those marishes, killyng and taking no small number of them.

The number of them that were slayne on both sides.There were slaine in this battell of the Bry­tons, aboue .xv. thousand, and of the Scots and Pictes neare hande foure thousande.

The Brytains hauing receyued this ouer­throwe, saw no helpe which way to recouer their 50 losses, but onely to sue for peace at the victorers handes. They sent therefore an oratour vnto the Scottishe and Pictishe kings, beseeching them humbly to graunt them a peace euen with what condicions it shoulde please them to prescribe.The Brytons make humble [...]ayte for peace The kings not moued onely with the present fortune of the Brytains, but also partely with theyr owne, hauing lost no small number of right woorthie personages in the battell, were contented to graunt a peace vpon these condi­tions:Peace graūted by the Scottes with the con­ditions of the same. That the Brytains shoulde in no wise receyue any lieutenant or armie hereafter from Rome, nor suffer any enimie of the Scottish and Pictish estates of what nation so euer hee were to passe through theyr countrey. They should enter into no league with any citie or nation, nor be about to make any warres without con­sent of the Scottish and Pictish kings, and fur­ther shoulde bee ready to serue them against all maner of enimies when so euer they shoulde be sent for. Moreouer they shoulde remoue with theyr wiues, children, and whole families out of all those countreys, lying betwixte Tyne and Humber, resigning the possession of the same vn­to the Scottishmen and Pictes.60000. pounde sayeth Balan­tine, after the rate of Scot­tish money. Also they shoulde gyue threescore thousande peeces of gold then currant to the Scottishe and Pictishe kings towardes the dispatche of theyr souldiers wages, and further shoulde yeelde as a trybute twentie thousande peeces of golde,20000. pound, sayth the same Balantine, so that he esteemeth those peeces of gold to be of the valew of Frēch crownes. to be payde yearely vnto the seuerall vses of the victorers. They shoulde likewise deliuer one hundred ho­stages of suche as the twoo kings shoulde ap­poynt, betwixte the age of eightene and thirtie yeares.

These conditions of peace though they see­med very streight and grieuous to the Brytishe nobilitie, yet for that they vnderstoode not how to make a better bargayne, they perswaded the multitude to accept them, and so a league there­vpon [Page 108] was concluded amongst those people, and the publike state of the lande brought to a more quiet rule than it had bene before. Thus were the Brytains made tributarie to the Scottish­men and Pictes,The Brytons tributary to the Scottes & Pictes. about .500. yeares after Iu­lius Cesar had brought them in subiection to the Romains, being in the yere after the birth of our Sauiour .446.436. H. B. and of Eugenius his raygne ouer the Scottish men the .vij.

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In this season 10 was this Isle of Albion sore infected with ye heresie of ye Pe­lagians,The heresie of the Pelagians. & ther­fore Pope Ce­lestine sent one Paladius a ler­ned man vnto the Scottes,Paladius sente into Scotland. to 20 preserue thē frō that infection, and ordeyned him Bishop the first in Scotland that had his inuesture from Rome, for all the other before him, were ordeyned by the voyces or suffrages of the people, choosing them foorth amongst the Monkes and Priests called Culdeis, Of this Pala­dius, looke more in Ire­land. as the Scottishe Chronicles do reporte. Paladius with right good & wholesome exhor­tations purged the Scottes and Pictes of sun­drie superstitious rites of theyr olde Gentillish 30 idolatrie, till those dayes vsed amongst them, wherevpō he is named and reputed for the Scot­tishmens apostle.Paladius ac­compted the apostle of Scotlande. Hee lieth at Fordune, a towne in Mernes, where his relikes remained, and were long after had in great estimation.

Seruan bishop of Orkeney, & Teruan arche­bishop of pictland.

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Moreouer he instituted one Seruan Bi­shoppe of the Orkeneys, yt 40 hee might in­struct the in­habitāts there in the fayth of Christe, which as yet they had not recey­ued, and one Teruan, whō he himself had 50 baptysed, hee made Archbishop of Picte lande.

Vnkyth fights and straunge wounders ap­peared.In these dayes also many straunge sightes were seene in sundrie partes of Brytaine before the last mentioned ouerthrow: the Moone be­ing in playne opposition to the Sunne when it should be most round appeared in a quadrant fi­gure.

At Yorke it rayned bloud: and trees in sun­drie places bring blasted, wythered and died. The market place or rather if ye will so terme it Cheapeside in London opened, so that a great hole apeared & many houses were swallowed vp.

About the same season also (as is supposed) li­ued that huge personage Fyn makcoel,Fynmakcoel [...] the great hū ­ter. a Scot­tish man borne, of. vij. cubites in heyght. He was a great hunter, and sore feared of all men by rea­son of his mightie stature, and large limmes: many fables goe abroade of him, not so agreable to the likelihoode of a truth, as ought to be regi­stred in an historie, and therefore here passed ouer with silence.

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The Romaine Empyre being brought into irrecouerable ruyne by the Vandalles, Gothes, Hunnes, Frenchmen, and other barbarous na­tions, occupying sundry partes and porcions thereof, put the Brytains out of all hope to haue any assistance from the Emperours, which cau­sed them to remayne in quiet certaine yeares without attempting any exployte agaynst the Scots or Picts, and so duely payde theyr coue­nāted tribute, though sore against theyr willes, if they might otherwise haue remedied it.Conanus a Bryton goeth about to per­swade his coū ­trey men, to breake the peace conclu­ded with the Scots & Picts.

At the last aboute .x. yeares after the conclu­sion of this last peace, it chaunced that one Co­nanus the sonne of the aboue mencioned Cona­nus descended of the bloud of the Octauij some­time kings of the Brytains, sore maligned to see his countrey thus brought into thraldome of the Scottish nation, and deuising how to find some redresse, called togither the moste parte of the Brytish nobilitie, by secrete messages home to a manour place whiche hee had within a thicke woode in the countrey of Kent, and there ope­ning vnto them a great peece of his minde, per­swaded them with the weightiest reasons hee could imagine, to leuie warre against the Scots and Pictes, hauing at that present, meane to [Page 109] maintaine it aswell by reason of theyr increase now sithence the last warres, bothe of able men, as also of substaunce to furnish them with.

Here the nobles were of sundrie opinions: for some aweried with the note of bondage,The Brytons hauing re­spect to their sonnes and kinsmen lying in hostage would not a­gree to breake the peace. would gladly haue had warres: other hauing regarde to theyr sonnes lying in hostage with the eni­mies, would in no wise consent thereto: by rea­son whereof this counsell brake vp without con­clusion of any effect. 10

When eche man was returned to his home, there had bene some amongst them, that gaue knowledge to the confederate kings what mo­cion had bene made, and what was intended a­gainst them. Whervpon they immediatly deter­mined not onely to cause the hostages to be ex­ecuted, but also to pursue the rebelles with fierce and cruell warres.The kings of the Scots and Pictes offen­ded with the conspiracie of the Brytons, prescribe vnto them new ar­ticles to be performed. Yet before they practised any violence, they sent theyr ambassadours vnto the Brytains, to vnderstande theyr full meaning, 20 and to declare vnto them further certaine arti­cles whiche the sayde kings required to haue per­formed without all delayes, or els to looke for o­pen warre out of hande.

The chiefest pointes of which articles were these. First that the Brytons should not assem­ble togither in councell without licence of the Scottish and Pictish kings,Impudent ser­ [...]itrie intru­ded vpon the Brytons by the proude & cru­ell Scots, if it be tr [...]e. notwithstanding that their auncient lawes they might vse at their pleasure, but they should receiue no straunger in­to 30 their countrey being a Romaine or a French­man, neither merchaunt nor other. Their olde hostages they should receyue home againe, and deliuer in exchaunge of them twice so many in number of the like age and degree, as was coue­naunted by the former league.

The commons of the lande, vnderstanding what was demaunded by these ambassadours, were in a wonderful rage, and would haue made a great sturre if they had not bene quieted by the 40 Lordes,The cōmons of Brytaine of­fended with their gouer­nours. who for theyr paines taken herein, got them an euill report amongst the inferiour sorte of people, as though through theyr wante of stomake only, the common wealth was brought into suche a miserable estate, that looke what pleased the enimie to charge the Bryttish nation with, no man durst once speake against it.

This grudge of the commons encreased so farre foorth agaynst their superiours, that after the Scottish and Pictish ambassadours were re­turned 50 home, with answeare agreeable to theyr demaundes,The commōs of Brytaine cōspire against the nobles. there arose incontinently a great cō ­motion of the people, conspiring togither to the vtter destruction of the whole nobilitie. But their furie was repressed, so that they were ouer­throwen in battell at twoo seuerall times with great slaughter and bloudshed, wherevpon they withdrew into the mountaynes, and there kepte themselues, making reyses vpon the nobilitie, and fetching booties away from the heardes & flockes of cattell belonging to the Lordes and Gentle­men: but finally through famine which beganne to oppresse bothe partes,One estate of men can not liue without helpe of ano­ther. they perceyued what neede the one had of the others helpe and so they agreed. This ciuill warre sore decayed the force of the Brytons, for beside the greate slaughter that was made betwixt them, by the aduoyding of the commons out of their houses, the ground lay vntilled, whereof ensued a marueylous great scarcetie & dearth of all things, by reason wherof an innumerable sorte of people died. Yet shortly after followed such plentie,Superfluous wealth occasiō of vice. that those that were left aliue forgetting the passed miseries, gaue themselues to all kinde of vice, whiche tooke such roote in the harts of the more parte of them, that for any man to vse any maner of vertue amōgst them, was a readie meane to procure great enuie and hatred.

In the meane time liued the Scottish and Pictish kings in good quiet and reste, applying their studies onely howe to instruct theyr people now after the warres were once ended,The Scots ap­ply thēselues to peace. in lauda­ble exercises and necessarie occupations, conue­nient for the time of peace, wherby their realmes might florish in wealth and prosperitie without dreede of any forraine power. For they saw such tokens of ruyne in the Brytish estate, as small likelyhood appeared, that the same should at any time be able to recouer againe the former force and dignitie.

Finally the Scottish king Eugenius hauing aduaunced the estate of his countrey vnto more felicitie & wealth than any of his predecessours had euer done before him,The death of Eugenius the Scottish king. after hee had raigned xxx. yeares, he ended his life about the .iiij. yeare of Leo, that vsurped the Empyre of Constanti­nople.

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Don­gard.

BVt for somuch as Eugenius lefte no issue behind him,Dongard king of Scottes. 461. H.B. The study of Dongard for preseruatiō of iustice and good orders. his brother named Dongarde succeeded in the estate. Hee began his reigne in the yeare. 470. and his chiefest studie was, ac­cording to his brothers ensample, to prouide for the maintenance of good orders and iustice, ap­pointing in euery quarter men of good fame and reporte to haue the administration vnder him, [Page 118] with cōmaundement that they should diligently forsee, that euery man might enioy his owne.

The repairing of castels by king Dūgard.He himselfe tooke vpon him also to see to the repayring of such castels as were decayed, and to the building vp of newe in places where hee thought moste expedient, specially neare to the Brytish borders, for he well cōsidered that peace encreassed riches, riches pride and presumption with other sinnes, whiche could not long endure without the plague of warres. Therfore he dou­ting 10 the chaunges of scornefull fortune, thought good in time of peace to prouide for the daungers of warres, whē the same should happē vnto him.

These ciuill policies and princely prouisions for defence of his coūtrey & subiects, increased the fame of Dōgard mightily, but that which he did towards the aduauncement of religion did most exceedingly set foorth his commendation.

First, all suche religious men as followed the trade of life taught by Paladius and other, 20 whiche came with him from Rome, hee caused them to be highly reuerenced:The boūteous liberalitie of Dongard to­wards churche men. and for the main­tenaunce of their liuing, he assigned foorth lands, houses, and other kindes of reuenewes in diuers places of his realme, and graunted not only vn­to them, but also vnto all other being within a­ny orders of Clergie, sundry priuiledges, ap­pointing that the Churches and Abbeys with o­ther holy places should be enfraunchised and ta­ken for Sanctuaries,Sanctuaries. that all suche as fled to the 30 same for safegard of theyr liues, should be suffred to rest in peace, so long as they kept them within the same.

Aboute the same time also and whilest these things were thus a doing in Scotlād, the Bry­tains being aweried of their seruile estate, tho­row the setting on of Conanus conspired togi­ther, & tooke aduise by what meanes they might best seeke to deliuer themselues frō the thraldome of Scots & Pictes, and vpon aduice taken they 40 concluded to send ouer into Brytaine Armorike some honorable Ambassade vnto Androenus the king of that countrey for ayde.The Brytons send into Bry­taine Armo­rike for ayde. Herewith was the Archbishop of London, appointed as chiefe Ambassadour to go on that message, whiche Archbishop vsed suche diligence in the mater, that Cōstantine the sonne of the said Androenus was appointed by his father with a competent power of men to go ouer into great Brytaine to the ayde of the Brytish inhabitants there.Ayde sent in­to Brytain frō the Armorike Brytons. Here­vpon 50 when the men and shippes with all neces­sarie prouision were once readie, he embarqued at Saint Malo, where the assemble was made, and taking the sea, sayled foorth with prosperous winde and weather, whiche brought him safe­ly into greate Brytaine, where hee landed at Totnes in Deuonshire, as you shall finde in the chronicles of England. He was receyued with no small ioye, and foorthwith proclaymed king of Brytaine, wherevpon he promised to assay to the vttermoste of his power to recouer agayne their whole landes and liberties,Constantine proclaymed king of Bry­taine. and to main­taine them in the same according to their wished desires.

For the more speedy accomplishment hereof, commaundement was first giuen, that all able men should be in a readinesse,The assemble of the Brytish army. and come togither at a place appointed neare to the riuer of Hum­ber within fortie dayes after. Whiche order be­ing taken by the aduice of the Lordes and No­bles of the realme, the same was put in execu­tion with suche diligence, that fewe or none be­ing apt to beare armure withdrew themselues, euery man in maner comming to the appointed place of the assemble,The great ear­nestnes of the Brytains to recouer theyr libertie. and offering to go against the enimies, so that it was a wonder to consider the cōsent of the people now ioyned in one minde and will to recouer theyr former libertie.

When Constantine behelde suche notable numbers of men, hee supposed the same woulde haue suffised not onely to vanquish the Scottes and Pictes, but also vtterly to destroy and race them out of all the confines of Albion.

When the newes of all this preparation for warres whiche the Brytains made, was once signified to the Scottes and Pictes,The Scots & Pictes make their apprests. they like­wise made theyr apprestes to meete with them in the field, and therevpon raysing theyr powers, came foorth with the same into Yorkeshyre,The Scottes & Pictes approch neare to the Brytains. and pitched theyr campes within .iiij. myles where Constantine with his people was lodged, and the next day after, vnderstanding how neare vn­to the enimie they were, they reysed and marched forwardes till they came within sight of him, as then encamped with his people alofte vpon cer­taine hilles, neare to the aforesayde riuer side.

Here bothe the kings of Scottes and Pictes lodging with theyr armies for that night, made readie for battell against the nexte day, and in the morning Dongard the Scottishe king get­ting him to a little hill, called his men togither,Dongard ex­horteth his people to fight manfully. and there exhorted them by sundrie comfortable meanes of perswasion to put away all feare, and to fight valiantly, assuring them of victorie if they would keepe the order of battell by him ap­pointed, and not rashly breake foorth of the same in following vpon the enimies when they fell to retyring backe.

He had vnneath made an end of his wordes, but that diuers of the standing watche came in, and declared how the Brytains began to auale the hilles where they had lodged, and that the Pictes were got foorth already in order of bat­tell, and were marching forewards to encounter them, Dongard shewing himselfe to bee right ioyfull of these newes, commaunded inconti­nently▪ [Page 111] that the standerds should aduance foorth, and euery man to attende the same according to his appoynted order. Also that no man shoulde presume to take any prysoner before the ende of the battell, nor to yeelde himselfe so long as lyfe lasted.The wings of the Brytish ar­my are put backe. So that ioyning with his enimies there folowed a right fierce & cruell battaile. At length both the wings of the Brytains gaue backe frō the Scottish men and Pictes, the middle warde abiding the brunte very stoutly. Where Con­stantine 10 himselfe stoode like a valiant chieftaine doyng hys endeuour to the vttermoste of his power, vpon whom Dongard earnestly meas­sing and entring into the thickest throng of his enimies, was there beaten downe amongst the Armorike Brytains, and being aboute to get vp againe by helpe of his weapon,Dongard is slayne. was againe felled to the earth, and slayne with many a sore wounde.

Diuers of the Scottes discomfited with this 20 great mishap, fell to running away: other kin­dled with more wrath layde aboute them more egerly. The Picts also, for their part fought most constantly, so that the battell continuyng till noone dayes with doubtful successe, at length the Brytains were constreyned something to giue backe,The Brytains are put to flight. and after taking themselues to fearefull flight, declared that the victorie remayned with theyr enimies.

There died in this mortall battell neare to 30 the point of .xvj. thousande of the Brytains, and of the Scottes and Pictes aboue .xiiij. thousand with Dongard the Scottish king.

Constantine the daye nexte after the battaile, withdrew southwardes. The Scots carryed a­way with them the corps of their dead king, and conueying it into the Ile of Iona, nowe called Colmkill, there buried it in kingly wise. Don­garde was thus slayne, in the fyfth yeare of hys reigne after the byrth of our Sauior .475. yeares 40 and about the seconde yeare of Zeno the Empe­rour.465. H.B. S. of Leo. H. B.

Constā ­tine.

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50

Constantine the first of that name is crea­ted king of Scottes.AFter him succeeded in gouernment of the Scottishe kingdome Constantine the bro­ther of the aboue rehearsed Eugenius, a Prince vnlike in noble vertues vnto his brother the sayd Eugenius. For though in him there appeared some good tokens of commendable towardely­nesse, as hee seemed outwardly to shew, yet was he giuen more vnto wanton pleasure and lust▪ than to the regard of the good rule & gouernment of his subiectes a deflourer of vyrgins, a raui­sher of honest Matrones and aboue all a fauou­rer of backbiters and slaunderers. Neuer shew­ing any ioyfull countenaunce amongst his no­bles, but amongst scoffing iestours and other vile persons be was as pleasant and merie as the iocundest man aliue.

Thus though hee represented the Brytishe king Constantine in name,Constantine the Scottishe king nothing like in noble conditiōs vn­to Constantine king of the Brytains. yet in manners hee farre differed from him: for the Brytish Con­stantine studying to aduaunce the common wealth of his subiects, trayned them in laudable exercises, and reduced them from theyr former e­uill vsages vnto ciuill order and good customes. Contrarywise, the Scottishe Constantine did nothing woorthie prayse at all after he was once instituted king, but followed still his owne inor­dinate lust and sensuall appetite.

Hee graunted peace vnto the Brytains they vnneth requyring the same,Peace graun­ted vnto the Brytains, and diuers castels deliuered into their handes. releasing not one­ly the tribute, but also deliuering vp into theyr handes by secrete meanes diuers castels stan­ding vpon the riuer of Humber.

Many other things hee was aboute to haue done to the great preiudice and hinderaunce of the Scottishe estate, had not the Nobles of the realme the sooner withstoode his rashe and vn­aduised attempts. Suche malice also was in­gendred in the hartes of the moste parte of the Nobilitie towardes him, that had it not bene through the wholesome admonition and per­swasion of Dongall of Galloway, a noble man of righte reuerende authoritie amongst them, they had leuied ciuill warres against him,The good coū ­sel of Dongal. but the foresayde Dongall declaring to them the daunger and greate inconuenience that mighte thereof ensue, restrayned their wrathfull mindes from enterprising any thing agaynst him by force, so that for certayne yeares they suffered and bare with this his misordered gouernment.

In the meane whyle the Pictes noting the wante of all vertuous qualities thus in the king of Scottes,The Picts stād in feare of the king of Bry­tains. and agayne what takens of vali­aunt courage appeared in the king of the Bry­tains, doubted least if hee shoulde seeke to re­uenge olde iniuries against them, they shoulde be little able to matche him without ayde of the Scottes, (whereof they had small truste nowe, by reason of the insufficiencie of the Scottishe king) they deuised a meane howe to ridde the Brytishe kyng out of the way, and so appoyn­ting certain slie felows to go into Britain for ye accōplishment of their deuised purpose, at length the same was brought to passe, as in the english [Page 112] Chronicles yee shall finde more at large though in the same Chronicles there is mention made but of one Picte that shoulde worke this feate, where the Scottish wryters recorde of diuers, whiche neuer the lesse were apprehended, and af­ter bound both hande and foote, were cast into a a mightie great fire, and therein brent to ashes in most miserable wise, as by the sayde Scottishe wryters it appeareth.

Constantine the Scottishe king is slayne by one whose doughter he had rauished. Anno. 481.The death of this Constantine king of Bry­tons, 10 happened in the .xv. yeare of Constantine king of Scottes, neyther liued he long after, for hauing rauished a noble mans daughter, borne in the westerne Isles, he was slayne by hyr fa­ther in the night season, after hee had reigned in great infamie for his reprochfull life, the space of xvij. yeares.

Don­gall.

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THē was Dongall his nephew, as son to his brother Don­gard,Dongall the sonne of Don­gard is made king of Scot­land. 20 proclaymed king, a prince of disposition indifferēt either to peace or warre, though in the beginning of his reigne, he shewed himself more desirous of peace than of warres, by reason the state of the common wealth so required, conside­ring how things stoode not all in the best order, 30 through his predecessours negligence.

The poletike rule of Don­gall.Dongall therefore desirous of a reformation, appoynted men of great wisedome & good fame to be iudges and officers vnder him, who in re­dressing misorders, in punishing transgressions, and in deciding of al strifes and contentions be­twixt partie and partie, did so well their ende­uour, that peace and concorde therevpon ensu­ing, the people recouered peaceable rest and qui­etnesse, to theyr no small comfort and conten­tation. 40

In this meane while that things passed thus among the Scottes, by the procurement of one Vortigerne, Constantius the eldest sonne of the late deceased Cōstantine king of Brytons,Constantius a Mōke elected king of Bry­taine. was taken out of an Abbey, where he was shorne a Monke, and aduaunced to the kingdome: but be­ing not meete of himself to gouerne, Vortigerne had the whole rule committed to his handes, wherevpon he first caused the league to be re­newed 50 betwixte the Brytons, the Scottes and Picts, and appointed a garde of the same Scots and Pictes to be attendant on the kings person: in the end also he procured some of them to mur­ther the king,Vortigernes treason. Constantius murdered. and after put all the sayd Scottes and Pictes to death, as well the giltie as the vn­giltie, and finally made himselfe king, as in the historie of England you shall find more at large expressed. The Scottes and Picts (for displea­sure that theyr countrey men whiche had bene appointed to garde the person of Constantius king of the Brytons, were maliciously circum­uented, and the more parte of them wrongfully executed) made sundry mades and forrayes into the Brytish borders, neyther sparing fire nor swoorde where they came. So that the sayde Vortigerne by a grieuous reporte informed hereof, caused an army with all speede to be le­uied, and appoynted Guytellus the prince of Wales to haue the leading thereof agaynst the enimies. Whilest he (doubting least the people woulde not bee ruled by him, for that it was knowen how he would haue made away Con­stantines children kept him about London, and durst not committe himself so much to the sight of a multitude, as to go foorth in that iourney in his owne person.

Guytellus,Guytellus ge­nerall of the Brytish army, causeth fiue hundreth of the enimies to be hanged. in respect of the loue which he bare to his countrey, purposing to serue truely in de­fence thereof, chaunced vpon his approche to the bordures to take the number of .v. C. of the ene­mies, being aduaunced from the residue to fetche a bootie. These, Guytellus caused to be hanged, as condemned for robbers and pillers of the coū ­trey afore any ouerture of warre was denoun­ced. Wherevpon such other as escaped by flight, and had seene theyr fellowes thus executed, de­clared vnto their gouernours, what had happe­ned to theyr fellowes.

The confederate kings,The Scottish and Pictishe kings gather their people to resist the Bry­tains. being in a great chase herewith, gather togither theyr people, and haste forwarde with all speede towarde the enimies, who at the first shewed manifest tokēs that they were sore afrayed of the Scottish and Pictishe power:Guytellus en­courageth the appalled harts of his men of warre with comfortable wordes. wherevpon Guitellus their generall with comfortable woordes willed them to be of good courage, and not to doubte of victory, ha­uing so iust a cause to fight with truce breakers, and suche as were giuen more vnto pillage and spoyle, than to any other commendable exercise or practise of warre. With whiche and sundry other the like wordes the Brytains being enbol­dened, as might well appeare by their chaunge of countenances, Guytellus therevpon remoued his campe more neare vnto his enimies, so that at the first and for certaine dayes togither, there chauncēd onely diuers skirmishes betwixt the parties, as occasion serued. But at length,The Brytons ioyne in a pight fielde with the Scots and Picts. the one being sore moued against the other, they ioyne in a pight field. The beginning of whiche battell was right fierce and doubtfull, for on that side where Dongall the Scottishe king fought,The Scot [...] are put backe. the Brytains shortly began to preuaile, through the faynt fighting of his people: which daunger Galanus the Pictishe king quickly perceyuing,Gala [...] king of Picts suc­coureth the Scottes. forthwith prouided remedie, for taking with him [Page 113] certaine bandes out of his owne battell, willing the residue to stande to it manfully, and in no wise to giue grounde to the enimie, he himselfe with the sayde handes fetched a compasse about, and set vpon the backes of them that so had o­uermatched the Scottes.

This soden chaunce sore disordered the Bry­tains, and immediatly the Scottes encouraged a fresh, assayled theyr enimies with more egre mindes than they had done at the firste,The wings of the Brytons put to flight. so that 10 mayntenantly bothe the winges of the Brytishe armie were vtterly discomfited. And herewith a certaine number of the Pictes were commaun­ded by their king to make haste to winne the campe of the Brytains,The campe of the Brytons wonne. that suche as sought to escape by flight, shoulde finde no refuge in the same.

The Brytons chased, knowe not whither to flee.Thus the Brytains being chased & slayne on euery side, they knew not whither to flee: so that in the end a great number of them throwyng a­way 20 their weapons, yeelded themselues, moste humbly crauing mercie at their enimies hands.

Guytell with twentie thou­sand Brytons slayne.There were slayne in this battell about .xx. thousande of the Brytains togither with theyr generall Guitellus, and a great number of other of the nobilitie. There died also of the Scottes and Picts neare hande foure thousand.Foure thou­sande Scottes & Picts slaine. The pri­soners with the spoyle of the fielde was deuided by appointment of the kings amongst the soul­diers. Whiche done, they marched foorth into the 30 countrey to conquere castels and townes, suche as stood in their way.

In the meane time the Brytains being sore discōforted with the ouerthrow, assemble a coū ­cell at London,A councel hol­den at Londō. there to deuise by what meanes they might best defend their countrey frō the im­minent daunger in the which it now stood.

Vortigerne as one giltie in conscience, doub­ted least through wante of good willes in his commons,Vortygerne doubting the hatred of his people, would haue fled out of his realme. he should not be able to withstande 40 the mightie inuasion of his enimies, wherevpon he was minded to haue auoyded the realme, but there were of his councell that aduised him to the contrarie, holding that better it was for him to trie the vttermost pointe of fortunes happe, than with dishonour so to yeelde at the first blow of hyr frowarde hande, considering the abun­dance of treasure whiche he had in store, where­with hee might wage souldiers and menne of warre out of Germanie and other places, in 50 number sufficient to matche with his enimies.

Vortigerne is counseled to send for ayde into Germany.This counsell as the beste, was followed, and messengers with commission and sufficient instructions sente with all speede into Germa­nie, to retayne a number of Saxons, and to bring them ouer into Brytaine, to serue a­gainst the Scottes and Pictes in wages with Vortigerne.

At the same time there were amongst those Saxons twoo bretherne disconded by rightfull lignage of the Princes of that nation, who be­ing reputed for valiant Captaines, appointed with the Brytishe commissaries for a certaine summe of money to take vp theyr prescribed number of men, and to receyue charge of them as Coronels, aswell for theyr conuoy ouer into Brytaine, as also for their seruice there, after theyr arriuall. The one of these twoo bretherne hight Hengist or Engist, and the other Horsus.Hengist and Horsus, retay­ned in seruice with Vorti­gerne. Who hauing their appointed numbers once fil­led, conteyning aboute ten thousand souldiers in the whole, they bestowed them aborde in .xxx. hulkes, hoyes, and playtes, and in the same tran­sported them ouer into Brytaine, in the .44 [...]. yeare after Christe, as our histories do affirme, Where they were receyued with greate ioye and gladnesse of Vortigerne, who trusted by theyr ayde to ouercome his fierce and dreadfull enimies.

Therefore when they had refreshed them­selues somewhat after theyr trauayle by sea; they were sent foorth with an other army which Vortigerne had assembled of his owne subieites the Brytains,The Saxons togither with a power of Brytains, are sent to the borders of the enimies coun­treys. to the frounters of the enemies countrey, where at theyr firste comming they passed ouer the riuer of Humber, before the Scottes or Pictes had knowledge, that any such people were come in support of the Brytōs to bidde them battell. They beyng therfore ama­zed with the strangenesse of the thing, some of them fledde into the inner partes of theyr coun­trey, and other that made but sory shifte,The Saxons in hope of good successe, begin the warres a­gainst the Scottes with bloud. fell in­to the handes of the Saxons, who to beginne theyr enterprise with bloude, slewe all suche as they coulde lay hands vpon, without any respect of person.

Great was the slaughter by them commit­ted in all those parties where they passed, namely aboute the riuer of Tyne. And when they had made an ende there, they entred into Northum­berlande, and so into the Dales aboue Barwike, next adioyning vnto Pightland, distroying all before them with fire and swoorde.

The Pictishe king in the meane time had sent vnto Congall the king of Scottes to come with all speede to supporte him against the dred­full inuasion of the enimies,The king of Picts, sendeth for ayde vnto the Scottish king. whose force being nowe increased with a power of Saxons, would worke muche mischiefe if the same were not the more speedily in the beginning repressed: but hearing that the Saxons and Brytains dayly approched, he thought not good to tarie for the comming of the Scottes, but hasted foorth with his owne power to encounter his aduersaries, & rashly giuing battel, he was ouercome,The king of the Picts van­quished. and ther­by lost no small number of his people.

[Page 114]In this conflict the Saxons wanne them a greate name for theyr highe valiauncie,The Saxons wonne prayse, and the Brytōs noted of co­wardize. where contrarily the Brytaines gotte them no small note of guiltie cowardize, fighting so fayntly, that theyr Captaines had muche a doo to cause them to keepe theyr grounde, being ready still to haue runne away, whiche their fayntnesse of stomacke being noted of Hengist, euen then put him in no small confidence that it shoulde bee an easie mater for him to conquere them at his 10 pleasure, when tyme and occasion might serue thereto.

The Pictishe nation hauing receyued this grieuous ouerthrow at the handes of theyr cru­ell enimies, sent agayne an other Ambassade vn­to the Scottish king Congall, to signifie to him by way of lamentation, what losse had happened to them by that moste cruell people the Saxons voyde of all religion and mercie, and what mis­chiefe by the same people was intended, aswell 20 against Scottes as Pictes, to the great daun­ger of the vtter ruine of bothe the nations,The Picts eft­soones solicite the Scottes for ayde. if the enimies in time were not resisted. They yt were sent declared all this mater vnto king Cōgall, & as they had in cōmission, besought him of speedie succors. Congall not only moued for the harmes and losses of the Pictes his frendes and alies, but also muche more for the lykelyhoode of the im­minent daunger and perill towardes him selfe and his owne people, determined speedily to goe 30 with all his power, and to ioyne with the Picts, as fully resolued to preuent that mischiefe which was lyke to follow, if the violent rage of the eni­mies were not the sooner resisted.

Congall pro­mised to ayde the Pictes.Hee sente woorde therefore to the Pictishe king, that if hee might keepe off the enimies by lighte skyrmishes and incursions for a small tyme, hee woulde come to his ayde shortly, with all the whole puyssance of his realme.

And herewith hee commaunded by open pro­clamation,Prouisiō made by Scottes, to ayde the Picts. 40 that all those within his dominions whiche were able to beare armure, shoulde by the twentith day after, assemble togither at the South side of Calidone woode, all and euery of them bryngyng then and there with them vi­tayles sufficient to serue them for two moneths. Accordyng to the whiche proclamation, there came togither at the day and place assigned, a­boute the number of .xl. M. able men, fitte and meete for the warres. 50

On the morrowe after, when Congall had taken the musters and vewe of his whole num­bers, hee sette forwarde towardes the place where hee vnderstoode that the king of the Pictes as then lodged, who had lykewise assembled his people, and in campe taried for the comming of this Scottishe armie.

The fifth day after, bothe the kings met to­gither,The Scottish and pictishe kings, assem­ble togither with theyr powers. and shewed greate tokens of entire loue and frendshippe the one towardes the other. After this they go to heare diuine seruice, where they make theyr deuoute prayers vnto almigh­tie God for theyr good speede and luckie successe in that iourney: which beyng done, they marche foorth towardes the enimies, as then lying in campe not paste tenne myles from them.

Here at the firste sight of the enimies,The Scots and pictes come within sight of the enimies. diuers of the Scottes and Pictes beyng stryken with feare to beholde so greate a multitude, as the lyke had not bene seene in those parties many a day before, they stale away and secretely hidde themselues in the nexte woodes: but the kings to giue ensample to other, caused them that were thus stolne away to be sought out, and brought agayne into the campe, where they were hanged in the open sight of all the armie.

The Saxons and Brytains also vppon the approche of theyr enimies gathered their com­panies togyther, and mayntenantly herewith the Saxons encouraged with suche comforta­ble speache as Hengist vttered amongst them,The Saxons through com­fort of Hēgists exhortation desire battell. required to haue battayle without delay: whose ensample the Brytains following, shewed thē ­selues also right willing therevnto.

Congall the Scottishe king perceyuing the enimies to make readie for bataile,The Scottishe and Pictishe kings exhorte their people to fight valiātly. went likewise amongst his folkes, and exhorted them in the best wise he coulde, to play the men. The like did Galanus the Pictishe king amongst his people, omitting nothing that might encourage them to fight manfully.

After this,The battayle is beg [...]nne. the batayles on bothe sides com­ming forewarde to ioyne, the arrowes and dartes flewe freshly betwixte them, but neyther parte minding to giue place for all the shotte: at length they ioyned at hande blowes, firste the Brytains in the right wing, with the Scottes in the left wing:The Bryta [...]s flee. but the Brytaines not able long to endure agaynst the force of the Scottes, gaue backe and fledde. In the meane while came a great shower of rayne, mixte with suche a tempest of hayle, that the hardiest there wished himselfe thence,A great tēpest. the storme beating so fast vpon them, that one might vnneath see an other, so that the Scottish menne and Pictes wiste not whether were better to pursue the Brytains that fledde, or to keepe their places.

On the other parte the Saxons according to theyr maner in time of any present daunger,The Saxons close them­selues togi­ther. clo­sed themselues togither and drewe neare vnto theyr chiefetayns standerd. Finally the tempest no sooner beganne to ceasse, but the Scottes and Pictes leauyng their order of battayle, fell to followe the chase of the Brytaines,The Scots & Pictes pursue the Brytains. supposing the victorie had bin wholly theirs. Which ye Saxōs (now after that the element began to cleare vp) [Page 115] playnely perceyuing, by commaundement of theyr generall Hengist,The Saxons assayle the Scots & Pictes disordered in pursute of the Brytains. assayled the Scottes and Pictes here and there dispersed aboute the spoyle and slaughter of the Brytains, and made suche murder of them on euery side where they found them, that pytie it was to beholde. Those that escaped by flight, neuer stayed till they were gotten into places farre ynough out of daunger.

This was a blacke day with the Scots and 10 Pictes. Neyther was it very ioyfull to the Bry­tains, of whom no smal number died in the place by the enimies swoorde.

Hengist hauing thus gotten the victorie, with­drew to Yorke, leauing those countreys be­twixt Tyne and Twede in the enimies handes, of purpose ceassing from further endomaging them,Hengist pur­posed at the first to make a conquest of the Brytains. that the Brytains might haue neighbours whome to feare: For that as he thought should make much for his purpose, alreadie hauing de­termined 20 to make a conquest of this Isle.

When Sommer then was well neare pas­sed, he placed his souldiers in herbrough to lodge for the winter season,Hengist retur­neth to Londō and went himself to Lon­don, where he counselled Vortigerne to sende of his owne people to the borders of his enimies, to keepe the same from theyr inuasions till the next spryng, agaynst whiche time hee promised to cause suche notable numbers of his countrey­men to come to his ayde,Hengist offe­reth to sende for more ayde into Germany as shoulde suffice not 30 onely to vanquishe the Scottish men and Picts, but also vtterly to destroy bothe the nations, or at leastwise to driue them foorth of the whole countrey.

Engists offers misliked of some of the nobilitie of Brytaine.This offer vnto some of the nobilitie was not greatly lyked, as euer suspecting that which followed, least in tyme to come Hengist should seeke the dominion of the realme in placing his owne people, and expulsing the former inhabi­tants. But Vortigerne did not onely giue him 40 moste hartie thankes for those his offers, but also shewed by the maner of the intertaynement whiche hee vsed towardes him,The honour shewed vnto Hengist by Vortigerne. that he thought he coulde not do vnto him too muche honour for suche notable seruice, as he had done already, and trusted hee shoulde do hereafter.

According to Hengistes aduise also, there was a crewe of men of warre of Brytains sent vnto the bordures to the number of fiue thou­sande, who shortely after theyr comming thi­ther 50 were quickly dispatched and made away in sundry skyrmishes and encounters with the Scottes and Pictes,Brytains sente to defend the borders, are distressed. that assayled those places whiche they were appointed to defend.

Shortly after was sente thyther also an o­ther companie, double in number to the firste, to reuenge the deathes of theyr fellowes: but they finding fortune as frowarde vnto them as the former had done before, spedde muche what a like, for in sundry conflictes diuers of them be­ing slayne, and diuers other by treason of the bordurers themselues deliuered captyue in­to the aduersaries handes, the residue that were left, perceyuing in what daunger they stoode, si­thence they mighte not truste their owne coun­treymen, returned backe into the inner partes of the lande, and to left the bordures altogither un­furnished.

In this meane while a newe supplie of fiue thousande Saxons,A new power of Saxons co­meth ouer in­to Brytaine. with theyr wines and chil­dren, came ouer into this lande, in eyghtene hoyes, and amongst other came Hengists wyfe and his doughter the Ladie Roxena. Shortly after also king Vortigerne gaue vnto Hengist and his Saxons a great parte of the countrey called Lyndsey, with a castell of greate strength called Twhancastre. Some haue written that Hengist requyred of Vortigerne so muche grounde, as hee mighte compasse with an Oxe hide, and hauing that graunted, he tooke a migh­tie Oxe hyde, and cut it into small thonges, and to cōpassing about a right strong plot of ground with those thonges line wife, beganne there the fundation of a Castell, whiche tooke name of those thonges,Twhang ca­stel, or Thong castel. wherewith the plotte thereof was firste measured, and so was it called Twhang castell.

But vpon what consideration so euer it tooke that name,The Saxons first inhabited in Lyndsey. certaine it is by record of al the Scot­tishe histories, that there the Saxons first inha­bited after their entring Brytaine.

When Hengist had sette things in order for the placing of his people there in dwellings, (ap­poynted them by Vortigerne) according as see­med beste vnto his poletike head and craftie fore­cast, hee tooke foorth the souldiers and menne of warre, ordered vnder certayne Captaynes and officers of bands, and led them forward by flow iourneys as it were staying for the comming of the Brytains.

Vortigerne had gathered as then an huge hoste of his subiectes, and appointed his gene­rall Lieutenant ouer them his sonne Vorty­mere,Vortymer ge­nerall of the Brytons. a yong man of greate force and valiaun­cie, but so that he should be ordered in all things by the aduice and discretion of Hengist, whose auctoritie for the warres he commaunded to bee chiefly followed.

When bothe the armise of Saxons and Brytaines were mette togither,The Saxons & Brytains, a­gainst the Scots & Picts. Hengist ledde them ouer the riuers of Humber & Tyne, mar­ching directly towardes the place, where hee thought the enimies lay. The Scottishe and Pictish kings, hauing knowledge of such prepa­ration made by the Brytons, they gathered their powers togither, to the number of .lx.M. men, [Page 116] furnished with prouision of vitayles for a long time.lx. M. of Scots & Picts come to meete their enimies. But before theyr comming to the riuer of Tyne, vpon knowledge had that the Saxons and Brytains were passed the same, they made streight towardes them, in purpose to haue gi­uen bataile without longer protracting of time: howbeit comming to the place where they were lodged, they founde them so strongly encamped, that no aduauntage coulde be perceyued whiche way they might be constrayned to rayse & come 10 foorth of theyr strength to receyue battayle vpon some euen grounde,Hengist pro­longeth time to giue battel. whiche Hengist of purpose for a time seemed to deferre.

Betwixt thē also and the armies of the two kings there was a valley, in the botome full of myres and marishe grounde, whiche the Scot­tish men and Pictes muste needes passe, ere they coulde finde meanes to do any notable displea­sure to the enimies. Wherefore at length they determined with turfe and fagottes to make 20 passage ouer those myres. Which being accom­plished in the night following, the nexte mor­ning they passed ouer and got them vnto cer­taine hilles lying right ouer agaynst the Saxon and Brytishe campes, some of them taking their lodgings vpon the browe or fronte of an hill so neare to the lodgings of theyr enimies, that they might throwe a darte into theyr campe: and hereof they tooke no small occasion to worke a feate against their aduersaries, to their great an­noyance 30 and vexation.

There was growing in that place where they were thus encamped, very muche of that kinde of Heath or lynge, whiche the Scottishmen call hadder. Of whiche Heathe, or hadder, they ga­thered a great quantitie togither, and binding it in bundels lyke vnto faggots,A policie of the Scottes. in the night sea­son they set the same on fire, tumbling it downe the hill, on that side where the Saxons lay. The wind in that instant being somewhat aloft, cau­sed 40 these bundels of lynge to blase and brenne vehemently, and hereto standing that wayes foorth, droue the flambe so streynably amongst the tentes and cabanes of the Saxons, that the fire catching in the strawe and twigges whiche they had couched togither vnder them in steede of beddes, encreased the feare amongst the soul­diers wonderfully, by reason that the blasing bundels of the lynge or hadder, still comming downe the hill vpon them, seemed as though the 50 same had fallen from aboue, and euen foorth of the heauen it selfe.

The tumult & feare raysed in the campe of the Saxons.Great was the tumulte and noyse through out the whole cāpe, with such coring of beasts, and running vp and downe bothe of them and of the horses whiche were there in the campe, that if heauen and earth had gone togither there coulde not haue bene a more terrible noyse nor clamour. At length when the Souldiers, had done what they coulde to quenche the fire, and to appease the trouble, not without some [...] and disorder raysed on eache side, they got them with their armour and weapons foorth into the next fielde, whiche Hengist himselfe perceyuing (hauing first done what he coulde to stay them) enuironed with a companie of his choysest men of warre, he got him vp vnto a little hill next ad­ioyning,Hengist cal­leth his peo­ple togither. and there gaue knowledge by the sound of a trūpet that all his people should drawe this ther vnto him. After this, when they were come togither, he disposed them in order of battel with all diligence, abiding for the spring of the day so vnderstand more certainely the meaning of his enimies.

The Scottes and Pictes supposing the eni­mies to be farre disordred by reason of the [...] discended downe from the hilles, fully determi­mined to assayle them in their campes: but vpon their approche to the same, perceyuing howe the Saxons were gotten foorth, and stoode ready in good order of batayle, minding to defende theyr grounde, bothe the kings thought it beste to ta­rie the morning ere they made any exployts, for doubt of perils that might befall thereof.

In the breake of the day Congall came a­mongst his people,Congalles ex­hortation to the Scottes. exhorting them to remember theyr woorthie elders, and by their examples to choose rather to die in defence of theyr countrey and auncient liberties, than by cowardize to saue a dishonested lyfe, whiche (if theyr chaunce was to be vanquished) they should passe in great thraldome and miserie. The Pictishe king also, with lyke wordes encouraged his menne to do valiantly.Hengist exhorteth the Saxons to fight man­fully. Neyther was Hengist slowe in per­swading his Saxons to play the men, that ob­tayning the victorie they might deliuer them­selues from terrour of all enimies from thence­foorth in Brytaine.

Whilest he was thus exhorting his people,The Scottes & Pictes giue the charge. the Scottes and Pictes with greate force and violence beganne to giue the charge vpon him, whiche whylest the Saxons and Brytains went about to defende, they were beaten downe by heapes so fiercely on eache side,The Saxons in daunger to haue the o­uerthrow. that the dis­comfiture had light vppon them foorthwith, had not Hengist by sounde of trumpet called foorth aboute three thousand freshe menne to their suc­cours,An ambush of three thou­sand men. whiche hee had placed in an ambushe a little before the spring of the day within a thicke groue of wood, faste by his campe, appoynting them to remayne there in a tradinesse, to come at his call vpon what daunger so euer happened. These moste fiercely setting vpon the backes of the Scottes, brought them streyght out of all order, for they beyng occupied with the other Saxons before, & now assayled of these behinde, [Page 117] they had vnneath commeth to any aduantage to turne theyr weapons.The Brytains [...] to flight by the Picts. In the meane time the Picts being matched with the Brytains did put them to flight, & chased them out of the field, not ceassing to pursue thē in the chase, till they came to a riuer in the whiche a great number of them were drowned, as they ieoperded to passe ouer the same, & to saue thēselues by swimming. On the other side the Scottes being sore handled by the Saxons,The Scottes [...]ced to flee. both before and behind, were at the 10 length constreined to giue ground & breake forth by flight, so to escape the cruell handes of the eni­mies. Many were slayne in the chase and some taken prysoners.Congall is wounded, but yet escapeth through helpe of his meniall [...]rat [...]rs. The residue getting away, fledde streyght to the Pictes, but Congall him­selfe through helpe of his householde seruaunts escaped to the toppe of an highe hill, and saued himselfe all wounded as he was.

The Picts returning from the chase, and vn­derstanding howe the Saxons had giuen the 20 Scottes the ouerthrow, and that they were now marching forewarde to encounter also with thē, determined not to abide theyr comming at that time. And so night approching ere the Saxons had got sight of them, order was giuen by com­maundement of theyr king,The policie of the Pictes, to escape out of daunger. that all their cari­age and a greate quantitie of logges and fa­gottes, should be placed and pyled togither be­fore them, and in the darke of the night to be set on fire, whiche beyng executed according to the 30 appointment, when the fire was once kindeled, the Pictes with the Scottes whiche were gotte vnto them, departed as secretely as they might, & stayed not to make away, till they were farre enough out of the daunger of the Saxons.

Hengist thus hauing got the victory, and per­ceyuing no enimie abrode to bid him battayle, mustered his men, and found that he had lost in this iourney as good as. iiij. M. of one and other. After this, he withdraweth to Yorke, and lea­uing 40 his army there, went himself vnto Londō, where he was receyued with ioy inough by king Vortigerne.Aurelius Am­brose, & Vtersonnes to king Constan­tine. And shortly after, vpon knowledge that Aurelius Ambrose and Vter the sonnes of king Constantine prepared to come ouer with a mightie army of Armorike Brytons and other French men, to clayme the crowne of Brytaine as lawfully discēded to them frō theyr father, the Saxons were sent for out of the north partes,The Saxons placed in Kēt. & had dwellings appointed vnto them in Kent, to 50 be at hand if neede were to resist any such attēp­ted inuasion. But shortly after, for a policie Hen­gist caused it to be bruited abrode, that the Scots & Pictes meant eftsoones to inuade the Brittish confines,A newe power of Saxōs came ouer with their capitaine Occa. & therfore was there an other power of Saxōs called into the land, & placed in the north parts, to defend the same against the Scots and Picts. Occa the sonne of Hengist had ye leading of these Saxons, who brought them ouer (being x. M. mē of warre, in .l. playtes & .l. hoyes. They brought with them also theyr wiues & children, & setled thēselues in the north partes betwixt the riuer of Humber, & the borders of the Pictish do­miniōs. And euen thē it began to take the name of Northumberland,Northumber­land when it first began to be so called. Vortigerne marieth Hen­gists dough­ter. which is as you would say the land by north the riuer of Hūber, & so it doth continue. Shortly after Vortigerne forsaking his lawfull wife, married the ladie. Roxene or Rowen Hengists doughter, to the high offence of God a great displeasure of his subiects. And in the meane time Occa not attempting any ex­ployt against the Scots & Pictes, rather sought to get into his handes all the fortresses betwixt Tyne & Humber, euen from the east sea to the west: whiche his purposed intent he greatly ad­uaunced, winning castels and fortresses there in those parties, some by force & some by surrēder: & amongst other places of importance,Yorke in pos­session of Hengist. he first got possession of Yorke, and fayning accusations a­gainst many of the nobles & gentlemē, surmising that they woulde betray the countrey vnto the Scots & Pictes, he put diuers of them to death, some secretly & others opēly, as cōuict of such of­fēces as were forged & layd against thē. Herevpō the Brytons for the stay of such mischief as they saw at hand,Vortigerne deposed by his subiects. Vortimer chosen to gouerne the Brytons. The Brytons require ayde of the Scottes and Pictes a­gainst the Saxons. deposed Vortigerne frō his kingly seat, & placed his sonne Vortimer in his rowme, whiche being done, ambassadors were sent bothe vnto the Scottes and Picts, to require their aide and supporte against the cruell oppression of the Saxōs, who sought not only by craftie meanes & fraudulent waies to attaine the dominiō of the whole Isle, but also to extinguish & vtterly sub­uert the faith of Christe, & the vse of his religion throughout the same. Therfore they ernestly de­sired the Scottish & Pictish kings, to assist them against such cōmon enimies as had bene called into the realme not by publike consent of the no­bles, but only by the priuate commaundement and ordinance of Vortigerne, to help aswell towards the subduyng of the Scots and Picts, as also to represse all commotions of the Brytains, which they might happely rayse agaynst him for his wicked tyrannie vsed amongst them, as his guiltie conscience mighte put hym styll in feare of.

The Scottishe king Congall (vnto whome first the ambassadours were sente) for answeare declared,The answere of Congall king of Scots vnto the Bry­tish messen­gers. that hee was sorie to vnderstande into what daūger the miserable Christians of Bry­taine were thus fallen, and therefore of nothing els might moue him to ioyne with the Bry­tains against the Saxons, yet that were suffi­cient cause to enforce him to do the beste hee coulde to helpe to deliuer the whole Isle from suche an Ethnike generation, as not onely vsed [Page 118] the rites and ceremonies of their false religion, and that openly among the Christians, with do­ing sacrifice in the honour and worship of theyr hellish goddes, [...]o the great horror and terrible of­fence of the beholders cōsciences, but also sought by all meanes they could deuise, how to destroy and quenche vtterly the faith of oure Sauioure Christe in all places where they myght get the vpper hande. He promised therefore to employe his whole puissance to recouer out of the eni­mies 10 handes all suche countreys as lay betwixt the fronters of his dominion, and the ryuer of Humber, and further to ayde the Brytains to dryue them quite out of the Isle, if the Bry­tains would assure him,Vpon what conditions Congall coue­naunted to support the Brytons. frō thence forth neuer to make clayme, title nor interest, to any the coun­treys aforesayde, lying betwixt the saide riuer of Humber, and the con [...]es of his realme, but to leaue the same in the handes of the Scottish­men and Pictes, to haue holde and enioy for e­uermore 20 in quiet, which to performe, the Ambas­sadours had (amongst other things) alreadie promised in name of all the Brytishe nation, as a recompence or meede to haue the supporte and succours of the Scottes. The like aunswere the same Ambassadours receyued of the Pictish king, and returning therewith vnto Vortymere declared afore him and his counsell howe they had spedde.

Shortly after for the more and better assu­raunce of all promises, couenaunts and arti­cles passed betwixte the Scottishmen, Pictes and Brytaines,A league con­cluded betwixt Scots, Picts, & Brytons. there was an amitie and bonde of [...]ea [...]e nowe renewed ratified and established according to the tenour of the auncient league whiche had bene concluded in times p [...]ste be­twixte them, with some newe conditions of a­greement included in the same: all olde iniu [...]ies being ended and quieted clearely betwixt them, so that no cause of grudge or displeasure, might be thought to remayne in remembrance.

The firste enterpryse put in execution after the concluding of this league,The Scottes inuade [...] Northumber­land. was made by the Scottes against Oceā and his Saxons, whiche (as partly ye haue heard had nes [...]ed themselues betwixt the ryuers of Tyne and Humber.

Against those Scottes as they were very earnestly occupied in ouerthrowing Castels and Towers, with slaughter of suche Saxons as stoode at defence, Occa commeth into the fielde with an army ready to encounter with them, but perceyuing the multitude of his enimies to be suche as he doubted least hee shoulde not be well able to matche with them, he stayed a while from giuing the onset:The Saxons encoūter with the Scottes. but in the end perceyuing he could not retyre barke but to his great disad­uantage, hee boldly gaue signe to his people to set vpon theyr enimies: whiche they fiercely ex­ecuting,

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it was harde to tell for a whyle to whe­ther parte the victorie woulde encline. But at 50 length the Saxons not able to sustayne the force of the Scottes ouerpressing them with multi­tude,The Saxons vanquished by the Scottes. began to giue backe, whiche Occa percey­uing did what hee coulde to hemme them in from running away, but yet notwithstanding alll that he coulde do, feare at length ouercom­ming regarde to theyr Captaines commaunde­ment, shame of rebuke was quite set aparte, and so they tooke them to their feete, and fled away so fast as they might, the Scottes pursuyng after them a mayne.

Occa yet escaped with diuers of his nobles,Occa fleeth by sea into Kent. and comming to the mouth of Humber, got a ship, & sayled foorth in the same with great daun­ger, till at length he arriued within the Thames.

The slaughter of the Saxons vpon the dis­comfiture was greate, specially in the chase, for the Scottishmen calling to remembraunce that [Page 119] they had to do with infidels, and with the eni­mies of the christian fayth, were so eger vpon them, that they saued fewe or none that fel [...] into theyr handes.

About the same time was Vortymere entred into Kent against Hengist & his Saxons there, and encountring with them in battel slew tenne thousand of them, and chased the residue foorth of that countrey.

The Saxons vanquished by Brytons, and expulted out of Kent.Thus Kent returned vnto the Brytain [...], and 10 the countreys beyond Humber northwarde vn­to the Scottes and Pictes, according to the te­nour of the league before mencioned.

Hengist and his some Occa (who a little be­fore this battaile in Kent was come vnto his fa­ther) with the residue of them that escaped [...]asted with all speede towardes Northumberlande, in purpose to remaine in that countrey till they had recouered theyr strength by some power to be sent ouer vnto them out of their owne countrey, 20 but being repulsed with no small slaughter from thence by the Scots and Pictes,The Saxons flee out of Brytaine. they withdrew vnto the mouth of Humber, where getting cer­taine vessels they passed ouer into Saxonie, lea­uing a great sorte of theyr nation behind them, dispersed abroade here and there in this Isle, as fortune then best serued.

Vortymer v­seth the victo­ry modestly.Vortymere hauing got the victory as before is mencioned, vsed not the same very cruelly, for taking onely from the Saxons whiche were ta­ken 30 prysoners theyr armure and weapon, hee suffred them to depart into theyr countrey: other of the same nation being but husbandmen, and as it were poore labourers of the grounde he per­mitted to tarie in the countrey with theyr wiues and children as seruauntes vnto the Brytons.

After this Vortymere gaue order for the re­payring of Churches and restoring of the chri­stian religion into the state of the former puritie thereof, as then sore decayed, partly through the 40 euill example taken by dayly conuersation a­mongst the Saxons, and partly also by the in­fectiue heresie of the Pelagians,The heresie of the Pelagians. as then mightily spred ouer the most parte of Brytaine. At length the sayde Vortymer through treason of his step­mother Roxena was poysoned and died. Then was Vortigerne agayne restored to the rule of the kingdome, first forced by othe to promise ne­uer to ayd the Saxons, nor to receiue by way of ayde any forrein people into the realme. 50

Vortigerne then restored thus vnto the crowne, shewed suche diligence in causing due administration of iustice without rigour to be executed, and prouision made for the resisting of all inuasions that might be attempted by a­ny forraine power, that his prayse was greate amongst all his subiectes, who to shewe theyr good willes likewise towardes him as to theyr naturall prince, were not slacke in honoring him aswell by giftes and presentes, as by all other maner of wayes.

He founde meanes also to renew the league with the Scottes and Pictes with like conditi­ons and articles,The league renewed be­twixt Br [...]tons Scots & Picts. as it was concluded lastly be­twixt them and his sonne Vortimere.

But notwithstanding his politike procee­ding thus to auoyde all incouenience that might happen: shortely after Hengist returned,Hengist retur­neth. & what by force and subtill shiftes, at length got posses­sion of the more parte of Brytaine, so that the Brytons were constreyned to flee into Wales, whither also Vortigerne fledde and remayned there a certaine time, til at length Aurelius Am­brosius and Vter the sonnes of king Constan­tine came ouer out of little Brytaine, and be­sieging Vortigerne in a castell,Vortigerne brent. brente him with the house and all, when they could not otherwise come by him, according to that which Merlyne the Brytish soothsayer had prophesied before. It is foolishly supposed that this Merlyne was got by a sprite of that kinde whiche are called Incu­bi, that is to vnderstand, such as cōueying mans seede from him, and therewith by illusion (taking vpon them the shape and figure of man) do lie with women, and vse them after the manner of carnal copulation. In this place Hector Boetius by the way reciteth a like tale or two, of suche il­lusions of sprites wrought not long before his time in Scotland, whiche somewhat abridging the same we haue here infarsed.

In the yeare .1480. sayth he,Illusions of spirites. it chaunced as a Scottish shippe departed out of the Forth to­wardes Flaunders,A tale of a woman abused with a sprite. there rose a wonderful great tempest of winde & weather, so outragious, that the Master of the ship with other the Ma [...]iners wondered not a litle what the mater ment, to fee suche weather that tyme of the yeare,About S. Bar­nabees day. for it was aboute the middest of Sommer. At length when the furious pyrrie & rage of windes still encrea­sed, in suche wise that all those within the shippe

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[Page 120] looked for present death, there was a woman vn­derneath the hatches, called vnto them aboue, and willed them to throwe hyr into the sea, that all the residue by goddes grace might yet be sa­ued: and therevpon tolde them, howe shee had bene haunted a long tyme with a sprite, dayely comming vnto hir, in mans lykenes, and that euen as then, hee was with hir vsing his filthye pleasure after the maner of carnall copulation. In the shippe there chaunced also to bee a priest, 10 who by the maisters appointment going downe to this woman, & fynding hir lyke a most wret­ched and desperate person, lamenting hir greate misfortune and myserable estate, vsed suche hol­some admonitions and comfortable aduertise­ments, willing hir to repent and hope for mercy at the handes of almightie God, that at lengthe she seeming right penitent for hir greuous offen­ces committed, and fetching sundry sighes euen from the bottome of hir heart, being witnesse (as should appeare) of the same, there issued foorthe 20 of the pumpe of the shippe, a foule and euill fa­uored black cloude, with a mightie terrible noise, flame, smoake and stinke, which presently fel in­to the sea. And sodeinly therevpon the tempeste ceassed, and the ship passyng in quiet the residue of hir iourney, arriued in safetie at the place whe­ther she was bounde.

Not long before the hap hereof, there was in lyke maner a yong man dwelling in Gareoth,A yong man haunted with a sprite. within a village there, not passing .xiiij. myles 30 from Aberdyne, right faire and comely of shape, who declared by way of complaint vnto the Bi­shop of that diocesse, howe there was a sprite which haunted him in shape of a woman, so fair and beautifull a thing, that he neuer saw ye lyke, the which would come into his chāber a nights, & with pleasant enticementes allure him to haue to doe with hir, and that by no maner of means he could be rid of hir. The bishop like a wise mā aduised him to remoue into some other countrey 40 and to giue himselfe to fastyng and prayer, so to auoyde his handes of that wicked sprite. The yong man folowing the Bishops counsel, with­in few days was deliuered frō further tentation.

Aboute the same tyme also, there was in the countrey of Mar, a yong Gentlewoman of ex­cellent beautie, and daughter vnto a noble man there, refusing sundry wealthy mariages offred to hir by hir father, and other frendes. At lengthe 50 she proued with chyld, and being rigorously cō ­pelled by hir parentes to tel who was the father, she confessed that a certain yong mā vsed night­ly to come vnto hir, and keepe hir companie, and sometimes in the daye also, but howe or from whence he came, or by what meanes he went a­way, she was not able to declare. Hir parentes not greatly crediting hir wordes, layde diligent watche to vnderstand what he was that had de­fyled their house: And within .iij. days after, vp­on signification giuen by one of the maydens,

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that the fornicatour was at that verie instante with their daughter, incontinently therevppon, making fast the dores, they enter the chamber with a great meignie of torches & lights, where they find in their daughters armes, a foule mon­strous thing, right horrible to beholde. Heere a number comming hastily in, to beholde this euil fauoured sight, amongst other, there was a priest of right honest lyfe, not ignorant (as was thou­ght) in knowledge of holie scripture. This priest (all other being afrayde) and some of them run­ning their wayes, began to recite the beginning of Saint Iohns Gospell, and comming to these words, Verbum caro factum est, sodeynely the wicked sprite makyng a right sore and terrible roaring noyse, flew his wayes, taking the roofe of the chamber away with him, the hangings & couerings of the bed being also brent therewith. The Gentlewoman was yet preserued, & with­in .iij. or .iiij. dayes after, was deliuered of suche a mishapen thing, as the lyke before had not ben seene, whiche the midwiues and women suche as were present at hir labour, to auoyd the disho­nour of hir house, immediatly brente in a greate fyre, made in the chamber for the same intent.

Thus muche out of Hector Boetius, which, with more, he hath written to proue that all is not fayned whiche is written of the illusions of deuils and euill spirites, the credite whereof I leaue with the Auctor.

Now to returne where I lefte touching Au­relius Ambrose: ye shall vnderstande, that he ha­uing once subdewed and dispatched hys aduer­sarie Vortigerne, he determyned to make war­res against Engist and his Saxons, to proue if his chance myght be to recouer the realm out of their handes,Aurelius Am­brose purpo­seth to make warres against the Saxons. and so to restore again the christiā religion. But first ere he attempted any exployt against ye enmies, he sent ambassadors both vnto [Page 121] Congall the Scottish king, and also vnto one Loth a towardly yong gentleman,Ambassadors sent vnto the Scottes and Pictes to re­quire their ayde agaynst the Saxons. and of right comely personage, as then raigning among the Pictes, requiring them both to ayde him in so ne­cessarie an enterprise as he had in hande agaynst the enimies of Christ and his religion. Where­vpon both these kings weying with themselues the duetie of all Christian Princes, in respect of the aduauncement of the cause of fayth, and sup­pressing of ethnike Idolatrie,The Scots and Picts promise to ayde the Brytaynes a­gaynst the Saxons. promised their help 10 to the vttermoste of their powers agaynste the Saxons, who had in such tyranlyke sort subuer­ted and abolished the Christian profession with­in the Britishe confines. And therefore the olde league according to the articles and couenantes afore time concluded betwixte the three Na­tions,The league re­nued betwixt Britains, Picts and Scots. was once againe renued, and an army pre­pared by euery of them, to meet at a place and day appoynted, for the better expedition of thys their attempted voyage. 20

First Aurelius Ambrose, with such power as he brought with him forth of Fraunce, and ioy­ning thereunto a great multitude of those Bry­taynes which had escaped the Saxons handes, eyther by withdrawing themselues into Wales, or else by conueying themselues into the Coun­treys of the Scottes and Pictes, setteth forward towarde the Scottishe armie. But first calling togither those Brytaines that he had about him, and going vp to a little hill,Aurelius Am­brose maketh an oration. where he might bee 30 hearde of them all, he made a long Oration by way of complaynt, of the great iniuries and cru­ell practises vsed by Hengist, agaynst the lynage of king Constantine, and the whole estate of the Brytish comon wealth. Also of the horrible per­secution made by him and his people the Saxons against the professors of the Christian religion. All which matter he handled in wordes so pithi­ly, his talke yet sauouring of the Romaine elo­quence, that the mindes of the Souldiers beeing 40 kindled therwith, required nothing but battayle, as men not doubting but by his wise and poli­tyke conduyt to atchieue some glorious victorie. And to the ende all things might be done in bet­ter order, according to his appoyntment, imme­diately they proclaymed him king.Aurelius Am­brose proclay­med king of Brytayne. Which was by accompt of the Scottishe Chronicles, in the yeare .498. after that Vortigerne with his sonne Vortimer had raigned seuentene yeares in the whole.

Aurelius in this wise being established King of Brytayne passeth forth with his people, and within sixe dayes after,Conranus ge­nerall of the Scottes. met with the armies of the Scottes and Pictes. Generall of the Scots at that time, was one Conranus brother to king Congall, who was troubled with the Goute, so that he could not come himselfe in person.

Loth the Pictishe king was there himselfe amongst his people,Loth king of the Pictes. verie desirous to shew some proufe of his manly prowes and manhood. Au­relius Ambrose shewed al the honour that might be deuised, as wel to ye one as to the other of those two Nations, promising to requite them wyth as muche friendshippe when time and occasion should craue the like assistance.

These three mightie armies therefore beeing thus assembled, marched forth towardes a place called Mahesbell,Mahesbel. where they vnderstoode that Hengist with his power as then did soiourne. Where when both the campes were pitched, and one lying not farre from the other: at the first cer­taine light skirmishes were procured by both partes betwixt the light horsemen, wherewith at length being the more prouoked to displeasure, they come into the fielde with their whole maine battailes, right fiercely encountering eche other,The Albions and Saxons encounter in battaile. so that as it appeared, their force was not so great but their mortall hate was euen as much, or ra­ther more, if the hystories say right.

The Armorike Brytaynes with a new kinde of order in their fight, sore troubled the Saxons,The Armorike Brytaynes. in piercing their battailes, with their men arrayed in certaine wardes, brode behinde, and narrowe before wedgewise. The Scots also and Pictes

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bare downe both the wings of the Saxons, in such maner, that the standardes of all the three Nations, Scottes, Pictes, and Brytaynes, were at poynt almost to meete, hauing made way therevnto through the middest of their eni­mies.The Saxons discomfited. Wherewith the Saxons (beeing sore dis­couraged) began to giue backe, and finally, not­withstanding all that Hengist could say or do, [Page 122] to haue stayed them, they fell to running away, and fled amaine, which when he throughly saw, and perceyued that there was no recouerie,See more here of in England. hee himselfe (in maner the last man that abode) fled likewise his wayes out of the field, with an am­bushmēt of horsmen about him, but being pursu­ed by Aurelius right fiercely, he was run through the bodie by him with a speare, and so was there

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10 20 slain out of hande,Hengist is slain by Aurelius as the Scottishe Chronicles say in the 400. of Christ, and 40 after his comming into the Isle. Howbeeit the other of the Saxons cōueyed his sonne Occa (being also sore wounded) away with them vp into the next mountaynes, whither they fled for their refuge, leauing the dead bodie of his father 30 Hengist in the fielde, to their high reproch, there to be spoyled and abused of his enimies.

Aurelius ha­steth forth to London.Aurelius Ambrose hauing thus got the vp­per hande of his enimies, hasteth forth with all speede vnto London, where hauing both the Ci­tie and tower deliuered into his handes, hee reco­uered the whole Ilande from the possession of the Saxons: and such of them as were apt men, able to beare armor, and to serue in the warres, he cō ­maunded to depart forth of the land. The other 40 that were minded to tarie behinde their fellowes that were thus forced to depart, became subiectes to the Britains, and couenanted to become chri­stians. Thus much haue I written touching Aurelius Ambrose, according to the report of the Scottish wryters, but more hereof ye may reade in the hystorie of Englande, where ye shall finde this matter set forth more at large. For yt which wee write here, is but to shewe in what sort the Scottishe writers make relation of the warres 50 which their nation had with the Saxons, when they began first to set foote here in this lande.

To our pupose then: In the meane time Au­relius hauing thus recouered the lande out of the Saxons hands, and now remaining at London, did all the honor he coulde ymagine, both vnto Loth the Pictish king, and also vnto Conranus generall of the Scottishe men, acknowledging howe that by theyr ayde chiefly hee had got the vpper hande of his enimyes,By support of Scottes and Pictes Aureli­us confesseth [...]e got the h [...] ­torie of the Saxons. and so hee willed to haue it notified amongst his subiectes.

Hereto he [...] caused the league to be renued be­twixt the Scottes, Pictes, and Brytaynes, the auncient ordinaunce for the Countreyes beyond Humber,The league betwixt Scottes, Pictes, and Britains is renued beeing appointed to remayne vnto the Scottishe men and Pictes: also that the Sax­ons shoulde bee reputed common enimyes to all the three Nations, and that vpon inuasion made by any forraine power, the Scottes, Pictes, and Brytanes, should ayde one another as occasion serued.

