HER ODOTVS beyng of the citye of Halicarnassus in Greece The contrey of the author. wrote and compiled an history to the end, that nether tract of time might ouerwhelme & bury in si­lence the actes of humayne kynd: nor the worthye, and renowned aduentures of the Grecians and Barbarians, (as well other as chiefly those that were done in warre) might want the due reward of immortal fame. The Persian wryters witnes y^e first cause of debate & controuersie to haue comen by y^e pe­ople The first cause of discention betvvene the Grecians and Barbarians. called Phaenices who sayling from the redde sea into this of Greece, & inhabityng the selfe same regions which at this tyme also they holde and retayne: gaue themselues to long vagaries and continuall viages by sea. In which season by trade of marchaundise brought from Aegipt and Assyria, as in many other countries, so also they arryued at Argos. Argos at the same tyme was the most noble and famous city in Greece. Whither the Phaenices directyng their course, after they were come, and within the space of foure or fyue dayes, had made a good hand and riddaunce of their wares. It fortuned certayne women (in whose cō ­pany The rape of Io. and her ariual into Aegipt was the Kings daughter, whose name was Io. borne of Inachus) to approach the shore, in mynde to suruay and contemplate the wealth and substaunce of these outlandish Marchauntes. Now in the meane season whiles the womē were busye and attentiue in praising such thinges as their fancy lead them, the Phaenises ranne violently vppon them [Page] and hauing caught Io with some others, they rest excee­dingly affryghted, and flying through feare, incontinently wayghed ancōre and sayled into Aegipt. By these meanes the Persians record that Io first came into Aegipt, not as y^e Phaenices reporte, & that this was the first cause and be­ginning of iniuryes. It chaunced afterward that certaine Greekes whase names they knew not taking shore, & lau­ding at Tyrus, in like manner made a rape of the kinges daughter named Europa. These were the people of Crete, Europa stolen by the Greeks in reuenge of Io. otherwyse called the Cretenses. By which meanes yt was cardes and cardes betwene them, the one beyng full meete and quit with the other.

But in processe of tyme, the seconde trespasse was also made and committed, by the Grecians, who passinge in a galley by the riuer Phasis to Aea, a city of Colchis, and ha­uing finished the affayres and busines for which they came, caryed away Medea daughter to the King, whom the no­ble Medea caried avvay by Iasō, at vvhat tyme, he vvonne the golden fleecè at Colchis. gentleman her father eftsones reclayminge by an Ha­rold of peace, and demaunding punishment and reuenge on the trespasser: the Grecians made answeare, that as by themselues no correction was done for the rape of Io. euen so would they also in this cause goe voyde of smart and es­cape scotfree.

After this in the secōd age ensuing Alexander the sonne of Priamus hauing notise and aduertismēt of these thinges The rape of Helen vvherof arose the Tro­yan vvarre. was greatly desyrous to steale and puruay himselfe a wife of the Grecians, notfearyng the rigour of Iustice, or anye manner pey, or chastisment, which they before had vtterly refused to beare and sustayne.

Hauing therfore gotten Helena, and conuayed her away it seemed good to the Greekes, to clayme by embassage, re­stitution of the rape and iustice on the rauisher, vnto whom the stealth of Medea was obiected and answeare made that it was not meete for them to require eyther losse or law, which in former tyme would be ruled by neyther.

[Page 2] Thus the tyme hetherto passed on by mutuall pillage betweene them. But of those things which insue and follow. Vpon these y^e Persians affyrme, the Grecians to haue bene the chiefe authors, who first inuaded Asia by the power of warre then euer themselues attempted the rule and domi­minion By so much the greater is their folly that fight for vvo­men, by hovv much the greater their liber­ty is to be vvel ridde of them. of Europa. Reputing it the poynt of rude and grose iniury to steale away women, and the signe of a greater fol­ly to pursue the losse of them: since no wyse man would set ought by those that without their owne assent and free wil could neuer haue bene stolne. For this cause the Persians alleadge how lightly they valued the losse of their Ladyes, whereas the Greekes on the other syde, for one silye danie of Lacedemonia, furnished a huge nauy and comming into Asia, subuerted and brought to ruine the kingdome of Pri­amus. Since which tyme they haue alwayes thought of the Grecians as of their heauy frendes, esteeming themselues somewhat allyed to Asia and the nations of Barbaria, but the Grecians to be strangers, and alyens vnto them.

And as touching the course & proceding of these things, the Persians report on this manner, adding hereto that the first cause of tumult and contention betweene them arose by the ouerthrow and destruction of Troy.

With whose assertions the Phaenices agree not aboute the Lady Io. Whom they flatly denye to haue bene caryed by them into Aegipt in manner of a rape, shewinge, howe that in theyr abode at Argos, shee fortuned to close with the mayster of a Shippe, and feelynge her selfe to bee spedde: fearynge and doubtinge greatlye the feueritye, & cruell tyrannye of her Parentes, and the detection of her owne follye, Shee willynglye toke shyppe and fledde strayght awaye.

Such are the recordes of the Persians, and Phaenicians, of the truth wherof I meane not to discusse.

Onely whom I fynde to haue done the first harme and [Page] iniurye to people of Greece of hym I determine to speake proceding orderly w^t the declaratiō aswell of small cityes & townes of meaner fortune as of those that are populous & wel frequented, for so much as many cityes which former ages haue knowne right ample and wel peopled, are now fallen to a low ebbe: and contrariwyse, those which in the compasse of our memory were greate haue heretofore bene much lesse: wherefore knowing the tenor of humayne feli­city to be eftsones varyable, and neuer at one stay, my pur­pose is to vse the examples of eyther kynd.

Craesus a Lidian born descended of Halyattes, was King of those countryes, that lye within the riuer Halis, which The pleasaunt history of Craesus sonne of Haliattes the first of the Barbariās that cōquered any part of Grece, flowing from the South part of the worlde, betweene the Syrians and the Paphlagonians, right against the North wind breaketh into the sea called Euxinam. Of al the prin­ces Barbarian of whom we haue vnderstanding this same Craesus was the chiefe that made some of the Greekes tri­butary and other his friendes, he subdued the Iones, Aeoles and Dores that dwell in Asia: concluding with the Lace­demonians a friendly league of amity. Wheras before him Greece consi­sted of foure kind of people the Iones, Aeoles, Dorus Laccdemoniās none of the Graecians were euer thrall, or in bondage to a­ny. For as touching the voyage made by the Cymmerians agaynst Ionia, it happened long before the tyme of Craesus: wherein was vsed no sacking of cities, no dispoylinge of townes: but secret inuasions and seysing on the pray. And albeit in the countrey of this noble King Craesus the soue­raygnty and chiefe rule were peculiare to the stock of Her­cules The right Aeres ap­parant to the crovvne of Li­dia vvere the Heraclidans Mernade vver the family and succession of those kinges vvherof Cresus came. which were called Heraclidae, yet was it in this order translated to the bloud of Craesus whose names were Mer­nadae Candaules (whom the Greekes call Silos) was king of Sardis comming of the lyne and progenie of Alcaeus the sonne of Hercules. The first kyng of the family of Haeracli­dans that raygned in Sardis beynge named Argon sonne of Niuus nephew of Belus sonne to the nephew Alcaeus and the last Candaules the sonne of Mirsus. Before Argon his [Page 3] raygne, they which gouerned the countrey, were the of­spring of Lydus the sonne of Atis, of whom the whole peo­ple The royall family of the kinges of Lidia before the Heraclidans came of Lydus of whō the countrey was named Lydia. The Parentes of the Heraclidans. Hercules, & Iardana. toke the name of Lydians beyng before tyme called the Meonyts, of these were the Heraclidans brought vp, be­yng borue of Hercules & Iardana a bondmayd. Vnto these (by vertue of the oracle) was the seignory, and supreme go­uernment translated, who held the same for terme of fyue hundred and fiue yeares, the sonne eftsones succeded hys fa­ther, euen vnto Candaules the sonne of Myrsus. This Can­daules was passing well affectioned to his wyfe, in so much By what meanes the empire came to the stocke of Crae [...]ns. y^t for the singuler loue he bare her, he thought her to excell al women in the comly feature of the body. And hereof be­yng himselfe fully perswaded, hee fortuned to fall in talke with Gyges sonne of Bascylus, one of the chiefe and princi­pall of his garde (whom also he especially fauoured, & not seeldome employed him in matters of greate weight) ad­uauncing vnto him the seemly shape of his wife aboue mea­sure. In short space after (for the euill hap haunted hym) meetinge with the aforesayde Gyges, hee beganne thus.

My faythfull seruaunt Gyges, wheras thou seemest not to credite the large vauntes and often bragges which I make of my Ladyes beauty and comlynesse (the eares of men beyng much more incredulous then their eyes) behold I wil so bring to passe, y^t thou shalt see her naked. Wherat the pore Gentleman greatlye abashed, and in no wyse wil­lyng to assent therto, made answere as followeth. My Lord The best poynt of a Woman to be vnknowne (quoth he) what māner of speech is this which vnaduised­ly you vse in perswading me to beholde my ladyes secrets. for a womā you know, the more in sight the lesse in shame. Who togeather with her garmentes layth assyde her mo­destye, honest preceptes haue bene deuised by our elders which wee ought to remember, Whereof this is one, that euery man ought to behold his owne. For myne own part I easily beleeue you, that of all women in the world, there is none comparable vnto her in beauty.

[Page] Wherfore I beseech your grace, to haue me excused, if in a case so heynous and vnlawfull, I somewhat refuse to obay your wil. Gyges hauing in this sort acquited himselfe, fea­ring the daunger y^t might ensue. The King began a fresh to replye, saying, My good Gyges, take hart at grace, & feare not, least eyther my selfe do goe about to examine and feele thy meaning by the coloured glose of fayned speach, or that the Queene my Ladye take occasion to worke thy displea­sure hereby. Pull vpp thy spirites, and leaue al to mee: it is I that wil worke the meanes, whereby shee shall neuer know any part of her selfe to haue bene seene by anye crea­ture liuing. Listen then awhyle and geue eare to my coun­sayle.

When night is come the dore of the chaumber wherein wee lye beyng wyde set open, I will couertly place thee be­hynde the same: strayght at my entraunce thereinto, her cu­stome is not to be long after mee, directly at her comming in, there standeth a bench, wherat vnclothing herselfe, shee accustometh to lay her garmentes vppon it, propoundinge her deuine and angelicall body, to bee seene and viewed for a long space, this done, as she turnes frō the bench to bed­warde, her backe beyng toward thee, haue care to slip pri­uily out of the dores least happily she espye thee.

The gentleman seynge hymselfe taken in a trap, that in no wyse he could escape without perfourmāce of his Lords folly, gaue his assent, and at an howre appoynted stood in a readines, whom Candaules closly brought into his chaum­ber: and immediatly after came the Queene: whom Gyges hauyng beheld at his pleasure, when her back was turned crept out of the dore, yet not so secretly, but y^t the Queene had a glymse of hym, and perceyued, who hee was.

The Lady seyng the fond and vndiscrete treacherye of her husband made little adoe, and seemed as though shee had seene nothing. Albeit fully mynding to bee reuenged of the shameles foolish facte of her espoused Lord.

[Page 4] For with the Lydians, and welnygh also with the rest of the Barbarians, it is a greate reproach euen for a man to be seene vnclothed. How beit for the present tyme she kept si­lence, makyng no semblaunce of my displeasure.

The day following, hauing assembled certayne of her hous­hold seruauntes, in whom shee hadde especiall affyaunce, Gyges was sent for, who suspecting nothing lesse then that hys deceipt was knowen: spedely and with all diligence, adressed hym to come: beyng wont also at other tymes to come to the Queene as oft as yet pleased hyr to sende for him. Beyng entred the chaumber she began to assayle him in these worde. Now Gyges of two present wayes I geue thee free choyce which of them both thou wilt take: eyther to slay the King Candaules and enioy mee with the Kinge­dome of Lydia: or thy selfe presently to leese thy lyfe. Lest in obayng thy Lord in that thou oughtest not, thou be hēse­forth priuye to that which thou shouldest not.

There is no remedy y^e one of you both must to the pot, e­ther the mayster or the man, ether hee which led thee here­vnto, or thy selfe that sawest mee naked, and diddest those thinkes that wer vnlawful to be done. Gyges herewith a­mazed beganne first to beseech her humbly, entreating her not to bynd him to so harde a condition. Neuerthelesse be­ing not hable to perswade her, and seinge it necessarye ey­ther to murther his Lord, or to be murthered by other, he deemed it the better choyse to lyue hymselfe, addressing his speech to the Queene in this wyse. My Soueraygne Lady (quoth he) Synce of necessity you compell mee to become guylty of the bloude of my Kinge, let mee heare by what meanes wee shall set vppon him: of a truth (sayd shee) our treason shall proceede from the same place from whence he bewrayed my shame. The assault shall be geuen when hee is a sleepe. The wretched Gentleman dryuen to so harde a strayght, that eyther hee must slaye or be slayne, made [Page] no delay but followed the Queene into her bed chaumber, whom with a naked dagger in hys hand, she priuely placed behynd the same dore, from whence Gyges afterwardes a­rysing A due revvard of doting. bereaued Candaules of his life, and obtayned both hys wyfe and his kingdome. Whereof also Archilocus Pa­rius who was liuing at the same tyme maketh mention in a verse named lambie. Trimeter. To bee short Gyges pro­claymed himselfe kyng, and was established in the gouern­ment The diuil in old tyme a di­poser of king­domes & since the Pope. by the oracle from Delphos. For when as the Lydi­dians greatly disdayning at the heauy lotts of Candaules, arose, and were all in armoure, they came to agreement w^t them that mayntayned the cause of Gyges, that wherehe was pronoūced kyng by y^e oracle he should raygne in peace: if otherwyse the supreme authority should bee restored to y^e bloud of Hercules. Counsayle beynge demaunded of the o­racle: Pythia a vvo­mā that serued the deuil in his temple at Delphos & gaue out oracles to such as demaū ­ded them. the gouernment and principall authoritye was assyg­ned to Gyges. Albeyt Pythia mīgling hony w^t gall threat­ned a reuenge to come vpon y^e son of Gyges nephewes ne­phew: or fift in line all discent from himselfe: which sayng neither the Lydians, nor their princes any thing regarded vntil such tyme as the end had confirmed it. Gyges beynge in full possession of the kyngdome, sent many giftes to Del­phos to the Temple of Apollo, whereof the greater part were framed of siluer, and besides the siluer, a mightye summe of Gold. How beit amonges diuerse his presentes one is most worthy memory: to wit, 6 dishes of golde offred by hym wayghing thirty talentes, which were safely gar­ded in the close treasurye of the Corynthians. Albeit (to speake truth) the treasure wee speake of, was not proper to the people of Corinth, but rather to Cypselus the sonne of Aetion. Delphos a city in the coūtrey of Phosis one a moūtayne of Grece, called Pa [...]nassꝰ, here

In this manner was Gyges the first king of the Barba­rians (of whom we haue notice) that presented any gyftes at the temple of Delphos saue only Mydas sonne to the noble [Page 5] Gordius, and king of Phrigia. For Mydas also consecrated a sumptuous chayre of estate, wherin he was accustomed to vvas the fa­mous temple of Apollo vvher the de­uil gaue cra­racles. The Actes of Giges vvrought by him in tyme of his raygne. The yeares of his raygne. 38 Ardyis sonne of Gyges se­cond king of the stocke of the Mernadans The tyme of his raygne 49. yeares. Sadiat [...]es 3. king raygned 12. yeares. Haliattes king 4. The actes and aduentures of Halyattes. sit and administer iustice very princely and beautiful to be­hold, which was kept and cōserued in the same place where y^e golden dishes of Gyges lay. The gold and siluer offred by Gyges was termed by the people of Delphos Gygeum, or Gygades, taking the name of the geuer. Beyng setled in hys emperiall dignitye he warred agaynst Myletus, and Smyrna, and toke the city Colophon by force of armes. neither any other act besides this was atchieued byhim, al­beithe raigned thirty eyght years, we wil therfore passe frō him to hys some named Ardyis, who as heire apparaunt to the crowne, succeeded his father in the state royall. Ar­dyis conquered the Prienensis and inuaded Miletus in the tyme of whose raygne the people called Cymmerians dis­possessed of their owne seats by the Scithians, surnamed Nomades came into Asia, and aduēturing vpon Sardis the seate of prince Ardyis toke the Citye excepting onely the towre and chiefe castle of defence.

Ardyis hauyng ruled the kingdome forty nyne yeares, then left yt afterward vnto hys Sonne and Heire, called Sadyattes, who gouerned the same the space of twelue yeares.

After him the Scepter descended to Halyattes, who ioyned battayle with Cyaxares sonne of Beioces and hys people the Medes, banishing the Cymmerians out of Asia. Moreouer by the same was the Citye Smyrna surprised, lying neere vnto Colophon, lykewyse the famous Citye Clazomenae valyauntlye assayled, wherfore (notwithstan­dynge) his noble courage was daunted, and he was forst to depart destitute of his hope, other thinges also were done by hym in tyme of hys warfare verye worthye of memory: which are these following. In his warre with the Milesi­ans left vnto hym by hys father, he practised thys meanes in be [...]ieging the Citye.

[Page] In time of haruest the grayne beyng ready for the sickle, he sent in his army marching with the sound of fluites and pypes: which beyng comen into the fieldes of the ennemye, their houses they left vntouched, onely wasted the trees and fruictes of the region, which done, they eftsoones retyred to the place, from whence they came. For the Milesians hauing intelligence of their ennemyes approach, forsooke theyr city and dwelling houses, and fled to the Sea, so that it behoued not the ennemy to stay there: hys dryft and pur­pose in not spoyling the mansion places of his aduersaryes, was onele this, that the Milesians hauing place wherin to dwell, might returne agayne from the Sea to till and sow the grounde, which might geue him occasion to r [...]enter with his power, and bring their labours to none effect.

In this manner hee inuaded the countrey, for terme of xi. yeares, wherein the Milesians suffred two notable foyles.

The first in Lemeneium, a place so called in their owne countrey. The second in a certayne field named Meander. Sixe of these eleuen yeares did Sadyattes the sonne of Ar­dyis raygne in Lidya, and beginning the Milesian warre, troubled his enemyes by perpetuall inuasions, and often conflictes. For other fyue years hys sonne Halyattes main tayned the quarel receyued of his father. In all the tyme of this warre, none of the people of Ionia gaue succour to the Milesians, saue onely the inhabitauntes of Chios, who ha­uing before tyme bene ayded by them in the battayle which they fought with the Erythaeans, shewing mutuall good­wil, sent them now a supply in their like extremityes. In the xii. yeare Halyattes despoyling the fieldes in lyke sort, as before it chaunced that whyle the corne was on fyre, a great tempest arose & caried the flames violently to y^e tem­ple of Minerua surnamed Assessia, & burnt y^e pallaice of y^e Goddesse welnigh to the ground. Which thing at that pre­sent was lightly regarded of hym, but being with his army [Page 6] returned to Sardis, he fell sicke, and beyng much enfeebled with the vehemency of his maladye, whether of his owne heade, or by the counsayle of others moued thervnto, sent to Dephos to the God for the recouery of his health & wel­fare, when the messengers were come, Pythia refused to geue them answeare, before they had repaired the temple of Miuerua, which the fyer had consumed at Assessum. This I heard with myne owneares at Delphos, whyle I there soiorned. Hereunto y^e Milesians adde besydes, y^e Periander the sonne of Cypselius, hearing what answeare Haliattes had geuen hym by the oracle, in all hast possible dispatched a messenger to Thrasibulus thē King of Miletus his fayth­ful & familiar frend to admonish him to workesome deuyse, how to delyuer himselfe & hys countrey from the perpetu­al molestation of his enemyes. Halyattes hauing receiued these nowes, sent incontinent to Miletus for composition of a truce till such tyme as the temple was renewed and erec­ted agayn. The ambassadoures being arriued Thrasibulus which knew the cause of their cōming and vnderstoode the purpose of Halyattes framed this deuise, what Corne soe­uer was in the city ether of his owne, or in the possession of others, he commaunded it all to bee brought into the Mar­ket place and there to be layed in one heape. This done he gaue in especial charge to all the citye at a priuye signe to fall to feasting, tipling and quaffing betweene themselues aboue measure. Which thing he deuysed, to the intent the Sardian embassadours beholding so greate plentye, and a­boundance of grayne and vewing the people in such wise to disport them selues with al kynde of pleasure and delight, might make report therof to y^e kinge his soueraigne which fell out accordynglye. For the ambassadours taking di­ligent view of all thinges they saw, and dispatching their ambassage to Thrasibulus made speedy recourse to Sardis. And as I am geuen to vnderstand, hereof onelye proceeded a conclusion of peace betwene them. [Page] For Halyattes supposinge the Milesians to bee oppressed with greate want and penury of grayne, at the returne of hys legates hard other newes then hee looked for. After this, a league was established betweene them of mutuall hospitality and fellowship, and in steed of one temple, Ha­lyattes, caused 2 other to be sumptiuously built at Assessū beyng after restored to hysful and perfect strength. Such was then the maner of the warre, that Halyattes mayn­tayned agaynst the people of Miletus,

Periander the some of Sypselus who aduertised Thra­sibulus of the oracle, was king of Corinth, in whose raigne The Story of Arion. there happened by report of hys people, with whom also y^e cityzens of Lesbos do iustly accord a miracle right straunge and wonderful, Arion Methimnaeus sitting on the backe of a Dolphine by safe and easy conduite, arryued at Taenaros, hauing the name to bee the most excellent and skylfull mu­sition on the harpe of those [...]yme [...], by whom also chieflye was inuented, named, and taught the kynde and forme of verse called Bi [...]hyrambus. The fame is, how this Aryon hauing a lōg tyme bene resident in the court of Periander, was greatly desyrous to passe the Seas into Italye, and Cicilie, wher beyng growen in wealth, and flowinge with infinite summes of money, was lead by a desire of retyring backe into hys owne countreye, and determyne to in ship himselfe at Tarentum, for the speciall credite and good ly­king he had to the men of his owne nation, hyred a Corin­thian barck to returne in: which hauing a gall of pleasant wynde, and beinge nowe without kenne of Lande, the Maryners were all in mind to haue borded Aryon, to en­ioy his money: which thing y^e pore harper perceyuing free­ly offred to depart from his wealth, if therewith satisfyed they would shew mercy on him selfe and spare his life. How beit finding thē cruelly bent, & not to bee moued with anye tears, but y^t either he must kil himselfe, & be buried on y^e lād or fling hīselfe hedlōg into y^e mids of y^e sea: he besought thē [...]sibly y^t since it semed them best to deale so roughly w^t him [Page 7] they would graunt him liberty in his richest aray, to sing a song, wherto they gladly yeldīg, as beyng not a little ioyful to lend their eares to the chiefest and most famous musitiō then liuing on the earth. He wēt from them apart into the middest of the shippe, wher hauing decked his body w^t most pretious and costlye furniture he framed his voyce to the sweete and melodious verse named Orthium, which no so­ner had he brought to an end, but al his pompe & glorious arayment, he threw himselfe headlonge into the Sea: the shipmen held on their course to Corinth. Arion receyued by a Dolphin, was in perfect safety landed at Taenaros frō whence so arrayed as he was he framed his steps towarde Corinth to the seate and pallace of the king: wher hauing entred a discourse of his straūge case & incredible fortune, y^e king supposing him to ouer reach, cōmitted him immedi­atly to close ward wher no mā might haue accesse vnto hī. After that diligent serch was made for the mariners, who beyng apprehended and curiouslye questioned with about Arion, made answere that his abode was aboute Italy and how at their comming from thence, they leaft him in flo­rishing estate at Tarentum, at which words Arion presēt­ly appearing, draue them into such a quandarye: that ha­uing no colour of excuse, they were compelled perforce to confesse the truth. These thinges are verifyed by the men of Corinth, and Lesbos. Ther is yet to be seene at Taenaros a huge & massy monumēt wrought of brasse, Arion sitting on y^e back of a Dolphin. Howbeit, Haliattes prince of Ly­dia hauing entred the warre with the Milesians, & gouer­ned Haliattes ray­ned 57 yeares. the kingdome 57 yeares finished his dayes: who second of that linage, after the due recouerye of his strength of­fred at Delphos a piece of siluer plate of value incompara­ble, and a smal dish of yron curyously wrought, a thinge no Glancus Chi­us the first that inuented to vvorke in iron lesse wonderful to behold then ought that hath bene dedica­ted in the temple of Apollo being the handy worke of Blau­cus Chius, who first found out the meane to worke in yron.

[Page] After the death of Haliattes, the sceptor descended vnto Craesus his sonne, beyng then at the age of thirtye and three yeares. This Kyng mynding to haue a fling at the Greci­ans began first of all, and encountred with the people of E­phesus, who beyng inuyroned by hym with a siege: gaue theyr Citty to the Goddesse, tying a rope from the temple of Diana to the walles of the Towne. Betweene the olde citye that was besieged and the Temple was the space of 7. furlonges. These were the first that Craesus began to quarel with amonges the Grecians. After this he began by piecemeale to be doyng with the seuerall cityes of Ionia Aeolia, pretending agaynst each diuerse and sundrye causes some very weighty and of due regard, other meeretrifles and very friuolous.

Now when he had subdued the Grecians in Asia, and made them tributory to his seat, hee determined to furnish a nauy agaynst the inhabitauntes, of the Isles.

To the framing wherof when all things were in ready­nesse, some say that Bias Prienaeus: other that Pittacus Mitylaeneus comming to Sardis, was demaunded of the Kinge what newes in Greece, who shaped him such an answeare, that it gaue him small courage to proceede in his enterprise.

The people of the Isles, O King (sayd hee) haue made prouision of a thousande horses, in full purpose to come a­gaynst thee and thy citye Sardis. Craesus thinking he had spoken truth: Would God (quoth he) it might once take them in the brayne to war on horsebacke against the sonnes of the Lydians, who taking his talke by the end, proceeded saying.

Most noble Prince, it is thy desire to meete with these Sea fishes flooting on shore: and what dost thou think they more greedy wish and long after, then to take thee and thy Lidyans waueryng and tossing in the water, to gleike the one the other syde, for so many Grecians become subiect, & [Page 8] pentionarye to thy kingdome. Wherwith Craesus verye much delighted, (for that he seemed to haue spoken wisely) chaunged his mynd, and made a friendly league with the people of Ionia that held the Isles: in processe of tyme hee became conquerour of al those which are within the ryuer Halis. For besydes the Cilisians, and Lisians, all the rest were subiect to the Empire of Craesus, which were these. The Lidians, Phrigians, Mysians, Mariandyns, likewyse the Chalibes, Paphlagonians, Thrasians, Oetimans, lastlye the Bithynians, Carians, Iones, Dores, Aeoles, Pamphyli­ans, which beyng all subdued and the Gouernement of the Lydians greatly amplified by Craesus, there repayred to Sardis, beyng then in y^e flower of her fortune, as well other wyse men out of Greece, termed Sophisters, as also the Solon trauay­ling frō Grece came into Li­dia to the court of Crae­sus, of vvhose vvealth and fe­licity hee gaue iudgement as follovveth. most famous Solon, one of the citye of Athens, who at the instant prayers of his citizens hauinge tempered the com­mon wealth, with good lawes, vnder coloure of visittinge straunge countreyes, willingly for terme of yeares abando­ned his natyue soyle, that hee might not be forced to break the Lawes which he before had made, the Athenians them selues standing bound with a solemne and religious vowe for ten yeares space to obserue these statutes which Solon had inuented, aswel then for the maintenance of his lawes as to view and see forraine nations, he vndertoke a pilgri­mage into Aegipt to King Amasis, and from thence to Sar­dis to the court of Craesus, where in gentle and curteous manner beynge entertayned by the Kinge at the thirde or fourth daye, after his arriuall he was lead about the trea­suryes to view the welth and riches of Craesus, beholdyng all the inestimable and blessed iewels that were contayned in them. After he had attentiuely beheld and with curious eye surueyed them at his pleasure. Craesus began to borde hym on this manner. You Gentleman of Athens, for asmuche as we hearde greate good wordes of your wise­dome, beyng for knowledge and experience sake a pilgrim [Page] from your countrey, wee haue deemd it conuenient to aske you a questiō, whether at any time you haue seene the hap­piest man aliue: not mistrusting, but that the lotte woulde haue fallen to hym selfe to haue exceeded all others in bles­sednes. Solō not mynding to double, as one altogeather vn acquaynted with pleasing phrases, deliuered his mynd in free speechin forme as followeth.

I haue seene O King (quoth he) Tellus, one of my coū ­triemen of Athens, a man surpassing all others in happye The example of an happy Tellus lyfe, wherat Craesus wondring, earnestlye required what cause made him thinke so highlye of Tellus.

For as muche (sayde hee) as in a wel ordered common wealth, heehadde children, trayned vp in vnitye, and ho­nesty, euery of which hadde likewyse increase of his owne bodye, and yet all liuing. And hauing spent the course of his age, as wel as a man might, Fortune crowned his end with the perpetual renowne of a most glorious death. For the Athenians ioyning in battayle with their next neigh­bours, Tellus comming with a fresh supplye, and putting his ennemies to flight: ended his life in the field, whom y^e people of Athens in the selfe same place where he had shed his bloud, caused to be entombed with immortall honour, Solon going forward in a large discourse as touching Tel­lus was cut of by Craesus with a second demaunde, who as­ked him the second tyme, whom in conscience he thoughte next vnto him, in full hope, that at the least his part had bene next: to whom he answeared in the next degree.

Most mighty Prince, I haue alwayes reputed Cleobis, and Biton two younge menne of the Countrey of Argos, of body so strong and actiue, that in all games they wanne the price, of whom these thinges are left to memorye.

The feast of Iuno beynge kept at Argos, the mother of these two young men was to bee drawne to the temyle by a yoke of bullocks, which whē the houre came beyng strayed and gone out of the way, the two young youthes yoked thē ­selues [Page 9] and halyng the chariot forty fyue furlongs they came to the temple: which after they had done in the sight & view of the whole multitude in a lucky howre they dyed, wherby y^e Goddesse gaue vs to vnderstand how much better it was for man to die then liue. For when as the people flocking a­bout extolled them to the heauens: the men praising y^e good nature and intent of the sonnes? the women commendinge the blessed chaunce of the mother, whom nature had indu­ed with two such children: the good old mother almost out­of hyr wyttes for ioy, what for the kynd deede of her sonnes and the goodly speech of the people, aduauncinge their vir­tue: as shee stoode before the ymage of Iuno, besought the Goddesse with earnest prayers to rewarde the kindnes of hir children with the chiefe and most precious blessing that might happen vnto man. Her prayer made, and both the sa­crifyce and feast ended: they gaue themselues to rest in the temple, but neuer after awaking, in the mornīg they were founde dead, whom the people of Argos by two carued mo­numentes placed at Delphos commended to euerlastinge memory: for men of rare and excellēt vertue. To these men did Solon attribute the next step to perfect happinesse.

Craesus now beyng throughlye warmed and beginninge to storme: why then (quoth he) thou foolishe straunger of A­thens is my wealth so base in thyne eyes that thou demest me not worthy to bee compared with two priuate men of Argos. Certes [...] king (sayd he) you demaund of me a que­stion as one not altogeather ignorāt y^t the hyghest clymers haue the heauiest falles, the terme of mans life be threscore yeares and ten, which yeares consist of twentye fyue thou­sande two hundred dayes, omitting to speak of that moneth which is giuen to some yeares in addition for the iust com­passe and reuolution of the tyme. Howbeit if in euery other yeare we increase a moneth: for the due concordaunce and e­uen course of times: to threscore and ten yeres we must adde 35 monethes conteining in themselues 1500 dayes.

[Page] Be it then in all these dayes (which in full cōputation are twenty sixe thousand two hundred and fifty) what thing do wee see lyke unto other? what rather not flatly vnlike, straūge & disagreyng from the former? so y^e mā (O Craelus is altogeather wretched and miserable, not w^tstanding, thy selfe art in wealth flourishing and a prince of many people: all this I deny not, and yet I cannot call thee hym whom thou wouldest be, til such tyme as I heare of thy fortunate death. For wherein is the rych man better then a begger, vnlesse the course of his happines continew to his graue.

Ther are many rych but few blessed, and many of a meane patrimony, yet very fortune. Two thinges there be wher­in the infortunate rich excelleth those who in meaner sub­staunce haue fortune their frende: by whom contrariwyse, they are excelled in many. The wealthy hath to glutte his desires: & to pay for his default when it happeneth. Both which though fortune haue denyed him y^t in baser wealth liueth well, yet in this he goeth beyond the other, y^e want of substaunce kepeth him from ryot, & care of well doyng frō security in offending: the same hauing no small thankes to yeeld to Fortune, y^t he hath his health, that hee is gauled & greeued with no calamity, that he is a father of verteous children, that he is garnished with the beauty and comelye shape of the body. Besides al which if his end be lucky: this is hee whom we seeke for: a man euery way worthy to bee counted happye. Neuertheles till the last gaspe I deeme him not blessed, but fortunate. Al which things I think it vnpossible to attayne to in this lyfe. For as one coūtrey cā not supply vnto it selfe all things, but flowing in some one thing it fayles in an other: or as the body of a man can not in euery point be absolute, but happily being fayre in y^e face is deformed in the foote, so standeth it also with the lyfe of man. Yet who so in euery kynd commeth neerest the mark & sealeth vp his fortune w^t a seasonable death, shal in maner of a king be renowned with the famous tytle of felicity.

[Page 10] The end of euery thing is to bee regarded what issue it is like to haue, because riches are lent by the Gods to many, The Gods of­fended at the insolency of Craesus berea­ued him of his deare son Atis whom afterward they bring to wrechednes.

Solon hauing thus freely and vnfaynedly layde open his opinion, within short space after departed y^e court, & trulye was accomted an vnwise mā, in y^t he counsayled euerye one not respecting his present estate, to beholde his end: After whose departure y^e heauy anger of the gods fel vpō Craesus, for y^t he was so puffed vp & exalted iu the vain & inestimable confidence of his own felicity. Who not long tyme after fel into a dreame, which rightly foretolde & shewed vnto him y^e The dreame of Craesus as con­cerninge his sonnes de [...] great misfortune & misery was to lighte vpō his son. This noble Craesus had 2. sonnes, one of the which was dum and impotent, the other surpassing al of his age in what soeuer he betoke himselfe vnto, whom he called Atis. This Atis (as his dreame gaue him) beyng sore wounded w^t an heade or poynt of yrō, should so perish & come to his end. The king awaking out of his sound sleepe, began to grace vppon the meaning herof, & sorely agast at so straunge a visiō, sought w^tout delay to ioyne his sonne in maryage with some beau­tifull lady of the countrey, and wheras his accustomed ma­ner was to employ him in y^e field as a rīgleader of his hoste frō that time forward he neuer vsed him in y^e like affaires. And for the more assurance he caused al dartes, spears and such like weapons of warre that honge in his galeryes to be remoued into by romes and close lodgings of the court, that happily if any thing shoulde chaunce to fall, his sonne might be out of the reach and compasse of mishap.

In the meane while when the king was solemnizing y^e nup Adrastus for killing his brother vvas exi­led his coūtry. tials and maryage of his son, ther came to Sardis a certain young man very pore & miserable, defyled with bloudshed, a Phrigian borne, & descended of princely race. Enteryng y^e Pallace, he besought the king that it might be lawfull for him to purifye himselfe after the manner of his courte: which graunted, and in due order accomplished, Craesus [Page] asked him whēce he came and what he was on this maner. My friend, what are you? from what place in Phrigia are you come to my court? what man or womā haue you slaine. To whō he answered. My Father (mighty prince) is Gor­dius comen of the line of Midas: my name Adrastus: And for that vnwittingly I slew my Brother, I am cast out and exiled, from Country, Parents, and goodes. Craesus reply­ing, said: Of a truth Adrastus thou art borne of our friēds, and art now comen to thy friends: abide in my house and thou shalt want nothing. No doubt but the present smarte of thy calamity will redounde to thy future gayne. Nowe whylst he made his abode in the kinges palaice. It chaūced that at Olympus in the country of Mysia there haunted a wyld bore of an huge and incredible bignesse, which com­ming A vvylde Bore haunting in Mysia. from the mountaine made wast, and spoyle of the la­bours of the inhabitaunts. Whom the people sondry times indenouring to take did no hurt to him at al, but rather re­ceyued harme by him. Tyll at lengthe dispatching messen­gers to the court of Craesus they framed vnto him a sute in these wordes. There rangeth in our country (most famous and noble Prince) a wyld bore, straungely dismeasured & ouergrowne by whome our tyllage and husbandry is pite­ously wasted and dispoyled. Neither can we by any meanes possible (seeking all meanes we can) remoue or rid him frō our borders. We humbly therfore beseech thy soueraygne highnesse to aforde vs thy some with a company of choyse and valiaunt youthes, with houn des and other necessaries to acquyte and deliuer our region of this pestilent beast. To which their ardent supplicatians Craesus callyng to mynde his former vision shaped this replie. Of my sonne to make any farther mention it were in vaine for I am not determi­ned to send him with you, he is newly espoused to a wyfe so that in so short space he may not without some griese estra­unge and alienate himself from the amorous embracemēts of his Lady. Otherwise for the most tryed and picked out [Page 11] men of y^t Lydians, & such as are skilful in the chase of wyde beast accompanied w^t houndes for the purpose, I wil cause to returne w^t you with especial charge y^t they let passe no­thing that may make to the speedy conquering of so cruel a monster. This aunswere geuen they semed therw^t greatly discontented, when as in the meane space y^e kings son com­ming in presence, and hearyng both the request & humble suite of the Mysians, and the greeuous repulse geuen thē by the king his sire, brake silēce & said, deare father. Such things as before tyme wer cōmendable & glorious vnto vs VVhom deste­nies vvil haue die he shal be the busie vvor ker of his ovvue peril. to make profe & tryal of our selues, ether in exploits of chi­ualry, or in excercise of chase, you haue cleane depriued me of both, nether for any shew of slouth, nor defect of courage. With what eies wil the people behold me going & cōming through y^e streets? your subiects & citezens what will they iudge of me? lastly what a one shal I seeme to bee vnto my Lady? wil she not thinke herselfe to be coupled w^t a cow: for which causes ether permit me to hunt & make one in y^• voi­age, or alleage some more wayghty & seryous reason why you retayne me. To whō the king his father made answere saying. Myne owne good son, not for want of stomacke, nor for any dispeasure towardes thee do I thus: but being mo­ued hereto by the straunge terroure of a vision, which fore­shewed to me y^t thy dayes were short & sodainly to be ended by y^• pytiful dint of an yrō head. For this cause my son haue I hastned thy maryage, & restranyed thee of the sporte and pastime which is now in hande: for y^t my care is, whyle I am liuing to preserue thee from peril. Thon art mine on­ly child sweete Atis, for so much as of thy deafe▪ brother I make non acoūt, thy life is my happines, thy death my mi­sery. To which words the yoūg prince answered. Deare fa­ther I hold you excused, if prouoked by a dreame so rare you be much more diligent & watchful ouer mee: yet in my fācy you cōceaued it not aright. It is needful then y^t sithēce your grace hath mist the blanke, I lay open vnto youthe true meaning and sence of the dreame.

[Page] This sleepy fantasie (say you) hath manased my death, by y^• poynt of yron. But why, in this voyage ther be no hands whom I neede to dread: neither any head of yron which you ought to feare, had I either bene to dye by a touth, or such lyke some cause ther were of doubting the worst, how beit, yt is the yron head that denounceth my death. For asmuch thē as we haue not to deale at this time w^t men ther semeth vnto me no iust cause of absence, but y^t togeather with the rest I may enter y^t chase. Thou hast wonne me my child ( (quam) Craesus) I can no longer resist, wherfore as vanquished by thee I frankly yeeld and leaue it in thy power to proceede w^t them on hunting, which whē he had spokē, he called for Adrastus the Phrygian who appearing in presence was in these words assailed by hī. Sir Adrastus at what time you were afflicted w^t misery & defiled w^t impurity, I yelded supply to your wāts & repurged your wickednes hauing receaued you of a straūger into myne own house. which things, I do not obiect you as vnthankfull for my bountye, or vn­myndfull of my curtesye: But in that it behoueth you to deserue well of mee, y^t haue dealt so frendly with your selfe. I am in mynd to commit vnto thy tender care the safecon­duit and diligent garde of my sonne, who is going to hunt, least by fortune you encounter with any theues or robbers that mynd your destruction. Besydes it is thy parte to at­chieue renowne by valiant and worthye aduentures, as a thing natural to thy linage, and conueniēt for thy strēgth. To whō Adrastus answeared, were it in my choise O king (quoth he) I woulde not moue one fote out of thy court: for y^t I deeme it not meete for one in my case so miserable to kepe company with the happy and fortunat, from doing wherof, I haue hetherto alwayes refrayned my selfe. But for as much as it semeth good to your gracious highnes, whom I ought to gratify and shew my selfe thankefull for so great and infinite benefytes receaued, I am ready her in to obay your wil.

[Page 12] And for that you haue put me in trust with the health and welfare of the noble gentleman your sonne, I auouch and vndertake his safe and prosperous returne. Adrastus ha­uing ended his talke all thinges beynge in a readynes, w^t approued men and youthes of syngular courage: likewyse, houndes and chaunters of the best kynd, they marched on their way.

Now when they were come to the hyll Olympus, they began to tract and sent the beast, whom hauyng spedily dis­loged Atis s [...]ayne by Adrastus. they flocked about him lyke bees, & with their darts on euery side threatned his death. In this gredy assault, y^• straūger lately clensed from blondshed, whom they called Adrastus, discharged his dart at the Bore, and deceyued of his ayme, in stid of him strake the sonne of Craesus, who be­yng wounded to death by y^• yron point fulfilled his fathers vision. Immediatly one of the route retyred spedily to the court, & in short space arryuing at Sardis, declared vnto y^• king the great misfortune & death of his sonne: wherw^t the woeful father greatly affrighted, yet much more sorrowed for this that his sonne was slayne by the hands of him who by his meanes had bene lately sanctifyed and clensed from slaughter. And in the middes of his anguish calling vpon the sanctifyinge God Iupiter, made a piteous complaynt of the wrong done vnto him by a stranger. Inuocating like wyse the Goddes of hospitality and friendship. The one for because he entertayned a guest not knowing that he nouri­shed the manqueller of his sonne: the other because hee had found him whō he appointed to be y^t tutor & defender of his child a most pernicious and deadly enemy. Scarsly had he ended his prayers, but the Lydians were at hand with the dead corse, after whom immediatly folowed Adrastus who beynge comen in presence, and standynge before the wan, & gastly carcas of Atis stretching forth his armes besought y^t king to slea him presēly vpon y^• body of his sonne, allead­gīg y^t what for his former distres & euil misfortue in slayng [Page] his cleanser there was no cause why any longer he shoulde liue. Craesus albeit in great dolour & vexation of mynd, yet maued with pitty toward Adrastus, sayd thus. Thou hast aboundantly satisfyed mee (O straunger) in that by thyne owne voyce thou hast craued death. Neyther art thou y^e cause of this heauy chaunce (saue that vnawares thou hast done it) but some one of the Gods which foreshewed vnto me, what was to come. After this Craesus caused his sō to be honourably and magnificially buryed. But Adrastus Adrastus slevv himselfe vpon the tombe of Atis. sonne of Gordius nephewe to Mydas the fatall enemye of his brother and his frend, when all was hush at the sepul­cher, and euery man had yelded him pardon, yet beynge greuously afflycted & gauled in cōscience slew hymselfe mi­serably vppon thecoffine.

For y^e cruel mishap & destenie of his beloued Atis, Craesus bitterly wailed & lamēted y^e space of 2 yeares, which griefe he aftewards ended: at what time the gouernement of the Medes whas translated from Astyages son of Cyaxares, to the valiant king Cyrus sprong of Cambyses, & that the state of the Persians begā to encrease. Reuoluing & castyng with himselfe what meanes he might vse to atchieue y^e go­uernment of Persia, before it grew to be bigger. In this quādary it came into his brain to make trial of y^e profecies as wel of those in Greece, as y^e other in Affrica, dispatchīg messēgers euery way, som to Delphos, others to Dodona, thyrdly to Amphiaraꝰ & Trophoniꝰ. Ther were also y^t put thēselues in voyage to Brāchidae in y^e borders of Miletus. & these were the oracles of Greece: wherunto Craesus sent for counsayle: others trauayled into Africa to the oracle of Ammon, to the same entent & purpose. Al had this ende to require y^e sentēce & aduyse of y^e Gods, y^t if they were foūd to accord & agree in truth, nextly he might sollicite then as touching his own affayres: whether they thoughte it expe­dient for him to goe in expedition agaynst y^e Persiās. Here­vpō beyng fully resolued, he gaue his ambassadours strat­ly in charge y^t taking a note of the day of their egresse, and [Page 13] setting forth from Sardis, they should kepe iust accompt of the tyme following: & euery day question w^t the oracle, de­maunding of it what Craesus son of Haliattes king of y^t Li­dyans did y^t day, & geuing diligent hede to their aunswers: to tell him at their returne, what answeare was made by y^e other rest of the oracles no mā reporteth: but at Delphos the Lydians hauīg entered the temple to aske of the oracle according as was geuen them in commaundement by the kīg incontinētly Pythia began to salute thē in these verses.