This league beeing concluded with these articles of couenauntes was the more strongly confyrmed, by reason of such affinitie and ally­aunce as then also ensued. For whereas Aure­lius had two sisters, the one named Anne, and the other Ada, virgins both.Anne the daughter of Aurelius giu [...] in mariage vn [...]to Loth king of Pictes. Anne beeing the elder, was gyuen in maryage vnto King Loth, by whome certaine yeares after hee had issue two sonnes, Mordred, and Walwan, or Galwan, with a daughter named Thametes: Ada beeing the yonger syster, was maryed vnto Conranus,Ada maried vnto Cōranus. generall (as is sayde) of the Scottishe armye. Howbeit she lyued not past two yeares after, but dyed in trauayle of childe, which also dyed wyth the mother. And so ended the alyance of Aurelius and Conranus.

The Brytaynes beeing delyuered through the victorie and meanes afore rehearsed from the cruell handes of the Saxons, enioyed ioyfull peace certaine yeares after, but in the meane time dyuerse of those Saxons which were lycenced to remayne in Brytayne, counterfeyting to be­come Christians, vsed neuerthelesse to make sa­cryfice vnto Idolles, according to the manner of the Gentyles, whereof theyr Priestes beeing accused and condemned,Diuers Saxons Idolaters are burned. suffered death by fyre for that offence, accordingly as the lawe dyd then appoynt them.

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[Page 123]Whilest these things [...] Cong [...] [...] the Scottes being wor [...] [...] long [...],The deu [...] of Congall. departed this [...]e, and was buried in the Ile of Iona, otherwise called C [...]kill, with all king [...] pompe and accustomed cere­monies. He raigned ouer the Scottishmen a [...]ut xx. yeares in great fame and glorie.

Conra­nus.

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AFter hys decease, his brother Con­ranus, 10 wyth great [...] of al the Scot­tishe [...] was admitted King,Conranus crea­ted king of Scotlande. in the yeare after the byrth of ones Sauiour,501. H. B. 5 [...]. and the .xxij. of the raigne of the Emperor Ana­stasius. 20

This Conranus (otherwise also called by some Goranus) being established king, first tooke order that the sonnes of his brother Congall be­ing within age, shoulde be brought vp in the Ile of Man, vnder the gouernance of certain [...] wyse instructors and scholemaisters, to be trayned in learning and vertuous discipline, according to an auncient ordenance thereof made and enacted.

Also doubting least peace and quietnesse nowe 30 after long warres,The earnest diligence of Conranus for maintenance of good or­ders amongst his subiects. should minister matter to his people of raysing some commotion, to the distur­bance of all ciuill order and politike gouernment within his realme, hee code as it had bene in cir­cuite rounde about the same, making inquirie of all maner offenders, on whom he caused due pu­nishment to be executed, without respect eyther of kyth or kinne,

And amongst other enormities, which he vn­derstoode to be vsed in maner through al his coū ­treys, 40 this (as hee thought was most greeuous, that the husbandmen, and other commons of the Countrey, being euil intreated and misused at the gentlemens handes, durst not complaine, nor procure any redresse: by reason whereof, when they were oppressed or suffered any manner of wrong or iniurie,A goodly or­denance deui­sed by Con­ranus for re­liefe of his commons. they were without remedie to haue the same reformed, he ordeyned therefore, that the names of al such offenders, with the ma­ner of their offences shoulde bee secretly registred 50 in a booke euerie yeare, by certaine Inquisitours thereto chosen and appoynted, and if it chaunced that those which were thus accused, might after­wardes be founde guiltie before the kings Iusti­ces by matter plainly proued agaynst them, they shoulde then be sure to bee punished according to the measure of their offences.

This custome of accusations, commonlye called mo [...]tements, continueth euen vnto these our dayes.

Conranus himselfe (as [...] reported)The king pre­sent at Assises. vsed much to be present at Assyses and Sessions, to see the laid as they [...], either [...] to passe the time in hunting within some Forte [...] or those, [...]ere to the place where his Iustices [...].

Nowe whilest Conranus king of Scottes thus studi [...] for the good gouernment of his peo­ple,Aurelius Am­brose fell sicke of a consump­tion. Aurelius Ambrose the king of Brytaine fell [...] of a consumption, whiche brought him to such wea [...]nesse that all recouere of health in him was dispayred,Occa and Pas­centius return into Britaine. whereof Occa and Pascentius so [...]nes to Hengist beeing aduertised, returned with a mightie power of Saxons into Brytain, which (as Hector Boetius sayth) they named at that pre [...] Engests land.

Vter the brother of Aurelius, lay also the same time sore sicke of a flixe in the parties of Wales, so that to auoyde dissention that was raysed a­mong the Brytaynes about the appoynting of a generall to go agaynst the enimies, Aurelius euē sicke as he was, caused himself to be [...]aryed forth in a litter, with whose presence his people were so encouraged, that encountering with the Sax­ons, they wanne the victorie, although with such losse on the [...] side, that Aurelius was glad to take truce for the space of foure monethes, and there­with breaking vp his campe, went vnto Wyn­chester, and sent Ambassadors vnto the Scot­tish and Pictish kings for ayde agaynst the time when the truce should expyre, which was graū ­ted, and so hee prouided for all things readie for the warres agaynst the appoynted time of theyr assemble. Occa also sent his brother Pascentius into Germanie for more ayd, but as some write, he [...] was driuen by contrarie windes into Ire­lande, and getting a greate power of men togy­ther there, he came backe to his brother with the same. But whether he had those men out of Ire­land, or Germanie, sure it is that the power of the Saxons was greatly encreased therewith. In the meane time died Aurelius Ambrose,Aurelius Am­brose depar­teth this life. who was poysoned by a mischieuous Monke a Sax­on borne, named Eopa, or Copa (as some bookes haue) that tooke vpon him to be skilfull in phisick, and a Monke by profession, his death was sore lamented of the Brytaynes: but contrarywise, the Saxons reioyced greatly thereof, so that im­mediatly after, Occa with his power inuadeth the Brytons, vsing greate crueltie in all places wheresoeuer he came.

In the meane time the Scottish and Pictish armies were come forwarde towardes Aurelius, according to promise made vnto his Ambassa­dors: but whē his death was certainly knowne amongest them,The Scottish armie returns home againe. the Captaynes and leaders of both those armyes, resolued to returne home a­gaine, [Page 124] and so they did, for that they doubted in what state and order things shoulde stande a­mongst the Brytaynes now after the deceasse of their late king.

After the death of Aurelius Ambrose, hys brother Vter was made king of Brytaine, and falling in loue with the wife of Gothlois Duke of Cornwall, hee did not onely force hir to lye with him, but also to the ende hee might enioye hir the more freely, he ceassed not to pursue hir 10 husbande to ridde him out of the way, whome at length he tooke within a Castle into the which he was fledde, and foorthwyth caused him to bee executed, [...]urmysing matter agaynst him for that he had forsaken one of his Captaines cleped Na­thaliod, in battaile agaynst the Saxons. By the wife of this Gothlois,Vter begat Arthure. Vter had issue the greate Arthure, and because he had no legitimate sonne, he appoynted that Arthure shoulde succeede him in gouernment of the realme. 20

Herewith Loth the Pictish king was not a little moued, disdeyning that Arthure beeing a bastarde, and begot of another mans wife in ad­ulterie, shoulde be preferred before his sonnes the rightfull heyres of the Brytishe kingdome: and therefore by Ambassadours he did what he could to disswade Vter from making any such ordi­nance. But when he sawe that he coulde not re­moue him from his opinion, he thought best to content himselfe with silence, till the time serued 30 better for his purpose.

At length when the warres were agayne re­nued betwixt Vter and Occa the Saxon king, Loth in reuenge of the iniurie done to him and his children, ioyned himself with the Saxons, and was with them at the battaile, in which the Brytaynes got the victorie by the presence of Saint Germaine that holy Bishop of Auxer as the Scottish writers make mention. Whiche battail as the same is set foorth by Hector Boe­tius, 40 bycause it toucheth the state of the Pictes, we haue thought good here to expresse.

It was therefore about the feast of Easter, when the armies came into the fielde, the Sax­ons with the Picts on the one side, and the Bry­taynes on the other, of whome no small num­ber (being eyther grown to be Idolaters through conuersation with the Saxons, either else infec­ted with the Heresie of the Pelagians) euen there in campe,S. Germain preacheth vn­to the campe. by hearing such godly Sermons as 50 Saint Germain preached amongst them, were conuerted to the true beliefe, receyuing at the same tyme the Sacrament of the Lordes bodie, togyther in companie with other of the faythfull Christians.

Finally when both parties were readie to giue battaile,S. Germaine leadeth the forewarde. Saint Germain tooke vpon him to haue the leading of the forewarde, wherein he had all the Priestes and ecclesiasticall Ministers, giuing commaundement,The [...] crie was Alleluya. that when he should crie Al­leluya, they should all answere him with one [...] ­tier voyce.

Thus proceede they forth towardes the bat­taile,Saint Germain beareth the kings stādard. Saint Germain bearing the kings Stan­darde in the forefront, and vpon the approche to the enimies, he with the Priestes crying with a lowde voyce thrice togither Alleluya, was an­swered by all the whole host, vttering and crying the same crie so wholly togither, that the verie sounde thereof caused such an eccho on eche syde, by reason of the hollow mountaynes and cli [...]es hard by them,The Saxons miraculously disco [...]ed. that the Saxons amazed at thys doubled noyse, and doubting not onely another power of their enimies, to be hiddē priuily among the hilles, which they sawe on eche side of them, but also least the verie rockes and mountaynes would haue fallen downe vpon theyr heades to­gither with the frame of the Element, readie (as it seemed to them) to breake in sunder, they tooke them to their feete, in suche dreadfull haste, that their breath was not able to suffice halfe the desire they had to continue theyr course. Many of them made such haste, that running to the next ryuer in hope to passe the same, were drowned therein. To conclude, all of them generally threw awaye both weapon and armure, the more lightly to make away.

Thus through the pollicie of that blessed man Saint Germaine, the victorie remayned wyth King Vter and his Brytaynes, wythout any bloudshed.

Saint Bede making mention of this bat­tayle,Bede dissen­teth from Hec­tor Boetius & his authour Veremond. assigneth the tyme to be at the first com­ming of Saint Germain into this lande, where Hector Boetius, following Veremond, suppo­seth it to be at the seconde time of his comming hither, which was in the dayes of king Vter.

But at what time soeuer this victorie thus chaunced, certaine it is, the Brytaynes waxing prowde thereof, nothing regarded the power of the Saxons, nor tooke any heede for prouision of further defence:The Brytayns giue themsel­ues vnto all kindes of vice and abhomi­nations. but after that those holy Bishops Germain and Seuerus were returned into theyr Countrey, they fell to all kyndes of gluttonie and excesse, in following onely their sensual lusts and fleshly concupiscence: which abuses, the Bi­shops and other godly men lamenting,The threat­ning of ven­geance to suc­ceede vicious liuing. ceassed not most earnestly to reproue, menacing destru­ction vnto the whole Countrey, if the people lea­uing their wicked liuing and most heynous of­fences towards God, did not amende and repent in due time and space.

Neither were they deceyued herein: for with­in fewe yeares after, Occa eftsoones beganne to make warres vpon the Brytaynes agayne, and gaue them a notable ouerthrow, sleaing of [Page 125] them to the number of .xv. thousande, with theyr generall Nathaliod;The Brytaines receiue a great ouerthrow. but yet this victorie was not greatly pleasant vnto the Saxons, for in the ch [...]se they lost their king the foresayde Occa, be­ing aduaunced a good way of from the residue of his armie with fiue hundred horsemen,King Occa slaine. and a few footmen, in pursute of hi [...] enimyes, whiche was the only cause, that as the [...] the Saxons attemp­ted no further exployte agaynst the Brytaynes.

And yet for that they woulde not be without 10 a gouernour,The yonger Occa nephew to the former Occa by his brother Oiscus. they created a [...] other Occa to their king, the nephew of the former Occa by his bro­ther Oiscus. And then turned all their force to make warres agaynst the Pictes, for that Loth king of the Picts, contrarie to his othe of credence had ayded the Brytaynes in the last battaile,Lo [...]h contrary to his othe of credēco ayded the Brytaynes agaynst the Saxons. as by certaine prisoners taken in the same, they had perfite vnderstanding.

Occa therefore being fierce of nature, to the ende to endomage his enimies the more,Colgerne, or Colgerme a Saxon, is sent for by Occa. sent into Germany for one Colgerme, or Colgern, a man of great estimation and [...]rth amongst the Sax­ons, to come ouer with a power vnto him into England, promising for recompence of his tra­uayle and ayde agaynst the Pictes to deliuer vn­to him all such landes as lay beyonde the water of Humber, which might be recouered out of the h [...]ndes of the Pictes, to enioy vnto him and his for euer.

Colgerne accepting the offer,Colgerne lan­deth in Nor­thumberland. landed shortly after in Northumberlande, putting the whole Countrey vnto fire and sworde. Which cruell dealing, caused a great number of Scottes and Pictes, which held diuerse Castels in that quar­ter, to come forth into the fielde to defende the countrey, and ioyning battail with their enimies

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were discomfited, their slaughter being muche encreased by the comming of Occa at vnwares vpon them. For he first taking truce with Vter king of the Brytaynes, hasteth with all speede to ioyne his power with Colgerne, after he heard once that he was come a lande. 40

These newes being brought by such as [...]led away into Galloway and Pictland,The kings of Scottes and Pictes rayse their powers to resist the Saxons. caused both the kings, Loth and Conranus, in most speedie wise to assemble their forces, and with the same to march forthwith towardes the Saxons: but being come within sight of them, readie to gyue battaile, great was the feare and terror in both their hostes to ioyne in fight with such a number of fierce people, as they sawe there before theyr faces. Which feare rose first through the Bry­taynes, 50 of whom no small number was there, in ayde of the Scottes and Picts, agaynst the Sax­ons, declaring many things of the great valure,The Scots and Pictes are put in feare of the Saxons va­liancie. strength of bodie, and huge forme of lymmes of the same Saxons, being so fierce and cruell in fight, as they alledged, that they were able to put their enimies to flight, euen with their grymme lookes and terrible countenances. Whereof such feare and terror was spredde through both the whole armies, that if shame had not partlye wrought amongst the m [...]n of warre, many of them woulde haue fledde their wayes before any battail had bene attempted at all.

The kings perceyuing suche discomfiture a­mongst their men, caused them to assemble to­gither, and appoynted one such as was thought meete for the purpose,The kings cause one to make an ora­tion vnto their people to re­moue all feare out of theyr heartes. to declare vnto them on theyr behalfes, how they could not but maruel to vnderstand such feare and lack of courage, as ap­peared generally through both the armies, consi­dering there was no cause thereof, they beeing suche a number of able warriours prefectly ap­poynted, and therewith led by such gouernours and Captaines, as there was no reason why to be doubtful of victorie, before they had seene some tryall and iust occasion of disaduauntage. For as touching the Saxons, they were no such men but that they might be ouercome well ynough, as it might sufficiently appeare, both by proufe of such victories as Vortimere the Brytishe king had obteyned agaynst them, and also Aurelius Ambrose, who had vanished them in such sort, [Page 126] that when they durst not eftsoones encoūter with him in battaile, they founde meanes by trayte­rous practise to make him away through poy­son. Then sith the Brytaynes (whom the Scot­tish men and Pictes so often had subdued) had at sundrie tymes vanquished the Saxons, why should they feare in such wise to fight with them in common defence of theyr Countrey, and re­uenge of such iniuries as they had lately receyued at theyr handes, sith the righteous God (as all 10 good men ought to trust) is euer readie to ad­uance a righteous quarell. And where it was bruted amongest them, that the Saxons were so huge of stature, and mightie of lymmes, that no force was able to withstande them, it was certainly knowne, that the Scottes and Pictes were indewed with no lesse mightinesse & strēgth of bodie than the Saxons: so that if they were not of lyke stomackes, that rested in their owne slouthfull cowardise, and not in natures worke, 20 hauing done hir part in bestowing hir gyftes vp­on them touching bodily force, in such plenteous maner, as no other nation did lightly any wayes surmount them.

Many other arguments were alledged & layd forth to remoue feare out of their hartes, and to incorage them to fight,The Scottes through com­fortable words of an oration recouer newe courages. insomuch that in the end it appeared the same wrought the wished effect, in such wise, that they generally requyred bat­taile, offering to liue and die at theyr Captaynes 30 feete, and to follow them whither soeuer it should please theyr kings & liege lords to appoynt them.

Herewith the kings being satisfied, forth they march towardes their enimies, whome they found readie to receyue them, and that with such rigorous violence, that in the ende after greate slaughter made on both partes,The Scots and Pictes are put to flight. the Scottes and Pictes were put to flight, the Saxons pursuing in the chase till the darke night caused them to withdraw and returne into their campe. 40

The day next following, the Scottish king with the residue of his army, hasted away with al speede towardes Galloway, and the Pictish king withdrewe into Pictlande.

The Saxons vsing the victorie most cruelly, slue all such of the Pictish and Scottish nations, as they met with, in all places betwixt Tine and Tweede.

Then did Occa create the forenamed Col­gerne duke of Northumberland,Colgern crea­ted Duke of Northumber­lande. who repayring 50 all such Castels and strong houses, as he thought expedient to haue kept, placed in the same garri­sons of souldiers, to defend the countrey agaynst all maner of enimies.

After this, Occa turned his power agaynst the Brytaynes, whiche in the last battayle had ayded the Scottes and Pictes, as before is partly touched. The Brytaynes receyuing a great ouer­throwe in battaile,The Brytayne ouerthrow in battaile by the Saxons. Vter with­draweth into Wales. London reco­uered by Saxons. Vter the Brytishe king was glad with suche as mighte escape the enimies hand [...], to withdraw into Wales, leauing the re­sidue of his Countreys vnto the Saxons, who therevpon recouered not onely the Citie of Lon­don, yeelding it selfe vnto them for doubt of some long s [...]ege, but also all those countreys and pro­uinces, whiche Hengist the first of the Saxons that raigned as king within the boundes of Al­bion at any time, had holden or enioyed, & ceassed not after recouerie of the same, to vexe and dis­quiet the Scottes, Brytaynes and Pictes, with continuall incursions, hoping by such meanes to keepe them still occupied.

In the middes of this trouble Vter king of the Brytaynes departed this worlde,The death of Vter poisoned by drinking water of a wel. poysoned (as some haue written) by drinking water taken out of a foūtain, which the Saxons had enuenomed. He died in the yeare after the byrth of our sauiour 521. and in the xviij. of his owne raigne.521.

After his deceasse, Loth king of the Pictes sent his Ambassadours vnto the Lordes,Loth requy­reth the king­dome of Bry­tayne. and other the estates of the Brytish dominions, requyring thē according to the accustomed lawes, and aunci­ent ordenances of the Realme, to receyue him as king, sith he had maryed the sister and heyre of the two brethren Aurelius Ambrose, and Vter, their two last kings, being as then both deceased with­out leauing behinde them any lawfull issue, by reason whereof, their estate was fallen vnto him, to enioy the same during his life, hauing maryed (as is sayde) theyr owne naturall and lawfull borne sister, and after the deceasse of him and his wife the sayde sister, then it ought by course of the lawes of all Realmes and Countreys to discende vnto such issue as hee had begot of hir, whiche was two sonnes, the one named Mordred,Mordred and Gawane. and the other Valuane, or Gawane, as some doe call him.

The Brytaynes disdainfully vsing the Pic­tish Ambassadours that came with this message,The Brytaines refuse to re­ceyue either Loth or any of his sonnes to raigne ouer them. refused not onelye to come vnder subiection of Loth, but also denyed that his sonnes begot of his lawfull wife, the sister of Aurelius and Vter, shoulde haue any rule or gouernment amongest them, as those that were no Brytaynes borne, but straungers vnto them, being both borne and vpbred in a forraine countrey.

Those Ambassadours then hauing theyr answere, and beeing sent home with reproche, the Brytaynes contrarie to the lawes of all na­tions, proclaymed Arthure,Arthure pro­claymed king of Brytayne. beeing a bastarde borne, king of their Realme, and forthwith as­sembling theyr powers vnder his leading, mar­ched on agaynst the Saxons,Arthure goeth forth against the Saxons. in purpose to a­bate some part of their strength, before the Pictes (whiche was doubted woulde shortly co [...]e to passe) shoulde ioyne with them.

[Page 127]Therefore hauing procured ayde of the Armo­ryke Brytaynes forth of Fraunce,The Armorik Brytaines in ayd of Arthur. they fought with theyr enimies within ten myles of London at the first, where the Saxons beeing at two se­uerall tymes vanquished,The Saxons vanquished, are constray­ned to pay tri­bute to the Brytaynes. were constrayned not onely to pay trybute, but also to receyue magi­strates to gouerne them by the said Arthures ap­poyntment, with other grieuous articles of a­greement, to the great reioysing of the Brytains, for these so luckie beginnings in the first exploits 10 of their late elected king.

London is wonne by the Brytaynes.Afterwardes was London easily wonne by the Brytains, wherein Arthure remayning for a season, tooke aduise with his nobles howe to pro­ceede in his warres against the rest of the Sax­ons.Arthure ray­seth a power against the Pictes. Finally hauing prepared a mightie army, he determineth to go agaynst those which inhabited beyond Humber northwards, with whom (as he had certaine knowledge) the Picts were ioyned: for Loth cōming to agreement with Colgerne,A league con­cluded be­twixt Loth and Colgerne. 20 concluded a league with him, wherby they were bound to ayd one another agaynst the Brytains, as cōmon enimies and aduersaries to them both.

The Brytaynes at theyr comming into Yorkshire pitched their campe not farre off from theyr enimes, who were alreadie ioyned togither and encamped abrode in the field. The next day after, knowledge beeing had that they shoulde haue battail,Howel leader of the Armorike Brytains. Arthure appoynted Howel leader of the Armoryke Brytains to encounter with the 30 battaile of the Pictes, and he himselfe to matche with the Saxons. Thus they mette togither on both partes very fiercely, and a sore battaile was fought ther betwixt them, so that for a good space it was doubtful whether part should haue the ad­uauntage of the day,The Picts put to flight. but at length the Pictes were put to flight, which aduaunced the Bry­taynes to the gayne of the whole fielde. For the Saxons after they perceyued howe the Pictes were discomfited, dreading to abyde the whole 40 brunte by themselues,The Saxons chafed, made their race to­wards Yorke. betooke them also to theyr heeles, and made theyr rase towardes Yorke, as faste as theyr feete myght beare them.

York besiegedArthure pursuing them thither, besieged the Citie almost three Monethes togyther, but the Saxons defended the Walles so stoutly ma­king often issues forth vpon the Brytaynes, that till hunger began to constrayne them, they cared little for the siege. In the end when they were de­termined 50 to haue yeelded vp the Citie, they had knowledge, howe there was an huge armie of Pictes and Saxons newly assembled, and readie to come forwarde to their succors, also that king Occa (escaping from the battayle wherein he had receiued the ouerthrow at Arthurs hands, and fleing afterwarde into Germanie) was now returned with a newe power, and arryued with­in the mouth of Humber.Occa retur­neth of ou [...] Germanie with a new power. Which newes cau­sed them to deferre all communication, in hope that if they might abyde the siege but for a small tyme, the Brytaynes shoulde shortly bee com­passed in on eche syde, and oppressed on the sodaine.

Arthur heard of the comming of theyr suc­cours in like maner, and iudging it no wisedom to tarie the comming of his so puissant enimies, considering what a number of diseased and sicke persons he had alreadie in his host,Arthure ray­seth his siege. by reason of their long lying abrode in the fielde) raysed hys siege, and withdrewe himselfe so speedily as was possible with his whole army into Wales, where he appoynted the Armorike Brytaynes to so­iourne for that Winter, with other of the meaner sort of his own souldiers.Arthure retur­neth to Lōdon Whilest he tooke the re­sidue of his chosen bands, and went to London, there to prouide that no rebellion shoulde be ray­sed amongst the Saxons of Kent, or other of the countreys neare about.

In the beginning of the next spring, he ga­thered his host togither again, and with the same went forth agaynst Colgerne and Occa, who being issued forth of Northumberland, were en­tred into the Brytish confines, spoyling and wa­sting the countrey with their accustomed cruelty.Arthure dis­comfiteth the Saxons twise in battaile, & then againe lieth siege to Yorke and winneth it. Wherevpon encountering them twice in battail, he obteined the victorie, and then besieging York, at length he entred into that Citie, by meanes of a Brytayn, who dwelling amongst the Saxons there, in the night season cōueyed a sort of Bry­tains into the citie, the which breaking open the gates in ye dead of ye night, did let in al the whole host. Where Arthur would not suffer his men to make any great murther of the enimies, whiche were content to yeeld themselues,Arthure vseth the victorie with gentle­nesse. but vsed them very gently, therby to win more praise amongst all those that heard of his worthie victories.

The Brytaines hauing thus conquered the Citie of Yorke, many feates of armes were day­ly practized betwixt them and the Saxons, which held possession still of the countrey there aboutes. But the Britaines lying in that citie al the som­mer and winter following,The Brytaines soiourning for the winter time within Yorke, giue themselues vnto banket­ting and vo­luptuousnesse. at length beganne to take their ease, namely in the depth of the winter, and therewith gaue themselues to banketting, drinking, play, and other kindes of voluptuous plesures, so yt it seemed they trusted more to their passed victories than to their present force, not fearing suche danger as was like to follow.

It is thought of some, that aboute the same tyme, Arthur firste instituted, that the feaste of Christmasse shoulde be kept with such excesse of meates and drinkes, in all kyndes of inor­dinate banquetting and reuell for the space of thirtene dayes togyther, according to the cu­stome vsed still throughe both the Realmes [Page 128] of England and Scotlande euen vnto this day, resembling the feastes which the Gentiles vsed to keepe in the honour of their dronken God Bac­chus,Christmas bankets resem­bling the feastes Bac­chanalia. called in latine Bacchanalia: wherein all kindes of beastly lust and sensuall voluptuous­nesse was put in vre. But whence soeuer, or by whom soeuer this insatiable gourmandise came vp amongst vs, surely a great abuse it is, to see the people at suche a solemne feast (where they ought to bee occupied in thankes giuing to al­mightie 10 God, for the sending downe of his onely begotten sonne amongst vs to giue themselues in maner wholy to gluttonie and excessiue fil­ling of their bellies, with such maner of lewd and wanton pastimes, as though they shoulde rather celebrate the same feastes of Bacchanalia, and those other which the Gentiles also kept, called Floralia, and Priapalia, than the remembrance of Christes natiuitie, who abhorreth all maner of such excesse. 20

But nowe to my purpose. When the next Sommer was once come, Arthure led forth hys Brytaynes agaynst their enimies, but by reason of such ease and pleasure as they had taken why­lest they soiourned in Yorke,The Brytaines through rest and ease be­came vnapt to susteyne the paynes of warres. being nowe come into the field, they were able to abide no paynes, so that no good was done of certaine yeares af­ter, till finally Arthure ioyned in league wyth Loth king of the Picts. The conditions of which league were these. That Arthure during his na­turall 30 life should raigne as king of the Brytains,A league con­cluded be­twixt Arthure king of Bry­taynes, and Loth king of Pictes. and after his deceasse, the kingdome to remaine vnto Mordred and his issue, if he chaunced to haue any. That the Pictes should ayde the Bri­taynes agaynst the Saxons, and haue all suche landes as might bee recouered of them beyonde Humber. Also the league whiche was betwixt them and the Scottes,Mordred ma­rieth the daughter of one Gawolane a Brytayne. they should duely obserue. Mordred should marrie the daughter of Gawo­lan a noble man amongst the Brytaynes, and 40 of highest authoritie next vnto Arthure himselfe: the children of this maryage to bee brought vp with their grandfather in Brytain, till they came to yeares of discretion.Gawan or Ga­wen in seruice with king Arthure. Gawan the brother of the foresayde Mordred, shoulde serue king Ar­thure, and receyue at his handes large entertain­ment, and great possessions to mainteyne there­with his estate.

Other articles there were comprysed in this league, according as was thought requisite for 50 the maintenance of stable friendship betwixt these kings and their nations. So that Arthur hauing concluded this league, and still being desirous to purge the whole Ile of all miscreantes and eni­mies of the Christian fayth,Arthure sen­deth Ambassa­dours vnto the kings of Scots and Pictes. hee sente vnto the Scottish and Pictish kings, requiring them on the behalfe of that dutie which they ought vnto the aduauncement of Christes religion, to as­semble their powers, and to meete him at Tyn­mouth, whither he woulde repayre to ioyne with them, at such day as they would appoynt, from thence to march forth agaynst the Saxons.

Loth king of the Pictes, and Conranus king of the Scottishmen,Scottes, Pictes and Brytaines, ioyne togither agaynst the Saxons. fayled not in this so neces­sarie an enterprise, but agreeable to Arthures re­quest, within fewe dayes after they came for­warde, and ioyning with the Brytaynes, forth they went agaynst the Saxons, whom they vn­derstoode to be alreadie in campe, vnder the con­duite of their king Occa, in purpose to stop their passage.

When both the armies were approched neare togither, they prepared to the battaile, and fyrst Colgerme Duke of Northumberlande mounted vpon a light gelding, rode almoste euen harde to the faces of the Pictes, where they stoode in theyr order of battaile right stoutly,Colgerme re­proueth Loth. and there vttering many reprochfull wordes vnto Loth and other of his nobles, for breach of their promised friend­ship to him and his Saxons, declared that he tru­sted shortly to see iust punishment light vppon them for this falshood and vntruthes sake, in thus ioyning with theyr former enimies against their most trustie friendes and stedfast allies.

The Pictishe king not greatly moued here­with, commaunded his Standards to aduaunce forwarde, and the Saxons likewise hasted apace towardes them, so that the one being come with­in daunger of shot of the other, the Pictes let flie their Arrowes right freshly. Arthur in the meane time hauing set his people in aray, exhorted thē to fight manfully: and so soone as he perceyued that the fray was begon by the Picts, he in sem­blable wise commaundeth the Brytaines to giue the onset, so that immediately there ensued a sore conflict: the Scottes beeing in the right wing, sleaing Cheldricke one of the chiefest Captaines amongest the Saxons, quickly discomfited that Wing with the which they were first matched.

Colgerme with his Saxons encountring as is sayde with the Pictes, placed in the left wing, rushed in amongst his enimies (vpon an earnest desire to be reuenged of his aduersarie king Loth) with such violence, that at their first encounter he ouerthrew the same Loth: but immediately ther­vppon two Pictishe horsemen running at Col­germe sideling wise, bare him quite through.Colgerme is runne through by his aduer­saryes. In the meane time, Loth by meane of his strong ha­berioyne escaping without hurt, was relieued by such as stood about him, and restored againe to his companie: but Colgerme being deade before he could be recouered from amongest the throng of his enimies, his mē were so discomforted ther­with,The Saxons are put to flight. that streight wayes thereupon they fell to running away. The maine battaile of the Sax­ons being thus left bare on both sides, began to [Page 129] giue backe, which Arthure perceyuing, the more earnestly pressed forth vpō them, so that in the end Occa being constrayned to flee,Occa constrai­ned to flee. and receyuing a sore wound, had much ad [...] to be conueyed away by some of his horsmen, the Brytains pursued so fiercely vpon him. At length being brought vnto the sea side, he got vessels, and escaped ouer into Germanie. This victorie being thus atchieued, constrayned the Saxons to yeeld vnto king Ar­thur,Vpon what [...] Ar­thure recey­ueth the Sax­ons vpō their condition. simply cōmitting themselues vnto his mer­cie, 10 who of his clemencie was contented to par­don them of life and goodes, vpon condition they woulde become christians, and from thenceforth neuer after to make any warres vpō their neigh­bors the Brytains, Scots, or Pictes. But if they woulde not agree hereunto, then leauing their goods, armor, and weapon behinde them, they should auoyd the land, and that within .xiij. days next ensuing.

Many of the Saxons that could get passage, 20 sayled ouer into Germanie. Other feigning themselues to become Christians, remayned in the lande, loking one day for better happe and for­tune. Diuerse that were not able by meanes of pouertie to get away within the tyme appoyn­ted, and yet refusing to be christened, were put to death, according to the Proclamation set forth for the same purpose, so that in comparison verie few amongst them receyued the Christian fayth sincerely, and with a true meaning minde. 30

Things beeing thus quieted in Northum­berland, Arthure tooke order for the repayring of Churches abrode in the coūtrey,Arthure cau­seth churches to be repaired which the Sax­ons had ouerthrowne or defaced, namely in the Citie of Yorke he bestowed great cost, where the cruell infidels had done muche hurt vpon Chur­ches, and other religious houses.

In the yeare following, Arthure had newes how the Saxons which helde the Ile of Wight, ioining with the Kentish Saxons, had don great 40 displeasures vnto the Brytaynes, on that syde of the Thames, kylling and sleaing an huge num­ber of them with great crueltie, wherewyth be­ing sore moued, hee drewe towardes London with his armie,Arthure pur­poseth to de­stroy the whole race of the Saxons in Albion. purposing vtterly to destroy all the East and South Saxons, sith otherwyse hee could not prouide for the surtie of his subiects, be­ing stil in daunger to be murthered and robbed, so long as anye of that wicked generation of the Saxons remained here amongst them. 50

By meanes also of the league, he had wyth him in this iourney ten thousand Pictes, and as many Scottes: Eugenius nephew to king Con­ran by his brother Congall being generall ouer the Scottes,The opinion which men had concey­ued of Mor­dred for his wit and to­wardlinesse. and Mordred the sonne of King Loth by his wife Anne, gouerned the Pictes, a lusty yong gentleman, very wittie and towardly in al his doings. Furthermore Arthur vnderstan­ding what hurt rest and ease had done amongest his men of warre, caused them to keepe the fielde in al this iourney, and passing by London, lodged them a little beside the riuer of Thames. But he himselfe with some of his nobles, entred into the citie, causing supplications to be made vnto al­mightie God three days togither, for good successe to folow against the Saxons. On the fourth day hearing diuing seruice celebrated by the Bishop of London, and causing a sermon to be made in the Market place, he committed himselfe & his whole armie vnto the tuition of Christ, and his mother the virgin, whose Image in steede of a badge,Arthurs badge he bare on his shield continually from that day for­ward, as diuerse heretofore haue written.

After this, issuing forth of the citie,Arthures ex­hortation to his people. he willed al his men to be of good comfort, as they that fought in a iust quarell agaynst Pagans, and enimies of the fayth. Mordred and his father in law Ga­wolane passed on before the battayles with fiue thousande horsemen, and being come within fiue myles of the Saxons, who likewise were assem­bled in campe,An offer made by the Saxons vnto king Arthure. there came from them vnto Ar­thur Ambassadors, requiring him to stay his ior­ney for they were readie if they might haue liber­tie so to do, to depart out of the lande, with theyr goods and substance, without further molesting the Brytains, either by one meanes or other.

Arthur would neither consent hereunto, nor yet graunt a truce for three dayes, for the which they made earnest sute, but bad them depart for that time, only assuring thē that he woulde not come passing two miles forward for that day, so that if they thought good, they might returne to him in the morning, and haue answere what the chiefest gouernors of his host thought touching their re­quest, by whom he woulde haue the matter more throughly debated. In the meane time whylest the Brytaines were busied with hearing of these Ambassadors, & taking aduise what was best to do touching their demaund, the Saxons marched forth with all speed,The Saxons comming vp­on Mordred and Gawolan, put them with their people to the worse. and cōming vpon Mordred and Gawolan at vnwares, they gaue the onset freshly vpon them, & that very muche to the dis­aduauntage of the Brytains & Pictes, who not­withstanding through the earnest exhortation of their captains, receyued their enimies right fierce­ly, in doing that which was possible for so small a nūber to do, howbeit in the ende oppressed with multitude, they were forced to flie and so did, not resting till they came in sight of the whole armie. In which flight, Mordred and Gawolan by help of their soldiers, being moūted vpon their horses, escaped without hurt, though they lost no small number of their cōpanie, as wel in the fight as in the chase. The Saxons Ambassadors being not yet departed out of the British campe, were here­vpon stayed till the next morning, and then had [Page 130] answere giuen them,What answer the Saxons Embassadors had at Ar­thurs hands. that from thenceforth the Brytaynes were not mynded to heare any mes­sengers of the Saxons comming to intreate of peace, sith it was manifest inough, they ment no­thing but falshoode, as well appeared in that they had against the law of armes whilest their Am­bassadors were in cōmunicatiō, distressed part of the British army, and therfore they should assure thēselues, to haue at Arthures hands nothing but cruel war to the vttermost of his power in reuēge 10 of such their great vntruthes & cloked dealings.

They had vneth receyued their answere, but that there came from the Saxons .xl. other Am­bassadors▪ being mē of great authoritie amongst them, to excuse that whiche had happened ouer night,The excuse of the Saxons. in laying the fault vpon a sort of vndiscrete persons, nothing priuie vnto that which the go­uerners of the armie had done, touching the sen­ding of their Ambassadours, and therevpon had without their aduise made that skirmish. 20

But Arthure iudging that there was some newe subtill practise in hande vnder pretence of this newe Ambassage, commaunded as wel these that came last, as the other which came first, to be kept in the Marshalles tent, that in no wise they shoulde escape, whilest he himselfe in the seconde watch of the night departed out of his camp, with all his puissance,The sodaine inuasion made by the Bry­tains vpon the Saxons. which he deuided into three bat­tailes, & hauing marched three miles forwarde, he was vpon his enimies ere they vnderstoode any thing of his cōming, insomuch that the Britains had slain and chased the watche of the Saxons campe, before it was certainly knowne what the matter ment.The great tu­mult in the Saxons camp. Hereof also ensued such a tumult & noyse amongst the Saxons, running vp & down, calling & crying one to another, as it happeneth in such cases of extreeme feare, that the best adui­sed amongst thē, wist not wel what to do.Mordred de­sirous to be reuenged. Wher­vpon Mordred desirous to reuenge his last ouer­throw, brake in also vpō his enimies right fierce­ly. But some of them hauing gotten them into their armor, stood at their defence awhile amōgst

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their cartes and cariages, and so resisted the Bry­tains on that side for a season: other of the Sax­ons hauing no leysure to arme themselues, nor to draw into any order of battaile, by reason of the sodaine impression of the Brytaynes, brake forth of the campe on the contrary side,The Saxons are put to the flight. and fled so fast as theyr feete myght beare them. But being pursued by the Brytishe Horsemen, and beaten downe, a great number of them ranne into the next Ryuer, and there were drowned, choosing 50 rather that kinde of death, than so cruellye to be murthered by the aduersaryes handes: verily the Brytaines shewed no mercie that day,The crueltie of the Bry­tains in slea­ing the Sax­ons. for so ma­nye as came within theyr daunger, dyed with­out redemption. And this bloudie battaile made an ende of such an huge number of Saxons, that it was thought they shoulde neuer haue recoue­red againe any puissaunce able to haue endoma­ged the Brytaynes in any maner of wise.

Arthure hauing thus vanquised his enimies, gaue license vnto those nobles which hee had de­teyned (as is sayde) in his campe, being sent vnto him as Ambassadors, to depart ouer into Germa­nie, appointing the residue of such Saxōs as were men of no defence, to remain stil in the land, yeel­ding a yearly tribute vnto the Brytains, and also with cōdition that they shuld become christians.

The Scottishmen and Picts which had ayded the Brytaynes in this iourney, soiourned awhile after at London, where Arthure feasted and ban­ketted them in most royall wise,Arthures [...] ­nificence. shewing them al the honor that might be deuised, and afterwardes sent them home right princely rewarded with many great giftes and rich presents.

Whilest such businesse as ye haue heard was thus in hand betwixt the Saxons & Britains, the [Page 131] estate of the Scottish common wealth, was go­uerned by great wisedome and policie, without any notable trouble or disorder.

But finally when king Conrane beganne to waxe aged, and that such as had the chief doings vnder him, sought not the execution of iustice, but their owne commodities, to the hinderance of a multitude, the people began to repine thereat, and to practise a conspiracie with diuerse of the No­bles against Conrane,A conspiracie practised a­gaynst Cōran. and those which ruled by 10 his appoyntment.

It chaunced that there was one Toncet, a mā of base byrth, assigned by the kings commission to be chiefe iustice, or as it were Chauncelor for the administration of the lawes in Murrey land, a persō passing full of rygorous crueltie, especially in iudgements of life & death, and in gathering vp of all maner of forfeytures of penall lawes which he did onely to purchase fauor of the king, by the enriching of his coffers,An euill officer. in respect whereof he had 20 smal regard either of right or wrong, so that there were hope of somwhat to be gotten.

Amongst other the violent doings of this Ton­cet, he caused diuerse marchant men of the towne of Fores in Murreyland (as thē the chiefest town of all that countrey) to be accused of treason by a light information, and in the end executed with­out any apparant matter, onely vpon a couetous desire to haue their goods and riches, bycause they were men of great wealth and substance. Diuerse 30 noble men of the countrey there aboutes, & name­ly of the towne of Fores, being partly of kin vn­to those marchants, were sore offended with this act, and herevpon they first came vnto Toncet, & reuiled him with many high reprochful wordes, & afterwards fell vpō him in the place of opē iudge­ment where he sat as then in his iudgement seat,A presump­tuous act. and there murthered him, getting them forthwith vp into the moūtains to auoyd the danger, which they knewe vnpossible for them to escape, if they 40 should happen to be taken whilest Conran should be liuing. After this, they deuised how they might encrease their heynous deed and bolde enterprise with an other far more horrible & notable,The determi­nation of the murtherers to dispatch the king also. which was to slea the king himself, as the original cause of all such mischief that then raigned in ye realme through the vnworthie gouernment of his vniust ministers & couetous magistrates, hoping with­all to obtain the fauor of some of the noble men, whom they knew to maligne the king & his coū ­sell 50 most extreemly, & thereby in short time to be assured of their pardon. Shortly after it chaunced that one Donald also gouernor of Athol,Donald go­uernour of A­thol, conspi­reth with the Outlawes to murther the king. a mā in great fauour and trust with the king, had vnder­standing what these outlawes intended, & there­vpon practised with them by priuie messengers, that they should come in secret maner vnto En­uerlochtee, where the king soiourned, promising them by most assured meanes of othes & vowes, that they shuld haue al ye furtherance he could de­uise towards the atchieuing of their enterprise.

Hereupon these outlawes according to their in­structions,The outlawes enter into the kings bed chamber. came in secret wise vnto Enuerlochtee and were closely conueyd into Conrans bed chā ­ber by Donalds meanes, who as though he had knowne nothing of the matter, got himself quick­ly out of the way when he sawe them once entred within the doore of the chamber. Conran the king perceiuing how he was betrayed, and that his eni­mies were got into his chamber ready to murther him, stept forth of his bed, & falling down vpō his knees besought them to take pitie of his age, & not to defile their handes in the bloud of their naturall lord and king, considering the fault was not his,Conran is murthered within his bed chamber by trayterous meanes. 35. H.B. if they had beene any wayes wronged. Howbeit they doubting nothing but least he should escape their hands, streightwayes dispatched him out of life, and withal made hast away. This was the ende of king Conranus, in the .xx. yeare of his raigne, being the .xvj. of Arthurs dominion ouer the Brytains,20. H.B. the fifth of the Emperor Iustini­anus, and in the yeare after the byrth of our Sa­uior 531.535. H.B. But his corps was buried in ye Abbey of Iona, otherwise called Colmkil, wt such funerall pompe & exequies, as in those dayes were vsed.

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AFter him succeeded his nephewe Euge­nius,Euge­nius. the son of his bro­ther Congall, the which Eugenius as aboue is sayde,Eugenius is inuested king of Scotland. was with Arthure in the laste mentioned iourney agaynste the Saxons.

There were that counsayled him in the begynning of his raigne (which he beganne in Argile being placed there vpon the chaire of mar­ble) that he shoulde see in any wise the auctours of his Vncles death duely punished,Regicides or kingquellers ought chiefly aboue al other to be punished to giue en­sample to other, that they shoulde not attempt the lyke hereafter agaynste theyr liege Lorde and crowned King: but he contrarywise did not on­lye forgiue the offence, but also receyued the fore­named Donalde wyth other the murtherers in­to his seruice,Eugenius is suspected of his predeces­sours death. and made them of his priuie Coun­sell, which caused many men to suspect, least he himselfe had beene of counsell with them in com­mitting that murther. The talke wherof, was so common in all mens mouthes, namely amongst the common people,The Queene Dowager fled with hir two sonnes into Irelande. that the Queene Dowager late wife to king Conran, doubting not only the suretie of hir owne life, but also of hir two sonnes (which she had by the said Cōran, the one named Reginan, and the other Aidan) fled with them ouer into Irelande, where within fewe yeares [Page 132] after, she dyed with the one of hir sonnes, that is to wit Reginan: the other Aidane was honou­rably brought vp by the king of that Countrey, according to his byrth and degree.

Eugenius in the beginning of his raigne, to win thereby the peoples fauor, demeaned himself most gently in al his proceedings, doing nothing that tasted in any part of crueltie. He woulde of­tentimes sit amongst the Iudges himselfe,The humanity and fauorable friendship of king Eugenius towardes his people. and if he suspected least any man had wrong, he wold 10 licence them to pleade their case of new. And such as he perceyued were not of abilitie to folow their suite in any cause of right, he would helpe them with money of the common treasurie. He orday­ned also, that no orphane should be compelled to answere any action, or otherwise bee vexed by suite of law.Commēdable ordinances. Moreouer, that no widow should be constrayned to come past a mile forth of hir own doores for any matter in controuersie betwixt hir and any other person, to be heard afore any Iud­ges 20 or publike officers. Robbers, theues, and their receptors he caused to be duly punished, to refrain other from attempting the like offences. And also he had a speciall regarde for the obseruing of the league betwixt his subiects and the Pictes, with the Brytaynes, according to the tenour of the same.

About this season should i t be also that Arthur did atchieue all those worthie victories which are ascribed vnto him agaynst the Scots,The victori­ous conquests ascribed to Arthure. Irish men, 30 Danes, Norwegians, & other northren people. Moreouer it is written by some authors, that he shoulde subdue the most part of Germanie with the low coūtreys, Brytain, Normandie, France, and the Romaines, with the people of the East, but the credit hereof resteth with ye same authors. Only it is certain (as Hector Boetius affirmeth) that Arthur liued in the dayes of Iustinianus the Emperour,This causeth no smal doubt to arise of the great victories ascribed vnto Arthure. aboute whiche time the Gothes, Vandales, Burgonions, and Frenchmen did in­uade 40 sundrie partes of the Romaine Empyre, pitifully wasting and spoyling the same, where yet suche wryters as haue set forth those warres make no mention of Arthur at all. Therfore let­ting all doubtfull things passe, I will proceede with my author, and declare what he hath found written in such Scottish Chronicles as he follo­weth touching the British Arthur, which for that it partly varieth from the other our cōmon chro­nicles,Geffray of Monmouth. namely Geffray of Monmouth, I think it 50 worthy to be noted here, to the ende that euery man may iudge therof as to him seemeth best.

The Brytaines repent them­selues of the league con­cluded with the Pictes.To the purpose then: after the Brytains were deliuered from the terror of the Saxons, and that with quietnesse they began to waxe welthie, they repented them of the league, which they had con­cluded afore with Loth king of the Pictes, speci­ally for that they could not in any wise be cōten­ted to haue any stranger to raign amongst them,The request of the Brytaynes to haue one of their own na­tion appoyn­ted to succeed king Arthure. and hereupon comming vnto Arthur, required of him, sith he himself had no issue to succeed him, yt it might please him yet, to name one of his owne nation to gouerne them after his decease.

Arthure not gainsaying their request, willed them (sithe their pleasure was such, in no wise to haue a stranger to raigne ouer them) to name one themselues, being discēded of the bloud royal, and such a one as in whom they had perceyued some towardly proufe of wisedome & valiancie: and he for his part promised to ratifie their election.

The Nobles with great reioycing of the peo­ple drawing togither to consult for the choyse of suche a one, as might bee acceptable to all the Brytish nation, at length agreed vpon Constan­tinus, the sonne of Cadore Duke of Cornewall, a goodly yong Gentleman, both for his person and other his worthy qualities muche to be com­mended. Who being brought by the peeres of the Realme into the counsell chamber, and there pre­sented vnto king Arthure,Constantine proclaymed heyre apparāt and prince of Brytaine. as one most meetest to succeede him. Arthure accepted their election right gladly, and caused the same Constantine forth­with to bee proclaymed heyre apparant vnto the crowne, by the name of Prince of Brytayne, which notifyed him to be successor to the king in gouernment of the realme.

Constantine being in such wise preferred, be­haued himselfe so honourably, and with suche a shew of gentle demeanor, that he wan him much prayse, with an opinion of high worthinesse a­mongst all the Brytish nation.

In this meane time was Loth the king of the Pictes deceassed,Lothian ta­keth the name of Loth the Pictish king. leauing his name as a perpetual memorie vnto his Countrey of Pictlande, the which euer sithence, as a remembraunce of his worthinesse, hath beene called Lothian, or Law­thian.Mordred suc­ceedeth Loth in the king­dome of Pict­lande. But his sonne Mordred succeeding him in gouernment of the Pictishe kingdome, and hearing that Constantine was proclaimed heyre apparant of Brytayne, was sore moued there­with, and immediately sending his Ambassadors vnto king Arthure, complayned,Mordred cō ­playneth vnto king Arthure, for that Con­stantine was created hys heyre apparāt. for that contra­rie to the honour of his kingly estate, he had bro­ken the league concluded betwixt him and hys father late of famous memorie king Loth, wher­in it was agreed amongest other things, that there shoulde none succeede in the kingdome of Brytayne, after Arthures deceasse, but the chil­dren begotte betwixt King Loth and his wife Queene Anne, or suche as discended of them: where contrariwyse it was notifyed vnto the Pictishe people, that Constantine the sonne of Cadore was elected Prince, and there­by enabled as heyre apparaunt to the crowne.

They required him therfore to cal himselfe to remembrance, & not so lightly to agree vnto the [Page 133] flattering perswasions of the Brytains, aduising him vnto that thing which was meerely repug­naunt to reason, and agaynst both Gods lawes and mans, admonishing him withall to obserue the league, according to the othe, which he had so­lemnly taken vpon him, and to moue his subiects to do the like, least for the contrarie, they shoulde prouoke the wrath of almightie God against thē, who is the iust reuenger of all such as go aboute to breake leagues and couenanted pactions. 10

The answere made to the Pictish Am­bassadours.Herevnto answere was made, by consent of the nobles of Brytayne, that the league whiche was concluded betwixt Arthur and Loth, endu­red but for the life times of them two onely, and to ceasse by eyther of their deathes: therefore Ar­thur had done nothing contrarie to any pact or promise made, but according to the duetie of a Prince that tendred the weale of his subiects, had prouided them one to succeede him of their owne nation, for doubt least the realme after his decease 20 should fall into the handes of straungers, whiche in no wise ought of right to be suffered. There­fore if the Pictes loued the suretie of their owne estate, it shoulde be good for them to holde them­selues contented with their owne boundes, least if they sought for other mens liuings, they might happely within short time perceyue, what doth ensue oftentimes vppon such rash and vnaduised attemptes.

The Pictish Ambassadours returning home with this answere,The Pictes purpose to be reuenged on the Brytaines by open war. caused the whole Nation to take such disdaine therewith, that immediately they resolued to reuenge their wrongs, by open warres: but first they thought good to trie if they might procure the Scottish mē to take part with thē in reuenge of such iniuries as they had in like maner lately receiued at ye Britains hāds.The Picts so­licite both Scottes and Saxons to make warre vpon the Bry­taynes. More­ouer, repenting themselues, that they had in times past ayded the Brytaynes against the Saxons, they purpose to trie if they might now moue the same Saxons eftsoones to make warres vpon the Brytains, thereby to be the better able to main­taine their owne quarell against them.

First suche Ambassadors as were sent from Mordred vnto Eugenius king of the Scottes,Eugenius the Scottish king agreeable to the request of the Pictes. found him very agreeable vnto their requests, and the sooner, for that such Scottish rebels as fledde vnto Arthure, were not onely receyued by him, but also mainteyned to make rodes and incursi­ons into the Scottish borders.

Arthur hauing knowledge of the deuises of his enimies (the warres being first proclaymed) hee furnished all the sea coasts with notable numbers of men, to withstand the landing of the Saxons, if they should fortune to attempt any inuasion.Arthure set­teth forwarde towarde the Scottes and Pictes. That done, he passed forth with the residue of his people towarde the Scottes and Pictes, who were alreadie assembled in campe, and were come

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as farre as the Ryuer of Humber,Humber a fa­tall place for the Brytaynes to be vanqui­shed at. neare to the bankes whereof they had pitched their tents, as 50 in a place fatall for the Brytaynes to be vanqui­shed in.

Both the armies being brought here into or­der of battaile,Bishops trauel betwixt the parties to bring them to cōmunication for a peace. the one in sight of the other, there were certain Bishops of those three nations, that tooke great paynes to ride to and fro betwixt thē, to exhort the kings vnto peace and concord, con­sidering what mischiefe & great bloudshed should ensue, if vpon wilfulnesse they would seeke to trie that by dint of sworde, which they might make an ende of, by meanes of amiable treatie & friend­ly agreement. Again, they could not do the thing that might more content the Saxons, common enimies to the christian religion, than if by theyr encoūtring togither in battail, they should so en­feeble their whole powers, whereby the Saxons might haue readie meanes and occasion offred to execute their greedy desires to cōquer ye whole ile.

[Page 134] Mordred and Eugenius were perswa­ded vnto peace.Mordred and Eugenius were perswaded by this earnest trauayle of the Bishoppes, to putte theyr matter in compromise, and to lay awaye theyr armour and weapon, if they might haue assurance that the league made with king Loth should in euery poynt be obserued.

Arthure likewise at the sute of the same By­shoppes, would haue bene contented for his part to haue agreed herevnto, but other of the Bry­tayns,The Brytaines woulde not cōsent to haue any peace tal­ked vpon. namely those that were of kinne and alli­ance vnto Constantine theyr Prince, coulde in no wise be perswaded therevnto, but rather with many reprochfull wordes rebuked the Bishops for theyr vntimely sute, seeing the enimies rea­die raunged in battaile at poynt to giue the on­set, so that as they alledged) it might be doubted what they ment by their mocion, onelesse they went about to betray the army, vnder pretence of a cloked treatie for an vnprofitable agreement.

These or such like wordes were vneth ended,The battaile is begonne. when sodainly the noyse being raysed on bothe sides, the battailes rushed togither right fiercely. The Brytaines had the disaduauntage of the place, being so encumbred in myres, bogges, and Mosses, that they coulde not well ayde them­selues, nor handle their weapons to any pur­pose. Yet did the battaile continue a long time to the destruction of such numbers of men,A cruell bat­taile. that the riuer of Humber (neare vnto the whiche this field was fought) was so mingled with bloud, that the water thereof being all ouer coloured red, caried no small multitude of dead bodies downe

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into the sea.A craftie policie. This was one of the Pickes. In the middes of the fight, there was one with lowde voyce in the Brytish tongue, cryed out to the Brytaynes (of purpose prompted therevnto) that Arthure with other of the nobles on his side were slaine, and therefore it were but 40 folly to trust any longer vpon victorie, but rather were it wisdome for euerie man by flight, to pro­uide for his owne saftie.

This voyce wonderfully encoraged the Scot­tish men and Pictes, but the Brytaines were put in such feare therwith,The Brytaines put to flight. that the most part of them immediately herevpon fell to running away.

Other of them iudging this to be but a craftie and some subtile practise of the enimies deuised of purpose, as it was in deede, to discomfort them 50 with, abode by it still, manfully continuing in fight, till they were beaten downe and slaine in maner euery mothers sonne.

This victorie beeing thus hardly got, cost more mens liues than any other had done of ma­ny yeares before:Twentie thou­sand of Scots and Pictes slaine. for of the Scottes and Pictes being vanquishers, there dyed in that mortal bat­tail aboue .xx. thousand men togither with Mor­dred,Mordred is slaine. and a great number of the nobilitie of both the Nations.

Of the Brytains and such other as were with them in ayde, there were slaine what in battaile and in the chase, at the poynt of .xxx. thousand,Arthure with xxx. thousand Brytains slain. Gawan is slain a­mong whom was Arthure himself, with Gawan or Galuan, (as some bookes haue) brother vnto Mordred, who bare such good wil and entier loue vnto his Lord and maister the sayd Arthur, that he fought that day most earnestly on his side a­gainst his own natural brother ye sayd Mordred.

Also there were killed Cayme and Gawolane with the most part of al the residue of the British nobilitie, and many prisoners taken,Cayme and Gawolan are slaine. by reason that Humber kept them in from fleing any way forth on the one side, whiche prisoners also were afterwards slaine, the gentlemen onely excepted.

The day next after the battaile, the campe of the Brytains was rifled, and amongst other rich spoyles,Queene Guay­nore taken. there was foūd Queene Guaynore Ar­thures wife, with a great number of other Ladies and gentlewomen.The spoyle of the Brytaines camp deuided The whole spoile of the camp and field being equally deuided by lottes betwixt [Page 135] them, the Scottes had for their partes certaine fayre Charets, laden with rich stuffe and iewels, also horses and armors, beside sundry noble men, which they had to theyr prisoners.

Vnto the Picts fell for their portion Queene Guaynore, with the Ladies and gentlewomen, and diuerse other of the Noble men, besides a greate quantitie of other riche pray and booties. These prisoners which the Pictes had, were con­ueyed vnto a Castel in Angus,Dunbarre in Angus, not that in Lou­thian. called Dunbarre, 10 a place of great strength in th [...]se dayes, thoughe at this present there remayneth nothing but the name with the ruynes thereof. In whiche Ca­stell they were deteyned vnder sure warde, du­ring the residue of theyr naturall lyues. In wit­nesse whereof there be remayning vnto this day, the graues and monuments where manye of those captyue Brytaynes were buryed in the fieldes of a towne in that Countrey called Me­g [...], not past ten myles from Dundee. But a­mongest 20 the residue, that of Guaynore is moste famous.

The fable of Queen Guay­nores graue buried in Angus.There goeth a plaine tale ouer all that coun­trey, tolde for an assured truth, that if any womā chaunce to treade vpon that graue, they shall re­maine barren withoute bringing forth any issue more than the sayd Guaynore did. But whether this be true or not, certaine it is, as Boetius wri­teth, that there dare no women come neare, that graue: not only eschuing it themselues, but also 30 commaunding their daughters to beware therof.

This bloudie battaile weakened so much the forces both of the Scots, Pictes and Brytaynes, that many a day after they were not able to reco­uer againe their former estates or dignities.

The yeare also that these three nations encoū ­tred thus cruelly togither, was after the byrth of our Sauiour 542.542. 8. H.B. the .xxvj. of Arthurs raigne o­uer the Brytaynes, and the .xj. of Eugenius his gouernment ouer the Scottish men. 40

Straunge and ynketh won­ders.The same yeare before the battaile, were sene many straunge sightes in Albion. Grasse and hearbes in Yorkeshyre appeared to bee steyned with bloud. Neare vnto Camelon, a Cowe brought forth a Calfe with two heades. Also an Ewe brought forth a lambe, that was both male and female. The sunne appeared aboute noone dayes al wholy of a bloudie colour. The element appeared full of bright Starres to euery mans sight continually for the space of two dayes to­gither. 50 In Wales there was a battaile betwixt Crowes & Pies on the one side, and Rauens on the other, with such a slaughter of them, as before that time had not bene heard of.

Eugenius re­wardeth his souldiers.But to proceed, Eugenius king of the Scots at his returne from the battail, gaue to those that had escaped with life, and abid by him in the chief daunger of the fight, many bounteous and large rewardes. The sonnes and nearest kinsfolke of such as were slaine, he also aduaunced vnto sun­drie preferments of landes and liuings, that they enioying the same, might bee a witnesse in tyme to come of the good seruice of their auncesters shewed, in defence of their king and countrey, and also of his princely liberalitie, in rewarding the same vpon their issue and progenie. By whiche noble beneuolence, hee wanne him suche loue amongest his people,Eugenius go­uerneth his people with clemencie. that afterwardes it see­med howe hee gouerned the estate of his king­dome more by clemencie, than by any rigour of lawes.

The Brytaynes immediately vpon know­ledge had that Arthur was slaine, crowned Con­stantine his successor in the Brytishe kingdome,Constantine crowned king of Brytayne. and for that there should remaine none amongst them aliue to make any claime to the same king­dome, other than he with his issue, or such as he shoulde appoynt to succeede him, they cruelly murthered Mordreds children,The cruelty of the Brytains in murthering the innocent children of Mordred. in moste pitifull wise running vnto their mothers lap, desce [...]ding hir to saue their lyues, according to hir mother­ly dutie. They were brought vp in Gawolane their grandfathers house, and being thus made a­way,The linage of Mordred clearly extinct. the family & lynage of their father the fore­sayd Mordred was vtterly therby extinguished.

The Saxons at the same tyme hauing ad­uertisement what losse the Brytaynes had su­stayned not onely by the death of their most va­liant king and chieftaine Arthur, but also for the slaughter of such a multitude of their nation, as died in the battail,The Saxons returne into England, and driue the Bry­taynes into Wales. they prepare a mightie name of shippes, and passe ouer with the same into Eng­land, where being landed, they easily beat downe the Brytaynes, and driue them with theyr king Constantine into Wales, so recouering all that part of the land which Hengist sometymes held, & after his name was afterwards called Englād.

Some haue written, how that after king Con­stantine had raigned certaine yeares in Wales, his wife and children died,Constantine forsaketh his earthly king­dome in hope of the heauēly kingdome. wherevpon we [...]ing weary of this world, he forsooke his earthly king­dome, in hope of that other aboue, and secretly de­parted into Ireland, where applying himself for a time in ministring to the poore, at length beeing knowne, by the perswasion of a Monk he became one of his cote and profession.Constantine entreth into religion. Afterwardes be­ing sent by the Bishop of the Dioces ouer into Scotland to instruct the people of that countrey in the true faith and articles of the christian reli­gion,Constantine sent forth of Irelande into Scotlande is there mur­thered. he there suffred martirdome by the hands of most wicked & godlesse persons, and was at lēgth (but many yeares after his death) canonized a Saint, and sundrie churches (as are to be seene e­uen vnto this day) built & dedicated vnto him in Scotland by authoritie of the Bishops there.

The same time that the sayd Cōstantine was [Page 136] dryuen into Wales,Irmenrike, or Iurmirike king of the Englishe men. there raygned amongest the Englishe men one Iurmyrike the fifth (as Bede hath) from Hengist. The same Iurmy­ryke thoughe hee were not Christened hym­selfe,Iurmirike concludeth a peace with the Scottish men and Pictes. yet hee permytted the Christian fayth to bee preached amongest hys people, and conclu­ding a league with the Scottish men and Picts, kept the same inuiolate, during his life time most sincerely.

The Scottish king Eugenius also lyued in 10 peace the residue of hys lyfe, wythout any trou­ble, eyther by forrayne enimies, or intestine se­dition,Eugenius the Scottish King dyeth. and at length dyed in the 38. yeare of hys raigne, and after the byrth of our Sa­uiour .569.568. H.B.

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AFter his funeral ob­sequies finished in Colmekill,Conual. where he ly­eth buried amongest his auncesters,Conual elec­ted king of Scotlande. his brother Conuall was chosen to succeed him in admini­nistration of the king­dome, a Prince of suche inclinatiō to vertue and godlinesse, as all men may iustly wonder thereat. He bare such zealous deuotion towardes the worshipping of the crosse (a thing to put men in remembrance of Christes passion as he tooke it) that which may soeuer hee

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rode as it is reported he had ye same borne before him,Conuals de­uotion to the Crosse▪ and at his getting vp and lighting downe from his horse, he with all the multitude of peo­ple standing about him, woulde worshippe it in kneeling downe, and reuerently kisse it.

This Crosse was of siluer with a Crucifix 40 thereon, and letters grauen in a plate fastened to the staffe, conteyning these two wordes: Chri­stianorum gloria.

Crosses set vp­pon the tops of steeples.He commaunded also that the signe of the Crosse should be set vpon the toppes of Steeples, and on the highest towers of the gates of Castels and townes. Moreouer he forbad the Crosse to bee grauen or paynted vpon any pauement, least any man should irreuerently treade vpon it. Fur­thermore he had priestes and other religious men 50 in such honor,Conuals deuo­tion towardes Kirkmen. as nothing could be more, appoin­ting them to haue the tenthes of all those fruites which the earth yeelded.

Sundrie ordinances hee made also, for the grieuous punishment of all such as in any wyse misused a Priest, or other religious person: as he that gaue any of them a blowe, should loose hys hande for it: and he that slue one of them, shoulde forfeyte his gooddes, and be brent qui [...]ke. Againe, he bestowed many riche iewels,Conuals libe­ralitie toward [...] Churches. and gaue diuerse great giftes vnto Churches, prouiding the mi­nisters of sufficient liuings, and appoynted that they shoulde haue theyr houses neare vnto theyr Churches, to bee readie to execute that which ap­perteyned to theyr offices, when anye neede re­quyred.

The king beeing thus vertuously disposed, caused the whole number of his subiectes by his ensample to be the better affectioned towards the aduauncement of religion. The report and fame wherof, moued that holy man Saint Colme, or Colombe,Saint Colme commeth o­uer forth of Ireland into Scotlande. to come ouer forth of Irelande (where hee had the gouernaunce of sundrie houses of Monks) with twelue other vertuous persons in­to Albion, and there gathering togither a great number of Monkes, being here and there disper­sed abrode in the Countrey, [...]ee placed them or­derly in such houses, as king Conuall had buyl­ded and founded for that purpose, appoynting a­mongst them rulers and ministers, suche as hee thought most conuenient.

But Saint Colme himselfe, and the other [Page 137] twelue, whiche he brought ouer with him from Ireland, placing themselues to inhabite in the Isle of Iona, now called Colmekill, tooke great paynes to instruct the Scottes and Pictes in the true articles of the faith.

Amongst the Pictes the same time the heresie of Pelagius had infected the mindes of many,The heresie of Pelagius, in [...]ightland. by meane that diuers of that nation hauing dwel­led long time in Brytaine, returning into theyr countrey; brought that pestilent doctrine home 10 with them, and taught it vnto other. Saint Colme therefore informed hereof, passed into Louthian vnto Brudeus as then king of the Pictes, earnestly traueling to instruct bothe him and his people in the right beliefe, and to extyrpe out of theyr heartes al erronious opinions of that damnable sect of the Pelagians lore.

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Kentigerne bishoppe of Glaskew, o­therwise called Mungo, bi­shop of Vasco.The same time that blessed man Kentigern, otherwise called Mungo, gouerned the Church of Glaskew, as bishop of the same, who resor­ting into the companie of this S. Colme, had much conference with him to bothe theyr com­fortes, concerning the true articles of our faith.

This Kentigerne was discended of the bloud 40 royall of the Pictishe kings,Thanew or Thametes ra­uished by Eu­genius king of Scotlande, of which rauish­ment she bare the foresayde Kentigerne. as sonne vnto that vertuous woman Thametes or Thanew, daughter vnto Loth king of the Pictes, whome a yong lustie Gentleman (or as some haue writ­ten) the last mencioned Eugenius the Scottish king rauished by force, and begot of hir the sayde Kentigerne.

Hee was greatly in fauour of the foresayde Brudeus the Pictish king, as one that was nere of his bloud. For the same Brudeus was Ne­phew 50 vnto the foresayde Loth, by his brother cleped Melethon, and therefore succeeded in the kingdome of the Pictes, after that Mordred was slaine as before is expressed.

The castell of Calidon nowe Dounkeld.Kentigerne went with Saint Colme vnto the castle of Caledone, otherwise called Doun­keld, where they remained sixe moneths in a mo­nasterie there, buylded by king Conuall, tea­ching and preaching vnto the people of Athole, Calidone, and Angus, that in great numbers came vnto them, to heare their godly instructiōs.

There is in the same place, where the sayde castle sometimes stoode, a Churche dedicated vn­to Saint Colme, builte of fayre square stone, be­ing at this day a Bishops see,The bishops see of Doun­keld. commonly called Dounkeld, endued with many fayre reuenewes and great possessions, for the mayntenaunce of the Bishop and his Canons.

At the sixte monethes ende, those twoo ver­tuous persons taking their leaue eche of other, not without sheeding of teares, departed in sun­der, Kentigerne returning vnto Glaskew, & S. Colme into Irelande,Saint Colme returneth into Ireland. where reporting many things, touching the great vertue and holinesse of king Conuall, and with what deuotion he had bene receyued both of him and his people, he mo­ued many to wounder greatly thereat, to heare that a king in the middest of all his allurements to pleasure, shoulde yet be so mindfull of diuine meditations and godly exercises.

The yeare following S. Colme prepared to returne into Scotland,Saint Colme commeth a­gaine into Scotlād, brin­ging with him Aydan sonne to king Con­ranne. taking Aydan ouer with him thither, by commaundement of king Con­uall, whiche Aydan as ye haue heard to auoyde the traynes of Eugenius, fledde ouer into Ire­land with his mother, for doubte to bee made a­way by the same Eugenius.

S. Colme taking the sea with this Aydan, and comming a lande on the coastes of Scot­lande, was no sooner there arriued,The death of Conuall. but that pre­sently hee had knowledge howe the king was dead, being the yeare of his reygne the .x. & after the birth of our Sauiour .579.578. H.B.