Which verses geuen by Pythia, and written of the Ly­dians, they made speedy retyre to Sardis. When y^t rest also were come that Craesus had sent about: hee toke view of e­uery mans notes & liked none of thē: till at lengch hearing the oracle geuen by Pythia he greatlye allowed and wor­shipped it: of opinion that the only true prophecy and diui­nation was at Delphos, which hadde hit him so pat in all thinges he did. For after the departure of his messengers The meaning of the oracle. one day aboue y^e rest he set his head a work about y^t finding out of som deuise y^t might be hard to tel, & most difficult to discry. Wherfore hauing shred the fleshe of an vrchine, or hedgehog together w^t the fat of a Lamb, he caused thē both [Page] to be boyled in a brasen pot: the couer or lidde whereof was also of brasse. Such was the answere which Craesus recey­ued from Delphos, what wordes were geuen by the oracle of Amphiaraus, and what sentence hee returned. I cannot affyrme, for asmuch as no other speach goeth thereof, saue that this Prophecye also was deemed by Craesus to very true.

In short tyme after he determined to do honour to the God of Delphos by greate and magnificall sacrifyce: ma­king The sacrifice of Craesus to A pollo & his giftes also vvhich he dedicated in the [...]a [...]ple. oblatiō of three thousand choise cattel, such as might lawfully be offered. Moreouer, he caused a greate stacke or pyle of wood to be made, wherein hee burnt bedstyds of siluer and gold, likewyse golden maysors with purple ray­ment and coats of exceeding value, hoping thereby to pur­chase to himselfe the gracious fauour and goodwill of the God. The lyke charge also hee layed vpon y^e Lydians, that euery man should consecrate those iewels which they pos­sessed most costly and precious. From which their sacrifice when as streames of liquid and molten Golde distrayned in great aboundaunce, hee caused thereof to bee framed halfe slates, or sheardes, the longer sort as he entytled them, of sixe handfull, the shorter of three a hand breadth in thick­nesse, amoūting to the number of an hūdred and seuentene. Wherof foure were of fayned gold wayghing twoo talents and a halfe, the rest of whighter golde, in wayght two ta­lentes he made also the similitude of a Lyon in tryed and purged gold, waying tenne talentes: which Lyon at such tyme as the temple was on fyre fell downe from the halfe slates whereon it stood, and is now reserued in the treasu­ry of Corinth, poysed at six talents and a halfe beyng mol­ten from him. All which thinges when Craesus had finished & brought to perfection he sent them in waye of dedication to Delphos togeather with other giftes & presentes, which were these: two bookes very fayre and stately to see to, the one framed of gold the other wrough of syluer. Wherof y^e [Page 14] first at the ingresse or entry into the temple was placed on the right hand. the other on the left, which at y^e same tyme that the temple was surprised by fire were taken downe, & the best and fayrest of them beyng of Gold, & wayghing 8. talents and a halfe, w^t a superplus & addition of 24 poūdes was curefully garded in the treasury of the Clazomaeniās. The other of syluer beyng kept vnder the eues of the tem­ple at a certayne corner of the church contayning 600. Am­phorae, wherin wine was mingled for the feast of Theopha­nius wrought (as the men of Delphos testify) by Theodorus of Samos: which opinion I easily ascribe also for the singu­ler workmanship therof. He presented besydes 4. siluer tunnes preserued by the Corinthians, amonges their trea­sury. Furthermore two drinking cuppes the one of gold, y^e other of siluer, of the which two the most principal of Gold hath ingrauen in it a tytle whith doth argue yt to be y^e gift of the Lacedaemonians, albeit contrary to truth, being ge­uen & dedicated by Craesus, howbeyt some one of Delphos (whose name though I very wel know, yet I will not des­cry it) willing to gratify the Lacedaemonians, caused this posie to be entytled. True it is that the ymage of the boy, through whose handes the water powreth down in a trick­lyng and gentle streame, was geuen to the temple by the Lacedaemonians, but neyther of the two cuppes are belō ­ging to thē. Other giftes also of no small price dyd Crae­sus send at y^t same instant, to wit, siluer rynges, with the shape and forme of a woman 3. cubits in height, which y^e inhabitants of Delphos witnes to be y^e image of her whom Craesus in his court employed y^e office of baking, herewith also were offered the chaynes of the Queene his wyfe, not sparīg so much her girdles & wastbands, al which he caused to be dedicated at Dephos. in like maner to y^e oracle of Amphiaraus, of whose māhod & misfortune he had iointly bine enformed, he gaue a shield & speare of mere & solide golde, a quiuer also of the same metal, wel stored and replenished with dearth, both which, euen to our age wer reserued at y^e [Page] city Thebes in y^e temple of Apollo Ismenius. They which were summoned to this famous ambassage & conueyance of y^e giftes to Delphos & Africa, had this in Items to inquire of y^t Gods: whether hemight direct an army against Persia or not, & in so doing to associate & ioyne vnto himselfe y^• aide Craesus demaū ded of the ora­cle vvhether he might make vvarre a gaynst Persia or not. & felowship of forrayn natiōs. The Lydians dismissed, wēt their way, & hauing attayned to their iorneys end, & made oblation of the presentes sent by the king, they demaunded y^e oracle on this wyse. Craesus king of the Lydians, & chiefe lord of many regions, beside esteeming these to be the onlye true & infallible prophecies amōg men, hath sent you gifts worthy your diuyne godhead: requiring you counsayle and aduise, whether it be safe for him to lead a power against y^• Persians vsing therin the helpe & company of other people. This questiō beyng framed both the oracles agreed in sen­tence saying: that if so be he addressed an army agaynst the Persians he should subuert and ouerthrow a mighty king­dome: counsayling him moreouer to seeke and procure the A doubtful ansvveare the meanīg vvher­of is expoun­ded in the next page. aide of the most puissāt & coragious people of the Graeciās. These answears geuen & receiued, Craesus was so puffed vp and exalted in courage, y^t already he swallowed and de­uoured in hope the whole gouernment and empyre of Cy­rus. Wherfore he returned a messēger w^t a fresh present to Pythia, and for euery one their abyding, (whom he hadde intelligence to be verie many) 2. ounces of Gold.

For which his magnificent bounty the people of Del­phos to shew themselues thankefull agayne, yeelded hym the chiefe preheminece in counsayling the oracle, the princi­pall place in sitting and a perpetuall priuilege of a voice & suffragie, for any man that should be adopted into the soci­ety of Delphos on this maner. Craesus powred out his pre­sente He is some­vvhat to hasty that leaps ouer the st [...]le before he comes at it. vppon the temple of Apollo, solliciting the God by a third demaund: for that hauing tryed the oracle to be true, hee now tooke his pentworthes in aduyse and counsayle. His question at this tyme was dyrected only to know how longe hee should enioy the kingdome of Persia.

[Page 15] whom Pythia answeared in these wordes.

With these verses Craesus was much more delyghted then with the former, assuredly hoping that y^e tyme should neuer be wherin a Mule should gouerne the Medes in stid of a man and for the same cause neyther hee nor his heyres should at any tyme be driuen to forsake the kingdome. His next care was how make frendes and copartners of those which among thee Grekes were of greattest might, & no­blest mind, whō by curious enquyry he foūd to be the Lace­daemoniās & Athenians? y^t one beyng y^t most excelēt amōg y^•. Dores, y^• other in the Nation of the Iones, without cōpa­rison chefest. Of these 2 nations ther hath ben an auncient and grounded opinion as concerning their virtue. Wherof the one toke their begynning and original of Pela [...]gos, the other of Helen, or Grece. The later of these two neuer al­tered The originall of the Lacedae monians, and Athenians. their soyle, but alwayes kept the same place of abode The other making often charge wandred very much.

For in the tyme of king Deucalion they helde a coast called Phthiotis and vnder Dorus the sonne of Hellen, a certayne region bounding vppon the mountaynes Ossa and Pyndus by name Istyaeotis, from whence beyng cast out and cha­sed by the Cadmeans, they inhabited a place in Pyndus, which theycal Macedonus. How beit fleeting agayne from thence into Driopis, they came at length to Poloponesus, & were surnamed the nation Doricke. What toung or lan­guage the Pelagians vsed, I cannot certaynly affyrme but [Page] by gesse yt seemeth to haue bene the verye same that those Pelasgians vse, which somewhat aboue the Tyrrhenians possesse y^t city Crotona in time neighbours to them whom the now call Dores: at what tyme they peopled a region in Thessalye, the like may be gathered by those Pelasgiās, that built the city Plaecia and Sylax, and were in league & felowship with the Athenians. By these I saye wee may rightly coniecture, that y^e language which was then in vse which the Pelasgians was very grosse and barbarous. For the Cretoniatae & Platiens differ in speech from those that lye next them: but betweene themselues they vse both one toung, and euidently declare, that they kept the selfe same phrase and manner of talke, since their first comming into those countreys. So that if al the people of Pelasges were such, they also that dwelt in Attica, and the rest of the Pe­lasgian cityes whatsoeuer that chaūged their name at their first arriual into Hellen, forgat also & let slip out of memo­ry their mother tounge. But the Greekes themselues (as I iudge) haue without chaunge from the beginning retai­ned The miracle of the Greeke nation. the same kynd of language, and wheras beyng seuered & distinguished, from the Pelasgians, they wer very weake and feeble in might, of a smal and tender beginning: they grew to great increase, by concurse of many nations, and huge multitudes of the Barbarians repayring thither. In lyke sort I suppose that the people of Pelasgos beyng bar­barous remayned at a stay without amplifyinge and aug­menting their strength and gouermnent.

Craesus therfore had notice that the countrye of Attica was inhabited by these people and at that time iniuriously Pi [...] a [...] rauntin Athēs by vvhatdeuise he attay [...]d the gouern [...]ēt dealt withall, and kept in subiection by Pisistratus the son of Hipocrates who ruled then as a Tyrant at Athens, hys father beyng a priuate man and bearyng no rule in the cō ­mon weale, whilst he beheld the games at Olympus, yt chaunced hym to see a verye straunge and most wonderfull miracle.

[Page 16] For hauing prepared sacrifyce to the Goddes, the chal­derne filled with flesh and water, without any fyre vnder it. boyled and played in such sort, that the water ran ouer the brymmes of the vessayl which thing Chilō a Lacedaemoni­an vewing who then happily was present, gaue him coun­sayle in no wyse to marye a wyfe that was a breeder or of a fruitful wombe: and if so be he were already maryed, hee willed him to forsake and renounce his wyfe: thyrdlye if by her he were indued with a man childe to make ryddaunce therof and conuay it away. But Hipocrates geuing litle care to his tale begat afterward Pisistratus, who in the broyle and controuersie betweene the inhabiters of y^t shore (chiefe wherof was Megacles sonne of Alcmaeon) and the people of the playne (who had to their captayne Lycurgus sprong of Aristolades) made a third tumult seeking and af­fecting a tyrannicall and vnlawful gouernment, and gathe­ryng togeather a company of rebellions and seditious per­sons vnder pretēce of ayding the people of the mountains, wrought this subtiltye hauing wounded him selfe and hys mules he came flynging amayne into the market place w^t The subtilty of of Pisistratue to attayne the kingdome. his charyot as on new escaped from his enemyes, whom they (as he fained) taking his iorney into y^• coūtrey, soughte for to haue slayne. For this cause he made humble sute and petition to the peoplefor y^• gard and defence of his body, ha­uing tryed himselfe to be a valeaunt Captayne in the voy­age, and setting forth agaynst Megara, at what tyme being generall of the army he toke Nysaea and atchieued other fa­mous & valiant actes. The people of Athens induced to be­leue hī appoynted for his sauegard & custody certain choise & tryed men of the citezens, who being armed not w^t spears but w^t clubs, were always wayting & attendant on him: w^t whō Pisistratu [...] geuing a violent assault to y^• town, & chiefe hold of the city, toke it & by y^t means vsurped y^t empire of y^• Athenians. Neuertheles w^tout chaūge or alteratiō of ma­gistraties or lawes, obseruing stil y^t same forme of gouern­ment, he adorned & beautified the City in excellent manner.

[Page] But he had not long enioyed yt when as the souldiours of Megacles and Lycurgus came to a truce and conspiring Pisistratus de­priued of his kingdome. togeather cast him out of the city. In this manner did Py­sistratus, first aspire to the chiefe rule of Athens, which he was eftsones constrayned to leaue, before his tyrannye had taken roote. They tyme was not long after but hys ad­uersaryes renewed their quarel, and fell at varyaunce and debate a fresh, wherwith Megacles being tyred, dispatched an harrold of peace to Pisistratus offring him his daugher in meryage with condition of the kingdome. Which hee not refusing, they deuysed a meanes to restore him againe (in myfancy) very fonde and ridiculous, especially yf these men (beyng of the number of the Athenians, who had the name to be the most wyse and prudent people of the Grae­tians) pleased themselues onely with a deuise so foolish and base.

There lyeued in the Trybe of Paean a woman named A deuise made by Pisis­tratus to reco­uer the king­dome. Phya of stature foure cubits high, wanting three fingers. furnished with seemly beauty, whom hauing arayed in cō ­pleite harneis, they placed in a Charyot gallantly attyred to the shew, in which habite as she passed through y^• streets of the citye, there ranne some before hir cryinge: ye people of Athens receyue willingly Pisistratus againe, whom Mi­nerua esteeming worthy the greatest honor amongest men, hath in her owne person brought back into the tower. The citezens supposing it had bene the Goddesse indede, bowed themselues and honouryng her admitting agayne Pisistra­tus for their liefe soueraygne. Pysistratus hauinge in such sort recouered the kingdome vppon a couenant made with Megacles toke his daughter to wife. But hauing 2 yosig youthes to his sonnes, and hearyng moreouer the whole li­neage of Alcmaeon to be atteinted and guilty of an hainous cryme agaynst y^• Goddesse: vnwilling for that cause to haue any children by his new wife, accompanied with her vnlaw­fully and agaynst nature which beyng a long tyme by her [Page 17] concealed and kept secrete: at last, eyther vppon demaund, or of her owne free will, she reuealed it to her mother, who also made her husband acquaynted with the matter. Mega­cles taking in ill part the slaunder & contumelie done hym Pisistratus bani shed out of A­thēs the se [...]d tyme. by Pysistratus, brought him in displeasure & hatred with y^• souldiours: which thing he perceiuing fled y^• coūtrey, and came to Eretria to aske counsayle of his sonnes. Amongest whom the sentence of Hyppias seeming to be the best wher by he was incited once again to lay clayme to the kingdom, they made a gathering throughout all cityes, with whom they had any smal acquayntance: many of the which made liberall contribution, & especially the Thebans. In fyne to comprise the matter in breefe, y^e time was come, & al things were in a readines for his returne. For ou [...] of P [...]oponne­sus there resorted to him certaine Arguies marching vnder pay: & a captayne of Naxos named Lygdamis, who of his owne accord made offer of his seruice being very wel furni­shed w^t men and money: which gaue thē great alacrity and encouragmēt to go forward in their attempts. In so much as setting forth from Eretria the II. yeare after his flighte from Athens, fyrst of all he toke the citie Marathon in At­tica, wher hauing incāped his army, there repayred to him diuers seditious felowes out of the city, & out of al y^• tribes very many who liked better a tyrannical empyre thē a free state. Whlst Pisistratus leuied many for his affaires, & held himselfe at Marathon y^• Athenians which kept within the city, made light of the matter, vntil such tyme as hearing him to be dislodged frō thence, & to draw towardes y^e citye, they put themselues in array, and went forth to encounter hym. Wherfore with might and mayne they valiauntye set forward to mayntayne and defend their liberty agaynst the enemy. Likewyse Pisistratus and hys confederates came fiercely agaynst the city till both the armyes met ioyntlye in one fielde, where approachinge neere vnto the Temple of Mynerua Pallenis, and disposinge all hys Armye in [Page] order there came vnto him Amphilytus Acarnen a pro­phet, who being inspired with a deuine motiō, vttered this oracle in verse.

Which Pisistratus perceiuing to be a prophecye of hys good successe immediately gaue the [...]cet and encountered y^• Athenians which were come forth of the city, who hauing then newly dyned, and beyng partly set to dice, partly ta­ken with sleepe, welny without resistaunce he put them to flight and wanne the field. Neuertheles in the pursuite he found out a way how nether the Athenians might be spoy­led in such sort, neyther yet ioyne themselues and come to­geather agayne to his further trouble. Wherefore hauing caused certayne of his seruauntes to mount on horsebacke, he sent them spedely after the people to bid thē bee of good courage, and euery one to depart to his own house. Wher­vnto the willingly obaying, Pisistratus raygned the thyrd Pisistratus the 3 time king. tyme in Athens, establishing & fortifyīg the tyranny as wel by supply of forrayne power, as by reuenues of hys money which he leuyed partly from his owne countrey men, and in part also from the riuer Strymon. In like manner the children of those men that yeelded not the fyrst, but bare the brunt of the battell, he toke in hostage and sent them ouer to Napos: which Isle after he had conquered & brought in subiection he committed the gouernment & administratiō therof to Lygdanus: hauing heretofore also halowed & pur­ged the Isle Delos according to the oracle, which hee clen­sed in this sort. Out of all those places that weare with [Page 17] in the view and prospect of the temple he caused the corses and deade Bodyes to be digged vp and buryed in another place of the Island.

In this wise some if the Athenians beyng slayne in bat­tayle, other fled away togeather with the houshold and fa­mily of Megacles. Pisistratus obtained y^t seat roial: whom Craesus vnderstode at the same tyme to beare rule in A­thens. He heard moreouer that the Lacedaemonians, ha­uing escaped a scowring, were triumphant conquerous o­uer y^• Tegeates. For in the raygne of Leon and Hegesicles princes of Sparta, the Lacedaemonians hauing right good euent in al their enterprises and affaires, were commonly repulsed and fayled by the Tegeates. The selfe same before tyme were the most disordered and lawlesse people of the Graetians, vsing no cōmunity or felowship eyther betwene themselues or with straungers.

Notwithstanding they were reduced to a more orderlye Lycurgus the lavvgeuer of the Lacedaemonians. kynd of gouernment by Lycurgus a mā of approued virtue amongest the people of Sparta. Who comming to the ora­cle at Delphos and being entered into the tēple, Pithya sa­luted him in these termes.

Some are of opinion y^t the lawes and statutes which are now in force with the Lacedaemonians, were vttered & told him by Pythia. Howbeit themselues affyrme that Lycur­gus beyng both tutor and vucle to young Leobotu [...] Kynge [Page] of the Spartans brought these ordinances out of Crete. For no sooner was he instituted gouernour to the young prince, but he chaunged all the lawes and established new, making a diligent prouiso that no man should break them. He made also decrees for warre, ordayning the society of the twenty magistrates, likewyse the colledge or fellow of the thirtye men, so called. Lastly he distributed and deuyded the Citi­zens into trybes and companies, not omitting the appoint­ment of certayne protectours in defence of the commons a­gaynst the noble named Tribuns of the people, erectinge moreouer y^• senate and counsayle of the Ephor, with an or­der of other sages and wyse men. By this meanes the state of the Lacedaemonians was reformed by Lycurgus: whom after his death by the buildīg vp of a famous temple in his name, they honoured & reuerenced as a God. And beynge resident in a countrey verye populous and plentifull, they made an inrode and inuasion into other regions with very good fortune and lucky successe in battayle. Wherfore as professed enemyes to peace, supposing themselues to excell the Arcadians in might and courage they were in mind to denounce warre agaynst Arcadye askinge in that case the aduyse of the oracle.

To whom Pythia made answeare.

This answeare geuen, the Lacedaemonians leauing the other partes of Arcadie leuied a power against the people of Tegêa, carying with them chaynes and fetters, in full hope (albeit deceaued by the double meaning of the oracle) to haue brought them into captiuity. Notwithstandinge, hauing coped in fight with the enemy they were forced to forsake the fielde and take themselues to their fete. Such of them as were taken in the chase alyue, fast bound & in­chayned in the same gyues which they brought with them, were constrayned to measure out theire dwellinges in the playne of Tegêa with a rope ther to inhabite. The fetters wherwith they were clogged indured welny to our age, beyng hung vp in the temple of Minerua Alea in Tegêa. Thus in the former conflictes and battayles the Lacedae­monians, had alwayes the worst hand of the people of Te­gea sa [...]e in the tyme of Craesus, and vnder their rulers A­naxandrydes and Ariston in whose raygne and dominion they ga [...]e the better of their enemyes in this sort. Aggree­ued at their often foyles and continuall repulces receyued by their aduersaryes, they went in embassage to Delphos to witt, of the Oracle, which of all the Gods they might please, to become conquerours ouer Tegêa. The question propounded Pythia willed them to serch out the bones of Orestes sonne of Agamemnon, and translate them into their countrey.

But being ignorant in what par [...]he world to make inquirye they e [...]tsones returned [...]essengers to re­quire [Page] of the God where, or in what place Orestes lay.

Whereto answer was made on this maner.

Which the Lacedaemonians hearyng were neuer y^• wy­ser: who albeit they had made curious search aboute him neuertheles they found him not. Till at length one Lyches a Spartan of the number of those whiche are called free knightes, by good fortune escryed the Tombe. These free Knightes, are fyue souldiours of the Spartan horsemen, wel stricken in yeares, which annually haue a release from the field: who beyng in this wyse by the common consent of the horsemen priuileged and dismissed, may in no wyse for that yeare remayne idle, but are employed in iourneys and voyages, some one way, some another.

One of these was the forenamed Lyches, who by the helpe aswel of a currant and ready wyt as of a gratious and pro­sperous happe, came to knowledge wher Orestes lay. For this beynge the yeare wherein the people of Tegêa and The meanes hovv the tomb vvas diseried. Sparta, hadde entercourse of marchaundise one with an other, by fortune comming into a smiths forge he behelde the smith himselfe working on yron, who on the other side perceauing Lyches to be very intentyue and in maruailing wyse to view his worke: a li [...]e pausing, sayd.

[Page 20] Thou straunger of Lacedaemon, if this base worke in yron seeme so rare in thy sight: thou wouldest much more haue wondered to haue seene that which I did. For going about in this litle court to dig a well or pit for water, yt was my chaunce to light vpon a sepuicher 7 cubites long. Which when I saw, supposinge that men were neuer of greater stature then they are at these dayes. I opened the C [...]ffyne and found theriu a dead Carkasse of equall length: wherof hauing taken measure I couered it agayne. Lyches lifte­ning to the discourse of the Smith, coniectured by the ora­cle that it should be Orestes: construinge the smithes Bel­lowes for the two mynds wherof the oracle spake, the ham­mer and anuyle he thought to be the two formes to each o­ther foes: and one blow en [...]y to an other he t [...]ke to be the yron wroughte and beaten by the stroake of the hammer, consideryng that yron was found out to y^t h [...]t and damage of men. Pouderyng these thinges with himselfe, he retur­ned to Sparta and opened the matter to the Lacedaemoniās who perceiuing the case to be likely, wrought this pretēce, causing of set purpose a quest to proceede vppon their cici­zen Lyches, they condemned him for some offence, and ba­nished him the soyle, who incontinently retyryng to Tegêa, and lamenting his miserable case to the smyth, couenaun­ted with him for the hyre of his base court, for asmuch as he refused altogeather to alienate it from himselfe, and sell it outryght. Wher hauing made his abode for certaine daies he discouered the sepulcher, and taking out Orestes bones, stale priuily away and came to Sparta. From that tyme for­ward the Lacedaemonians ioyning battaile with Tegêa, re­mayned victors, and alwayes after obtayned the glory of y^t field, hauing besydes a great part of Peloponnesus in their power and dominion.

Of al which thinges Cresus not ignoraunt, furnished an The story of Craesus beyng interrupted. Ambassage to Sparta with greate giftes, to desyre theire ayde and felowship in war, whither beyng come they vsed [Page] these wordes. We are sent from Craesus kyng of the Lydi­ans and lord of other nations, who sayth thus. Ye noble La­cedaemonians, wheras I am prouoked by the Gods to en­ter league and frendship w^t the Graetians, amongest whom you haue the report to be the most warlike and valiaunt. I deemed it conuenient (without fraude or gūile, to desire your ayde and assistauuce in the enterpryse which I haue in hand. The Lacedaemonians right glad & ioyous of theyr arryuall and gentle entreaty, hauing also intelligence of the oracle, entered bands with them of perpetual hospitali­ty and frendship. Beyng also not vnmyndful of the bounty of kyng Craesus shewed before tyme towards their nation. For hauing sent to Sardis for prouision of golde, to make the ymage of Apollo, which is situated in Thornax a part of the Lacons countrey. Craesus without counterchaunge freely bestowed the gold vppon them. For which cause, the Lacedaemonians in that also principally aboue the rest of y^t Craecians he had made choyse of their amity, willingly as­sented and declared themselues to be readye at all assayes. Lykewyse to auoyd ingratitude: in lue of his presentes they returned vnto hym a brasen Vessell, wroughte about the brymmes wich the pictures of diuerse wylde beastes, con­taining the measure of 30 Amphorae, which for one of these causes that we shal alleage, was neuer brought to Sardis. The Lacedaemonians testify, that the vessel beyng in voy­age to Sardis, was intercepted by y^t people of Samos, wher they lay at rode. The Samians assayling them by a fleete of gallies. Contrariwise they of Samos affyrme, that the La­cedaemonians beynge in the waye to Sardis, and hearyng newes that Craesus was takē, and the whole city sacked by the Persians, sold the vessel to certayne priuate: men of Sa­mos, who made dedicatiō therof in the temple of Iuno. But immediatly returning to Sparta, they fayned themselues to be robbed by the Samyans, and the vessel to bee taken a­way by force.

[Page 21] To make briefe, Craesus deluded by the oracle, prepared an armye agaynst Cappadocia, in hope to subdue Cyrus, and The vvise coū ­sayle of Sarda­nis geuen to king Craesus in his settinge forth agaynst Persia. the whole power of Persia.

Whilest he was busied in these affayres, a certaine Ly­dian named Sandanis a manne of singular regarde for hys wysedome, and for this sentence and aduise much more este­med then before, coūsayled the king on this manner. Thou determinest a voyage agaynst those (O king) which are wrapped & clothed in beastes skynnes: not farynge as they would, but as they can, abyding in a region vnfruitful and barreyne. Their drink is water not wyne, their chiefe foode is figges: besides the which they haue nothīg good. From whom as thou canst take nothing if thou conquer, so consi­der I beseech thee how much thou shalt leese if thou be conquered, if once they tast of our sweete, then they wil dayly swarme about vs, and wil neuer be driuen from vs. Truly I thanke the Gods that they neuer put into the heads of y^t Persians to inuade the Lydians. By which wordes, not­withstanding he litle preuayled with Craesus. True it is, y^t The riot ofth Persiās vvhēce it came. the Persians before they vanquished Lydia, were far from all elegancy and sumptuous dayntines. Furthermore the Capadocians were called by the Greekes, Syrians. Who before the empyre came to the Persians, did homage to the Medes, but at that present acknowledged Cyrus for theyr Kinge. The dominion of the Medes, and Lydyans is deuyded and sundered by the ryuer Halis, which taking his The limites of Media and Ly­dia. beginning from the hill Armenus first washeth the Cilici­ans, and secōdly the Maciens lying on the ryght hand, last­ly the Phrygians declyninge towarde the least, after this, wynding to the North pole, that floweth betweene the Cyrians, Cappadocians, and Paphlagonians, waterynge the coast of Cappadocia on the right hande, and the borders of Paphlagonia on the lefte. In this sort the floud Halis doth part and distermine all thē hygh places of Asia, from the sea Cyprian, vnto the waters of the Euxine sea the backe, [Page] and hinder part of this region is in length fyue dayes iour­ney for a light and spedy footeman.

Craesus therefore speeding himselfe towarde Cappado­cia, was greatlye desyrous both to ioyne vnto his owne kyngdome a land so battle and plentifull, and then also to Th. causes of Craesus his voi age agaynst Persia. reuenge Cyrus in the behalfe of Astyages sonne of Cyaxa­res king of the Medes his nere kynsman: whom Cyrus ys­sued of Cambyses had taken captiue in y^e field. The meanes wherby kynred and alliance grew betwene the two kinges Craesus and Astyages, were these. The grasiers of Scithia and such as were conuersant in reysing and breeding cattel A prety dis­course shevvīg the meanes hovv Craesus & Astyages came to be of a kinne. falling to debate and sedition betweene themselues, a cer­tayne company of them fledde into the lande of the Medes, at what tyme the Scepter was held by Cyaxares, sonne of Phraeortas nephew of Deioses. To whom the Scythians humbling themselues were at the begynninge much made of, and grewe in credite and fauoure with the kinge, in so much that he committed to their charge certayne younge ympes to instruct in the Scithian language, and to trayne vp in the art and facultye of shootinge. In tract of tyme the The Scythians excellent in shoting. Scythians being accustomed daily to hunt, and for the most part wont to bryng home some thing with them for a pray, notwithstanding otherwhyles returned empty: which the king perceyuing (who in his rage was very fierce & ceuell, sharply rebuked them) and in reprochfull and tauntynge wordes toke them vp very short, wherat the Scythians sto­mackes beyng moued supposing themselues to be hardlye dealt withall by the kyng, toke cou [...]sayle togeather, that hauing stayne some one of the children whom they taught, they might serue him vp to the kyng in lieu of [...] or some other wylde and sauage pray: which done, they would put themselues to flight to Sardis and become supplyaunts to Halyattes sonne of Sadyattes for theyr defence & safetye, which fell out accordingly. For aswel Cyaxares as others [Page 22] that were present at the Table, tasted of the flesh, and the Scythians hauing committed the villanye, iucontinentlye fledde to Haliattes, whom Cyaxares rechalinging, & Hali­attes refusing to surrender and yeelde them vp, ther arose warre betweene the Medes and Lydians which indured y^t space of v. yeares. In the which their broyle and discord the Medes sometime atchieuynge the conquest, it happened them to encounter in a night battell. For in the sixt yeares the armyes comming to the close and the fight being equal: sodeinly the day became nighte, which chaunge and altera­tion The day tur­ned into night of the day. Thales Milesius foretold to the people of Io­nia presining the selfe same yeare wherein it should happē. The Medes and Lydians perceauing the day to be ouercast with darkenesse, abandoned the field: and by meanes of Sy­ennesis of Cilicia, and Labynetus of Babilō were brought Labynetus sonne of Ni­tocijs. to accord and composition of peace, who hastening to haue them sworne, and to establish their agreement by the bands of affinitye, they decreed that Astyages sonne of Cyaxares should espouse and take to wyfe Ariena daughter of Haly­attes. supposing the condition would not long remayn soūd and inuiolate, were it not confirmed by the sure and infol­luble knot of alyaunce. In stricking league and concluding peace aswell other thinges vsuall to the Greekes, are ob­serued The māner of makīga league betvvene the Lydians and Medes The meaning of this place of Astyages his captiuity is de­clared more at large. by these nations, as also cutting their armes tyll y^t bloud issue out, which ech of them lycke vp and sucke toge­ther.

This Astyages graūdfather to Cyrus by the Mothers side was by him held prysoner and went vnder custody, for such cause as in the sequele of this history shalbee declared: Craesus therefore moued with displeasure, requyred of the Oracle whether he might proclaime war agaynst Persia, & hauing receiued a double & deceitful answere, deeming it to make w^t him, went out w^t his army to assaile & fight a­gainst a certain part of the Persiā dominiō. And approching neare to the Riuer Halis (as I iudge) hee trailed and con­vewed [Page] ouer his armye by brigges built vppon the water: but as some of the Graecians affyrme, hee passed the ryuer The deuyse of Thales Mile­sius to passe the riuer. by the means of Thales Milesiꝰ who deuised another way. For Craesus standīg at a bay, vncertayn what way to passe the water (for asmuch as the brygges which are now made for passage as then were none at al) Thales Milesius being then in the campe, inuented a meanes to chaūge the course of the water, and cause the ryuer that ranne on the righte side of the army to flow on left. Hee made therefore to bee dygged a mighty deepe trench or dytch, begynninge aboue the tentes, and procedinge in compas lyke a Mone on the backside of the host, whereinto the water hauing issue frō the proper chanel, became so low and fleet, that the ryuer on both partes was passable, & easy to be waded.

Some holde opinion that the olde course of the riuer was hereby wholly altered and became drye, from whom I dis­sent. For by what meanes the regresse of Craesus into Ly­dia could the armye haue retyred ouer. Craesus hauing re­couered the other syde of Halis came into a part of Cappa­docia named Pteria, safely situated and neere adioyning to the city Synopis that lyeth to the sea Euxinum, where ha­uing encamped his whole power, hee spoyled, and foraged the mannours and ferme places of the Syrians, subduinge also and sacking the city Pteria. More ouer he vanquished many other cityes roūd about, casting out the Syrians that neuer offended hym: wherof Cyrus hauinge aduertisement gatheryng an armye of the myddle part of hys countrey, & came out to meete him, notwithstanding, first he sollicited the Iones to reuolt from Craesus, which they refusing, hee Cōpare vvith this place the apologi of Cyrus to the am­bassadour of Ioma. marched on forward, and encamped agaynst the Lydians.

Where the Armyes beyng in viewe, the one Armye to the other, and hauinge geuen signes of defyaunce, they ioyned in force and cruell battayle, wherein many beynge slayne on eyther syde, and Nyght drawyng very nere, they [Page 23] blew the retrayte, the victory remayning on neyther part. But Craesus laying for his excuse the small number of his men (as farre exceeded by Cyrus in multitude of Souldi­ours) the next day following (the Persians abstaining from battayle) he moued his campe and repayred backe to Sar­dis, in mynd to summon and call out the Aegiptians accor­ding to couenaunt, with whose king Amasis he had conclu­ded a league before euer he attempted the Lacedaemoni­ans, purposing besides to challenge the helpe of the Babi­lonians promised and auowed to him by league and compo­sition. Not forgetting also to clayme the assistaunce of the Lacedaemonians, appoynting them a day to bee present at Sardis: that hauing made a generall assembly of all his po­wer, and taken his ease that winter, he might ymmediat­lye at the beginninge of the next springe lay charge to the kingdome of Persia by a new and fresh assault. Whilst hee leueled at this mark, he sent abroad heroldes to his league fellowes and friendes, with earnest requeste that the fifte moneth after they would come togeather, and mete at Sar­dis. Lyke wyse the souldiers stipendary, which hee hyred, and conducted to ayde him agaynst the Persians, he disseue­red and sent away: nothing doubtinge least Cyrus (with whom so short tyme before he had fought euen hand & with out disuantage) should aduenture to come nere & approche to Sardis. In this sort reasoning the case and debating with himselfe yt fortuned that all the suburbes & places conter­minate A miracle for­shevving the destruction of Sardis. to the city were filled with aboundance of Snakes, and Adders: which the horse leauing their pasture & foode swallowed greedily and in moustruous sort eate vp and de­uoured. Which Craesus adiudging (as it was) to be a tokē on premonstration of some [...] to come, sente to the Southsayers & [...]. The mes­sengers y^• went were [...] y^• sence, and signification of [...] they neuer [Page] brought newes therof to Craesus, who before their returne to Sardis was taken captyne. The wyse men Telmisses de­clared The meaning of the miracle. vnto them, y^• Craesus should be set vppon with a for­rayne army, which shoulde vanquish and subdue the towne borne and natural people of the countrey, alleaging that y^• snake was the child of the earth, properly bred and ingen: dred of the groūd, but the horse, an enemy, and a forrainer. This meanyng and exposition the Telmisses sent backe a­gayne to Craesus but now captiue, altogeather ignorant of these thinges which befell vnto hym, and also to hys Citye Sardis.

Cyrus a certayned of the determination of Craesus that presently after the conflict at Pteria hee was in purpose to disperse & scatter his army, thought it expedient in al hast possible to remoue hys host to Sardis, to intercept and pre­uent his ennemy, or euer he could assemble the Lydians a­gayne, which aduise he altogeather allowed, & put in prac­tise and spedely arryuing into Lydia with his power was hymselfe a messenger unto Craesus of his comming. Crae­sus cast into a greate pensiuenes, and anguish of mynd, to se himselfe so farre deceiued of his accompt: notwithstanding put the Lydians in array to battayle.

At that tyme there was no nation in the worlde, ney­ther The Lydians couragious in battaile and expert in ridīg. in value & might neyther in haughty courage & mag­nanimity equall and comparable to the Lydians, who com­monly warred on horseback as most expert & nymble in ry­ding: weaponed with speares of a meruailous length.

The field wherin the fight was committed lyeth before the citye Sardis: through the which, both other ryuers haue a pleasaunt and delyghtsome course, and chieflye the famous ryuer Hellus, flowynge into the mayne streame called Hermus, which taking hys yssue and first head from the sacred Mountayne of the holye mother Dyndimena, ys caryed wholly into the Sea, not farre from the City Phocyas. [Page 24] In this field Cyrus beholding the Lydians prepared to the battayle, and greatly dreading the prowesse and puissaunce of theyr horsemen, determined by the counsayle of Harpa­gus the Mede, to put in execution this straunge deuise. ha­uing A singuler de­uise of Harpa­gus to van­quish the Ly­dian ryders. gathered together all the Camelles that folowed the Army, and disburdened them of theyr loades of corne and vessels wherewith they wer charged, he caused certain mē to sit on them apparelled in a robe accustomably worne of of the Persian Horsemen. Whome in this sorte attyred hee gaue in charge to march in the forefronte of the battayle a­agaynst the horsemen of the Lydians. After these inconty­nently followed the footemen: and in the laste ranke were placed the horsemen, into whych order and aray hauing di­rected and contryued his Armie, he straightly commaūded them to spare none of the Lydians, but whomesoeuer they found to make resistaunce, him to dispatch and slay present­ly: Craesus onely excepted, towards whome he warned that no violence should be shewed how peruerslie soeuer he be­haued himselfe.

This charge geuen, he caused his Camels to proceede forward agaynst the Lydian ryders, to this ende: for that a horse is very much afrayd of a Camell, and can neither a­way A horse very fearful of a camel. with the sight of him, nor abyde his smel. Which pol­licy he founde out to defeate Craesus of his greattest hope, whose chiefest confidēce he knew to be placed in the strēgth and virtue of his horsemen. Asigne of battayle beyng geuē, and the armies comming to the close: the Lydian coursers what with the sight and sent of the camels, fledd backe and retyred violently: which clean discouraged Craesus, and put him out of hope. But the Lydians nothing abashed therat as hauing learned the cause, alyghted spedily, and buckled with the Persians on foote, tyll at length manye fallyng on ether side, they were forced to flye and gard them selues with the walles of the city, beyng inuyroned by the Persiās with a siege: which siege Craesus supposing to put of and [Page] delay for a long time, sent other messengers from y^e walles to his freyndes and confederates: hauinge by the first set downe and prefyned the fift moneth ensuinge for the tyme of their assembly. Contrariwise by these he requested and desyred mature and speedy ayde, beyng held at a baye, and inclosed within the walles and gates of hys citye. The mes­sengers vndertoke a speedy course, as well to other nati­ons as to the Lacedemonians his assured frendes.

It fortuned that at the same tyme, there fell a strife A ariefe dis­course of a cō ­bat fought be­tveene the Argyues and La­cedaemonians for a piece of ground. and contention betwene the men of Sparta and Argos, a­bout a certayne field called Thyrea, which grounde, albeit properly belonging to the Arguies, was vnlawfullye helde backe and retayned by the Spartans. For what land soeuer in the mayne bendeth and inclyneth toward the West, as farre as Malea is peculier and appertinent to the Argiues with the tytle also and dominion of certayne Isles, in the number wherof is reckoned Cythera. Therfore the peo­ple of Argos gathering an army for the recouerye of theire owne territory and freedome: they fel to condition for the matter to be tryed out by cōbratry of three hundred choise men on eyther syde consenting and agreeing that the right of the lande should follow the victorers.

Prouiding moreouer that both the armyes should for­sake the field and retyre home: least beynge presente they might be moued to succour y^e part that was most distressed The couenant ratifyed and confirmed betwene them, they departed each to theyr owne cityes.

The partyes syngled out, and delected from both armyes, remayning behynd, gaue byter assault each to other, & con­tinued the combate til such tyme as of sixe hundred, there were left but three men alyue the battayle beynge interup­ted and broken of by the nere approach and comming of the euening. The remaynētes were these. Two of the Ar­gyues, Aleinor, and Chromius, who in manner of conque­rours hastened their steps to Argos one of the Lacedaemo­nians [Page 25] named Othryades who dispoyling the deade bodyes of the Argyues, caried their weapons to his tentes keping himselfe in his due order and array. The next day the cause beyng known, the people of both Cityes were present in y^e field laying equall clayme to the victory. The Argyues, for that the men on their syde escaped, and remayninge aliue were more in number. The Lacedaemonians, for that the Argyues fled the field, and their men onely abode behynde, taking the spoyle of his slayne enemyes. Incontinently fal­lyng from sowre woordes to sad blowes, many were lost on both partes and the conquest atchieued by the Lacedaemo­nians. Since which time the people of Argos shauing their heads (wheras of necessity before time they nourished their hayre) made a law with a solemne and religious vowe, ne­uer to suffer their lockes to grow, or their women to weare gold before they had recouered the field of Thyrea. On the other side the Lacedaemonians decreed from that tyme for­ward to goe long headed contrary to their former vse & cus­tome. But Othryades the onely suruiuour of 300. Spar­tans, moued with shame and greefe, that the rest of hys cō ­pany were vanquished by the Argyues w^t his owne handes ended his owne lyfe in the field of Thyrea.

Whyle these thinges were fresh at Sparta, the Lydian herauld arryued to intreat ayde and helpe for Craesus, whō they hauing heard, thought meete without delay to assyste, and succoure him. Wher [...]ore puttynge themselues in a readines and being at the point to take shipping to Sardis: there came another messenger with newes, that the wall & bulwarke of the Lydians was scald, and Craesus himselfe takē alyue. Wherat the Lacedaemonians greatly greued esteeming themselues to haue suffered no small losse, alte­red the intent of their purposed voyage.

Furthermore the conquest and winning of Sardis, was in this sort. Thevvynnīg of thcitye Sar­dis.

Cyrus hauing layne at a siege the space of 14. dayes, sent [Page] coursers about his army, and propounded a great reward to him that first scaled y^e city wall, which beyng oftentimes in vayne enterprysed by the whole armye: when the rest were quiet, a certain Mardane by name Hyraeades, sought speedy meanes to ascend and clymbe the wall on that part which was naked and vndefended of the Lydians: neuer fearyng or suspecting least the citye should be taken on that side, which for the roughnesse and craggines therof was de­med inuincible. On which syde onely Meles first kynge of The cause vvhy the vvals of Sardis vvere inuinci­ble. Sardis had not lead hys bastard sonne Leo: The wise men of Telmisses holding opinion that vppon what part of the walles soeuer this Leo passed, they shoulde become inex­pugnable, and not to be vanquished. Meles therfore by all partes of the citye walles wherby any daungerous assault mighte laye to the Towne, lead and trayned hys vnlaw­ful sonne: omitting that syde only which lieth toward Tmo­lus, for that he thought it to be of power and strength suffi­cient agaynst the vyolent charge and counterpease of the e­nemy. From this part the Mardane Hyraeades hauinge marked a Lydian descending the day before to recouer his helmet thither tombled downe, considered with hymselfe, and began to attempt the lyke. After whom followed other of the Persians, who consequently wer pursued by the rest in great routes and multitudes. By which meanes y^e citye Sardis was taken and sacked.

Amids this distresse and [...]eame misery ther chaūced to Craesus a verye rare and straunge miracle: hauinge a dumbe sonne of whom wee made mention before, hee toke greate care and wroughte all meanes possible, whyle hys kingdome flourished to recure his malladye, approuinge and trying aswell other thinges, as also the aduyse and sen­tence of the oracle. To whose demaund Pythia made this aunswere.

Now the walles beynge taken a certayne souldiour of y^e Persians came vyolently towards Craesus to haue done him to death, not supposing him to haue bene the king. Whom he perceyuinge, neuerthelesse regarded not the daunger Craesus his dumbe sonne spake to saue his father. making no difference whether hee perished by sword or o­therwyse. The dumbe sonne seeyng the imminent perill of the King hys father, and fearynge his death, brake out in these wordes sayinge.

Hold thy handes (Good fellow) slay not king Craesus. Which beyng the first wordes that euer he spake, hee had alwaies after the ready vse and practise of his toung. Thus Craesus and hys city Sardis, after he had raygned 14. years and abiden so many dayes siege, fell into the hands and po­wer of the Persians: hauing lost a great kingdome, accor­dyng The oracle ve­rifyed. Fol. 15. to the voyce and sentence of the oracle, beyng in this sort apprehended, he was brought to king Cyrus, who cau­sing his hands & feete to be clogged with great & waighty giues of yron, set him in y^e midst of a woodpile, made for the nonce accōpanied w^t 14. children of the Lydians: determinīg to offer these first fruites to y^e Gods ether for perfourmāce & accōplishment of some vow or for profe or tryall whether any of the Gods (vnto whose honor & seruice he vnderstode Craesus to be greatly addicted) woulde saue & deliuer hī frō y^e fyre. These things are cōmonly spred & reported of Cyrus.