Saint Colme then being throughly certified of his death,Saint Colme present at the buriall of king Conuall. and that the corps was foreward on the way towardes Colmekill there to be buried, he thought it a peece of his duetie to go thither to be at the funerals, and so doing was as one of the chiefest there in the executing of the obse­quies. Whiche being ended,Kynnatyll e­lected king of Scotland. and hearing that Kynnatyll the brother of Conuall was inthro­nized king in Argyle, by the free election of all the estates, he neuerthelesse kepte on his former purposed iourney, and came vnto Kynnatyll, bringyng Aydan with him, (appointed by Con­uall to haue receyued the gouernement of the kingdome if he had liued) they were bothe recey­ued with all beneuolence of the sayde Kynnatyll contrary to most mens expectation:Saint Colme and Aydan re­ceiued by Kin­natyll. in so much that embracing Aydan, he badde him be of good cheere, for it should shortly come to passe, that he should attayne to the possession of his graundfa­thers dominion,The prophecie of Kynnatyll. and haue issue that should suc­ceede him to the greate reliefe of the Scottishe commonwealth.

By what spryte of prophecie he vttered these [Page 138] woordes, it is vncertaine, but sure it is that his purpose was to haue giuen ouer the gouernment of the kingdome (as he confessed himselfe lying vpon his death bedde) and to haue restored it vn­to Aydan who had a right therevnto. Howbeit being preuented by death, he could not haue time to accomplishe his desire, for within .xx. dayes after his coronation, being surprised with a grie­uous disease of a catarrike rewme and the squi­nancie, he was cōstreined to keepe his chāber, cō ­mitting 10 the publike administration of the realme vnto Aydan.The death of Kynnatyll. Kynnatyll ly­ing vpon his death bed, sur­rendreth his kingdome in­to Aydans handes. Herevpon followed a feuer through encreasing of a flegmatike humor bred by long reste, that after .xiiij. monethes space vnbodied his ghost, whiche by the instruction of Saint Colme, being present with him at the houre of his death, he rendred in most deuoute wise into the handes of his redeemer. Appointing his kingdome as it were by deliuerie of sey [...]n, euen there vpon his death bedde vnto the foresayde Aydan.

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AFter that the bodie of this Kynnatyll was enterred,Aydan. according to the maner, in Colme­kyll,Aydan recey­ueth his [...] ­sture of the kingdome at the handes of S. Colme. Aydan receyued the crowne sitting vpon the marble stone, after the custome in those dayes vsed, by the handes of that holy father Saint Colme. Who willing that silence mighte be kept, layde his right hande vpon the kings head,S. Colmes ex­hortation to the king and the people. and in his lefte hand hol­ding his crosier staffe, made a briefe exhortation, aswell to the king as to his people, admonishing

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them of theyr dueties eche towardes other, but especially he exhorted them vnto peace and con­corde, and before al things to remember to walke 40 in the wayes of the Lorde, for in so doyng they might hope for wealth and prosperitie, in the state of theyr common wealth, with all other good graces, where as otherwise, if eyther of the people forgot theyr dueties towardes God, or that the king regarded not duely to execute his office, in giuing God thankes for his bounteous liberalitie and high benefites bestowed vpō him, it shoulde come to passe, that intestine sedition, conspiracies, and other mischiefes shoulde rise 50 amongst them, to the irrecouerable losse of the realme, by bringyng the same into daunger to be ouerrunne by some forrayne power, if they did not repent in time, and call to God for his fauour that it might please him to reduce them agayne into the right pathe of his lawes and or­dinaunces, when so euer they should so fall from the same.

When Saint Colme had made an ende of these or the like his wholesome aduertisements,The promise of the people. all the people reioysing thereat, promised with one voyce, and therewith vowed to followe the same, and to be euer ready to obey the cōmaun­dement of theyr prince, and the holy instructions of theyr bishops & other the Ecclesiastical mini­sters. The assemble being once dissolued,The kings iourney into Galloway. the king departed into Galloway, and there deliuered the countrey of certaine Brittishe robbers, that had inuaded it.

After this, studying to maintaine good orders and quiet rule through his dominions,Aydan appoin­teth sessions to be kepte yerely in three partes of his realme. he ap­pointed an assemble of the chiefest peares of his realme to be holden yearely in three seuerall par­ties therof, as in Galloway, Louchquhaber, and Cathnesse, there to [...]eare & determine all suytes & quarels of his subiects, & to giue order for the ad­ministratiō of the lawes & al publike affayres, as they should see cause, & occasion. He required also S. Colme to be present euer with thē, ye maters [Page 139] touching religion might be the better prouided for, and that the people might take all things done in those publike sessions in right good parte, bycause such an holy and v [...]rtuous father of the Churche was amongst them,Saint Colme present at af­ [...] and Ses­ [...]ions. and hauing the chiefest authoritie.

Thus continued the realme in quiet state for certaine yeares togither, till it chaunced that di­uers of the nobles being togither on hunting, fell at variance,A fray amōgst the nobles be­ing a hunting. and therevpon making a fray, sun­dry 10 of them were slayne. The beginners & suche as were moste culpable were [...]ought for, by the kings officers, to haue bene had towarde, but they in disobeying the arrest, stroke and beate the officers very sore, and immediatly therewith fled vnto Brudeus king of the Pictes, so by wilfull exile to safegard theyr liues.

King Aydan, according to the maner in such cases accustomed,Kyng Aydan requireth to haue certaine Scottish out­lawes deliue­red at the han­des of Brudeus king of Pictes▪ Brudeus by denying to de­liuer the Scot­tish outlawes, procureth warres to him selfe and his countrey. requyred to haue those out­lawes deliuered vnto him, that he might do iu­stice vpon thē accordingly as they had deserued.

Brudeus taking pitie of the yong gentlemen, alledged many things in their excuse, still defer­ring to deliuer them, till at length hee procured warre to himselfe and his countrey: For Aydan the Scottishe king offended in that he might not haue those rebelles and publike offendors restored vnto him, he caused a number of his people, first to fetche a great bootie of cattell and prysoners out of Angus.

Wherewith the Pictes being kindled,The breach of peace betwixt the Scots and Pictes. A field fought betwixt Scots and Pictes. made a like rode into Galloway. Finally the matter grewe vnto a fielde, whiche was foughten in Menteith, not farre from Caledon castell other­wise called Dounkeld, with great slaughter on both sides, though in the ende the victorie yet re­mayned

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with the Scottes, but losing Arthurnus 30 the sonne of Aydan their king, they reioyced not greatly at the gaine.

Saint Colme reproueth king Aydan.That holy mā S. Colme troubled with such newes, came vnto Aydan, and declaring vnto him howe grieuously he had offended almightie God in procuring suche mischiefe as had ensued of this warre, & reciting in particuler the brāches thereof, he moued the king vnto such repentance for his trespasse, that he wholly submitted him­selfe vnto Saint Colmes chastisement, who be­ing 40 about the departe in semblance sore offended, the king got him by the sleeue,The repentāce of king Aydan and would in no­wise suffer him to go from him, till he had decla­red vnto him some comfortable meane howe to redresse the matter, for the quieting of his con­science. At length Saint Colme lamenting the kings case,Saint Colme goeth vnto the king of the Pictes. suffred himselfe to be entreated, and therevpon repayred vnto Brudeus the Pictishe king, mouing him by way of diuers godly ad­uertisements to incline his affection vnto peace.An agreemēt betwixte the Scottishe and Pictish kings, by the sute of S. Colme. 50 At length he did so much by trauayling sundry times too and fro betwixt the twoo kings, that he brought thē vnto agreement for al maters depē ­ding in controuersie betwixt thē & their subiects.

S Colme re­turned vnto the westerne Isles.Thus S. Colme hauing accomplished that which he came for, returned againe into the we­sterne Isles vnto his wonted home, where he did by wholesome documents and vertuous ensam­ples, instruct the seruaunts of God in the way of his lawes and commaundements.

In this meane time the Saxons hauing dri­uen and put backe the Brytons into Wales,England deui­ded into seuen seuerall king­domes. and occupying all the residue of their landes and countreys, they deuided the same into seuen partes, ordeyning seuen seuerall kings, and go­uerne the same as kingdomes.

Ouer that of Northumberland adioyning next vnto the Pictes, one Edelfrede reygned,Edelfred king of Northum­berland. a man of exceeding desire to enlarge his dominion. He went about by all meanes he could deuise to perswade Brudeus the Pictishe king to renew the warres with the Scottes, promising him all the ayde he could make against them, not onely for that he knewe the Scottes to haue bene euer enimies vnto the Saxons, but also for that hee himself was discended of the nation called Aga­thirses, of the whiche the Pictes as was thought were also come. But the cause why he wished that there might be warres raysed betwixte the Scottes and Pictes, was not for any good will he bare to the Pictes, but onely to the ende that theyr power being weakened through the same,Edeldreds pur­pose. he might haue a more easie pray of theyr coun­trey, the whiche he purposed vpon occasion to in­uade and ioyne vnto his owne kingdome of Northumberlande.

Brudeus at the firste gaue no eare vnto his [Page 140] earnest mocions and large offers, but at length through the councell and procurement of some of his nobles, corrupted by brybes receyued at Ethelfredes handes, and still putting into the kings head sundry forged informations of the Scottish mens daily attempts against the Pi­ctishe nation, hee determined to ioyne with the Saxons against them, and caused therevppon warre to be proclaymed against the Scottes, as those that had spoyled and robbed his subiects, 10 contrarie to the league & all bandes of old frend­ship and former amitie betwixt them.

A league con­cluded be­twixt the Scots & Bry­tons, with the articles of the same.The Scottishe king Aydan perceyuing the practise of the Saxons, and togither therewith the vntruth of the Pictes, the better to be able to resist theyr malice, ioyneth in league with the Brytons: This article beyng chiefest in the whole couenant: that if the enimies first inua­ded the Brytons, then an armie of Scots should be sent with all speede into Brytaine, to helpe to 20 defend the countrey against such inuasions: but if the Scottes were first inuaded, then should the Brytons in semblable maner come ouer to their ayde.

The Saxons hauing knowledge of this ap­poyntment betwixte Scottes and Brytons, to draw the Scottes foorth of theyr countrey, and so to haue them at more aduauntage, procured the Pictes to ioyne with them:The Picts and Saxons enter into the lands of the Brytōs. and so bothe their powers being vnited togither, entred into the 30 Brittish confines.

Aydan according to the couenaunt, came straight vnto the ayde of the Brytons. Ethel­fred and Brudeus refused to fight for certaine dayes, as it were of purpose, thereby to weary the Scottes with watch and trauayle, being as then farre from home. Also they looked dayly to haue Ceuline king of the west Saxons to come vnto theyr ayde:Ceuline or Ceolyn. but the Scottes and Brytons ha­uing knowledge thereof, first thought it beste to 40 encounter with him, before he should ioyne with the other,The Scots and Brytons put the Saxons to flight, & slewe Cutha the son of Ceuline king of the west Saxons. and thus vnderstanding that their on­ly refuge remayned in theyr armure and wea­pons, gaue ye onse [...] so fiercely vpō those Saxons, that at the firste, slaying Cutha Ceulines sonne, with a great number of other, they easily distres­sed and put the residue to flight.

Aydan would not suffer his men to pursue to farre in the chase,The triūphant ioy made by the Scots and Brytons, vpon their newe vi­ctorie. but called them backe by the sounde of a trumpet, who being assembled here­with 50 about theyr standerds, made suche ioye and triumphe, as greater coulde not bee deuised, what with dauncing, singing, and playing on pipes and other instrumentes, according to the manner in those dayes.

But as they were thus in the middes of their chiefest myrth, sodenly appeared the Saxons & Pictes,The Saxons and Pictes. whiche were with Ethelfred & Brudeus, approching towardes them in good order of [...] tell, with whom were also the residue of the west Saxons, that had escaped frō the late bickering.The soden feare of the Scots & Picts, after all their great ioy and triumphing. Wherevpon the Scottes and Brytons amazed with the sight hereof, were sodenly striken out of countenaunce, in somuche that Aydan went a­mongst them, and with a bolde countenaunce exhorted them to remember, how valiantly they had alreadie put to flight the other of theyr eni­mies, so that there was great hope for assured vi­ctorie of these likewise,Aydan exhor­ted his men to manfulnesse. if they would now shewe the like māly courage against them, as they had shewed before in assayling the other. Many o­ther wordes hee vsed in admonishing them to fight manfully, till the onset giuen by the eni­mies, caused him to make an end.

The Saxons layde about them so stoutly in the beginning, that they forced their aduersaries,The Saxons fight stoutly. with whom they were matched, to giue backe. Neyther did Ethelfred fayle in that occasion to encourage them to follow the aduauntage nowe thus gotten.Ethelfred.

Brudeus with his Picts likewise made great slaughter in that wing of the Scottes,Brudeus king of the Pictes maketh slaughter of the Scots. with the whiche hee encountred, so that finally the same Scottes perceyuing the Brytons beaten downe and sore distressed on their side, fell through dis­comfort thereof to renning away.The Scottes runne away.

There were slaine in this battel on the Scot­tishmens side Brennius lieutenant, or as they termed him the Thane of the Isle of Man, with Dungarre the kings thirde sonne, and no small number of other Gentlemen beside. The king himselfe escaped by helpe of his sonne, who stay­ing to get his father out of the prease, was slaine (as is sayde) amongst the residue.

On the Saxons side, there was slaine Theo­bald Edelfredes brother, and Cutha the king of West Saxon his sonne, as before ye haue heard, with a great number of other.Ethelfred loste one of his eyes. Brudeus hurt in the thigh. Ethelfred himself lost one of his eyes. Brudeus the Pictishe king was hurt in the thigh, and besides this, he loste a great multitude of his people.

Thus Edelfred hauing got suche a notable victorie at Deglastone in Brytaine,Deglaston the place where this battell was fought. hee coulde not be so contented, but eftsoones assembling his people, and ioyning againe with Brudeus and his Pictes,Galloway in­uaded by E­delfred. the next sommer after inuaded Gal­loway, and beganne to robbe and spoyle that countrey, to the end he might eyther enforce the inhabitauntes, with other the countreys nexte therevnto adioyning, to yeelde vnto him, eyther els to bring them into extreeme pouertie in wa­sting all afore him.

But Aydan being aduertised hereof, sente to the Brytons for theyr couenaunted ayde, and comming forewarde with his owne people, whiche hee had assembled togither, ouerthrew [Page 141] certayne companyes of his enemyes,Certaine com­panies of Saxons ouer­throwen. as he found them dispersed abroade in seeking for prayes, then passing by their mayne armie, he commeth into Annandale, where he ioineth with the Bry­tons, beyng come so farre forward on their way to meete him.

The Saxons and Pictes hauing knowledge of their enemies doings, wanne suche a place of aduantage as they thoughte it an easye matter for them in keeping the same, to distresse both the 10 Scottes and Brytaynes through stopping vp the passages, by the whiche they must of force passe, if they mynded to come foorth of that dale. These passages lay through certayne quicke­sands,Passages tho­row Sulleway sandes. and by a ryuer which had but few foordes passable.

The Scots and Brytaynes perceyuing how they were thus enclosed, with all speede trenched their camp about, reysing certayne bulwarkes and turrets in places where they thought expe­dient, 20 as though they had meante still there to haue continued.

The diligence of king Aydan in prouiding to resist his e­nimies.Aydan him selfe tooke suche paynes in seeyng euery thing done in due order, that his people moued more through his ensample than by any exhortation, were most diligent in their dueties, desirous of nothing so much as to haue occasion ministred, to shewe some proofe of their woorthy valiauncies.

At length, when the enemies were most at 30 quiet, and as was supposed, nothing in doubt of any attempt to be made by the Scots and Bry­tons,The Scots and Brytons dis­lodge. in the night season, leauing a great num­ber of fyres in their campe, they sodenly dislod­ged, and passing the water by secret fourdes, they entred into Cumberland, and so after passing in­to Northumberland,The Scots and Brytons enter into Northū ­berland. they wasted and destroyed with fyre and sword all that came within theyr reach: The report of which their doings brought Edelfred and Brudeus backe into that countrey 40 to resist theyr inuasion, neither resting day nor night, till they had got sight of their enimies.

The next day, the souldiers on bothe sides re­quiring battell,The fight betwixt Scots and Brytons on the one side, and Saxōs & Picts on the other. togither they go with great noise and dinne bothe of men and instrumentes. To much hardinesse in the Saxons caused no small number of them to be slayne, rather choosing to die with reputation of manhoode, than to giue backe neuer so little ground to the enimie. Thus the battell continued for a space, right doubtfull 50 whiche way the victory would incline.

On the Brytons and Scottish mens side, there were foure chiefe rulers amongst them, be­side Aydan himselfe, as Constantius and Alen­crinus Bretons, Callan and Mordock Scottish men. Eche of these taking a seuerall charge vpon him, did earnestly apply their vttermost ende­uers therein, encouraging their bandes to put a­way all cowardly feare, and manfully to sticke to their tackle, sithe by victory there was hope of eternall fame, beside suertie of life, and aduaunce­ment to the common wealth of their countrey, where otherwise they might looke for nothing, but the contrary mishaps, as shame, rebuke and importable seruitude, so that the Scottish men and Brytons incouraged herewith, preassed vpō the enimies so fiercely,The Saxons & Pictes discōfi­ted & chased. that at length aswell the Saxons as Picts were compelled to breake their array, & fall to plaine running away: the Scots following so egrely in the chase, that more of their enimies were thought to die in the flight, than before there had done in ye battel. S. Colme as yet being aliue, and within his monasterie in the Ile of Iona, had knowledge by diuine inspi­ration (as the Scottish chronicles make men­tion of all these matters how they went, and at the very time that the battels were in fight togi­ther, he had assembled a companie of right ver­tuous and godly disposed persons, making inter­cession for the prosperous speede of their king the foresayde Aydan, and at the very instant, as it was knowen after,S. Colme en­dewed with the sprite of secrete know­ledge▪ that the Saxons began to flee (as they which had the ouerthrow) that holy old father shewed greate token of ioy and glad­nesse, declaring vnto his bretherne by the spryte of secrete knowledge or prophecie, how Aydan had the better, and that his enimies were discō ­fited, willing them therevpon to giue vnto God thankes for the same.

There was an huge multitude slaine in this conflict,Ceuline king of Westsaxons slaine. but namely the death of Ceulyne king of the Westsaxons, with other twoo woorthie Captaynes of that nation, Quhitelline or Whiteline. made the slaughter more sorowfull on that side, the one of them hight Cialyne, and the other Quhitellyne.

The day next after the batayle, the spoyle of the field being gathered togither, all that whiche was knowen to haue bene taken out of Gallo­way and other countreys of the Scottes, was restored by the kings authoritie vnto the owners againe.The deuision of the spoyle. The residue which remayned was deui­ded amongst the souldiers, the tenth parte onely excepted, whiche was distributed vnto Priestes and Curates, to bestowe the same vpon orna­ments for theyr Churches. The Banners and Standerds of the Saxons and Picts, with ma­ny other riche offerings, king Aydan sente vnto the Abbey of Colmekill, there to remaine as per­petuall monuments and tokens of so notable a victorie.

The yeare next following, that holy father S. Colme nowe almoste wasted through age,S. Colme de­parted out of this life. and hereto also sore troubled with a reumaticke humor, fell sicke and died. Some say hee ended his life in his house amongst his bretherne with­in the Isle of Iona, otherwise called Colmekill, [Page 142] but Saint Bede writeth howe hee died in an Iland called Heu, where againe the Irishe wry­ters affirme, that he departed in a towne in Ire­land called Dune, and that his tombe is there in great veneration of the people: vpō the which are these Latine verses engrauen.

Hitres in Duno, tumulo tumulantur in vno,
Brigida, Patricius atque Columba pius.

Which verses Balantine translateth thus:

Saint Colme, Saint Patricke and Brigitta pure, 10
Thir three in Dune lies in ane sepulture.

Neither did Aydan the Scottishe king liue long time after,Aydan king of the Scottishe mē, departeth this worlde. for hearing (as is sayde) that Saint Colme was dead, shortly therevpō more through griefe, than by force of sickenesse, he de­parted this worlde, after he had reygned .xxxvij. yeares in gouernaunce ouer the Scottish men, he died about the yeare of our Lorde .606.606.

In the dayes of this Aydan there was sente into Albion from Gregory the Pope of Rome,Augustinus & Mellitus sonne into Albion. diuers learned men (amongst whom were Au­gustinus and Mellitus) to instruct the English people in the faith of Christ, whiche as yet they had not receyued. By the earnest trauell and ex­hortation of these instructors,Ethelbert is baptised. Etherbert king of the Kentishe Saxons was baptised with all his people. The Brittishe priests nor their doctrine the Saxons could in nowise abide,The Saxons hatred toward the Brittishe Priestes. bicause (as is supposed) the one nation through a naturall ha­tred, still sought the destruction of the other.

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Sussex and Essex receyue the Christian faith.The South and east Saxons moued with the ensample of the Kentish Saxons, shortly af­ter also renounced theyr olde superstitious idola­trie, and likewise receyued the Christian faith.

Edelfred his displeasure.Edelfred king of Northumberlande moued vnto displeasure herewith, sente woord vnto these 40 Saxons of the south partes (as then all of them generally knowen by the name of Englishmen) that sithe they had forsaken the olde institutions and auncient religion of theyr forefathers, hee woulde surely from thence foorth be no lesse eni­mie vnto them than vnto the Scottes and Bry­tons.

Valdred other wise called Baldred, the doctor of the Pictes.There liued in these dayes that holy man Valdred a Scottishe man borne, but dwelling amongst the Pictes, whom he instructed in the 50 right faith, and therefore was named the doctor of the Pictes. He departed out of this life within the Iland called the Basse, lying about .ij. miles off from the maine land within the sea where the Forth hath the entry betwixt the same Isle, and an other called the May. There were three pa­rishes fell at contention for the buriall of his bo­die, as Aldham, Tynningam, & Preston, so farre forth, that they were at point to haue fought a­bout it, but that by councell of some discrete per­sons amongst them, it was ordeyned that they should continue in prayer for that night, & in the next morning stande to the order of the Bishop of the diocese, who was come thyther the same time to be present at the buriall. The next day in the morning there was found .iij. beeres with .iij.A myracle, if it be true. bodies decētly couered with clothes, so like in all resemblance that no man might perceyue any difference. Then by cōmaundemēt of the bishop and with great ioy of all the people, the sayde se­uerall bodies were caried seuerally vnto the sayd three seuerall Churches, and in the same buried in moste solemne wise, where they remayne vn­to this day, in muche honour with the cōmon people of the countreys neare adioyning.

AFter that the corps of king Aydan was bu­ried in Colmekill,Kene­thus Keyr. Kenethus Keyr crowned king of Scottes. the nobles of the realme assembled togither in Argyle, aboute the election of a newe king. Where by the generall voyces of thē al, Kenethus Keyr the sonne of Conualle (sometime king of the Scottish men as before is mencioned) was nowe proclaymed king and [Page 143] crowned according to the maner: but hee liued not passing .iiij. moneths after, but died of a ca­tharrike rewme falling downe into the artery called Trachea, Kenethus Keir dieth of the cough of the lungs. He deli­uered as it were the possession of his kingdome, by way of surrendring the same into the handes of Eugenius sonne to king Aydan,Eugenius the fourth of that name. by consent of all the nobles, a litle before he died, for that it was knowen he had a right therevnto after the de­cease of Kenethus. 10

Euge­nius.

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THis Eugenius was the fourth of that name, whiche had ruled ouer the Scot­tish men. As it is sayde S. Colme prophecied that hee should be king long before his fathers death:S Colmes prophecie of Eu­genius the fourth. for when all the sonnes of king Aydan 20 were brought before him, and that Aydan demaunded of him whiche of them shoulde reygne after him, hee ouerpas­sing the residue (whiche he vnderstoode by secrete knowledge should die in the warres) appoynted foorth this Eugenius, called by some also Bru­dus, declaring that it should be onely he.

A louer of peace & qui­etnesse.This Eugenius then beyng placed in the kingly seat, forgot not such wholsome lessons & vertuous precepts, as the foresayd Saint Colme 30 had taught him in his youth, so that studying how to defende rather that which was his owne in peace and quietnesse, than to seeke any wayes or meanes howe to enlarge it, by wrongfull en­croching vpon other mens possessions, he grewe into such fauour with all good menne, as greater could not be deuised.A sharpe iu­sticier. Vnto offendors he was a sharpe Iusticier, not sparing any transgressour of his lawes, neyther in respect of nobilitie or o­therwise, but rather those gentlemen which mis­vsed 40 thēselues in breache of good orders, he chief­ly gaue order to see them punished: where if they behaued themselues worthily, and according to theyr calling, there was no prince more gladde than he to aduaunce them vnto honour.

By these and the like his princely doings, he was both beloued of his people and also dred. He neither fauoured the Picts nor Saxons of Nor­thumberland, for that the one nation being Eth­nikes persisted in their infidelitie, and the other 50 ceassed not by all maner of meanes to supporte them but yet taking a truce with them bothe, he firmely caused the same to be obserued.

In the .x. yeare of his reygne Cinigell king of Westsaxons and Edelfred king of Northum­berlande with ayde of the Pictes,Cadwalle van­quished. vanquished Cadwallo king of Brytons, and chased him in­to Scotlād, where he remained not long, sayling from thence into Brytain in Fraunce, & purcha­sing ayde of the king there named Cadoal, retur­ned into Wales,Cadwalle is restored vnto his kingdome where vanquishing his enimies the Saxons, & sleaing many thousands of them, he was restored againe vnto his kingdome.

Aboute the same time was Edelfred king of Northumberland slaine in battell,See more hereof in En­gland. at a place cal­led Wintringham, not far from the riuer of Hū ­ber, by Redwald & Ethelbreth,King Edel­fred slaine. the one being king of the east Angles, & the other of the middle An­gles, in reuenge of suche iniuries as the same E­delfred had done vnto the Saxons of the coūtrey called Mertia, conteyning as in the English hi­storie more plainly may appeare) al those shyres from the riuer of Thames vnto the riuer of Mer­sec in Lancashyre. Then was one Edwine a right Christian prince,Edwyne. appoynted to reygne in his place, by the assignement of the two foresayd kings Redwald and Ethelbreth.

Whilest these things were a doing, there were seuen sonnes of the foresayde Edelfred, that de­testing the vntrue dealing of the Pictes, whiche refused to ayde their father in his necessitie, and doubting to fall into the handes of Edwyn, got them vnto Eugenius the Scottishe king for more suretie of theyr liues. Theyr names were Eufreid, Oswald, Oslaws, Oswyne, Offas, Osmōd, & Osyk. Ebba the only daugh­ter of Edelfred beyng taken amongst other pry­soners, and escaping from hir taker, miracu­lously got a boate in the riuer of Humber, and with the same taking the sea alone, without all humane helpe, (as hath bene reported) she sayled foorth, and at length safely arriued at the poynt of lande which stretcheth foorth into the sea, in the mouth of the Forth, called euē vnto this day after hyr name, Saint Ebbes head,S. Ebbas head. where being receyued by the Bishop of that diocesse, shee was professed a Nonne, and after continuyng in greate perfectnesse of obseruing that profession, she was instituted Abbesse of hyr house, shew­ing still in trade of lyfe an orderly ensample for hyr flocke to followe.

Eugenius the Scottish king did louingly re­ceyue the sonnes of Edelfred, though their father had euer bene a cruell enimie against the Scot­tish nation: and within a while after theyr com­ming into Scotlād, hearing oftētimes the godly sermons and preachings of the Bishoppes and Monkes (who in those dayes continually gaue themselues vnto that exercise they finally abhor­red theyr supersticious idolatrie, and receyued baptisme, that salutiferous signe and sacramēt of our christian religiō. Those churches also which the Saxōs in time of ye warres had ouerthrowē & destroyed in Galoway & other coūtreys therea­bouts, Eugenius caused to be repaired: moreouer also he reedified sundry castels in those marches, [Page 144] and placed in them garisons of souldiers, to de­fend them against all inuasions that might hap­pen.

Thus continuyng his reigne the space of .xv. yeares or there aboutes in honorable peace, to the great aduauncement of the common wealth of his subiects,620. he lastly died in the yeare .620. and was buried amongst his elders in the Isle of Iona, within the monasterie of Colmekill.

Bonifacius a godly preacherAbout this time that reuerend father and Bi­shop 10 Bonifatius Quirinus, came foorth of Ita­ly into Scotlande, to instruct the people in the faith of Christ there. Whether he were Pope & resigning vp the papalitie came thus into Scot­land (as some haue supposed) or whether he was sent from the Pope called Bonifacius that suc­ceeded Sauinianus, it is not certainly knowen: but certaine it is, as the Scottishe writers af­firme, that vpon his first comming into Scot­land he arriued in the water of Taye, comming 20 a lande at the mouth of a little riuer, whiche di­uideth the countrey of Gowrie from Angus.

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30 40 His name is yet famous amongst the Scottes euen vnto this day: for that he trauailed through the most parte of the lande, in preaching and in­structing the people to theyr confirmation in the faith, and erecting diuers Churches in the honor of almightie God, whiche hee dedicated to the name of S. Peter. And amongst other he buylt one at the place where he came a lande, an other at a village called Tullyne, not passing three myles from Dundee, & the third at Restennoth, 50 where afterwardes an house of Chanons of S. Augustines order was buylded. At length hee came into Rosse, continuyng there the residue of his life, and is buried at Rossemarken.

Molock a preacher.There was also the same time amongst the Scottes an auncient godly man named Mo­lock, who following suche rules and doctrine as in his youth he had learned of Brandon that re­uerend Abbotte, he ceassed not to exhort the peo­ple of Mar and Argyle (in whiche countreys he was most resident) to flee and forsake their vici­ous liuing,Monkes were preachers in those dayes. and to endeuour themselues to im­brace vertue to the comfort and health of theyr soules.

This Molock kept continual companie with the forenamed Bonifacius after his comming into Scotland: and finally died also in Rosse, being about .94. yeares of age, and was buried in the church where Bonifacius lieth, though they of Argyle say that his relikes reste amongst thē in the Churche of Lysmore, whiche is dedicated to his name.

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AFter the deceasse of Eugenius,Ferqu­hard. his son Ferquhard succeeded in his place, for Eugenius had three sonnes,Ferquhard king of Scot­land. Fer­quhard, Fiacre, and Donnewald. These be­ing appointed by theyr father to be brought vp with Connane Bishop of Sodore (that is the Bishop of Man) in vertuous discipline, did not altogither follow his godly precepts and lessons.

Ferquhard and Donald gladly gaue eare to him, but they thought his instructions did not much appertayne vnto theyr birth and degree, but Fiacre printing his diuine documēts deepe­ly in his harte, determined to forsake all worldly pompe and dignitie, and to get him some whi­ther farre from home, where he might serue God more freely without lette or interruption of his frendes or kinsfolke.

Thus being disposed,Fiacre giueth himselfe for to liue a solitary life in Fraūce. he got vpon him sim­ple apparell, and went ouer into Fraunce, where seeking a solitarie place, Pharo the bishoppe of Meaux gaue vnto him a peece of ground, in the whiche at this day he is woorshipped with great deuotion.

There hath gone a tale in that countrey, that no woman might enter into the Chapell where he lieth buried: for if any do, she hath some mi­shap that falleth vnto hyr, as eyther the losse of sight, priuation of wittes, or some such like.

As touching the state of the Scottish cōmon wealth vnder the gouernment of Ferquhard, the same was quiet inough without trouble of out­ward enimies, but his subiectes among them­selues fell at such diuision, that euery parte of the realme was full of murder, brenning, and other destructions of men and houses, with such spoy­ling, robbing, reuing, and al kindes of other mis­chiefes, that no where was any suertie eyther of life or goodes: All the which misorders sprong, were nourished and maynteyned through the [Page 149] kings owne negligence, for he mistaking his of­fice and duetie, [...] of this opinion, that so long as the nobles and estates of his realme were thus ready out to [...] other,Ferquhard mainteined ciuil discorde. there was no likelyhood they shoulde haue tyme to practise any rebellion againste him, and herevpon he rather holpe to f [...]rther such discorde amongst them, than tooke order for to appease it. But it came to passe by this means, yt he was nothing regarded within awhyle amongst them, so that by meanes of [...] ­ther 10 arbitratours whiche they chose by common agreement, all matters in controuersies were ta­ken vp and ended betwixte them, the kyng not once made priuie thervnto.King Fer­quhard īfected with the Pela­gians error.

The same tyme it was noysed abrode in th [...] realme, that Ferquhard, beside other his wicked behauiours, was also infected with the erroneous opinions of the Pelagian heresie. Which suspi­tion was the more encreased, for that he vsed to haue sundry Britishe priestes in his companie: the whiche nacion had bene [...] with the spot of that [...] infection.The king is summoned by an herauld. He is taken prisoner. The nobilitie of the realme moued herewith, sūmoned him by an heralde to come to a councel which they had ap­pointed to hold of al ye estates, yt they might there vnderstande, if it were true or not whiche was commonly reported of him. But hee refusing to come at suche [...] assemble tog [...] ­ther, & besiege him in the castell wherein he had enclosed himself, and winning the place, got him into the [...] [...], & immediatly thervppon they committed him vnto safekeping.

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Ambassadours sent into Fraūc vnto Fiacre.This done, they consulte together for the ad­ministration of the realme, whether they should quite depose Ferquhard, or restore him again to his place. In ye end they rest vpon this agreemēt to sende an honourable ambassade into Fraunce vnto Fiacre, to require him to returne home in­to his countrey, and there to receyue the gouer­nement of the realme.

Fiacre his prayer.Fiacre (as the report goth) hearing that there were diuers of the Scottish nobilitie coming to­wardes 40 him vppon this message, in his prayers desired feruently of almightie God, that it might please him so to worke for him, that hee mighte continue in his contemplatiue lyfe still, and not be occasioned to resort vnto the troubles of the world, which all contemplatiue godly mē ought to abhorre. And euen as he had wished i [...] came to passe. For when those that wer sent vnto him came vnto the hermitage wherin he had his lod­ging, they found him (as appeared vnto them) so 50 disfigured with the leprie, that vpon his earnest refusal to forsake his solitarie lyfe, (which he had professed to leade as an Ankre) for any worldely prefermente of kingly gouernement, they wer [...] content to returne with that answer, sith his infirmitie (as they supposed) was such, as was no [...] conuenient for him that shuld haue any publik [...] gouernement.

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This Fiacre had a sister named Syra, which hearing of hir brothers vertuous trade of lyfe, [Page 146] came vnto him with a company of godly vir­gines, & being of him confyrmed in hir purposed intēt of chastitie, she repayred into Champaigne in Fraunce, where she with hir fellowes remay­ned in greate holynesse of life, leauing in those parties a worthy memorie not forgottē amōgst them there, till this day.

The foresayde Ambassadours returning forth of Fraunce, declared in what plight of defor­mitie they had seene Fiacre, and howe earnestly 10 he had refused the offer which they had made vn­to him in name of all the states of Scotlande.

The Scottish nobilitie herevpon assembling togither, chose foorth .iiij. of ye auncientest perres amōgst them to haue the rule and gouernement of the kingdome, till it were otherwise prouided. These were named by that age Wardens, and had full authoritie to order things as seemed them good in all poyntes.

In the meane time Ferquhard remayning 20 still in prison and vexed with sundry diseases, to ridde himselfe out of such miseries, slew him selfe in the .xiij.The desperate ende of king Ferquhard. yeere of his raigne: and so nothing spared his owne life in the end, which had bin the occasiō of the losse of so many other mēs liues in time of ye ciuil discord, that hee had euer norished.

After this wretched end of Ferquhard whiche happened in the yeere of our Lord .632. the Lords of the land assembled togither in Argile,632. about ye choosing of a new King, where by common cō ­sent, 30 Donward the third sonne of Eugenius, be­yng called thither with Byshop Connan out of the yle of Man, was inuested King with greate ioy and triumph.

Donald Donewald king of Scot­land.

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THis Donalde ha­uyng taken vp­pon hym the royall ad­ministration, trans­fourming himselfe in­to hys fathers man­ners, 40 restored agayne into the former estate suche things as apper­tayned vnto Common wealth, and had bin in any wise decayed & misgouerned by the slouth­full negligence of his predecessor Ferquhard, by meanes whereof he quickly grew into great fa­uour of his subiectes.

In the meane time Cadwallo King of the 50 Brytons, and Penda king of those Englishmen which inhabited that part of England auncient­ly called Mertia,King Edwyn is slayne. ioyning their powers togither against Edwine king of Northumberland, de­priued him both of life and kingdome.

After this, passing through ye whole countrey, and entring into the confynes of Pictland, they tooke a great part of the same by force of armes from Brudeus king of the Pictes, who in vaine had sued for ayde vnto Donwald king of Scot­land, for that his vntroth had bin notifyed more than ynough in times past. But Donwald be­ing certifyed of Edwines death, made meanes vnto Cadwallo king of the Brytaynes by hys Ambassadors, that Eufred ye sonne of Edelfred might be restored vnto his fathers kingdōe, whi­che Edwin had wrongfully vsurped. This being graunted, Eufred leauing his brethren still in Scotland, came into Northumberland, wher by authoritie of Cadwallo and Penda he was in­uested king of Beruitia, that is, of the countrey, which is nowe called the Marches. For at the same tyme they hadde deuided the kingdome of Northumberland into .ij. kingdomes,Eufred. appoyn­ting Eufrede (as is sayde) to reigne ouer the one called Beruitia, and one of Osryke ouer the other called Deira, a man of great wickednesse, as by his workes most playnly appeared. For certayn yeares after his aduancement to that dignitie,Osrycke an infidell. he found meanes to marie one of his daughters vn­to the foresaid Eufred, persuading the same Eu­fred to consente with him in restoring again the heathenish religion throughoute their whole do­minions, and vtterly to renounce the christian faith, which they had lately before receiued by ye instructiōs of the .ij. bishops Conane & Pauline. But they enioyed not lōg in felicity after so wic­ked & most diuelish a purpose: for the Princes of Albion, vnder the leading of Caduallo king of ye Britons, and Penda king of Mertia, with a great armie assembled of Saxons, Britons, and Pictes, entring into Northumberland, and in­countring in battaile with Osrike & Eufred, dis­comfited their power, & toke thē prisoners, who being put into a cōmon prison, slewe eche other to auoyd sharper tortures, which by due extentiō they dayly looked for. Then was the kingdom of Northumberland giuen vnto Oswalde brother to Eufred, both in respect of the right whiche he had therto, and also of the zeale whiche he bare to the aduancement of Christes religion, shewing him self in consideration therof, an earnest enimy to his brother Eufred, and al his partakers, in so much that in the day of the battaile, he was one of the forwardest captaines against them▪ vnto this Oswalde was sente a Scottishman calle [...] Corman, to instruct the Northumberland men in the faith, & after him Aydan, as in the englishe historie ye may reade more at large: Finally he was slain by Pēda king of Mertia, as in ye same historie appereth. His death chanced in ye third yere of Donnewald the Scottish king,12. H.B. who sore lamented the same, as of that prince whō he lo­ued right entierly. Neither lyued king Donne­walde anye long tyme after the deathe of hys deare freende. For that in the fifteenth yeare of [Page 147] of his reigne, being got into a boate to fish in the water called Lochtay for his recreatiō, his chāce was to be drowned, by reson the boate soonk vn­der him.Donwald the Scottish king drowned. 645. H.B. Certain days after, his body being foūd and takē vp, was buried amongst his auncetors in Colmekil, in the yeare of our Lorde .647.

About the same time ther liued in France .iij. brethren of greate holinesse of life, being sonnes vnto Philtan king of Ireland, the which he be­got of his wyfe Galghetes, descended of the ly­nage 10 of the kings in Scotlande. The names of which .iij. brethren were as followeth, Furseus, Foilanus,Fo [...]lianus. and Vltanus. Furseus professing him self a monke of S. Benets order▪ passed ouer in­to Fraunce, there to set forth & enlarge that pro­fession & being receyued of king Clowys began the fundation of a monasterie there called Lati­nie, in the which he placed Monkes of that order and began to sowe in those parties the seedes of the Gospel, but not without the darnell of mens 20 traditions, as Io. Bale sayth in the .xiiij. centu­rie of the Brittish writers. His two brethren Foillan & Vltan folowed him ouer into France, and both by worde and example instructed the Frenchmē to imbrace the faith of Christ, & to re­nounce ye religion of the Gentils: so yt it seemeth as yet, such as professed themselues to be monks, & men of religiō (as they were called) had not left of to labor in the Lords vineyard, spending their tyme in reading the scriptures, to instruct & teach 30 others, and to exercise Prayer and thankesgi­uing: So as no small number by their wholsome doctrine and good example, were conuerted to the christian faith.Anno .854. Sigebertus. Fossense mo­nasterium. Foillan at length was marti­red in a monasterie whiche he hadde founded in France called Fosse.

S [...]ife aboute the celebra­ting of the feast of Easter.About the same tyme there was also a contē ­tion amongst them in Albion for keeping of the Easter day, the Scottishe byshops & some of the Brytons varying in their account from all o­ther 40 prelates of the West: but at length through perswasion of the Pope they confessed their er­ror (if it ought so to be taken) and cōsented to ce­lebrate that feast according to the accompt of o­ther nations. These things chaunced in the days of king Donwald.

Fer­quhard. Ferquhard the seconde of that parte treated king of Scot­lande. Ferquhard be­ing king was [...] he was [...], he shew­eth libera­ [...]tie.AFter the decesse of Donwalde, his nephewe Ferquhard the sonne of his brother, the other Ferquhard, succeeded in gouernemente of the Realme, a man of quicke & liuely spirit, but en­clined 50 neuerthelesse rather vnto euill than vnto good, specially after he had atteyned the crowne, in somuch as it was commonly spoken of him, that from a liberal and most gentle humane per­son, he was sodenly changed into an insatiable & most cruell monster. Before he came to ye crown he was liberall beyonde measure. There was no gentleman yt wanted money, eyther to redeeme his lands engaged, or to bestow in dower for the mariage of his daughter, but if he had wherwith to helpe him, hee might accompte him selfe sure thereof.

Priests and other deuoute persons, specially such as were poore and in any necessitie, he often­times most bountifully releeued to their greate ease and comfort. To be briefe, suche a readinesse was in him to help al mē, that (as was thought) he could better be contented to want himself, thā to see other men haue neede of any thing yt was in his possession, so that al men iudged him most worthy of all princely authoritie. But after he was once placed in the kingly seate, he so altered his conditions, that men coulde not but wonder muche therat. Where, before he was knowne to be liberal, wel disposed, righteous, sober, and a re­former of offēces, he was now forthwith become couetous, wicked towards god, a tormentor of the iust & righteous people, and insatiable in all vnlauful affections. That which before time he had giuen vnto any of ye nobilitie,Giftes are re­quired as a loan. he now with­out al shame most vncurteously demaunded to be to him restored, alledging that he did but lend it for the time. And such as went about to delay restitution pretēding any excuse,Loe, what a pretence coue­tousnes hath. he caused their goodes to be confiscate, and also their bodies to be cōmitted to prison: Now and then he found meanes without cause or matter to put some of them to cruel death.For their goo­des sake pre­lates are trou­bled. Suche of the Prelates as he vnderstode to be wealthy, he rested not till he had piked one mater or other vnto them, wherby they were sure to forfaite all their treasure vnto his coffers, that neuer myght be filled.

The bishops of the realme,The kyng is excommu­nicated. namely those two reuerend fathers, Colman & Fynnan, perceyuing such wickednes in the prince, blamed him sharp­ly sundry times for the same: & at length bicause they saw howe he regarded not their admonish­ments, he was by them excōmunicate: whereof he so little passed,The king is hunting. that when other wente vnto the church to heare diuine seruice, he woulde get him to the woodes & forrests to hunt the harte, or some other game. Neither were suche wanting as were willing to keepe him companie:He was a glut­ton. so redy is the nature of man at all tymes to follow licē ­tious libertie. He vsed also, contrary to the cu­stome of his countrey, to eate .iij. meales a day, hauing such number of dishes and abundance of delicate fare, as the like had not bene vsed at any tyme before those dayes in that realme: and all to serue his greedy appetit, together with theyrs that followed his companie.

Of wines and other strong drinkes he would participate abundantly at all times and places without regard of health or honor,A drunckard he was also. being excee­dingly giuen vnto moste beastly drunkennesse. He customaryly vsed to sit at supper till it were [Page 148] very late in the night, hauing his banketting di­shes and cuppes to come in one after an other, till he were so mistempered, that being layde to sleepe he would streyght vomite out such heauy gorges as he had in suche most gluttenous wise receiued. Herevnto he was so drouned in the fil­thie lust of the fleshe, that hee defiled his owne doughters: and for that his wife was aboute to diswade him from such vilanie, he slew hyr with 10 his owne handes.

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A prophecie.Thus continuing in his wickednesse certain yeares at length the nobles began to conspire a­gainst him, so that they wold haue deuised mean 30 howe to haue rid him out of the waye, if Bishop Colman had not forbidden them that practyse, prophesying as it wer by diuine inspiration, that Ferquhard sore detesting his owne wicked do­ings, should shortely be punished by the handes of Almightie God, according to his deseruings.

And sure his wordes proued true:The king is sicke for within a moneth after, as the same Ferquhard followed in chase of a wolfe, the beaste beeing enraged by pursuite of the houndes, flewe backe vppon the king, and snatching at him, did wounde & byte him righte sore in one of his sides; immediately wherevpon, whether thorough anguishe of his hurt, or by some other occasion, he fel into a most filthie disease: for a venemous humoure with a soft consuming heate, did so eate and waste hys membres and limmes, that a lothesome sighte it was to beholde the same: for out of his legges, feete and priuie partes, there issued filthie corrup­tion and matter, with so vile a sauour, that vn­neth myght any creature abide it. His belly was swollen as though hee had ben infected with the dropsy, & therto was it verie hard withal. Finally lyce bred so abundantly in his secrete partes that he might in no wise be rid or clensed of them.

At length when he had ben vexed in this sort for the space of two yeares togither,He sent for his confessor. or therea­boutes, he began to call himself to remembrāce, and to consider how this punishment was wor­thyly fallen vpon him for his sins, and thervpon causing bishop Colman to be fetched vnto him,

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being as then about .xx. myles off, he confessed vnto him the whole summe of his offences, de­claring himselfe right penitent for the same.

The king be­ing excō [...]u­nicated, is re­leased.Colman reioycing herat, did not only release him of ye sentence of excōmunication, pronoūced against him, but also willed him to be of good cō fort, & to put his confidēce in ye mercy of almigh­tie god, who was ready to receiue al such sinners as turned vnto him with repentāt harts: so that being put in hope by these & ye like words of Col­man to haue forgiuenesse of his sinnes, with bit­ter teares, he besought God to haue mercie vpon him: & humbly receiuing the sacrament, got him into simple clothing of heare & sackclothe. Then causing himself to be born into ye next fieldes,Ferquhard yeldeth vp the ghost. he there yelded vp the ghost in ye presente of Colmā who according to the dutie of a good ghostly fa­ther, was stil about him, in exhorting him to cō ­mit himself wholy to the mercy of God, & not to doubt but he shoulde be sure to attayne the same.

[Page 149]Thus Ferquhard ended his life in the .xviij. yeare, after he began his reigne ouer the Scot­tish men,664. and in the yeare of grace .664.

Fynnā bishop.

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In this Fer­quhardes daies Bishop Aydan departed this worlde, & then was Fynnan sente for, foorth 10 of Scotland to take vppon him the gouernmēt of the Churche of Lyndefern,Holy Iland. where the Bishops of Northumberland as then had theyr see. This Fynnan was well learned, and no lesse renowmed for his vertuous lyfe than his predecessour Aydan. He died anone af­ter the deceasse of Ferquhard,Bishop Col­man conuer­ted the Saxōs. & then was Col­man 20 remoued vnto that see of Lyndefern, who with his vertuous instructions and ensamples of holy life conuerted a great multitude of Saxons vnto the true worshipping of the liuing God.Penda king of Mertia. And amongst other was Penda sonne to the former Penda, king of Mertia.

There be that wryte how Penda the father also was baptised by this Colman: and that the same Colman trauayled through the most parte of all the Englishe prouinces setting foorth the 30 worde of life amōgst the people, purchasing him greate fame for his woorthie merites. He came to the church of Lyndefern in ye daies of Maldwyn that succeeded the last mencioned Ferquharde.

Mald­wyne.

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THis Maldwyne was the sonne of king Donewalde: and after that Ferquharde was dead and buried in Colmekill,Maldwyne in­uested king of Scottes. he was in­uested 40 king: which fun­ction he right sufficiēt­ly discharged, studying to mayntayne peace with his neighbors the P [...]sts, Saxons, and Brytayns: giuing thereby a good ensample to be followed of his subiectes.A louer of peace and iustice. Hereto he had a speciall care for the administra­tion of the lawes in due forme and order causing offendors to be punished, that other harmelesse 50 persons mighte liue in quiet, so that by this meanes all things in the beginning of his reigne had prosperous successe.

Lennox and Argyle are at variaunce.Afterwardes there fell no small discorde be­twixt them of Lennox & Argile: for first through brau [...]ng amongst the heardes men, theyr ma­sters made a fray, whereof rose suche deadly e­nimitie betwixt the parties, by reason that the inhabitantes of the Westerne Isles ayded them of Argyle,The westerne Isles take parte with Argyle. Galoway with Lennox. and the people of Galoway the other of Lennox: that if the king had not come into those parties to apease the businesse, and to haue punished the offendors, there had ensued muche manslaughter, to the greate daunger of the vt­ter ruyne of those countreys.

The king at his arriuall amongst them,Maldwyne wēt about for to punishe the author of this commotion. minded not to pursue the people that followed theyr Captaines, but rather the Captaines and Authours of this tumulte themselues. Where­of they hauing knowledge, made an attonement togither, being enforced thereto of necessitie,The Captaines became frends togither, and fled into the Isles. so to auoyde the prepared punishment deuised by the king against them. And foorthwith they fled ouer into the Isles, but the inhabitants doubting the kings displeasure, would not consent to succour them,The Ilandmen apprehend the Captaines of the rebelles. but contrary wise tooke them and deliue­red them to the kings officers, wherevpon they were safely conueyed to the places where they were borne, and there suffered their deserued exe­cution. Thus that commotion vnaduisedly be­gonne, was speedily appeased, and the name of Maldwyn by reason hereof so feared amongst his subiectes, that during his reigne no suche trouble chaunced in any parte of all his domi­nions.

After this he went ouer into Iona or Colme­kill,He buyldeth the churche of the abbay of Colmekill, where perceyuing the Abbey Church, wher­in his auncestors had theyr sepultures to be in decay, he caused it to be pulled quite downe, and workemen foorth with set in hande to duylde it vp agayne, at his owne proper costes and char­ges. Suche speede also was vsed aboute this worke, that before he departed out of this life, the same was finished and dedicated vnto our Sa­uiour Christ, and Saint Colme.

Aboute the same time there reigned through out the most part of the world a sore & grieuous pestilence consuming a greater number of men,A great pesti­lence & death vpon earth. (before it ceassed) then were left aliue: for it conti­nued the whole space of three yeares togither. At length through cōmon prayer, fastings, giuing of almes, and other vertuous workes, the wrath of almightie God was pacified, so that suche great mortalitie by his mercyfull appointment did stay and giue ouer.

The Scottish men were free from that infe­ction aswel at that time,Scotland was free of the pe­stilence and plague. as also for many yeares after. Neither were they in maner troubled with any sharpe feuers, or agues, till time that omit­ting the auncient and wholesome sparenesse of diet, which theyr fathers in times past had vsed,Riotousnesse the mother of sicknesses. they fell vnto riotous banquetting and excessiue feeding, whereby they became subiect vnto all kindes of diseases, through malicious humors growing therevpon.

Colman bishop of Lyndefer seing wonder­full [Page 150] numbers of Englishmen, perish dayly of that contagious sicknesse, by licence of the king, to a­uoyde the present daunger of death, which by ta­rying there he saw no meanes how to escape, he returned into Scotland with his disciples, and after getting him ouer into one of the Westerne Isles,Colman ere­cted a mona­sterie. he erected a monasterie there, wherin he re­mayned during the residue of his life.

After the departure of Colman forth of Nor­thumberland, the people of that coūtrey ioyning 10 with the Pictes, made sundry roades into the Scottish bordures: whiche iniurie when Mald­wyne reuenged with more displeasure done to them of Northumberland, than the Scottishmē had receiued, it caused the Picts & Northumbers to prepare themselues with all speede to haue made sharpe warres against the Scottes: but in the meane time Maldwyne died,Maldwyn the Scottish king strangled in his bed. [...] strāgled in his bedde one night by his owne wife, vpon suspition of gelow [...]e, for his vnla [...] company keping with an other woman. The next day af­ter she was apprehended with those that were priuy to the deede, and brent opēly vpon an hill, according as she had most iustly deserued.

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Maldwyne was thus murthered in the yeare after the birthe of our Sauiour. 684. and in the xx. yeare of his owne reigne.

Euge­nius.

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AFter him succee­ded Eugenius the fifth of that name, Ne­phew to Maldwine,Eugenius the fifth. as sonne to his brother Dongard. Aboute the 40 same time Eugenius king of Scots sēt with al diligence his ambas­sadours vnto Egfred king of Northumber­land,Egfred king of Northumber­land. to moue him vnto peace. Egfred hauing heard the ambassadours which were thus sente, fayned as though hee had bene willing to haue had peace, where he minded nothing more than to haue warres with the Scottes, so soone as his 50 prouision shoulde be once readie, and herevpon graunted to them a truce for the space of .xj. mo­neths,A truce graū ­ted. in which meane time he might make his preparation.

Eugenius hauing some secrete knowledge of Egfredes purpose, prouided likewise for the warres on his parte:Eugenius his cōmandemēt. but for that hee would not seeme to gyue the occasion, hee straytely com­maunded that none of his subiectes should be so hardie as to attempt any thing sounding to the breache of the truce.

In the tenth moneth Egfred hauing all his preparation readie, sente a companie of his men of warre into the Scottishe bordures to fetche some bootie, whereby the peace might be broken.The truce broken. Those that were thus sent fetched not only from thence a great number of cattell, but also slewe diuers of the bordurers that wēt about to rescue theyr beastes and cattell.

Immediatly herevpon were there sente am­bassadours from Eugenius to demaund restitu­tion:Ambassadours sent by Euge­nius vnto Eg­fred for resti­tution. but they not without muche ado, after cer­taine dayes attendaunce, got audience, and bold­ly declaring vnto Egfred theyr message, recey­ued for answeare a playne publication of warre. For he alledging how the Scottes, sithence the truce was graunted, had sundrie tymes fetched booties out of the confines of his dominions, and therefore had well deserued farre more domage than as yet they had receyued, wherevppon hee minded not to continue frendshippe with them that knewe not how to keepe theyr hands from robbing and stealyng from theyr neighbours: So that he commaunded them to declare vnto theyr king, that within eight dayes after, hee [Page 151] should looke for open warre at the handes of him and other his alies.Egfreds aun­swere.

Eugenius receyuing this answere from Eg­fred, besought of God, sith the other onely sought to violate the peace, that the vengeance mighte light vpon his owne head, that had thus giuen the occasion.

Eugenius ga­thereth an ar­mie.Herewith gathering his power togither, hee repayred into Galloway, into the whiche he had knowledge that his enimies would firste enter. 10 But before hee could get thyther, a great armie of Englishe men, were come already into that countrey,The castell of Downske be­sieged. and had assieged a strong castell called Downske, the chiefest fortresse in those dayes of all Galloway. And ere Egfred might winne the same, hee was constrayned to rayse his siege, and to marche foorth to encounter with Euge­nius who hasted fast towards him. They mette neare to the bankes of the water of Lewyse, as then beyng very deepe, by reason it was raysed 20 with abundaunce of rayne whiche lately before had fallen, where they fought a right sore and bloudie battayle: for the Scottes had vowed neuer to gyue grounde to the enimies, so long as any life remayned in theyr brestes.

At the firste there was no greate aduauntage perceyued on eyther side, the kings, according to the dueties of valiant Captaines, exhorting their people to sticke to it manfully: but in the meane time certaine bandes of Egfredes parte 30 getting themselues to the side of an hill, gaue the looking on without comming downe at all to ayde theyr frendes: whiche maner the residue of his people perceyuing, doubted of some treason deuised agaynst them, and therevpon began to shrinke backe.

Egfred aduised thereof, came amongst the foremost rankes of his batayle, desiring the En­glishmen in no wise to giue place to theyr eni­mies: and for that dayes seruice hee promised 40 them highe rewardes, and all the pleasure that afterwarde hee might be any wayes forth able to shew them.

But whilest he was thus busilie occupied in comforting & exhorting his men to fight stout­ly,King Egfred slayne. See more hereof in En­gland. he himself chaunced to be wounded in the face with an arrow, so sore, that immediatly he fell downe and died in the place.

The English mē discouraged with this mis­chance, were quickly thervpō put to flight & cha­sed, 50 a great nūber of thē tooke ye riuer so to escape the enimies hands, of whom the more part being pressed downe by weight of theyr armure, were drowned in the raging waues of the floude, the residue by casting from them theyr armures and clothes, escaped by swimming ouer to the o­ther side, but those that made theyr course by lande, being cumbred in myres and mosses, also amongst straytes, rockes, mountains and cliefes, were ouertaken by the Scottes and slayne. Few of that number escaped away in safetie, so that there died in the fight and chase at the poynt of twentie thousand Saxons with theyr king the foresayd Egfred: of the Scottes were slaine,Twētie thou­sande Saxons slaine. be­side those that were hurt and woūded, not many aboue .vj. M. By this ouerthrowe the force of those Saxons or English men of Northumber­land was not onely sore diminished, but also of such other Saxons, the which in no small num­bers were come vnto Egfred to ayde him a­gainst the Scottes in that iourney.

Brudeus the Pictishe king hauing know­ledge of this slaughter,Brudeus king of the Pictes. whiche had chaunced be­twixt the English men and Scottes, was no­thing sorie, as one that was frende to neither parte,Inuasion into Northumber­land. and now perceyuing that the Northum­berland men were so weakened, that they were not able to resist an inuasion, he entred with his whole power, which he had raysed, into Nor­thumberland, sore afflicting the inhabitants, in so much that he had vndoubtedly either subdued that countrey wholly vnto his dominion, eyther els vtterly destroyed it,Cutber [...]e bi­shop. had not the deuout pray­ers of Saint Cutbert (who as then held the see of Lyndefar) preserued the people from that pre­sent desolation. For at length after the Pictes had raged a while through the countrey, they chaunced to fal at variance amongst themselues for parting of the spoyle,A slaughter a­mongst the Picts. and buckling togither by the eares, there was an huge slaughter made amongst them. And this was the cause, that contenting themselues with those countreys a­bout Barwike, aunciently called Deera, out of the whiche they expelled the Saxons, they ab­steyned from all the residue, as not willing to deale withall. Neither were the Saxōs of Nor­thūberland being thus scourged, able to recouer theyr former forces again of many yeares after.

Here is to be noted that where as ye Scottish writers ascribe the victorie of that battel,Egfred slaine by Picts and not by Scots. wherin Egfred was slaine, vnto their king Eugenius, Beda which then liued, declareth that the Picts were those that fought with him and slew him.Eugenius the fifth died. 688. Finally, Eugenius departed this life in the .iiij. yere of his reigne, and after the incarnation. 688.

After Eugenius the .v. succeeded Eugenius the .vj. who was the sonne of Ferquhard,Eugenius the sixt, succeedeth Eugenius the fifth. and by perswasion of Bishop Adannan with whom he was brought vp) and of S. Cutbert, hee en­tred into league with the Northumberland mē:A league be­tweene the Scots & Nor­thumberland men. but he would at no hande ioyne in amitie with the Pictes, notwithstanding hee was contented to take truce with them. But when hee sawe the same oftentimes by them violated and bro­ken, to the great perill, domage & hinderāce of his subiectes, he caused the warre to be proclaymed,Truce taken with the Picts [Page 152] and sent them his defiaunce by an Herald. How­beit through the earnest prayers (as is supposed) of the twoo bishops Cutbert and Adannan (who had laboured earnestly to haue brought those people to a quietnesse) this warre continued without any notable encoūter,Warre with­out any nota­ble encoūter. The death of Eugenius the [...]. 697. saue only by light incursions (wherein no great bloudshed chaun­ced) euen vnto the death of Eugenius, whiche fell in the yeare of our Lord.697. 697. and in the .x. yeare of his owne reigne. 10

He was buried togither with the other Eu­genius, that lastly reygned afore him, in the Ile of Colmekill, amongst theyr predecessours.

Wonderfull visions seene.Many wonderfull visions were seene that yeare in Albion, as the Scottishe chronicles make mention. In the riuer of Humber there appeared in the sight of a great multitude of mē, a number of shippes vnder sayle, as though they had bene furnished foorth for the warres.

In the Churche at Camelon there was heard 20 a noyse, as it had bene the clattering of armure.

Milke was turned into bloud in diuers places in Pictland, and cheese conuerted into a bloudie masse or cake. Corne, as it was gathered in the haruest time appeared bloudie. In the further­most partes of Scotland, it rayned bloud.

These sightes being seene of some & declared to other, caused a wonderfull feare in the peoples harts, imagining some great alteration to ensue.

Ambir­keleth.

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AMbirkeleth the 30 Nephew, or as some say, the son of Eugenius ye fifth, succeeded Eugeni­us ye sixt in the go­uernment of the realme:Ambirkeleth succeedeth Eugenius the [...]. who after his attaynyng to the crowne, shortly chaunged therwith 40 his maners & good dispositiō: for where before he shewed himselfe to be an earnest defendor of the

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50 poore & simple, that al men iudged that he would haue proued a patrone of all vertue, he cōtrary to ye expectatiō,The king tur­ned from ver­tue vnto all licētiousnesse. became sodēly a paterne of al vices & couetousnesse, deliting in nothing but in follow­ing his sensuall lustes, as in taking excesse of meates and drinkes, and wallowing in fleshly concupiscence of lecherous luste. To bee briefe, when hee tooke nothing in hande woorthie of his estate and degree, it was thought that of necessi­tie the forme of the publike gouernement muste needes through his negligent slouthfulnesse fall into decay and ruine:Garnard king of the Pictes inuadeth Scot­land. wherevpon Garnard king of the Pictes supposing hee had a conuenient time to reuenge all former iniuries receyued at the Scottishe mennes handes, gathered a great hoste of menne, and with the same entring into the Scottish confines, made right pitiful slaugh­ter of the inhabitants.Ambirkeleth gathered an armie against the Pictes. At length Ambirkeleth (being sore blamed of his Nobles for his negli­gence in suffering his subiectes thus to be de­stroyed) gathered an armie togither, and with no small feare to shewe his head amongst his people, (as those Princes whiche through theyr owne defaulte haue theyr people in mistrust, do euer stand in doubt of their owne safeties, and namely when any present daunger beginneth to appeare) foorth yet he goeth without any great good order (God wote) for what might be looked for at his handes, whiche was so ouerwhelmed with all kind of excessiue gluttonie, immoderate surfeting, insatiable lecherie, and deliting altogi­ther in slouthfull ease, and sluggishe idlenesse, the roote from whence al suche filthie vices take their beginnings, are nourished and mainteyned?Idelnesse the breeder and nourisher of sensuall lustes. To conclude, he liued as one that tooke no maner of regard to that whiche chiefly apperteyned to his calling: whereby nowe when he shoulde come into the fielde, he was neither able through lacke of practise, to take paynes to see things done as was behouefull of himselfe, neyther yet to giue order to others, how the same ought to be done. Neuertheles marching forward with his army, he came to the water of Tay, & neare to the bāks therof, he pight downe his tentes, where after he had supped, he was occasioned to go foorth of his lodging to do the necessities of nature, and being only accompanied with two of his seruants that were groomes of his chāber, he was sodenly shot thorow the head with an arrow, but frō whence it came or who shotte it, there was neuer any knowen that could tel.The death of Ambirkeleth. Howbeit the king imme­diatly died of the hurt, after he had reygned not fully .ij. yeares. He was buried in Colmekill a­mongst his noble auncestours.

THe Lordes & peeres of the land not greatly lamenting the death of suche a monstrous person,Euge­nius. bicause the army for want of a gouer­nour should not fall into any daūnger, they elected [Page 153] Eugenius the seuēth,Eugenius the seuenth is e­lected king of Scottes. being the brother of the late foresayde Ambirkeleth, to succeede as King in the gouernment of the Realme, a Prince of right comely port and personage, neyther destitute of honourable qualityes and good disposition of mynde.

Being once proclaymed king, he caused ge­neral musters to be takē of the whole armie, and perceyuing by suruey thereof, that he was not a­ble to match with his enimyes,A peace con­cluded. he founde mea­nes 10 to conclude a peace with the Pictishe king, pledges being deliuered on eyther side, for redresse to be had of al wrongs and iniuries that had bene committed betwixt them.

The Pictes returning home, and the Scot­tishe armie dissolued, Eugenius with the moste parte of the Nobilitie went into Argyle, where hee receyued hys inuesture of the Kingdome, sitting vppon the stone of Marble,The king is crowned. according to the maner.

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The bond of peace begonne betwixt the kings 30 was the more strōgly confyrmed by meanes of aliaunce,The Queene slaine in stead of hir husbād. Spontana the daughter of King Gar­nard being coupled in mariage with Eugenius: she in the yeere following being great with child, was murthered one night wythin the kings bed

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40 50 chāber in steade of the king himselfe, by two bre­thrē of the coūtrey of Athole, who moued to dis­pleasure for their fathers death, had conspired to murther ye king, & had slaine him in deede, had he not through his good hap layne forth of his owne chāber the same night. Eugenius being suspected of ye murther, & euil spoken off for ye same amōgst his subiects,The king is suspected of the murther. was at length wt great daūger of life & honour, enforced to make answere by way of arrainmēt for clearing of himself before ye nobles of his Realme, appoynted as competent Iudges in that cace: So greatly beloued was Spontana amongst all the degrees of the Scottish nation. But in the ende being found giltlesse of the crime (for at the time that iudgement should haue pas­sed, the offenders were apprehended and brought in) he was acquit, to the great reioysing of all ho­nest men. Those that had done the deede, were condemned and hanged vp naked on gybbets by the heeles,The murthe­rers are han­ged. togither with certaine cruell mastiue dogs the whiche might so deuour them.

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[Page 154]But Eugenius being thus cleared of all for­mer suspition, minded to haue bene reuenged on those yt had falsly accused him.An example of a good prince. Howbeit through the godly admonishments of that reuerend father Adannan, he qualified his displeasure.

After this, giuing his minde to the aduaunce­ment of Religion and polytike gouernment of his subiectes, he ordeyned that the Hystories of hys auncestours shoulde be written in bookes and volumes,The king causeth his an­cestours hy­stories to be written. that posteritie might haue to reade the 10 same for ensample sake. These monumentes he also appoynted to bee kept and reserued in the Abbay of Iona, nowe called Colmekill, for a perpetuall memorie: and suche as shoulde write the same, to remaine and haue liuings there in the Abbey.

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20 30

Moreouer suche spirituall promotions as he perceyued to bee too meane and slender for the maintenance of the minister that should serue the cure, he caused to be augmented in suche wise as was thought sufficient. Hee concluded a league with the Saxons and Pictes, and obserued the same during his lyfe,Eugenius the seuenth de­parteth out of this life. whiche hee ended at Aber­ne [...]hy, when he had raigned about .xvij. yeares, 40 whereof the last fell in the yeare after the incarna­tion of our Sauiour .717.716. H. B. indictione .15.

Hys death was greatly lamented, both of his Lordes and Commons, as they that intierly loued him for his noble and moste princely qua­lities.

Mor­dacke.

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A Little before his death, he betoke the posses­sion of his king­dom 50 vnto Mor­dacke that suc­ceeded him.Mordack suc­ceedeth Euge­nius the .vii.

This Mor­dack was the ne­phew of Euge­nius the vij. by his brother Ambirkeleth: and euen as he was knowne to be of a gentle, meke, and liberal nature before his aduauncement to the crowne, so hee shewed himselfe to be the verie same man during the whole course of all his naturall lyfe, after hee had atteyned to the same.

Aboue all things he wished a generall peace to continue amongest all the Princes of Al­bion,A louer of peace. and therevpon for his part establishing a peace with the Pictes, Brytaynes, and all the English Kings, hee firmely kept euerie article therein conteyned.