In this most yrksome & lamentable case whiles y^e kynge Craesus ac­knovvlegeth novv the sen­tence of Solon to true, that no man is perfyte happy that maye bee miserable. of y^e Lydiās stode on y^e heape or pyle of fagots he bethought [Page] hymselfe of the words and saying of Solon: who lead by the diuine instinct of some heauenly influence, had told hym be­fore that in the number of the liuinge, there was no man so singular that might be named happy. Wherof beyng ad­monished in his mynd, and fetching from the bottom of his hart a deepe and streyning sigh, by report wept bitterly, & three sundrye tymes cryed out aloude vppon the name of Solon, which Cyrus hearing willed the interpreters to aske hym whom he called vppon. To whom Craesus made no an sweare at all, vntil such tyme as beynge compelled by con­straynt, he sayd. I named him whom I had rather then al the wealth in the worlde, hee had lykewyse talked with all those who beynge placed in the hyghest degree of honoure haue the chiefe gouernment of the kingdomes on Earth, which woordes for that hee vttered not halfe playnlye, and to the cleare and perfyt vnderstanding of those which were attentyue, and listened vnto hym, they vrged him a fresh to make a recytall therof agayne. At whose instant and im­portunate halinge beynge now constrayned to begynne his speech anew, he told them how a long tyme synce Solon an Athenian, arriued at his court: who beholding his infinite treasure & aboundance of wealth made verye light accompt thereof as a thinge of smal and base value, in so much that whatsoeuer he had spokē and pronounced of hym, the same in due measure had fallen out and comen to euent. Which thinges neuerthelesse, were not peculiarly spoken by hym but generally of the whole nation and company of men: and chiefly of those which please themselues here on earth in a pleasaunt dreame and singular cōtentment of happy blisse. Whyles Craesus spake these thinges, and the fagottes had taken fyre on euery syde: Cyrus vnderstandynge by the ex­positers The vvisedom and merciful nature of Cy­rus in yeldinge Craesus pardō. of the Lydian toung what he had said, was moued with compassion, knowinge himselfe also to bee but a man who was now in hand to frye another to death by fyre, that of late dayes was nothinge inferiour to himselfe in power [Page 27] and prosperitie. And fearing vengeaunce for the same and consydering the instable course and fickle flower of mans affayres, commaunded with all diligence the fyre to be ex­tinguished and Craesus with the rest of his company to bee set free. But they stroue in vain the fyre hauing taken such Apollo by a shovvre of rained deliuered Craesus from the fire. vehement holde, that it seemed vnquencheable and not to bee ouercome. In this place the Lydians recounte that Craesus knowing kyng Cyrus his minde to be chaunged & seeing euery man endeuoure to abate the rage and furie of the flame howbeit nothing at all profiting: he lyfted vp his voyce & cryed to Apollo for succour: that if euer any giftes offered by him had ben pleasaunt in his sight, he would ac­quite and deliuer him from this presēt daunger As he was pitifully shedding his teares in plainte and lamentation to the God, sodainly the skye being faire & the weather smoth and calme the daye was ouercaste and shadowed with the darke vale of dimme and duskie cloudes, which breakynge out into maine showres cleane put out and quenched y^e fire: Herby Cyrus perceiuing that Craesus was a vertuous mā and reuerenced the Gods he saued him from the fyre: & de­maunded him the question saying. Tell me now O Craesus whose counsaile was it to inuade my country, and became of my friend myne enemy: Certes (quoth hee) G Kinge I haue done this to mine owne great losse and thy gayne the God of the Graecians incyting and leading me hereto, who was the cause that I warred agaynst thee. For no man is so franticke to desire warre rather then peace: when as in tyme of concorde the sonnes bury the fathers: but in warre the father carieth the sonne to hys graue. Howbeit it see­med good to the God to bringe these things to passe, which A reason vvhy peace is more to be desired. then vvarre. hauinge saide. Cyrus placed him by, and hadde hym in great honour and reuerence, and stedfastlye beholding him greatly wondred with the rest of his company. All which while Craesus in a deepe muse and profound studye sat stil without speaking any worde.

[Page] But sodainly lifting vp his head and vewing the Persian souldiers spoyling and ryflyng the citye. Whether shall I speake my mynd (noble Cyrus sayde hee) and vtter that I thinke, or holde my peace at this present and say nothinge: But beyng lycenced to speake freely and without feare, he asked him saying. Wherin is al this company so busily cō ­uersaunt: or what seeke they to do: of a truth (quoth Cy­rus) naught else but to pole, and dispoile the city, and make a hand of thy riches and treasure. To whom Cresus answe­ryng: neyther do they wast my city mighty prince (sayd he) nor consume my goods, (for the righte of these thinges is no longer myne) but they are thy goods which they trayle and lugge aboute, and al this wealth pertayueth to thee: v­pon which wordes the king aduysinge hymselfe drewe Crae­sus asyde from the company, and demaunded of him what he thought meet to be done in this case. Who replyed say­ing. For asmuch as it hath pleased the Gods to make mee thy ser [...]. I hold it my duty whatsoeuer I shal perceiue more then thy selfe to make thee priuy and a counsaile ther­to. The Persians (quoth he) are a croked generation, and of nature peruerse and stubburne: yet neuertheles, verye bare and beggerly, whom if in this sort thou securely per­mit to ryg and ransacke cityes, and recouer store & plentye of wealth, I feare me that as euery one groweth to great­test aboundaunce, hee will sonest slipp the coller, and be­come of a true subiect, a trayterous rebell. Wherefore yf thou wilt follow my counsayle do this. Place at euery gate of the city certayn of thy gard with precise commaundemēt that no goods be caryed out of the Citye, pretending of the tenth parte therof to make an oblation and sacrifice to Iupi­ter: which doing thou shalt neyther purchase their displea­sure by takyng away the wealth: and themselues acknow­leging the intent to bee good, wil easily condiscend, and bee pleased therwith.

[Page 28] This counsayle greatly lyked king Cyrus: wherfore ha­uinge in lyke sorte disposed and setled, his Garde as Crae­sus had warned him, to him selfe he speake in termes as followeth.

My good Craesus, whereas thou art-a kinge, and by na­ture Craesus seynge to vvhat passe the oracle had brought him desireth leaue of Cyrus to chide vvith the deuil. framed both to do well and speake wysely, aske of me what seemeth thee good, and it shalbe geuen thee.

My soueraygne Lorde (quoth Craesus) I shall esteeme my selfe hyghlye benefyted by your Grace, yf by your ma­iestyes leaue and sufferaunce I may sende these my letters to the Gods in Greece. Demaundinge whether it were lawful for him in this order to double with his freyndes.

But Cyrus requesting to know the cause y^t set him so farre out of fauour with Apollo: hee brake out, and rypt vp the matter from the begynning, declaryng vnto him the Ora­cles which were geuen, and chiefly hys offeryngs wheron he presumed to denounce warre agaynst Persia.

After a large rehersal made as touching all these thinges, he returned to his former sute, requestyng the Kinge that it might be lawful for him to challenge the God for these matters, and cast them in his teeth. To whom Cyrus smy­lyng, sayd. Not this onely (O Craesus) but what else soe­uer shalbe gaunted to thee, and not at this tyme alone, but as oft as it shall lyke thee to make petition. Leaue obtay­ned) he forthwith dispatched certayne men of the Lydyans to Delphos, with charge, that laying the gyues at the en­try of the temple, they shoulde question with Apollo yf hee were not ashamed to delude and cousyne Craesus, with his fraudulent and deceitful Oracles: making him to assaulte the Persians in hope to vanquish the power of Cyrus, of which his hoped victory, these were the first fruites: com­maunding them therw^t to shew him the manacles, with the which beyng first captiue, he had bene chayned. Moreouer to aske him, whether the Graecian Gods had a priuilege [Page] and peculiar liberty, aboue the rest to bee ingrate and vn­thankful to their friendes. The Lydians arryued at Del­phos, and declaryng theyr messuage, Pythia made them Apollo his an­svvere to Crae­sus his accusa­tion. aunsweare on this maner. The necessary euent of fatall de­destiny, it is vnpossible for the Gods themselues to auoyd. Craesus layeth the disloyalty of the fift age before him, y^t is to say, of his great graūdfathers father: who beyng squyre of the body to y^e Heraclidans was induced by the fraud & Craesus is punished for the fact of Gyges that slue Can­daules his mayster. deceypt of a woman to kill his Lorde, and was after inue­sted with his dignity, which nothing appertayne [...] to him.

Notwithstandinge Apollo by al meanes endeuouringe to cause the fal of Sardis to light on the posterity of Craesus, not vpon himselfe: for all this could not prolōg or alter the inchaungeable race of destenye: but dispensinge therewith as much as might be, in some part he requyted his curtesy by deferryng the battery and conquest of Sardis for terme of three yeares. It is meete therefore that Craesus knowe, how his seat imperiall came three years later to ruine then was determined and appoincted by fatall necessity. Agayne it was no small benefite that he saued him from frying at a stake, for as touthing the oracle he hath no cause to cōplain being forewarned by Apollo that furnishinge an armye a­gainst Persia he should ouerturne and destroy a great Em­pyre. Of this sayinge if in case he had bene better aduysed it was his part to haue enquyred of Apollo what empyre he meant, whether his owne gouernment, or the kingdome and principality of Cyrus. But the prophecy beyng neither sufficiently pondered by himselfe nor sought to be discussed, if any thing happened otherwyse then he would and wished for: let him thanke hym selfe and not blame the God.

Now for that he aleageth besydes the sentence of Apol­lo as concerning the Mule: it was better sayd by the God, Applye to this place theoracle geuen fol. 25. then considered by him. For by the Mule was kyng Cyrus vnderstode, whose parents were of dyuers nations, and his mother of a more noble progeny and lineage thē his father. [Page 29] The one beyng a Mede, daughter to Astyages, kynge of y^e Medes. The other a Persian, and in homage and subiection to the Medes, who beyng a man of base account, and verye meane regard, neuerthelesse crept into fauour, and wedded the daughter of his soueraygne liege.

The Lydians thus aunsweared by Pythia, made their spedy regresse to Sardis declaring to Craesus what they had hearde. Wherby he came to confesse that the blame rested in his owne folly, and was vniustly and without cause im­puted to Apollo. It suffyceth therfore to haue spoken this of the dominion and rule of Craesus, ann by what meanes hee first vanquished & subdued Ionia. Furthermore besides those which before are mentioned: many other notable pre­sentes were offered by this king which are yet apparant, & to be seene in Greece. For at the Citye Thebs in Boaetia there is a table of three feete all of Gold dedicated vnto A­pollo Ismenius. Certayne young heighfers also wroughte of Gold, with sundry pillers of the same kynde. Lykewyse in the entrey and porch of the temple there is to be seene an huge sheyld of solide golde. All which were extant, and re­mayning euen vntil our age. Albeit, by length of tyme ma­ny were consumed and brought to decay. As for the gyftes he bestowed at Branchidae (as farre as we can learne) they were nothinge inferiour to them in value which were sent to Delphos. Notwithstanding as wel those which hee pre­sented at Delphos, as also the other that were geuen to the temple of Amphiaraus were of his owne propre and hereditary substaunce, the first fruites of his fathers possessions: as for the rest which in lyke maner he consecrated were of the wealth and substaunce of his enemy: who before Crae­sus aspyred to the crowne was of the secte and faction of Pantaleō Crae­lus his brother by the fathers syde sought to defeat him of the kingdome Pantaleon. For this Pantaleon also had to father Halyat­tes and was brother to Craesus but by sundrye women, the mother of Craesus beynge of Caria, the other of Ionia. no soner was Craesus indued with the soueraygntye but hee toke his enemy y^t constantly withstode him, & drawing hym [Page] asyde into a fullers shoppe, he bereft hym of his life: whose goods before hand vowed to the immortal Gods hee made consecration of in those places wherereof wee spake before. And thus much as concerning his liberalitie and magnifi­cency vsed toward the Gods.

Now as touching the countrey of Lydia, there is no­thing therof recounted worthy admiration like as of other Of the coūtrey of Lydia, a briefe narratiō of such things as therin are vvorthy memory Halyattes his tombe in Ly­dia. regions: saue that only out of the hyll Tmolus are digged small peeces of gold in manner of grauel. There is also a monumente by them erected the straungest that euer was heard or seene (onely excepted the maruaylous works done by the Egyptian [...], and Babylonians) to witte, the tombe of Halyattes father to Craesus. The foundation or grounde wherof is of mighty greate stone, the rest of the sepulcher of earth and mould cast vp and heaped togeather in forme of a mount, finished and brought to perfection by the toyle and payne of certayn day men, and hyred labourers, beyng holpen therin and assisted by maydes of the countrey.

In the toppe or highest part of the Tombe ther appeared in our dayes fyue limits or seuerall precinctes and borders declaryng by letters therin ingrauen how much euery one had wrought and done, wherby it was euident by measure takē that the greatest part therof was built vp and framed by the labour and handyworke of the maides. For y^e daugh­ters of y^e Lydiās, are al prostitute and common vntill such tyme as by the vse of their bodies they haue gayned and collected The maydes in Lydia get their ovvne dov [...]ye by continuall vvhoredome. a dowry wherwith they be placed out, & geuen in maryage, which is at theire owne choyse & arbitrement. The compasse of the sepulcher was sixe furlonges and two acres about, the bredth 13. acres, nere vnto the which there passeth a mayne riuer, which the Lydians hold opinion to be perpetuall, named by them Gygaeus, and thus much of the tombe. The lawes which the Lydians vse are almost The lavves of the people of Lydia. all one with the statutes and ordinaunces of the Grecians saue that they set theyr virgins to open sale and cause them [Page 30] to kepe publique stewes and brothel houses. These first of all (to our knowledge) broughte in vse the coine of siluer The first coy­ners of siluer & gold. and gold, instituting shops of mercery, and marchaundise, and setting vp Tauernes and vittailinghouses. They chal­lenge also to themselues the first inuention and deuyse of playes and games, which are iointly in vse and obseruation with the Grecians, alleaging that togeather, & at the same tyme they deuysed these thinges: and made a drauft and se­questration of theire countreimen whom the sente to inha­bite and possesse a part & portion of Hetruria The meanes also and occasion they affyrme to haue bene these.

In the tyme of Atis sonne of kinge Manes there was a great scarsity and dearth of vittayles, throughout y^e whole A famine in Lydiacontinu­ing the space of 18 yeares. land of Lydia. In the beginning wherof the Lydians iustained themselues by day laboure, and continual toyle, but af­ter fyndinge the famyne to encrease, they sought other shiftes and deuysed meanes whereby to allay and diminish the greate distresse & intollerable rage of hungar, whereof arose the gallaunt deuise of playinge at Chesses: also dyce Chesse play, dice, and te [...]se deuised by the Lydians. playing, tenise, and such lyke, which the Lydians clayme and vendicate as proper to themselues, obseruinge this or­der to delay and forget their hungar: one whole day they spent in play and gamīg, neuer seeking after any meate, a­nother (leauing of to disport and recreate themselues) they made prouisiō of foode for the maintenance of their bodies. In which maner they liued the space of eyghtene yeares.

But hauing no release of their miserye, and perceiuing the dearth & penury nothing at all to surcease: the king de­uyded A colonye dravvne & sene into Hetruria his people into two parts: one of the which he allot­ted to abyde and stay in their owne countrey, commaunding the other to abandon the lande. Ouer those that remayned stil in Lydia, & departed not the listes of their natiue coun­trey, the king himself held the chiefe rule and gouernmēt: placing ouer the rest his sonne for their Lord and principal whom he called Terrhenus. [Page] Furthermore they vnto whom the lot fell to relinquish and leaue the region, held their way to Smyrna: where hauing built shippes such as were fyttest and most conueniente for caryage: they toke the sea to seeke both seates and suste­naunce. Vntil such tyme as hauing passed manye nations, they came to the Vmbrians, wher founding and building vp cityes they made their abode, and dwel their to this day The people Tyrrheni in Vmbria sprōg of the Lydians. Changinge the name of Lydians, with the name of theyr kinges sonne whom they had theyr prince and guide, be­yng after called Tirrhenians.

But sufficeth it vs to know that the Lydians were sub­duediand brought in subiection by the Persians. It resteth The genology of the kinges of Media from Deioces to Cyrus. now that wee declare and expresse who that Cyrus was, which vanquished the power and subuerted the kyngdome of Craesus. Consequently by what meanes the Persians at­chieued the principality and rule of Asia, wherin I wil al­leage that of which the Persians themselues are authors: who set downe vnto vs a playne and euident truth, not see­king by the vayne florysh and pompe of wordes to augment the noble and valiant actes of theyr famous kynge. Cyrus. Right wel knowing that alother historyans which make report of the same king are found to vary in three sundrye tales.

The Assyrians hauing held the dominion of Asia y^e high­er for terme of 520 yeares, the fyrst that made insurrection Media held by the Assyrians. and rebelled agaynst them were the Medes, who behauing themselues manfullye and couragiouslye in the behalfe of their liberty shoke of the yoke of bandage, & deliuered them selues from the slauery and seruitude of their gouerners, whose example also other nations immediatly followed & attempted the like, in so much y^t al the people of the mayne The pollicy of of Deioces to get the king­dome of Me­dia. land became free, were ruled and gouerned by their owne lawes. Til at length they were made thral agayu by these meanes. Ther liued in y^e countrey of the Medes, a man of rare & singular virtue named Deioces sonne of Phraortes: [Page 31] Who determining to atchieue y^e supremisie framed in his head this conceipte.

The Medes dwelling here and there, scattered by villa­ges, Deioces in very good credite beforetyme began more strictly and seuerelye to obserue iustice, and follow equitye then earst he was accustomed: for that he saw the Medes vniuersally addicted to liberty and licentiousnes, and assu­ryng him selfe that iniury and wrong were flatly contrary and repugnant to right. The people that dwelt in the same village takinge diligent heede to his manners, appoynted hym a iudge to decide their controuersies. But hee (as ha­uing an eye to the seate royall and kingdome of the Medes kept the sincere rule of Iustice and swarued not one ynche from lawe and equity. Which doing, besydes that he rea­ped no small prayse of his neyghbours and acquayntance, he had resort also and repayre to him by those that dwelt in other places, and in tyme welny frō all places of y^e realme, who moued with the good report, and fame of hys Iustice, came in flockes, adhibiting Deioces for an arbitratour in Nothingvvin­ [...]e: heredite so sonne asiustice and vpright dealyng. theyr causes, hauinge bene foyled and put to the worst, by the false sentence and iniurious verdite of others, and ad­mitting no man to the lyke office and dutye.

When the numbers of his Clientes were encreased, kno­wing all causes to be iustly determined and takē vp by him Deioces perceauinge himselfe to bee the onely man for the whole countrey, precisely refused ether to abyde any longer there where earst he was wont to administer iustice, or at all to intermedle and deale with anye causes, alleagynge y^e it was smally to hys profite to spend whole dayes in deter­mination and arbitrement of other mens causes, omitting the care of his owne houshold, and priuate affayres.

Wherfore robbery spoyle, vyolence, and all kynde of villa­ny beyng now more freely and with greater impunity in e­euery place committed then euer before: the Medes assem­blyng a general counsayle, begā to deliberate and consult [Page] as touching the state and condition of theircommon weale. Where (as I am brought to thinke) the friends and fami­liars of Deioces consideratlye and ofset purpose, spake in this sence. It cannot be (say they) that in this corruption & lewdnes of manners we should long enioy and abide in our countrey. Goe to then let vs appoynt and ordayne ouer vs a kinge, that our laude may bee gouerned by good lawes: wherby it may be free for euery man quietly to dispose of hys owne affayres and haue no cause to feare lest by the a [...] ­homination and outrage of wicked and pernicious maners we be cast out and dispossessed of our owne seats. By which woordes the Medes indured to couch & submit themselues to a kyng: they began to consider whom they might electe and chose for the soueraygne lord of their libertye. Which there doubt the name & remembrance of Deioces, straight wayes cut of, who by general consent and one voyce of the whole multitude was named and approued kynge. And be­yng aduaunced to the chiefest dignity, he cōmaunded forth­with a pallace to be erected and built vp seemly for the ma­iesty and magnificient estate of a prince. Moreouer y^e choyse should be made of stronge and likelie men for the gard and preseruation of his body. Which the people of the Medes (willing to gratify him by their proue and ready obediēce) immediatly perfourmed raysing a mighty and sumptuous court notably fenced and garnished for his safe abode: situa­ted also in y^e part of the countrey which he best fancyed, lea­uing it free and his owne liberty to select and picke out of the whole countrey of y^e Medes such as he thought meete for the defence and care of hys health. Deioces in full au­tority and power of a kyng compelled them also to founde a city, which beyng by them accordingly furnished & forti­fyed, they might haue y^e lesse regard of their smal & homely cotages, which thinge the people willingly agreeynge to The buildinge of the famous city Ecbatana. he enuyroned and fensed in a citye with stronge and mighty walies, which is now called Ecbatana, where one wall [Page 32] [...]oundeth vpon an other in such manner that the onely com­passe of the one cleane encloseth and whollye conteyneth the other euery one in lyke maner excedinge each other in height.

Whereunto the nature of the place gaue no small ad­uauntage, as hauinge his reise and rearynge towardes the pitch of a hyll. How bee it, farre more greate was the helpe of art and industry of man, hauing wrought seuen se­ueral closurs and countermures nere adioyning the one to the other. In the last circuit wherof was the pallace of the king togeather with the treasure of the city. The scope & compasse of the last and greatest incloseth welny as much, space or more as the wall of Athens. The batlement of the first wall is coloured with whyte: the seconde with blacke, the third with redde, the fourth also with blew: or skye co­loured, the fyft with yellow, the two last beyng coped with battlementes, the one of siluer the other of gylt. The pal­lace of the king beyng (as we haue heard) strengthned and corroborated with defence and munition, he commaunded the rest of the people to dwell assyde on euerye part rounde aboute prouiding moreouer that no mā at any time should haue accesse or entraunce to his person but that all thinges should be done by messages to and fro: in so much, that the king seldome or neuer came vnder view or sight to any. A­boue this, it was held neyther seemely nor lawful for any man to laugh or spit in presence of the prince or anye other. These thinges are therefore practised and obserued by the Medes: that those which wer his equalles before of appro­ued courage and valiancy: might not haue any cause by se­yng hym to be greeued at his dignity, and consequentlye to The reason vvhy no man might haue accesse to the king of the Medes. brew treasō against hispersō: but cōtrarily being abridged of his sight & cōpany y^t might come into opinion y^t the king was no part of his people, but a mā singled & sequestredfrō y^e rest of the multitude. [...]erew^t Deiocos hauinge garnished and set forth his maiesty, & in perfyte manner autorized, & [Page] setled himselfe in his empyre, he ministred iustice w^t great rygor and seuerity. They which were in plea & controuer­sye one with an other put their causes in wrytinge, and by a messenger sent them in to the king, which whē he had de­termined he subscribed his iudgement, and sent them back agayne, executing iustice on this manner.

In other thinges he held another order, yf happily he had intelligēce of any that had done wrōg or iniury toan other, sending for him he put him to a payne accoring to the mea­sure of his offence: to which end he had dispersed diuers es­pyalles to prye and watch throughout the whole Realme. Thus the whole nation of the Medes fell to the rule & go­uernment of Deioces, wherof himselfe was the only prin­cipal. Appertinent to the tytle and seate of the Medes are thus many seuerall peoples. The Busans, Paratacenians, Struchates, Arizantyns, Budyans, Magians. All which The seuerall countries of Media are these 6. Deioces raig­ed [...]3 yeares. Phrao [...]es the 2. King. The Persians made subiect to the Medes by Ph [...]aortes: restored to their liberty by Cyrus. were vnder the soueraignty of the Medes. After y^e decease of Deioces, whose raygne continued the terme of 53. yeares his sonne Phraortes tooke vppon him the gouernmente. Who not content to be kynge of the Medes alone, moued warre vppon the Persians, and made them subiect to the po­wer of Media, and hauing the rule and dominion of both nations the people of the which were mighty and valyaunt he subdued also Asia, muadynge dyuers other countryes, now one and then another, tyll at length hee came to geue assault to the Assyrians, I meane those that whylom were chiefe of al the rest, but at that instant renounced and forsa­ken of all theire Subiectes by rebellion. Neuerthelesse of themselues in very good estate. Agaynst whom Phraor­tes vnder taking a voiage the 22. yerre of his raygne, was Phraortes slayne by the Assyrian [...] the 22 yeare of his raygne. C [...]axares 3. slayne in battel and the most parte of his armye put to the swoord.