In those dayes (as Saint Bede doth testi­fie) foure seuerall people liued in peace and quiet­nesse within the boundes of Albion,Peace through out al the land of Albion. though diffe­ring in maners, language, lawes, and ordinan­ces: Saxons whom he called English men, Bri­taynes, Scottes, and Pictes.The testimo­nie of Bede. His wordes are these: The Nation of the Pictes at this tyme is in league with the Englishe men, and gladly is partaker of the vniuersall peace and veritie with the Catholike Churche. Those Scottes which inhabite Brytayne, contenting themselues with their owne boundes, goe aboute to practise no deceytefull traynes, nor fraudulent deuices a­gaynste the Englishe men. The Brytaynes, though for the moste parte through a familyar hatred doe impugne the Englishe Nation, and the state of the whole Catholyke Church, ob­seruing not ryghtly the feast of Easter, besydes other naughtie vsages, yet both the diuine power and humane force vtterly resysting them, they are not able in neyther behalfe to attayne to theyr purposed intentions. As they which though partlye free, yet in some behalfe are thrall and mancipate to the subiection of the English men: whiche Englishe men nowe in acceptable peace and quietnesse of tyme, many amongst them of Northumberlande: as well of the Nobilitie as other, laying away armour and weapon, apply themselues to the reading of holy Scrip­ture, more desirous to bee in houses of vertuous conuersation, than to exercise feates of warre. What will come thereof, the age that followeth shall perceyue and beholde.

With these wordes doth Bede ende his hy­storie,734. Mordacke en­ded his life the same yere that S. Bede made an ende of his hystorie. continued tyll the yeare 734. In the whiche yeare Mordacke the Scottishe king en­ded his lyfe.

He repayred sundrie Churches and religious houses, whiche being defaced with violence of the enimies inuasions in tyme of warre, had not beene reedified by hys auncesters. But amongst other, hee bestowed muche coste vppon the Churche where the bodie of Saint Ninian ly­eeth in the Towne aunciently called Candida Casa, & now Whitterne or Qhuitterne.Candida Casa, nowe called Whitterne. Saint Bede calleth that place Pictiminia, and the Byshoppe whiche at the same tyme helde the [Page 155] Church there, hee nameth Acta, auouching how he was the first that was Bishop thereof after the dayes of Saint Ninian. Whiche if it bee true, it muste needes bee that afterwardes some vacation happened in that Sea for a time, sith it is notified in the Scottish histories that the wes­testerne Iles, Galloway and other regions neare adioyning, were subiect vnto the Bishop of So­dor whose Sea is in the Ile of Man vnto the dayes of Malcolme the thirde, who restored ra­ther 10 than ordeyned the Bishops Sea in Candi­da Casa againe, after suche vacation as before is specified.

Ethfine

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BVt now to return touching the gouernmēt of the Scottishe kingdome,Ethfine suc­ceedeth Mor­dacke. I find that after 20 the deceasse of Mordacke last remēbred, his nephewe na­med Ethfine, the sonne of the seuenth Eugenius succeeded in the estate: a man naturally inclined vnto peace and maintenance of iustice.

A peaceable prince.The league which his predecessours Euge­nius and Mordacke had kept with theyr neigh­bours the Brytaynes, Englishmen and Pictes, 30 he duely lykewise obserued.

His chiefe studie was to purge his realme of all such as were knowne to be open baret [...]ers and offenders in any wise, agaynst the peace and cō ­mon quiet of his subiects: so that causing sun­drie notable ensamples of iustice to bee executed vpon such euill doers, he was had in such reue­rende dread [...] amongst his subiects, that none of them durst once whisper any euill of him. Ney­ther had they verily any cause so to doe, whilest he 40 looked to the administration himselfe.

Foure gouer­nors vnder the king.But after he was once fallen into age, he ap­poynted foure Peeres of his realme to haue the chiefe gouernaunce vnder him: as Dowalde the Treasurer of Argyle, Collane of Athole, & Mor­dacke of Galloway his Lieutenants, and Con­rath the Thane of Murrey lande. These hauing the procuration of all things touching the go­uernment of the Realme,Vniust go­uernment. vsed not themselues so vprightly in many poynts as they ought to haue 50 done: but winked nowe and then at faultes and trespasses committed by their kinsfolkes and a­lyes, permitting the nobilitie to liue according to theyr olde accustomed maner of licencious liber­tie, to the small ease or commoditie of the other inferiour estates.

Donalde of the Westerne Iles, a man of goodly personage, but of disposition inclyned to all naughtinesse,Donalde of the Iles main­teyneth rob­bers. mainteyned a great number of Robbers and spoylers of the countrey, liuing on­ly vpon [...]a [...]ine. Fo [...] look what they wanted, they woulde not fayle to catche it, if it were in anye place abrode where they might lay handes on it: so that al the husbandmen and commons of Gal­loway,The oppres­sion of the commons of Galloway. in which Countrey they most haunted, were brought into wonderfull thraldome and miserie. Neyther did Mordacke the kings Lieu­tenant there,Mordacke the kings Lieute­nant beareth with offen­ders. goe about to chastice such insolent misdemeaners, eyther for that hee was of Do­naldes alyance, eyther else priuie to his doings, and partaker of the spoyle. The people hereby vexed with continuall iniuries, brought manye pitifull complayntes afore Mordacke, who no­thing regarded their lamentable suites and sup­plications, but the more they complayned, the worse were they handled. Neyther was there a­ny hope of redresse of amendment, till Eugenius the .viij. was admitted to the kingly administra­tion after the death of king Ethfine, who in the latter ende of his dayes continually beeing sicke and diseased, could not attende to take order for the publike gouernment,The decease of Ethfine. by reason whereof such wilfull misorders ensued. Hee dyed in the yeare of our Lorde .764.762. H. B. after he had continued his raigne ouer the Scottishmen the space of .xxx yeares, his bodie being buried in Colmekill with all funerall obsequies.

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HIs succes­sour,Euge­nius. the foresayde Eu­genius the viij.Eugenius the viii. inuested king of Scots. that was the sonne of King Mordack, was inuested King in Argyle with such pomp and ceremonies as in that case apperteyned, and immediately there­vpō he hasted forth to cateh Donalde of the Iles,Donald of the Iles appre­hended. not resting till at length hee had caught him, though that came not to passe without some losse of his people.

After he had taken both him and his chiefest complites, he put them openly to death:Donald and his complices put to death. neither so satisfied, he caused Mordacke to be arreyned, who confessing himselfe partly guiltie of suche things as were layde to his charge for maintey­ning of the foresayd Donalde,Mordack lieutenant of Gal­loway is put to death. The cōmons recompenced. he likewise suffe­red death, and his goodes beeing valued and de­uided into partes, were bestowed amongst the commons of Galloway, in recompence of suche losses, as through his contriued falshood they had susteyned.

Also he put Dowalde, Collan, and Conrath vnto their fines, for that they did suffer Donalde [Page 156] so to rob and spoyle without chasticement.

A righteous king.Through which causing of iustice thus to be executed, in reliefe of his commons, he wan him wonderfull loue, not onely in Galloway, but also throughout all his Realme:Offenders put in feare. and therewith were offenders put in such feare, that they durst in no place commit any such like misorders against the simple and meaner people. And for the more in­crease of his subiectes wealth, he also continued the league with the Picts, Brytaynes, and Eng­lishe 10 men, accordingly as his late predecessour had done.

But yet as the nature of man through licenci­ous libertie is euer readie to offende in one poynt or other, so came it to passe by thys worthie Prince Eugenius, who in such wise as is before expressed, raigning in peace & quietnesse amongst his louing subiects,Eugenius is peruerted with sensual lust & concupiscence. yet fell into most vile lust to accomplish his vnsaciable fleshly concupiscence, seeking al meanes he could deuise to defloure yōg 20 virgins and honest matrones, and that as well those of the nobilitie as other. And such compani­ons as could best further his purposes in that be­halfe, and deuise new meanes and wayes of flesh­ly company, those he set by, and greatly made of, deliting altogither to haue them in his company.A filthie delite Thus being drowned in leacherous lust, and fil­thie cōcupiscence, he fell dayly into more grieuous vyces,Couetousnesse [...]inked with crueltie. as into excessiue couetousnesse and beastly crueltie, consenting to make away his wealthie 30 subiects, to the end he might enioy their goodes.

This wickednesse remained not long vnpuni­shed, for the Lordes and peeres of his realme, per­ceyuing how he proceeded dayly in his abhomi­nable and tyranlike doings, not once giuing eare to the wholesome aduertisements eyther of God or man,Eugenius is murthered. they slue him one day amongst them as he sate in iudgement aboute to haue condemned a great riche man, though not guiltie in the crime whereof he was accused.

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They caused also immediately a great cōpany of those mates to be apprehended, which had bene of his counsell, & prouokers vnto all his wicked & vile doings. Which to the great contentation of the people were hanged as they had wel deserued.

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The ende of Eugenius the viii.And such was the ende of Eugenius after he 50 had gouerned the kingdome about three yeares, his bodie was buried in Colmekill amongest his auncesters, thoughe the people thought it little worthie of that honor, which had misused it selfe so inordinately in this present life.

Ferguse 767.AFter him came the administration of the Realme vnto Ferguse the thirde, the sonne of king Ethfine, in the yeare 767. who being esta­blished in the same,Ferguse the thirde created king. beganne freely to practise all kindes of vices, which most abundantly raigned in him, howbeit till that day wonderfully dis­sembled and kept couert.

He seemed to striue howe to passe his predes­sour in all poyntes of wickednesse.A wicked Prince. Hee tooke no regarde at all to the gouernment of his Realme, but gaue himselfe to excessiue gluttonie in de­uouring of delicate meates and drinks, and ther­with [Page 157] kept suche a number of vile strumpettes in house with him, whom hee vsed as concubines, that his wife was no better esteemed than as an handmayde, or rather a kitchin mayde. Who being a woman of great modestie: and sober ad­uisednesse, coulde not yet but take sore griefe and indignation hereat: and therefore sundrie tymes assayed by waye of wholesome perswasions to turne his minde from such sinfull vsages and fil­thie trade of liuing. Finally when she saw there 10 was no hope to conuert his deprauate minde, nor by any meanes to refourme him, but that the more shee laboured to doe good vppon him, the worse he was, through verie displeasure of suche iniuries as shee daylye susteyned at the handes of his concubines,King Ferguse the third stran­gled by his wife. shee founde meanes to strangle him secretely one night as hee lay in his bed, choosing rather to be without a husband, than to haue one that shoulde deceyue hir of the right and dutie of mariage, and that in such sort, 20 as she must be faine to suffer the reproch dayly a­fore hir face, being misvsed of them whom he kept as paramours in most dispiteful maner.

The day after she wrought this feate: the bo­die being founde deade, was apparayled in fune­rall wise, & brought forth into the place of iudge­ment, where inquisition was straightly made what they were that had done so heynous a deed. For though there were but few that lamented his death, yet some of his friends were verie earnest to 30 haue the matter tryed forth, that such as had cō ­mitted the murther, might suffer due punish­ment.

Suspicious persons are racked.Many were apprehended and had to the rack, but yet could not be founde that would confesse it. The Queene was voyde of all suspition, as she that had bene taken for a woman at all times of great temperancie. But yet when shee hearde that a number of innocent persons were tormen­ted without desart, sore lamenting (as shoulde 40 appeare) theyr miserable case, she came hastily in­to the Iudgement hall,The Queene confessed the murther. and getting hir aloft vpō the bench, there in the presence of al the company, she had these or the like wordes vnto the whole assembly. I knowe not good people, I knowe not what God moueth me, or what diuine re­uengement vexeth me with sundry thoughts and cogitations, that of all this daye and morning preceeding, I haue had neither rest in bodie nor minde. And verely when I hearde that cer­taine 50 guiltlesse persons were cruelly tormented here in your presence, had not wrath giuen place, party vnto modestie, whereof I must confesse there is left but a small portiō in me, I had forth­with rid my self out of the way. The kings death was mine act. Conscience constrayneth me (set­ting apart mine owne safegarde) to confesse the truth, least the guiltlesse shoulde wrongfully pe­rishe: Therefore vnderstande yee for truth, that none of them whome ye haue examined are pri­uie to the offence. I verily am she, that with these wicked handes haue strangled this night last past Ferguse, about whose death I see you in trouble, moued so to do with two as sharpe pricks as may rest in a woman, to wit, Impatient forbearing of carnall lust, and yrefull wrath. Ferguse by his continuall vsing of concubines, kept from me the due debt that the husbande oweth to the wife: whereupon when there was no hope to reconcile him with often aduertisementes, vehement force of anger rysing in my heart, droue mee to doe so wicked a deed. I thought lieffer therefore to dis­patch the Adulterer, then (being destitute of my husbande, and defrauded of all Queenely honor) to liue still subiect vnto the perpetuall iniuries of such lewde women as hee kept and vsed in my steade.She giueth hir owne sentence Loose ye therefore those that be accused of the kings death, and as for me ye shall not neede to proceede agaynst me as guiltie of the crime by order of law, for I that was so bolde to commit so heynous an act, will accordingly do execution vpon my selfe euen here incontinently in presence of you all: what honour is due to the deade, looke you to that.

Hauing thus made an ende of hir tale,The Queene taketh execu [...] of hir selfe. shee plucked forth a knife which she had hid vnder hir gowne, and stroke hirselfe to the heart with the same falling deade vpon it downe to the grounde.

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All such as were present, wondered greatly at hir stoute and hardie stomacke, speaking diuersly thereof, as some in prayse, and some in disprayse of these hir monstrous doings.

The bodie of Ferguse was caryed foorth to the Ile of Colmekill, and there buryed in the thirde yeare after his entring into the gouern­ment, and in the yeare of our Lorde 769.767. H.B. The Quenes corps was not buried in sacred ground, for that she slue hirselfe.

[Page 158] Solua­thius.

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Solua­thius ye sonne of Eu­genius ye viij. was admit­ted to ye rule of the Scot­tyshe [...]state next after the death of Fer­gus:Soluathius ad­mitted king of Scotland. 10 a prince surely borne to the accomplishement of high en­terprises, if through hap of froward destinie he had not bin hindred. For in the third yere of his raign he began to bee vexed extremely with the goute, which ingendred by cold in lying abrode in hun­ting,Soluathius an impotent mā. and so continuing with him during his life, stayed him from many worthy exercises, as well in peace at home, as abrode in time of warres.

Thus he being in maner impotent and lame of 20 his lymmes, there were some commotions & mis­orders the more boldly attempted: & first amongst thē of ye out Iles.A rebellion. For Bane Makedonald gouer­uernor by the kings appointment, of the Ilande called Tyre, got all the castels and fortresses of the Iles into his owne handes, and strengthned with a route of vnruly and mischieuous youthful persons,Makedonalde proclaymed king of the Iles. toke possession of al the said Iles, causing himselfe to be proclaimed king of the same.

And yet not contented herewith, he gathered a 30 number of shippes togither, wherein transporting himselfe with a great armie ouer into Lorne and Cantyre,He inuadeth Lorn and Cantyre. made great wast & spoyle of those coun­treys, til Duthquhal gouernor of Athole, and Cu­lane of Argyle,A power from the king is sent against him. beeing sent with a chosen power from the king to defend the countrey, chaunced to encounter with him, and putting him with hys people vnto flight, chased them vnto such a strait, where there was no way to get forth, saue onely that by which they entered. 40

This place is in Lorn, with a strayght passage to enter into it: but whē ye are within it, the same is verie large and brode, enuironed aboute with craggie mountaynes, chayned togither with a continuall ridge, a deepe riuer compassing them in beneath in the bottom, with such stepe and side­ling bankes, that there is no way to passe forth of the same, but by that through which ye must en­ter into it. The said Bane with his folkes being entred at vnwares into such a straight, & percey­uing 50 there was no way to issue forth, but by the same where he entred, he returned backe thither, & finding the passage closed frō him by his enimies, he was in a wonderfull maze, not knowing what shift to make to escape. Finally falling to councel with the chiefest of his armie vpō the danger pre­sent, and so continuing for the space of two dayes without any conclusion auailable, on the third day driuen of necessitie through hunger, they required of their enimies to be receiued as yeelded men vp­on what conditions they would prescribe, onely hauing their liues assured. But when this would not be graunted, in the euening tide they rushed forth vpon their enimies, to trie if by force they might haue passed through them. But such was their hap, that there they died euery mothers son: for so had Duthquhall and Culane cōmaunded, to the ende that other rebels might take ensample by such their wilfull and rebellious outrage.

The kings Captaines after this passing ouer into the Iles,The kings power passeth ouer into the Iles. brought all things there into the former state of quietnesse. Yet after the appeasing of this tumult, there chaunced a new businesse in Galloway: for Gyllequhalm,Gillequhalm the sonne of Donalde. sonne to that Do­nalde (which as ye haue heard, was executed by commaundement of Eugenius the viij.) gathe­red togither a great number of vngracious scape­thriftes, and did muche hurt in the Countrey. But shortlye after beeing vanquished by the same Captaynes that had suppressed the other Rebelles of the Iles, the Countrey was rydde of that trouble, and the ring leaders punished by death for their offences.

In this meane while, the English men and Welch Brytaynes through multitude of kings and rulers warring eche agaynst other, had no leysure to attempt any enterprise against straun­gers. Neither were the Pictes free of some secrete displeasures, which one part of them had cōceiued against another, so that the Scottish men were not troubled at all by any forraine enimies.

And so Soluathius hauing continued his raigne the space of .xx. yeares,Soluathius de­parteth this lyfe. aboute the ende of that tearme departed this life, in the yeare of our saluation 788.788. Achaius

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THen after Soluathius was once buried in Colm kill amōgst his auncesters, Achaius crea­ted king of Scotlande. A­chaius the son of king Ethfin (a man highly renowmed for his ernest zeale to iustice and vpright dealing, was aduanced to the gouernance of the realme: who for that by his former conuersation amōgst the nobilitie, he per­fectly vnderstood what grudge and secrete hatred remayned in their heartes, one wishing anothers destruction. He forsaw what daunger the com­mon wealth stoode in, if the same were not by some good meanes qualified:He maketh the nobilitie to agree. and therevpon cal­ling them togither, hee handled the matter wyth suche wisdome and dexteritie, that before theyr [Page 159] departure from him, all the rootes of former dis­pleasures beeing vtterly extirped and auoyded, they were made friendes on eche side, and promi­sed in his presence so to continue.

Thus hauing layde the foundation of a quiet state amongest his subiectes, nowe in the begin­ning of his raigne, he was at poynt to haue had no small warres with the Irishe men, for a num­ber of them being aryued in Cantyre were there slaine by them of the Westerne Iles, which vpon 10 request of the Inhabitants of that countrey were come to ayde them against those Irishmen.

This losse the rulers of the Irish nation pur­posed in all hast to reuenge vpō them of the Iles. But Achaius bearing thereof, sent ouer an Am­bassade vnto thē to haue the matter taken vp be­fore any further force wer vsed: aledging how ther was no cause wherfore wars should be moued for such a matter, where the occasion had bene giuen but by a sort of Rouers on eyther syde, without 20 commaundement or warrant obteyned from any of their superiours.

The Irish men will reuenge.Howbeit the Nobles of Irelande (for there was no king amongest them at that tyme as it chaunced) moued altogither with indignation for the slaughter of theyr Countrymen, made a direct answere, that they woulde surely be reuen­ged of the reproche which they had receyued, be­fore they woulde commune of any peace. And therefore whylest the Scottish Ambassadors re­turned 30 out of Ireland with this answere, a great number of them in shippes and crayers passed o­uer into Ila,Irishmen take a pray in Ila. where getting togither a great pray, and fraughting theyr vesselles therewith, as they were returning homewardes, they were suncke by force of tempest, so that neyther ship nor man returned to bring tydings home howe they had sped in Scotlande.

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The stoute stomackes of the Irishe Lordes and rulers beeing well qualified with this mis­chaunce, they were glad to seeke for peace shortly after vnto Achaius.Irish men do seeke peace. Those also that were sent o­uer to treat of the same, found him at Enuerloch­thee. Where hauing declared their message, and confessed howe iustly they had beene pur [...]ed by the righteous iudgement of almightie God for their wrongful attempting of the warres against them that had not deserued it, Achaius answered how the Irish nation was so stubborne, that they knew not to vse reasō, except they were through­ly scourged▪ and therefore had the righteous God taken iust reuenge vpon them, to the ensample of other, for their continuacie in mouing warres a­gaynst thē that had so earnestly sought for peace. Neuerthelesse festing a pure all iniuctes past, as well new as olde, to shewe himselfe to be the fol­lower of Christ, who in so many passages had praysed, commended and set forth vnto vs peace and tranquilitie, he was cōtented to graunt them peace which now they sued for.

Thus was the peace renued betwixt the Scot­tish and Irish nations, to the no lesse comfort of the Scottes themselues, than of the Irishmen, as those that had learned nowe by experience & tryall (hauing enioyed peace a good season) howe much the same was to be preferred before cruel warres.

In this meane time, Charles,Carolus Mag­nus in league with the Scots. surnamed the great, as then raigning in France, and vnderstā ­ding how the English men did not only by dayly rouing disquiet the seas, to the great danger of all such marchants & other as trauayled alongst the coastes of Fraunce and Germany, but also nowe and then cōming a lande vpon the French domi­nions, did many notable displeasures to his sub­iects, he thought good by the aduice of his peeres to conclude a league if it were possible with ye Scots and Picts, with this article amongest the residue, That so oft as the English men shoulde attempt any enterprise or inuasion into France, the Scots and Picts should be readie streight wayes to in­uade thē here at home: and when they shuld make any warres against the Scots or Picts, then the French men should take vpon them to inuade the west partes of Englande.

There were sent therefore from Charles vnto Achaius certain Ambassadors to bring this mat­ter to passe, who arriuing in Scotland,Ambassadors sent into Scotlande. & cōming to the kings presence, declared effectually the sun [...] of their message, shewing that ye cōclusion of such a league, shoulde bee no lesse to the wealth of the Frenchmen, than of the Scots (considering the Englishmen to be a people most desirous of all o­ther to get into their hands other mens goods and possessions) for thereby they might be somewhat restrayned from such bold and iniurious enterpri­ses as they dayly tooke in hande agaynst theyr Christian neighbors: but it should make most of all (say they) for the aduancement of the whole Christiā cōmon wealth, wheras otherwise throgh their insolent doings, such force as was alreadie [Page 160] prepared against the Sarasins (the common eni­myes of the Christians) shoulde be called backe, therewith to keepe off the sayd Englishe men, to the great daunger of those partes of Christen­dome, vpon which the Sarasins then bordered as neignbours.

This message being heard with good delibera­tion by such as were present,The Ambassa­dors are hono­rably entertei­ned. the Ambassadours themselues beeing honorable personages & graue of countenance, were receyued most louingly of 10 the king, and lodged in his owne pallaice, hauing all the chear & honorable intertainmēt that might be deuised: but touching their message, there were sundrie disputatiōs amongst the nobles, whether she concluding of such a league as they requyred, were expedient for the Scottish common wealth or not. And for that ye matter seemed to be doubt­full, the king thought it necessarie to haue the de­uice of his Counsell: and thervpon calling them togither and appoynting diuerse of them to goe with the Ambassadors on hunting to shew them some sport, whilest he consulted with the residue, (bycause he wold not haue them present) he com­manded one Colman, gouerne of Mar (a man of great authoritie amongst the Scottish men for his approued wisedome) to say first his mind tou­ching the request of those French Ambassadours who therupon standing forth, began as foloweth.

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No man ought to maruaile, I perceyue, king Achaius, if many of this our Nation be desirous to haue this league concluded with the French men, as they that are perswaded howe nothing can be better, nothing more profitable, more ho­nourable, or more pleasant to almightie god, than to ioyne in league and friendship with a Nation 40 of greatest power and wealth in these dayes, of all other within the boundes of Europe:Due conside­ratins. for by that meane shoulde the Scottish name be highly renowmed & spoken of through the whole world. But truly these considerations contenting so wel at the first, are not so much to be regarded as the euils which hereafter may grow therevpon: For surely a naughtie and pernicious ende fo this de­termination shall manifestly teach vs (though to late) howe farre we haue gone beside the way of 50 reason in establishing this league, if we once con­sent to conclude the same. Is it any other thing (I beseech you) to make a league, and to ioyne in societie with the French men agaynst our neigh­bours the Englishmen (whose friendship might be most expedient for vs) then euen to haue from henceforth a nere and in maner a domestical eni­mie at hand,An enemy at hand. Friendes farre off. wheras our supposed friends shall be farre of from vs, and seperate from our countrey by a great and large sea, at whose pleasure also we must make warres agaynst our neighbours, and fight for other mens safegardes, putting our bodies in hazard of death and wounding for their cause, which dwell nothing neare vs: yea and in their quarell to commit our kingdome, goods and liues vnto extreeme perill of vtter destruction. [...] [...]sell of [...]. I shoulde thinke it good therefore to take better ad­uisement and deliberation herein, least whilest we seeke for vainglorie and counterfeyte honour, we do not through prouoking the English men out next neighbors, lose our owne liberties goe with so much trauaile by our elders, for the which they so often fought with the Brytaynes, Romaines, Picts, and finally with the Saxōs. Can there be any thing more pernicious vnto a free natiō and people borne in libertie, than to measure lawes of peace, chances of warre, and in fine, libertie it [...]el [...], by the lust and pleasure of another nation, and so to enter (as it were) into bondage? for the auoy­ding whereof, not onely men but also all other lyuing things are readie to fight, euen to the vttermoste. If the Frenche menne in the chie­fest heate and moste earnest brunt of the warre [Page 161] (which we shall fake in hand [...] for theyr sake, ac­cording to the articles of the league) shall chance in forsake vs, and conclude some maner of peace or league with oure enimies, leauing vs in all the whole daunger, shal we haue any iudge afore whome wee maye bring them to answere for theyr default, and by whose authoritie they may bee constrayned to see vs satisfyed for such losse and iniuryes as wee shall happely sustayne at the Englishe mennes handes? Are we of that 10 force and power to reuenge our wronges vppon them, after wee are vanquished and in manner brought to vtter cōfusion by those warres which wee shall enter into for theyr cause? If euer wee bee brought vnto that poynte (as God forbyd we shoulde) that through want of substance and decay of force, the Frenche men shall also vtter­ly forsake vs; and that thereby we shall not be able to resist the Englishe puissance: afore whome (I beseech you) shall we accuse them for breaking of 20 this league? We shall dayly haue to doe wyth our enimies after the conclusion of the league (if it bee concluded at all) and but seldome tymes wyth our friendes. In the middest of our enimies we shall be still occasioned to practise for our de­fence, where we haue a long way both by sea and land to passe ouer to our friends, in case any neede shall inforce vs thervnto: cōmodities are brought to vs out of Spaine, Fraunce and Germanie, not such as we desire, but onely such as the Englishe 30 men doe permit. Againe when our Marchants shall passe into Fraunce, what hauens shall wee leaue them to resort vnto in time of daungerous tempests▪ which often chaunce to all suche as vse sayling? Either must they perish and bee cast a­waye through rage of seas, eyther else fall into the handes of our enimies togither, with all theyr goodes and fraught. What discommodities here­of shal rise, your grace most prudetn Prince) and you right circumspect Counsaylers doe well y­nough 40 perceyue. I therefore would thinke it ex­pedient that we should continue in ye former peace concluded with the Brytaines, Saxons & Picts, according to the custome of our late predecessors, who sawe well ynough what was most benefici­all for the wealth of the Scottish nation, and not to couet a newe amitie with an vnknowne peo­ple, hauing deserued little or nothing as yet at our handes (whose intent I cannot but haue in sus­pition, sithe they seeke for amitie so farre of) ex­cept 50 wee shall manifestly resolue wyth our selues to employe and leoparde doth life and libertie for the safegarde of the French men, without regarde of our owne.

Colmans coū ­sel is misliked.Many in that assemblie shewed themselues sore offended with Colmans wordes, supporting the league with the French men to be both hono­rable and necessarie.

Then one Albian, a man of great nobilitie, (whome the king had lately before instituted hys lieutenant in the Iles) spake in this maner:

If it were possible that there might be one sure and i [...]ui [...]a [...]le consent amongest those foure peo­ple,Albian his Oration. whiche at this daye haue theyr habitations within the boundes of Albion, or that the Eng­lish men shewe what it were to stande and abide by fayth and promises made a giuen, we woulde not denie but that those considerations and adui­ses which Colman hath her vttered, ought to be followed, bycause that then there should be no oc­casion at all, why we should conclude any league with any forraine nation.The English Saxons brea­kers of pro­mise. But forsomuche as there was neuer man that founde more vntruth and breache of promise in any Nation, than hath beene founde in these Saxons (the which hauing got the rule in Albion, are nowe called Englishe men as th Scottes, Pictes, and Brytaynes haue by tryall sufficiently prooued, I suppose it is euidently knowne vnto you, that either we must of necessitie fight and stand at defence against the English men, readie to assayle vs both with open force and secret crafte, eyther else linke our selues with suche allyes and confederates, as by theyr support we may be the better able to withstande the malice of such vnfaythfull people. Call ye this fayth or treason, I pray you? The Saxons in tymes past beeing requested of the Brytaynes to ayde them agaynst their enimies, were most lo­uingly receyued, and highlye rewarded for theyr seruice; but they contrarily in recompence of such kindnesse, shewed themselues in steade of ayders, enimies: in steade of defenders, destroyers: tur­ning their weapon poynts against the Brytains, by whom they had beene so sent for to theyr ayde. And how haue not onely destroyed a great num­ber of them by fire and sworde, but also they haue spoyled them of their kingdome & libertie. What league or truce haue they at any time kept (you your selues are not ignoraunt of this whiche I speake) where eyther they sawe occasion to vexe theyr neighbours, or hoped to gaine any thing by falsifying theyr faythes, as they that haue neuer beene ashamed so to do, where hope to haue com­moditie (if I maye so call it) hath at any hande beene offered. Into what sundrie and most mi­serable calamities hath the treacherie of the Sax­ons brought the sillie Brytaynes? How often­times haue they broken the peace established with vs, and also with the Picts? Euen when we least thought vpon any such thing. Yea and that more is, amongst themselues at this season the English men warre one agaynst another, more with craf­tie traines than with open force, in such wise that in Northumberland so many kings, & so many noble mē haue bin traterously murthered & made away, that vneth maye there be any founde that [Page 162] will take vpon him she supreme gouernment of that countrey.To induce o­thers to his purpose he ta­keth the ad­uauntage of casual happes charging the whole nation with the faults of a few perti­cular persons. It is not many yeares agone since Oswin king of that countrey was ryd out of the waye through treason of Oswey that succeeded him in the kingdom, and was after depriued both of life and kingdome by Osrike, whome Egbert desirous to raigne in his place, founde meanes by trayterous practise to dispatche. Egbert was slaine by Mollo, and Mollo by Alfred, which Al­fred was after slaine by the guilefull craft of E­thelbert. 10 Neyther had Ethelbert any better suc­cesse in the ende, for nowe of late betrayed by his owne subiects, he was by them shamefully slaine and murthered. Neyther wyth lesse trayterous shiftes and deuyses doe the Englishe men main­taine theyr warres in all places where they are inhabiting within Albion. The reuerende Fa­thers of the spiritualtie, and other godly men ad­dict to vertue, vnto whome the setting forth of Gods worde hath beene committed, aweeryed 20 and abhorring this woode madnesse, rage and wicked misdemeanour of that Nation, haue left theyr Byshoprykes, Abbeys, Monasteryes, and Celles, and from thence haue remoued into for­rayne Regions. Therfore where the English mē do abstaine at this present frō making vs warres, it is not to be imputed to any reuerence they haue to faith, equitie, or respect of the league, which they haue made with vs, but only vnto such ciuil sedi­tion & discord, as now doth raigne amongst them. 30 Neither ought any of vs of right to doubt, but that when the same once ceasseth, they wil imme­diatly take weapon in hand against vs, notwith­standing all leagues or couenants of peace cōfir­med to the contrarie. To represse therefore and a­bate their subtile practises, I can finde no redier meane than to enter into friendship, and conclude a league with that people, whiche beeing ioyned with vs, maye chastice suche outragious furie of this wicked nation, as cause and oportunitie shall 40 require, Fortune hath offred vnto vs a conuenient meane and occasion herevnto. For here be at this present ye French kings ambassadors, offring that vnto vs, which (being so great a benifit) we might vneth wish for. That is, they require to haue vs to ioyne in league against the Englishmen,The Frenche m [...] [...] those days possessed not onely that put of Gallia which we now cal France, but also the most part of the coū treys now in­habited by the Teu [...]shmen or Germaines, namely on this side the ryuer of Rheine. with their king, whom Fraunce, Spaine, and no smal part of Germanie do acknowledge for theyr so­ueraine. Ought this to bee despised of men that haue their perfect senses? Ought the societie of 50 the French nation to be refused of vs, inhabiting here in the vttermost partes of the earth, the same being freely offered by them, vnto whom for their sincere fayth both towardes God and man, the large Empyre of the worlde is graunted. So that if wee shall thankefully receyue thys moste notable benefite, the same shall purchase vnto vs the friendship of the Spaniardes, French men, Germanes, and all those nations which acknow­ledge king Charles for their head and soueraine Lord. Hereupon also free passage for marchantes shall be open, to passe to and fro vnto vs, with all kind of marchandise & wares of traffike. I trust therefore that euery one of you (so that he wey the thing with himselfe throughly) will easily iudge that the friendship and societie of the French men (right puissant both by sea and land) and thereto of approoued fayth and stedfastnesse in promise ought more to be esteemed, and is more beneficial to the Scottish common wealth, then the vnsted­fast promises and great disloyaltie of the Saxōs. To which of you is it vnknowne, that the Eng­lish nation studieth no lesse to bring vs vnder the yoke of seruitude, than they doe the Welchmen, if their force mighte answere directlye to theyr willes? Therefore if we desire to auoyde the vio­lent power of most cruell enimies, if wee meane to auoyde theyr craftie practises, if we regard the Christian Religion, for the whiche the Frenche men are continually in armure, if we set more by vertue and constancie than by vnfaythfulnesse & breach of couenants and promises, if wee labour for the glory and honor of our nation, if we couet to aduaunce our Countrey, our owne rest, and quietnesse: and to be briefe, if we passe vpon life and libertie, the moste dearest things that maye happen to man, let vs with ioyfull heartes esta­blish this league with the French men, and firme­ly continue in the same, vppon assured trust and confidence that it shall bring perpetuall commo­ditie and renowne vnto vs, both for the safegarde of our realme, and restraynt of the English mens vnlawfull attemptes & wrongfull iniuries, which hereafter they either shall or may at any time en­terprise agaynst vs.

By this Oration Albian drew the multitude easily vnto his purpose.

Then Achaius vnderstāding how the minds of all his subiects were in maner wholy inclyned to the league, cōmaunded al the cōpany to be ther in the same place againe the next day. And so brea­king vp their assembly for yt time, the king made the French Ambassadors ye night a costly supper with a banket,The league with the French men agreed vpon. and after hauing cōference wt his nobles & lords of the counsel, it was agreed by ge­neral cōsent amongst thē, that for the solemne ra­tifying of this league with king Charles, accor­ding as he had requyred, there should go with his Ambassadors at their returne the Lord William the brother of king Achaius with foure other ho­norable & learned personages, being men of perfite knowledge & skil, and such as were esteemed most meete for such a purpose. Also yt they should take iiij. M. men ouer with thē to serue against the in­fidels & enimies of the christian religion, where & in such sort as king Charles should appoint thē.

[Page 163]Hereupon the next day going first to Church, and there making their common supplications vnto almightie God,The league is encluded. according to the rytes and auncient customes, they after resorted vnto the councell chamber, where Achaius opened and de­clared vnto the French Ambassadors al that was concluded by him, and other estates of hys realme, touching the message whiche they had brought from king Charles. Who reioysing (as should appeare) greatly hereat, gaue most hartie 10 thankes vnto him, and to all the residue for theyr beneuolent willes herein shewed towardes king Charles their maister, & all the French Nation.

After this remayning certaine dayes with A­chaius, who made them all the cheare that might be imagined,Hungus king of the Pictes. they departed towardes Hungus king of the Picts, vnto whom at their cōming to his presence they made ye like request on their ma­sters behalfe, whiche they had made before vnto Achaius. 20

It is sayd that Hungus gaue the French men most hartie thankes for their good willes,Hungus refu­sed to cōclude any league with the French men. but yet he would not graunt to cōclude any league with thē at that time, for that (as he alledged) the mat­ter being weightie and of great importaunce re­quired no small time to deliberate and take ad­uice for a full resolution therein.

The Ambassadors hereupon returned vnto A­chaius without speed of their purpose with Hun­gus,The French Ambassadors returned home. and the second moneth after, all things being 30 readie for their returne, and the passage of those that should go with them, the Lord William the kings brother, togither with the same Ambassa­dors and such foure persons as the king had cho­sen forth amongst all the learned Cleargie of his realme (whose names were Clement,Claudius Cle­ment, Iohn Maesbel Raban, Alcuine. Iohn, Ra­ban, and Alcuine) and also hauing with him those foure M. men of warre which were at the first a­poynted to goe with him, passed forth towardes France, where he with all the whole cōpanie lan­ded 40 within few dayes after in saftie, according to their owne wished desires, At their comming in­to Fraunce,The Scottish men are hono­rably receyued of Carolus the French king. Charles the Emperor receiued them in most gladsome wise, doing them all the honor that might be deuised, & the souldiers which were come to serue him vnder the leading of the fore­sayd William, he retayned in wages, vsing them after the same sort and rate as he did his own na­turall people the French men.

The league is published by Heraldes.Shortly after also at the request of the Scot­tish 50 orators, according to ye charter signed by A­chaius and confirmed by consent of king Charles the league betwixt the French men and Scottes was solemnely published by Heraldes at armes, according to the maner in those dayes vsed, the same to endure betwixt those two nations and their posterities for euer.

The chiefest articles comprised in this league were as followeth:The articles of the league.

The amitie and confederation betwixte the French men and Scottes to be perpetuall & firme to endure betwixt them & the posterities of both the nations for euer.

The iniuries and warres which the English men should attempt against either nation, should be accounted as common to them both.

The French men being assayled by warres of the English men, the Scottes should sende theyr ayde of souldiers, hauing their charges borne by the French men, as well for furniture, as wages, and all other things necessarie.

The French men shoulde contrariwise ayde the Scots in time of warres against the English men at their owne proper costes and charges.

Whatsoeuer he were, priuate person or publike of these two confederate nations, that against ey­ther of them should ayde the English men wyth armor, counsell, vitailes, or in any other maner of wise, the same should be reputed for a trayter vnto both their Princes and countreys.

Neither might either of them conclude a peace, or take any truce, without consent of the other.

These were the principall Articles of the league, as then confirmed betwixte the Scottes and Frenchmen, indited in Latine, and fayre in­grossed in parchment, & reserued as a monument in both realmes, for a witnesse vnto such as shuld come after, of this friendship thus begunne, as the Scottes Chronicles affyrme.

And for a further memorie of the thing,The armes of Scotlande. Achai­us did augment his armes, being a red Lion in a field of golde, with a double trace seamed wyth floure de Lyces, signifying thereby, that the Li­on from thencefoorth shoulde bee defended by the ayde of the Frenche men: and that the Scot­tishe Kings shoulde valiauntlye fight in de­fence of theyr Countrey, libertie, Religion and innocencie, whiche are represented by the Ly­lies, or Floure de lyces, as Herauldes doe inter­prete it.

The Lord William, the sayd Clement, and Iohn, remayned stil with king Charles, but Ra­ban and Alcuine returned into their countrey.

In all such warres and iourneyes as Charles afterwardes made agaynste any of his enimies,The valiantnes of William. the sayde Lorde William was a chiefe doer in the same, so that his fame and authoritie dayly grew in all places where the came.

His seruice stoode King Charles in nota­ble stead in his expeditions agaynst the Saxons, Hungarians, & other, but namely his estimation in Italy was most highly aduāced, at what time the sayde Charles reedified the Citie of Florence,Florence is reedified. appoynting this William to be his Lieutenant in Tuscane, and to haue the chiefe charge for the restoring of the sayde Citie, which he wyth suche [Page 164] diligence applyed,Willi [...] Lieu­tenant of Tuscane. that wythin short tyme the same was not onely fortified wyth newe walles, repayred and replenished with great numbers of houses, Churches, and other beautifull buildings, but also peopled and furnished with Citizens, a great companie of Nobles and gentlemen being called thither out of euerie Citie and towne there­aboutes for that purpose.

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The Citie being thus restored vnto hir for­mer state and dignitie, through the bounteous benefite of king Charles, and the diligent admi­nistration of his Lieutenant the foresayde Wil­liam, the Citizens to shew themselues thanke­full, deuised for a perpetuall memorie to beare in theyr armes a redde Lillie, resembling one of 30 those which the kings of Fraunce giue,The armes of Florence. saue that it differeth in colour, to testifie thereby, that their Citie (after the destruction thereof by the Gothes) was reedified and restored to the former dignitie, by the benefite of the french men.

And to acknowledge the diligence herein of the Lieutenant they did institute publike plaies to be vsed and celebrate euery yere,A Lion crow­ned. wherin with many pompous ceremonies they crowne a Lion. And further that there should be kept vpon the charges 40 of the common treasurie within the Citie certain Lions for the sa [...]d Lord William gaue a Lion

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50 for his cognisance) and thervpon as the Scottish Chronicles affyrme,Lions kept at Florence. those beastes grew to be had in such honor amongst the Florentines.

Thus this valiant Captain, the foresayd Lord William, passing his time in noble exercises, and worthie feates of chiualrie vnder king Charles, is accounted in the number of those .xij. martiall warriours, whiche are called commonly by the Scottish men, Scottesgylmore.Scottesgyl­more.

And for that he was continually occupied in warres, he was neuer maried,William vn­maried ma­keth Christ his heyre. Monasteries of Scotishmen in Germanie. wherevpō growing in age and purposing to make Christ his heyre, he buylded diuerse Abbayes and monasteries both in Italy & Germanie, richly indowing ye same with landes and rents, sufficient for the finding of such number of Monkes, as he appoynted to be in the sayd Abbayes, wherein none might be admitted, according to the auncient ordinance by him deui­sed, except he were a Scottish man borne.

In witnesse of which ordinance, there are sun­drie of these houses remayning in Almaigne euen vnto this daye, nothing chaunged from the first order or institution.

Before the accomplishment of these things, by the aforesayde Lorde William, brother as is said vnto the Scottish king Achaius, I finde that the Vniuersities of Paris and Pauia were instituted by king Charles, chiefly by the helpe and meanes of those two foremēbred learned Scottish men, Iohn and Clement,The Vniuer­sitie of Paris and Pauia. insomuch that Clemēt was appoynted chiefe president of all the studentes at Paris, and Iohn of the other at Pauia.

But now to returne to the other doings of A­chaius, ye shall vnderstande,Adelstane en­treth into Deira. that about the same time or not muche differing from the same, [Page 165] Adelstane the sonne of Ethelwoolfe king of west Saxons, taking vpō him the dominion of Kent, East Saxon, Mertia, and Northumberlande, whome Egbert his grandfather had receyued in­to his gouernment) desirous nowe to enlarge his kingdome, entred into that part of the Pic­tish dominion, whiche aunciently hight Deira, and conteined the Marches about Barwike, al­ledging how the same apperteyned to his king­dome of Northumberlande, and had bene fraudu­lently taken from his auncesters by the Picts: but forsomuch as there was a commotion reysed the same time in Mertia, he was called backe to ap­pease it,Deira wasted by sire and sworde. and herevpon putting all to the fire and sworde in Deira, sauing suche prisoners as hee brought away with him, he returned.

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Hungus the Pictish king sore stomaking this iniurious enterprise of the Englishmen, determi­ned to reuenge the same in all possible hast, & ther­fore 30 made instant sute vnto Achaius (who had maried his sister) to haue his ayde against them.

Hungus ayded with Scottish men inuadeth Northumber­landeAchaius of his owne accorde minding to doe the English men a displeasure, sent forthwith vn­to Hungus to the number of ten thousand men. With which, and with his owne power King Hungus inuaded the borders of Northumber­land, fetching from thence a great bootie of goods & prisoners:He warred without slaughter and burning. but yet he forbare slaughter of men, and burning of houses, for a reuerence whiche 40 hee had, as is supposed, towardes the Christian religion.

Athelstane persueth Hungus.Athelstane being certified hereof, omitting his iourney into Mertia, turned al his power against the Picts: & hearing that they were withdrawne into theyr Countrey, he followed them so neare at the heeles, that very earely in one morning he was vpon their backes where they lodged by a brooke side, not passing two miles from Had­dington, before they had any knowledge of hys 50 approche.

Athelstane vpon a fierce courage, hauing thus founde his enimies according to his wished de­sire, and herewith comming vpon them in suche order of battaile as they had no way forth to e­scape without fight,Athelstane his cruel procla­mation. hee commaunded a procla­mation to be made by one of his Heralds, that all the whole number of the Pictes shoulde passe by the edge of the sworde.

The Pictes thus seeing theyr enimyes at hande,The Pictes are amazed. and hearing of thys cruell commaun­dement, were wonderfully amazed wyth the straungenesse of the thing, and oppressed so wyth feare, that they wyst not what might bee best for them to do.

At length,The Picts en­trench their campe. by commaundement of Hungus theyr King they fell vnto fortifying of theyr campe: but yet they quickly perceyued howe that it woulde not long preuayle them, conside­ring that theyr enimyes had gotten into theyr handes not onelye all the spoyle whiche they had brought wyth them oute of Northumber­lande, but also all other theyr prouision, trusse, and baggage, which they had left in a field there adioining vnto the side of their campe. Herevpon manye reasons were put forth amongest them, which way they might escape out of that present daunger.

In whiche meane tyme Athelstane hauing brought his people into good order of battaile,Athelstane doth chalenge his enimie. prouoked the Pictes to come forth of theyr strength into the playne fielde, there to trie their forces. But for that daye no notable thing was done: the Pictes keeping themselues still within theyr campe.

In the night following,The Pictes prepare them­selues vnto battaile. after sundrie consul­tatiōs had amongst thē, it was agreed by general consent, that the next day they should giue battail to the English men. And so herevpon preparing [Page 166] themselues for the purpose, euen vpon the breake of the day forwarde they make towardes their e­nimies wich fierce willes, specially encouraged thereto by the comfortable wordes of Hungus.

The English men are put to flight.The Englishmen halfe amazed at the hardie approch and onset of the Pictes, were not long a­ble to susteyne their sore impression: so that, be­ginning somewhat to sway, at length they were forced to flie vnto the place, where ye heard howe they tooke the baggage and spoyle of the Pictishe 10 campe: were they were beaten downe in greater numbers than before, insomuch that such priso­ners as they had before taken of them that kept the sayde spoyle, greatly now to aduance the vic­torie of their fellowes, shewing more crueltie to­wardes the Englishe men than any of the rest, now that they sawe once howe the victorie was inclined to the Pictish side.

In fine, such slaughter was made, that of the whole Englishe hoste whiche was there assem­bled, 20 there vneth escaped fiue hundred. Athel­stane himselfe at the first encounter was runne through the bodie with a Speare,Athelstane is staine. and so dyed, gyuing name to the place of the battaile, whiche continueth euen vnto this day,Aylstone foord being called A­thelstanes foorde,

A dreame.This victorie fell to the Pictes by myracle, for in the night season as Hungus was layde downe to sleepe (after it was agreed that they shoulde giue battaile) there appeared vnto him 30 the Apostle Saint Andrewe (as the tale goeth) promising him and his people victorie agaynste theyr enimies on the day next following, and for an assured token thereof,The Crosse of S. Andrew. he tolde him that there shoulde appeare ouer the Pictishe hoste in the ele­ment such a fashioned Crosse, as hee sometyme

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40 50 suffered vppon. Hungus awakened, and behol­ding the Skie, sawe the Crosse as the Apostle had tolde him: Wherevpon calling his people togyther, hee not onely shewed them the same sight, but also declared vnto them what vision had appeared vnto him in hys sleepe, wyl­ling them therefore to bee of good comfort, sithe there was cause of such assured hope to haue assystaunce from aboue agaynste theyr cruell enimies.

The signe of the foresayde Crosse was not onely seene of the Pictes and Scottes beeyng there wyth them in ayde,Saint Andrew the Scottish mens patron. to both theyr greate comfortes and gladnesse, but also of the Eng­lishe men to their no lesse discouragement, as they that vnderstoode Saint Andrewe to bee Patrone and Aduowryer of the Scottishe and Pictishe Nations. For it did put suche a feare into theyr heartes, that when they came to the poynte of ioyning, theyr stomackes so say­led them, that wyth small resystaunce they were easily vanquished (as is sayde) and put to flyght.

For this so manifest a myracle, after the battaile was once ended, and the victorie obtey­ned, Hungus repayred with his people following him,Saint Reule. vnto the Church of that blessed man Saint Regulus, nowe called Saint Andrewes, where they made theyr offrings wyth humble deuotion vnto the Relykes of the Apostle, rendring than­kes vnto him for theyr victorie with deuoute prayer after the accustomed maner then.

They vowed there also at the same tyme (as the fame goeth)Why Scottish men vse S Andros crosse in warfare. that from thenceforth as well they as theyr posteritie in tyme of warre shoulde weare a Crosse of Saint Andrews for theyr badge and cognisance. Which ordenance conti­nually after remayned with the Pictes, and after their destruction & exterminion, with the Scots euen vnto our time.

The bodie of Athelstane was buried in the next Church vnto the place where the fielde was fought, howbeit,Athelstane his buriall. some haue left in wryting that his head was cut off from the bodie and brought to Inchgaruie, where beeing set vppon a stake, it was shewed to the people in reproche of his iniu­rious enterprise.

Hungus the Pictishe king to shewe himselfe yet more mindefull of the due honoring of the ho­ly Apostle,Hungus repai­reth S. A [...]os Church. by whose ayde he acknowledged him­selfe to haue got the victorie aforesayde, not only augmented his Church with new buildings and necessarie reparations, but encreased the number of priests in the same for the celebrating of diuine seruice: he also gaue many riche and costly orna­ments vnto the same, as Chalices, Cruets, Ba­sons & such like.Images of golde and siluer. Moreouer he caused to be made the Images of christ and his .xij. Apostles of fine gold and siluer, which hee bestowed there, with a case also of beaten golde,Tenthes to be giuen vnto the Cleargie. therein to inclose the re­lykes of S. Andrew. And besides this, he ordey­ned that the Spiritualtie should haue the tenthes of all increase of goods: as of corne, cattailes, her­bage, [Page 167] and such like through his realme and fur­ther that spirituall person [...] should not be [...] to answere before any [...]

But these beneficiall priuiledge the Pictishe clergie di [...] not lōg enioy.Feredeth ta­keth from the Cleargie their priuiledges. For Feredeth that was the [...] which raigned amongst the Pictes af­ter Hungus tooke from them all suche giftes as this Hungus, had giuen them, and further or­deyned to the derogation of their Priuiledges, that they shoulde answere [...] secular [...]mes 10 afore secular Magistrates▪ And why not? And that lyuing vppon theyr former reuenewes,Priestes to be tryed afore secular iudges. Souldiers and menne of warre shoulde enioye the other whiche Hungus had so freely bestowed vpon them.

The Nobles of the land mainteyned Fere­deth in his doings, reckening all that spirituall persons had to be but cast away, which was the cause (as some thought) that theyr King­dome take into suche ruine, as shortly after fol­lowed. 20

There bee some Chronicles that wryte how these things whiche are mencioned of Hungus, and Athelstane, chaunced not altogyther aboute this season, but Hector Boetius followeth [...]e­rem [...]nd in moste of his accounte, as the authour whome he taketh to be most certaine, as well for the accounte of the tyme as in the course of the whole Hystorie. And for that we meane not to presume wholy to derogate the same Boetius his 30 credite wee haue not muche dissented from hym, but rather followed him in most places, leauing suche doubtes as may bee worthily put forth of that which he wryteth, vnto the consideration of the diligent Reader, sithe it is not our purpose to impugne, but rather to report what wee finde written by other, except nowe and then by the way to admonishe the reader of some vnlikely­hoodes, (as the same doth seeme to vs and other,) and happely not without iust occasion. 40

But nowe to our purpose: Aswell Hungus King of Pictes, as Achaius King of Scottes, after the ouerthrowe and death of Athelstane ly­ued with theyr people in good quiet & rest, for the Englishe men attempted nothing agaynst the Scottes or Pictes afterwardes,Achains depar­teth out of this life. 819 during the time of their raignes. At length Achaius after hee had raigned .xxxij. yeares, departed thys lyfe, in the yeare of our Lorde .819. whiche was a­bout the sixt yeare of Hungus his dominion ouer 50 the Pictes

His bodie was buryed in Colmekill, ac­cording to the maner of Kings amongest hys predecessours.

In the days of thys Achains beside Clement and others of whome before ye haue heard lyued Byshop Ger [...]adius a notable Preacher in Mur­rey lande. Also Bishoppe Glacian with Mo­ [...] [...] brethren, all Doctor [...] and [...]span knowledge, in respect whereof they were had in great credite and estimation with the people.

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AFter the de­cease [...] of [...] ­challis,Conual. Conuall suc­ceedeth A­ [...]haius. Con­nuall that w [...] his V [...] for by [...] brother of king [...], suc­ceeded [...] go­uernment of ye Scottish king­dome.

Betwixt this Conual and Hungus [...]he Pic­tish king,Loue and amitie. there was wonderfull loue and amitie shewed, [...] of them [...] by all wayes and meanes how to [...] allance betwixt their people, wherevpon [...] greate wealth and [...] king­domes.

Finally Hungus wasted with a continual con­sumption deceased,Hungus fal­leth in [...] con­sumption. Conuall de­ceasseth also delyuering vp his kingdome into the handes of hys so [...]e Dorstolor [...]s, and that in the presence of King Conuall, who likewyse lyued not long after hym for in the fifth yeare of his raigne hee lykewyse departed oute of thys Worlde,802. Io. Ma. by force of naturall sicknesse.

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Dongal

DOngall the sonne of king Saluathius was receyued to succeede by the common con­sent of the estates of all the Realme,Dongall suc­ceedeth after Conuall. a man of sin­gular wisdome and great knowledge.A seuere puni­sher of male­factors. But for that hee was somewhat seuere in punishing the mysor [...]ed behauiours of the Nobilitie and mis­gouerned youth of hys Realme, dyuerse of the Nobles conspyred agaynste hym,Alpine con­strained by the nobles, taketh vpon him to be crowned king. forcing one Alpyne the sonne of Achaius to make claym [...] to the Crowne, who perceyuing there was no remedie▪ but eyther to follow their mindes, or else to be murthered amongest them consented to goe with them into Argyle, where they purposed to crowne him king sitting vpon the Chayre of Marble, according to the maner.

[Page 168] Alpine vnwil­ing to receiue the crowne, fied.Howbeit at his comming into that cou [...]rey, he found meanes to conuey himself from amogst them, least through his meanes the quiet state of his countrey should be brought into [...]rouble [...] and forthwith being, escaped out of their handes with a few other that were priuy to his intention, hee maketh all the hast he coulde, till he came to the presence of Dongall,Alpine was ioyfully re­ceyued of Dongall. who receyued him in most ioyfulwise, promising that if it should be thought necessarie by the estates of the realme, he woulde 10 gladly resigne vnto him his whole crowne and dignitie, desirous of nothing more than to see the aduauncement of the house of Achaius, Suche sayth he were the merites of that famous prince towardes the preseruation of the Scottish com­mon wealth, that it were too much wickednesse to goe about to defraude his issue of the inheritance of the realme.

Alpine his ex­cuse vnto Dongall.Alpine giuing the king most hartie thankes, besought him to continue in the administration, drawing God and the worlde to witnesse, that he minded nothing lesse than to be about to clayme the gouernment of the kingdome so long as hee liued. For as touching his offence, in that he had gathered an armie and ledde the same into Ar­gyle, it was not his fault, but the conspiratours which had forced him thereto, being determined to haue slaine him, if he had not consented vnto theyr desires.

Within three dayes after,Dongall ma­keth an army against the rebelles. there came messen­gers from the rebelles to excuse themselues also, and to put all the fault in Alpine: but king Don­gall giuing small credite to their forged wordes, gathereth his power, and maketh such speede to­wardes the place where he vnderstood the sayd re­bels were assembled togither, that he was vpon them ere they had any knowledge of his setting forwarde. So that before they coulde make any shift to escape out of daunger, which they went a­bout to do, they were apprehended, and immedi­ately condemned and put to death. Which exe­cution put other presumptuous persons in feare, so that the state of the Realme remayned after­wards a great deale the more in quiet.

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Eganus mur­thereth his brother.Whilest things passed thus in Scotlande, E­ganus the seconde sonne of king Hungus the Pictish king, found meanes to murther his bro­ther Dorstolorgus, to the ende he might raigne in his place: and through support of some of the nobilitie he atteyned to his purpose. And for that he woulde assure himselfe the more firmely in the estate, he frankly bestowed his fathers treasure a­mongst his Lordes and chiefest peeres of hys 50 realme, and tooke to wife also Brenna the king of Mertia his daughter, which his brother the fore­named Dorstolorgus had maried, that thereby he might asswage the sayde king of Mertia his dis­pleasure, which otherwise he should happely haue conceyued for the death of his other sonne in law the same Dorstolorgus.

His feare was great on eche side, and there­fore had small affiance in any person,Eganus liueth in feare. doubting least one or other should seeke to reuenge his bro­thers death. He durst neuer go any wayes forth abrode without a garde of men of warre aboute him, whome he had wonne and made his fast friends by his passing great larges and dountifull liberalitie. At length yet, his wife in reuenge of hir former husbandes death, founde meanes to strangle him as he lay one night fast a sleepe, ha­uing drunke a little too muche in the euening be­fore,Eganus is strangled of his Queene. and in this sort he came to his ende after he had raigned much what about the space of two yeares.

Thus both Eganus and Dorstolorgus be­ing made away without leauing any issue behind them, for somuch as now there remayned none of the posteritie of Hungus to surceede in gouern­ment [Page 169] of the Pictishe kingdome, Alpine nephewe to the same. Hungus, by his sister Fergusiana, with the aduise of king Dongall, made clayme thervnto, and thervpon sent his messengers vn­to the lords and peeres of the Pictish dominion, to require them on his behalfe,Ambassadour sent vnto the Pictes. that he myght be receyued to the gouernemente of the kingdome due vnto him by lawfull inheritance, as they wel vnderstode: and that if they throughly considered of the thing, they might perceiue it was the pro­uision 10 of Almightie God, that for want of law­full succession lineally descended from Hungus now to succede in the estate of the Pictish king­dom, by this meanes both the nations Scottes and Pictes should be ioyned in one, to the aboli­shing of all such mortall warres, as by discorde and contention might aryse betwixte those two people, in lyke sorte as before tyme there hadde done, to the great perill and danger of both their vtter ruines. 20

The Pictish nobilitie hauing knowledge that these messengers with suche kynde of message should shortly come from Alpine,The Pictes chose Feredeth to be king. with generall consent and whole agreemente, chose one Fere­deth to be their king, a man of greate authoritie amongest them, supposing this to be a meane to defeate Alpines title, and that thereby he shoulde seeme to be excluded from any further clayme.

Within fewe dayes after, came vnto Came­lon the Scottishe ambassadors, where Feredeth 30 with his nobles at that presente were assembled:The ambassa­dours come in­to the courte. they being admitted therfore to declare their message, when they began to enter into their matter of the right which Alpine had to the kingdom of the Pictes, the people woulde not suffer them to proceede any further therein, but began to make suche an vprore, that to appease the noyse, Fere­deth himselfe tooke vpon him to make aunswere vnto the Ambassadors, and thervpon comman­ding silence, declared vnto them that the Pictes 40 neyther might nor ought to admitte any stran­ger to reigne ouer them:King Feredeth his answeare vnto the Sco­tishe ambassa­dours. for there was an ancient lawe amongst them, of moste high authoritie, that in case of necessitie they might transpose the crowne from house to house: And further, that by the same law ther was an ordinance decreed, that if any man were once made & created king, he might not be deposed during his natural lyfe. And therfore though it were so, that Alpine were the nephewe of Hungus by his sister Fergusi­ana, 50 yet bicause he was a straunger borne, and cōsidering withal, that the people by their ful au­thoritie had translated the regall administration vnto an other house, of the whiche one was al­readie proclaimed and inuested kyng, there was no reason nowe, why Alpine shoulde make any further clayme or demaunde vnto the kingdom.

Vpon the messengers return home with this answer,Dongall hys displeazure with the Pictes aunsweare. Dongal shewed himself to be in no smal chafe, that the Pictes shoulde thus goe aboute by suche subtill argumentes and contriued in­uentions to defraude Alpine of his righte. And thervpon the second tyme he sente his ambassa­dors vnto them,Ambassadours are sent again. requiring them eyther to doe him reason without any further surmised ca [...]l­lations, eyther else within .iij. moneths space af­ter, to looke for open warres at the Scottishe mens handes.

These Ambassadours passing foorth on theyr iourney, at their approching vnto Camelon, cer­taine sergeants at armes met them,Ambassadours are not recey­ued. and did for­bid them to enter the citie: also they further cō ­maunded them in name of Feredeth their king to auoyde out of the confines of his dominion within foure dayes space, vpon pain of death.

The Ambassadors being terrified with suche maner of inhibitions, they went no further:Warre is pro­nounced vnto the Pictes. but yet according as they had in commission, they pronoūced the warre in the name of Alpine and Dongal, requiring those that thus came to meet them, to giue signification therof vnto their mai­ster Feredeth, and to the whole Pictishe nation: and so returned home the same way they came.

Then did the Scottishe Lordes repaire vnto Dongall, who the same tyme laye in Carryke castell, and there taking counsell for the mayn­tenance of these warres, not one was founde a­mongest them which offered not to spende both lyfe, landes, and goodes in Alpines ryghtuous quarell.

By this means was great preparation made on both sydes for the warre,The Scottes willingly giue them selues vnto the war. the Scottes myn­ding to set Alpine in his right, and the Picts de­termining not to receyue any prince of a strange nation to reigne ouer them. But whilest Don­gall goeth about to prouide all things readye for his enterprise, be chaunced to be drowned in the

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riuer of Spey, as he was about to passe the same in a boate.

This mishap hapned him in the .vj. yeare of [Page 170] his reigne, and after the birthe of our Sauiour, 830. His bodie was buryed in Colmekill,930. with all funerall obsequies.

Alpine crouned king of Scot­land.AFter Dongall was Alpyne receyued to the crowne and gouernement of the realme by the generall voyces of all the people, whose chie­fest studie was vpon his first entring into the e­state to followe his suite touching his title to the Pictish kingdom: and herevpon with all diligēce preparing a mightie hoste and all other thinges (which were thought requisite for the furthering of his enterprise) he passed foorth towardes An­gus,Alpine with an army inuadeth pictlande. not staying till he came to the castel of For­fair, whiche he besieged, but the thirde daye after his comming thither, Feredeth the Pictishe king with a great armie of his subiectes araunged in good order of battayle, came and presented him selfe in sighte of the Scottes, whervpon imme­diately neere to the towne of Restennoth they mette, and ioynyng there in battayle, foughte

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righte fiercely: At the firste encounter the righte wyng of the Scottishe armie was neere hand o­uerthrowne,Fenedocht the Thane of Athole. but Fenedocht lieutenaunte of A­tholl came speedyly to the succours with .400. of his countreymen, and restored the batayle on the Scottish side: wherby ensued a ryght cruell bickeryng with great slaughter, and no signe of shrinkyng on eyther parte, by meanes whereof it semed doubtful for a lōg space to whether side the victorie woulde enclyne. At length Feredeth perceyuing the myddle warde of his battayle 40 a little to shrinke, speedylye preased foorthe to succour the same with a chosen compante of such as hee hadde appoynted to attende him: but en­tring thus with greate violence amongest the thickest prease of his enimies, he was closed in on eche syde, and excluded so from the residue of hys owne people, that he coulde neyther returne by the same waye hee entred, neyther yet by any other, so that hee wyth those that were wyth him, perceiuing their lyues to be in present dan­ger, 50 they didde caste themselues into a ryng, determinyng yet to reuenge theyr owne deaths, wherevppon rather awearyed with continuall fyght, than vanquished or with any feare op­pressed,Feredeth is slaine in. they were slayne all the whole number of them, togyther with Feredeth their king. Yet herewith did not the other Pictes giue ouer the battayle, so long as any daylyghte was on the skye. So that the nyght in the ende parted them in sunder,The night parted the armies bothe the armyes withdrawyng to their campes with small ioye or triumphe, by reason of the greate slaughter, whiche had bene made on both sides.

The Captaines of the Pictes waying with thēsleues the losse of their king & great multitude of their mē,The pictes fled by night. thought it not best to abide any lon­ger in the field: wherfore leauing their wounded people behind them, with all their baggage in the cāpe, they fled inctōinently the same night, some into one place, & some into an other, where they thought best for their owne welth and safetie.

The Scots had fled immediatly likewise, but that word was brought them, as they were a­bout to depart how the Picts were gone alredy, and had left their campe voyde of men of warre to defende the same. Whervpon the Scottes ta­ryed til it was day not far from the place of the battail. In the morning there wer certain hors­men apoynted to ride abrode, & to viewe ye fielde, therby to vnderstand whether ye Picts ment any deceite by their departure, as by laying of some embushmēts, or otherwise, but vpon ye return of those horsmē: whē it was once known how ther was no such mater, but yt they wer fled in dede, ye Scots reioycing therat,The Scots de­uide the spoile. fel to & gathered ye spoile of the fielde, deuiding the same amongst them­selues according to their accustomed order.

[Page 171]Alpine himselfe commaunded the bodie of his enimie Feredeth to be layde in christian buriall,Feredeth is buried. not farre from Forfair. After this causing the musters of his people to be taken, he found that he had lost ye third part of his armie in that mor­tall and cruell battaile, and therevpon brake vp his campe for that tyme, licencyng those that were left aliue to returne vnto their homes.

The Scottes determine to war only with incursions.This battaile being fought in the firste yeare of the reignes of the two foresayd kings, weak­ned 10 the forces of both the natiōs, so farfoorth that the Scottes doubting to bring the realme into daunger of vtter ruine (if they shoulde committe their whole puissance eftsoones to the hazarde of an other foughten field) determined to pursue the warre by making of incursions and inrodes on­ly vpon their enimies, so to vexe the Pictes, and to bring them vnto reason, if it were possible: and so much verily the Scottishmē did by such their cōtinual rodes and incursions which they made 20 into Angus, that the countrie was left voyd and desolate of all the inhabitants.

Brudus succe­deth his father Feredeth.Neyther did Brudus the sonne of Feredeth, (whome the Pictes had chosen to succede after his father in the kingdome) fynde any speedy re­dresse to withstande those dayly inuasions thus made by the Scots vpon his countreis and sub­iectes, for he was but a slouthfull person, & very negligent in his office, whervpon he was had in derision of his own people,The Pictes. s [...]ew thir sloth­full king. who in the end slew 30 him amongst themselues before he had reigned fully the terme of one whole yeare.

Keneth king of the pictes.Then succeeded Keneth, the second sonne of Feredeth, with no better happe or ende than his brother. For gathering togither an armie of his subiects,The king cast­ing of hys ar­mour sleaeth He was slayne by a plough man. and comming with them into Angus, he came no sooner within sighte of his enimyes, but that casting off his armour, he fled inconti­nently, leauing his people in the fielde. And for that his haste, was slayne by a Ploweman that 40

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50 met him by chaunce, and knew him not, but per­ceyued yet howe he had fled from his company, and therefore deserued not to haue any other fauour.

His people seeing themselues destitute of their head capitayn and gouernour, retired from their enimies, keeping themselues in order of batayle without any further attempt.

After this infortunate end of Keneth,Brudus kyng of the pictes. the Pi­ctes chose to their king one Brudus a man of a stoute and manlyke stomack, who immediately vpon his entring into the astate, comming into Angus which regiō the Scots had made wast) catched there certaine Scottish robbers, & forth­with hanged them vp vpon gibets.

After this,Biudus sent vn­to Alpyne for renuing their league. he sent forth his ambassadors vnto king Alpine for reformation of all iniuries and wrongs betwixte the two nations, and to haue the auncient league renewed betwixte them.

Alpine & the Scotish lordes hauing quickely aduised what to answer,Alpyn refuseth any treatie of peace. declared vnto the Pic­tish ambassadors playnly, that they would not heare any treatie for peace, till the Picts had de­liuered the kingdome vnto the right heire.

Brudus vnderstanding by this answere,Brudus sēdeth an ambassador vnto Edwyn king of Eng­land for ayde with a summe of money. that the Scots would still follow the warres against the Picts, to be the better able to withstand their malice, he purposed to procure the friendship of the Englishmen, to haue their ayde agaynst the Scottes. He sent therfore his ambassadors with a great summe of money vnto Edwyn king of Northumberlande, requiring him of his fauour, and to haue some number of his people for his wages to serue him against the Scots.

Edwyne receyuing the moneye promised to come himselfe with a myghtie armie,The money is receyued & aide promised. at what tyme and place Brudus should appoint, to goe against the Scottes in defence of him and his subiectes the Pictes.

Many of the Pictes reioyced greately,The picts som doe reioyce, and some my­strust of the englishe mens assistaunce. that they should haue ayde thus of the Englishmen, hoping therby to haue assured victorie of theyr aduersaries. Other mystrusted not a little the Englishmens offers, by reason of the olde enimi­tie betwixt the Pictes and them.

In this meane season the Scots take & seaze vpon all the countrey of Angus,The Scotes take Angus. euen from the mountain of Granzebene vnto the riuer of Tay, wherof Brudus being certified, sendeth a poste with all speede vnto king Edwin king of Nor­thumberland, requiring him to send to his ayde,Brudus sendeth vnto Edwin for ayde. a power of Englishmen, to helpe to resiste the Scottes, whiche at that presente inuaded his countrey.

Vnto which demand,Edwyn defer­reth his ayde. Edwyn made this an­swere, that he was not only troubled with ciuile warre made against him by other Englishmen, but also had bin requested by Lewes surnamed Pius, as then French king in no wyse to endo­mage the Scottes his confederates, so that for [Page 172] that yeare present he might not cōueniently send to him any succoures, but if he wold deferre the warres till the nexte yeare, he shoulde haue the beste helpe that he were able to shewe hym.

Brudus perceyuing himselfe thus mocked & deluded by the englishmē,Brudus being deceiued of the englishmen called his own subiects to the warre, assem­bling them at the foot of Ca­lydon wood. cōmāded by solemne summonance that all suche of his subiectes, as were able to beare armor, should assemble in ne­ther Calydone within eighte dayes after, wyth conuenable prouision of victuals, there to knowe 10 his pleasure.

His commaundement was obeyed: so that a mightie armie of men at the daye and place ap­poynted came togither, whiche beeing mustred, they streight ways remoue vnto Calydon castel, now called Dunkeld,Brudus ente­reth into An­gus with an ar­my. where they passe the riuer of Tay, and so enter into Angus, not without some difficultie, but being once gotten ouer, they marche forthwith towardes the place wher they vnderstood their enimies did lye. 20

Brudus the night before the day in the which he thought they should haue battaile, by the ad­uice of certaine expert warriours, whiche he had with him, appoynted all the horses that were in the campe,A woonderfull polycie vsed by Brudus. seruing for burden, to bee bestowed amongst the women, lackeys and coystrels, part of them being clad in armure, and part in white lynnen, with long polles in their handes lyke to speares and iauelius. Among them also hee or­deyned an hundred horsmen to be placed, whom 30 he made priuie to his entention, as thē by whose leadyng that feate which should be wroughte in this behalfe, was to be atchieued. These he cau­sed to lye couertly within a wood neere vnto the place where the battaile should be fought, giuing them in cōmaundment not to shewe themselues till the battayle were begon.

King Alpine this whyle helde himselfe in a castell, whiche stode vpon an hill, a little from 40 Dundee,The encam­ping of Alpyn his armie. beyng nowe decayed, so that litle ther­of remaineth to be seene at this daye. Vpon the north side of the hille, there lyeth a greate large playne, compassed on eche side with mountains as then full of woodes and laundes, but now for the most part bare & without any trees or bushes In this playne were the Scottes encamped.

Alpine beholding forth of the castell, how the Pictes approched to giue battayle, got him into the campe, & exhorting his people to shew them 50 selues valiant, disposed them in array.

The Picts no lesse desyrous to fight thā their gouernours woulde haue wished them,Rashly the pictes begyn the battayle. beganne the battaile before they had commaundemente with such violence, that the righte wing of the Scottes was sore disordered.

But Alpine perceiuing that, came speedyly to their succours, greatly reprouing them for their fayntnesse of courage. To be short, he didde so muche to enbolden them that by his meanes the fighte was renued in moste cruell wyse. In so muche that those whiche before were put backe, began to winne grounde agayne, and to beate downe their enimies right fiercely.

But herewith did the counterfaite troupe of horsemen, whiche was hid in the wood sodain­ly come foorth,The Scottes being deceiued with a coun­terfait troupe of horsmen fled. and shewed themselues vpon the back half of ye Scottishmen, appering in sight to be an huge number, and far more than they were in deede: with whiche sight the Scottes beeing brought into a sodain feare least they shoulde be compassed aboute with multitude of enimies, they brake their aray, threwe off their armoure, and tooke them to their feete, so to escape & saue themselues by flight. Thus fewe were slayne in the battayle, but a great number died in ye chase, and were beaten downe on eche side as they wer ouertaken by the Picts.

Alpine himselfe was taken, and hauyng his handes bounde behynde him,King Alpyne taken by hys enemies & af­ter beheaded. was led to the next towne, and there beheaded. The place beareth ye name of him vnto this day, being called Pas­alpine. His head also was set vpon a polle, and

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borne vnto Camelon, and there set vp vpon one of the highest turrets of the wall.

The Scottes that escaped from this sorow­full ouerthrow,Kenneth the sonne of alpine inuested king of Scotlande. got them with all speed into Ar­gyle, wher they inuested Kenneth the sonne of Alpine king of their realm. This was in the yere of our Lorde .834. and the fourthe yeare after Alpyne entred fyrst into the astate.834.

The Pictes hauing atchieued this great and ioyfull victorie, assembled at Camelon by com­maundement of their king, where causing a so­lemne procession to be made,The Picts giue thankes vnto God, for their victorie. in rendring thanks to almightie God for their good successe in theyr passed iourney: they take a generall othe vppon the Gospell booke, that from thencefoorth they would not ceasse to make the Scottes warre,They make a vowe to con­tinew the war. til they had vtterly destroyed the race of them: and herewith ordeyned a law, that if any man made [Page 173] mencion of any peace or league to be had wyth the Scottes, he should lose his head for it.

The good counsel of graue men is despised.There were in deede some auncient persona­ges amongst them, that spake against this inso­lent outrage of the people, alledging that in time of prosperous successe men ought to vse a mode­stie: but certain youthfull persons offended with such graue aduise, thruste the authors therof out of the Churche, within the whiche they were as then assembled. 10

The Scots are animated.The Scottes being certified hereof, were no­thing therewith discouraged, but rather put in good hope of better successe, sith the enimies a­bused themselues thus in tyme of felicitie.

The Pictes fall at variaunce within them selues.The next sommer after, the Pictes assembled their power together, and setting forewarde to­wardes the Scottes, thorough a light occasion they fel at variāce amongst themselues, & fought with suche hatred together, that the king was not able to apease the fray til nyght parted them 20 in sunder.

Then calling the lordes afore him, he assayde al wayes to haue agreed the parties, but whē he saw it would not be, in the morning he gaue thē licence to departe euery man to his owne home, breaking off his iourney for that tyme.

Brudus dyed.Brudus liued not past .iij. moneths after, for through griefe that things wente not forewarde as he wished, he fell into a grieuous disease, and finally therof dyed. 30

Druskene king ouer the Pictes.After whose deceasse the Pictes chose his bro­ther named Drusken, to succeede in gouerne­mente of the kingdome, who applied his whole endeuour vpon his first entring into the astate, to appease the ciuile discord amongest his subiects. But whilest he was thus bu [...]ly occupied about the same,The heade of king Alpine is falne, and so­lemnly buried with the body. there were certain Scottes, which sore disdained to vnderstand ye the head of theyr late king shuld remain vnburied in suche reprochful sort amongst their enimies, whervpon hauyng 40 perfecte knowledge of the Pictishe toung, they fayned themselues to be merchaunt men of that countrey, and comming vnto Camelon, wat­ched their tyme till they founde meanes in the night season, to steale to the walles, and secretly taking awaye the heade, escaped with the same home into their owne countreye. This acte of theirs was not a little commended: and so now the head of king Alpin being recouered, was clo­sed in a leaden coffin, and Kenneth himselfe, ha­uing 50 in his companie a great number of his no­bles, went with it ouer into Colmkill, where he buryed it in the abbey, amongst the sepultures of his elders, together with the residue of the bodye in ryght solemne wyse, as aperteyned. And fur­ther those persons that had put their lyues in ad­uenture to fetche the same head from the walles of Camelon, wer by Kēneth rewarded with rich gifts and lands in perpetuitie to remayn to them and to their heires for euer.

After this,Keneth fortifi­ed the realem. Kenneth deuising for the suretie of his subiectes, furnished all the holdes and castels on the frontiers of his enimies with men & mu­nition, according as he thought expedient. And moreouer tooke order, that all the youth of the realme should be in a readinesse vpon an houres warning, to goe forth against the Pictes, if they attempted any new inuasions.

But the Scottish lordes had no great lust to take any enterprise in hand eftsoones against the Pictes, remembring how infortunatly they had sped the last time: so that for the space of .iij. yea­res there was no great exployte atchieued, saue certaine roades and incursions, whiche both the nations cōtinually vsed to make one vpon an o­ther, as tyme and occasion serued.

At length king Kenneth beeing very desirous to be reuenged of the Pictes,Keneth cal­led his nobles to reuenge his fathers death. for the death of his father king Alpine, and other iniuries by them done and attempted against the Scottish natiō, in the fourth yeare of his reigne, he assembled the peeres and chiefest nobles of his realme, trusting to persuade them to ayd him in al such enterpri­ses as he mente to take in hand against the Pic­tes, whom he purposed to pursue with opē war­res, till he had them at his pleasure.

But calling his lordes and peeres thus as­sembled one day before him, and going earnestly about to moue them to the warres, he could stir them no more to his purpose, than if he had ben in hand to haue coūselled them vnto that which in no wyse had appertained vnto their dueties: which their lacke of stomacks, Kenneth percey­uing, he began to deuise a pretie shift, wherby to induce them to his accorde.

First therfore, breaking vp the assemblie for the same day, he cōmaunded ye they should come togither agayne on the next morow,A pretie shifte deuised by the king to per­swade the no­bilitie. to consult further for the state of the realme, as they should see cause. The same euening also hee had them all to supper, whiche being prolonged tyll farre in the night, it was late before they went to bed, so that being ouerwatched, when they were once gotten to reste, they were soone broughte into a sound sleepe: Now had the king appointed for e­uery one of their chambers one man apparelled in garmentes pretily deuised and made of fyshe skinnes vnskaled, bearing in one of their hands a staffe of suche rotten woode, as shyneth in the night, and in their other hand a great oxe horn, to the ende that vttering their wordes thorough the same, the sound of their voyces shoulde seeme farre differing from the vsuall speeche of man.

Thus appointed in the dead of the night, they enter the chambers to eche of them assigned, where (as is sayd) the lordes laye faste a sleepe, [Page 174] who being at the first as it were half awakened, were wonderfully amazed at the strangenesse of the sight (doubting whether it wer but a dreame or some true and vnfayned vision.) Herewith al­so were heard certaine seueral voyces, farre grea­ter than those of men, declaring that they were messengers sente from almightie God vnto the Scottish nobilitie, to commaunde them to obey their king,Of such sligh­tes there were many in those dayes: and of­tentimes no dout estemed to be heauen­ly visions in deede. for his request was iust: The Pictish 10 kingdome due vnto him by rightefull heritage, ought to be recouered from that people, which for their great offēces and sinnes towards almigh­tie god should shortly come to vtter destruction: such was the determinate pleasure of his diuine maiestie, against the whiche might neyther coū ­sell nor puissance of man be able to resist.

When the counterfaited messengers had thus made an ende of their wordes, they slightly hid their staues vnder their innermost garmentes, & therwith quikly cōueyd their vppermost vestures 20 made of fish skales (as I haue said) into their bo­soms in suche slight and nimble wyse, that it se­med these visions had sodeynly vanished away.

Those lordes that had seene these sightes, lay still for that night, greatly musing on the mater. In the morning being got vp, and assembled in the counsell chamber, they declared to eche other what they had seene and heard in the nyght pas­sed, and for that all their visions which they had seene by eche others reporte, were in euery behalfe 30 lyke, and nothing differing one from an other, they beleeued verily, that it was some celestiall oracle and message sent from God. Therefore presently they goe vnto the king,The lords de­clare their vi­sion vnto the king. declaring vnto him how they had been admonished from aboue, to continue the warres with all their forces a­gainst the Pictes.

The king tolde them he had seene the like vi­sion, but they ought to kepe it close,The answer of king Kenneth least by glo­rying too much in the fauour shewed by almigh­tie 40 God towardes them, they myghte haply dis­please his diuine Maiestie, which otherwise they might perceyue was readie in their ayde. Then finally might the vision be published, when tho­rough his fauourable assistance, the warres were brought to a luckie ende.

This aduise of the kyng was well lyked of them all, and commaundement giuen, that all maner of prouision shoulde be prepared with all speede for an armie to be set forth into Pictland. 50 The lordes going busily about to prouide them­selues of all things necessarie, mustred their men in all partes, so that there was leuied a greater hoste than had bin seene in those parties of long tyme before.

Kenneth en­tred into Star lingshire.When the whole power was come togy­ther, Kenneth marched foorth with the same, en­tring by greate violence into the Pictishe bor­dures about Sterling.

Druskene the king of Pictes aduertised here­of,Drunkene hastily inuaded his enimies▪ and hauing his armie in a readinesse bothe of Pictes and such Englishmen as he had reteined to serue him for his wages, fetcheth a compasse about, and passing by the Scottishe armie in the night, encampeth betwixt them and home, in so muche that the daye did no sooner appeare, but the one parte desirous to be in hande with the o­ther, without token of trumpet or commande­ment of capitayne, they rushed togither moste fiercely. The hastie speede of the Pictes to ioyn, put them to no small disaduantage,The English­men fled. but the de­parture of the Englishmen, withdrawing themselues asyde to the next mountayne, moste of all discouraged them: for the Scottes therwith gi­uing a shoute, declared themselues to bee highly recomforted with that sight.

Druskene in all hast sent vnto those English men a messenger,Druskene sendeth to the Englishmen. willing them with large pro­mises of rewarde to returne to his ayde: but the Englishmen aunswered, that their vse was not to fyght without order and cōmaundemente of their generall, and that the Pictes lyke vnskilful men had cast away themselues to bee slayne by the enemies hande: where it appertained vnto warlyke knowledge to auoyde the battail, when no hope of victorie appeared.

The middle warde of the Pictes seing them­selues left naked on the one syde, and assayled on the backes where the Englishmen shoulde haue kept their grounde and defended them, they be­gan to shrinke: which the Scottes perceyuing, stroke on the more freshly,The Pictes are vanquished. til at length the Picts not able to withstand their force, fell to running away. They made their course towards the wa­ter of Forth, whiche was not farre from the place of the battaile, where beeing ouertaken, they were beaten downe and slayne in greate numbers: for Kenneth gaue cōmandement that they shuld spare none of the Picts nation, neither gentleman nor other, yt fel into their handes.

The Englishemen whylest the Scottes and Pictes were thus occupyed in the fyghte and chase,The English­men escape. withdrewe homewardes with all speede, and by reason of the mountaynes whiche they had to passe, that tooke awaye the sight of them from the Scottes, they escaped into their coun­trey without any pursuite.

Druskene himselfe so soone as hee perceyued howe the field went against him,Druskene es­caped by flight. got him to his horse, which he hadde appoynted to bee readie for him at hande vpon all occasions, and so escaped out of daunger with a fewe other in his com­panye.

The Scottes returning from the chase, re­mayned in the place of the battayle all nyghte, keeping strong watche aboute their campe, for [Page 175] doubt least the Englishmen had bene lodged in some secrete place nere by to haue set vpon thē at v [...]wares, if they might haue seene any aduaun­tage▪ but in the morning when it was knowne vowe they were quite gone their wayes, and re­turned into theyr countrey (as before yee haue hearde) then was the spoile of the fielde and Pi­ctishe Campe gathered and bestowed amongest the souldiers, after the auncient custome of that natiō ▪ And then were they al licenced to departe 10 euery man to his home, with thankes for their seruice and paines in this iourney so manfully employed.

The Pictes sue for peace.Within fewe dayes after, the Pictishe king Druskene sent his ambassadors vnto king Kē ­neth to s [...]e for peace. Kenneth was contented to heare them, and promised to graunt a peace, so they would surrender into his handes the gouer­nement of their kingdom▪ due vnto him by right of inheritance. But this condition being vtter­ly 20 refused of the Picts, was ye cause that the war was eftsoones renewed with more crueltie than before.Kenneth get­teth Mernes, Angus, and Fyfe. The yeare nexte ensuing this battayle, Kenneth got Mernes, Angus, and Fyfe into his handes, furnishing all the castels and holds with men, munition, and victuals. But whylest hee went about to subdue the countreis about Ster­lyng, worde was brought him that such [...] he left thus in garison in those countreys, were be­trayed by the inhabitauntes, and slayne euerye 30 mothers sonne.

Fyfe is put to the fyre and sworde.Kenneth wonderfully kindled in wrathe for the newes, left off his treatie which thē he had in hande with the people of Menteth and Ster­lingshire for their submission, and returned in greate hast towardes Fyfe, where being arriued, he put all to the fire and sword, not leauing one alyue of the Pictishe nation within all those quarters.

Merns & An­gus is cruelly punished.The lyke crueltie was shewed thorough the 40 whole countreys of Mernes and Angus, for an ensample to other to beware howe they falsifyed their fayths once giuen by way of allegiance.

Druskene cō ­meth to res­ [...]ue his peo­ple.In the meane tyme that Kenneth with hys Scottes raged in suche wyse throughe those countreys, Druskene assembling all the power of his countreyes, came foorthe into the fielde, to meete the Scottes, meaning eyther to put them backe out of the confines of his dominion, eyther else to dye with honoure in the attempte 50 therof.

Thus passing through ye coūtrey, at length he came vnto Scone, where afterwards stood a fa­mous Abbey of Chanons of Saint Augustines order, and here he found Kenneth with his army already encāped. The next day when both par­ties were ready to haue giuen battell, Druskene wishing rather to aske peace whilest his power was yet in safetie, then after he were once van­quished (if such were his misaduēture) to intreate for the same in vaine, sent an heraulde at armes vnto Kenneth, willing that he might talke with him before they ioyned, for that he had to say cer­taine things whiche being followed might turne to the great benefite and commoditie of both the Scottish and Pictish nations.

Kenneth for that he would not seeme to re­fuse any indifferent offers, was cōtented to come to a cōmunication, & so thervpon both the kings in presence of both their armies arraunged in the field ready to fight, came togither in a place ap­pointed, either of the [...] being accompanied with a like number of their nobles, as by the herauldes it was accorded.

Here Druskene with many reasons going about to perswade peace,The persua­sion of peace by Druskene. shewed howe necessary the same was betwixt the twoo nations. And a­gaine how doubtfull fortune was to them that trusted to much in hir vnstedfast fauour at lēgth he [...] to this end, that if Kenneth could be cō ­tēted to graunt a peace, the Picts should release al such right, title and interest as they had in the countreys of Mernes, Angus, & Fyfe,Merns, Angus and Fyfe is re­quired of the Pictes to re­lease. vnto him and his successors the Scottish kings for euer, so that he should make no further clayme to any o­ther of those countreys whiche the Pictes as yet possessed.

Herevnto Kenneth answeared,Kenneth his answere. that he well vnderstoode how vnstable fortunes lawes were, but, sithence the Pictes fought in an vniust qua­rell, as to defraude the posteritie of theyr lawfull king Hungus, who lately reigned amongst thē of the rightfull inheritaunce of theyr kingdome, they themselues had iust cause to doubt fortunes chaunce, where the Scots hauing put vpō law­ful armure, and seeking to attaine that by warre, whiche by other meanes they could not attayne at the handes of the vniust possessors, they had lesse cause to mistrust hyr fauour, and therefore if the Pictes were desirous of peace, they ought to cause a surrender to be made of theyr king­dome into his handes, accordingly as they well knewe it was reason they shoulde: and what commoditie might thereof ensue to both nations being by suche meanes once ioyned & vnited into one entier kingdome▪ hee doubted not but they vnderstoode it sufficiently enough. And as for other conditions of peace than this, he told them plainely there would be none accepted.

Thus did the kings depart in sunder, without any agreement concluded: and being returned to theyr armies, they make ready to trie the ma­ter by dinte of swoorde.

Kenneth exhorted his people that day to shew themselues menne, sithe the same shoulde iudge whether the Scottes shoulde rule and gouerne, [Page 176] the Pictes, or the Pictes the Scottes.

The order of the battaile.Wyth these and many other effectual words when he hadde encouraged his folkes to the bat­tayle, hee deuided them into three wardes, as two wings and a mayne battayle. In euery of them he set fyrst archers & arkbalesters, and next vnto them pykes or speares, then bill men and other with suche shorte weapons, last of all, an other multitude with all kynde of weapons as was thought moste expedient.

The forewarde was committed to the lea­ding of one Ba [...], a man right skilfull in al war­lyke knowledge. The seconde one Dongal go­uerned, and the thirde was ledde by Donald the kings brother. The king himselfe with a troupe of horsemen followed them to succour in all pla­ces where he saw neede.

Then commanded he his trumpets to [...]

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to the battail, which the Scots began with such a cheareful shoute, that the Pictes euen vpon the first onset were so amazed,King Drusken enboldeneth his people the pictes. that if Drusken had 30 not with comfortable words relieued their fain­tyng stomakes, the most part of them had fledde without any stroke stricken. But beeing encou­raged throughe the presence of their kyng, she­wing himselfe with chearefull countenanuce a­mongst them, and therewith exhorting them to stande by him at that present, there was fought a ryghte sore and cruell battaile betweene them.

The women that were amongest the Pictes, of whome there was no small number, special­ly 40 in the right wing,The women were ca [...]umber to the pictes. made suche a woeful noyse when they behelde the men one kill an other, that they were a more encumber to the Picts thā ayd when it came to the poynt of seruice: by reason wherof, that wing was shortly beaten downe, and put to flight.

Kenneth with the horsmen disordred the pictes aray.Whiche when Kenneth behelde, hee sette in with his horsemen on the backes of the Pictes, now left bare by the running thus away of those in the foresayd wing: and so entring in amongst 50 them, disordred their aray in suche wise, that by no meanes they were able to ayde themselues, or come into any order agayne,The right wing of the pictes is put to flighte. so that in the ende they were fayne to throw down their weapons, and take them to their feete, thereby to escape the daunger.

Suche heapes of slayne men, armure & wea­pons lay here strewed in the place of the battail, that the Scottes were inforced in followyng the chase to breake their araye, so to passe the more speedily: by meanes wherof, fallyng amongest wholle bandes of the Pictes, manye of them were slayne.

This mischiefe Kenneth perceyuing,Kenneth cau­seth the re­treate to bee sounded. cōman­deth to sound the retreat, & so gathering his peo­ple about their standerdes, he appointed certaine cōpanies in warlyke order to pursue in chase of the enemies, whilest he himselfe with the residue aboade still in the place (where the fielde was fought) al that day & the night nexte folowing.

The Scottishe captaines that were sente to followe the chase, earnestly in executyng theyr kinges commaundement, made greate slaugh­ter of the Pictes in all places where they might ouertake them.

Druskene the Pictishe king himselfe beeyng pursued to the riuer of Tay,The king of the picts slain. for that he could not passe the same, was there slaine with the whole retinue which he had about him.

It is sayde, that the Scottishemen encoun­tred with the Picts that day seuen sundry times, and in seuen sundry places, and still the victorie aboade with the Scottes.

The day after the battaile suche as had fol­lowed in the chase returned to the camp, where they presented vnto Kenneth their king, the ar­mure and other spoyle of Druskene the Pictish [Page 177] king, which they brought with the, besides great ab [...]dance of other pillage and riches, whiche they had got of the enemies that were slayne. Draskones armure and other things belonging to his owne bodie, was offered vp to S. Colme, in the Churche dedicated to his name within the Isle of Colmekill, there to remaine as a monu­mēt of this victory to such as should come after.

After th [...] the whole pray and spoyle was ga­thered and deuided amongst the souldiers, Ken­neth 10 was counselled to haue discharged his ar­mie and to haue departed home, but he purposing now to make an ende of the whole warres, sithe he was in suche a forwardnesse, called togither the multitude, and in this wise began to vtter vnto them his minde and purpose.

As oration of king Kēneth.It is the duetie of a good Captayne, when he hath the victory in his handes, and as yet the warres not ended, if he minde the preseruation of himselfe and his countrey, and to vse the vi­ctorie 20 as hee ought, not to ceasse from pursuing the enimies once vanquished, till hee haue ey­ther made them his frendes, or else vtterly de­stroyed and ridde them out of the way: for if a­ny man shall thinke it beste to suffer the enimie to remayne in quiet after he be once weakened and brought to a lowe ebbe, till time peraduen­ture he shall haue recouered his forces agayne, he shall procure to himselfe (as I gesse) more daun­ger than happely hee is well ware of. And that 30 we may speake somewhat of this daunger now present, the state of the Pictishe kingdome (as yee know) is sore enfeebled, theyr power being diminished by force of warre, is brought to that poynt, that it resteth in our handes vtterly to destroy and exterminate the whole nation. Whiche act ought to be abhorred if it were pos­sible for vs by any meanes to drawe them (our honour saued) vnto our frendshippe. But the Picts are of such a stubborne nature, and so desi­rous 40 of reuenge, that so long as there remayneth any one of them aliue, they will beare in theyr hartes a desire to reuenge all suche losses as they haue in any wyse sustayned by this warre. Wherevpon I doo verily beleeue that there is none of the Pictishe nation from hence foorth, will beare any faythfull frendship towardes the Scottes. Therefore sithe wee can not make the Pictes, thus lately skourged by vs, our frendes, I thinke it beste (excepte wee will neglect our 50 owne safeties) vtterly to destroy the whole na­tion, by putting to the swoorde not onely bothe men and women, but also all theyr youth and yong chyldren: least they, deyng discended of that lynage, hereafter in time to come, arme thē ­selues to the reuenge of theyr parentes deaths, and that not without perill of the vtter losse of our countrey and kingdome.

This sentence of the king,The commons allowe the kings saying. though it seemed ouer cruell to many, yet whether for that they sawe the same to stande with the kings pleasure, or that they thought it moste expedient for the suretie of the Scottishe common wealth, it was allowed and ratified by them all.

Such crueltie herevpō was forthwith shew­ed through one all the Pictish regions,A cruel acte committed by the Scots vpon the Pictes. that there was not one liuing creature of humane shape left aliue, killing such as saued themselues with­in the walles of Camelon, or in certaine other holdes and fortresses, and also aboute twoo thou­sande of those that fledde into Englande: for all the residue were moste vnmercyfully murthered and slayne without respect eyther to age, sexe, profession, or estate.

Thus Kenneth hauing dispatched the inha­bitunes, seased the coūtrey into his owne hands,Pictland par­ted vnto di­uers men. making particion of the same as he sawe cause, and deuiding it amongst his nobles, accordyng to the merites of euery of them duely wayed and considered, he added newe names also vnto eue­ry quarter and region (eyther after the name of the gouernour, or els of some promontorie, ri­uer or other notable water or place, accordyng as was the auncient custome of the nation) that the memory of the Pictishe names might ende togither with the inhabitants.

The countrey aunciently called Horestia, Newe names are giuen vnto euery region. was giuen vnto twoo bretherne; Angusian and Mernan, by reason whereof the one parte of the same countrey was called Angus,Angus. Merne. and the o­ther the Mernes. The linage of those two noble men remayne vnto this day.

The region whiche till then was named O­tholinia, was turned afterwardes to the name of Fyfe, after the name of one Fyfe Dusse: whose valiancie was throughly tried in these laste warres with the Pictes.

There remayne vnto this day tokens and old ruines of a Castell situate betwixt the riuer of Leuine and Saint Kenneths churche, which (as yet appeareth) was fensed about with seuen rampers and as many diches, wherein the poste­ritie of this woorthy man after his deceasse had theyr habitacion by the space of many hundred yeares.

Louthian reteyned still the former name,Louthian. so honorable was the remembraunce of that fa­mous Prince king Loth amongst all men.

The strongest castle of the whole countrey Kenneth bestowed vpon that valiant Captaine named Bat,A rewarde gi­uen vnto Ba [...], which was the fortresse of Dunbar. whose councell and forewarde ser­uice stood the Scottes in no small fleede in those warres, in whiche the Pictes were thus sub­dued. That fortresse euer sithence (after his name hath bene called Dunbar, that is to say, the Castell of Bar.

[Page 178]There descended of hym a noble house or family bearyng the name of this Castell,The famelie of Dunbar. con­tinuing in greate fame and honour, euen vnto our tyme, of the whiche the Earles of Marche had theyr beginning, and continued long in that dignitie from one to an other, with diuers bran­ches of right famous memorie.

The changyng of the names of the Dales.The names of diuers dales were also chaun­ged, and some kepte the olde names still▪

Ordolucia shortely after beganne to take 10 the name of Annandale,Annandale. of the ryuer of Annan, that renneth through the same.

Tweedale.And so lykewise Tweedale tooke name of the water of Tweede.

Cludesdale.And Cludesdale of the ryuer of Clud.

In lyke maner many other Countreys, Townes and Castels had theyr names chaun­ged at the same tyme, after they came into the possession of the Scottishmenne, vpon sundrie considerations, for a witnesse of theyr victorious 20 actes, atchieued agaynst the Pictes.

The Gentle­women are preserued in Camelon.Furthermore into the citie of Camelon were withdrawen the moste parte of all the noble mens wiues of the Picts with their chyldren vpō truste to be safe in the same, aswell by reason of the strength of the place, as also of the strong garyson whiche was appoynted to defende it.

Kenneth sen­deth vnto Ca­melon, com­maunding thē for to yeelde.Kenneth therefore hauyng taken his plea­sure abroade in the countrey, came thyther with a mighty armie to besiege the Citie, and firste 30 sendyng vnto them within, to knowe if they woulde yeelde, he was aunswered howe sithe it plainely appeared that the Scottes coulde be sa­tisfied with nothing but with the slaughter of all suche as fell into theyr handes, aswell of women and chyldren, with impotent age, as of other, they were minded neuer to surrender theyr holde with lyfe. Wherevpon the siege continued by the space of many dayes.

They of Ca­melon require truce for three dayes.Whylest the Scottes in the meane tyme 40 gotte togither greate number of faggottes, and other suche brushe and stuffe to fill the ditches withall whiche were very deepe and broade, at length when they within beganne to want vi­tayles, they requyred a truce for three dayes, in the whiche meane time they might take aduise for the surrender of the Citie.

Kenneth mistrusting no deceyt, graunted theyr request, and therevpon commaunded his people to ceasse from all maner of annoyance of 50 the enimies, for that terme.

The Pictes is­sue vpon the Scottes with great fortune.But in the meane tyme the Pictes prepared themselues of all things necessary to make an issue vpon the Scottes. There was also an olde gate forlet and stopped vp with earth and stones vpon the one side of the Citie, so that of a long tyme before there had bene no way foorth by the same, wherefore in the darke of the night the Pictes ridding away the earth and [...]a [...]nall wher­with it was closed vp, aboute the thyrd wa [...]he, they passe foorth at that gate in good order of bat­tayle, setting firste vpon suche Scottes as kepte the standyng watche, who were in doubte of no­thing lesse than of any issue to be made on that side, by meanes whereof they were easily op­pressed, and likewise the other that kepte the in­ner watche, in so muche that the slaughter went on almoste, euen to the kings tent with greate noyse and clamour, as is commonly seene in suche sodayne tumultes, especially chancyng in the night season. When the day began once to appeare, the Pictes withdrawyng towardes the Citie by the same way they came, were pursuade by the Scottes, and no small number of them slayne at the entring. The Citie also had bene taken at the same time, but that the Pictes out of the turrettes and loupes of the walles, dischar­ged a wonderfull number of quarelles, dartes, arrowes, stones and other things vppon the Scottes, as they approched neare to the gate, where theyr fellowes (that made the issue) hasted to enter againe into the towne.

There were slayne of the Scottes at this bickeryng aboue sixe hundred,An extreeme vowe made by king Kenneth wherewith Ken­neth was so kindeled with wrath, that detesting the falsehood of the Pictes, hee vowed by open othe that he woulde not departe from the siege, till he had put the citie and them within to the fire and swoorde, without sparing of any, eyther one or other.

Sundrie times he attempted to haue wonne the citie by force of assaulte,The constācie of the Pictes whē they were besieged. but the Pictes still defended theyr walles so stoutly, that he coulde not atchieue his purpose. Wherevpon the siege continued the space of foure moneths togither. So that suche scarcetie of all kindes of vitayles still rose amongst them, that the wretched Ci­tezins abstayned from nothing that might in a­ny wise be eaten, though it were neuer so much to be abhorred. And yet although they were brought vnto suche miserable stay, that there was no hope longer to defende themselues, if a­ny man notwithstanding all suche extremitie were hearde to make mencion of surrendring, he was foorthwith slayne by his fellowes, as an enimie to his nation and friend vnto the Scots. It was thought that Kenneths othe made them so obstinate in theyr wilfull contumacie, by­cause they sawe nothing but death whiche way so euer they inclined.

At length when the citie was thus reduced into all extreeme misery,A prety crafte vsed by Ken­neth. & the diches filled with faggottes and other suche stuffe, Kenneth one night appoynted sixe hundreth of his choysest Souldiers to lie in ambushe within a wood, adioyning neare to one side of the Citie, so [Page 179] that in the mornyng when he shoulde gyue the assaulte on the contrary side, they might so­denly come foorth and skale the walles on that other.

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These souldiers accordyng to that whiche they had in commaundement, shortely after the breake of day, hearyng that Kenneth had begon the assault on his parte, quickely came foorth of the wood, and hauing theyr ladders ready, came to the walles,The Scottes enter the citie. reared them vp, and swiftely get­ting into the citie, opened one of the gates where one parte of the army entred, the cytezins stan­ding 30 in no doubt at all of any attempt on that side, so as beyng gotten togither to defende the walles on that parte where Kenneth gaue the approche, and now hearing how the enimies were got into the citie, and comming on theyr backes they were wonderfully amazed, but yet so long as they were able to make any resistāce, they did what lay in theyr vttermoste power to beate backe the Scots, & to dryue them out of the citie againe.The Pictes are miserably slaine without regard of per­son. The slaughter therefore was 40 great whiche the Scottes made of the Pictes in euery corner of the streetes, in so muche that the Scottishe Lordes and other Captaynes in reuenge of the late receyued losse of theyr men through the false practised policie of the Pictes, commaunded in a greate furie to sette fire on the houses, and to kill and slea all suche of the Pi­ctishe nation as came in theyr way.

Thus the murder proceeded vpon al estates, aswell religious as other, and lykewise vppon 50 women and chyldren without any difference.

Ladies and Gentlewomen desire the king to bee par­doned of their liues.A number of Ladyes and Gentlewomen, gettyng them into the presence of kyng Ken­neth, besought him in moste lamentable wise, to haue pytie vpon theyr wofull estate, and to saue theyr lyues from the handes of his moste cruell souldiers. But suche was the rage kind­led in the Scottishmens hartes, that there was no more fauour shewed towardes them than to­wardes the other, and so immediatly were they also slayne without all comp [...]lsion.

So farre foorth was the murder executed on all hands,All the Pictes natiō destroy­ed. The citie of Camelon is throwē down. that there was not one left aliue of the Pictish nation, neither man, woman nor childe to bewayle that miserable destruction of theyr countrey and kinsfolkes. Then were the walles throwen downe and made euen with the plaine grounde. The houses and buyldings aswell pri­uate as publike with the churches & chapels were set on fire, and that which might not be cōsume [...] with the rage of fire was ruynate and destroyed with hande, so that there remayned of all that famous citie, nothing but the ashes with heapes of the broken and brenned stones, and likewise of the pauement and fundacion of some parte of the walles.

The same time the castell of Maydens now called commonly Edenburgh castell was still kept with a mightie garyson of Pictes,The castell of Maydens is left of the Pictes. but they hearing of the miserable destructiō of Camelon, and doubting to fall into the like mischaunce▪ left the castel voyde, and fled into Northumberland. Thus ended the kingdome of the Pictes in Al­bion in the yeare after they firste began to reigne therein .1173.839. 1421. H. B. 6038. H. B. and in the yeare after the byrth of our sauiour .839. from the first cōming of Fer­gus .1166. and after the creation of the worlde .4806. if the Scottish chronicles be true.

But where as the truthe concernyng the tyme of the firste comming into this Isle, aswell of the Scottes as Pictes resteth doubt­full, and that aswell by authoritie of appro­ued wryters, as by reasonable coniectures, wee haue in the Historie of Englande more largely [Page 180] written thereof. Wee referre those that bee desi­rous to see further of that mater, vnto the same, following here in this historie of Scotlande the report most an ende, as we finde it in Hector Boetius, and other the Scottishe wryters, not taking vpon vs so frankely to set downe our owne opinion in this Scottishe, as in the En­glishe historie through want of suche helpes in the one as we haue got in the other.

There was seene the same yeare two [...] co­metes,Prodigious tokens seene in the ayre. 10 or blasing starres of dreadfull aspect to the beholders, the one went before the sunne rysing in haruest season, and the other followed the go­ing downe thereof in the spryng of the yeare. There was often times seene also in the ayre a vision of fi [...]ie armies, runnyng togither with brennyng staues, and the one being vanquished, they sodenly bothe of them vanished away. Al­so at Camelon as the Bishoppe was at seruice holding his crosier staffe in his hande, it was 20 kindeled so with fire, that by no meane it coulde be quenched til it was brent euen to ashes. About noone dayes, the ayre being fayre and cleare, as well in the countreys of the Scottes as of the Pictes, there was heard such a noyse & clattering of weapons and armure with braying of horses, as though twoo armies shoulde haue bene togi­ther in fight, whereby many of eyther nation which heard it, were put in great feare.

The interpre­tation of these tokens.These vnkouth wonders were interpreted by 30 deuinors diuersly: some affirming the same to betoken ioy and happie prosperitie, and other al­ledgyng, how they signified rather mishap and vtter calamitie.

But to returne to our purpose, King Kēneth hauing thus destroyed the Pictish kingdome to­gither almost with the whole nation, caused the marble stone (whiche Symon Breke sometime brought out of Spaine into Ireland, & the firste Ferguse out of Ireland into Albion, as before is 40 recited)The marble stone is remo­ued frō Argile into Goury, in the place cal­led Scone. to be brought now forth of Argile where till that time it had bene diligently kepte) into Goury, whiche region before appertayned to the Picts, there to remaine from thenceforth as a sa­cred token for the stablishment of the Scottishe kingdome in that coūtrey: he placed it at Scone vpō a reysed plot of ground there, bicause that the last batayle whiche he had with the Pictes was fought neare vnto the same place, the victory as before is specified chaūcing to the Scots. Vpon 50 this stone, as before is rehearsed, the Scottishe kings were vsed to sit, when they receyued the inuesture of the kingdome.

Some wryters haue recorded that by com­maundement of Kenneth at the same time, whē this stone was thus by him remoued, those latine verses were engrauen vpon it, whereof mencion is made before, where we spake of the aforesayd Ferguse the first his cōming ouer foorth of Ire­land into Albion▪ there to reygne.

Now in the meane time when those fewe of the Picts,The residue of the Picts were dispersed. which by flight had escaped the Scot­tishmens hands, and were gottē into England, could by no meanes perswade the Englishmen being troubled with intestine warre, to ayde thē in recouery of theyr countrey, some of them pas­sed the seas ouer into Norway, and some into Denmarke, and diuers other of them remayned still in England, where they got theyr liuing ey­ther by some manuall occupation, eyther els by seruice in the warres.

The Scots from thence foorth liued in quiet,The Scottes liue in quiet. during the lifetime of king Kenneth, who de­serued eternal fame, by the enlarging of the [...]oūds of his kingdome, so mightily and in suche wise, that where he founde the fronters, hee made the same well neare the middest of his kingdome. Other things he did also touchyng the politike gouernment of his subiectes in time of pea [...]e, no lesse worthie of prayse than his noble & famous conquestes:Kenneth ma­keth lawes and ordinances. but specially he ordeyned certayne lawes for the wealth of his people, whereby his iudges and other officers should proceede in the administration of iustice, of the whiche I haue thought requisite to rehearse parte as yet beyng vsed, that aswell the Author, as the time of their first establishment, may the better appeare, to suche as shall peruse this historie.

The Chapters of those lawes whiche yet remayne to be obserued, are these.

LEt euery shyre haue certayne men skilled in the lawes appoynted to bee resident in the same,Lawyers ne­cessarie. accordyng as in the beginning it was in­stituted. Let theyr sonnes also in theyr youth bee brought vp in knowledge of the same lawes.

Let them only keepe in their custodies the ta­bles of the lawes,The [...] of the law to be kept. with the register [...]ooke [...] of the kings and peeres of the realme.

If any of them be conuicted of extorte br [...] ­bing or other the like vniust dealing,Brybers to be hanged. let him die vpon the gallowes, and his bodie remayne vn­burie [...].

Such as are condemned for theft,Punishmēt for theft and mur­ther. let them be hanged, and those that are proued giltie of [...] ­der, l [...]t them lose theyr heades.

A woman which is condemned to die ryther let hyr be drowned in some riuer,A woman cō ­d [...] to be [...] quick. eyther els let hyr be buried quicke.

[...]ee that blasphemeth the name of God,Blaspheme [...]h haue the [...]gs cut o [...]. of the [...]aintes, of his Prince, or of the Cap­tayne of his trybe, lette h [...] haue his toungue cut out.

[Page 181] The punish­mēt for a lier.He that is conuicted of a lie to his neighbors hinderance, let him haue his swoorde taken from him, & be banished out of all mens companie.

A man accused to be cō [...]em­ned by an o [...] [...]est of men.Suche as be accused of any crimes that de­serue death, let them passe by the sentence of .vij. honest men, eyther els of .ix. xj. xiij. xv. or moe, so that the number be odde.

Robbers to be put to the sworde.Robbers by the highe wayes, destroyers of corne growyng in the fieldes as is vsed by eni­mies in time of warre, let them die by the sword. 10

Vagaboundes to be whipped and burnt in the cheeke. The wife shall not suffer for the husbandes offence. The cōcubine and hyr mate, to haue a lyke punishment. Rauishers of maydes shall die.Fugetiues, vagaboundes, and such other idle persons, let them be whipped and brenned in the cheeke.

Let not the wife suffer for the husbandes of­fences, but the husbād shal answere for the wifes misdeedes if he be priuie therevnto.

Any mans lemman or concubine, shall suf­fer the same paynes that he dothe whiche offen­deth with hyr.

Hee that rauisheth a mayde shall die for it, 20 onlesse she requyre for sauegarde of his life, to haue him to hyr husband.

Aduoutrers shall die.If any man be taken with an other mans wife in adultrie, she consenting vnto him there­in, they shall bothe suffer death for it. But if shee consent not but be forced agaynst hyr will, then he shall die onely for the same, and the woman shall be releassed.

A childe hur­ [...]ing his father shall die.If the childe hurt the father either with tung, hande, or foote, let him first be depryued of that 30 member, and then hanged, his body to remayne without buriall.

Who are not to enherite.A murderer a dumbe person, or he that is vn­thankefull to his parentes, shall not inherite his fathers patrimonie.

Iugglers and Wisertes &c.Iugglers, Wysertes, Nicromancers and such as call vp sprytes, and vse to seeke vpō them for helpe, let them be brent to death.

Sowyng of grayne.Let no man sow in the earth any grayne be­fore it be purged of all the weedes. 40

Euill husban­dry.Hee that through negligent slouth, suffereth his errable grounde to bee choked vp and ouer­growen with weedes, for the firste faulte lette him forfeyt an oxe, for the second ten oxen, and for the third let him forgoe the same grounde.

Buriall of friends.Thy companion in the warres, or thy friend beyng slayne, see him buried, but let the enimie lie vnburied.

Wayfes and streyfes.Any strayfe catayle that commeth into thy groundes, eyther restore them to the owner, ey­ther 50 els deliuer thē to the searcher out of theeues, commonly called Tonoderach, or to the person or vycar of the towne: for if thou retayne them in thy handes by the space of three dayes, thou shalt be accomp [...]ed giltie of thefte.

Things found.He that findeth any thing that belongeth to an other man, lette him cause it to be [...]ied in the market, or els hee shalbe iudged for a fellon.

He that striketh him with whome he goeth to the lawe, aboute any mater in controuersie,Aduersaries in suyte of law. shall be iudged giltie of the action, and the other set free.

If oxen or kyen chaunce by runnyng togi­ther to kill one an other,Oxen or kyne▪ hurting eche other. the truthe beyng not knowen whiche it was that did the hurte, that which is founde without hornes shall be iudged the occasion of the skathe, and he that is owner of the same, shall haue the dead beast, & satisfie him for the losse to whom it belonged.

If a sow eate hir pigges,A Sowe. let hyr be stoned to death, and buried, so that noman eate of hyr fleshe.

A swyne that is founde eating of corne that groweth in the field,Swyne. or wrooting vpon the tilled groundes, let it be lawfull for any man to kill the same without daunger.

Other kindes of beastes,Beasts domage [...]esant. wherein other men haue any propertie, if they breake into thy pa­stures or eate vp thy corne, impounde them, till time the owner haue satisfied thee for the quan­titie of the domage.

These were cyuill ordinaunces belongyng to the good gouernment of the people,Articles tou­ching religiō. other there were whiche appertayne to religion: as these.

Thou shalt deuoutly reuerence the Aulters, Tēples, Images, Oratories, Chapels, Priests, and all men of religion.Keeping of holy dayes.

Thou shalte obserue with dewe reuerence festiuall and solemne holy dayes, fasting dayes, vygiles, and all maner of ceremonies instituted by the godly ordinaunce of man, in the honour of our Sauiour Christe and his Saintes.

To hurt a Prieste let it be accompted an of­fence woorthie of death.Priests.

That grounde wherein any that is slayne lieth buried,Ground to be left vntilled. leaue it vntilled for seuen yeares space.

Repute euery graue holy,Graues. and adorne it with the signe of the crosse, so as thou shalt be well ad­uised that in no wise with thy feete thou treade vpon it.

Burie the dead according to the quantitie of his substaunce.Buriall.

The body of a noble man & of him that hath well deserued of the common wealth,Buriall of no­ble men. shal be bu­ried in solemne and pompouse wise, but yet in mourning sorte and dolorous manner.

Let there be two knights or squiers to attend his bodie to the graue, the one being mounted vpō a whyte horse shal beare the coate armure of the dead, & the other in mourning apparell with his face couered shal ride vpō a blacke horse: who after the corps is brought to churche, turnyng his horse from the Aulter, shall crie out how his maister is dead: & therwith the people making an [Page 182] outcrie against him, he shall straight wayes de­parte and get him with all speede to the place frō whence he came, the other going straight to the aulter shall there offer vp to ye priest his coate ar­mure with his horse, as a token to signifie ther­by that his master doth enioy euerlasting lyfe, in the land of permanent light and ioyes eternall. But this custome of buriall as that whiche was supposed not appertayning to the order of the Christian religion, the age that followed dyd 10 vtterly abolishe, appoynting to the Priestes in steede of the horse and armure .v. pound sterlyng in money for the offering.

With these and diuers other ordinaunces, whiche tyme and other statutes by other kings diuised haue abrogated, Kenneth gouerned his people in great felicitie during his lyfe time.

The Bishops sea, whiche before had bene at Abirnethy,S. Reule his Church, nowe called Saint Andrewes. hee translated vnto the Churche of that holy man Saint Reule. Euer sithe whiche 20 time the towne hath bene called Saint An­drewes, and those whiche gouerned the same Churche long time after, were called the greate Bishoppes of Scotlande: for the realme was not deuided into Dioceses till the daies of Mal­colme the thyrde, who by deuine inspiration as is sayde) ordeyned the sea of Murthlake, now called Abirden: but suche as were reputed of vertuous behauiour and knowledge meete for the office, vsed the authoritie and rowmeth of 30 Bishoppes in what place so euer they were re­sident. Yet suche was the continuaunce of those which gouerned the church of Saint Andrewes, that there haue bene aboue the number of fortie Bishoppes, resident there sithe the firste insti­tution of that sea: many of them for the opi­nion conceyued of theyr holinesse beyng num­bred accordyng to the maner in times paste in the register of Saints.

The boundes [...] Scottish ki [...]gdome.But nowe to returne vnto Kenneth, who 40 hauing (as is sayde) enlarged the boundes of his kingdome, so as the same stretched foorth vnto the confynes of Northumberlande on the one side, and to the Isles of Orknay, on the other the sea compassing in the residue, at the length after hee hadde reygned aboute twentie yeares in greate renowme and glory, hee depar­ted out of this lyfe,King Kenneth departeth out of this life. 85 [...] H.B. through to muche abun­d [...] ̄ [...]ce of rewmatike mater, at Fortivoite, in the yeare of our Lorde .856. His bodie was con­ueyed 50 into the Isle of Colmekill, and there ho­norably buried amongst his auncestours.

DonaldAFter his deceasse succeeded in gouernment of the realme his brother Donald,Donald the [...] of that [...] accer­ [...] [...] bro­ther Kenneth. farre dif­fering in qualities from his noble brother the foresayde Kenneth, but yet before he came to the rule of the realme, he disclosed not his vicious nature, for doubte of offending the king his bro­ther.The king is of dissolute behauiour. Neuerthelesse he had continued vnneth twoo yeares in the astate, but that he had sub­uerted all good orders in his realme, by his naughtie ensamples of dissolute liuing: for his minde was set on nothing but on wanton plea­sures: as in the vnlawfull vse of concubines, riotous banquetting, keepyng of Hawkes, Houndes, and Horses for pleasure, and not for the vse of warres, whereof hee had no regarde at all: for suche charges as hee shoulde haue bene at for mayntenance of men of warre to keepe the frounters of his realme, was imployed vpon a sorte of rascals, that serued him in the furthe­rance of his wanton delites and voluptuous de­sires, as Huntsmē, Fauconers, Cookes, Bawdes, Ruffians, and suche lyke.

Wherevpon diuers of the Nobles remem­bring what appertayned to theyr dueties,The king is admonished of his Nobles. spa­red not but freely admonished the king what daunger woulde ensue of his misordered beha­uiour, if hee reformed not his manners, nor re­strayned the licencious doyngs of his seruaunts and familie. But when they perceyued that theyr woordes were not regarded, but for the same they themselues ranne into displeasure, they sorrowed not a litle to see so small hope of amendment of suche enormities, as euery where reygned through the region: for all youthfull persons gyuen to sensuall luste fol­lowed the same without any feare or care of cor­rection, so that there was no measure of offen­ding and haunting of euill rule in all parties, in so muche that shortely through wante of all good gouernaunce, wrong was placed in steede of righte, and contempt of Goddes ho­nour embraced euery where in place of ver­tue.

In this meane whyle,The exiled Pictes requyre ayde of the Englishmen. the residue of the Pictes remayning amongst the Englishmen, ceassed not to solicite the gouernours of the countrey to ayde them towardes the recouerie of theyr dominion out of the Scottishmens handes, promysing to be subiectes vnto the En­glish nation, if by their helpe they might be resto­red to their auncient seates.

At length Osbert and Ella kings of Nor­thumberlande were perswaded through instant suyte to take that enterpryce in hande,Osbert & Ella kings of Nor­thumberland. the ra­ther vpon trust of good successe, for that they vn­derstood what lacke of politike gouernment was then remayning amongst the Scottes, by rea­son of the kinges naughtie demeanour and most inordinate trade of lyfe.

But first there was a league concluded with newe articles of agreement betwixte the En­glishmen and Brytons,The English­men & Brytōs ioyned theyr powers with the Pictes. as yet inhabiting a­longst the coastes of Cumberlande, by meanes [Page 183] of whiche league bothe Brytons and English­men ioyned theyr powers togither, and in moste speedy and forcible wise passed the water of Tweede, first pitching theyr campe in the coun­trey of Mers. From whence immediatly kyng Osbert (beyng appoynted as generall in that iourney) sente an Herault vnto Donalde the Scottishe king,An Herault is sent vnto Do­nald. commaunding him eyther to surrender vp vnto the Pictes all suche regions as the Scottes had taken from them, eyther els 10 to looke to haue the Englishmen and Brytons no lesse theyr enimies than the Pictes, whose cause they had taken vpon them to mayntaine and defende.

Donald being at the firste sore troubled with these newes, yet at length by the aduise of his no­bles hee tooke a good harte vnto him, and in de­fence of his realme, caused musters to be taken throughout all his dominions,Osbert is put to the flight, at Iedworth, or Iedburgh. and foorthwith came into the fielde to encounter his enimies, 20 whom hee founde at Iedworth ready to giue battell, where after sore fight, in the ende Os­bert with his people was chased to the nexte mountaines.

Donald hauing thus obtayned the victory in this conflict, supposed all had bene his owne, and therevpon remoued ouer Tweede with all possible haste, marchyng foorth till hee came to the mouthe of that ryuer, where there lay at anker certayne Englishe vessels, laden with pro­uision 30 of vitayles and all other things necessarie for the furniture of an armie.Osbert his prouision by water is taken by the Scot­tishmen. Donald setting vppon these shippes, with small resistaunce tooke them, spoyled them of all suche things as were founde aboarde, and after set fire on them. The spoyle was deuided amongest the Souldiers and menne of warre, whiche serued them to small vse or commoditie, for all the youth of the armie through ensample of theyr Prince was so corrupted in vicious customes, that the campe was replenished with Hoores and Bawdes, Stewes and dicyng tables, in suche wise that all suche prouision as shoulde haue serued for store and staple of vitayles, was spente in rio­tous banqueting without any order or measure: and oftentymes (as it chaunceth where politike gouernment lacketh) there happened amongst them in the armie,A great disor­der in the Scottish campe. discorde and variaunce with sundry murders and slaughters.

When the enimies were aduertised howe farre out of order all things stoode in the Scot­tishe campe for wante of good and discrete chief­taines, Osbert with all speede gotte a mightie hoste togither againe, and before his approche was looked for of the Scottes, he commeth vpon them one mornyng in the breake of the day, and assayleth them in theyr lodgyngs, wherein hee founde them so vnprouided of al helpes to make resistaunce, that it was a wounder to see the dis­order that appeared amongst them: some of

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them rennyng vpon theyr enimies naked with­out all discretion,The Scottes campe sudden­ly inuaded. other breakyng foorth of the campe to saue themselues by flight, not spa­ryng hill nor dale where they sawe any way to escape the enimies handes, though it were with present daunger of breaking theyr neckes downe the sidelyng bankes and craggie rockes, beyng forced thereto by the fierce pursute of the En­glishmen and Brytons, who most egrely preas­sed vpon them in all places to reuenge the late receyued ouerthrowe and slaughter of theyr friendes and kinsfolke.

There died of the Scots in this mortal bicke­ring aboue .xx. thousand persons.xx. thousand Scottishmen slayne.

[Page 184] King Donald is taken with the nobilitie▪King Donald being fast a sleepe at the firste assault of the enimies, as he that had drunken o­uer night more than enough, was taken before he coulde make any shifte for himselfe with all the residue of the nobilitie, that escaped with life.

The campe is ryfled.The Scottish campe, the day next after this ouerthrow, was ryfled, the spoyle being deuided amongst the Englishmen and Brytons.

But when the fame of this infortunate bat­taile was noysed once through the realme of 10 Scotland how the king was taken prysoner,The whole realme of Scotland discom­fyted. his campe wonne, the armie discomfited, and almost all the souldiers and men of warre slayne, those fewe of the nobles whiche were left aliue remay­ning as prysoners in the enimies handes, there was suche dole and lamentation made ouer all, as though the realme had already bene loste without recouerie. Some there were that bla­med fortune, some cursed the wicked trade of lyfe in the king: other bewayling the great cala­mitie 20 of this mischaūce put the fault in diuers o­ther things, as in such cases cōmōly it falleth out: for in sundry heades are euer sundry opinions. Many ranne vp and downe the streets and high wayes, to enquyre the certaintie of all things, & whether there were any hope at all left to resist the enemies, also which way the enimies helde, wherabout they went, & what they purposed to do.The English­men inuade Lothian, the Brytons Gal­loway. Anone after, when it was certainely knowen that the Englishmen were entred by Lothian, and the Brytons by Galloway, there was such 30 feare mixed with sorrow (for losse of theyr frends and kinsfolke) stryken into the peoples hartes, and namely into the womens, that a greater hath not bene heard of in any region.The Scots left comfortlesse. So that all prouision to defende theyr countrey was quite neglected, so amazed were the Scots with the sodayne chaunge of fortunes fauour. The Englishmen herevpon tooke all the countrey e­uē to the water of Forth,The Brytaines as yet kept possession of Cumberlande, & those other countreys ly­ing by the coast of those west seas. and likewise the Bry­tons seased into theyr handes all that whiche li­eth 40 from the bounds of Cumberland vnto Ster­lyng bridge, finding no resistaunce in theyr way at all. Herevnto aswell the Englishmen as Brytons vsed the victorie very cruelly, spa­ring neither one nor other of the Scottish bloud, that by any meanes fell into theyr handes, but priestes and all passed one way,The victorie vsed cruelly. that is by the edge of the swoorde.

Kyng Osbert purposed to haue passed the water of Forth, that wayes to haue entered in­to 50 to Fyfe, and so ouer Tay into Angus: but hea­ring that the Scottes had gathered a power to impeache his passage, he stayed certayne dayes. At length vnderstanding that the enimies were nothing of that puissaunce nor number, as at the first they were reported to bee, he determined to set ouer in certaine boates ten thousand of his men, but through a sodaine tempest of winde and weather, that rose in that instant,A great many of Englishmen drowned. there were fiue thousande of them drowned, the residue be­ing constrayned to lande agayne on the same side from the whiche they lewsed, hauing los [...]e through violence of the weather all theyr ta [...]le and whole furniture of theyr vessels.

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Osbert beyng also admonished with this misfortune, thought good to attempt no more the furious rage of the water, but determined by lande to goe vnto Sterlyng, where he vnder­stoode he should finde the Brytons, with whome hee might ioyne his power, and passe ouer the brydge there, and so inuade other of the Scot­tishe regions whiche lay there aboute: but at his comming thyther,Ambassadours sew for peace. certaine Scottishe Ambassa­dours came vnto him to sue for peace, whiche

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they humbly requyred at his handes in name of the whole realme, beseechyng him to consider well the state of the case as it stoode, and not to trust to muche on bryttle fortune,Fortune is bryttle. the whiche sheweth hyr selfe neuer stable, but common­ly vseth to call backe againe hyr graunt of pro­sperous successe, where the receyuour hath not skill to vse it moderately, and the vanquished seemeth to haue bene sufficiently corrected: [Page 185] As for the Scottes, though it might appeare that their force was greatly abated, and that resistance should little auaile them, yet were they mynded to die in defence of their liberties, rather than to submit themselues vnto any conditions of vile seruitude. The wordes of these Ambassadors be­ing throughly weyed (though some tooke them in greate disdaine) yet in the ende it was supposed that after victorie thus had agaynst the enimies, honourable conditions of peace ought to be pre­ferred 10 before doubtfull warre.

Wherevpon answere was made to the Am­bassadors,Peace graūted [...] condi­tions. that both the Englishe and Brytishe people with their kings were contented to haue peace with the Scottes, (though it lay in theyr handes, now to destroy the whole nation) if so be the Scottes woulde agree freely to resigne aswell to the English men as Brytaynes all such lands and Countreys as they had nowe gotten into theyr possessions,Articles of peace propo­sed. without any clayme or tytle to 20 be made to the same from thenceforth, eyther by them or any of their posteritie, so that the water of Forth on the East halfe, shoulde deuide the Scottishe dominions from the confines of the English men and Brytaynes,The Forth called the Scottishe sea. and be called from that tyme euer after, the Scottishe sea. On the west the water of Clyde should deuide the Scot­tish landes from the Brytaynes, the Castel of Al [...]luth,Donbriton. It was called before Caer Arcl [...]yth, that is the Citie vpon Cluid as H. Lluyd holdeth standing at the mouth of the same riuer, to remaine in the handes of the Brytaynes, from 30 thenceforth to beare the name of Dunbreton, that is to say, the castell of the Brytaynes. And fur­thermore that if any of the Scottes shoulde at­tempt to passe the sayd boundes into any of the Brytish or Englishe borders, hee shoulde die for that offence, and if by force of tempest it chaunced any of them to be driuen a lande on the South shore, within any of those parties, they shoulde take nothing away with them but water or vy­tailes, and depart within three dayes, except some 40 reasonable cause of stay constrayned them to the contrarie. Moreouer, they should not fortifie a­ny townes or Castels on the frontires neare to the Englishe or Brytishe confines: And further, they shoulde couenaunt to pay vnto the English men and Brytaynes within the space of twentie yeares, the summe of one thousand pounde of sil­uer. For performance of all which articles of a­greement,Hostages are required. the Scottes shoulde deliuer three score hostages, beeing the sonnes and heyres apparant 50 of the chiefest noble men of all theyr Realme and Countrey. And if it so were that they mislyked and refused any of these articles, hee commaun­ded that there should no other Ambassador come to him for any other treatie of accorde.

The Ambassadours returning home, and de­claring how they had sped,The Scottes mislike the ar­ticles of peace. many of the Scottes thought the Articles nothing reasonable for free people to accept: Other iudged that eyther they must come to some agreement with the English men and Brytaynes, or else put the lande in ex­treeme perill, and thus had the people bin deuided into two contrarie opinions and factions, had not one Calene a noble man, borne of high parentage,Calene his graue counsell taketh place. & gouernor of Angus, with sober reasons & strong arguments appeased this contention, perswading them to haue respecte to the tyme, and sithe the force of the Realme was so infeebled, abated, and brought vnder foote through aduerse fortune, bet­ter it was to yeelde vnto necessitie in sauing part at that present, in hope after when occasion serued to recouer the residue, than through obstinate wilfulnesse to lose the whole. For considering the present daunger, it could be reputed no dishonour to receyue conditions of peace at the enimies han­des, sithe there wanted not the lyke ensample of the Romaines, who gladly accepted suche arty­cles of peace, as that noble Prince king Eald ap­poynted them: and yet it is not to be iudged that there wanted men of great knowledge and wise­dome amongst them, and such as regarded theyr honour, so farre forth as reason in any wise dyd reache.

The multiude mooued with these wordes of Calen,The multi­tude consented vnto Calene his sayings. whose graue authoritie by reason of hys age and rowmth was of no small reputation a­mongst them, hauing lost nine of his own sonnes in the last battaile, they finally determined to fol­lowe his opinion in receyuing the same conditi­ons of agreement which Osbert had prescribed:The Scots re­ceiue the peace and therevpon sent agayne theyr Ambassadors with the hostages appoynted for the establishing of the peace in maner as before is rehersed. Which beeing throughly accomplished in suche solemne wise as in those dayes,King Donald [...] with the noble men are sent home againe. and in the like cases was accustomed, Osbert set Donald with his nobles at libertie, sending them home togither with the Ambassadors, being earnestly required so to doe, both by the English Lordes, and also by the Bri­taynes.

The agreement being thus made,Landes de­uided betwixt the Britains & English men. the landes were deuided betwixt the English men and Bri­taynes, in suche sort as the Brytaynes had for theyr parts all that which lyeth from Sterling vnto the West sea, betwixt the Ryuers of Forth and Clyde, vnto Cumberlande, and the English men possessed the other parcels, lying from Star­ling vnto the East sea, betwixt the Scottish sea and Northumberlande: so that by this meanes Clyde water, Forth, and the Scottish sea (where Forth runneth into the maine sea) deuided the Scottes from the English men and Brytaynes. And thus was the towne of Sterling common marche vnto those three people, the same towne with the Castell remayning vnto Osbert, as it was couenāted amōgst other articles of this peace

[Page 186]Here as the Scottes wryters haue, he ordey­ned his mynt, and his coyners of money to inha­bite, wherevpon came vp the name of Sterling money: but therein they are deceyued, for as in the hystorie of England shall appeare, that name came not in vse till many yeares after.

A bridge of stone made at Sterling.Osbert also in this place caused a stone bridge to be made ouer the water of Forth, in stead of the woodden bridge which the Picts had made there, and was now pulled downe, and in the midst of 10 this new stone bridge, he set vp a crosse, whereon were grauen these verses.

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20

Anglos à Scotis separat crux ista remotis,
Arma hic stāt Bruti, stant Scots hac sub cruce tuti. 30

In Scottish thus.

I am free march as passengers may ken,
Balantine.
To Scots, to Brytons, and to English men.

The picts hope is deceiued.The Pictes which had bene with the English men in this iourney, euer hoping to be restored to their landes and former possessions by Osbert, when they sawe how he reteyned the same in his owne handes, appoynting his subiectes to inha­bite therein, they doubted that which afterwards 40 came to passe in deede, least the Englishe men of friendes woulde nowe become enimies, seeking the destruction of the whole Pictishe generation, thereby to assure themselues in the possession of those landes and liuings, wherevnto the Picts as they thought would euer make some clayme and tytle, whilest any of them remayned aliue.

Vpon this mistrust therfore did those Pictes which were amongst the English men, make the best shift they coulde for themselues, so that many 50 of them got shippes,The picts were into Norwaye and Denmark. and sayled into Norway & Denmark, vnto their coūtrey men there: the other that could not make shift to get away, were slain anon after by the English men, that one of them was not to bee founde aliue within any of the English Dominions. And such was the ende of the Pictes that fledde vnto the English men for succour.

In this meane tyme the Scottish king Do­nald being restored againe to his Countrey, was receyued with more ioy and honour than hee had deserued, in hope yet by this scourge of aduerse fortune, that he woulde haue reformed his former abuses. Neuerthelesse,King Donald falleth to hys old vices againe. he had not bin at home any long time, but that he fell to his old vicious trade of life againe, remouing from his companie suche honorable personages as wished the suretie of his estate, with the aduācement of the cōmon welth, to the reliefe and ease of his poore miserable sub­iects. At length the nobles of the realm perceiuing the daunger that their countrey stoode in, by rea­son of Donaldes insolent misorder, vndiscrete rule and gouernment,King Donalde is laid in prisō. they found meanes to ap­prehend and commit him vnto safe keeping, but the monstrous creature within a fewe dayes after he was thus put in ward,He slaieth him selfe in prison. 860. in great desperation slue himselfe, in the sixt yeare after he began his infor­tunate raigne, & in the yeare of our saniour 860.

The same yeare that the realme of Scotlande was brought vnto such miserable state by the pu­issant force of the English men and Brytains, as aboue is rehearsed, there were sundrie wonders heard of in the countrey:A young babe giueth warning vnto hys mo­ther. as in Lothian a childe of one Moneth olde and a halfe, admonished the mother to flie out of that countrey, for it woulde come to passe, that the enimies shoulde come and take that region out of the Scottish mens hands. Beasts also as they were pasturing abrode in the fieldes there, roaring after a straunge sort,Beastes roa­ryng dyed. soden­ly dyed. Fishes likewise in shape resembling the figure of man,Fishes lyke in shape to men. were founde deade in the sandes of the Scottish sea. In Galloway there fell such a­bundance of Adders and Snakes out of the skie,Adders & sna­kes fell downe out of the sky. that the ayre being corrupted with the sauour of them lying on the grounde, both men and beastes dyed of certain diseases, which they tooke through infection thereof.

Such as were accounted to be skilfull in di­uination, affyrmed that these things did signifie an infortunate raigne with an euill ende vnto king Donalde, as afterwardes it happened,The interpre­tation of the prodigious things. who hauing made away himselfe in prison (as before is expressed) Constantine the sonne of king Ken­neth was crowned king at Scone,King Cōstan­tine Crowned. in the Chayre of Marble there, according to the maner as then vsed.

After his first entring into the estate, he would gladly haue gone in hād with the warres against ye English mē,He fain would recouer his predecessours losses. to haue recouered out of their pos­sessions, those countreys which they had lately ta­ken from the Scottes in his predecessors time: but his counsell aduised him otherwise,He was adui­sed otherwise by his counsel. declaring that the estate of the common wealth was so decayed by the misgouernance of his sayde predecessour, that till the same were refourmed, and suche in­testine discorde, as through licencious libertie [Page 187] raigned amongst his subiects might be appeased and quieted, there was no hope to atchieue anye worthie enterprise abrode agaynst forraine eni­mies. Hereupon by theyr aduertisements and good aduice,Misorders are redressed. hee deuised a reformation of all such misorders as were growen vp in al partes of his realme: and first for the spiritualtie, he orday­ned that Priestes should attende their cures,Priestes should onely attende their vocation. and not to intermeddle with any secular businesse, but to be free from going forth to the warres: ney­ther 10 should they keepe horses, hawkes, or hounds. And if any of them wer found negligent in doing his duetie apperteyning to his vocation,A penaltie for not doing their dueties. he should for the first fault forfeyt a peece of money, but for the second he should lose his benefice.

Youth shoulde eate but one meale a day.For the youth of his realme he tooke order (to brydle them the better from wanton delites and sensuall lustes) that none of them shoulde haue past one meale a day, and that of no fine or dain­tie delicates, and to abstaine from all such drinke 20 as might distemper their brayne, so that if anye yong person,Drunkennes punished with death. either man or woman were known to be dronken, they should die for it.

He commaunded further, that all the youth of his realme, shoulde exercise running, wrastling, shooting, throwing of the dart and bowle, so to auoyde slouthfulnesse, that their bodies myghte with such exercises be made the more able to en­dure paynes and trauaile: and for the same pur­pose he tooke order, that they shoulde lye vpon the 30 bare bourdes, with one mantell onely throwne vnder them,Youth to be treined vp in hardnesse. so that they should tast nothing nei­ther by day nor night, that might noozell them in any wanton delytes or effeminate pleasures.

Kepers of bā ­ketting houses to be banished.It was also ordeyned, that all such as kept vitayling houses for banketting cheare, should be banished the realme, with those that kept brothell houses.