After whose death Cyaxares hys sonne and Nephew to Deioces came to the crowne, who hadde the name to be of greater prowesse and might in warre then any of his aun­cestors. [Page 33] Wherfore he distinguished into [...]andes & trowpes the people of Asia, and fyrst of all arranged his army into an order of Spearemen: horsemen and bowmen, whereas The day tur­ned into night before all were confused and out of aray. This is hee who warred with the Lydians, at such time as the day was tur­ned into night: and who hauinge purchased the fauour of all Asia that lyeth about the ryuer Halis, mustered a po­wer of men agaynst the city Ninus, aswell to take reuenge of his fathers death as to vanquish and destroy the citye.

But in the meane tyme whyle hee foyled the Assyrians in the field, and held them at bay within the citye, hee was of a sodaine incountered with an huge army of the S [...]ythians lead and guided by Madyis their kinge, successor to his fa­ther Protothias. Who hauinge driuen the Symmerians out of Europe brake from thence into Asia, and beynge in quest and persute of those whom they had flighted in battel came into Media.

The distaūce betweene y^e two riuers Maeotis & Phasis euē vnto the countreye of Colchis is 30. dayes iorney for a light footman: but betwene Colchis, & the land of the Medes the way is short, & the trauell easye, one onely region lying be­twene them, which is the countrey of the people called Sas­pires: which after wee haue passed, the next stepp is into Media. Notwithstāding the Scythiās toke not this course but fetcht a compasse about another waye, towardes the vpper regions leauing the mount Caucasus on their ryght hand. The Medes entring battell with the Scithians. were by them vanquished, and lost the tytle and superiority of all Asia. Wherfore the S [...]ythiās surprising y^e dominiō of Asia, went from thence the next way into Aegipt, but arryuinge in Siria Palaestina they were met by Psammiti [...]hus Prince of the Aegyptians by whose gentle intreaty and greate re­wardes they were stayed from goyng anye further, where­fore retyring backe agayne after they were come to y^e citye Ascalon in Syria, many of them passed by quietly, without [Page] offer of damage or iniury, howbeit some drouping behynd rifled the chappel of Venus Vrania, beyng of greatest stan­ding The most aun­cient temple of Venus. and antiquity, amonges all the temples that were e­uer erected to that Goddesse: for the Pallace of Venus in Cyprus toke oryginal of this, as the Cyprians themselues testify. The temple also extant at Cythera was built by y^e Phaenicians, which were a progeny and ofspring of the Sy­rians. But the Goddesse moued with wrath agaynst those that wrought the spoile and pillage of her temple, punished both themselues and all those which came of them with the feminine sicknes. Which thing the Scythians also graunt: who are easily brought to confesse that the cause was such, and none other why they are tainted and infected with this disease. Neither is it hard for those that trauayle into Scy­thia, with their owne eyes to behold them, which are thus diseased, whom the Scythians call Enareas, that is, execra­ble and accursed. Asia therfore was held by this people 28. yeares, for which tyme proudly and iniuriously exercysing Asia held by the Scythians 28. yeares. gouernment they made wast and hauocke of al. For beside the ordinary pension of tribute, they exacted so much of e­uery one seuerally as theyr pleasure was to rate them at.

Wherwith also hardly satisfied they committed spoyle and robberye throughout all the countrey. Wherfore Cyaxa­res and his people the Medes, intertaining the most part of them with sumptuous feastes, and all sortes of delicious and dayntye fare: watching their time when the Scythians were ouerladen with drinke, they set vppon them and flue them. By which meanes recoueryng the empyre with all that they had before, they toke also the citye Nynus. The which in what sort it was by them taken, and howe they brought vnder their rule all the Assyriās, saue only Baby­lon, it shall else where be declared.

Nowe when as Cyaxares had raygned 40. yeares and Cyaxaresraig­ned 40. yeares. Astyages 4. vn. reclaymed the kyngdome from the Scythians, he ended his life, & Astyages hys sōne ruled in his stede: of whose loynes [Page 34] issued a goodly gentlewoman named Mandâne: whom hyr father on a night dreamed to haue let her vryne in so great der vvhose raygne is con­teyned the fa­mous story of Cyrus. The 2. dreams of Astyages conce [...]ning his daughter. aboundāce, y^t to it filled the whole citye, and couered Asia w^t a maine floud. The meaning wherof after he had learned of the Magi (who had skil to lay opē & interprete dreames) atteynted with exceeding feare, hee resolued to marye his daughter (beyng now of ripe yeares) to none of the noble bloud of y^e Medes which might seeme worthy of her persō: but to a certayne Persian named Cambyses, whō he knew to be of a good house and of nature remisse and quiet. Al­beit with him selfe in farre lesse accompt then a meane mā of the Medes. The same yeare he had placed his daughter with Cambyses, hee saw another vision no lesse straunge then the former: wherein ther seemed vnto hym out of the wombe of his daughter to grow a vyne that ouerspread & shadowed all Asia, and hauing knowledge what it meant, immediatly sent for his daughter from Persia, where shee abode: to whom beyng greate with childe, and neere the tyme of her deliuery, hee assygned a strayght and diligent watch, in full purpose to destroy that whatsoeuer shee had brought forth into the world: beynge geuen him to vnder­stand by the wyse Magi, the interpretors of dreames, that the yssue of his daughter should raygne in hys [...]leed.

Which thing Astyages carefully noting, presentlye at the byrth of Cyrus, sent for Harpagus his most familiar and faythfull counsayler, and the onely solicitor and dealer in al his affayres. To whom hee sayde on this manner: My good and trusty seruaunt Harpagus, I straightlye warne thee not to neglect y^e charge I shal lay vpon thee, nor in any wyse to delay the speedye dispatch and accomplishment of the same. Beware thou dost not deceiue me, and take hede, least reposing thy trust in other to do it for thee, thou bee a cause vnto thy selfe of grieuous reuenge.

Take this litle bratte of my daughter Mandâne, and, [Page] tary it home with thee to thyne house, and slay it: which done, take order also by some secrete meanes to see it bury­ed: to whom hee answered. Most noble Prince, your ma­iesty at no time enioyned ought to Harpagus that he scorned to doe, and shall hee from henceforth neglect your hestes?

Be it your wil and pleasure, I shall do it: it is my dutye & deuoyre to perfourme it.

Which hauing sayd, the young infant was deliuered into hys handes in a rych and coastlye mantle whom hee recey­uing departed home to his own house the teares trickling downe his cheekes for sorrow. Whether beyng comen hee opened to his wyfe all the wordes that had passed betwene himselfe and the king, who began to demaund him in these wordes. And what then my lord are you mynded to do?

Certes (quoth he) albeit I am commaunded by Astyages: yet whyle I liue wil I neuer be brought to commit so de­testable a villany: be he neuer so madd, and tenne hundred times more enraged then he is at this present, both for that this pore seely brat is of myne owne kyndred and allyance, and then because Astiages himselfe is now olde and with­out issue of a man child. After whose whose death if by for­tune his daughter should aspyre to y^t crowne (whose sonne I am charged to bereaue of his life) what else could I hope for but the most cruel and miserable death that coulde bee deuysed? Neuerthelesse, for myne owne safetyes sake, I hold it necessarye this childe shoulde dye, yet not by anye of myne, but by some of the kinges owne seruantes. Hys talke ended, forthwith he sent a messenger to y^t heardman of Astyages whom he knew wost cōueniently to be resident in such pastors and hils as were haunted and frequented w^t wyld beastes. The heard mannes name was Mitradates: whose mate in bedde and fellow in seruice was a poore laye woman named in the Greeke toung Cyno, which signify­eth a Bytch: in the Median lauguage Spaco, Spaca, in the commō vse of their speech being the right name for a vitch

[Page 35] The pastours where hee grased his cattell were borde­ryng to the foote or bottom of a desert mountayne, lying to the North syde of Eobatana, and to the Euxine sea: al that coast of the land of Media which tendeth towardes the peo­ple Saspires, beinge very hygh & full of hils and forrestes, but the rest much more low and playne. The heardman re­ceyuing the messuage, and repayring to the house of Harpa­gus after he was comen thither, he began to salute hym in these wordes. Gentle syria (quoth he) it is the kinges wil you take this litle infante and laye hym in the most wilde Harpagus de­liuereth the child to the kinges neat­heard to lay out in the de­sert. and desert place of the woods where he may soonest bee de­uoured. Which wordes his maiesty cōmaunded me to say vnto you, with this greeting moreouer, that if in case thou make not speedy dispatch of it, but by some meanes saue it and kepe it aliue, thyselfe in sted therof shalt dye the death. Which thing also that it might be done without deceipt, he gaue me in precyse charge with myne owne eyes to behold the child dead, with which wordes the poore soule toke the babe, and returned the same way hee came to his base and simple cottage. Now it fortuned that all that day his wife laye in traueile of childbyrth, and (as the Gods would haue it) in the meane space whyle her husband went to the city, was deliuered of a sonne: beyng very sollicitous and careful one for another: Mitradates for y^t safe deliuerye of his wifet Cyno for the good successe of hyr husband, who besides cus­tome was sent for by Harpagus. Beyng returned home, & with great ioy receaued of his sorrowful wyfe, she curyous­ly demaunded of hym what the cause might be, that in such post hast he was summoned by Harpagus to come to the ci­ty. To whom he sayde (my deare wyfe) at my comming to the city I both heard and saw that which I woulde to God I had neuer seene, nor it had bene done by our Lordes and maysters. All y^t house of Harpagus resounding with teares and yellyng with most pitifull outcryes and lamentation. Wherinto after I was entered all agast & astonied for fear [Page] I beheld a comly younge chyld lying in the middes of the house quaking and cryng wrapped in a rich mantel of gold and diuerse colours, whom Harpagus (hauing espyed me) commaunded me to take by and by, and cast it out in the mayne forrest for a pray and spoyle to the sauage and raue­nous beastes: addynge moreouer y^t Astyages charged me so to do, with great threats and men [...]cinges if I should do otherwyse. The child I toke and haue brought with mee supposing it to belong to some one of the court: for that I would neuer haue thoughte it to haue bene of the kinges owne bloud. Notwithstanding I maruayled much to see that so rychly arayed with gold and sumptuous attyre: as also what it might meane that Harpagus and all his fami­ly so bitterly wayled in extreame wae and heauines. Now in the way I was acertay [...]ed of all the matter by a seruaūt that brought me out of the city, and deliuered the child in­to my handes: who told me it was the sonne of Mandane our kinges daughter, begotten of Cambyses sonne of Cy­rus,, and that Astyages commaunded it should bee slayne: and this is he. Wherwithall he vnfolden the mantle & she­wed the child to his wyfe. The selye woman beholding the young babe to be fayre and beautiful and of body large and well proportioned, fell downe on her knees, and bathinge her husbandes feete w^t her lukewarme teares she besought him in no wyfe to imbrue his handes in the bloud of an in­fant so goodly and well fauoured. Who alleaging that it could not be otherwyse, because that Harpagus would send his seruauntes to see it dead, and that himselfe should bee miserably tormented to death. The woman which by thys tyme had set abroach a new deuise begā a fresh to counsaile hym saying. If there be no remedye but needes thou must lay it out: yet heare me once agayne & follow my counsayle how thou mayst craftely dispense with the kings commaū ­dement and saue the childe. This day haue I brought forth a young infant which was stil borne and dead in y^t wombe. [Page 36] Take yt therfore and saying it out in the desert: let vs kepe and foster this in the steed, so shall it neither be knowne y^t thou hast disobayed the king, and our selues shall gayne the heauenly ioy of so goodly an infant. By this meanes (my good husband) both our dead chyld cast out in this kynglye vesture shall enioy a royall and princely sepulcher: and this poore seely innocent that is assygned to dye shall be preser­ued Mitradates moued by his vvife laid out a dead child of his ovvne in s [...]eed of Cyrus. and kept aliue. Which deuyse fytted the neatheardes humoure so wel that without any longer deliberation, hee put it in practise. Wherfore giuinge to his wyfe the childe which he was mynded to haue slayne, his owne bratte that was still borne gallantly decked in the others aray, he toke and layd out in a most wilde and wast mountayne. Which done the 3. day after he had cast it forth (leauyng another to ouersee the neat) he posted him to the city to the house and mansiō place of Harpagus, geuing him to vnderstande that the child, was dead, and that for more assurance he myght behold it wher he lay: who sending with him certaine of his seruauntes in whom he reposinge geatest affyaunce willed them to take view thereof, who fyndyng it to be so (as they thought) in steede of Mendanes sonne toke the heardmās Cyrus brought vp by the gra­siers vvife. child, and buryed it. Now the other yoūg brat y^t was after called Cyrus was brought vp and cherished by y^t grasiers wyfe who notwithstanding, as yet did not call hym Cyrus, but by some other name. The child arryuing to the age of tenne yeares, descryed his progeny, and opened hymselfe by this deed, and sportyng in a village where the hearde gra­sed, and beynge at sporte and playe with his equalles, hee chaunsed by the other children his playfellowes to be chosē kynge.

The boy incontinentlye limittynge to euerye one hys Cyrus descry­eth his proge­ni and causeth himselfe to be knovven. propre charge, toke vppon him lyke a younge Prince in dede, ordaining strayght some of them to builde housen, and others to garde hys Bodye, and to attende vppon [Page] his person, one for the steward of his court, another for his legate and ambassadour to forreine countries: lastly such a one as might controll and ouersee the rest: bynding euery man with a seuerall dutye. Among this company of litle wagges ther vsed to play a young boy the sonne of Artem­bares, a man of great calling and principal respect among the Medes, whō Cyrus for that he refused to obay his au­thority, and do as hee bade hym, caused the other boyes to take and lay hold on, which they doing, he beat him spight­fully & without measure. The boy taking it heauily to be thus abused, was no soner escaped from them, but he rāne home crying to the city where his father dwelled and com­playned of the wrong & vyolence done to hym by Cyrus: al­beit not callīg him Cyrus (for as yet he had not that name) but the sonne of Astyages heardman. Artembar es transpor­ted with choller, in a rage toke his sonne by the hande, and lead him to the kynge, where declarynge the intollerable misusage of hys child, opened his coate & shewed hys shoul­ders, sayng. Is it meete (O kyng) that we be thus abused by the wretched brat of thy heardmā? Astyages willing to gratifye Artembares and do him honour by reuenging his sonnes quarel, caused the heardmas boy to be sent for: who bryng come, Astyages castyng towardes hym a sterue and frowning loke, began in this wyse: why syrra (quoth hee) you litle punion, is it for so base a brat as thy selfe, borne of a beggerly vassall, to scourge and whip in such sort a childe sprong of a noble house, whose father is one of the peeres and chiefe men of my realme? The boy beholdyng the king with a bold and stedfast countenaunce aunsweared thus. Why my Lord (quoth he) that which I haue done I haue done by iustice, for our towne boyes, in whose crew this Cyrus his bold ansvveare to A­stiages. was, appoynting me their king, as the meetest of them all to beare rule, this fellow would not obay me, and thought scorne to do as I bad him: for which cause according to hys [Page 37] due desert I sharply punished him, and if I for so doyng be worthy to be beaten, here I am do with me what thou wilt. Whyles the boy spake these wordes, Astyages his hart be­gan to rise: for he seemd to himself to acknowledge the coū ­tenaunce of the boy, callynge to mynde the forme and signes of his face, besydes, his stately and liberal gesture: the terme also of his yeares hit so pat with the time of his casting out, that he verily thought hym to be his yong nephewe. Wher­at some what astonied he remained silent for a space, & hard­ly at the length returning to himselfe (being desirus to send away Artembares, to the end he might talke alone with the heardman) he spake thus. My meanyng is O Artembares (quoth he) in such sort to deale in this matter that you shall thinke your selfe satisfyed, and your sonne haue no cause to complayne. With which wordes Artembares taking hys humble leaue of the king, Cyrus was lead into an inner par lour. Astyages beyng now alone with the heardman, began to parle with hym where he had the boy, or how he came by hym. Who thinking it best to stand to hys tacklinge affir­med stoutly that he was his own sonne, and that his mother was liuing with hym at home at his house. To whom the king castyng an angry smyle: Certes (quoth hee) good fel­low thou art not thyne owne freynd to runne wilfullye into the briers, and to be cause vnto thy selfe of a terrible death: and presently making a signe to hys gard to lay hold on him they toke him in purpose to haue lead hym awaye. But the miserable neatheard oppressed with extremity and driuē to so nere a strayght, resolued with hymselfe abandoning all fayned allegations to seeke refuge by confessynge the truth: wherfore openyng the whole matter from the first head and begynning, he fell downe on his knees, and humblye craued pardon of the kyng. Astyages hearyng hym without glose or colour to speake as it was, made light of his fault and let him goe, sending certaine of his court for Harpagus against whom hys stomacke was inflamed with greate wrath and [Page] indignation, to whom appearing in prefence hee spake as followeth. Tell me Harpagus in truth (quoth he) by what death didst thou murder y^e childe that I gaue vnto thee be­gotten & borne of my daughter Mandâne: who seeing Mi­tradates the heardman present, thought it not best to dissē ­ble Harpagus exa­mined about Cyrus. and conceale the matter by fayning, least he were taken vp for triping and conuicted of a lye: but framing this aū ­swere: he sayd. My soueraigne lord and King, after I had receiued the Infant at your graces hand, I cast in my head the best way & fittest meanes to obey and fulfill your wil: and that in such sorte also, that auoydinge your Maie­styes displeasure, I might neyther be a minester of bloud­shed to your princely selfe, nor to your noble daughter. For which consideratian I wrought thus. Sendinge for this heardman grasier of your maiesties Neat, I gaue into his handes the new borne brat, with a weighty and precise cō ­maundement from your gratious highnesse to put him to death: and in so saying I spake no more then truth, for so much as your pleasure was it should be so. In this sort I committed vnto him the babe with an earnest and carefull charge to lay it out in the desert chases of the wilde and in­habitable rockes & mountaines, adding a hundred thousād threats of the most cruell and pestilent death in the worlde if in case he should let, or in y^e least point refuse to perfourm it with diligence. Which done by him and the infant beyng dead, of my most assured and trusty seruauntes I sent some to behold the child hauing nowe expyred and breathed forth hys last blast who fynding it cold, and without sence, layd it in the earth and buryed it. This standes the case O king and by this death the child perished. Now as touching this discourse of Harpagus his talke was directed and grounded on a flat and sincere truth.

But Astyages makinge no semblaunce of anger of that which had happened, began and told him fyrst of the heard [Page 38] mans confession procedinge orderlye with the rest, till at length he came to say thus. For that the childe liueth and by the benefyte offortune and fauour of the Gods hath es­caped death I greatly reioyce as beyng disquieted with no smal anguish and torment of conscience to consider the vil­lany and wicked treeson wrought agaynstyt, and beyng of­ten challenged by my daughter, for the priuy murder and concealed death of hyr child, I was not a litle gauled and astlicted in thought. But in that fortune hath turned all to the best: send me hether thy sonne to bee a playfellow and companion to my litle nephew, and see thou come thy selfe backe agayne and accompany me at supper. For the truth is I am in purpose to do sacrifyce to the Gods immortall for the safe recouery of the child, to whom the honour and chiefe prayse of this gracious and fortunate happe doth es­specially belong.

Harpagus hearynge this, dyd hys humble reuerence to the kinge, exceedynge ioyous at the fauourable yssue and good euent of his fault, and not a litle glad besydes that as a fellow and companion of the kynges mirth and com­fort he was inuyted to supper. Wherefore departing home he no sooner entred within the dores but with all speede he caused his sonne to be sought out, whom beyng of the age of 13. yeares he sent to the court willyng hym to do whatsoe­uer he was commaunded by the kynge. Hymselfe as one ready to leape out of hysskynne for ioy, with mery coun teuaunce and smyling cheere declared to hys wyfe imediat­ly the whole course and tenour of hys happye successe. Hys Harpagus his sonne slayne & [...] dressed in a barket. sonne arryued at the kyngs pallace: Astyages incontinent­ly slew, and cutting and dismembringe him into small pee­ces: part therof hee commaunded to bee rosted, and other part sodden: both excellently wel seasoned and relished, to be kept in a readines. At supper time y^e guestes beynge ga­thered togeather, and amonges them Harpagus the kyng hymselfe with the rest were serued with messes of mutton [Page] wherewith the borde was generally spred, saue only Har­pagus, before whom were set the partes of his torne and mangled childe, except the head, the handes, and the feete, which were seuerally kept and set asyde in a basket.

Of these lamentable deintyes, after Astyages iudging hys guest to haue well fedde, hee demaunded hym the question Harpagus fee­ding of his ovvne childe. how he lyked hys chere: who hauinge auouched hymselfe greatly delighted therewith as the sweetest and most delicat meate that euer he tasted: certayne appoynted for the nonce drew nere with the basket conteyning thehead, handes, and feete, who willing hym to open it, and choose of those things which were in it what liked him best, he discouered y^e maūd and beheld the residue of his murthered childe: wherewith somewhat abashed, yet patiently kept him selfe from open outrage. Now Astyages askyng hym whether he knew y^e head of that beast, of whose flesh he had fed so freshlye, hee made him answere, yea, & stood contented with that, what­soeuer his maiesty should do at any tyme. Immediatly he a­rose from the table and taking the remnauntes of his vnfor­tunate and wretched bratt, framed his steps towardes hys owne house, in mynd (as I iudge) to interre and burye the remnauntes of that accursed and boucherlye acte. On this manner did king Astyages take reuenge of his faythful and beloued seruaunt Harpagus. After which entringe in­to deliberation of Cyrus, hee called for the wyse men na­med Magi, by whose meanes he came to knowledge of hys dreame, to whom after they were come he moued a questiō about the true construing and exposition of hys vision, who yeeldyng the same answeare that they dyd before, that it be­houed the boy if he were liuing to raigne and be kyng. Asty­ages Cyrus by the counsayle of the vvisemen vvas senthome to his parentes tooke immediatlye theyr talke by the end, and goinge forward: Of a truthe (quoth hee) it is most certayne that the Chylde is liuinge, and fareth very well. And when as in the Countrye where hee was brought vppe, the children [Page 39] of his owne village in wayof pastime had made him a king loke what they do that are kynges indeede, the selfee same in like maner did hee. For appoynting his wayghters, his porters, his messengers to goe to and froe with other such like dutyes and offices, hee bare himselfe amonges them lyke a young prince.