Thus were the Scottes by obseruing of these ordinances,Scottes were made sober & able to abyde hardnes. made within short time of gluttons & 40 excessiue feeders, sober and temperate men: of de­licate and easefull persons, hard, tough, and able to abide any trauail or labour, were the same ne­uer so painfull: and hereof the state of the common wealth began to grow to good perfection, so that Constantines administration was lyked of the most part of all his subiects.

The first that went about to disquiet the prosperous raigne of that worthie Prince, was one Euan,Euan disquie­ted the king and realme. a man of an aūcient house, & borne in 50 the Westerne Iles. Such hath bene the vnquiet nature of the Scottish men, euen from the begin­ning,The vnquiet nature of Scottish men. neuer to liue contented any long tyme eyther with peace or warre, for being once a wea­ried with the charges of the warres, they straight wayes wishe for peace, and hauing in time of peace heaped togither some wealth, then can they not suffer the gouernment of their superiours, but either are readie to fall out with some forraine e­nimie, or else to raise some commotion amongst themselues.

This Euan therefore being the kings Lieu­tenant of his Castell of Dunstafage in Louch­quhaber,Euan Lieute­nant of Dun­stafage conspi­reth agaynst the king. practised a conspiracie agaynst the king, with a number of other light persons being gen­tlemen borne, mislyking the administration of things, onely for that they sawe how their inor­dinate libertie to oppresse inferiour persons, and to vse such wilde and insolent misdemeanor, as they had done afore time, was nowe restrayned by lawfull iustice and execution of due punishment for the same. But as these conspirators went a­bout to haue moued the people of Louchquhaber, Murrey land, Rosse, and Cathnesse, to haue ioy­ned with them in their trayterous enterprise: some of them in whom Euan put most trust,The king is aduertised of Euan his treason. secretely aduertised the king of all the whole matter, who gathering a competent number of men togither, made suche speedie haste towardes Dunstafage, where the chiefe Captaine of the Rebelles as then lay,The king cō ­meth to Dun­stafage with an armie. that he came before the same ere any ynkling were knowne to them within of his approch. By meane whereof comming vppon them so at vn­wares, hee had the Castell soone at his pleasure.Euan is exe­cuted. And immediately herevpon caused Euan to bee trussed vp on a high payre of Gallows, for a spec­takle to all his complices.

And furthermore, least the other conspirators might prouide them of some other Chieftaine,Many kept in prison. he apprehended diuerse of the nobilitie that were ac­cused to be of Euans confederacie, the whiche he put in strayte pryson, there to bee safely kept, tyll the Peeres of the Realme had determined wyth good deliberation, what shoulde become of them. This businesse being in this wise appeased, when all men looked for quietnesse, there sodenly follo­wed a greater and more pernicious trouble:One trouble followeth ano­ther. for such is the course of the worlde, that when men least thinke of mischiefe, they fall oftentimes into most daunger.

Cadane king of Denmarke,Cadane king of Denmarke. pretending a ti­tle to all suche landes as sometimes belonged to the Pictes, for that the residue of that Nation which had escaped the handes of the Scottes and Englishe men, had resigned vnto him all theyr ryght and interest of the same landes, hee deter­mined in that quarell (and in reuenge of the in­iuries which the Pictes alledged they had sustey­ned) to make warres both vpon the Scottes and English men.The cause that moued the Danes to make warre against England and Scotlande. He caused therefore an huge num­ber of shippes to be prepared, and a mightie army of men to be put in a readinesse, to passe in the same ouer into Albion, vnder the leading of hys two brethren, the one named Hungat, and the o­ther Hubba.

These two Chieftaines hauing their shippes [Page 188] and men with all prouision apperteyning once readie,A great nauye sent into Scot­land. tooke the sea, and sayled forth til they came to the coastes of Scotlande, where they tooke land within the Countrey of Fife, before any tidings

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10 20 were heard of theyr comming thither. The Da­nes being set a lande, spared no kinde of crueltie that might be shewed agaynst the inhabitantes,The Danes vse great crueltye. and namely for that they had not as yet receyued the fayth of Christ, they raged without all mea­sure agaynst Priestes and religious persons, o­uerthrowing and burning vp Churches & Chap­pels, wheresoeuer they found any in theyr waye. Whereupon the Englishe men that inhabited in Louthian,The inhabitātes fled the countrie. and the Scots which dwelled in Fife, 30 lefte theyr houses and possessions, flying into o­ther parties where they thought they might best escape the handes of their newcome aduersaries.

A great companie also of such vertuous and godly persons as aboute the same time laboured busily in setting forth the worde of life vnto the people in those parties, fled with one Adrian as then Bishop of the Scottish men, into the Ilande called May, whiche lyeth in maner in the mid­way of the passage ouer the Forth betwixt Fyfe 40 and Louthian, where as thē there was a famous Monasterie of Monks: but neither the reuerence of the place, neyther the innocencie of those harm­lesse creatures could refrain the Danes from pol­luting their wicked hands in murthering that de­uout companie,They that fled into May Ilād were slaine. as they were then esteemed. And this is that reuerend band of Martyrs, which the Scottish people haue had in such reuerence in the foresayde Ilande of May. A fewe names of some of that multitude as yet remaine in memorie a­mongst 50 wryters, as the foresayde Bishop Adri­an, Glodian, Gaius, or (as other write) Mona­nus Archedeacon of Saint Andrewes, and By­shop Stolbrande: the names of the residue are forgotten.The incertein­tie of wryters in this matter of these Mar­tyrs. Some there be that affyrme how this company were Hungarians, the whiche fleeing out of their countreys from the persecution which was there exercised by men of misbeliefe agaynst the Christians, they arryued here in Scotlande, and applyed themselues in the instructing of the Scottishe men in the way of saluation. Other write that they were Scottes and English men thus assembled there togither, but of whence soe­uer they were, certaine it is that by custome they were become Scottish men, & instructed Scots as before is sayde in the way of saluation.

After this cruell slaughter thus by the Danes committed, they continued in their woode rage as they passed through Fife and the other countries neare bordering vpon the same, till all the inha­bitants were auoyded out of their houses, either by flight or slaughter.

Constantine the Scottishe king being kind­led in the meane time with passing great displea­sure, for these so notable iniuries receyued at the handes of the Danes, thought good with all speed to go agaynst them, and to attempt the chaunce of battaile before they had wasted any further within his dominions, so greatly to the dimini­shing of his royal power and estimation amongst his subiects. Hereupon leuying his people,Constantyne assembled a mightie army. and assembling a mightie host togither, he passed forth with the same towardes his enimies, the whiche were lodged in two seuerall campes, the one be­ing distant from the other aboute a quarter of a myle, seuered in sunder with the course of a little ryuer called Leuyn, the which (vpon the approch of the Scottes vnto that parte of the campe that lay on the further syde next vnto them) chaunced to be raysed on such height through abundance of raine, that in two dayes after vneth it might bee passed ouer at the fourdes.

After this sore and tempestuous weather, the ayre cleared vp and waxed verie fayre and calme, giuing occasion to the Scottes to worke theyr feate agaynst one part of theyr enimies, whylest the other coulde not come ouer vnto theyr ayde and succours. In this campe which lay on that side the ryuer next to the Scottes, Hubba was lodged, who did what he coulde to haue stayde his men from issuing forth of the campe to giue bat­taile when the Scots drew neare to the same,The Scots and Danes ioyne their battailes. & assaied all wayes by prouoking the Danes with skirmishes to come forth and fight with them in plaine field, but notwithstanding al that he could do, forth they rushed in such wise by plumpes, and with so great noyse and claymour, that the Cap­taines were constrayned of necessitie to set them in order of battaile, sithe they would needes giue the onset vpon their present enimies.

The Danes did weare aloft vppon their ar­mour certaine lynnen garments,The Danes ap­parell. wrought with red silke, shewing fayre and white both at hande and a farre off.Their weapons Their weapons were of such sort as serued for the push rather than for down right blowes, the poynts being of suche a handsome [Page 189] strong fashion, that no armor might lightly hold forth agaynst them.T [...]ll men of body and lim­bes These kinde of weapons to­gither with the muster of their huge bodies was dreadfull at the first for the Scottishe men to be­holde, as they marched towardes them in aray of battail. But anon comming neare togither rea­die to ioyne, the Scots manfully taking to them newe courages,A battayle. set vpon the Danes with great violence, who likewise beganne the battaile very stoutly, so that the same cōtinued fight fierce and

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cruell a good space. At length the Danes beeing assayled on eche side, both a front before, and on their backes behinde,The Danes take the flight. oppressed as it were wyth multitude, they threwe downe theyr weapons and fled amain. Many of them making towards their campe were ouertaken and slaine, diuerse of them falling into the ditches were oppressed with throng, aswel of their owne companie, as of their enimies, as they passed ouer them in following 30 the chase, and stryuing to enter the campe vpon such as stoode to defende them from entring. O­ther ther were that leaping into the water in hope to get ouer, were drowned in the whorling wa­ues of the streame, though some (through helpe of their fellowes whiche stoode on the other syde readie to haue passed the water if they might so haue done without manifest daunger of drow­ning) escaped and got ouer,Habba was sa­ued from drowning. amongst whom Hub­ba was one, to the great reioysing of his brother 40 Hungar, to see him thus deliuered twise from pe­rill of death, as first from amongest his enimies, and secondly out of the roaring streame of that deepe and swift raging ryuer. The Scottes ha­uing thus put one part of their enimies to the wurse,The Scots toke of this victory immoderate ioye. with that happie successe tooke such com­fort and immoderate ioy, as though they had bin nowe sure of victorie ouer all the residue, so that for two dayes togither, there was such dauncing, singing, and pyping amongst them, as the lyke 50 hath not beene heard of.The Scots for ioy readie to fall out. Yea so farre proceeded their insolent outrage, that they began to contend amongst themselues for the prisoners and spoyle, which they accopted now theyr owne, as though already they had the same wholy in their pos­session: and further reasoned not without alter­cation, whether the Danish Captaines after they had them once in theyr handes should bee put to death, or else be kept aliue to be shewed to the peo­ple in triumph or no. Great a do and many vaine wordes were spent hereabout in such earnest sort that they were at poynte to haue fallen out a­mongst themselues: but there was no mention at all made touching the ordering of their battailes and other the necessarie proceedings agaynst the enimies.

At length when the ryuer was fallen & come to his olde course againe,Constantine proceeded a­gaynst his eni­mies. so that it might easily be passed, Constantine in order of battaile got o­uer with his people, to the other syde where the Danes were lodged, who hauing more minde to set themselues in such order whereby they might gain the victory, than to deuise for the deuiding of the spoile, perceyuing occasion now offred to giue ye onset, forthwith arayed their people in this sort.The order and placing of the Danes armie. Hubba had the right wing. Buerne had the left wing. Hubba with sixe thousande Danes, was placed in the right wing. The left was led by one Bu­erne an Englishe man borne, who was fled out of his countrey, for that he coulde not beare suche iniuries as Osbert offred him in forcing his wife, to the great reproch and dishonor of his house and name. He had with him in this left wing cer­taine bandes of Englishmen with those Pictes that had escaped ouer into Denmarke, as before is mencioned.Hungar kept the battaile. Hungar with all the residue of the armie, kept the battaile or myddlewarde, exhor­ting his men to shew their force & manhoode that day, sith the same should eyther put thē in posses­sion of the whole land of Albion, with all the sub­stance & riches conteyned therein, either else bring thē perpetuall seruitude with ignominie amongst their most cruell & fierce aduersaries. He therefore himself openly in presence of them al,Hungar made a vowe. vowed with solemne othe, either to returne with victorie to his campe, eyther else to die in the place, willing them [Page 190] all to make the like couenant. Whereupon the vniuersall multitude allowed him so muche for this his motion,The souldiers did make the like vowe. that there was not one amongst the whole number, which agreed not to sweare the like othe.King Constan­tine placed his men in like maner. Constantine keeping in maner the like order, placed in the right wing his brother Ethus, in the left Duncane the Lieutenant or Thane of Athole, appoyning to eyther of them ten thousande men a peece.

An incourage­ment giuen to his souldiers.All the residue were set in the battaile where he 10 himselfe stoode. And first he gaue them all hartie thankes in that they had so valiantly atchieued the victorie in the last battaile, requyring them now not to blemish their former glorie with any fayntnesse of courage, recreant cowardice, or dis­honourable flight: and further he willed them in no wise to be afearde of their enimies, in respect more for their hugenesse of bodie, than for any of theyr valiant stoutnesse of heart: for if they assay­led them with one whole and entire consent, ac­cording 20 to their wonted forwardnesse and man­like prowes, they shoulde quickely put them to flight, and obtaine a ioyfull victorie. Herewith he also warned them not to runne rashly vpon the enimies, but to suffer thē first to giue the charge, for by that meanes he thought the Danes would with their earnest violence disorder themselues, and so shoulde it bee more easie for the Scottes to breake in amongst them. But this deuise did not a little abate the Scottish mens corages. For the vse of the Scots is, when they shal enter into battail, to make a great shoute & noyse, and there­with to run vpon their enimies, by which meanes (as they suppose) they both put the enimy in feare, and incorage thēselues to the battail.The Danes ap­proch towards the Scottes. The Danes at the sound of the trūpet marched forth towards the Scots, where they stoode thus in order of bat­tail, but whē they perceiued that the Scots came not forwarde, they also stayed in the midway to refreshe themselues, bycause at the ioyning they shuld not be out of breath. Anon after,The Danes shot quarels and threw dartes. passing for­warde an easie pace they shot quarrels, and threw dartes at their enimies right freshly, & the Scots let flie at them againe with arrowes and darts as thicke as it had beene a storme of haile.The Scottes arrowes and darts as thicke as haile. After this they rushed togither with great violence on both

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sides: but within a while, the Danes had put both the wings of their enimies to flight, and af­ter compassing the maine battaile rounde about,The Scottes are put to flight. they constraine the same in the ende with greate bloudshed and slaughter to giue back and flee out of the field. Ten thousande Scottes dyed that day in this infortunate battaile with Constan­tine himselfe,Constantine is taken and murthered. who being first taken was had in­to a Caue by the Sea syde amongst the Rockes, 50 and there cruelly murthered by the enimies. The place was called certaine yeares after the blacke Denne:The blacke den or coue. but nowe they name it the Diuils den, in memorie of that heynous murther there com­mitted. The Scottishe Nation also had beene vtterly as then destroyed,Ethus brother vnto Constan­tine was saued by flight. had not Ethus the bro­ther of Constantine, perceyuing howe the fielde was lost, escaped away with two companies of his best men of warre, so reseruing himselfe to the time of more luckie fortune.

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THe people lykewyse doubting for want of a go­uernor to be ye sooner ouercom by their eni­mies,Ethus. ledde the sayd Ethus vnto Sc [...]ne wher they crowned him king, in the yeare after the byrth of our Sa­uiour 874. and the .xiij.874 after Constantine began to rule the estate of the realme. The same yeare were many wonders and vnketh sightes seene [Page 191] within the Scottish dominions. In the mouth of the Forth,Fishes like vn­to men in shape. otherwise called the Scottishe sea, there appeared fishes in great number, like vnto men in shape, swimming vp and downe in the streame with halfe their bodies aboue the water, and hauing a blacke skinne, which couered theyr heades and neckes, from the shoulders vpwardes like an hoode.Bassinates. These are called Bassinates, and vse to goe in great companies togither, as though they were skulles of Herrings, signifying when 10 they are seene, some great misfortune vnto [...] Countrey, as the common people haue long [...] an opinion. Also the Loches, Riuers, and al ma­ner of other waters were frozen from the begyn­ning of Nouember,A long winter. till the latter ende of April, and when the frost brake, and the snowes melted, there was such a flood flowing ouer al the plaines euen to the rootes of the Mountaynes, as the like had not bene seene. Furthermore when the same shrunke and went away,Frogges in the mud and slime in the mud and slime 20 there was suche a number of Frogges left, that when they were dead, & began to putrifie, the ayre was so infected, ye many deadly diseases ensued wherof great nūbers of the inhabitants did perish.

A Comet.Moreouer there was a mightie starre or Co­met seene with firie rayes issuing forth of the same whiche both night and day followed the Moone during the moneth of Aprill, to the great horror of all that behelde it.

But to proceede. The Danes as is sayd, ha­uing 30 vanquished the Scots, and wasted the coū ­trey of Fife,The Danes went into Louthian. passed ouer into Louthian, where robbing and spoyling all before them, they pursu­ed the inhabitants into Northumberlande, whi­ther they fled for refuge. There the Danes being ayded with certain English mē in fauor of Bru­ern, slue in battaile both Osbert & Ella,King Osbert & Ella slaine. kings of that coūtry. The crueltie of the Danes was such after they had atchieued ye victorie, that few esca­ped with life, but such as saued thēselues by flight. 40 But chiefely their rage appeared moste agaynste priestes and such as professed themselues men of religion. For the Danes being Ethnikes, perse­cuted most egerly those that in any wise profes­sed Christ.This crueltie inuaded Nor folke also. The like outragious murthering of the Christians was practised throughout the Countrey, and at length came vnto that blessed king S. Edmond, raigning as thē ouer the peo­ple of the East angles, as in the English historie more plainly may appeare. Howbeit other of the 50 English kings mainteined the warres with these Danes certaine yeares after this, with variable fortune, the most part of those people which inha­bited on that coast towarde the Germaine seas, eyther being slain or brought into miserable bon­dage and thraldome.King Alured redressed those harmes. But Alured which succee­ded his brother king Etheldred, not in the king­dome of Northfolke and Suffolke (as Hector Boetius affyrmeth) but in the kingdome of the west Saxons,Hector Boeti­us mistaketh diuerse mat­ters touching the report of our hystories. redressed a great part of this mise­rie into the which the countrey was thus brought by the Danes, by subduing them in sundrie con­flictes, and slaying their two Captaines the fore­sayd Hunger and Hubba as in the same English [...] further expressed.

But now to return [...]nto Ethus, I find that he was of such [...]nesse of foote,Ethus surna­med lightfoot that he woulde marche and make way in running with H [...]r [...]s and Houndes, and thervpon was [...]named light­foote: but of what [...]mble lightnesse of foote [...] [...]ith it is that he was of disposition [...] vnfitte to haue the [...] of any [...] regiment.Ethus neglec­ted the opor­tunitie. For where as he might haue recouered Fife and Louthian with other [...] whylest the English men and Danes [...] togither by the eates, he passed ouer that occasion deliting mo [...]e in following the pleasures the bodie and sensu­all lustes, than to bestow his time in feates of ch [...] ­ualry and other warlike exercises.A conspiracie made agaynst king Ethus. The Nobles of the Realme perceyuing him thus to abuse the worthie gyftes of his person, mistrusting least his [...]dler doings should endomage the publike state of the cōmon wealth they tooke counsail togither how they might apprehend him and to sende him some whither out of ye way wher to be safely kept, and then to place some other in the gouernment of the Realme, that might rule the same with more discretion & better aduise. And least their re­solution should be disclosed before it tooke effect, they slacked no time, but went spedily about their businesse. And comming to the king whom they found a hunting in Calidone wood,King E­thus is arested, with his fa­uorers. they sodenly arested him, and therwith committed him to safe keeping: and those whom they knewe to bee fa­uourers of his euill rule and misgouernance, they put them also fast in yrons, til they had answered to such articles as should be layd to their charge. This done they proceeded to the election of a new king,Gregorie is chosen king. and in the end by the persuasion of one Dō ­gall gouernour or Thane of Argyle, they chose Gregorie the sonne of that Dongall which raig­ned before Alpyne, who was not past two Mo­nethes olde when his father dyed.

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THis Gregory being knowne to be a mā worthy of the rowmeth,Grego­rie. though he himselfe only was against it, at length by persuasiō receyued the inuesture of ye kingdome at Scone, with all due solemnitie. Ethus hea­ring therof, through an­guish of mind died with in three dayes after, in ye second yere of his raign,876. H. B. 875. Io. Ma. and .876. after the birth of our sauiour.

[Page 192]There be that wryte howe he was strangled in prison by Dongall his procurement, least by aduenture he might haue bene restored vnto liber­tie, and with all haue made clayme to the crowne againe.

Gregorie being thus established in the estate, considering that the suretie of all Realmes rested in the handes of the diuine Maiestie, to begin his gouernment with some luckie enterprise,A conuocation of the clergie. caused a conuocation to be holden at Forfai [...] ▪ for the ad­uancement

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of Christes religion: where amongst other things,Priests are free of all tribute. it was ordeyned, that Priests from thenceforth (to the ende they might more freely attende to their vocation) should be exempt from paying of trybute and all maner of exactions. Al­so that they should not be constrayned to go vnto 30 the warres,They shoulde not be called to serue in the warres. neyther to come before any temporal iudges, but only afore their Ordinaries and Bi­shops, by whom they shoulde be iudged in al cau­ses.Authoritie gi­uen vnto Bi­shops to order things. The same Ordinaries and Bishops should also haue authoritie to order all men, both publike and priuate, aswell for the keeping of fayth giuen, as to constraine them to confirme the same, and to punish such as should be founde in the contra­rie. Likewise in causes of controuersie touching matrimonie, tythes, testamentes, legacies, and 40 such like. Moreouer the correcting of those that blaspheme eyther God or his Saincts. Heretikes and Nicromancers, with other the like offenders agaynst the lawes and articles of the Christian religiō, was assigned vnto the Bishops and their substitutes, so that all those which were founde disobedient vnto them, and refused to bee at their commaundement, they should haue authoritie to excommunicate them out of the Church, and from companying with any of the congregation, 50 so that they that were thus excommunicated, should be depriued of all abilitie to enioy any in­heritance or right to landes or possessions what­soeuer they were. Neither shoulde they be accep­ted as a witnesse in any maner of cause, neyther beare any office or rule in the common wealth. This Gregorie also (as is sayde) was the fyrst auctour of that ordinance, by the which the Scot­tish kings at their coronation vse of auncient cu­stome to vowe by solemne othe,Whē the Scot­tish kings first began to pro­mise by othe to maintiane the libertie of the Church. that during their lyues, they shal mainteyn and defend the Church with hir ministers, in al ancient liberties and pri­uiledges, and not to suffer any man to hurt or in­fringe the same.

There was surely in this Gregorie a certaine naturall inclination to vertue,King Gregory was giuē who­ly vnto god­linesse. with suche adui­sednesse in all his wordes, that he vttered few or none but that the same seemed to be spoken with right great consideration. He was neuer maried,King Gregory was neuer maryed. but continued in chastitie all his lyfe time. Of meate and drinke he was verie spare, deliting in all kinde of sobrietie,He was sober. more watchefull than giuen to sleepe. But his fame encreased moste for hys mainteyning of iustice and ciuill administration concerning the state of the common wealth, not omitting the practise of warre, where necessitie requyred.

The first expedition which he tooke in hande,He made an expedition in­to Fife. he made into Fyfe, to recouer that countrey to the crowne of Scotlande. At whose entrance into the same,The Picts fle [...] into Louthian the Pictes whom the Danes had left in those parties at their departure thence, being strikē with feare to fall into the handes of the Scottes their auncient enimies, fled forthwith into Lou­thian, leauing Fife in maner voyde, and without any that woulde offer to defende it agaynst the Scottes:The king set inhabitants in Fife. whereupon Gregorie so finding it de­solate of inhabitants, he sent for people out of o­ther partes of his Realme, appoynting them dwellings in that Countrey as hee thought most expedient. This done he passed into Louthian,He subdued Louthian. where taking the fortresses and places of defence, [Page 193] some by force, and some by surrender, he easily re­duced that Countrey into his subiection, so that within a fewe dayes, hauing there all at his plea­sure,The Danes & Pictes ioyne themselues to­gither. he came vnto Barwike, where there were a great number of Danes ioyned togither with the Pictes, as men not mynding to flee any fur­ther, but to fight with the Scottes euen there, if they should come forward vpon them. But when they saw what number the Scottes were of, and herewith doubting the English men to come on 10 their backs if the matter went not well with thē, they thought it best yt such Danes as were of any great reputation of Nobilitie shoulde withdraw into Barwike before the enimies were at hande,They fed into Northumber­lande. and the residue to passe ouer Tweede into Nor­thumberlande, there to ioyne with other Danes that in those parties were lately arriued. But the Englishmen within Barwik abhorring nothing more than to be vnder subiection of the Danes,The Danish [...]b li [...]e fled into Barwike. in the euening after the receiuing of the Danish no­bles 20 into theyr towne, deliuered it togither with their guestes vnto the Scottishmen, who suffring the English mē at their pleasure either to go their wayes with all their goodes, or to remaine still in their houses,The Danes are slaine in Bar­wike. slue the Danes without sparing ey­ther man, woman, or childe. Then leauing a strong garrison of Scottishmen within Barwik, Gregorie marched forth with the residue of hys people into Northumberlande, to vnite that coū ­trey to other of his dominions that bordered vpon 30 the same. In those parties at that selfe time there were two armies lodged in the fields, the one of Danes not farre from Yorke, vnder the leading of one Herdunt, who had lately taken and sacked that Citie, and the other of English men that lay xx. miles off from the sayd Danes. Herdunt hea­ring of the slaughter which the Scots had made of his countrey men at Barwike,Herdunt threatned the Scottes. threatned sore that he would not leaue a man aliue of the Scot­tish race within any part of all the confines of Al­bion. Which vowe many of the companie follo­wing their Captaines example, likewise made. Shortly after hearing of their enimies approche,The Danes prepare to the battaile. the whole host by commaundement of Herdunt issued forth of their campe to giue battaile. Here the Scottish king standing with his people in or­der of battaile,The Scottes egrely inuade their enimies. had thought to haue vsed some cō ­fortable speach vnto them, thereby to encourage them to fight, but suche hast was made by the Scots to prease vpon their enimies, that he saw it more needfull to take heed to the ordering of them in perfect array, than to stand about to exhort thē, whome he saw readie ynough of theyr owne ac­cord to fight. Therfore he said no more vnto thē, as he went amongst the ranckes,King Gregory his saying to the souldiers. but only willed them to remember howe cruelly Constantine their king was sometime murthered after he had yeelded himselfe prisoner to these enimies, with whom they should now ioyne. The Scots here­vpon running to the battaile with no lesse stout­nesse

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of minde than violent force, gaue their eni­mies 50 vneth space to charge their weapōs, but bare them downe with long speares and iauelins, and withall the Bilmen following them made great slaughter on eche side,The Danes fled to their campe. so that there needed neither exhortation of captaines, nor diligence of wit [...]ers to kepe them in aray. For the wrathfull stomacks of the souldiers only wrought the feat in such sort that the Danes were quickly put to flight & cha­sed: those that could not escape to the campe, got thē vnto the next mountaines, who chanced vpon better lucke than those that escaped to the campe, for the egrenesse of the Scots was such in chasing the enimies, that neither ditch nor rampire coulde stay them from entring the campe vpon ye Danes where they made greater slaughter than they had done in the field.Herdunt as­sembled his men togither. The next day Herdunt goeth a­bout to assemble his men togither againe beeing [Page 194] dispersed here and there, but when he vnderstoode how he had lost the more halfe of his whole host, he cursed that vnhappy day,Herdunt went toward Rasin, chief generall of the Danes in England. and determined to re­tire vnto Rasin, who as then was captain gene­rall of all the Danes that were in Englande: but Herdunt by reason of his wounded men, whom he was faine to carie with him, could not make for­ward with any great speede, so that he was vneth xl. miles got forth on his way when word came to him, that Rasine fighting with the Englishe 10 men vnwarely, at a place called Helcades, chaun­ced to be slaine with a great multitude of his peo­ple: and therevnto his head was caried abrode vp and downe the countrey from towne to towne to be seene. By such mishaps the prosperitie of the Danes so much flourishing of late, began nowe manifestly to decay.Herdunt re­mayned in campe. Herdunt although he was not a little discoraged herewith, yet he chose forth a plot of ground most meet for his purpose, where he determined to remaine in campe till he might 20 vnderstand what the Danes in other places were minded to do. But Gregorie K. of Scots hauing thus expulsed the Danes forth of Northumber­land,King Gregory suffred the in­habitants of Northumber­land to inioy their landes brought that countrey vnder his subiection: neuerthelesse he permitted the inhabitants to en­ioy all their possessions still, only receyuing of thē in name of soueraintie a yearely tribute. So that within a few dayes after, he brake vp his armie, & went himself vnto Barwike,King Gregory wintered at Barwike. where he remayned all the winter season in consultation with his no­bles 30 about the publike affayres of the realme. In the beginning of the next Sommer, he prepared againe for warre, and raysing an armie, he purpo­sed to make a iourney against the Brytains,King Gregory prepared an ar­mie against the Brytaines. who held as before ye haue herd) a great part of Scot­land. But he was not driuen to vse any force in this warre, for the Brytaines being vexed afore this time with warre by the Danes, had cōpoun­ded with them for an huge summe of money to haue truce for .xx. yeares space, but the Danes 40 without regard to their promise, shortly after with a greater power than at the first, entred into the Brytish borders, renuing ye warre so fiercely, that notwithstanding their force was sore enfeebled, by reason of the two last mētioned ouerthrowes,The Brytaines send to king Gregorie. yet the Brytaines doubting the worst, feared to encounter with them, and therfore after consulta­tion had, they thought it best to assay if they might happely allure the Scottes of their enimies to be­come their friends. And herevpon sending vnto 50 the Scottish King an Heraulde, they requyre to ioyne with them in armes agaynste the Danes, common enimies to both theyr Countreys, pre­mising that if they woulde so doe, they woulde willingly surrender into his handes all such pos­sessions which they helde at any time belonging vnto the Scottish kingdome.

Gregorie weying with himselfe how necessa­rie this friendship should be,King Gregory his considera­tion. not onely to the pub­like weale of all the whole lande of Albion, but also of the good suretie and aduauncement of Christes religion, whereof the Danes were grie­uous aduersaries (for this hee thought, that if Scottes, English men,A peace con­cluded, and landes sur­rendred to the Scottes. and Brytaines did ioyne in one, and knit themselues togither in ayding ech other, there was no nation in the world that they needed to feare) he consented vnto the request of the Brytaines, and so accepting their offer, he had all those regions which apperteyned sometime to the Scottes, and were nowe in possession of the Brytaynes, surrendered into his handes, and so by this meanes were the Scottishe confines en­larged and extended vnto their auncient limittes and former boundes. This dissention and va­riance being ceassed after this maner, greatly re­ioyced the mindes of all the inhabitantes of thys Ile, but contrariwise, the Danes looked for no­thing more than present destruction to ensue vn­to them, if this amitie should continue any while amōgst their enimies, wherfore they practised sū ­drie meanes to breake the amitie thus remayning betwixt their aduersaries, Scottes, English men, and Brytaynes, wherein they needed not great­ly to trauayle, for within a short tyme after the conclusion of the same league, the prosperous successe of the English men, whiche for a season had folowed them vnder the conduct and gouern­ment of their king Alured against the Danes, oc­casioned the Brytaynes also (hauing nowe no further feare of the Danishe puissance,The Brytaines repent them of the league made with the Scottes.) to repent themselues of the league, whiche they had lately made with the Scottes, in so muche that Con­stantine whome a little before they had receyued to bee theyr king after the deceas [...]e of his father, raysed a power, and with the same entered into Annandale, to recouer that Countrey out of the Scottishe mens handes: but hearing in the ende that Gregorie was comming with a great army to succour his subiectes, whome the sayde Bry­taynes on eche side had sore afflicted, they began to drawe backe towardes Cumberlande wyth theyr bootie, thinking there to bee in safetie vntill a time more conuenient. But king Gregorie coasting the Countrey,The Scottes ouerthrow the Brytaynes. met with them at Loch­maben, and there gaue them battaile, wherein when Constantine perceyued how his people be­gan to shrinke backe, as a man hauing more re­garde to his honour than to the suretie of his life, he rushed forth into the formost prease, there to succour and relieue his Standardes, but beeing compassed about amongest a great companie of his enimies,Constantine is slaine. his chaunce was there to bee slaine with a number of the chiefest Lordes of all the Brytish nation. The other multitude seeing the day to goe thus agaynst them, fled to saue theyr liues, leauing the victorie so to the Scottes.

[Page 195]This ouerthrowe did put the Brytaynes in daunger to haue bene vtterly ouerrunne, what by the Scottes on the one side, and the Danes on the other: for as for any ayde to be looked for of the English men, they had plain answere they should haue none, sith they had so vniustly broken the league cōcluded with their cōfederates the Scots, to the great hinderance of the prosperous procee­dings of al the inhabiters of this Ile, against their common enimies the Danes. Yet the better to e­stablish 10 the estate of their countrey, and in hope of some recouerie of their former dammages,Herbert king of Britain sent Ambassadors. they crowned to their king one Herbert (or as some co­pies haue Hebert) the brother of the last Constan­tine, and herewith sent Ambassadours vnto Gre­gorie king of the Scottish men to excuse themsel­ues, in that they had so wrongfully attempted the warres against him and his people, saying all the fault in Constantine, who against the willes and contrarie to the minds of his subiects did take vp­on 20 him that dishonourable and most infortunate enterprise. Gregorie hauing heard the message of these Ambassadors,King Gregory his answere. for answer declared vnto thē, that he vnderstood wel ynough that the Brytains now sued for peace vpon no reuerend considera­tion they had vnto their othes of couenāt, but only for that they saw howe if they shoulde pursue the warre still, they were sure that in the ende they should be like to haue the foyle: & therefore he was fully thus resolued, not to conclude any peace or 30 truce with such disloyall people, till they had re­signed ouer into his hands the whole possession of the Countreys of Cumberland & Westmerland,Gregorie re­quired a resig­nation of Cū ­berlande and Westmerland. with assurance neuer to pretende any clayme or title vnto those dominions from thenceforth: and herewith for performance of couenants, to render into his hands not only ye keyes of al the townes, castels, and fortresses in the same countreys, and to auoyde quite their wayes into Wales to other their countrey men there, but also to deliuer .lx. 40 noble mens sonnes and heyres apparant as pled­ges to remain with the Scots. The Ambassadors returning home with this message, and reporting it accordingly vnto their king, when all men had said their aduice, in the ende they condiscended to conclude the peace with the rehearsed conditions prescribed by the Scottish king, sith they sawe no better meane to preserue their nation from present destruction. And thus deliuering the appoynted number of pledges,Peace was con­cluded. they left the countryes of Cū ­berland 50 and Westmerland voyd, surrendring in­to the Scottish mens hands the possessions of all the townes, castels & fortresses, & therewith depar­ted into Northwales, where they placed thēselues in the countrey betwixt Conway and the riuer of Dee,Hūfrey Lluid. 870 out of the which they expulsed the Englishe men (that were then in possession therof) and ther­with they erected a kingdom ther, which they na­med Stradcluyd, mainteyning warres against ye Englishmen many yeres after. K. Gregorie ha­uing thus enlarged his kingdome, assembled his nobles at Car [...]eil, wher he resolued with their ad­uice to follow such good fortune as by Gods pro­uidence dayly chaunced vnto them. Whervpon it was agreed,The pollicy of the Scottes to haue taken Yorke. that they should go first vnto Yorke to conquer that citie, whilest the English men in Kent were occupied with the Danes that were come thither, so as neither the one nation nor the other could attend to make any attempt to hinder the Scottish mens enterprise.K. Alured sent Ambassadours vnto king Gregorie. But in the meane time came Ambassadors vnto Gregorie frō king Alured to congratulate his prosperous successe a­gainst his enimies ye Danes & other. These Am­bassadors also willed to haue the auncient league betwixt Englishmen & Scottes renued, by which meanes both their powers might ioine togither a­gainst their common enimies, when they should attempt any wrongfull inuasion.Peace confir­med. This request was granted, so that shortly thervpon peace was established betwixt those princes & their people, wt confirmation of the olde league, wherevnto were added these articles: that ye Scots should enioy the possession of Northūberland without any claime to be made to the same by the English men: if the Danes chaunced to inuade either of their domi­nions,New conditi­ons of peace. the warre should be accounted as common to them both.No passage to be graunted vnto the eni­mie. Neither should the Scots graunt passage to any enimy of the Englishmen through Scotlād, neither the English men suffer ye Scot­tish mens enimies to passe through England. If any English men did rob or steale any thing out of Scotlande that shoulde not breake the league,Punishment of robbers but the offenders with the recepters should be de­liuered to the Scottish magistrats to be punished according to the qualitie of the offence, & the lyke should be obserued by the Scottes towardes the Englishmē. Thus things being quieted with the Englishmen, as Gregory was about to lay ar­mor aside,Galloway in­uaded by the Irish men. word came to him of new trouble forth of Galloway, by reason of an inuasion made by the Irishmen into that coūtrey. For the Irishmē hauing knowledge that the inhabitants of Gallo­way had spoyled two ships of Dublin arryuing on their coast, sent ouer a great power of men, the which landing in Galloway, made great slaugh­ter of the people on ech side. K. Gregory being ad­uertised hereof, streyght wayes made towardes them, but they hauing knowledge of his cōming, drewe to their shippes with a great pray of goodes and cattels, and returned therewith immediately back into their own countrey. Herevpon Gregory without delay got togither his ships and folowed the enimies with all his army, & landing in Ire­land, put the nobles of that realme in great feare, who as then were in contention togither whiche of them shoulde haue the gouernment, by reason [Page 196] theyr king was lately deade, and had left a sonne behinde him being but a childe in yeares, to suc­ceede him in his throne. Some therefore of the wiser sort, and such as tendred the wealth of their countrey, went earnestly about to agree the par­ties, but when they saw that woulde not be, they did so much yet,A truce was ta­ken betwixt the two parties that a truce was taken betwixt them for a while, least fighting still amongest themselues, they shoulde put theyr Countrey in daunger to be ouerrunne of the Scottes: agaynst 10 whom when they had agreed vpon the foresayde truce,The two Irish men gather their powers. eyther of the factions raysed a power, one Bren being generall of the one, and Cornelius of the other: for these two princes were heades of the parties betwixt whom the controuersie for the gouernment of the Realme rested, and therevpon by consent of the residue had the leading of all them that were of their faction. These two Cap­taynes with their armies encamped themselues vpon the banke of the Ryuer Bane, vnder the 20 Mountaine called Fute: theyr campes beeing se­uered by a small distance the one from the other, in such a strong place,Two armies one neare the other. that it was not possible for the enimies to approche them withoute manifest daunger to cast away themselues. Their chiefe purpose was to prolong the tyme here in thys place,The Irish mēs practise. till they had farnished the Scottish armie, and then to deale with them at theyr pleasure. But the industrious prouision of Gregorie pas­sed the polityke deuise of the Irishe men: for hee 30 had commaunded that euerie one of those Scot­tish men which passed the Seas with him,The Scottes had made pro­uision of vy­tayles afore hande. should puruey hymselfe of vytayles, according to the custome of the Countrey, for fiftie dayes space, as of breade, cheese, butter, larde, and powdred biefe: as for drinke they knewe they shoulde not neede to care, sithe they were sure to finde water ynough in euery place where they chaunced to come: for as yet fithie & seruile glutonie had not softened nor inured with wanton delicacie the warlike natures of the Scottish people. In the ende Gregorie hauing for certaine dayes rested himself and his men, & deuising in the meane time which way he might best endomage the enimies. At length concluded to sende in the night season two thousande of his souldiers vp to the ridge of the forenamed mountaine called Fute,The kings de­uise. throughe the thicke bushes and woods wherewith the same was couered, to the ende that getting to the top of that hill, right ouer where the Irish campes lay, they might in the morning (at what time Gre­gorie with the rest of the armie went about to as­sayle hys enimyes) tumble downe stones from the browes of the Hill vpon them, thereby ey­ther to destroy great numbers of them, either else to constraine them to come forth of their strength into the plaine fields, and so to fight with them in a place indifferent.Kenneth Cul­lan. Kenneth Cullan the Thane of Carrick tooke vppon him to haue the conduct of them that shoulde goe aboute this enterprise, who conueying hys bande ouer the water of Bane, and so vp on the backe side of the Moun­tayne,King Gregory assayled the Irishmen. in the morning when their fellowes fell in hande to assayle the Irishe campe where Bren lodged, they tumbled suche plentie of mightie stones downe vpon the Irishe men, that aboue a

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thousande of them beeing slaine, all the residue were forced to forsake their grounde, and to flee in maner withoute anye stroke stryken. The Scottes that were sent to pursue them,The Irish are pursued. tooke a great number of them prisoners, and slue but a fewe, hauing before hande suche commaunde­ment from their Prince.

Whilest this mischiefe fell vpon Bren and his people, Cornelius with his folkes cursing that in­fortunate day, left their lodgings, and marched their wayes in good order of battaile til they were farre ynough out of daunger.

[Page 197]The bodie of Bren also was founde amongst o­ther in the ryfling of the campe,Bren was slain. with the heade bruysed in peeces, and the braynes pashed oute with some stone throwne downe by the Scottish men from the hyll side. Which Gregorie at the request of some of the prisoners caused to bee bu­ryed in Christian Sepulture.Women and children are kept harmles. He caused also women and children to be sent away harmlesse, onely retayning the men of able age prisoners. Furthermore he commaunded that they shoulde 10 vse neyther fire nor sworde,Vnarmed men were spared. but agaynst such on­ly as with weapon in hande made any resistance.Vitailes were commaunded to be pro­uided. and cōmaunded them also that they shoulde pro­uide themselues of vittayles to serue them why­lest they shoulde lie abrode and remaine there in that countrey. And herevpon many of the Irish people thus tasting the mercifull clemencie of the Scottish king, yeelded themselues vnto him with sundrie Fortresses, so that Gregorie finding suf­ficient prouision of vyttayles to serue his host for 20 a long season, he went vnto the strong Citie of Doungarge,Doungarge or Doungard be­sieged. or Doungarde, which he enuironed aboute with a strong siege, and continuing the same certaine dayes, at length they within wea­ryed wyth continuall trauayle and lacke of vit­tayles,The town was yeelded. opened the gate, and suffered him to en­ter. He woulde not permit his men to meddle wyth anye of the spoyle,A gentle ran­some. but appoynted the Townes men to redeeme the same (theyr ar­mour except) of hys Souldiers for a peece of 30 money.

Afterwarde tarying in this Citie by the space of three dayes, hee departed and came afore ano­ther Citie called Pontus,Pontus was surrendred also. whiche he receyued by surrender, and therefore preserued the Citizens from all hurt and annoyance. From thence hee purposed to haue gone vnto Dubline, about .xiiij. myles distant from Pontus, but as he marched thitherwardes,Cornelius came with an large armie. he was aduertised that Cornelius was comming towardes him with such an huge 40 armie, as the like had not beene seene within the memorie of man in that Ile. Wherevpon Gre­gorie chaunging his purpose of goyng to Dub­lin, vpon report of these newes, he got him vp in­to the next mountaine.The Irishmen came in three battayles. The next daye came the Irish men raunged in three battayles. In the first,Kernes. there was a great multitude of Kernes with Dartes and Bowes: In the second were a great number of mightie tall men,These might we name Gal­lowglasses, if they had bene furnished with Axes. armed in coates of male, with Bucklers and great long Swordes, 50 which they caryed vpon their right shoulders. In the thirde battaile, wherein stoode their gene­rall Cornelius with all the chiefest Nobles of the Countrey, were an infinite companie of all sortes of Souldiers, chosen forth of all the whole numbers.The Scottes came in two wings. The Scottes (according to their cu­stome) deuided themselues into two wings and a middle warde, in euerie of the which were three sortes of Souldiers: as fyrst Archers, and those with long Speares, then Bylmen, and last of all, suche as bare long Swordes and leaden Malles.

Thus the battailes beeing ordered on both partes,Two battailes ioine. forwarde they make one towardes ano­ther to begin the fight, the Scots (after yt the shot and throwing of darts was spent, and that they came to ioyne) kept off theyr enimies with long Speares of Iauelins, in such sort, that they were not able to come neare them: which disaduantage Cornelius perceyuing, commaunded on highe that they shoulde with their swordes cutte those Iauelynes in sunder, and as he lyfted vp the visor of his helmet, the better to exhort his people to the execution hereof,Cornelius was sore wounded. he was so wounded in the face with a Speare, that he was fain to withdraw a­part out of the fielde. The Irish men supposing he had fledde, incontinently to saue themselues, threw off theyr armor and fell to running away.The Irish ran away. Thus did the victorie encline to the Scottishe standardes. There died but a fewe to speake of in the battaile, howbeit in the chase there was a wonderfull number slaine: for the Scottes pur­sued them euen vnto Dublin Gates Which Ci­tie the next day Gregorie beset on eche side wyth a mightie siege.Dublin besie­ged. There was gotte into this Citie at the same tyme a wonderfull multitude of peo­ple, what of suche as were receyued into it flee­ing from the battaile, as also of other, whiche were there assembled before, in hope of assured victorie and safegarde of their goodes. By rea­son whereof beeing thus besieged, they beg [...]nne quickely to want vytayles, so that eyther must they of necessitie yeelde, eyther else by some is­sue auoyde that daunger wherein they were pre­sently bewrapped.

But for as much as they saw no great likely­hoode of good successe in that exployte, in the ende it was concluded amongst them, that (sithe there was no meane for those Noble men which were inclosed within that Citie to escape the eni­mies handes, and that there were none other of any reputation abrode able to defende the Coun­trey frō the Scottishmens puissance) they should fall to some treatie with the Scottish king for a peace to be had,They consule vpon a treatie of peace to be made. with so reasonable conditions as might be obteyned: for other remedie in that pre­sent mischief they could deuise none, and therfore this was iudged the best way of the whole nūber, & namely of Cormach bishop of Dublin, a man for his singular vertue & reputatiō of vpright life, of no smal authority amongst them. He took vpō him also to go vnto Gregorie to breake ye matter,Cormach B. of Dublin went vnto king Gregorie. & so cōming afore his presēce, besought him most hūbly to haue cōpassion vpon the poore miserable citie, and in such sort to temper his wrath, if he had conceyued any peece of displeasure agaynst [Page 198] the Citizens, that it might please him yet vppon their humble submission to receyue them vnto his mercie, and further to accept into his protection his cousin yong Duncane,Douncane. vnto whom the king­dome of Irelande was due of right, as all the worlde well vnderstoode.A wittie saying. He besought him also to remember, that it apperteyned more to the ho­nour of a king to preserue the lawfull right of o­ther kings and princes with the quiet state of Ci­ties and Countreyes, than by violent hande to 10 seeke their destruction. Wherevnto the king an­swered,King Gregory hi [...] wise and godly answer. that he was not come into Irelande for any couetous desire he had to the Realme, or to the entent to spoyle his kinnesman of the go­uernment thereof, but onely to reuenge suche in­iuries as the Irishmen had done to his subiectes: not the Scottes but the Irishe men themselues were they that had gyuen the occasion of the warre, whiche they had dearely bought wyth no small portion of theyr bloud (whiche had 20 beene shedde) as punished for that cryme wor­thily by the iuste iudgement of almightie God.

But as touching an ende to bee had of hys quarell, and for the reseruing of the King­dome vnto yong Duncanes behoofe, when hee had the Citie at hys pleasure, hee woulde then take suche order as hee shoulde thinke most con­uenient.

This answere of the Scottishe king being re­ported vnto them within the Citie,Dublin is sur­rendred vnto king Gregory. they determi­ned forthwith to set open their gates to receyue him: who, when he had caused search to be made whither all things were truely ment according to the outwarde shewe or not, he marched forth towardes the Citie to enter the same in order of battaile, with all hys whole armie,Gregorie was receyued with Procession. into the which he was receiued with Procession of al the estates: for first there mette him all the Priestes and men of Religion, with the Byshop,Cormach B. of Dublin b [...] commeth a crosse bearer. the foresayd Cor­mach, who hauing vpon him his Pontificall ap­parell, bare in his handes the Crucifixe: then fol­lowed the Nobles with the other multitude. Which order when Gregorie behelde, he com­maunded his battaile to stay a little, and there­with he himselfe aduaunced forth on foote till hee came to the Bishop, and falling downe vpon his knees, he reuerently kissed the Crucifix,He kisseth the Crucifix. where­vpon receyuing humble thankes with high com­mendation of the Bishop for suche his clemencie, he entred the Citie, not staying till he came into the Market place, where commaunding one part of his armie to keepe their standing, he went with the residue vnto the Church of our Ladie, and af­ter to that of Saint Patrike, where hearing the celebration of diuine seruice when the same was ended, hee entred the Castell,He entred the Castell. where his lodging was prepared. In the morning he caused exe­cution to be done of certaine vnruly persons of his

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armie, whiche in the night passed had broken vp the houses of some of the Citizens, and rauish [...]d 50 diuerse women. And for this acte Gregorie be­ing had in highe reuerence of the Irishe people, lodged part of hys armie win the Citie, and part he commaunded to lodge wythout in the campe.

At length hauing remayned a season in thys estate at Dublin, hee caused the Irishe Lordes to assemble in Counsaile,A peace con­cluded with Irelande. where in the ende the peace was concluded betwixte him and them, with these articles and couenants.

First it was agreed that the yong king Dun­kane should be brought vp vnder the gouernment of wise and discrete persons,Articles of co­uenant. to be instructed in all Princely knowledge within a strong Castell,Their yong king to be wel brought vp. (wherein he had hitherto remayned euer sithe hys fathers deceasse) till he came to yeares of discre­tion.King Gregory to haue the go­uernment of the realme. And that in the meane tyme Gregorie shoulde haue the gouernaunce of the Realme, receyuing all the fortresses into his possession. [Page 199] [...] He should also appoynt the Magistrates. No man to traficke Ire­lande without a pasport. 10 King Gregory returned into Scotlande. The king died 20 893 Aberdine is made a Citie. 30 Aberdine of a village was aduaunced by him to the state and dignitie of a [...], and the Churche there indowed with fayre reuenewes and sundry priuiledges.King Gregory is buried in Colmkill. His bodie was conueyed vnto the Abbey of Colmkill, and there buryed with all so­lemne pompe and exequies. Ouer the which hys nexte successour Donalde the fift of that name caused a fayre tumbe to be erected.

Iohn Scot. Some holde that he was an English man. Bale.In the dayes of this Gregorie also, there liued that famous Clerke Iohn Scot, a Scottish man 40 in deede borne, but brought [...]p in studie of good literature at Athens, where hauing learned the Greeke tongue, he was sent for into Fraunce, to come vnto the Emperour Lewes, with whome he remayned in seruice for a time: and by whose commaundement he translated the booke of S. Dionise,Dionys. Arco­pagita was translated by Iohn Scot. intit [...]lled Hierarchia, into Latine. After­wardes beeing sent Ambassadour from the same Lewes vnto Alured or Alfred king of Englande, he continued with him & taught his children,He taught K. Alured in England. ha­uing 50 a place thereto appoynted him within the Abbay of Malmesburie, where he had such resort of hearers and scholers,He taught in Malmesbury. that it was a wonder to behold. Notwithstāding, at length when he ceas­sed not to blame and sharply to reproue the cor­rupt maners of such his schollers as were giuen more to libertie than learning,He was killed [...] his scholers. he was by them murthered with daggers, as he was reading vnto [...] was afterwardes registred amongest [...] Martyrs.

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Donald. Donalde the fifth. He was a good iusticier. He was reli­gious. A punisher of blasphemers. Good ordi­nances are soone neg­lected. such as haue [...] him, in suffering so necessa­rie an ordinance to be abolished and worne out of vse, considering the horrible othes and blasphe­mie, with the bitter & dreadfull cursings so much frequented of al estates in this our time, aswel in Scotlande as elsewhere, as without great horror of the heartes cannot bee halfe expressed. But to our purpose touching the gouernmēt of Donald: it chaunced afterwardes,Gormond ar­riued with a nauie in Nor­thumberland. that he had knowledge how Gormond a Dane was landed with a puis­sant armie vpon the coastes of Northumberland, and had picehed his campe neare vnto the shore, without doing any domage to the Countrey▪ so that it was vncertain what he intended whether to begin a conquest there, or to passe ouer Hum­ber to make warres on the Englishmen. To pre­uent therefore all daungers,King Donalde goeth to re­sist him. Donalde hasted to­wardes Northumberlande, howbeit he was not farre forwarde on his iourney, but that worde came to him how Gormond was alreadie passed ouer Humber, and entred and the Englishe bor­ders. But yet did not Donald stay his iourney,Gormond we [...] beyond Hum­ber. [...] he heard certainly that Gormond keeping vpon his way was aduaunced forwarde at the [...]ast [...] miles of from the ryuer of Humber, doubting [...] happely he had ment some deceyt, as sodenly to haue returned vpon the Scots in Northumber­lande, when the king had beene [...]de gone [...]a [...].

[Page 200]But nowe when it was knowne that hys purpose was onely to assayle the English Coun­treys,Donalde sent 5000. men to the ayde of the English men. according to the league newly confirmed, Donalde sent fiue thousande Scottish men [...] the ayde of the English men. And also appoynted two thousand horsemen to remaine with him in Northumberlande (where he stayed for [...] ty [...]e) discharging the residue, and licensing than to re­turne vnto their homes.

Shortly after Gormond fought with Alured 10 at Abingdon,Gormond is ouerth rowne by k. Alured. where in the ende [...] victorie [...]de with the English men and [...] same way [...] with such losse, of men other [...] and doubtfull [...] that they [...] notable pursue the [...] but constrayned im­mediately after,A peace con­cluded. to con [...]de [...] peace with them on condition that the Danes [...] common [...] with the English men in Al [...]ion so that Gormond with this Danes should be baptised, The Danes to be baptised, & to remaine in England. and [...] the Christian Religion Herevppon also, were pledges deliuered, [...] partes, and Gormonde comming to receiue bap­tisme

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had his name chaunged and was called A­thelstane,Gormonde is baptised with many mo. during whose life the peace continued betwixt the two Nations. Whilest things pas­sed thus in Englande, there rose a peece of trou­ble betwixt the inhabitants of Murrey lande,They of Rosse inuade Mur­rey lande. and Rosse, which disquieted king Donald not a little. The occasion grew by reason of certaine theeues, which comming forth of Rosse in the night time, secretely entered into Murrey lande, to fetch boo­ties from thence. At the first they of Murrey land 40 made resistaunce agaynst them as well as they might, but after calling their neighbours to ayde them, they skirmished in such wise, that within two Monethes space,Two thousand men slaine. there were slaine betwixt them two thousand of the one syde & of the other. Donalde beeing not a little offended to haue hys peace broken with intestute discorde,The king wēt with an armie into Murrey lande. gathered a great power, and with the same hasted into Mur­rey lande: where calling the chiefest doers and mainteyners of this businesse to make answere to 50 that which was layde to their charge, when they were not able to cleare themselues of the cryme,The chiefe do­ers were put to death. he put them to open execution of death, to the en­sample of other. This trouble beeing in this sort quieted, he went into Northūberland, to be there in a readinesse,The king went into Northum­berlande. if the Danes or Englishe men (whom he suspected) shoulde attempt any thing agaynst his subiectes in those parties: where in the ende, after he had raigned almost .xj. yeeres▪ he departed this worlde.Donald died.

His bodie was buryed in Colmkill amongst his auncesters, with a Marble tombe set ouer his graue, as the maner in those dayes was custo­marily vsed.

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AFter Do­nalde the fifth,Constantine. the [...] suc­ceeded in rule of the Realme Constantine ye thirde of that name,Constantine the thirde. the son of Ethus the sw [...]fe, begyn­ning his raign in the yeare af­ter the incarnation 903.903 He was more apt for ci­uill gouernment, than for the ordering of warlike affayres.King Edward sent an Herald with defiance. King Edwarde that lately succeeded Alured in rule ouer the English men being ware thereof, sent vnto him an Heralde at armes, com­maunding him to restore vnto his subiectes the English men, the coūtreys of Northumberland, Cumberlande, and Westmerlande (whiche the Scottish king Gregorie had in tymes past by oc­casion of the trouble some season taken from the [Page 201] right owners by force) eyther els to looke for warres at his handes within .xl. dayes after this [...].The answere [...] Con­stantine. Constantine herevnto answered, that if king Edward were minded to make him war [...]s for th [...]se landes which he helde by right­full title, he with his people woulde be ready to defin [...] themselues, hoping in the almightie God that hee woulde turne the punishment on them that vniustly had pyked the quarell. Herevpon ensued many rodes and to prayes betwixte the 10 Englishmen and Scots made, [...]warnings of warres. as occasion ser­ued, into eche others countrey, with diuers skyr­mishes & light bickerings for a twelue moneths space togither, without any notable encounter of theyr mayne powers. In which meane tyme the Danes encreased in puyssaunce, more than was thought requisite for the suertie eyther of the En­glishmen or Scottes, whiche moued king Ed­ward by perswasion of his Nobles,The peace was renewed & the league confir­med. to make meanes vnto Constantine to haue the peace re­newed: 20 wherevnto Constantine lightly agreede so that the league was confirmed agayne with the former articles betwixt the Englishe and Scottish nations. Shortly after also the warre was renewed betwixt the Englishmē & Danes, and a peace againe confirmed by conclusion of a mariage betwixt Sithrik king of Northumber­land and Beatrice the doughter of king Ed­warde, till at length Sithrik was poysoned by his wife the sayde Beatrice: and then because 30 Aualassus whome the Englishe wryters name Anlafe and Godfrey, the sonnes of Sithrike, put the same Beatrice to death,The Danes were discomfi­ted. hyr father king Ed­ward moued warre against them, & in foughten fielde discomfited them, but was slaine in that battel himself (as Hector Boetius hath.) But for the further truth of this mater, ye may read more in the Historie of Englande.

The Danes cō ­ceyue hope of good successe.The Danes being certified, that king Ed­warde was thus slayne, conceyued such hope of 40 good successe after to come, that albeit they were at this time vanquished, they immediatly made newe preparation for the warre, and firste of all Aualassus the one of the twoo bretherne before mencioned, sent vnto Constantine the Scottish king, to allure him to ioyne with them agaynst the Englishmen,The Scots e­uer false to the Englishmen. whiche with great giftes and large promises hee easily brought to passe, the league not withstandyng whiche remayned betwixt the Englishe and Scottishe nations. 50 Herevpon bothe the Scottes and Danes made the greatest prouisions that might be,The Scots and Danes cōfede­rate themselfe togither. thinking verily to subdue the Englishmen, and to bryng them to vtter destruction. Malcolme sonne to king Donald was appointed by king Constan­tine to haue the leading of the Scottishe army,Malcolme is made chief ge­nerall of the armie. conteyning the number of twentie thousande men. The same Malcolme also at the same time was created beyre apparant of the realme,He is created also heyre ap­parant. The Earle of Cumberland beyre apparāt to the king of Scots. The Scots and Danes ioyne theyr powers togither. hauing Cumberland of signed vnto him for the mayntenaunce of his [...]. And [...] then it was ordeyned, that he whiche should succeede to the crowne after the kings deceasse shoulde euer away [...] [...]ince. Malcolme ioyning his [...] with Aualasse and Godfrey (who had assembled in [...] ma [...] a mightie hoste of Danes th [...] all together brake into the En­glish [...] no hinde of,They began a cruell warre. crueltie that [...] the people without a [...] piti [...] [...] in all places where they [...], to the [...] the Englishmē moued with the slaughter of theyr kinsfolkes and fr [...]ndes, should come fo [...]rth into the field to giue batayle supposing they should not be able to withstande the force of the Danes and Scottishmen nowe ioyned in one army togither. But the more vi­la [...]ie they shewed in theyr [...], the sooner were they punished for the same.Adelstane base sonne vnto king Edward. For Adelstane the base sonne of king Edward whom the En­glishmen has chosen to succede an gouernment of their kingdome after his fathers deceasse, with al speade sought to be reuenged of such [...] doings. Wherevpon getting togither an army,Adelstane came against the Scottes. 9370 he encountred with them at a place called Bra­ningfield, or Brimenburgh in Iulie, Anno [...] where the Englishmen at the firste of purpose gaue some thing broke as though they had fled: which maner when the Danes and Scottes be­helde,The Scots and Danes out of order. supposing the Englishmen had fledde in deede, they began to pursue amayne, leauyng theyr order of batayle, eche of them striuing who might be the formost. The Englishmen accor­ding to the order appoynted to them by theyr Captaines, sodenly fell into array againe, and fiercely returning vpon they enimies,The Scots and Danes ouer­throwen. br [...]t them downe in great numbers, and so atteined a most triumphant victorie. They did in this mor­tall batayle many thousands of Danes & Scot­tishmē,The nobilitie wēt to wrach. but chiefly the Scottish nobilitie bought the bargaine most deare, who choosing rather to die in the fielde than to suffer rebuke by dishono­rable flight, it came so to passe that fewe of them escaped. There died on that side (as some wryte) 20000. men in this bataile, togither with Wilfere king of the Euentes, Hanwall king of Brytons, and .vij. Dukes that came to help the Scottes and Danes.Adelstane take Northumber­land. Athelstane by good aduise following the victorie, mind into Northum­berland, and finding the countrey dispurneyed of menne of warre, he easily made a full conquest thereof, hauing all the holdes and fortresses deli­uered into his bandes. Then without further delay he passed into Westmerland,Westmerland & Cumberlād recouered. and after in­to Cumberland, when the inhabitants of bothe those regions [...] forced, and bare headed, in t [...] ­ [...]en of moste humble submission yeelded them­selues [Page 202] vnto him, promising from thencefoorth to continew his faithfull subiectes.Malcolme es­caped his hurtes. In the meane [...] Malcolme es­caped his hurtes. A councel cal­lad by Con­stantine. 10 20 Consta [...] the becommeth a Chanon. in the yeare of our Sauiour. 942.943. and in the xl. yeare of his owne reygne: as Hector Boe­tius saith: but it he did thus forsake the worlde and entred into religion immdediatly after the batayle sought at Broningfielde or Brunen­burgh (for so we finde it named by come wry­ters) 30 then muste needes be afore this supposed [...] alledged by the same Boetius,M. VVestm. for that ba­tayle was fought, Anno .937. as the beste ap­proued amongest our Englishe wryters do re­port, so that it shoulde rather seeme that Con­stātine refused in deede to deale with the gouern­ment of the realme, about the same yeare of our Lord .937. of shortly after, and that Malcolme gouerned as Regent and not as king whilest Contantine liued, who departed this life (after 40 he had cōtinued in the Abbey of S. Andrewes a certayne time) in the foresayd yeare .943. falling in the .xl. yeare after he first beganne to reygne.943. He was first buried in the church there amongst the Bishops,Constantine died. but afterwards he was taken vp & trāslated vnto Calmekill, where he had a tumbe set ouer him, as was conuenient for the memory of his name.

In the .xxxvj. yeare of his reygne there were twoo monsruous creasures borne in Albion, the 50 one amongst the Danes being an Hermophro­dyte, A monster. that is to wifte, a childe with bothe sexes, hauing the head lyke a swyne, the breste stan­ding foorth more in resemblance than the com­mon shape of man, a fatie belly, with feete lyke a goose, leeges lyke a man, full of bryssels, and a very euill fauoured thing to beholde. The other was borne in Northumberlande,An other mō ­ster. onely hauing [...] Two contrary willes in this Monster. [...] steepe, the rather woulde wake: when the one re­quyred we haue me [...]te, the other passed for none at all. Oftentymes woulde they chydes brault togither, in somuche that at knight they fell [...] sawe at variaunc [...]e, that they did beate and r [...]uft ryther at her right pytifully with theyr nayles.

At length the one with long sickenesse wearyng away and finally deceassing,One part died before the o­ther. the other was not able to abide the greeuous smell of the dead car­case, but immediatly after died also.

Aboute the same tyme there issued foorth a fountayne of bloude out of the side of a moun­tayne in Galloway,Bloud [...] out of an [...]. and flowed in greate abun­daunce for the space of seuen dayes togither, so that all the ryuers there aboute (whereof there is great store in that countrey) had theyr waters mixed with bloude, and rennyng into the sea, caused the same to seeme bloudie certaine miles distant from the shore.What was ment by these wonders. These prodigous fightes put menne in greate feare, for that deui­nours did interprete the same to signifie some great bloudshedde to fall vpon the Scots short­ly after: They were also the better beleeued, for that within a whyle after that greate ouer­throw happened at Bronyngfielde, as before is specified.

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AFter that Co­stantine (as is sayde) was en­tred into religion,Mal­colme. the before named Malcolme the son of Donalde was admitted king, or rather regent [...] who although he percei­ued right wel how the force of the realme was so enfeebled, that there was no hope to mainteyne warres abroad, yet his chiefe studie was by all meanes possi­ble to defende the bordurers of the Scottishe do­minion, and before all things to procure peace with the English men. But as he was about to haue sente Ambassadours vnto King Athelstane, to haue treated for peace,Aualossu [...] had giuen him Northumber­land. he was credibly enfor­med, howe Athelstane had gyuen Northum­berlande vnto Analassus, and made a league with him to haue his ayde against the Scottes. [Page 203] Whiche newes put Malcolme in wonderfull dread, for that he vnderstood how his realme was vnpurueyed of skilfull Captaines to make resi­stance.A councell called. Yet hee caused a councell to be called, wherein when suche as were assembled propo­ned many fond & childishe reasons, it might ap­peare there was small hope of any good conclu­sion: but euen as they were at a poynt to haue brokē vp without any certaine resolution worde was brought howe through seditious discorde,The English­men and the Danes fall out togither, and sight. 10 whiche had chaunced betwixt the Danes and Englishmen being assembled togither in campe, they had fought a right bloudy battayle, the vi­ctorie in the ende remayning with the English­men, who ceassed not to pursue the Danes in chase, so long as any day light appeared in the skie.Aualassus fled into West­merland. Aualassus with suche Danes as he might get togither after that ouerthrowe, fledde into Westmerland, and within three dayes after, in suche shippes as he found there vpon the coast,Ri [...]ed the Isle of Man, & got him into Ire­land. he 20 sayled ouer into the Isle of Man, and spoyling the same, with all the pray he passed from thence ouer into Irelande. In the meane time king A­thelstane hauyng lost no small number of his people in the foresayde batayle, omitted his iour­ney into Scotlande, and lay still in Northum­berland, no man vnderstanding what he enten­ded to do. Which newes were so pleasant to the Scottishmen,They goe in procession in Scotlād for ioy that there was common supplica­tions and processions made through the whole 30 realme, in rendring thanks to almightie God for deliuering the people by this meanes frō so great and present daunger.

Ambassadours sent vnto Mal­colme.Shortly after came Ambassadours from A­thelstane vnto Malcolme to moue meanes for a peace to be concluded betwixt the Scottishe and English nations according to the articles of the old league. Whiche motion was ioyfully heade of Malcolme, though he set a countenaunce of the mater as though hee passed not whether hee 40 had warre or peace: but in the ende for that as he sayde, peace was moste necessarie for all partes, he shewed himselfe willing to haue the olde for­mer league renewed betwixte the Englishmen and Scottes, with any reasonable condicions whiche should be thought to be requisite.The league was confirmed agayne. After the returne of the Ambassadours▪ the league was newly confirmed betwixt the two kings & theyr people, with the semblable articles as were com­prysed in the olde league, with this article onely 50 added therevnto,Northumber­land allotted vnto England. that Northumberland being as now replenished most with Danish inhabitāts, should remaine to the Englishmen: and Cum­berland with Westmerlande to the Scots vpon this condition, that he whiche should succeede as heyre vnto the crowne of Scotlande after the kings deceasse,Cumberlād & Westmerland to do homage vnto England. being heyre apparant, should hold those regions, and do homage vnto the king of England as his bassall perpetually for the same. The peace being thus established betwixt these nations, Indulphe the sonne of Constantine the thyrde was proclaymed prince of Cumberland and inheritour to the crowne of Scotland. Af­ter this, Malcolme passed the residue of his life in good quiet, without any troubles of warre, as a man onely studying to mainteyne the state of his realme in good order, aswell for the wealth of the temporaltie as spiritualtie, wherevnto hee was equally inclined. At length as he rode about the prouinces of his realme to see the lawes due­ly ministred, at Vlrine a village in Murraylād,King Mal­colme was murthered. where he caused iustice to be somewhat streight­ly executed vpon offendors, he was murthered in the night season by treason of a fewe conspira­tours▪ in the .xv. yeare of his reigne.The conspira­tors were put to execution. But suche as did this wicked deede with theyr complices, by diligent examination were tried out, and on the next day being apprehended, suffered due ex­ecution, according as they had deserued,The murthe­rers were torn with horses. be­ing torne in peeces with wilde horses and those peeces sent vnto sundry cities, where they were hanged vp on the gates and towers, vntill they rotted away.

They that were the deuisers of the murder also, & procured the doers therevnto,The procurers of the murder were staked. were thrust through vpon sharpe stakes, and after hanged vpon high gybettes: and other of the conspira­tors were put to other kindes of death, as the case seemed to requyre. The death of Malcolme chaunced in the yeare after the bieth of our Sa­uiour .959. Here we haue thought good to put you in remembrance,959. that either the Scottes are deceyued in their accompte of yeares,The mista­king of the names and times of the English kings, in the Scottish wryters. or els mi­stake the names of the kings of Englande, for where they waite that this Malcolme [...]equyted this life about the .xxij. yeare of Athelstane king of England, that can not be if Malcolmes de­ceasse chaunced in the yeare .95 or for Athel­stane was dead [...]ing before that time, to witte in the yeare .940. and [...]ygned but [...] ▪ yeares. Moreouer where the [...]tishe wryttes ma [...]e mencion of ther warres Scotishe king Edmond that succeeded Athelstan had against A [...]lafe and the Danes of Northumberland, in the dayes of king Indulfe, that succeeded Malcolme it can not stande by [...] meanes▪ (if they mistake not theyr accompt of yeares,) for the same Edmond was slayne in the yeare .1948. But verily th [...] fault in [...] of yeares is but to cō ­mon in the Scottishe, historie, and thenfore to him that should take vpō him tore for [...] the ere­rours thereof in this behalfe, it we [...] necessarie to alter in a maner the whole course of the same hi­storie and therefore▪ we will not wishe any man to giue any credite vnto theyr accompt in yeares touching the regines of the Englishe kings fur­ther [Page 204] than they shall see them to agree with our wryters, whome in that behalfe wee may more safely followe, and by conferring the same with the Scottishe wryters in some places, happely perceyue the true time aswell of the reygnes of theyr kings as of actes done, to fall out in yeares and seasons, much differing from their accompt: whereof to admonish the Reader, aswell here as in the English historie, wee haue thought it not impertinēt. And albeit that some may aske what 10 reason we haue to moue vs to doubt of their ac­compte of yeares, more than we do of that in our owne writers, we wil referre the same vnto their iudgements that are learned, and haue trauay­led indifferently alike, aswell in perusing the one as the other without affectiō. But as the errours are sooner founde than amended, so haue wee thought good to set downe in the margent of this booke, the yeares as we finde them noted in the Scottish wryters, specially in places where wee 20 differ any thing from them, bicause we will not seeme by way of controlment, to preiudice the authours further, than by due consideration the well aduised Reader shall thinke it expedient.

Indulph

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BVt to my pur­pose: after ye corps of Malcolme was once buried according to the custome, amongst his predecessours in the Ab­bey 30 churche of Colme­kill, Indulphe prince of Cumberland was pla­ced in the marble cheare at Scone, there recey­uing the crowne and other the inuestures of the kingdome. In the administration whereof he continued for the space of fiue yeares without a­ny notable trouble, in the end of which terme, he was requyred by messengers sent vnto him from 40 Aualassus,Indulphe is prouoked by Aualassus, to warre agaynst England. to ioyne with him in league agaynst the Englishmen, in reuenge of that ouerthrow, whiche aswell the Danes as Scottes had recey­ued at Broningfield, alledgyng that oportunitie was now offered,His persuasi­ons. sith after the deceasse of Athel­stane the Englishmen had created Edmond to theyr king, a man of a dull witte, and not fitte for the administration of high affayres: neyther did the league concluded betwixt Athelstane and Malcolme enforse any impediment, but that he 50 might enter the warre against the Englishmen, consid [...]ring bothe those Princes that were the Authours of that league were departed out of this lyfe, by whose deceasse the sayde league was ended.

Indulph his answere.But Indulph for answere herevnto declared, that the league was concluded betwixt Mal­colme and Athelstane, by great deliberation of aduice, and by consent of all the estates of bothe realmes, taking theyr solemne othes for the true obseruing thereof, so that he coulde not, onlesse he shoulde violate that othe, attempt any thing to the breache of peace with the Englishmen, procuring the iuste indignation of almightie God against him and his people in that behalfe. Herevpon the Danes accompting Indulph but a slouthfull and negligent person for this kinde of answeare,The Danes not pleased with such an answer procure warnes against Englād as he that regarded not the honour of his realme and people, in letting passe so great oportunitie to be reuenged of the Englishmen for the death of suche Scottes as died in the o­uerthrow at Broningfield, determined not to be noted with the like spotte of reproche, but with all speede sending for ayde into Norway, prepa­red to passe ouer into England, vnder the con­duct of Aualassus,The Norway­gians come to the ayde of A­ualassus. Raynolde a valiant Cap­tayne. who ioyning his power with the Norwaygians whiche came to his ayde vn­der the leading of a right valiant Captayne cal­led Raynold, transported with all speede ouer into Northumberlande, vnto whom the gouer­nour there named Elgarine, acknowledging himselfe to be descended of the Danishe bloud,Elgarine yeel­ded the fortes vnto the Danes. yeelded all the Castels, Townes and Fortes, promising to ayde Aualassus against king Ed­mond to the vttermost of his power.

These newes comming to the knowledge of Edmond, with al speede he gathereth his power, and sending into Scotlande for suche ayde as he ought to haue from thence by couenaunts of the league,10000. souldi­ours sent vnto king Edmond. there came vnto him ten thousande Scottishmen with ready willes to serue him in these his warres agaynst the Danes. Then ioyning his owne people with those Scottish­men, he set forewarde towardes his enimies. There were an eyght thousande Northumber­land men with Aualassus, the whiche vpon the firste encounter with the Englishmenne, fell streight vnto running away, whiche made an open and readie breache vnto the Englishe part, to attayne the victorie: for the Danes beyng not able to resiste the violent force of theyr eni­mies, encouraged nowe with the flight of the Northumbers, were quickely constreyned to giue backe, and in the ende to flee amayne, the Englishmen and Scottes following in the chase with suche fiercenesse, that all suche as they o­uertooke died vpon the swoorde, though they sub­mitted themselues neuer so humbly in requiring mercie.

Elgarine yet chauncing to fall into his eni­mies handes was taken aliue:Elgarine ta­ken prysoner. for so had Ed­mond commaunded, that if any man mighte take him, he should in any case sane his life, that he might put him to death in moste reuell wife, to the ensample of other. After this and for the space of three dayes after the battayle, Edmond [Page 205] lay still in the fieldes neare to the place where they fought: and then repayred vnto Yorke, where Elgarine for his treason was drawen in peeces with wilde horses.Elgarine is drawen in peeces.

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There chaunced also no notable trouble in Albion during the space of foure yeares after this sayde ouerthrow of the Danes with theyr Cap­taine Aualassus, who is otherwise also named Anlafe, as is to be seene in the English histories where the same make mention of the foresayde king Edmond, whom likewise they affirme to be the brother of Athelstane and not his sonne, as before is partely touched.King Indulph was diligent in his office. Indulph in this 30 meane time did with greate diligence see to the good order of his realme, shewyng therein what belonged to the office of a woorthy prince. But euen as all things seemed to rest in peace and quietnesse through the whole Isle of Albion, Hagon king of Norway,The kings of Denmarke & Norway, enter with an army into Scotland. and Helrike king of Denmarke, vpon purpose to reuenge the slaugh­ter of theyr countrey men lately made in Nor­thumberlande, came with a mightie nauie vnto the coastes of Scotland, assaying to lande with 40 their whole armie, firste in the Forth, then in the riuer of Tay, but yet through such resistaunce as the Scottes made,The enimies are put off. beyng assembled togither to keepe them off, they were fayne to withdrawe, & wasting alongst the coastes of Angus, the Marnes, Mar, & Buthqhane, at length fayning as though they woulde haue taken their course homewardes, they launched foorth into the high seas, but within foure dayes after returning a­gaine to the shore, they lāded their people early in 50 one morning vpon the coast of Boene,They lande in [...]ne. at a place called Cullane, a countrey ioyning vnto Buth­qhane, putting suche of the countrey people to flight as presented themselues to impeach their landing and inuasion.

King Indulph draweth neare towardes the enimies.But Indulph being aduertised hereof, forth­with assembling the whole power of his realme, drew towardes that parte with such speede, that hee was come into Boene before his enimies were certified that hee was set forewarde. So soone therefore as they heard he was come, suche as were abroade forraying the same countrey, were called backe to the campe.King Indulph prepared to the batayle. But Indulph without protracting of time came stil foreward, and vpon his approche fo the enimies, he prepa­red to giue battayle, and with a short oration be­gan to encourage his people to fight manfully, but before he coulde make an ende,The Danes gaue the on­set. the Danes gaue the onset with suche violence, that the ba­tayle a long space continued doubtfull on bothe sides, the Danes on the one parte and the Scots on the other, doyng their vttermost endeuours to atchieue the victorie, till at length they of Lou­thian with theyr Captaines Dunbar & Crame began to appeare on the backe half of the Danes,A supply sent vnto the Scots with whiche sight they were put in suche feare, that those which fought in the fore ward, retyred backe vnto the middle warde, whome the Scots egrely pursuyng, beat downe euen till they came vnto the rereward, which coueting rather to die in the fight, than to giue backe, and so to be slaine in the chase (for those in the rereward were hea­uie armed men) cōtinued the batayle more with a certaine stiffe stubbornesse of minde than with any great force or forecast, being so ouermatched as they were, and forsaken of theyr fellowes: for other of the Danes,The Danes fledde. namely the Archers and Kernes fled theyr wayes, some towardes theyr shippes, and some here and there being scattered abroade in the fieldes, fell into the mosses and maresse grounds and other streytes, where they were slaine euery one by such as followed in the chase.

Indulph himself with certayne companies a­bout him, departing from his mayne batayle to [Page 206] discouer the fields as though al had bene quiet on eche side,The king with few in his cō ­panie, falleth into the eni­mies daunger through ne­gligence. fell by chaunce vpon a whole bande of the Danes, where the same lay in couert within a close valley being fled frō the field thither vpon the first ioyning of the batayles, with the whiche entring into fight, he was shot through the head with a darte and so died,King Indulph was slayne with a darte, & died. but not before he was reuenged of those his enimies, the whole nūber of thē being slaine there in the place. His bodie was first buried in Cullane, a towne of Boene, and 10 after translated vnto the Abbay of Colmekill, and there enterred amongst other his predeces­sours the Scottishe kings. Indulph reigned a­bout .ix. yeares and died thus valiantly,961. hath Io. Ma. 968. though infortunately, in the yeare after the incarnation 968. saith Hector Boetius.

Duffe.

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AFter the corps of Indulphe was re­moued vnto Colme­kil & there buried, Duffe 20 the sonne of king Mal­colme was crowned king at Scone with al due solemnitie. In the beginning of his reigne Culene the sonne of king Indulphe was proclaymed prince of Cumberlande: immedi­atly wherevpon the king transported ouer into the westerne Isles to set an order there for cer­taine 30 misdemeanours vsed by diuers robbers and pillers of the common people.The king wēt vnto the we­sterne Isles. At his arriuall a­mongst them he called the Thanes of the Isles afore him,He purged the Isles. cōmaunding straytly as they would auoyde his displeasure to purge theyr countreys of such malefactours, wherby the husbandmen & other cōmons might liue in quiet without vexa­tion of suche barettours & idle persons as sought to liue only vpō other mēs goodes. The Thanes vpon this charge giuen them by the king,Barettors takē and put to death. tooke 40 no small number of the offenders, partely by pu­blike authoritie, & partly by lying in awayte for thē where they supposed theyr haunt was to re­sort, the which being put to execution according to that they had merited, caused ye residue of that kind of people eyther to get them ouer into Ire­land,Vagaboundes compelled to learne an occupation. eyther els to learne some manuall occupa­tion wherewith to get theyr liuing, yea though they were neuer so great gentlemen borne. How­beit the nobles with this extreeme rigour shewed 50 thus by the king against their linage,The nobles were discon­tented with the kings do­yngs. were much offended therewith, accompting it a great disho­nour for suche as were descended of noble paren­tage to be constrayned to get theyr liuing with the labour of theyr handes, which only appertay­ned to plowmen, & such other of the base degree as were borne to trauayle for the mayntenance of the nobilitie, & to serue at their commaunde­ment by order of their birth, and in no wise after such sorte to be made in maner equall with them in state and condition of life. And further they murmured closely amongst themselues,The occasion of murmuring of the nobili­tie. how the king was onely become freend vnto the cōmons & clergie of his realme, hauing no respect to the nobilitie, but rather declared himselfe to be an vt­ter enimie therof, so yt he was vnworthy to haue the rule of the nobles & gentlemē, onlesse he knew better what belonged to their degree. This mur­muring did spred not onely among them in the Isles, but also through all the other partes of his realme, so that they ceassed not to speake very e­uill of the gouernment of things. In the meane time the king fell into a languishing disease,The king fell sicke. not so greeuous as strange, for that none of his Phi­sitions coulde perceyue what to make of it. For there was seene in him no token, that either cho­ler, melancolie, flegme, or any other vicious hu­mor did any thing abounde, whereby his body should be brought into such a decay & cōsumptiō (so as there remayned vnneth any thing vpon him saue skin & bone:) & sithence it appeared ma­nifestly by all outward signes & tokens, that na­tural moisture did nothing faile in ye vital sprits: his colour also was freshe & fayre to behold, with such liuelinesse of lookes, that more was not to be wished for: he had also a tēperate desire & appetite to his meate & drinke, but yet could he not sleepe in the night time by any prouocatiōs that could be deuised, but still fell into exceeding sweates, which by no meanes might be restreyned. The Physitions perceyuing all theyr medicines to wante the effect, yet to put him in some comfort of help, declared vnto him that they would sende for some cūning Phisitions into foraine parties, who haply being inured with such kind of disea­ses, should easily cure him, namely so soone as the spring of the yeare was once come, whiche of it self should help much thervnto.The king be­ing sicke, yet he regarded iusties to be executed. Howbeit ye king though he had small hope of recouerie, yet had he still a diligent care to the due administration of his lawes and good orders of his realme, deuising oft with his councel about the same: but yet whē it was vnderstood into what a perillous sicknesse he was fallen, there were no small number that cōtemning the authoritie of the magistrates,A rebellion practised. be­gan to practise a rebellion. And amōgst the chie­fest were those of Murrayland, who sleyng sun­dry of the kings officers began to rage in moste cruell wise against all such as were not consen­ting to their misordered tumult.The rebellion was kept from the kings knowledge. The kings phi­sitions forbad in any wise, that the king shoulde be aduertised of such businesse, for doubte of en­creasing his sicknesse with trouble of minde a­bout the same. But about that present time there was a murmuring amongst the people, how the king was vexed with no naturall sicknesse, but [Page 207] by forcely and, Magicall arte, practised by a sort of Witches dw [...]lling in a towne of Murray­land,Withces in Fores. called Fores. Wherevpon albeit, the Au­thour of this secrete talke was not knowen, yet being brought to the kings rare, it caused him to sende foorthwith certaine wittie persons thither to enquyre of the truth.Inquirie was made. They that were thus sent, dissembling the cause of theyr iourney, were receyued in the darke of the night into the castell of Fores by the lieutenant of the same, called 10 Donwald, who continuing faithful to the king, had kepte that castell agaynst the rebelles to the kings vse. Vnto him therefore these messengers declared the cause of theyr cōming, requiring his ayde for the accomplishment of the kings plea­sure.The mater appeareth to bee true. The souldiers whiche lay there in garison had an inkeling that there was some such mater in hand as was talked of amongst the people, by reason that one of them kept as cōcubine a yong womā which was doughter to one of ye witches 20 as his paramour, who told him the whole maner vsed by hir mother & other hir cōpanions, with ye intent also, which was to make away the king. The souldier hauing learned this of his leman,A Witches doughter is examined. told the same to his fellowes, who made reporte therof to Donewald, & he shewed it to the kings messengers, & therwith sent for the yōg damosell which the souldier kept, as then being within the castell, & caused hir vpon streyt examination to cōfesse the whole mater as she had seene & knew:The Witches are found out. 30 whervpon learning by hir cōfessiō in what house in the towne it was where they wrought theyr mischeeuous misterie, he sent foorth souldiers, a­bout the midst of the night, who breaking into ye house,An image of waxe, rosting at the fire. found one of the Witches rosting vpon a woodden broche an image of waxe at the fire, re­sembling in ech feature the kings person, made & deuised as is to be thought, by craft & arte of the Deuill: an other of thē sat reciting certain words of enchauntment, & still basted the image with a 40 certaine licour very busily.The Witches were exami­ned. The souldiers finding thē occupied in this wise, tooke thē togither with the image, & led thē into the castell, where being streitly examined for what purpose they went a­bout such maner of enchantmēt, they answered, to the end to make away ye king:The whole mater is con­fessed. for as ye image did wast afore the fire, so did the bodie of the king breake forth in sweate. And as for the wordes of enchauntment, they serued to keepe him still wa­king frō sleepe, so that as the waxe euer melted, 50 so did the kings flesh: by which meanes it should haue come to passe, that when ye waxe were once cleane cōsumed, the death of the king should im­mediatly follow.The nobles of the countrey, set the witches a works. So were they taught by euill sprites, & hyred to worke the feat by the nobles of Murrayland. The standers by that herd such an abhominable tale told by these Witches, streight wayes brake the image, & caused ye Witches (ac­cording as they had well deserued)The Witches were burnt. to bee burnt

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to death. It was sayd that the king,The king is restored to health. at the very same time that these things were a doyng with­in the castell of Fores, was deliuered of his lan­guor, and slepte that night without any sweate breaking forth vpon him at all, and the next day being restored to his strength, was able to do a­ny maner of thing that lay in man to do, as though he had not bene sicke before any thing at all. But how soeuer it came to passe,The king with an armie pur­sued the re­belles. truth it is that when he was restored to his perfect health, he gathered a power of men, and with the same went into Murrayland against the rebels there, and chasing them from thence, he pursued them into Rosse, & from Rosse into Cathnese, where apprehending them, he brought them backe vn­to Fores, and there caused them to be hanged vpon gallowes and gybettes.The rebels are executed. Amongst them there were also certaine yong Gentlemen right beautifull and goodly personages, being neare of kinne vnto Donewald captaine of the Castell, and had bene perswaded to be partakers with the other rebelles more through the fraudulent coū ­sell of diuers wicked persons than of theyr owne accorde:Captaine Don­wald craued pardon for thē but not graun­ted. Wherevpon the foresayde Donewald lamenting theyr case, made earnest labour and suyte to the king to haue begged theyr pardon, but hauing a playne deniall, he conceyued suche an inwarde malice towardes the king, (though he shewed it not outwardly at the firste) that the same continued still boyling in his stomake, and ceased not, till through setting on of his wife and in reuenge of suche vnthankefulnesse, he founde meanes to murder the king within the foresayd Castell of Fores where he vsed to soiourne,Donewald cō ­ceyued hatred against the king. for the king beyng in that countrey, was accusto­med to lie most cōmonly within the same castel, hauing a speciall trust in Donewald, as a man whom he neuer suspected: but Donwald not for­getting the reproche whiche his linage had su­steyned by the execution of those his kinsmen, whome the king for a spectacle to the people had caused to be hanged, could not but shew manifest [Page 208] tokens of great griefe at home amongst his fa­milie: which his wife perceyuing, ceassed not to trauayle with him, till she vnderstood what the cause was of his displeasure. Whiche at length when she had learned by his owne relation,Donewaldes wife coūsayled him to mur­der the king. she as one that bare no lesse malice in hyr harte to­wardes the king, for the like cause on hyr behalfe than hir husband did for his freendes, counselled him (sith the king oftentimes vsed to lodge in his house without any garde aboute him, other than 10 the garyson of the castell, whiche was wholy at his commaundement) to make him away, and shewed him the meanes whereby he might soonest accomplishe it.The womans euill counsell is folowed. Donwalde thus being the more kindled in wrath by the woordes of his wife, determined to follow hyr aduise in the ex­ecution of so haynous an acte. Wherevpon de­uising with himselfe for a while, whiche way he might best accomplishe his cursed intention, at length be gate oportunitie and sped his purpose 20 as followeth. It chaunced, that the king vpon the day before he purposed to departe forth of the Castell, was long in his oratoric at his prayers, and there continued till it was late in the night,The king re­warded his freudes. at the last comming foorth he called suche afore him, as had faithfully serued him in pursute and apprehention of the rebelles, and giuing them hartie thankes, he bestowed sundry honorable giftes amōgst them, of the which number Don­wald was one, as he that had bene euer accomp­ted 30 a moste faithfull seruaunt to the king. At length hauing talked with them a long time,The king wēt to bedde. he got him into his pryuie chamber, only with two of his chamberlaynes, who hauing brought him to bedde came foorth againe, and then fell to ban­queting with Donewald and his wife,His chamber­layns wente to banqueting. who had prepared diuers delicate dishes, and sundry sorts of drinke for theyr arere supper or collation, whereat they sat vp so long, till they had char­ged theyr stomakes with suche full gorges, that 40 theyr heades were no sooner got to the pyllow, but a sleepe they were so fast, that a man might haue remoued the chāber ouer them, rather than to haue awaked thē out of theyr drunken sleepe. Then Donewalde though he abhorred the act greatly in his harte, yet through instigation of his wife, he called foure of his seruants vnto him (whom he had made priuie to his wicked intent before, and framed to his purpose with large giftes) and now declaring vnto them, after what 50 sorte they should worke the feate, they gladly o­beyed his instructions,The suborned seruauntes cut the kings throte. and speedely going about the murder, they enter the chamber (in which the king lay) a litle before cockes crow, where they secretely cut his throte as he lay sleeping, with­out any buskling at all: and immediately by a posterne gate they caried foorth the dead body into the fieldes, and throwing it vpon an horse there prouided ready for that purpose, they con­uey it vnto a place, distant aboute twoo myles from the castell, where they stayed, and gat cer­tayne labourers to helpe them to turne the course of a litle riuer running through the fielded there, and digging a deepe hole in the chanell,The king his buriall. they bu­rie the body in the same, ramming it vp with stones and grauel so closely, that setting the wa­ter into the right course agayne, no man coulde perceyue that any thing had bene newly digged there. This they did by order appointed them by Donewald as is reported, for that the bodie shoulde not be founde, and by bleeding (when Donewald shoulde be present) declare him to be giltie of the murder. For that suche an opinion men haue, that the dead corps of any man being slayne, will bleede abundantly if the murderer be present: but for what cōsideration soeuer they buried him there,The poore la­bourers are slaine. they had no sooner finished the worke, but that they slew them, whose help they vsed herein, and streightwayes therevpon fledde into Orkney.

Donewald aboute the time that the murder was a doing,Donwald kept himselfe a­mongst the watchmen. got him amongst them that kepte the watch, and so continewed in companie with them al the residue of the night. But in the mor­ning when the noyse was reysed in the kings chamber how the king was slaine,Donewalde a very dissimu­ler. his body con­ueyed away, and the bed all berayed with bloud, he with the watche ran thither as though he had knowen nothing of the mater, and breaking into the chamber, and finding cakes of bloud in the bed & on the floore about the sides of it, he foorth­with slewe the chamberlaynes, as giltie of that haynous murder, and then like a madde man running to and fro, hee ransacked euery corner within the castell, as though it had bene to haue seene if he might haue founde either the body or any of ye murtherers hid in any pryuie place: but at lēgth cōming to the posterne gate, & finding it open, he burdened the chāberlaines whom he had slaine with al the fault, they hauing the keyes of the gates cōmitted to their keeping al the night, and therefore it could not be otherwise (sayde he) but that they were of counsel in the committing of that moste detestable murder.Some wyser than other. Finally suche was his ouer earnest diligence in the inquisition and triall of the offendours herein, that some of the Lordes began to mislike the mater,The mater suspected. and to smell foorth shrewed tokens, that he shoulde not be altogither cleare himselfe: but for so much as they were in that countrey, where hee had the whole rule, what by reason of his frendes and authoritie togither, they doubted to vtter what they thought till time and place shoulde better serue therevnto, and herevpon got them away euery man to his home.Prodigious weather. For the space of .vj. mo­neths togither after this haynous murder thus [Page 209] committed, there appeared no sunne by day, nor Moone by night in any parte of the realme, but stil was the skie couered with cōtinual clowdes, and sometimes suche outragious windes arose with lightnings and tempestes, that the people were in great feare of present destruction.

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Calene.IN the meane time Culene prince of Cum­berland, the sonne as I haue sayde of king Indulph, accompanied with a great number of 20 Lordes and Nobles of the realme, came vnto Scone, there to receyue the crowne according to the maner:The king as­ked the cause of the foule wea­ther. The bishops answere vnto the king. but at his comming thither, he demaūded of the Bishops what the cause should be of such vntemperate weather. Who made an­swere, that vndoubtedly almightie God shewed himselfe thereby to be offended moste highly for that wicked murther of king Duffe, and surely onlesse the offendours were tried foorth and pu­nished for that deede, the realme shoulde feele the 30 iust indignation of the deuine iudgement for o­mitting suche punishment as was due for so greeuous an offence.

The king re­quired pu­blike prayers to be had.Culene herevpon requyred the bishops to ap­point publike processiōs, fastings and other god­ly exercises to be vsed of the priestes and people, through all parties of the realme, for the appea­sing of Gods wrath in this behalfe, and in suche sorte and maner as in semblable cases, the vse and custome in those dayes was.The king made an othe. Hee himselfe 40 made a solemne vowe, confirming it with a like othe before all the peeres and nobles there assem­bled, that he woulde not ceasse till he had reuen­ged the death of king Duffe vpon the false inha­bitauntes of Murrayland to the ensample of all other.

The king wēt with an armie into Murray lande.The multitude being present, getting them to armure followed their prince, taking his iour­ney without further delay towardes Murray­land, the inhabitauntes of whiche region hea­ring 50 of his approch and the cause of his cōming, were stryken with exceeding feare, but namely Donewalde beyng giltie in conscience,A gilty con­science accu­seth a man. doubted least if he were put to torture, he should be enfor­ced to confesse the truthe, wherevpon without making his wyfe priuie to his departure, or any other of his family, saue a fewe suche as he tooke with him, he secretely got him to the mouthe of the ryuer of Spey, where finding a shippe ready, he wente a borde the same,Donewalde getteth him secretly away. purposing to haue fledde his wayes by sea into Norway: for this is the peculiar propertie of a giltie conscience to be afrayde of all things, and eyther in gesture or countenaunce to bewray it selfe, accompting flight moste sure if occasion may serue thereto. For this Donewalde,The murther of the king is reueled. whome no man (though some partely suspected him) might wel haue bur­dened with the crime of his Masters death (by reason of his faithfull seruice shewed towardes him afore time) had he not thus sought to haue auoyded the countrey, was now detected of ma­nifest treason, euery man detesting his abhomi­nable facte, and wishing him to be ouerwhel­med in the raging floudes, so to pay the due pu­nishment, whiche of right hee ought, for his vile treason in murthering his naturall Lorde.

Culene being hereof aduertised,The castell of Fores is taken and all the in­habitāts slain. passed ouer Spey water, and taking the castell of Fores, slew all that he founde therein, and put the house to sacke and fire. Donewaldes wife with his three daughters were taken: for Culene com­maunded, that who so euer coulde light vpon them, shoulde in any wise saue theyr liues, and bring them vnto him. Whiche beyng done,The murder is wholy con­fessed. hee had them to the racke, where the mother vpon hyr examination confessed the whole mater, how by hyr procuremēt chiefly hyr husbād was moued to cause the deede to be done, who they were that by his commaundement did it, and in what place they had buried the bodie. Here woulde the multitude haue runne vpon hyr and torne hyr in peeces, but that they were restray­ned by commaundement of an officer at armes. The king with the residue for that night rested themselues, and in the morning tooke order for prouision of all things necessarie to take vp the bodie of king Duffe,King Duffe his body to be taken vp. and then to conuey it vnto Colmekill, there to be buried amongst his pre­decessours. But as they were busie here about,Donewald is taken pry­so­ner. woorde came that the traytour Donewalde was by shipwracke caste vpon the shore within foure miles of the Castell, as though he were by Gods prouision brought backe into his owne coun­trey to suffer woorthy punishment for his deme­rites. Wherevpon the inhabitaunts of the pla­ces next adioyning, tooke him and kepte him fast bound till they knewe further of the kings plea­sure: who right gladde of the newes, sente forth immediatly a bande of men to fetche him. They that were sent did as they were commaunded: and beyng vnneth returned, there came in diuers Lordes of Rosse,Donewaldes foure seruaunts were taken al­so. bringing with them Done­waldes foure seruaunts whiche (as before is sayde) did execute the murder. Thus all the of­fendours beyng brought togither vnto the place where the murder was bothe contriued and ex­ecuted [Page 210] they were arrayned, condemned, and put to death in maner as followeth, to the great re­ioycing of the people that beheld the same. They were firste scourged by the hangman,Donewalde with his con­federates are executed. and then bowelled, their entrailes being throwen into a fire and brente, the other partes of theyr bodies were cut into quarters, and sent vnto the chie­fest Cities of the realme, and there set vp alofte vpon the gates and highest towers; for ensample sake to all suche as should come after, how hay­nous 10 a thing it is to pollute theyr handes in the sacred bloud of theyr prince. This dreadfull end had Donewald with his wife before he saw any sunne after the murder was committed, and that by the appointment of the most rightuous God, the creatour of that heauenly planet and all o­ther things, who suffereth no crime to be vnre­uenged.Rewardes gi­uen vnto the takers of those murderers. Those that were the takers of the mur­derers were highly rewarded for their paynes & trauayle therein sustayned, being exempt from 20 charges of goyng forth into the warres: and also of all maner of payments belonging to publike dueties, as tributes and suche like.

The body of king Duffe honorably buried.These things being thus ordered, the body of king Duffe was takē vp, and in most pompous maner conueyed vnto Colmekill, accompanied all the way by Culene, and a great multitude of Lordes both spirituall and temporal, with other of the meaner estates. There be yt haue written how his bodie (though it had layne .vj. moneths 30 vnder the groūd) was nothing empayred eyther in colour or otherwise, when it was taken vp, but was founde as wholle and sound as though it had bene yet aliue, the skarres of the woundes onely excepted.Meruaylous things are seene. But to proceede, so soone as it was brought aboue the groūd, the ayre began to cleare vp, and the sunne brake foorth, shining more brighter than it had bene seene afore time to any of the beholders remembrance. And that which put men in most deepe cōsideration of al, 40 was the sight of manifold flowers, which sprang forth ouer all the fieldes immediatly therevpon, cleane contrary to the time & season of the yeare. Within a fewe yeares after, there was a bridge made ouer the water in the same place, where the bodie had bene buried, & a village builded at the one end of the bridge, whiche is called vnto this day,Kyllflos. Killflos, that is to say, the church of flowers: taking that name of the wonder there happened at the remouing of the kings bodie, as the same 50 authours woulde seeme to meane. But there is now or was of late a rich abbey, standing with a right fayre church, cōsecrate in the honour of the virgine Marie. Monstrous sightes also that were seene within the Scottishe kingdome that yeare were these,Horses eate their owne fleshe. horses in Lothian being of sin­guler beautie and swiftnesse, did eate their owne flesh, & would in no wise taste any other meate.

In Angus there was a gentlewoman brought forth a childe without eyes, nose, hande, or foote.A monstrous childe. A sparhauke strangled by an Owle. There was a Sparhauke also strangled by an Owle. Neither was it any lesse wonder that the sunne, as before is sayd, was continually couered with clowdes, for .vj. moneths space: But all mē vnderstood that the abhominable murder of king Duffe was the cause hereof, whiche being reuen­ged by the death of the authours in maner as be­fore is sayde. Culene was crowned as lawfull successour to the same Duffe at Scone, with all due honour and solemnitie in the yeare of our Lord .972. after that Duffe had ruled the Scot­tish kingdome about the space of foure yeares.972.

The beginning of Culenes reigne begonne with rightuous execution of iustice,King Culene did not conti­newe, as his beginning was. promised a fyrme hope of an other maner of prince, than by the ad­ministration whiche followed he declared him­self to be: for shortly after lewsing the reyne of lasciuious wātonnesse to the youth of his realme through giuing of lewde ensample by his owne disordered doings,He folowes hi [...] sensuall lustes. all suche as were enclined vn­to licentious liuing followed theyr sensuall lustes, and vnbrydeled libertie abandoning all feare of correction more than euer had bene seene or hearde of in any other age. For suche was the negligence of the king, or rather mayntenaunce of misordered persons, that what so euer any of the nobilitie did eyther against Merchauntes,Euill doers were not pu­nished. Priestes, or any of the commons, though the same were neuer so greate an iniurie, there was no punishment vsed agaynst them: so that all men looked for some commotion in the common wealth therevpon to ensue, if there were not o­ther order prouided therefore in time.Good counsell was not heard. The aun­cient peeres of the realme also beyng greeued thereat, spared not to admonishe the king of his dutie, declaring vnto him into what daunger the realme was likely to fall through his negli­gent behauiour. Culene aunswered them,The kings an­swere vnto his graue peeres. that he wisle well inough howe yonge menne were not at the firste, borne graue and sage persona­ges lyke to them with hoary heades: wherefore theyr firste youthfull yeares coulde not be so sta­ble as they mighte be hereafter by olde age and continuaunce of time: but as for suche rigorous extremitie as diuers of his elders had vsed to­wards theyr subiects, he minded not as he said to folow, being taught by their ensample (as by the kings, Indulph, Duffe & suche other) into what daunger he might incurre by such sharpe seueri­tie shewed in the gouernment of the astate. Wherevpon he was determined so to rule as he might giue cause rather to be beloued than fea­red,He would no [...] displease. which was the onely meane (as he thought) to retayne his subiectes in dewe and most faith­full obedience. This answeare was such, that although it seemed nothyng agreeable for the [Page 211] preseruation of the publike state in quiet [...]i [...]e and safetie, yet was there no man by reason of his regall authoritie that durst reproue the same, but diuers there were that praysed him therein, as those that hated all suche as loued the vpright administration of iustice. But suche auncient counsellours as had truely serued in rule of the cōmon wealth in the dayes of the former kings Indulph and Duffe, misliking the state of that present world (wherein the youth of the realme,Auncient coū ­saylours leaue the court. 10 namely al such as were descēded of noble paren­tage, & vsed to be about the king, followed their wilfull and sensuall lustes, growing euery day through want of correction to be worse & worse) departed from the court, and withdrew to theyr homes without medling any further with the publike administration.The youthfull court follow­eth their sen­suall lustes. In whose place there crept in other, that with their flatterie corrupted the residue of suche sparkes of good inclination as yet remained in the king, if any were at all, in so 20 muche that in the ende he measured supreme fe­licitie by the plentifull enioying of voluptuous pleasures and bodily lustes.A wicked time of volup­tuousnesse. He fancied onely suche as coulde deuise prouocations therevnto, & in filling the belly with excesse of costly meates and drinkes, those that coulde excell other were chiefly cherished & most highly of him esteemed. Herewithall he was giuen vnto leachery beyond all the termes of reason,A lecherous king. sparing neyther mayde, widowe, nor wife, profane nor religious, sister 30 nor daughter (for all was one with him) that to heare of suche vilanie and violent forcings as were practised by him and his familiers,Forcing of women kinde exceeded. it would lothe any honest harte to vnderstande or remember. He was so farre paste all shame in this behalfe, that when his lecherous luste by to muche copulation was so tyred that he might no more exercise his former lewdenesse, he tooke speciall pleasure yet to behold other to do it in his presence,O beastly be­hauiour. that his decayed lust might be the more 40 styred vp with sight of such filthinesse. This ab­hominable trade of life he practised for the space of .iij. yeares togither, giuing occasion of muche spoile, raume, manslaughter, forcings, and ra­uishments of women with all such kinde of wic­ked & diuelish trāsgressiōs:All honesty exiled. no execution of lawes (instituted by authoritie of the former kings, for restraint of such flagitious offences) being put in vre, through negligēce of this monstruous crea­ture.Robberie, theft, &c. were maintayned. So farre foorth also encreased the libertie 50 of theeues, robbers and other offendours, main­teyned by suche of the nobilitie as consented to theyr vnlawfull doings, & were partakers with them in the same, that if any man went aboute to withstand them, or refused to accomplish their requestes and demaundes, he shoulde be spoyled of all that hee had, and happely haue his house brente ouer his head, or otherwise be misused in such outragious & violent sorte, that it would greeue all those that had any zele to iustice, to heare of suche enormities as were dayly practi­sed in that countrey.Death made an end of all. Howbeit at length yet the death of king Culene, brought an end to all such wicked dealings: for falling into a filthy disease (through abuse of exce [...] or drinking and leache­rie,) called the wasting of nature, [...]. he consumed a way in such wise by [...]otting of his fleshe, that he appeared more like vnto [...] dead carcasse, than vnto a liuely creature, in somuch that his owne seruaunts began to abhorre him. Wherevpon the Lordes and other Honorable personages of the realme vnderstanding his case, caused a par­liament to be summoned at Scone,A parliament. where they determined to depose king Culene, and appoynt some other (whom they should iudge most me [...] ­test) to reygne in his place. Culene also not knowing wherfore this councell was called, as he was going thitherwardes, at Meffen castell being almoste in the midde way of his iourney,King Culene was murdered was murthered by one Cadhard the Thane of

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yt place, whose daughter he had rauished before time amōgst diuers other. This end had Culene togither with all his filthy sensualitie: but the re­prochfull infamie thereof remaineth in memorie with his posteritie, & is not like to be forgotten whilest the world goeth about. He was thus di­spatched in the fifth yeare of his reigne, & after the birth of Sauiour .976. the nobles & great peares of the realme reioycing at his death,976. though they allowed not of the maner thereof.

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AFter that the bodie of King Culene was once cōueyed vn­to Colmekill,Ken­neth. & there buried amongst his el­ders, the nobles & great peeres assembled togi­ther at Scone, where they proclaimed Ken­neth the sonne of Mal­colme the firste, & bro­ther [Page 212] vnto Duffe, king of the realme. In the be­ginning of his reygne,Ill life is re­formed. he had inough to do to re­duce the people from theyr wilde & sauage kinde of life (into the whiche they were fallen through the negligent gouernment of his predecessour) vnto theyr former trade of ciuill demeanour. For the nature of the Scottishmen is, that firste the nobles, and thē all the residue of the people trans­forme themselues vnto the vsage of their prince: therefore did Kenneth in his owne trade of li­uing 10 shewe an ensample of chastitie,King Kenneth was of a ver­tuous liuing. sobrietie, li­beralitie, and modestie, misusing himselfe in no kinde of vice, but refrayning himselfe from the same: hee banished all suche kinde of persons as might prouoke eyther him or other vnto any lewde or wanton pleasures.He loued straungers. He mainteyned a­mitie aswell with straungers as with his owne people, punishing most rigorously all suche as sought to moue seditiō by any maner of meane.He abhorred slouth. He tooke busie care in causing the people to a­uoyde 20 slouth, and to applie themselues in ho­nest exercises, iudging as the truth is, that to be the way to aduaunce the common wealth from decay to a florishing state. Thus when he had somewhat reformed the misorders of his sub­iectes,He did punish offendours. he endeuored himselfe by all meanes hee coulde deuise to punishe offendours against the lawes and wholesome ordinances of the realme, and to purge all his dominions of theeues, rob­bers, and other suche as went aboute to disquiet 30 common peace.A session kept at Laynrick, or Lanerk. At Lanerk, a towne in Kyle, was a sessions appointed to be kept for execution of iustice, where certaine offendours were sum­moned to appeare: but at their comming thither, perceyuing that such manifest proofes would be brought against them of suche crimes as they had committed, that they were not able to ex­cuse the same, through perswasion of diuers no­ble men vnto whom they were a kinne, they fled secretely theyr wayes,The giltie ran away. some into the Westerne Isles, and some into other places, where they thought most expediēt for safegard of their liues.The king dis­simuled with these doings. The king perceyuing that through the disloyall meanes of the lordes his purpose was so hindered that he might not minister iustice according to the institution of his lawes, he dissembled his wrath for a time, & licenced euery man to depart to theyr houses, his trayne onely excepted.The king wēt to visite Saint Ninian. Then went he into Galloway to visite Saint Ninian for performance of his vowe, which he had made so to do.The king cō ­sulted how to call the trans­gressours vnto iudgement. Here he inuented (by conference which he had with some of his pryuie counsell a deuise, whereby he might fetche againe the offendours vnto iudgement: but this was kepte close till the yeare following, for doubte least if those lordes whiche bare them good will had come to any incklyng thereof, they woulde by vttring it haue disapoynted his purpose. At length, after a yeare was passed,An assemblie had at Scone. he appoynted all the Lordes & No­bles of his realme to assemble at Scone, as though it had bene to haue cōmuned about some weightie affayres touching the state of the realme. The night then before they should come togither into the counsell chamber,Armed men layd in way [...]. he caused by some of his faythfull ministers, a sorte of armed men to be layde close in a secrete place, with cō ­maundement giuen to their capitaine, that in no wise he should stirre with his bande till the nexte day, that all the Lordes were assembled togi­ther, and then without delay to execute that whiche should be giuen him in cōmaundement.The king and Lordes fitting, the armed mē stept forth. On the morow after the nobles cōming togither into the counsell chamber, they had no sooner ta­kē their places, euery one according to his degree about the king, but yt the armed men before mē ­cioned came rushing into the house, placing thē ­selues round about them that were set according to the order prescribed by former appointmēt.

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[Page 213] The Lordes with this present sight being much amazed, beheld one an other but durst not speake a worde.The king put­teth the lord [...] out of doubt. Then the king perceyuing their feare began to declare vnto thē the whole cause of his calling them to counsell at that time, & why he had appointed those armed mē to be there atten­dant.An oration made by the king. The effect of his oration there made vnto thē was, that he had not caused those armed mē to come into the chāber for any harme, ment to­wardes any of their persons, but only for the pu­blike 10 preseruation of the realme. For asmuch as they knew,A rehersall of al enormities. there was one kinde of people muche noysome vnto the cōmon wealth, being cōfede­rate as it were togither by one consent to exercise al sortes of mischief & oppressiō against the poore people, as to robbe, spoyle, & take from them all yt they had, to vanish their wiues, maides, & daugh­ters, and some times to brenne theyr houses: the which licencious libertie in such wicked persons, through want of due punishment in the dayes of 20 king Culene, what daunger it had brought vnto the whole state of the Scottishe cōmon wealth▪ there was none but might wel vnderstād it. For sith it was so that ye Lordes & other high estates liued by the trauaile of the commons, then if the same commons shoulde in any wise decay, the Lordes & such other high estates could in no wise prosper: for if the labourer through iniurie of the robber were forced to giue ouer his labour, where should the Lord or Gentleman haue wherevpon 30 to liue? so that those whiche robbed the husband­man, robbed also the Lorde and gentleman: and they that sought to mainteyne suche loytering persons as vsed to robbe the poore man, went a­bout the destruction both of king, lord & gentle­man, yea and finally of the vniuersall state of the whole cōmon wealth. Therfore he that loued the cōmon wealth would not seeke onely to defende the cōmons from such iniuries as theeues & rob­bers dayly offred thē, but also would helpe to [...]e [...] iust execution done vpon the same theeues & rob­bers, according to ye laudable lawes & customes of the lande. The laste yeare (sayde he) you your selfes remember (I thinke) how I purposed by your helpe and counsell to haue proceeded by or­der of the lawes against all enimies and pertur­bers of the peace.Lainrike, or Lanerke. At Laynrike was the day ap­pointed for they to haue appeared, but there was not one of them that would come in, but con­temptuously disobeying our cōmaundemēt kept them away by whose counsel I know not. But I haue bene enformed by some howe diuers of you fauouring those rebelles, by reason they were of your lynage, were of counsell with them in withdrawing themselues so from iudgement. The oftē sending of messengers betwixt them & you, well neare perswaded vs to thinke that this reporte was true. But yet notwithstanding I haue put away all suche sinister suspicion out of my heade, wishing you (as I truste you bee) voyde of all suche dissimulation. And nowe I requyre you not as fautours of the rebelles, but as defendours of the common wealth, though happely somewhat slacke heretofore in discharge of your dueties, to shew your selues such in hel­ping to apprehende the offenders, as yt the world may perceyue you to haue made full satisfaction for your fault & errour, if before in you there were any. In the end he was playne with them, & told them flatly that they should assure thēselues, to haue those armed mē which they saw there pre­sent, to be continually attendant about thē, til he might haue all the rebelles at commaundement.

The Lordes hauing heard the kings speach,The Lordes gētle submis­sion, with a large promisse & perceyuing what his meaning was, firste partly excused themselues so wel as they might of their cloked dissimulation, and then fallyng downe vppon theyr knees afore him, besought him to

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[Page 214] put away all displeasure out of his minde, and clearely to pardon them, if in any wise they had offended his maiestie, promising that they would with all diligence & faithfulnesse accomplishe his desire, in causing the offenders to be brought in vnto iudgement: and till the time that this were brought to passe, they were well contented to re­maine in such place where he should appoint thē to abide.The king wēt to Bertha. The councell then being broken vp, the king with those Lordes passing ouer the riuer of 10 Tay, wēt vnto Bertha, which towne during the kings abode in ye same was streightly kept with watche and warde, that no creature might enter or go foorth without knowledge of the officers appointed by the king to take heede therevnto. If any idle person were espied abroad in the streetes, straightwayes the sergeants would haue him to warde.Roges puni­shed. The nobles remayned in the kings house or in other lodgings to them assigned, procuring by their freendes & ministers to haue suche offen­ders 20 as vsed to robbe & spoyle the husband man,Iniurious men brought vnto Bertha. apprehended & brought to the king vnto Bertha, there to receyue iudgement & punition according to theyr demerites: for so they perceyued they must needes worke, if they minded the safegard of their owne liues. Hereof it followed also, that within short space there were brought vnto Ber­tha,A great nūber of vagabundes were iudged to die. to the number neare hande of .v. C. of suche idle loyterers as vsed to liue by spoyle & pillage, many of them being discēded of famous houses, 30 all whiche companie being condemned for theyr offences to die, were hanged vpon gybets aboute the towne, and commaundement gyuen by the king, that theyr bodies shoulde not be taken downe, but there to hang still, to giue ensample to other, what the ende was of all suche as by wrongfull meanes sought to liue idelly, by other mens labours.The Lordes haue licence to departe. The rebelles being thus executed, king Kenneth licensed the Lordes to departe to their owne houses, exhorting them to remember 40 their dueties towardes the common wealth, and to studie for preseruation of peace and quietnesse according to their vocation. After this the realme continued in quietnesse without any forraine or inwarde trouble for the space of certaine yeares following, and had remayned in the same state still,The Danes seeke for to reuenge olde losses. if the Danes had not made a new inuasion, who being sore grieued in their hartes for suche displeasures as they had susteyned in Albion de­termined now with great assuraunce to reuenge 50 the same.The Danes take the sea to goe into Al­bion. Whervpon gathering an huge multi­tude of men togither, they were embarqued in vessels prouided for them, and sayling forth, they purposed to take lande vpon the next coast of Al­bion where they shoulde chaunce to arriue: and being once a lande, to destroy all before them, ex­cept where the people should submitte and yeelde themselues vnto them. This nauie being once got abroade, within a short time arriued at that point of lande in Angus, whiche is called the red Brayes, or Read head,The Danes ar­riue at the Red head, or red Brayes in Angus. not farre from the place where the Abbey of Abirbroth, or Abirbrothok was afterward founded. Here the Danish fleete first casting ancre, their captaines fel in cōsulta­tiō what they were best to do.The Danes consult to goe into England. Some of thē were of this opinion, that it was not moste expedient for them to land in that place, but rather to passe from thence into England: for at the Scottish mens hands being poore, & yet a fierce and hardy natiō, there was smal good to be got, being therto accustomed to giue moe ouerthrowes, than they cōmonly receyued. Againe the soyle of the coun­trey was but barrayne, in maner ouergrowē wt woodes (as it was in deede in those dayes) fewe townes & small habitations, & those so poore, that no man knowing the same, woulde vouchsafe to fight for any possession of thē: wherein contrari­wise England (that part namely which lieth to­wards the south) was so fruitfull of corne & cat­tell, so riche of mines & replenished with so many notable cities & townes inhabited with men of great wealth and substance, that few were to be foūd cōparable thereto. So that the mater being well considered,They consult for to sayle in­to Kent. they could not do better than to sayle into Kent, where they might be sure of riche spoyle without any great resistance. Other there were that held how this iourney was attempted by the counsell of their superiours,They onely sought reuēge only to reuēge such iniuries as the Danish nation had receyued at the hāds of the Scottishmen, & not to attaine riches or any dominion. The Scots also being a cruell people & ready to fight in defence of other mens possessiōs (as in the warres of Northum­berland it well appeared) woulde surely be ready to come to the ayd of the Englishmē into Kent, euen so soone as it was knowen that the Danes were a lande in those parties, so that by this meanes they should be constreyned to haue to do both with the Scottishmen and Englishmen, if they firste wente into Kent, where if they set a lande here in Scotland, they shoulde encounter but only with the Scots.Some thought best to lande in Scotland. Therfore the best were according to their firste determination to lande amongst the Scottes, sith chaunce had brought them vnto those coastes, adding that when they had somewhat abated the arrogant presump­tiō of theyr enimies there, then might they passe more safely into England after a lucky begin­ning of fyre and swoorde, to proceede against their aduersaries in those parties as fortune should leade them. This deuise was allowed of the greatest number, being gladde to gette beside the water. Wherevpon the Mariners vpon commaundement giuen, drawe with theyr shippes into the mouth of the riuer called Eske, the whiche in those dayes washed vppon the [Page 215] walles of a towne in Angus called then Ce­lurke,The Danes do land at Mont­ros. but now Mountros. Here the Danes ta­king land, put the inhabitaunts of the countrey there aboutes in greate feare, so that with all speede for their safegarde, they gette them into Mountros, but the towne being quickely assailed of the Danes, was taken, put to the sacke,Montros takē, and all within was slayne. & after rased Castell and all to the bare ground, not one lyuing creature beyng lefte aliue of all suche as were founde within the same.

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The Danes came to the riuer of Tay.From thence, the army of the Danes passed through Angus vnto the riuer of Tay, all the people of the countreys by the whiche they mar­ched fleing afore them. King Kenneth at the same time lay at Sterlyng, where hearing of these grieuous newes,King Kenneth gathered a great armie. determined foorthwith to reyse his people, and to go against the enimies. The assemble of the Scottishe army was ap­pointed to be at the place where the riuer of Erne falleth into the riuer of Tay. Here when they 30 were come togither in great numbers at the day appointed, the day next following, woorde was brought to the king, that the Danes hauing pas­sed ouer Tay,They lay siege before Bertha. were come before the towne of Bertha, and had layde siege to the same. Then without further delay, he raysed with the whole armie, and marched streight towardes his eni­mies, comming that night vnto Loncarte a vil­lage not farre distant from the riuer of Tay, fa­mous euer after, by reason of the batayle fought 40 then neare vnto the same. The Danes hearing that the Scottes were come, detracted no time, but foorthwith prepared to giue battayle.

King Kenneth set his men in aray.Kenneth as soone as the sunne was vp, behol­ding the Danes at hand, quickly brought his ar­mie into order. Then requyring them earnestly to shewe theyr manhood, he promiseth to releasse them of all tributes and payments due to the kings cofers for the space of fiue yeares next en­suyng: and besides that he offered the summe of 50 tenne pound, or els landes so muche woorth in value to euery one of his armie, that should bring him the head of a Dane.The king ex­horted the Scottes vnto valiantnesse. He willed them there­fore to fight manfully, and to remember there was no place to attaine mercie: for eyther muste they trie it out by dinte of swoorde, or els if they fledde, in the ende to looke for present death at the enimies handes, who would not ceasse till time they had founde them foorth, into what place so euer they resorted for refuge if they chanced to be vanquished. The Scots being not a litle encou­raged by the kings woordes, kepte their order of bataile according as they were appointed, stil lo­king when the onset should be giuen.The order of the Scottishe batayle aray. Malcolme Duffe prince of Cumberland led the right wing of the Scots: & Duncane lieutenāt of Atholl the left: king Kenneth himself gouerned the battell. The enimies on the other parte had taken theyr ground at the foote of a litle moūtaine right fore aneynst the Scottish campe:The Danes had the aduan­tage of a litle mountayne. & thus bothe the ar­mies stoode ready araūged in the field, beholding either other a good space, till at length the Scots desirous of batayle, and doubting lest the Danes would not come foorth vnto any euen grounde, aduaunced forewarde with somewhat more haste than the case requyred,The Scottes begin the ba­tayle. beginning the ba­tayle with shotte and throwing of dartes right freshly. The Danes being backed with the mountaine, were constreyned to leaue the same, and with al speede to come foreward vpon their enimies, that by ioyning they mighte auoyde the daunger of the Scottishmens arrowes and dartes: by this meanes therefore they came to hand strokes, in maner before the signe was gi­uen on eyther parte to the batayle. The fighte was cruell on bothe sides: and nothing hinde­red the Scottes so muche as going about to cut off the heades of the Danes euer as they mighte ouercome them: whiche maner being noted of the Danes, and perceyuing that there was no hope of lyfe but in victorie, they rushed foorth with suche violence vppon theyr aduersaries,The twoo wings of the Scottes fledde. that firste the righte, and then after the lefte winge of the Scottes, was constrayned to retyre and flee backe, the middle warde stout­ly yet keepyng theyr grounde: but the same [Page 216] stood in suche daunger, being now left naked on the sides that the victorie muste needes haue re­mayned with the Danes, had not a renewer of the batayle come in time, by the appointment as is to be thought of almightie God. For as it chaunced there was in the nexte fielde at the same time a husbandman, with .ij. of his sonnes busie about his worke named Hay,Hay with his two sonnes. a man strong and stiffe in making and shape of bodie, but en­dewed with a noble and valiant courage. This 10 Hay beholdyng the king with the moste parte of his Nobles fighting with greate valiauncie in the middle warde now destitute of the winges, and in greate daunger to be oppressed by the great violence of his enimies, caught a plough beame in his hande, and with the same exhor­ting his sonnes to do the lyke, hasted towardes the batayle, there to die rather amongst other in defence of his countrey, than to remayne alyue after the discomfiture in miserable thraldome 20 and bondage of the cruell and moste vnmercy­full enimies. There was neare to the place of the batayle, a long fane fensed on the sides with ditches and walles made of turfe, through the whiche the Scottes whiche fledde were beaten downe by the enimies on heapes.

Hay stayed the Scottes from running away.Here Hay with his sonnes supposing they might best stay the flight, placed themselues o­uerthwarte the lane, beate them backe whome they mette fleeyng, and spared neyther friende 30 nor foe, but downe they went all suche as came within theyr reache wherwith diuers hardy per­sonages cried to theyr fellowes to returne backe vnto the batayle, for there was a newe power of Scottishmen come to theyr succours,The Scottes were driuen to their battell againe. by whose ayde the victorie might be easily obtayned of theyr moste cruell aduersaries the Danes: ther­fore might they choose whether they woulde be slayne of theyr owne fellowes comming to their ayde, or to returne againe to fight with the eni­mies. 40 The Danes beyng here stayed in the lane by the greate valiauncie of the father and the sonnes,The Danes fledde towards the [...] fellowes in great dis­order. thought verily there had bene some great succours of Scottes come to the ayde of theyr kyng, and therevpon ceassing from further pur­suyte fledde backe in greate disorder vnto the o­ther of theyr fellowes fighting with the middle warde of the Scottes. The Scottes also that before were chased, being encouraged herewith, pursued the Danes vnto the place of the ba­tayle 50 right fiercely.King Kenneth called vpō his men, to remē ­ber their due­ties. Wherevpon Kenneth per­ceyuing his people to be thus recomforted and his enimies partely abashed, called vpon his men to remember theyr dueties, and nowe sithe their aduersaries harts began (as they might perceiue) to faint, he willed them to followe vpon them manfully, which if they did he assured them that the victory vndoubtedly should be theyrs. The Scots encouraged with the kings wordes, layd about thē so earnestly,The Danes forsake the fieldes. that in the end the Danes were constreyned to forsake the fielde, and the Scots egerly pursuyng in the chase, made great slaughter of them as they fled. This victory tur­ned highly to the prayse of the Scottishe nobili­tie, the whiche fighting in the middle warde bare still the brunt of the batayle, continuyng man­fully therein euen to the ende. But Hay who in such wise (as is before mencioned) stayed them that fled, causing them to returne againe to the fielde, deserued immortall fame and commenda­tion: for by his meanes chiefly was the victory atchieued.The spoyle is diuided. And therefore on the morrow after whan the spoyle of the field & of the enimies cāpe whiche they had left voyde should be deuided, the chiefest part was bestowed on him and his twoo sonnes, by cōsent of all the multitude, the residue being deuided amongst the souldiers and men of warre, according to anciēt custome vsed amōgst this natiō. The king hauing thus vāquished his enimies, as he should enter into Bertha,Hay refused costly garmēts caused costly robes to be offered vnto Hay & his sonnes, that being richly clad, they might be ye more ho­nored of the people: but Hay refusing to chaunge his apparell, was cōtented to go with the king in his olde garments whither it pleased him to ap­point. So entring with the king into Bertha,The king came to Ber­tha. he was receiued with litle lesse honor than the king himself, all the people rūning forth to behold him whom they heard to haue so valiātly restored the battell, whē the field was in maner lost without hope of all recouerie. At his entring into ye towne he bare on his shoulder the plough beame, more honorable to him thā any sworde or battell axe might haue bene to any ye most valiāt warriour. Thus Hay being honored of all estates,Hay is made one of the no­bilitie. within certaine dayes after at a councel holdē at Scone it was ordeyned, that both he and his posteritie should be accepted amōgst the nūber of ye chiefest nobles & peares of the realme, being rewarded be­sides money & other great giftes with lands and reuenewes,He had reue­newes assig­ned to him. such as he should choose sufficient for the maintenaunce of their estates. It is sayde, yt by counsell of his sonnes, who knew the fruit­fulnesse of the soyle, he did aske so much ground in those parties where the riuer of Tay renneth by the towne of Arrole ouer agaynst Fyfe,Hay his re­quest. as a Faulcone shoulde flie ouer at one flight. Which request beyng freely graunted of the king, the place was appoynted at Inschire for the Faul­cone to be caste off:The Faulcon measured Hay his landes out. the whiche taking hir flight from thence, neuer lighted til she came to a great stone neare to a village called Rosse, not passing foure myles from Dundee. By whiche meanes all that countrey whiche lieth betwixt Inschire aforesayde, and the sayd stone, (being almost .vj. myles in length, and foure in breadth) fell vnto [Page 217] Hay and his sonnes, the name of the stone also being called the Falcones stone to this day, doth cause the thing better to be beleeued, and welneare all the foresayd ground still continueth in the pos­session of the Hayes, euen vnto this day. Besides this to the further honoring of his name,Hay had armes giuen him. the king gaue him armes three scutchēs gules in a field of siluer, a plough beame added therevnto which he vsed in stead of a battaile axe, when he fought so valiantly in defence of his Countrey. Thus had 10 the Hayes their beginning of Nobilitie, whose house hath atteyned vnto great estimation of ho­nor, and hath bene decorated with the office of the Constableship of Scotlande, by the bounteous beneuolence of Kings that succeeded. These things happened in the first yeare of King Ken­neth. In the residue of the time that he raigned, though there chaunced no great businesse by for­raine enimies, yet by ciuill sedition the state of the realme was wonderfully disquieted.Ciuill warres in Scotlande. First a com­panie 20 of Kernes of the westerne Iles inuading Rosse, to the intent to haue fetched a bootie, were met withall by the way and ouerthrowne by the inhabitants of that Countrey. After this sturre another followed, farre more daungerous to the whole estate of the common wealth,An other com­m [...]tion in Mernes by Cruthlint. reysed by one Cruthlint, one of the chiefest Lords of ye Mernes, who was sonne vnto a certaine Lady named Fe­nella, the daughter of one Cruthneth, that was gouernour of that part of Angus which lyeth be­twixt 30 the two riuers, the one called south Eske, and the other north Eske.Cruthlint wēt to see his grād father. So it chaunced, that on a time Cruthlint came vnto the Castell of Delbogin to see his Grandfather, the sayde Cru­neth as then lying in the same: where vpon light occasion a fray was begon amongest the seruing men,Two of his seruants were slaine. in the which two of Cruthlints seruantes fortuned to be slaine: which iniury when Cruth­lynt declared by waye of complaynt vnto hys Grandfather, he was so slenderly heard, and an­swered in such reprochful wise, as though he him­selfe had beene the authour of the businesse: that Crunethes seruants perceiuing how little he was regarded of their maister,They set vpon Cruthlint also fell vpon him and beate him, that not without daunger of life he brake forth of their handes, and hardly escaped away. In his returne homewardes, he came to his mo­ther Fencila, where she lay within the Castell of Fetthircarn, ye chiefest fortresse of all the Mernes.Cruthlint was instigated to reuenge. Where being incensed through his mothers insti­gation, being a woman of a furious nature, he at­tempted forthwith to be reuenged of the iniurie receyued: so that assembling a number of his friendes and kinsfolke so secretly as he might to­gither, with a band of the inhabitāts of ye Mernes he entreth into Angus,He killed all them that were in the Castell. and cōming vnto the ca­stell of Delbogin in the night season, was suffred to enter by the keepers of the gate nothing sus­pecting any treason in the worlde, by reason whereof was Cruneth sodainly oppressed, the house sacked and rased, not one that was founde within the same being left aliue. The spoyle also was deuided by Cruthlynt amongst them which came with him.The Countrey is forrayed. The next day likewise he for­rayed the Countrey all there aboutes, returning home with a great bootie.

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They of Angus prouoked herewith, rested not long but assembling themselues togither in­uaded the Countrey of Mernes,They of Mernes requit their iniuries. where making great slaughter on eche side, they left the Coun­trey voyde almost both of men and cattell. Thus did the people of those two Countreys pursue the warre one agaynst another a certaine time, with dayly incursions and wastings of eyther others countreys, in such cruel wise, that it was thought the one of them must needes shortly come vnto vtter destruction, if speedie remedie were not the sooner prouided. The king being informed of this [Page 218] mischiefe and great trouble which was fallen out through sedition amongst those his subiects,The king made a pro­clamation by an Heralde. hee made proclamation by an Herauld, that those of Angus and Mernes whom he vnderstoode to be culpable,The culpable should appeare at Scone. shoulde appeare within .xv. dayes after at Scone, there to make answere afore appoyn­ted Iudges, to such things as might be layde to their charge, vpon paine of death to euery one that made default. When the day of appearance came, there were but fewe that did appeare.The faulty mē ran away. The most 10 part of them doubting to bee punished for theyr offences with Cruthlint their Captaine, fled out of ye Mernes,The king was sore off [...]nded there with. taking with them their wiues, theyr children and all theyr goodes. The king beeing sore moued herewith, perceyued how readie the Scottishe people was by nature vnto rebellion, when they were gently vsed: and againe howe they obeyed the Magistrates best when they were restreyned from their wilde outragious doings by due punishment and execution of iustice. He considered therefore that if hee did not cause those seditious rebelles whiche had thus disobeyed hys commaundements to bee punished according to the order of the lawes,The king minded to punishe the disobedi­ent rebels. he shoulde haue the whole realme shortly disquieted with ciuill warre & open rebellion. Wherevpon with all speede hee caused earnest pursuyt to be made after Cruthlint and the residue of the offenders,Cruthlint ta­ken with ma­ny more. the whiche at length being taken in Lochquhabir, were brought vnto a Castel in Gowrie called Dounsinnā, where after iudgement pronounced agaynst them,He is executed with certaine others. Cruth­lint first, and then other the chiefest styrrers on eyther syde were put to execution, the commons for that it was thought they followed their supe­riors

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agaynst their willes, were pardoned and li­cenced to depart to their houses.The king was worthily com­mended for his iustice. For this equitie shewed in ministring iustice by the king, hee was greatly praysed, loued, and dread of all his sub­iects, 40 so that great quietnesse folowed in the whole state of the common wealth, greatly to the ad­uauncement therof, and so continued til the .xxij. yeare of this Kenneths raigne. At what time the blinde loue he bare to his owne issue,King Kenneth poysoned his cousin Mal­colme. caused hym to procure a detectable fact, in making away one of his nearest kinnesmen. This was Malcolme the sonne of king Duffe, created in the beginning of Kenneths raigne Prince of Cumberlande, by reason whereof he ought to haue succeeded in rule 50 of the kingdome after Kenneths death, whereat the same Kenneth grieuing not a little, for that thereby his sonnes shoulde be kept from enioying the crowne, found meanes to poyson him. But though the Phisitions vnderstanding by such e­uidēt signes as appeared in his bodie,The king was not suspected of this fact. that he was poysoned in deed, yet such was the opinion which men had of the kings honor and intregritie, that no suspition at all was conceyued that it shoulde be his deed. The cloked loue also whiche he had shewed towards him at all times, and to sodaine commaundement giuen by him vppon the first newes of his death,The poisoning of Malcolme is brought in­to suspition. that his funerals should be ce­lebrated in euery Church and Chappell for his soule, and againe the teares which he shed for him in all places where any mention chaunced to bee made of the losse which the realme had susteyned by the death of so worthie a prince, made men no­thing mistrustful of ye matter, till at lēgth some of the nobles perceyuing the outward sorow (which he made) to passe the true griefe of the heart, be­gan to gather some suspitiō, that al was not wel: but yet bycause no certaintie appeared, they kept their thoughtes to themselues.Ambassadours came frō king Edwarde. About the same time came Ambassadors forth of Englande from king Edwarde the sonne of Edgar (which after through treason of his stepmother Esculda, was made a Martyr) requyring that sithe Malcolme the Prince of Cumberlande was deceassed, it might please the king with ye states of the realme [Page 219] to choose some other in his place,He required a [...] Prince to [...] elected. who doing hys homage vnto the king of England according as it was couenāted by the league, might be a meant to confyrme the same league betwixt the two na­tions for the aduoyding of all occasions of breach thereof that otherwise happely might ensue. [...]en­neth at the same time helde a councell at Scout,The king herd a [...] message [...] his purpose where hauing hearde the request of these Ambas­sadours, in presence of all his nobles, he answered that hee was glad to vnderstande that king Ed­warde 10 was so carefull for maintenance of loue and amitie betwixt his subiectes and the Scot­tishmen, according to the articles of the auncient league in times past concluded betwixt them, the ratification whereof for his part, he likewise most ernestly desired, & therfore in rendring most har [...]e thankes vnto him for his gentle aduertisement, he purposed by the aduise of his nobles and the o­ther estates of his realme as then there assembled, to elect a new Prince of Cumberlande, without any further delay: and therupon required the Am­bassadour to be present on the morrowe to heare what he was whom the Nobles should [...]ns to be preferred vnto that dignitie. The Ambassa­dours hereupon departing forth of the Counsell chamber,The king re­quested that the crowne might come by inheritance were conueyed to their lodging by di­uerse of the nobilitie that were appoynted to keepe them companie. Then Kenneth with a long o­ration went about to perswade the Peeres and o­ther the estates of the realme there (as I sayd) as­sembled,

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to alter the custome and auncient order vsed by their elders in choosing of him that should succeede in gouernance of the realme, after the de­ceasse of him that was in possession. He vsed so many reasons as was possible for him to deuise in that behalfe, therby to enduce them to his purpose, 40 whiche was to haue an acte established for the crowne to go by succession, only to this ende that one of his sonnes mighte enioy the same imme­diately after his deceasse.A fit oration for his purpose. He declared also what discōmodities, seditions, and great incōueniences had growne, in that the crown had gone in times past by election: for though it was ordeyned at the first that it shoulde so doe vpon a good intent and great consideration, yet in processe of time proufe and experience had shewed,He had roome ynough to walk in, to ga­ther proues and reasons to perswade this matter, it be­ing good of it selfe. that more hin­derance 50 happened vnto the common wealth ther­by (beside the daunger euer ensuing incidently vn­to such issue as the king left behind him) than pro­fite, if the sundry murthers, occasions of ciuill dis­corde and other wicked practises were throughly weyed and considered, the summe whereof he re­cited from poynt to point, and so in the ende with great instance besought them that so pernicious a custome might be abolished and taken away, to the great benefite of the whole state of the realme, specially sith in all realmes commonly the order was, that the sonne should without any contra­diction succeede the father in the heritage of the crowne and kingly estate.

The king had no sooner made an ende of his long oration,The Peeres of the realme did willingly graunt to his request. which he handled after the pithiest sort he coulde, but that diuerse of the noble men which were there amongst other, being made pri­uie to the matter aforehande, mocioned meanes to haue Malcolme the sonne of Kenneth created Prince of Cumberlande, that hee might so haue an entrance to the crowne after the deceasse of his father. This motion by and by was in many of their mouthes, whiche Kenneth perceyuing, re­quyred of the most auncient Peeres whom they would name to be Prince of Cumberlande, that there might be a meane to radifie and cōfirme the league betwixt the Scottes and Englishe men. Cōstantine the sonne of king Cullen, and Grime the nephew of king Duffe by his brother Mogal, howbeit by the force of ye former law they might by good reason haue looked to haue had the prefer­ment [Page 220] themselues, yet perceyuing it was in vaine to denie that which would be had by violence (al­though they should neuer so much stand agaynst it) being first demaunded of the Heralde what they thought,The Heralde required Con­stantine hys voice first. they answered (notwithstanding agaynste theyr myndes in deede,) that the king might order all things as should stande with his pleasure,Constantine his saying. appoynting whome he thought moste meetest to be Prince of Cumberlande, and to ab­rogate the auncient lawe of creating the kings 10 in deuising newe ordinances for the same, as should seeme vnto him & those of his counsel most requisite and necessarie.The multitude well pleased, crie Malcolm. The multitude then fol­lowing their sentence, cryed with lowde and vn­discrete voyces, to haue Malcolme the sonne of king Kenneth created Prince of Cumberlande. And thus the same Malcolme (though as yet vn­derage was by the voyces of the people ordeyned Prince of Cumberlande, in place of the other Malcolme sonne to king Duffe. 20

The day following the Ambassadors com­ming into the Counsell chamber, heard what was decreed touching their request, and then be­ing highly rewarded of the kings bounteous li­beralitie they returned into Englande, and Mal­colm with them, to be acquainted with king Ed­warde, and to doe his homage for the Principa­litie of Cumberlande, as the custome was.