Now tel me therfore you that haue skill, what thinke you of this? If the chyld liue (say they) and haue already borne rule and that not aduysedly or of premeditate purpose but by chaunce & destinye. Be of good courage then (O king) wee warrant you hee hath taken his leaue and shal rule no more. For some of our prophecies, sothsayinges, and con­iectures come to small effect: & as meere phantasies, and ydle dreames proue very light and fall to nothing. Sure­ly (quoth the king) and I thinke no lesse beynge of this o­pinion also that for asmuch as hee hath once bene named & held for a kyng, my dreame hath his end, and that wee haue no more need to feare him anye longer. Neuerthelesse I leaue it to your wysedome carefullye to cōsider what may befall, and geue me such counsayl and aduyse as may be sa­fest both for the maintenaunce of my scepter and for the cō ­tinuaunce of your owne estates, to whom they aunswered. It is greatly to be wished and desyred of vs (O mightye Prince) that thy kyngdome perpetually indure, for other­wyse if it should descend or be translated to this boy, which is a Persian what could wee loke for that are Medes and a­liens, then to be held and kept vnder in bondage and slaue­ry. Whereas on the other syde vnder thy gouernment (whose natural subiectes we holde an accompt ourselues) wee are in maner princes ouer them, and with thy selfe in great credite and honor. By how much y^e rather we ought to haue diligent respecte of thy prosperous raygne, and at this tyme also to aduertise and warne thee if wee sawe, or were priuye to oughte that might bee preiudiciall to thy royall person, but for as much as the vision is comen to so [Page] slender proofe, that in euent it seemeth a tryfle, both our selues are in good hope, and wil your grace also not to dis­payre, but to sende home the childe into Persia, to his pa­rentes: wherat Astyages greatly reioysing, calling for Cy­rus sayd vnto him: My sonne, albeit heretofore by meanes of a fond & friuolous vision, I did thee iniury: yet by thyne owne good fortune and happie desteny, thou art kept aliue. Now thefore ioyfully get thee home to the Persian▪ with those whom I haue appoynted to be thy guydes, wher thou shalt fynde a father not like to the heardman Mitradates, and a mother much better then thy nourse Cyno. With which wordes he toke his leaue of hym and sent hym away.

When they were come to the house of Cambyses, Cyrus was receiued of his parentes, who hauing knowledge that Cyrus recei­ued of his pa­rentes. he was their sonne, kyssed and embraced hym a myllion of tymes, holding themselues the most happy and fortunate people in the world, for the sodayne and vnhoped recouery of their sweete sonne, whom they neuer thoughte to haue seene alyue. And curiously demaunding of him how, and by what meanes he escaped, he made them answeare, that til this tyme he neuer knew: beyng altogeather ignoraunt of hys kyndred & lineage, addyng moreouer y^t for ought he knew he was the very naturall and lawful child of Astya­ges his heardmā, saue that onely in the way he had intelli­gēce of his whole misfortune & straūge hap by those which were geuen him of Astyages for his safe cōduct into Persia. He declared therfore in what sort he was nourished, & kept vp by the field mans wyfe, whom in al his talke he greatly praysed and commended, in so much y^t alwayes at one ende of hys tale was his swete and dearly beloued Cyno: which The cause of the fable that Cyrus vvas said to be brought vp of a Bytch. name his parents hearing, to the end y^t deliuerance of their sonne mighte seeme more straunge & miraculous, they bla­zed abroad y^• Cyrus was brought vp & cherished of a bitch: wherof consequently sprang and arose a fayned tale.

Cyrus growing in yeares and approaching nere to mās [Page 40] estate, waxed of all equals the most valiant and hardye, & in passinge fauour & goodwill with al men, whō Harpagus oft tymes vrged by sundry gyftes and presentes to take re­uenge of his graundfather Astyages. For seynge that by himselfe beynge a priuate man ther was no waye to repay the iniury done him by the king (Cyrus beyng now at ripe and mature age) he thought good to make him, who had all one cause to haue all one quarell. Furthermore, hee wrought this, at what tyme Astyages through the peuish­nes of age dealt very cruelly, and lyke a tyraunte with the Medes. Harpagus clawing fauour, and insinuatynge him­selfe with the Peeres of the realme, perswaded thē to de­pryue Astyages of the supreme dignity, and make choyse of Cyrus for their high and soueraigne Prince. And seing his pretended treason pretily well to fadge & goe forward, wil­lyng to make Cyrus of counsayle (which thing for that all the wayes into Persia were intercluded & garded by watch and warde, was hard to be done) he came in mynd of thys conceipt: hauing finely and cunningly drawen out the gar­bedge of an hare, he conueied into her belly a letter wherin Harpagu [...]con­uayghed a let­ter to Cyrus in the belly of an hare. was set forth and declared hys whole mynd: which togea­ther with the hare and nets deliuerynge to an huntsman, one of hys owne housholdseruauntes, whom he especiallye trusted, he sent into Persia, geuīg him in charge to deliuer it into Cyrus hys owne handes, and to request hym to cutt vp the hare secretely by hymselfe and without company. The fellow faythfully executing his maysters will, toke y^e hare to Cyrus, who opening her belly found the letter en­closed, which he vnfolded and read in these termes.

Thou sonne of Cambyses (whom no doubte the Gods The letter. tender and regard, for otherwyse thou haddest neuer moū ­ted to so great estate) take vengeance now of Astyages, the seeker of thy vtter spoyle and destruction.

For by his desire thou haddest dyed the death, but by y^e fa­uour of the Gods & by means of me, thou remaynest alyue. [Page] All the course of which thy bagicall and vnhappye fortune I doubt not but thon knowest of olde: as also the villanye and execrable wickednes done to mee by Astyages, in that my selfe refusinge to kil the gaue the ouerinto the handes of his neathearde.

Now therfore if thou wilt listē to me, the whole kingdome of the Medes shall be subiect to thy power. Seke first of al to allure the myndes of the Persians to slippe choller, and rebell, which done put thy selfe in voyage agaynst the Me­des, in full hope and assurance to enioy the crowne. For be it my selfe or any other of the nobles of Media whom y^e king shall assygne to come forth agaynst thee and geue the battell, wee haue all geuen handes with one consent to re­bate the power of the Medes, and ioyninge auncientes to march vnder one banner, to the vtter ouerthrowe and de­priuation of that cruell and malicious tyraunt. The ac­count is cast, the reckning made, and nothinge wantinge, but that which we earnestly with for, and shortlye for, thy quicke and speedy arriuall. The letter read and perused, Cyrus cast with him self what sleight or art he might now vse to induce and moue the Persians to sedition and fynding The deuyce of lying to moue the Persians to rebellion. one not altogeather vnfyt for his purpose, hee determined to make tryall therof, indytinge a letter in such wordes as hee thought best, after this he summoned a generall con­course and meeting of the Persians, wher opening the let­ter he signifyed to them that Astyages had apoynted him lieuetenaunt or principall of Persia. For which cause you Persians (sayd he) I will and commaunde you, to resort he­ther euery man furnished and prouided of his hooke or bill, which charge geuen he brakevp the assembly.

Now it is meete wee knowe that many sorts of people are contayned vnder the generall name of Persians. Cer­tayne wherof Cyrus callyng togeather intysed them to re­bell, which were such that of them all the rest depended.

The names of the people be these.

[Page 41] The Arteatians, Persians, Pasargadians, Meraphians, Ma­sians: of which number the Pasargadians are the most noble and renowmed: amonges whom is the stocke and familye of the Achaemenides, out of the which the kinges of Persia are alwayes chosen and elected. There be also other Persi­ans besydes these, as the Parthelians, Derusians, Germa­nians, addicted to the trade of tillage and manurynge the ground. Other also that haue principall regard of grasinge and feedyng cattel, to wit, the Dayans, Mardians, Drophi­cians, Sagartians. All which ready prest with their sicles & hedging billes, Cyrus toke and lead into a field of 18. or 20 furlonges exceedyngly ouergrowen and pestered with bu­shes, which in one dayes space they cleane cut vp and caried away. Wherfore the next day following hee commaunded them to be present agayne euery man handsomly and well arayed. Himselfe in the meane season gatheryng togeather whole heards of goats, sheepe and oxen, all that his father had, hee slew them to make prouision of a sumptuous and magnificent banquet wherwith to feast and entertayne the whole host and company of the Persians. The next day insu­ing when (as Cyrus had commaunded) the Persians were assembled and comen togeather, he caused them to sit downe in a great and large field, where as mery as crickets, they fell freshly to those chats which in great plenty and aboun­dance were set before them. At after dynner Cyrus demaū ­ded of them whether of the two they rather wished, the la­bour past, or the pleasure present. To whom they replyed that there was no comparison or equality betweene them: for as no payne and misery was absent from the one: so no pleasure and felicity was wanting to y^e other. Which their answeare Cyrus takyng hold of presentlye went forwarde saying. My frendes and countriemen of Persia, euen so it fa­reth with you, and at such choyse and electiō you now stand. For geuing your consent to obay and follow me: both these and many other infinite cōmodityes shal redound vnto you, [Page] without the toylsome yoke of seruitude and slauerye, but refusing my coūsayle, a whole sea of miseryes do dayly thre­aten you, not vnlyke the toyle and wretchednesse that yester day you abode. Be ruled then by me and attaine your free­dome, for both I my selfe am prouyded by deuyne lotte and appoyntment of the Gods, by whose meanes you should en­ter into this paradise of blessednesse, and you in nothinge (especially in martial courage) were euer accompted infe­riour to the Medes. What resteth thē but that in defyaūce to Astyages and the tytle of the Medes, you cast of the yoke of seruitude, and become free.

The Persians long since moued with disdayne to see thē ­selues ouertopped and kept vnder by the Medes: hauing y^e The Persians rebell. oportunity of a captayne, with handes and feete (as they say) vowed themselues to obay Cyrus, and recouer their li­berty. These thinges sounding in the eares of Astyages: Cyrus by a purseuant was cyted vp to appeare at y^e court: whom he returned backe agayne with this answeare, that his meaninge was to come verye spedily and somewhat to sone for his purpose. At which newes Astyages imediatlye prepared a power of the Medes, ouer whō in an ill hower he placed Harpagus generall, not mynding the iniurye hee had done vnto hym. The army prepared, and the Medes & Harpagus lea­ding the army of the Medes ioyneth his vvhole povver vvith Cyrus a­gaynst Astya­ge [...]. Persians meeting in the field: they which were not priuye to the purpose of Harpagus, began to fight and bicker with the en [...]emy: the rest without offer of violence ioyning with them. Other there were, that with small resistaunce tur­ned their backes to the Persians and fled amayne.

The host of Astyages beynge in this wyse dispersed and shronke in the wetting, newes was broughte thereof to the king, who in a greate heate of choller and outrage, mena­cing Astyages han­geth the vvise men for coun­sayling him to let Cyrus goe. Cyrus sayd. Let the traytour bee assured hee shall not thus escape. How be it, first of all apprehending the wyse men Magi, by whose counsayle hee was brought to let Cy­rus depart, he hanged them vp euery man, not leauing one [Page 42] aliue. After this he put in armour the rest of the Medes, y^t were in the city both young and old: with whom beyng pre­sent in the fielde. After that for a whyle he had abidden the might and power of the Persians, he was driuen to flie, and Astyages takē captiue in the flyght was taken alyue, with the losse and perdition of hys whole army. Ouer whom beyng now captiue, Har­pagus his counsaylour greatlye insulted, with open scoffes and reproachful tauntes, omittyng nothing y^t might gaule and greeue him to the verye hart: laying in his teeth the supper wherin he hadde caused hym to seede of his sonnes flesh. For which cause hee had now made him of a kynge a vassal. Why then (quoth Astyages) dost thou now challēge the dead of Cyrus to thy selfe, who alleaginge on the other side that it was his deede and done by hym, for that Cyrus was moued ther unto by his letters. Astyages aunsweared that of all men he held hym most voyd of wit and goodwill to his countrey. The one, for that hauing power to be king hymselfe, he had yelded it ouer to an other: the other in that for malice of one supper he had brought his owne countrey into perpetuall thraldome. For had it bene necessarye to haue put ouer the kingdome from hymselfe to an other, it had bene much better to haue chosen a Mede then a Persiā wheras now the Medes being nothing giltye of that fact, were become of rulers, slaues, and y^e Persians that hether­to had liued in bondage were now come to be lordes them­selues.

On this manner king Astyages hauinge the space of 35. Astyages rayg­ned 35. yeares. yeares borne rule in Media: was depryued of his seate: by whose cruelty and sore dealing the Medes came in subiecti­on to the Persians after they had held the supremisye of all Asia aboue the floud Halis an hundred twenty eight years, sauinge the [...]yme that the Scithians obtayned the empyre. Afterwardes the Medes repenting themselues of that they had done, reuolted from Darius, but beyng ouercome in battayle, they were agayne perforce driuen to obedience.

[Page] The Persians by whose meanes Cyrus vanquished his graundfather Astyages, hauing the chiefe rule and domi­nion of Asia. Cyrus doinge no violence to Astyages, kepte him in his house to the houre of his death. Such therfore was the byrth and education of Cyrus, & the meanes wher­by he atchieued the kyngdome: who not longe after tryum­phed ouer kyng Craesus his professed enemy, of whom wee spake before: by which his victory he wan the ful title & pos­session of all Asia.

Furthermore the rytes and customes which the Persiās vse I fynd to be these. First for ymages, temples, & aulters, they neuer build any, and accompt it great follye and mad­nes in those that do builde them. For this cause as I iudge they think not the Gods to come of the progeny and lmeage of men, as the Graetians doe. Wherfore making choyse of the kighest and most lofty hyls of the coūtrey on the toppes of them they do sacrifyce vnto Iupiter by which name they vnderstand the whole cope and vaute of heauen, geuing al­so lyke honor and reuerence to the Sunne, the Moone, the Earth the Fyre, the Water, and the Wyndes: imputing to these alone a deuyne nature and deity, which from the be­ginnīg they haue had in honour. Notwithstāding in course of time they began to buckle and pray to Vrania: which ma­ner they drew from the Assyrians and Arabians. Venus of the Assyrians is called Militta, in Arabia Alitta, by the Persians Metra. The ceremonies ordayned by them to bee kept and obserued in time of sacrifice are these. They ney­ther set vp any aulter, or kyndle anye fyre at all, omittinge also to say or tast of the sacrifyce before the immolation. Pypes, Myters, saltcakes, they neuer vse. But as euerye one is purposed to make oblation to the heauenly powers, so leadyng his host or sacrifyce into a fayre and cleanē place, hee humbleth himselfe in prayer to some one of the Gods hauing his head decked with a nightcap vsuallye worne of the women of Persia, bounde about for the most parte, and [Page 43] enuyroned with mirtle. Beyng alwayes prouided that the party which maketh the offeryng hold it not lawful to pray for hymselfe only or to make supplication for any priuate or peculiar commoditye of his owne, but vniuersallye for the whole realme and multitude of the Persians, and chiefly for the king. The sacrifycer hymselfe being a part and parcell of the whole number: so that in praying for all others hee prayeth for himselfe. This also: cutting and hewing y^e ha­lowed beast into small and slender peeces, they incontinent­ly boyld it: which done makinge diligent inquisition for the softest and smothest grasse they can find, and especially tri­folly or three leaued grasse, they spred thereon the sodden flesh, ouer which a Magician yalpeth out a songe of the be­ginning & childhod of y^e Gods, whichthey accompt a most forceable and valerous incantation. Without this Magi­tian: They hold no sacrifice lawful or rightly perfourmed. After this the sacrifycer taketh the flesh, and applyeth it to what vse it seemeth him good. Of all the dayes in y^e yeare they obserue with greatest ioy and solemnitye theyr byrth The celebrati­on of their birth day in Persia. day. Wherin, then at other tymes, they vse larger dyete with greater plentye and aboundaunce of meate: in so much that the richer and wealthier sorte set whole oxen, camels, horses, and asses vppon the borde, prepared and rosted in a fornace. Such as are of meaner ability and substance cele­brate their natiuity w^t beastes of lesse quantity. Litle meat sufficeth them: the greatest part of theyr prouision consistīg in choise chats and iunkettinge dishes. And those not verye tothsome and daynty. Hereof it commeth that the Persians obiect to the Grecians their short meales & quicke dinners, for that (say they) they haue nothing pleasaunt, dilicate, or worth eatyng, whereby they may be allured to sitte longe at meate. Which if they hadde (no doubt) they woulde quatt theyr Stomakes to the full and seeldome or neuer aryse hungrye.

[Page] Moreouer the Persians generally are verye much geuen to wyne. Beyng notwithstanding forbidden by the law to per­breake or vomite in company, or to make water wher they The regard of good maners may be seene, which maner and custome they kepe as yet. Commonly when they haue typled so long they see a peece of the deuil, they by and by fall into question and consulta­tion The maner of their consulta­tion. of graue and serious matters: and loke what is agreed vpon among their cuppes the same thenext day following is propounded by the host of the house where the Senate was held: and if in lyke manner they allow and thinke well of it beyng sober, they vse it, if otherwyse, they refuse it. On the other side what soeuer in time of sobriety hath bene determined by them, the selfe same they ruminate and run ouer a fresh, beyng wel mostned with wine.

If they meete one an other in the way it is no hard matter to know whether they be equalles or superiours ech to o­ther. For beyng of like reputation they kysse each other on the mouth. If the one be somewhat the others superiour, after a more modest and bashfull fashion they kisse on the cheekes. If much more set by and of farre greater regard the base and vnnoble falleth flat on the earth in honour and reuerence to the other. Behauinge themselues with all dutifull demeanour and curteous vsage towardes them, which are nexte dwellers, and neyghbours vnto them.

In the second degree imbracing and making much of those who dwell nere also and border uppon their neighboures, and so consequently the nerer euery one is in place to them y^e greater he isin friendship and familiarity, esteeming thē ­selues of all men the best.

To those which are furthest seperate and disioyned from them in distaunce of place they disdayne to shewe the least poynt of ciuility, in ful accompt that of al men liuing there is none lyke vnto them selues in any thinge, and as euerye man hath nerest propinquity to them in place and neigh­bourhod [Page 44] so they deeme hym to excell others in vertue and good liuing, making least accompt of those that dwell fur­thest of and most of themselues.

Furthermore in the tyme of the Medes empyre, certayn familyes exercised mutuall gouernment, that is, were ru­lers ouer some and ruled by others, for the Medes gene­rally weare rulers and chieflly ouer those that dwelt next them: who in like sort had the ouersight of such as bordered vpon them: to whom also in order was permitted the rule and moderation of others. Like to this manner of gouernment was the loue and familaritye that was also of the Pesians, alwayes louinge those best that were their neerest neighbours. Of all countryes in the world y^e Persi­ans are most delighted with forrayne and outlandish ma­ners: wherfore leauing their owne countrey vesture, they put themselues in Medish attyre, deeming it better & more seemly the [...]their owne, wearyng vpon their hands a kynd of placars or stomacher vsed of the Aegyptians. Moreouer they are drawen with all kynd of pleasure & delight which they can either inuent thēselues or learne of other: learning of the Grecians to be in loue w^t beautiful boyes. They wed many virgines, & woo more cōcubynes. In the next place to strenght & valiaunt courage, they make most of him y^t hath most childrē, whō anually y^e kīg indueth w^t a great reward as though he had atchined some notable act. Their childrē from 5. yere old til they come to 20. they trayne & bringe vp in 3 principal things in ryding, in shoting, & speaking truth The child neuer cōmeth into the fathers sight before he [...]e 5 yeare old, but is brought vp priuily among the company of women, to the end y^t if the child dye before he aspyre to that age the father may conceaue no griefe or sorrow for y^e same. Which custome truly I greatly cōmend: as also this y^t it be not lawfull for the king for one offence to bereaue a man of hys lyfe: nor for any of y^t Persians to practise cruelty vpō his family beīg moued therto by one only transgressiō

[Page] But breathing vppon the cause if by good aduysemente he founde more and greater faultes committed then duties [...] perfourmed: then to geue the brydle to hys anger & worke hys wil. Besides they are in opinion in y^t countrey, y^t no mā at anye tyme slew his owne father: but that the child so do­ing vppon examination and tryal had of his byrth is awaies found to be a bastard and changling.

Thinkinge it a thinge vnpossible that the naturall childe should euer aduenture to brew the destruction of his owne and lawfull syre. Whatsoeuer is dishonest to do that also they esteeme vnseemly to speake. But of all thinges they accompt it most abhominable to lye: and next to that to bee much in debt: both for many other respectes, and chiefly be­cause they thinke it skarse possible for him that oweth much not to dissemble and lye much, if any one be infected with leprosie, or otherwyse di [...]eined with vncleannes of the body, he may not come within th [...] citye, or vse the company of a­ny Persian, alleaging that for offence and transgression a­gaynst y^t sunne they were punished and attaynted with such diseases. And if happily it befall a straunger or forreyuer to be taken with such like sicknesse, they banish and expell him the countrey: for the same reason also chasting and skaringe all Pigeons and doues out of the circuite and compasse of theyr region. It is open blasphamy with the same people, (not onely repugnant to good maners and ciuility) to pisse or spitte into anye brooke or riuer, likewyse to wash his handes therein, or any such lyke, wherof the water may cō ­ceaue any maner fylth or corruption: verye deuoutlye and with great religion, yelding worship & honour to y^t flouds & riuers. This also is peculier to y^t Persiās, which not mar­ked by them, is knowē of vs, y^t all the wordes in theyr lan­guage which cō [...]ist of 4 or more sillables do commonly end in one letter: which letter the Dores cal San the Iones Sig­ma. And if we loke more narrowlye into theire speech, and note that wel we shal fynd not onely some but all the names [Page 45] of the Persians to haue their termination and endinge alyke which for y^t I know it assuredly I am not afraid to a [...]ouch it constantly, being in halfe a doubt in like sort to awarrant & beare out the truth of those things which the same people are sayd to obserue about the dead bodyes of their countri­men, whom (as the rumor is) they neuer b [...]ryeor intumu­late before such tyme as either by dogges or foules of the aire, they are drawen and haled about. Which thinges that their wisemen doe, whom they call Magi, I dare vndoubt­tedly affyrme, because they manifestly do them. The Persi­ans therfore inrowling and wrapping y^t dead body in waxe they afterwardes interrupt and lay it in the graue. The Magi do much dissent and differ from other men: beyng al­so vnlyke and diuerse in their customes from the priestes of Aegipt. For the Aegyptian Priestes refuse to defyle and pollute themselues with the slaughter of any creature, sa­uing of those which they sacrifyce to the Gods. But y^t Per­sian Magi are not squemish or dainty to imbrew their hāds in the b [...]d of any liuing thing what soeuer, onely excep­ted a man or a dogge esteeming it in maner of a conquest to be noted for a common kyller and destroyer of Ants, Ser­pentes, byrdes, wormes and such lyke, wherin they great­ly glory. Sufficeth it now of the Persian fashions and or­der of liuing to haue spoken hetherto, eftsones making re­course to that from the which we haue somwhat digressed.