At the same time also, there was a newe acte deuised and made,A new act for the succession of the crowne. the olde being abrogated (by the 30 appoyntment of the king) for the creation of the Scottish kings in time to come, many of the no­bles rather consenting with silence, than greatly allowing it, either in heartes or voyces, though some currifauours among them, set forwarde the matter to the best of their powers. The Articles of this ordinance were these:

Articles con­cluded in that Parliament. The eldest heire male of the deceassed king, whether the same were sonne or nephew, of what age soeuer he should be, yea though he shoulde be in 40 the mothers womb at the time of ye fathers decease should from thenceforth succeed in the kingdome of Scotlande. The nephew by the sonne shoulde be preferred before the nephew by the daughter, in atteyning to the heritage of the crowne. And like­wise the brothers sonne should be admitted before the sisters sonne. The same law should be obser­ued of all such of the Scottish nation, as had any landes or inheritance comming to them by dis­cent. Where the king by this meanes chaunced 50 to be vnder age, and not able to rule, there should be one of the chiefest peeres of the Realme chosen and elected to haue the gouernance of his person and Realme, till he came to .xiiij. yeares of age. The which fourtenth yeare of his age beeing ac­complished, he shoulde haue the administration committed to his owne handes. The heyres of al other persons of eche estate and degree, should re­maine vnder the wardship of their appoynted go­uernours till they came to the age of .xxj. yeares, and not till then to meddle with any part of their landes and liuings.

These lawes and ordinances being once pub­lished and confirmed King Kenneth supposed the kingdome to bee fully assured vnto him and hys posteritie,King Kenneth ministered iu­stice truly. and there vpon endeuoured himselfe to winne the heartes of the people with vpright ad­ministration of iustice:The good will of the nobility he bought with giftes. and the fauour of the no­bles, he sought to purchase with great gifts which he bestowed amongst them, aswell in landes be­longing to the crowne, as in other things, great­ly to their contentation. Thus might he seeme happie vnto all men, hauing the loue both of his Lordes and commons:The king had a guiltie con­science. but yet to himself he see­med most vnhappie, as he that coulde not but still liue in continuall feare, least his wicked practise concerning the death of Malcolme Duffe should come to light and knowledge of the worlde. For so commeth it to passe, that such as are pricked in conscience for any secrete offence committed, haue euer an vnquiet minde. And as the fame goeth, it chaunced that a voyce was hearde as he was in bed in the night time to take his rest,A voyce heard by the king. vttering vn­to him these or the like wordes in effecte: Thinke not Kenneth that the wicked slaughter of Mal­colme Duffe by thee contriued, is kept secret from the knowledge of the eternall God: Thou art he that didst conspire the innocents death, enterpry­sing by trayterous meanes to doe yt to thy neigh­bour which thou wouldest haue reuenged by cru­ell punishment in any of thy subiects, if it had bene offred to thy selfe: It shal therefore come to passe, that both thou thyselfe, and thy issue, through the iust vngeance of almightie God, shall suffer wor­thie punishment, to the infamie of thy house and family for euermore. For euen at this present are there in hande secrete practises to dispatche both thee and thy issue out of the way, that other may enioy this kingdome which thou dost endeuor to assure vnto thine issue.

The king with this voyce being stryken into great dread and terror,The king con­fesseth his sinnes. passed that night without any sleepe comming in his eyes. Wherefore in the morning he got him vnto Bishop Mouean, a man of great holynesse of life, vnto whom he con­fessed his heynous and most wicked offence, besee­ching him of counsell, which way hee might ob­taine pardon and forgiuenesse at Gods handes by worthie penance. Mouean hearing how the king bemoaned his offence committed, he willed hym to bee of good comfort. For as the wrath of al­mightie God was prouoked by sinne and wicked offences, so was the same pacified againe by re­pentance,The king ta­keth great re­pentance. if so be we continue penitent and wil­ling to amend. King Kenneth being confirmed in hope of forgiuenesse by these and sundrie other [Page 221] the like comfortable wordes of the Bishop, studi­ed vnfeynedly to doe worthie penaunce, leauing nothing vndone which hee thought might serue for a witnesse of his penitent heart, thereby to a­uoyde the vengeance which he stoode in feare of to be prepared for him, by reason of his heynous and wicked cryme.

The king wēt to Fordune a pilgrimage.It chaunced hereupon, that within a short time after hee had beene at Fordune a Towne in Mernes, to visite the Relikes of Paladius which 10 remaine there, he turned a little out of the way to lodge at the Castel of Fethircarne,A Parke with wilde beastes at the castel of Fethircarne. where as then there was a Forrest ful of al maner of wild beasts that were to be had in any part of Albion. Here was hee receyued by Fenella Ladie of the house, whose sonne as ye haue heard he caused to be put to death, for the commotion made betwixt them of Mernes and Angus.Fenella was a kin [...]ce vnto Malcolme. She was also a kyn vnto Malcolme Duffe whome the king had made a­way: and in like maner vnto Constantine and 20 Gryme, defrauded of their right to the crowne, by the craftie deuise of the king, as before is partly mencioned. This woman therefore beeing of a stoute stomacke, long time before hauing concey­ued an immortall grudge towardes the king, vp­on the occasions before rehearsed, (namely aswell for the death of hir sonne Cruthlynt, as hauing some ynckling also of the empoysoning of Mal­colme Duffe,She was desi­rous for to reuenge. though no full certaintie thereof was knowne) imagined night and day how to be 30 reuenged. She vnderstoode that the king delyted aboue measure in goodly buyldings, and therefore to the ende to cōpasse hir malicious intent,Fenella his ma­li [...]ious intent. she had caused a tower to be made ioyning vnto hir owne lodging within the foresayd castell of Fethircarn. The which tower was couered ouer with copper finely engrauen with diuerse flowers and Ima­ges. Hereto was it hung within with riche clo­thes of Arras wrought with golde and silke, very fayre and costly.Crossebowes readie bent, hidden. Behinde the same were there 40 Crossebowes set readie bent with sharpe quarrels in them. In the middest of the house there was a goodly brasen Image also, resembling the figure of king Kenneth, holding in the one hande a faire golden Apple set full of precious stones, deuised with such arte and cunning, that so soone as any man should drawe the same vnto him or remoue it neuer so little any way forth, the Crossebowes would immediately discharge theyr quarrels vp­pon him with great force and violence.Fenella had the king into the inner chamber. Fenella 50 therefore being thus prouided aforehande, at after meate, desired the king to go with hir into that in­ner chamber: into the which being entred, he could not be satisfied of long with the beholding of the goodly furniture, aswell of the hangings as of di­uerse other things. At the last hauing viewed the Image which stoode (as is sayde) in the middest of the chamber, he demaunded what the same did signifie. Fenella answered, how that Image did represent his person, and the golden Apple set so richly with Smaragds, Iacincts, Saphires, To­pases, Rubie [...], Turkasses, and such like precious stones, shee had prouided as a gyft for him, and therfore requyred him to take the same, beseeching him to accept it in good part, though it were not in value worthie to bee offred vnto his Princely honor and high dignitie. And herewith she hir­selfe withdrew aside, as though she woulde haue taken something forth of a Chest or Coffer, ther­by to auoyde the daunger. But the king delyted in beholding the gemmes and orient stones,The king was slaine with the Crossebowes. at length remouing the Apple the better to aduise it, incontinently the Crossebowes discharged their quarrels so directly vpon him, that stryking hym through in sundrie places, hee fell downe starke deade, and lay flat on the ground.Fenella esca­ped from them all. Fenella as soone as she behelde him fall to the ground readie to die, she got forth by a backe doore into the next woods, where she had appoynted horses to tary for hir, by meane whereof she escaped out of all daunger of thē that pursued hir,His seruants looked for their king. ere the death of the king were openly knowne vnto them. His seruāts stil way­ting for his comming forth in the vtter chamber, at length when they sawe he came not at all, first they knocked at the doore softly, then they rapped hard thereat: lastly doubting that which had hap­pened,The doores broken open they finde him dead. they break open doore after doore, til at lēgth they came into the chamber where the king laye colde deade vpon the floore. The clamor and crie herevpon was raysed by his seruants,Fenella could not be found. and Fenel­la cursed and sought for in euery place that had committed so haynous and wicked a deede: but the vngracious woman was conueyed so secretly out of the way, that no where coulde she be heard of.Fenella got hir selfe into Ireland by the helpe of Con­stantine. Some supposed that she fled first vnto Con­stantine, by whose helpe shee got ouer into Ire­lande. The ambitious desire whiche the same Cō ­stantine shewed hee had to succeede in gouern­ment of the kingdome after Kennethes deceasse, encreased that suspition greatly.Constantine aspired vnto the crowne. For immedi­ately after it was knowne that Kenneth was dead, he got his friendes togither, and went vn­to diuerse places requyring the Lordes to assist him in atteyning to the crowne, which by the old ordinance and law of the realme (instituted in the begynning, and obserued till nowe of late, that Kenneth by his priuate authoritie had gone a­boute to abrogate the same) ought to discende vnto hym,Constantine procured friendes. as all the worlde right well vnder­stoode.

COnstantine procured friends so on eche side,Constantine. that by their meanes bring of high authori­tie in the realme, hee was brought by them vnto Scone, and there crowned king, the .xij. day after Kennethes deceasse, in the .xxv. yere after that the same Kenneth had begonne his raigne ouer the [Page 222] Scottish men, and in the yeare of our saluation a thousand iust,994. Io. Ma. 1000. H.B. in the which yeare (as is sayd) sun­drie vnketh sightes were seene aswell in Albion, as in other places. The sea left vpon the sandes on the coastes of Buthquane,Maruellous happes chaun­ced. an infinite multi­tude of fishes, the which lying there dead, caused suche a filthie sauour, that the ayre being there­with infected, great death of people ensued. The Moone appeared of a bloudie colour,The moone appeared bloudie. to the great terrour of them that behelde it. The Sommer 10 next following corne fayled, and cattell dyed so generally,Scarcitie of corne & cattel that if there had not beene more plentie of fishe got than was accustomed to be, the peo­ple had beene famished in many a place. In Albi­on and also Fraunce,It rayned stones. it rayned stones. But all these dreadfull wonders might not withdraw the Scottishe men from their wicked vices, where­vnto in those dayes they were wholye gyuen,Preaching was despised. though there wanted not dyuerse vertuous men, as wel Bishops as other, that in theyr Sermons 20 exhorted the people to repent and amende theyr naughtie lyuings: for otherwyse vndoubtedly such grysely sightes and tokens as chaunced in those dayes, menaced some great myschiefe to fall vnto the whole Nation. And surely their wordes proued true: for the Scottes continuing in their wilfulnesse, being stubborne hearted one agaynst another, brought theyr Countrey into daunger of vtter destruction.

Malcolm see­keth friendes against Con­stantine.Malcolme the sonne of Kenneth, created (as 30 ye haue hearde in hys fathers lyfe tyme) Prince of Cumberlande, hearing that Constantine (a­gaynst the ordnance lately made) had vsurped the Crowne, as soone as his fathers bodie was bu­ryed in Colmkil, with such funeral pompe as ap­perteyned, he desyred his fathers friendes to gyue him such faythfull counsell as they thought most expedient, whiche way hee were best to worke for the appeasing of the sedition nowe begunne by reason of Constantines presumptuous attempt. 40

Good counsell was giuen himThere were some amongest that companie that tooke it to bee best, first to vnderstande the myndes of all the peeres and nobles of the realme, before they went about any exployt agaynst the tyrant, least whylest Malcolme shoulde seeke to delyuer himselfe from daunger, he might happely winde himselfe further into trouble, than without extreeme perill of the common wealth he shoulde be able to get forth thereof againe.Yet other coū ­sel was giuen him. Other there were iudged it best sodenly to goe agaynst Con­stantine 50 before he had made himselfe strong: For if they came vpon him ere hee were prouided for theyr comming, many of them that feigned them selues to bee his friendes, woulde forsake hym so soone as they sawe any power of his enimyes at hande. And then shoulde he eyther fall into their hands, or be dryuen to flee the realme for safegard of his life. The fierce yong man following this counsell as the best to his seeming,Malcolme go­eth with an armie to fight with Con­stantine. and trusting more to his owne wit than to the graue aduice of men of skill, assembled togither in all hast possi­ble about the number of ten thousand men, with whom making towards Constantine with spee­die iourneys, at length hee came into Louthian.King Constan­tine went to meete Mal­colme. Constantine being enformed of all his aduersa­ries doings, had got togither also an huge power, so that passing forth with the same to encounter them, the brute which ranne of his great number and puissance,Malcolme thought him­self to weake. caused Malcolme for verie feare that he shoulde not be able in any part to matche him, to breake vp his army and to flee backe into Cumberland: by reason whereof he had bene put to such hinderance and dishonour, as woulde not easily haue bene recouered, had not Kenneth the bastard sonne of his father the aboue mentioned Kenneth encamped with a mightie power aboute Sterling, and defended the passages of the Forth, that Constantine with his armie could not come ouer.Lack of vitails caused Const. to breake vp his campe. Then rose there great famine and penurie of vitayles in both hostes, so that Constantine with great indignation was constrained to break vp his campe, and so to leaue his enterprise for that season. Thus was the Realme deuided into two sundry factions Wherevpon followed wa­stings and incursions made into eche others pos­sessions, with such crueltie, that the same might be a sufficient instruction what mischiefe happeneth through ciuill discorde. The poore commons and husbandmē were brought to such miserie through the often spoylings and robberies vsed by the men of warre, that they were not able to til their groū ­des. Finally there rose one mischiefe so fast in the neck of another, that no kinde of crueltie was spa­red, robbing, reauing, and forcible extortion was exercised on all sides without hope of any redresse or amendment. Whilest the Scottishmen were thus at diuision amongst themselues,K. Edward, or rather Ethel­red, purchased peace of the Danes. renting and pulling in peeces their own miserable natiue coū ­trey, Edwarde king of England being oppressed with inuasion of Danes, was glad to buie peace at their handes, for himselfe and his people, with right large summes of money: but perceiuing that his enimies ceassed not dayly to spoile and rob his subiects, he purposed to trie what he might doe by making them warre:Malcolme is readie to help king Edwarde agaynst the Danes. And to make his part the stronger, he requyred Malcolme prince of Cum­berlād to ayde him against the Danes, according to the couenant of the ancient league. Malcolme consenting to king Edwards request, came with a mightie armie of Cumberlande men to support him: by reason wherof the Danes doubting to bee ouermatched,King Edwarde made peace with the Danes. after certain light skirmishes with­out any great bloodshed, cōdiscēded to haue peace, which was concluded with these conditions: that king Edwarde should pay vnto the Danes a M. pounde of golde, for the which they should cōtent [Page 223] themselues with those landes which they had al­ready in possession, and to inuade no further vpon the Englishmen: but contrariwise to be readie to fight in their defence, if any forrain enimie sought to make any warres vpon them. In the meane time whilest Malcolm was thus in England oc­cupied in ayde of king Edwarde against the Da­nes, king Constantine thought the time to serue very well for his purpose to reduce all those regi­ons of Scotlād, which tooke part with his aduer­sarie 10 the foresaid Malcolme) vnder his subiection.King Constan­tine renued warre with Malcolme. He assembled therfore .xx. M. men, and comming into Louthian, heard how Kenneth the bastard a­foresaid (being left by his brother Malcolm to re­sist Constantines attempts) had got togither an huge armie of his brothers friends, and was come vnto Crawmond, where the riuer falleth into the Forth, a three miles from Edenbourgh, purpo­sing there to abide his enimies, if they minded to assaile him.Constantine ioyned battail with Kenneth the bastarde. Constantine herevpon hasted thither­wards, 20 and comming within sight of his enimies streightwayes ioined battail with them: immedi­atly wherwith there rose such an outragious tem­pest of winde, comming out of the East, driuing the sande in the faces of Constantines men, that they were not able to see about them to make any defence agaynst theyr enimyes that then preassed vpon them right egerly. By meanes whereof the discomfiture light vpō Constantines side, though neyther part had any great cause to reioyce:K. Constantine is slaine. for in the hotest of the fight, Constantine and Ken­neth chaunced to encounter togither, and so sigh­ting man to man, either slue other. Thus Con­stantine ended his lyfe by dynt of the enimies sworde, in the thirde yeare of his reigne, and in the yeare after the incarnation 1002.1002. and hys bodie was buryed in Colmekill amongst his pre­decessours.

THen Grime nephew to king Duffe hearing of the slaughter thus made betwixte king Constantine and Kenneth,Grime. gathered togither the residue of Constantines armie, being scattered a­brode after the ouerthrow, supposing that by the death of Kenneth, the partie of his brother Mal­colme was sore weakned, and therevpon he came vnto the Abbay of Scone, and there caused him­selfe

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to be crowned king, as lawfull successor vnto Constantine, by force of the olde lawes and or­dinance of the Realme.Grime vsed li­beralitie and gentlenesse towards Con­stantines friendes. And to establish himselfe the more firmly in the estate, he shewed great gen­tlenesse towardes all them that were friends vnto Constantine, and bestowed vpō them many boū ­teous gyftes: neyther was his liberalitie shut vp from other that had fauoured Malcolme, for to 50 the ende hee might allure them to beare him good will, he rewarded them highly both in landes and treasure. But other of the same faction, whom he sawe by no meanes coulde be wonne, he cau­sed them to bee proclaymed traytours, and con­fiscated their goodes as rebelles to his person, and enimies to the crowne.

Malcolme Prince of Cumberland sore mo­ued in his minde that Grime had thus taken vp­on him the crowne,Malcolme prince of Cū ­berland is sore moued against Grime. called his friends togither, re­quiring to haue their aduice, whiche way he were best to worke in this so great a matter.

They counsailed him that in no wise he should despise the force of his enimies,A good coūsel but rather to assay by all meanes to drawe those Nobles vnto hys purpose, which were assistant vnto Grime.

Wherevpon Malcolme following the coun­saile of his friendes,Malcolm sen­deth priuily to the Lordes of Scotlande. sent forth secrete messengers vnto those Lordes that tooke part with Grime, re­quiring them to remember their promised fayth, giuen vnto his father king Kenneth, concerning the obseruaunce of the lawe established by their consente for the succession of theyr Kinges: whiche if they woulde doe in renouncyng [Page 224] their obeysance vnto the vsurper Gryme, he pro­mised so to gouerne the Realme with equall iu­stice,Malcolme his promise vnto the Scottes. that no estate should in reason find cause to mislike with his doings. Many of the nobles by meanes of this message reuolted from the sayde Grime, soliciting their friends by earnest trauaile to do the like.Malcolme hys messengers are cōmitted to prison. But other and the greater number tooke those that brought the message, and sent them as prisoners vnto Grime, who incontinent­ly committed them to prison. 10

Malcolme be­ing offended therewith, ga­thered an ar­mie.Malcolme sore offended therewith, by coun­sel of his friends, assembled an army to go agianst them, that contrary to the law of all nations (as he seemed to take the matter) had emprisoned his purseuants and messengers: but marching as he was forwarde on his purposed iourney, hee heard by the way,Grime is of great [...] force thā Malcolm. howe his aduersarie king Grime had gathered a farre greater power than he had wyth him, not onely of all such of the Scottish nation inhabiting beyonde the riuers of Forth & Clyde, 20 but of them also of the western Iles.

Malcolme doubting least if the certaintie hereof were once bruted amongest his people,Malcolm wold not haue his people to vn­derstande the truth thereof. the fame would encrease the terrour more than nee­ded: he gaue cōmaundement therfore that no ma­ner of wight should be suffred to come into his ar­my without he were first brought to his presence. But this deuise nothing auayled him:His aduice a­uayled not. for thereby that which he desired to be concealed & kept most secret, became the more manifest, by reason that 30 such as had some ynkling of the matter, tolde it from one to another, making it much more than it was in deed. For there rose a murmuring a­mongest them, that there was such treason con­triued,A brute spred in Malcolmes armie of trea­son. that if Malcolme with his army went for­ward to ioyne with his aduersaries, he should not be in daunger onely of them, which he knewe to come against him in Grimes host, but also of no small nūber of thē which were in his own armie, who vpon the ioyning had determined to turne their speare points against him in Grimes quarel.

This rumor passing from one to another, put the whole number in great feare.Marchant men authours of the rumor. It was first rai­sed by certain marchant men, of whom there was a great nūber in Malcolmes armie, hauing more skill in buying and selling, than in any warlyke feates or enterpryses.

These at the first suing for licence to depart home, and could haue no graunt, beganne to la­ment their miseries, in such dolefull wise, that all the campe was troubled with the noyse, insomuch that euen the olde men of warre, and diuerse of the Captaines were not a little discomforted and a­mazed with such wailefull clamors.

Malcolme being aduertised hereof, thought not good to match in battaile agaynst his fierce e­nimies with his people thus astonied through dread and terror,Malcolme ly­cenceth the most parte of his armie to depart home. and therefore gaue licence to the most part of his host to depart for that time, and abode onely with certain bandes of his most faith­full friends neare vnto the water of Forth,Malcolme in­tēdeth to stop his enimie frō passing ouer the Forth. to stop his enimies from passing ouer that ryuer.

Whilest the realme of Scotlande was thus disquieted and troubled with ciuill discorde, Fo­thadus the greate Bishop of Scotland, a man of right approued vertue and clemencie,The great Bi­shop of Scot­lande. sore lamen­ting to see his countrey thus deuided & rent, as it were in peeces, got him into his pontificall ve­stures with a multitude of other reuerend priests and ecclesiasticall ministers, in humble wise com­ming and presenting themselues before King Grime, who with great reuerence receiuing them,Fothadus see­keth to take vp the matter.

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willed to vnderstand the cause of their comming. Then Fothadus answered, that he was come as the seruant of Christ, the authour of all peace and concorde, beseeching him by way of humble sup­plication to take ruth and pitie of the great trou­ble and miserie fallen to the realme, sith the tyme [Page 225] he had taken the gouernance vpon him, the state of things being such, as if some redresse were not founde in all speedie wise, the vtter ruyne of the common wealth must needes ensue, by reason of the sundrie debates and factions dayly rysing a­mongest the people of all sortes and degrees, so that murthers,The fruites of [...]ail warre. robberies, reife, with al other kinds of iniuries and mischiefe were still put in prac­tise without restraynt or punishment in such ly­centions sort that no man coulde assure himselfe 10 of his owne: for whether it were within doores, or without, the Robber was as readie to lay handes on it as the owner. Neyther was there hope of any reformation so long as the ciuill warres la­sted. Therfore if it might stande with the pleasure of king Gryme in reliefe of the poore commons of Scotlande, to condiscende vnto some necessa­rie agreement with Malcolme, Fothadus of­fered to vndertake to conclude a peace betwixt them in suche wyse as shoulde in no maner of 20 behalfe be preiudiciall to his honour and royall Maiestie.Fothadus vn­dertaketh to conclude a peace betwixt the parties.

Grime moued with the wordes of the Bishop (who most instantly besought him, although the calamitie and great affliction of his people did but little mollifie his heart, yet in respect of his owne suretie, which might not continue if his people were once destroyed,Grymes an­swere to Fo­thadus. to remit part of his high dis­pleasure) answered, that peace he could be conten­ted to haue, so the same might be concluded with 30 his honor saued: for surely warres he neuer desired but onely in defence of his good title & right, which he had to the crowne descended vnto him by the olde lawes and auncient ordinances of the realm, & therefore he purposed not to leaue the same with life, but to fight for it agaynst Malcolme, and all his partakers, euen vnto death: But if it were so, that Malcolme would content himselfe with the principalitie of Cumberland, & so thervpon breake vp his campe and depart forth of the lands pertey­ning 40 to the crown, he woulde gladly com to a cō ­munication with him for peace, but if Malcolme refused thus to do, he assured him that he woulde not leaue off to pursue him to the vttermost of his power, as his most cruel and fierce enimie.

Fothadus hauing heard Grymes wordes, be­sought hym to stay a tyme, tyll hee myght goe vnto Malcolme, to vnderstande what hys full mynde was in this behalfe, not doubting but to finde him conformable vnto any reasonable mo­tion, 50 for relieuing of the poore afflicted state of the lande.

Fothadus go­eth vnto Mal­colme.Gryme graunting to this request, Fothadus in like sort and habite as he came vnto Gryme, went vnto Malcolme, whome he founde at Sterling. Where comming before his presence wyth a long Oration, hee greatly bewayled the dolo­rous calamityes of the Scottish common weale, into the which it was fallen through ciuil sediti­on only: and herewith declared also by great like­lyhoodes of substantial reasons, how infortunate and miserable the ende should be of the warres, if the same were pursued to the vttermost.

His tale being throughly heard and well dis­gested, wrought so with Malcolme, that he pro­mised to withdraw into Cumberlande withoute any further attempt,Malcolmes offer. if Grime would in like case breake vp his camp, and agree to haue a truce for three Monethes space, in which meane time they might by certaine commissioners appointed and authorised therto, talk and cōmon for concluding of a finall peace and concord betwixt them.

Grime refused not this offer,Gryme is con­tented with Malcolmes motion. and so therevpon lycensed his people to depart to their homes, repai­ring himselfe with certaine of his nobles into An­gus vnto the Castell of Forfair, there to take fur­ther aduice what was to be done touching the ap­poynted communication of peace.

But Fothadus would in no wise rest,Fothadus his diligence to procure the parties to a­greement. tyll the commissioners were met and assembled togither in communication at Scone, where within fewe dayes after (chiefly through his earnest diligence) peace was concluded with these conditions.

First that Grime during his life time,The conditi­ons of the peace betwixt Gryme and Malcolme. shoulde enioy the crowne, and after his deceasse the same to remaine vnto Malcolm and his heires by line­al discent for euer, according to the ordinance and decree made & established by king Kenneth. And whosoeuer shoulde goe about eyther by worde or deed to impeach or hinder the said ordinance and decree, should be reputed for a traytor to the com­mon wealth and realme.

Furthermore all the landes lying betwyxt Lonthian and Northumberlande, and betwixt Clyde and Westmerland, euen from the Almain seas, to the Irish seas, shoulde presently remaine and be transported vnto the dominion & gouern­ment of Malcolme, with the whiche contenting himselfe during the naturall life of Gryme, hee should cōtinue in friendship with the said Grime, and so in no wise stirre or moue any warre or de­bate, eyther against him or any of his friends: for if he did, and went about to breake any of the ar­ticles of this peace, he shoulde not onely lose those landes which he now held, but also to be depriued of all the right, title, clayme, and interest whiche either he or his posteritie might make or pretende vnto the crowne at any time hereafter.

When both the princes had bound themselues by solemne othes to performe euery point & points in these articles comprised, they layd armor aside,The warres be­ing ceassed, the Princes apply their studies to refourme misdemeanors and began to take order for reforming of all mis­demeanours, whiche had happened within the lande, by reason of the ciuill contention moued betwixt them and their partakers. Howb [...]eit, commaundement was giuen by eyther of these [Page 226] Princes, that their subiects should be still in a rea­dinesse with armure & weapon, if need required to defend themselues against al sodaine inuasions of their neighbors, wherby it may be gathered, that the one had the other still in some mistrust, what countenance soeuer they shewed outwardly. Yet notwithstanding for the space of .viij. yeares to­gither, the peace continued without breach, or any notable trouble betwixt them.

King Grime his alteration from noble qualities vnto detestable vices.But Gryme at length of a chaste and liberall 10 Prince, through long slouth and encrease of ry­ches, became a most couetous tyrant, and so cor­rupted in maners and conditions, that it passed the termes of al reason and equitie: insomuch that when he had put vnto death diuerse of his nobles, to the ende he might haue their landes and goodes as forfeyted by attainder, he oppressed the people by continuall exactious also eche day more than other.

His subiects being thus brought into extreme 20 miserie through his wicked & vniust gouernmēt, not knowing where to seeke for redresse,The common peoples praier. saue only at the handes of almightie God, the punisher of al sinne, besought him to haue pitie of their afflicti­ons, and to chaunge the gouernment of the realm into some better estate.

The Lordes also hauing great indignation of the trouble fallen to the realme,The Lordes require Grime to reforme the misdemeanor of his officers. by the kings mis­gouernance and auaricious crueltie, appointed a certaine number of Gentlemen to goe vnto him 30 as Ambassadours from them, to requyre him to put away from him such naughtie persons as by euill councell had peruerted his minde, and mo­ued him to do things contrary to his honour and the wealth of his realme.

One of these Ambassadors (to whō the charge was giuen) had the wordes in name of them all, who cōming before the kings presence, declared

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40 50 vnto him howe they were sent from the residue of the nobles and peeres of his realme, to admonishe him of things perteyning to ye suretie of his estate and cōmon wealth of his dominions, which was, that where through perswasion of euill counsay­lers he suffred many enormities to be committed by his ministers and officers against his subiects, to their vtter impouerishment and vndoing, the rebuke wherof did redound vnto his dishonor, if it would please him to remoue out of his presence & seruice all such disloyal persons as sought the hin­derance of the common weale, he shoulde winne thereby the loue of all his liege subiectes, whiche now coulde not but grudge and repine at this his gouernment, as men by the same brought into such calamitie, that better it were for them in their iudgements to be dead than aliue, if reformation were not the sooner had agaynst suche extortions as his seruants and officers did dayly practise,The office of the sworde. and for the which no doubt he must needes answere, sith the sworde was committed vnto him, not to enrich couetous persons, nor to oppresse innocent and true dealing people, but contrarily to punishe and correct guiltie and vniust dealers.

When king Gryme had heard what message these Ambassadors had brought, he answered to the same with fayned wordes, & willed them vn­der the pretext of courtesie to a banket,King Grime purposed to haue slaine the messengers. in purpose to haue put them all in prison: But they beeing aduertised therof, got them in all hast to their hor­ses, and fled forthwith vnto Bertha, where the re­sidue of the nobles at the same time were assēbled.

Gryme thus hauing no regarde to the hole­some aduertisement of his nobles, thought that all things would come forwarde with such felicitie and happe as he wished, not ceassing from ray­sing new payments and exactions still of his sub­iects, till at length he was aduertised,The Lordes of Scotland ar­rear warre a­gainst Grime their king. how his no­bles had raysed open warre against him, at which newes being sore kindled with displeasure, he got togither a great number of men, & marched forth towards them that had so rebelled agaynst him.

Then followed more mischiefe and trouble thā euer had bene seene afore that time in Scotlande:What mischief ensued. for by reason of this ciuill dissention, castels were razed & ouerthrowne, townes burned vp, corne de­stroyed, and fieldes wasted, & the people slaine in all places, yea as well in churches as elswhere.

Malcolme prince of Cūberland hearing of such cruell warres as were thus raysed in Scotlande betwixt the king and the nobles of the realme, to the daunger of the vtter euersion of the whole cō ­mon wealth, returned with al speed forth of Eng­lande (where hee was with an armie as then in ayd of king Egelred agaynst the Danes) into his owne countrey for defence of his subiects, if any attempt should happely be made against them in that troublesome season.

Howbeit he was no sooner returned home,Malcolme is required to relieue the Scottish estate. but the nobles of Louthian came vnto him, beseching him to take pitie vppon his miserable and torne countrey, and to employe hys whole force to [Page 227] remoue away from the people such imminent de­struction as dayly hasted towards them which to do they thought it was partly euen his dutie, sith God had bestowed vpon him suche giftes both of body minde, and fortune, as most plenteously ap­peared in him, not onely for the weale of himselfe▪ but also of his friends and countrey, and therefore his part was to shew his earnest diligence to deli­uer the common wealth of such tyrannie as was practised by the misgouernment of Gryme and 10 his vnhappie counsellers. Which being done, he might order al things as should like him best.

Malcolm con­senteth to make warres against GrimeMalcolme moued with these and the like per­swasions of the Scottish Lords, which dayly re­sorted vnto him, resolued with promise of their support to leuie warre against Grime in this so necessarie a quarell, & so assembling a great puis­sance togither, he did set forth towards his aduer­sarie. By the way also there came still vnto him great numbers of men from eche side to ayde him 20 in this enterprice, offring by solemne othes to be­come his liege men and subiects.

Grime assem­bleth an army to encounter Malcolme.Gryme likewise beeing aduertised of those newes, with all speede got togither such people as hee might assemble for the time, and comming forwarde with the same at the towne of Auch­nabart,The campes neare the one to the other. both the armyes pitched downe theyr tentes, the one fast by the other, on the Ascenti­on day.

Here Grime supposing that he might take his 30 enimies at some great aduantage,Grimes po­l [...]cie. if he came vpō them on the sodaine, for that being giuen to deuo­tion, they woulde looke for nothing lesse than for battaile on yt day, he got forth of his campe in the dawning of that morning, in purpose forthwith to assaile them. Notwithstanding Malcolme be­ing aduertised therof, sent vnto Grime,Malcolmes request. requesting him to desist from battaile for reuerence of that blessed feast, but Grime woulde in no wise assent thereto, but needes would come on without stop or stay wherevpon both the armies rushing togi­ther met right fiercely,The battaile betwixt Grime & Malcolme. so that in the begynning there was great slaughter made on both sides, but within a while king Grymes side was put to the worse and in the ende clearly discomfited.

In the chase were many slaine,Grimes part discomfited. but yet no such number as so notable a victorie requyred.

It is said that Grime was taken aliue stāding at defēce most fiercely fighting,The ende of king Grime. & being sore woū ­ded in the head▪ had both his eies put out, & after­wards continuing so in great miserie & sanguor certaine dayes, at length departed out of this life, in the .ix. yeare of his raigne and was buried in Colmkill, after the incarnation .1010. yeares.1004. Io. Ma 1010. H.B.

After this victorie thus obteyned by Malcolm, he called such noble men as were taken prisoners in this battaile before him,Malcolmes wordes to thē that were ta­ken prisoners. vsing manye gentle wordes towards them, declaring how the right of the crown apperteyned vnto him, & that ye warres which he had made, were not attēpted against the cōmon wealth of the Scottish estate, but rather in reliefe therof, to the ende the people might be dely­uered of the tyrannie exercised by Grime and his counsellors. And when he had thus vttered his minde vnto them,A Parliament at Scone. he appointed a publike assemble to be kept at Scone (for the electiō of a new king)

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there to be holden within .xv. days after. Whither the Scottish nobiltie cōming togither at the day and place appoynted, and consenting to crowne Malcolme king,Malcolme re­fuseth the crowne but vpon cōdition he vtterly refused to receyue the crowne, except the law established by his father Kenneth for the succession therof were first cōfir­med & approbate,The ordinance of king Ken­neth for the succession of the crowne is confirmed. wherevpon the Lordes bounde thēselues by solemne othes to perform the [...], & neuer to breake or violate it in any condition.

His request herein being graūted with generall consent both of the nobles and cōmons, the crown was set vpon his heade, he beeing placed in the [Page 228] Chayre of Marble, to the great reioysing of al the people present.

Mal­colme.WHen the solemnitie of this coronation was ended, he called afore him again al the lords and peeres of his realme, of the which part had ay­ded him in the last warres, & part had bin assistant vnto his aduersarie Grime:Malcolme a­greeth the no­bles of his realme. & there vsed the matter in such wise amongst them, that he made them all friendes, eche one promising to other, to forget all former offences, displeasures & controuersies past, 10 which he did to auoid al intestine trouble yt might grow out of the rootes of such rācor & malice, as in time of the ciuil discord had sprūg vp amōgst thē.

Malcolmes wisdome in ordeyning officers.Further, for the better administration of iustice in due forme and maner, he bestowed publike offi­ces vpon discrete persons, skilful in the lawes and ordinances of the realme. Other offices perteining to the warres & defence of the realm, he committed vnto such as were practised & trayned in such ex­ercises, so that iustice was ministred on all sydes 20 throughout the kingdome, with such equitie and vprightnesse, as had not beene heard of in any age before him. Whilest the Scottish estate was go­uerned in such happie wise, by the prudent policie of K. Malcolme,Sueno king of Denmark lan­ded in Eng­lande. it chaunced that Sueno king of Danes landed in England with a mightie nauy, in purpose to reuenge the iniuries done before vn­to his people by the English men.

This Sueno (as appeareth more at large in the hystorie of Denmark) first being an earnest perse­cuter 30 of christian men, and punished by the deuine prouidence for his crueltie in that behalfe shewed by sundry ouerthrowes receyued at the enimies handes, as in being thrise taken prisoner, and in the end driuen and expulsed out of his kingdome,

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he came into Scotlande for relief & succor, where through the holsome instruction of godly and ver­tuous men, he renounced his heathnish belief,Sueno conuer­ted to the chri­stian fayth in Scotland. & re­ceiued the christian faith, & being baptised, at lēgth was restored home to his kingdom. Shortly after with a mightie armye of Danes, Gothes, and Norwegians, & Swedeners, with other northern people, he arriued (as is said) in England,Egeldred (or as the Scottes write Eldred) chased into Northumber­land, getteth ayde from the Scottes. & rhased king Egeldred into Northumberland, who there receyuing aide from the Scottes according to the league which lately before he had contracted with thē, he determined eftsoones to trie the chaunce of battaile wt his enimies. Marching forward ther­fore towards thē, he came to the riuer of Owse, neare to the banks wherof, not far from Yorke, he pitched down his tents.Suenos mes­sage to the Scottes. Then Sueno not forget­ful of the benefits & pleasures receiued lately at the Scottishmēs hands, sent an herald at armes vnto thē, cōmaūding thē to depart their wayes home & to refuse Egeldreds cōpanie, either else to looke for most cruel battail at the hands of the Danes, the Norwegians & others ye people of Germany, there redie bent to their destruction. Egeldred being ad­uertised that his aduersaries messenger was thus come into his campe, caused him to be stayed and arested for a spie. And the same day he brought forth his battayles readie raunged into the fieldes to trie ye matter by dynt of sword, if Sueno were so minded, who right desirous to accept the offer, brought forth also his people in perfit order & well arrayed to fight,The baruile betwixt Egel­dred and Sueno. so that there was no stay on ei­ther part, but that togither they slue most fiercely, & in such egre wise, that neyther side had leysure to bestow their shot, but euen at the first they buckled togither at handblowes, cōtinuing certain houres with great & cruel slaughter, til at lēgth the Eng­lish men were put to flight,The English men put to flight by the Danes. leauing to the Danes a right deare & bloodie victorie. The murther also that day of the Scots was great, but yet nothing to the number of the English men. Egeldred him self with a fewe other, got a boat and passed ouer Ouse, so escaping out of the enimies hāds,Egeldred esca­peth by flight. but the rest were for the most part either taken or slaine.

[Page 229]Thus Egeldred being vtterly vanquished and dispairing of al recouerie, fled out of Englande o­uer into Normandie, where he was right friendly receyued of Richard as then Dyke of Normādy, & afterwards purchased such [...]an or there amongst the Normans, that he maried the Ladie Emme, daughter vnto the sayde Duke, and begot of hir two sonnes̄, Alured and Edward, as in the Eng­lish Chronicles more at large it doth appeare.

Sueno hauing thus ouercome his enimies, and 10

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now put in possession of the whole realm of Eng­land,Suenoes cruell imagination. was in mind to haue destroyed al the Eng­lish generation, so to establish the kingdom to him and his posteritie for euer, without any impeach­ment afterwards to be made by such as shuld suc­ceed of them that were then aliue. But the nobles of Englād aduertised of Suenoes determination,The nobles of England their humble peti­tion vnto Sueno. came humbly before his presence, & falling downe on their knees at his feet, besought him in most p [...] ­tifull wise to haue compassion on their miserable estate, who in times past beeing a most puissant 30 nation, both by sea and lande, were now satisfied (if he woulde graunt them life) to continue vnder what bondage and seruitude it should stand with his pleasure to prescribe, for they desired neither possession of castels, townes, or other souerainties, but onely to liue with their wiues and children vnder subiection within their owne natiue Coun­trey, at the victors will and appointment.

Sueno albeit he was of nature very cruell, yet he qualified his displeasure by this humble submis­sion 40 of the English nobility, in such sort, that he v­sed the victorie farre more gently,Vode [...] what conditions Sueno licenced the Englishmē to liue in their own countrey. than at the first he had purposed, cōmaūding that the whole Eng­lish nation should remaine in the countrey, but in such wise, as by no meanes they shuld presume to beare any armor or weapō, but to apply thēselues vnto husbandry, & other seruile occupations vnder the gouernment of the Danes, vnto whom they shuld resigne & deliuer al their castels, forts, & strōg holds, and taking an oth to be true liege men vnto 50 Sueno as their soueraine lord & king: they should bring in (to be deliuered vnto his vse) al their wea­pon & armor with other munition for the warres, also all their golde and siluer, aswell in plate as coyne. If any of the English men refused thus to do, proclamatiō was made that he should imme­diatly lose his life as a rebel & a disobedient person.

The English men were brought to such an ex­tremitie, that they were faine to accept these con­ditions of peace, for other meane to auoyd present death they knew none. And thus was the domi­nion of Englād cōquered by the Danes, after the Saxons had raigned in the same 564. yeares.529. H.B. The miserie of the Englishmē vnder the bon­dage of the Danes.

Such tyrannie also after this was vsed by the Danes, that none of the English nation was ad­mitted to any office or rule within the realme ey­ther spirituall or temporall, but were vtterly re­moued from the same, and some of them cast in prison and dayly put in hazard of their liues.

Finally, the Englishe men were brought into such miserable thraldome, that euery housholder within the realme, was constrayned to receyue and finde at his owne proper costes & charges one Dane, who should continually giue good watche what was sayde or done in the house, and to ad­uertise the king thereof, for doubt of conspiracies or treasons to be contriued and practised agaynst his person and royall estate.

This Dane by the good man of the house & his family for honour sake, was called Lord Dane, which word was afterwardes turned to a name of reproch,The name of Lordain how it came vp. as where any idle person liued loitring without the vse of some honest exercise to get his liuing withal, ye people were & yet are accustomed to cal him a Lordain. Thus farre out of Hector Boetius we haue shewed of Suenoes doings in Englād, which although it agree not in al points [Page 230] with our English Hystories, yet sith the Hysto­rie of Scotlande in this place seemeth partly to hang theron, we haue thought good to set it down as we finde it in the same Boetius: but aduerti­sing the reader with all, that if our hystories bee true, this which followeth touching Suenoes in­uading of Scotland chanced before that Egelred whom the Scottish writers name Eldred,Sueno landed here this last time of his cō ­ming forth of Denmarke in­to England in July, in the yeare .1013. & departed this life in the be­ginning of Fe­bruarie, in the yeare .1014. was driuen to flee into Normandie. For after that Sueno lastly returned into Englande, and con­strayned 10 Egelred so to forsake the lande, he lyued not long after, but departed this life about Can­dlenasse, in the yere 1014. (as in the English hy­story ye may read more at large not hauing time to make any such iourney into Scotland: so that it may be thought, if he did enterprice any suche ex [...]loyte there, it was before this his last arriuall in England. But now to proceed according to yt which we find in the foresayd Boetius. Sueno hauing spoyled the English men of their liberties 20 in maner before remēbred, or rather brought them to becom tributaries vnto him, as at the first time of his arriuall here he did in deed, he thought it ne­cessarie for the more suretie of his estate in Eng­lande, to conclude some peace or league with hys neighbors the Normans, Brytains and Scots, vnder condition that they should not support any English man against him. But forsomuch as he could not compasse his intention herein, he furni­shed al the castels & fortresses on the sea coastes, o­uer 30 against Normandie with mē, munition, and vitails, to resist al soden inuasions yt might be at­tēpted on that side. And on the other part towards the north,Sueno prepa­reth to inuade the Scottes. he made al the prouision he could deuise to make mortal warres vpon the Scots: and the more to annoy his enimies, he sent commaunde­ment vnto Olauus his lieutenant in Norway,Olauus, and Onetus. & to Onetus his deputie in Denmarke, to come with al ye power they might leuie into Scotland, to make warres on his enimies there.

The Danes land in Scot­lande.Wherupon shortly after those foresaid captains arriued with an huge army in ye mouth of Spay, and landed in such puissant order, that the inhabi­tans of Murreyland fled out of their houses, with their wiues, children, & goodes (such as they could conuey away with them) into places where they thought to remain most out of daunger But the Danes after their maner burne & spoyle all before them, aswel churches and chappels,The cruelty of the Danes. as other buil­dings & edifices. Such of the people as could not 50 flee in time, but by chaunce fell into their handes, were slain without all mercie. Also al the streng­thes and holds in the countrey were taken by the Danes, three castels only excepted: that is to wit, Elgin, Fores, and Narne, which the Danes na­med afterwards Burg, and for that they trusted when the same was woon, the other two woulde yeeld without any further defence, they first layde siege vnto this Castel of Narne,The castell of Narn besieged enforcing them­selues with all their power to winne it, but in the meane time, they were informed how Malcolme the Scottish king was come within fiue miles of them with al the wares of his realm to giue them battaile.

Incontinently wherupō they raysed their siege, & hasted forth to meet him with no lesse courage, thā if victory were already present in their hands.

Shortly after, there came vnto them Heraldes also from Malcolme,Malcolm sen­deth ambassa­dours to the Danes. to vnderstand why they had thus inuaded his realm with open and most cruel warre, hauing no occasion giuen by him or his subiects so to do.The Danes slea the Am­bassadours. Who scarcely had done their message, but that they were slaine forthwith by cruel outrage of the Danes.

Malcolme being sore moued to vnderstand the law obserued by all nations for the safetie of mes­sengers to be thus violated by the enimies, kept on his iourney with ye more fierce corage, til he came to a medowe a little beside Killos, where he en­ramped for that night. Great noyse and clamour was heard throughout the armie, euerie man be­ing desirous of battaile, to reuenge the iniuries done by the Danes against their friends & coun­trey men: notwithstanding on the morrow when they sawe their enimies in farre greater number, and in better order than euer had bin seene by any of them before that time,The Scottes through fear [...] are astonied. their hart began to waxe faint▪ hauing greater care which way to saue their own liues, thā to giue the onset vpō their enimies.

Malcolme perceiuing such dread to be entred into the hearts of his people,Malcolmes wordes to his Nobles. that they were nowe more like to run away than to fight, if he shoulde bring them forth to battail, got him to a little kil, & calling his nobles about him, he declared vnto

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them how he could not but detest their great co­wardise, that were thus astonied at the first sight of their enimies, wtout further trial of their forces. [Page 231] At home (said he) ye are most hardie and valiant, where no danger appeareth what rebuke thē is it vnto you, to be thus faint harted now that ye are come where valiancie should be shewed,) in dege­nerating so far from your worthy fathers & noble progenitors,Loncarte. the which at Loncarte vnder the cō ­duit of my father Kenneth, obteyned so famous a victorie of the self same nation, whose furious nu­issance ye seeme now so much to feare. There hath bene triall made in battell with this enimie in our 10 time, both within the bounds of Scotland, & also of England, to the great honor & renowne of our elders. What discomfitures the Danes haue re­ceyued are yet fresh in memorie, so many of them losing their liues amongest vs, that Albion may well be reckened the sepulture of Danes,Albion the sepulture of Danes. as some of you can wel record by your owne remēbrance, and other haue heard by report of their forefathers and ancesters. Ye ought then (sayde he) to be of good courage, rather than to faint now at neede, 20 considering yee haue to doe with those enimies, which are but the remaynant of the other, whiche before haue bene vanquished and ouerthrowne by Scottish men, both at Loncarte, & in diuerse other places, yea & besides that, such as mouing warres now at this present without iust occasion, haue violated the lawes both of God and man, deser­uing thereby iust vengeance at Gods handes, the punisher of al such vniust offenders. Ther is great hope therfore of victorie (said he) left vnto all such 30 as fight against these enimies, if we take manly harts vnto vs, and shew our selues in valiant cō ­stancie like to our elders, wherby it shall then ap­peare what outragious folly remained in the Da­nes,

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to inuade vs without occasiō of iniuries pre­ceding. Therefore if ye haue not more regarde to to the safetie of your frail bodies, which must nee­des at length perishe, than to the defence and pre­seruation of your cōmon countrey, why passe ye not forward, sith ther is now no place nor time to take longer aduice in the matter, as ye may well vnderstād by ye presence of ye enimie redy to ioyne.

The nobles moued with these wordes of their prince, began boldly to exhort their people to bat­tell. Incontinently wherupon rose such noise and raging fury through the army,The Scottes without order rush forth to battaile. that without mea­suring either their owne forces or their enimies, they rush forth vpō thē without any order or good aray. Olauus & Onetus beholding the Seat [...] to come thus furiously against them, boldly encoun­tred them with arrayed battels. Wherupō ensued a right terrible fight, with great manhood shewed on both sides, nothing being let passe that might apperteyne to worthy captains, the Scots enfor­forcing themselues to defend their countrie & aun­cient liberties, on the one side, & the Danes doing their best endeuor by valiāt hardinesse to saue their liues & honors on the other.The Scottes put to flight. Malcolme is wounded. At length after huge murther & slaughter made on both parts, ye Scots were put to flight, Malcolme was sore wounded, & had his helmet so fast beaten to his head, that it might not wel be got of, yet was he conueyed out of the field in maner for dead, and kept secret [...] in a wood, til he was somwhat amended, and then got him into places out of daunger. The Danes ha­uing got this victorie, and gathered the spoyle of the field, returned to besiege eftsoones the castell of Narne, with more force and violence than before.

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This Castell in those dayes was enclosed on eche side with the sea, hauing one narrow passage as an entrie vnto it, made by craft of man in ma­ner of a bridge.

Those that were within it, hauing knowledge of the ouerthrow and losse of the field,The castell of Narne ren­dred by com­position. rendred the fortresse, on condition that leauing al their armor▪ weapō, & other munitions behind thē, they might depart wt their liues & other goods saued.The Danes breakers of faith and pro­mise. Neuer­theles the Danes cōtrary to their faith giuē, being [Page 232] once entred the Castell, hanged all those whiche they founde within it ouer the walles, in most de­spitefull maner.

Thus was Narne wonne by the Danes, the strongest holde within Murrey lande, and so gar­nished with men, munition and vytayles, that it was thought impregnable.

Elgyn and Fo­res left voyde.Then those souldiers which kept Elgyn and Fores, hearing what crueltie the Danes had thus vsed, fled out of those Castels, and left them voyd 10

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without any person to defende them.

The Danes reioysing at this good fortune, trusted to establishe thēselues sure seates in Mur­rey lande, and therevpon sent backe their shippes into Norway and Denmarke, to fetch [...] thence their wyues and children.

In the meane time they constrayned suche Scottes as they had layde handes on, to reape and inne the corne growing abrode in the fieldes, vnto their vse and commoditie.

King Malcolme being aduertised of all these 30 doings, doubting least by the arriual of new ayd, his enimies might waxe more puissant, in the be­ginning of the next sommer, he assembled a great multitude of warriours, and came in good order and most warlyke array vnto Murthlake,Murthlake. a town of Mar, where the first erection of the Bishoppes sea of Abyrden was founded. Here the one armie comming in sight of the other, they were sodenly both amazed.The Scotts and Danes one afrayde of an­other. For the Scottes hauing had too much experience of the crueltie shewed afore time 40 by the Danes, were put in no small feare now at the plaine and open sight of them. The Danes being farre off from the sea side, and vpon an vn­knowne grounde, were more afrayde of some guilefull practise, than of the open violence and force of their enimies. Yet neuerthelesse in the ende, by the encouragement of the Captaines on both sides, they buckled togither with great fierce­nesse and moste cruell malicious hatred on eche hand. In the first brunt three valiant Captains, 50 that is to wit, Kenneth of Ila, Gryme of Stra­therne, & Patrike of Dunbar,The Scottes forced to re­tyre. rushing ouer fiercely on their enimies, were slain, and gaue occasion to many of the Scottishe men to flee, but the place was such, that they coulde not well make theyr course any way forth, by reason of ye narrownesse thereof, fenced on either side with deepe trenches full of water and mudde, also a trauerse were layd sundrie trees, as it had bene of purpose to impeach the passage, deuised in that sort (as was thought) in time of some ciuill warres.

Here though Malcolme like a valiant cham­pion, did his best to stay them that fled, yet was he borne backe with the preasse, til he came to ye mids of this place, where stoode a Chappell dedicate in the honour of Saint Molok, the which Malcolm beholding, cast vp his handes towardes heauen, making his prayer on this wise.

Great God of vertue, rewarder of pietie,Malcolmes prayer. and punisher of sinne, we thy people seeking to defende our natiue coūtrey graunted to vs of thy beneuo­lence, as now destitute of al mortal help, and thus oppressed with the iniurious inuasion of Danes, do flee vnto thee in this our extreeme necessitie, be­seeching thee to haue cōpassion vpō our miserable estate:To you, that is to God, and our Ladie, and Saint Molok, for so he ioy­ned them to­gither accor­ding to the maner of that time. Remoue (oh merciful Lorde) this dreadfull terror frō the people. And oh thou mother of God, the sicker refuge of mortall people in their distresse and miseries: and thou S. Molok to whom this chappel was dedicate, help vs at this present, and in the honor of you, I here make a vow to build a cathedral Church for a Bishops sea, to remain as a monument to testifie vnto our posterity, that by your support our realme hath bene defended.

Scarcely had Malcolme made an ende of this prayer, when diuerse of the Nobles with a loude voyce, as though they had bin assured yt his praier [Page 233] was herd, cried to their companies: stand good fe­lowes, for surely it is the pleasure of almightie God, that we returne and renew the battayle a­gainst our enimies.

The Scottes oftentimes re­new batayle.Herevpon rose a wonderfull noyse amongst the souldiers, ech one encouraging other to with­stand the enimies, and to fight in moste manfull wise in defence of theyr countrey and auncient liberties, and foorthwith as it had bene by mira­cle they returned vpon theyr enimies, making 10 great slaughter on eche side, without regarde to theyr liues or bloudy woundes, which they bold­ly and without feare receyued.

Herewith Malcolme also with a bushment of stoute warriours came vpon Onetus, who was praunsing vp and downe the fielde without any helmet on his head, as though the Scottes had bene already without recouery clearely discom­fited,Onetus is [...]yne. and so there was he beaten downe, beside his horse, and amongst the footemen slayne out 20 of hande. The residue of the Danes beholding the slaughter of their Captaine, stayed from fur­ther pursute on the Scottes. Hereof ensued great boldnesse to the Scottes and discouragement to the Danes. Albeit the batayle continued still a long space, the souldiers doyng their best on ey­ther side, till at length the Danes were put to flight,The Danes put to flight. many of them being slaine, and but fewe

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taken. Olauus beholding the discomfiture of his people, and how his companion in authoritie was s [...]ayne,Olaue fleeth into Murray­land. fled into Murrayland with a small companie about him.

The next day, Malcolme considering what a number of his moste valiant Captaines he had lost in this batayle, deuided the spoyle of the field amōgst his men, and ceassing from further pur­sute of the Danes at that time, went [...] into An­gus, where he remayned the residue of the yeare within the castell of Forfayr, taking counsell with his Nobles touching the publike affayres of the realme, and how to recouer his countrey of Murrayland out of the enimies handes.

King Sueno hearing in the meane time how infortunately his people had sped thus in Scot­land at the batayle of Murthlake,Sueno prepa­reth a new ar­my to inuade Scotland. in reuenge thereof determined to inuade the Scottes with two mightie names, the one to be rigged in En­gland, & to come forth of the riuer of Tames, & the other to be sente from Denmarke,Camus ap­pointed Cap­taine generall of the Danes. one Ca­mus a Dane right expert in warlike knowlege, being appoynted to be gouernour of all the men of warre that should come fe [...] both those parties.

The yeare next ensayng, both these fleetes ac­cording to cōmaundement & order giuen, arri­ued and mette togither within the mouth of the Forth reare to Saint Ebbes head.Saint Ebbes head.

The Scottes keepe off the Danes from landing.Here Camus going about to lande his men, was kept off by the stout resistāce of the Scots, there assembled for the same intent. 50

Camus then plucking vp sayles, directed his course vnto the Isle of Sketh, where riding at an anker for the space of one moneth, abiding for some prosperous winde, at lēgth when the same came once about,Camus with his army lan­deth at the Redbrayes. he passed from thence vnto the Redbrayes, called in latine Rubrum promonto­rium, & there landed his whole army, before the countrey coulde be gathered to resist him.

Camus being once landed, got him to the next hill, and beholding the ruines of the towne of Monfros, which a few yeares before had bene destroyed by the Danes, hee reioyced not a litle for that his chaunce was to come a lande in the selfe same place, where the Danes had earst van­quished their enimies, hoping of like lucke in this his enterpryse and present expedition.

After this,Camus mar­cheth through Angus. he tooke his iourney through An­gus, sparing no maner of crueltie that might be deuised: Cities, Townes, villages, & Churches, [Page 234] with all maner of other buildings publike and priuate were consumed with fire.The crueltie of the Danes▪

At his coming to Brechyn, for that the castel there in those dayes was of suche strength, that it might not be hastely wone,The towne & church of Bre­chyn destroy­ed. he caused the towne and churche being right fayre and sumptuously builde in honour of the trinitie (to whom it was dedicate) to be spoyled & so rased to the earth, that one stone was not left standing vpon an other.

With these and the semblable cruelties, Ca­mus 10 raging both against God & mā, was finally aduertized that king Malcolme was come to Dundee with all the power of Scotland.

Then sodenly he tooke the next way towards the sea side, cōming the day next following vnto a village called Basbrid, where he pitched downe his tentes.

King Mal­colme hasteth forewarde to fight with the Danes.The same day, king Malcolme making all hast possible to suce [...]ur his subiects, and preserue the countrey frō the cruel outrage of the Danes, 20 came to the towne of Barre twoo litle miles frō the place, where his enimies were encamped. In the mornyng he drew into the field, in purpose to giue them bataile.Malcolmes o­ [...]ation. But before he arrayed his ba­tayles, he called his nobles & captains togither, desiring them to consider how they should match in fight against people blinded with vile auarice, liuing on the spoyle & pillage, got by theeuery & not by any iust warres: enimies not onely to the Christian faith, but also vnto all innocēt people, 30 whom they sought vniustly to inuade, without hauing occasiō so to do, saue only vpon an iniu­rious meaning to liue by reif of other meanes goodes, wherin they haue no maner of propertie▪ He willed them therefore, to remember how they were come thus against those enimies in defenes of theyr natiue countrey, appointed vndoubtedly by God to reuenge the cruell iniuries done by the Danes against his name and people that profes­sed the same. They ought not then to measure force in number of souldiers, but rather in man­hood and valiancie of harte.

Camus likewise exhorted his people,Camus exhor­teth his Danes not v­sing many woords, but yet pithie, desiring thē to remember how it behoued them either to winne immortall fame by victorie, either els to die with miserie in an vncouth lande, by the hand of their most fierce and cruell enimies.

Herewith Malcolme enbatayling his people, brought them foorth strongly raunged in good order to encoūter the Danes, which likewise ap­proched towards him in good array of battell, his harte was filled the more with hope of victorie, for that he had tried sundry times before ye force of the enimies in diuers cōflicts & encoūters.The nature of valiaunt hartes and noble sto­makes. For such is the nature of noble & valiāt stomakes, the more experience they haue in honorable enterpri­ses, the more are they kindled in desire to shewe their prowes in famous actes & worthy attēpts.

The armies herevpon on both sides, fiercely rushing togither,A bloudy ba­tayle. began the battell right cruell & terrible, continuyng certaine houres with suche bloudshed, that the riuer of Lochtee, ranne with a purple hue downe into the Almayne seas.

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The fields also where they fought, though they were full of sande (as the nature of the soyle gi­ueth,) yet were they made moyst by the aboun­dance of bloude spilled in the same.

Many there were so earnestly bent to be re­uenged on the enimie, that after they had their deaths wound, they would runne thēselues fore­ward 50 vpō the aduersaries weapō, till they might close with him, enforcing their vttermost powers to dispatch him also: so that diuers were seene to fall to the ground togither fast grasping one another, & so immediatly both of them to die with­all: such brenning hatred kindled theyr harts, that thus were they wholy set on reuenge.Malcolme winneth the field. At length yet the honor of ye field remayned wt Malcolme.

Camus perceiuing the discōfiture to light on his side, with a smal cōpanie about him,Camus's slaine. thought to haue escaped by flight vnto ye next moūtains, but being pursued of his enimies, he was slayne by them ere he was got .ij. miles frō the place of the bataile. The place where he was slayne, is named after him vnto this day, & called Came­stone,An Obeliske. where is an Obeliske set vp in memory of the thing, with his picture grauen therein, and likewise of those that slewe him. The princi­pal flear of Camus was one Keith,The house of Keithes ad­uaunced to honour. a yong gen­telman of right hardy courage, whose seruice in the batayle was very notable, in recompence wherof he was rewarded by K. Malcolme, with sundry lands and fayre possessions in Louthian. [Page 235] His family saith Hector Boetius) hath and doth continue in great honour amongst Scottishmē euen vnto this day, and is decorated with the of­fice of the Marshalship of Scotland, to the high renowme and fame thereof, amongst the chiefest peeres of the realme.

Danes slaine at Adirlemnon.An other companie of the Danes fleing from this ouerthrow were slayne at Adirlemnon, not past .iiij. miles from Brechyn, where is set vp a great stone or Obeliske, grauen with certayne 10 characters or letters, to aduertise them that passe that wayes forth, of this slaughter of Danes there made by our worthy elders. The residue of the Danes that escaped with life from the fielde, hauing certaine Scottishmen to theyr guydes corrupted wt monie fled to theyr ships, declaring to their fellowes what mishap had for [...]med.

King Malcolme after he had obtayned this famous victorie (as before is sayde) at Barre;The deuiding of the spoyle. he caused the spoile of the field to be deuided amōgst 20 his souldiers according to the lawes of armes, and then caused the dead bodies of the Danes to be buried in the place where the fielde had bene fought, and the bodies of the Scottishmē which were found dead, were conueyed vnto places of Christian buriall, and there buried with funerall obsequies in sundry churches & churchyardes.

Bones of Danes.There are seene many bones of the Danes in those places, where they were buried, there lying bare aboue groūd euen vnto this day, the sandes 30 as if often chaunceth, being blowen from them.

The other Danes whiche escaped to their ships, pulled vp sayles to haue passed into Mur­rayland vnto Olauus, but remayning on the seas the space of .iiij. dayes togither, tossed to and fro by contrary windes, at length by a streyne­able east winde, they were driuen vpon the coast of Buckquhan, and through wante of conuena­ble her brough were in present daunger to haue bene cast away. At length after they had ridden at anker in the Fyrth there, to their great displea­sure along space, and finding no prosperous windes to departe from the shore, for that theyr vitayles began to fayle them, they set fiue hun­dred of their best and lustiest souldiers on land to fetch in some bootie or pray of ca [...]ayle, therewith to re [...]ue their hūger & famine. They that were thus sent forth being perfectly appoynted with armour and weapon, ranged abrode till they had got togither a great number of beastes, with the whiche drawing towardes their shippes, they were encountred by the way by Marnachus the Thane of Buchquhane accompanied with the power of that countrey,Marnachus Thane of Buchquhane. whose force, when they saw how they were not well able to resist with­out some aduantage of place, they got them vp into an high cragge, where with tūbling downe stones vpon the Scottishmen as they mounted vp towardes them, they caused them somewhat to stay, but at length through the earnest exhor­tation of Marnachus, the Scots (as people en­flamed with wood desire to be reuenged,) moun­ted the hill in despite of theyr enimies, though di­uers of them were slayne in that assault. Those whiche wanne the height of the cragge vpon the Danes, made suche a cruell batayle with them, that there was not one Dane that escaped their handes.

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Danes slaine neare vnto Gemmer.This conflict was fought neare vnto Gem­mer a village or towne in Buchquhan, where in memorie thereof, lie many greate bones of the Danes to be seene, yet euen vnto these dayes. It should appeare by the same bones, that men in former time were of more huge bowke and stature, than they be at this present.

The other Danes which were on ship borde, vnderstanding what had happened to their fel­lowes (bicause they returned not againe to the [Page 236] shippes) so soone as the winde came aboute for their purpose, hoysed vp sayles, and tooke theyr course foorth right towardes Murraylande.

In the meane time king Sueno hearing of these ouerthrowes whiche his people had in such sort receyued at the Scottishmens handes, as a prince of a right haulte courage, not lightly o­uercome with any aduerse fortune, made prepa­ration in all speedy wise to be reuenged,Sueno prepa­reth the third time to inuade Scotland. appoin­ting his brother Canute, as then hauing the ad­ministration 10 of Denmarke, to come from thence with a newe fleete and army against the Scots▪

Canute bro­ther vnto Sue­no, appointed generall to come against the Scottes.It is sayd that this Canute according to or­der prescribed him by his brother Sueno, landed first in Buchquhane, and destroyed a great parte of that countrey by fire and sworde, in reuenge of the slaughter of his countrey men the Danes, whiche had bene there made lately before.

Malcolme sore kindled in wrath by these in­iuries, though through cōtinuance of the warres 20 his power was greatly decayed, yet did hee as­semble an army with all speede he could deuise, & marched with the same towardes the Danes,King Mal­colmes deter­mination. in purpose to stay them with often skirmishes and light encounters, but in nowise to ieoparde with them in any pight field or generall bataile, for feare least if he had the ouerthrow, he shoulde not be able to furnish a new power for defence of his countrey, against the rage of the enimies.

For the space therfore of .xv. dayes togither, there was often skirmishing betwixt the parties, the which terme being expired, the Scots behol­ding so huge murder of theyr countreymen and frendes, with the spoile of the fieldes, and destru­ction of the townes and villages, brenning and blasing on eche side before theyr faces, they come to king Malcolme▪ The Scottish­mens request, vnto their king, for li­cence to fight. & desired him that he woulde graunt them licence to fight with theyr enimies, protesting plainely, that if he would not consent thereto, they woulde giue batayle at their owne choyce. Malcolme perceiuing ye ern [...]st mindes of his people to encounter their enimies in playne fielde, and that he might no longer protracte the time, he graunted theyr petition, and therewith besechyng them to remember theyr honors and dueties:The onset is giuen. incontinently the onset was giuen with great hatred and malice on eyther parte, so that moste egerly continuyng in fight a long time, they enforsed themselues to rid eche other out of lyfe, so that all the nobles wel neare on both sides were slayne, the name of victorie rather,The Scottes wan the name of victorie, rather than vi­ctorie it selfe. than the victorie it selfe remayning with the Scots, who were so feeble and fainte with long fight and slaughter, that in the end of the battell they were not able to pursue those few of the Danes, which escaping with life fledde faintly out of the fielde.

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And so for that night, which followed the day of this bloudie batayle, they lodged here and there in seuerall places, at aduenture aswell as they might. 50

On the morow after, when it was vnder­stoode on bothe parties, what losse they had su­stayned, their mindes were conuerted rather to peace than to renewe batayle, bicause they were not of power longer to maintaine it.Peace conclu­ded for want of power to maintayne ba­tayle. Whervpon by mediation of such as tooke vpon them to treat a peace, the same was concluded with these ar­ticles.

First that the Danes shoulde departe out of Murrayland, Buthquhan,The articles of the peace, betwixt Danes and Scottish­men. & all other the bounds of Scotland.

That the warres shoulde clearely ceasse be­twixt the Danes and Scottishmen, during the naturall liues of Sueno and Malcolme, or ey­ther of them.

That neither of those two nations shoulde ayde or in any wise supporte the others enimies.

That the fielde where the last batayle was fought, should be hallowed for Christian burial, within the whiche, the Danes that were slayne [Page 237] in the same batayle, should be buried, & a churche to be builte there, and landes appointed forth for the maintenance of priests, to celebrate there ac­cording to the order of the Christian religiō then vsed by both the people, for the Danes lately be­fore that season had also receyued the faith.

The holdes in scotland, deli­uered vp by the Danes into the scottish­mens handes.This peace being ratested by the solem othes of both the kings Sueno and Malcolme, Ca­nute with his Danes resigning vp the possession of such holdes and places, as they held in Mur­rayland, 10 Buchquhan, or els where within any parte of the Scottish dominions, got him to his fleete,Canute retur­neth into Dē ­marke. & departed with the same home into Den­marke.

King Malcolme hauing thus restored his countrey vnto ioyfull peace, thought nothing so good as to performe the articles of the agreemēt accorded betwixt him and the Danes, and ther­fore caused a Churche to be builded in the place appointed,A Churche buylded. dedicating the same in honour of S. 20 Olauus patrone of Denmarke and Norway, to signifie vnto such as came after, that sundry no­bles of the Danes lay buried in that Church. In memory hereof, the landes that were giuen to the same Churche, are called euen yet vnto these dayes Crowdan,Crowdan, what it signi­fieth. which signifieth as much as if ye should say, The slaughter of Danes.

The Church which was firste builded there, chauncing as often happeneth in those parties, to be ouercast with sandes, an other was erected 30 in place not farre off, hauing a more commodi­ous site.

Bones of Danes.Sundry of the bones of them that were bu­ried in this place, being left bare by reason that the sandes were blowen away besides them, He­ctor Boetius the wryter of the Scottish chroni­cle, behelde in the yeare .1521. whiche seemed more lyke vnto Giants bones, than to menne of common stature (as he auoucheth) whereby it shoulde appeare, that men in