The people of Ionia & Aeolia hearyng y^• Lydians with so smal endeuour and welny without blowes to be conquered The people of Greece offer themselues to Cyrus todoho­mage. by the Persians put in ambassage to Cyrus certayne of the chiefe peares of either coūtrey offring to stād at y^• same cō ­ditiōs to hym as they did before tyme to Craesus. To whose suite & humble petition Cyrus made answeare by this si­militude or apology. A certayn fisher (quoth he) beholding in the sea great plenty of fyshe began to play very pleasūtly on his pype su [...]yosing y^• at the sweete sound of his harmo­ny y^• [...]ish would haue leaped out to the land: but frustrate of his hope, in a great heathe cast his nets into y^• sea & iuclus [...]g [Page] a geate number drew to shore where seyng them leape and play vpon the dry ground: Nay now (quoth he) you daūce to late, seyng y^t when I pyped before, you refused to come. Which speech he vsed for that hauing before tyme disday­ned his gentle offer beyng sollicited by him to reuolt from Craesus to the Persians: Now when they sawe the worlde chaunged, & the euent of thinges not answearable to their expectation, they made offer of their seruice, and signifyed themselues ready prest to do hys commaundements: wher­fore moued with displeasure agaynst them with this briefe answeare he sent thē away. The people of Ionia hearyng this, repayred euery one to their owne cityes, to fortify and make strong their walles. Hauinge before by a generall counsayle or Synode assembled themselues in Panionium where they all mett sauing the Milesians whom Cyrus re­ceyued into fauour, vnder the same condition as he had ta­ken the Lydians, to the rest of the Ionians it seemed best by common consent to send legates into Sparta, aswel to certi­fy the Lacedaemonians of their present estate as to craue & implore their assistance. The people of Ionia vnto whō the temple of Panionium doth belong, haue their places of re­sidence and abode so pleasaunt and delectable, that what for the excellent temperature and myldnesse of the ayre and de­uyne benefyte and commodity of the mountaynes, there is no people in all Greece comparable vnto them. For neither the hygher region nor the lower, nether y^e East cōmeth, nor y^e west approacheth any thing nere to y^e excellency therof, y^e one beyng for y^e most part very coulde or to much ouergone w^t water: y^e other (that is to say y^e higher coast) burnt vp & pestered w^t heat, and dust. The lāguage vsed in Ionia is not all one, but reduced and brought to 4 sundry propertyes & formes of speech Myletus y^e chiefe city amongs thē, boun­ding to the south, & after y^t Myrus & Pryene situated in Ca­ria vse all one tosig. But y^e cities in Lydia (to witt) Ephe­sus, Colophō, Lebedus, Teos, Clazomenae, Phocaea: albeit they agree not in speach w^t the places forenamed, yet be­tweene [Page 46] themselues they speake alike. The residue which are three: two are Isles, Samus & Chios: one in the mayne called Erythrae, doe differ much in phrase and manner of wordes. Chios & Erithrae iumping in one, the other which is Samus challenging vnto it selfe a diuerse & straūge form of language from the rest: wherbyit is euident, that theyr speach is qualifyed by 4 sundrye differences.

Of these people were the MILESIANS who vnder coloure and pretence of feare came to league and couenant with Cyrus. As for those cityes that were incompassed by the sea, they had lesse cause to feare & more to liue in grea­ter security then the rest. Both for y^t the Phaenecians were not yet tributory to the seat of Persia, and the Persians thē ­selues were vnaccustomed to sea battels & vsed no shippes. The same for no other cause then that they knew the Grae­cians to be weake and mightles, and of all the rest, the Io­nians to be of least power and smallest valure, withdrew & alienated themselues from the other cityes in Ionia. For­as much as setting Athens aside there was noe citye of principal fame in all that toast. So y^t both other regions there inhabitaunt, and also the Athenians flatly renounced to bee called Ionians many of them beynge ashamed of the name. wheras cōtrariwysethe 12 cities are not alitle proud ther­of greatly vaunting themselues vnder the tytle of Ionians wherefore hauinge once called them selues Paninoi, they built also atemple, intytling it after their owne name Pa­nionium, decreeyng and consenting neuer to admitte any o­ther to the society and felowship of the same. Neyther was ther any very desyrous to be made pertakers therof sauing the Smyrneans. The lyke thing happened to the Dorien­ses The difference of speach in Io­nia. that inhabite Pentapolis which before was called Heya polis, who by the generall decree and ordinaunce of the rest, arenot suffred to inioy the libertyes of the palaice Triopium.

Excluding therfore certayne of theire owne natyue people [Page] For the violation and breach of a law or priuilege belongīg to the temple. For in the games of Appollo Triopius cer­tayne three footed stooles beynge appoynted for hym that wan the price (which neuertheles it was not lawful to cary out of the temple, but in the same place to make dedication therof to the god) one Agasicles of Halicarnassus attayning the victorye strayned cursye with the law, and taking away the stole with him caryed it home to his owne howse: For which deed y^e 5 other cityes, Lyndus, Ialissus, Cameirus, Cos, and Cindus. sequestred Halicarnassus beyng the sixt from the right and freedome of the temple: leuiyng a mu­cle or peine vppon the whole citye, for the bold enterprise of their valerous champyon Agasicles howbeit the Ioni­ans seeme vppon good ground and iust consideratiō to haue parted their countrey into 12 cityes refusing to amplify and augment the number beyng iust so maney partes of Pelo­ponnesus, wherin that tyme they dwelt, euen as now also the Acheans, who draue and expelled the Iones out of theyr proper seat are iustlye deuyded into so many partes. The first and principall whrerof is named Pallena: after whiche are recounted Aegyrae and Aagae perpetually washed and moystned with the pleasaunt streame of the riuer Crathis which is also called Italicus. In the next place are reputed the cityes Bura and Helice, whether y^e Ionians discomfited in battayle by the Achoeans fledde for succoure, next vnto Helice are these Aegion with the people called Rhypes, also the Patrenses, Pharenses, and the city Olenus, by the which scowreth the swift and maine riuer Pyrus. Last of al Dyma and the Trytaeenses that dwell in the middle tracte of the region. These are the 12 seuerall and distinct parcels of Achaea: which afore tyme were held and possessed by the Ionians, who for the same cause onlye, and none other kept the number of twelue Cityes, without desyre to mul­tiplye or increase the same. Whom precipuallye not­withstandinge and aboue others to call Ionians yt were [Page 47] great madnes, since the people Abantes also are of the pro­per lineage and naturall stocke of Ionia, which neuertheles haue estranged themselues from the name of Iones Lyke­wyse the Minyans intermedled and mingled with the Or­chomenians, the Cadmaeans, Dryopians Phocenses, Mo­lossians, Arcadyans, Pelasgians, Dores, Epidaurians, & many other nations confused and ioyned one with another. Of which number they that went out of the court or castell of Athens named Prytanêum and reputed themselues the noblest and most principal of the Iones (at what tyme, being singled from the whole multitude of the Athenians they went to dwel in an other prouince) had with them no wiues of their owne: in steed whereof they vsed certayne women of Caria, whose parentes they had before tyme slayne. By reason of which slaughter y^e dames of Caria, toke a solemne vow (which they likewyse caused their daughters diligētly to obserue) neuer to sit at meate with theyr husbandes, nor cal them by their own names. For that hauing cruelly mur­thered their fathers, their first husbandes, & their sonnes: they had also haled thē poore widowes much agaynst their willes, to their vnchast and fylthy couches.

All which thinges were done at the city Miletus in Io­nia.

Furthermore the kinges of Ionia and such as weare ad­uaunced to the sumpreme regiment of the countreye: were partly of Lysia comen of the lyne of Glaucus sonne of Hip­polochus, and partly selected and chosen out of the Citye Pylus, drawing theyr progeny from Codrus sonne of Me­lanthus. Notwithstanding the name and tytle of the Ioni­ans, they most willingly holde and embrace, of whom wee spake before: and in very deede are naturally so: how beit not they onely, but all the rest which comming of the Athe­nians kepe and solemnize the festiuall dayes called Apatu­ria, are subiect to the selfe same name. Which custome of celebration, is vniuersally held and obserued of all besydes [Page] the Ephesians and Colophonians, who by means of a mur­der committed, are prohibited and restrayned therefro. Now it is meete we know that Panyonium is a certayne holy and religious place in Mycale inclyninge to y^• North dedicated by the whole countrey of Ionia to Neptune, syr­named Heliconius. Mycale is a promontory or high place lyinge in the firme lande towardes the sea, the wa [...]e syde wherof pertayneth to the ys [...]e Samus. To this mountayne the people called Iones assemble and gather togeather, to perfourme the ceremonies of immolation and sacrifyce, which they call by the name of the place Panionia. It is to be noted also, not onely in the solemnity of Ionia, but in the feastes & religious dayes of al the Graetians, how like vnto the name of the Persians they end all in a letter.

We haue heard then of the cityes of Ionia, what & how many in number they are, it followeth, that wee speake of Of the cityes of Aeolia those that are in Aeolia which are these Cumae, which is al­so called Phryconis, Larissae, Newalle, Teuus, Cylla, No­tium Aegyroessa, Aegaea, Myrina. Crynia. And these eleuē were the auncient cityes of Aeolia. Hereunto was added in in tyme past Smyrna, a city belonging to this regiō, which now hangeth as it were betwene the Ionians and Aeolians, and is reckned for part of neit her. Otherwyse (as we see) both the nations had bene equall in the number of cityes. All the townes of Aeolia are spred in the mayne in power and dominion going beyond the Iones but in the temperate calmnesse of the ayre comming farre behynde them. The The losse of Smyrna. occasion & meanes wherby they lost Smyrna was this. Ha­uing entertained the Colophonians dryuen from their coū ­trey by ciuil tumult and sedition: the people of Ionia bea­ryng grudge and malice towardes them, lay in diligente wayght to surpryse and take their city. Which thinge they did at such tyme as the Smyrneans were busied in the so­lemnising of Bacchus festiuall, which they vsually kept w^t ­out the city. The Iones therfore when euerye one went out [Page 48] stale priuely into the city, and shuttinge the gates held pos­session by vyolence. Which thinge beyng knowen and spedy helpe yelded from al partes of Aeolia, they fel to condition y^• restoring to the Smyrneans all their necessaryes and mo­uable goods, yt shoulde bee lawful for them to hold the city in peace: wherunto the contrary part hauing geuen theire consent it was agreed by the eleuen cityes of Aeolia to de­uyde the rest betwene thē, eueryone making choyse of their owne citizens. Such therfore and so many in number are y^• cityes of the maine, excepting those that inhabite Ida, which are not referred to the former accompt.

This also: Lesbos is impeopled with fyue sea Ci­tyes planted in ylandes: hauing once also possessed the sixte called Arisba, with the Methymneans, seduced and with­drew from the rest, as alied to themselues in kyndred and lyneage.

There was also a citye founded in Tenedos, and an other in the place called the hundred Iles. Now the people of Les­bos and Tenedos with the rest of the Graecians inuyroned by the sea, had no cause to bee dismayed or troubled. But the other cityes of the land determined to take such part as the Iones did and to follow them. Wherefore the ambassa­dours of both nations in short space landing at Sparta: they chose one Pythermus a Phocaean to be the mouth of y^t rest, and to reueale their suite to the Lacedaemonians, who at y^t fame of the ambassadours arryuall flockinge together in greate heapes, Pythermus stoode forth & in many wordes moued the Lacaedemonians to imploy their ayd & assistance to succour the rest: but they geuing litle eare to his talke w^t out purpose to moue one foote in the behalfe of Ionia sente them away, Pythermus and his company in this wise re­pulsed, made speedy returne to Ionia. Howbeit the Lacedae­monians desyrous to vnderstand the successe of Cyrus, and the Graecians sent forth a bragandyne or shippe of espyall to prye and listen how all thinges wente.

[Page] Who beyng sodaynlye driuen to shore at Phocae a spyed one Lacrines the stoutest champyon in the rout of Sardis, wher king Cyrus made his abode to geue hym to witt from the Lacaedemonians that he should not endamage or abuse the Grecians any way vnder payne of theyr, heauye wrath and displeasure.

Cyrus hearyng the bold message of Lacrines, demaunded of certayne Grecians that stode about him, what maner of fellowes the Spartans were, and how manye in number, which after he vnderstode he made hym this answeare.

Verily (my friend sayde he) I neuer stode in awe or feare of those which in the middest theyr citye haue avoyde place wherby mutuall othes, fayned vowes, and protestations, they defraude & cosine each other: whom if the Gods spare me life I wil one day cause to leaue of the regarde of other mens miseryes and bewayle theire owne. Which wordes were vttered by Cyrus in mockage and derision to all the Grecians, for hauing such wyde and wast marketplaces, for open sale and marchaundise. For the Persians neyther haue any such place for exchaūge and chapmandry, neyther are troubled at any tyme with buyinge or selling.

After this leauing the rule and gouernment of Sardis to one Tabalus a Persian: and hauing in like maner geuē one Pactyas a man of the countrey of Lydia in charge with the goods of Craesus, and the rest of the Lydians accompanied with Craesus, he toke hys voyage toward Ecbatana, the chiefe citye of the Medes and hauing no greate regarde of Ionia, albeit they were fyrst to bee dealt withall (as scan­ning more sedious in his heade touching the Babilonians, Bactrians, Sacans, Aegiptians, all which he determined to assayle by warre) hee sent agaynst the Iones some other of of his capteynes. Being newly departed from Sardis Pa­ctias caused the Lydians to rebell from Tabalus, and the Persians, and hauing in hys custodye all the wealth and tre­sure [Page 49] of Sardis he toke sea and leauied a power of hyred soul­diours, procuring the helpe and supply of all the cityes ly­ing on the shore. Who beyng moued by his earnest intreaty ioyned with him: and remouing hys tentes to Sardis, forced Tabalus to take the tower for hys defence and sauegarde, where he planted his army in a siege against him. Tydings hereof beynge brought vnto Cyrus, who was yet in his iourney, he turned himselfe vnto Craesus, and spake on this maner. When wil it be O Craesus (quoth he) that I shall be quiet & haue nothing to do? wil the Lydiaus neuer leaue of to trouble me and themselues in such wyse? were I not best to make slaues of them and kepe them vnder by misera­ble thralldome and bondage? For in this that I haue alre­ady done I am not vnlike to hym that hauing slayne the fa­ther, taketh pity on the children. Forasmuch as I haue led thee awaye captyue beynge more then a father to the Ly­dians: and restored to themselues theyr city againe. So that I cannot but greatly maruayle what cause mighte moue them so sodaynly to cast of obedience and become disloyall. Craesus fearyng least in his fury he would haue beatē down and defaced the city: began thus (and sayde) most worthye Cyrus thou hast spoken very well and wisely: yet neuer the­lesse it behoueth thee to moderate thyne anger, and not to suffer a citye of so great fame and antiquity to be wholly o­uerthrowen: whiche (the Gods doe knowe) is all toge­ather innocent both of the former offences that were done a­gaynst thee & of the presente treason which is now in hand, the first trespasse (o kinge) I did my selfe, and I smart for it: the second hath Pactyas done, and let him feele the price of it. But to the Lydians (noble pr [...]ce) shew mercy & com­passyon, and fynd some meanes by infeebling their strength to preuent their courage, and to take from them all occasi­on of treason heareafter.

Commaund therfore that no man amonges them be founde to keepe any war like weapons in his house: ordayninge be­sides [Page] that auorde their coats they weare cloakes, drawing on their feete pumpes and buskins, inioyne them to bringe vp their children in playing on the cithren, in singing, in ke­ping of tauernes and vintninge houses: and vndoubtedlye thou shalt see that of valiant men and warlike people they will shortely become effeminate and like vnto women: y^t there shal be no cause to feare least euer hereafter they rise agaynst thee. These things Craesus put into his head, thir­king it better for the Lydians to liue in this sort then to bee comonly solde for salues and vassals, knowing that if in case he had not framed a very reasonable deuyse, he could neuer haue remoued Cyrus from his purpose. It is also to bee thought that he feared least the whole nation of the Lydi­ans should be cleane rooted out and destroied by the Persiās if escaping this at any tyme hereafter they sought to rebel. Cyrus right glad at the counsayle and deuyse of Craesus, gaue him promise to do thereafter, wherfore callinge vnto him Mazares a captayne of the Medes, hee warned him to charge the Lydians with the accomplishmēt and perfour­mance of all those thinges that Craesus had told hym: with a straight cōmaundement to let none of those escape vnsold for bondmen which had accompanied the Lydians in the as­sault of Sardis. As for Pactyas the principall, he commaū ­ded himto be taken and brought aliue. Which thinges af­ter he had left to the discretion of Mazares, hee proceeded immediatly towardes Persia his natiue countrey. Nowe Pacyas hauing knowledge that the army drew nere, ray­sed the syege and fled to Cumae, whom Mazares spedily ar­riued at Sardis, and hearing him w^t the rest of his company to be vanished away. Fyrst of al bound the Lydians diligēt­ly to perfourme all those things that Cyrus had commaū ­ded. In the next place sending messengers to Cumae to wil them to render and yeld vp Pactyas. The Cumaeans toke counsayle togeather & decreed to send Branchyde to y^e God inguiring of him what was best to be done. For as much as [Page 50] in y^e place rested an oracle very auncient & of long continu­ance, which sēblably y^e people also of sonia & Aeolia did vse and frequent. This prophecy was situate in a certayne field of the Milesi [...]ns about the hauen Panormus whether y^e Cu­maeans at this time sent for aduise in their affayres, demaū ding what they might do in this case y^t might seme most ac­ceptable and approued to the gods. Answere was made y^e Pactyas should be restored to y^e Persians: which the people hearyng and thinking it wisedome to obay the oracle, were fully mynded so to do. Howbeit, the more part of thē ben­dyng & inclyning hereto one Aristodi [...]us borne of Heracli­des, a man of no small accompt amongs thē, either for y^t hee beleued not y^e oracle or mistrusted y^e messengers y^t were sent vnto it, earnestly w^t stood it tooth & naile, in no wise suffring y^e Cumaeans to obay the voyce & suggestion of y^e God, wher­vpon it came to passe y^e other messengers were sent the se­conde tyme, to wit y^e priestes & religious mē of the citye, A­ristodicus himselfe making one of the company, who beyng come to the place where the god held his seate, humbly be­sought hym in these wordes. Ther came vnto vs (O king) a certayne Lydian named Pyctyas prostrate in all humili­ty, pitifully crauing & beseeching vs to saue & assist him frō the vyolent & cruel hands of his spyteful & enraged enemies we (albeit dreading the might & power of y^e Persians:) yet haue not deliuered him, vntil we vnderstoode of thy diuine wisedome what pertained to vs to doe in so doubtful a case. Hauing ended his speach, he receaued y^e like answere as be­fore, y^e Pactyas was to be yelded into y^e hands of the Persiās: wher w^t all Aristodicus being angry of set purpose wrought this fact. As he walked about y^e temple certain yoūg spar­rowes & other birds y^t built there he toke out of their nests & sodaynly a voice was hard out of the inner part of y^e tem­ple saying: thou wicked & malicious wretch what makes thee in this sort, to spoile y^e nests of my innocēt suppliantes, wherunto Aristodicus answeryng: (o king quoth hee) dost [Page] thou so greatly fauour and regard those that flye vnto thee for succour, and yet biddest the Cumaeans to delyuer Pacty▪ ­as into the handes of hys enemyes? To which the God re­plying. Truly, sayd he, I bid you all goe to the deuil, and neuer hereafter to sollicite this oracle about the restoring of your suppliantes. The Cumaeans certifyed of this last answeare determined nether to giue vp Pactyas to be slayn of the Persians: nor yet by keeping him stil to bring Cyrus to the subersion and ruine of their citye. Wherefore they sent him secretly away to Mytelaeane. But Mazares in lyke sort making challenge of him from thence, the Mity­linaeans couenaunted vppon a certayne pryce to surrender hym. Which notwithstanding I dare not auouch and veri­fie for that the matter came not to full issue and perfection. The people of Cumae vnderstādyng in what distresse Pac­ctyas was at Mytilaene, sent a barke to Lesbos, where hee went a borde and was spedely landed at Chyus, where ha­uing taken sanctuary in the gardian temple of Minerua, he was neuertheles haled out violently by the Chians, & geuē to his ennemyes. The Peraeans gaue in reward to the citye Chius a certayne field of Mysia named Aetarnaeus right o­uer agaynst Lesbos.

By this meanes was Pactyas in warre with the Persi­ans, when oportunity serued to be geuen into the handes of Cyrus. Neuerthelesse of the fruites and increase of Atar­naeus, for a longe tyme after the people of Chius, neyther made any barly cakes to offer to the gods, nor wrought any paast of y^e meale thereof for iunkets & banquetting dishes. And in briefe what soeuer the ground yeelded they flatly a­bolished from the seruice and worship of the gods. Pactyas beyng betrayed by the Chians, Mazares without further delay lead his army agaynst those that had ministred ayde to hym in gettyng the city, and conqueringe the Pryenses, he began to wast and depopulate the fieldes of Maeander, geuing the whole pray and booty to his souldiours.

Which done, in semblable manner he gaue the onset to [Page 53] Magnesia, and lastly attached with extremitye of sicknes, finished hys lyfe. In whose steed Harpagus, who was also Mazares dyīg; Harpagusvvas made generall in his steed a Mede, guyded the army. This was hee whom king Asti­ages intertayned with a banket of his sonnes flesh: and by whose meanes Cyrus before tyme aspyred to the estate roy­all. To hym the chiefe gouernment of the army was nextly committed: who comming into Ionia, intrenched many ci­tyes and tooke them. For hauing first of all compelled thē to vse the refuge and defence of their walles, he raysed bul­warkes agaynst their townes, and with small force caused them to yeelde. In which manner he wanne Phocaea, the chiefe city of the Iones, the people whereof first of all the Greciās wan [...]ered on y^e sea in long and ample voyages, fyn­ding out and discrying both the countreyes themselues, A­dria, Tyrrhenia, Iberia, Tartessus, and the nerest cu [...] also and rediest way of nauigation to the same. At which tyme they had in vse no beaked or snow [...]ed shippes armed with a pyke or stemme of iron, but smaller and lighter vessels dri­uen with ꝭ oeres ap [...]ece. These at their first arryual to Tar­tessus, were very welcome to y^e king whose name was Ar­ganthonius and by whom the kingdome had bene gouerned 80 yeares, liuing by the space of 120.

Who made so passyng much of the Phocaeans; and shewed them so curteous intertaynment, that he left it in their po­wer to chose any part of his kingdome to inhabite, where­vnto not able to allure them by any perswations, and hea­ryng by them how the power of Harpagus dayly increased, hee gaue them an infinite summe of moneye to inuyron and compasse about their citye with a wall. The circuit of their wall beyng no small number of furlongs in scope and com­passe, framed & compacted of greate and huge stones layd togeather w^t singuler cunning: by this meanes was y^e wall of the Phocaeans builded. Agaynst whō Harpagus incāping his power gaue fierse & mightye assault to the city, giuing [Page] them vnderstanding withall that it should suffyce and con­tent him if they would throw downe but one fortres or gar­dure of their wall for himself to build an house on. But the Phocaeans abhorryng nothing more then seruitude & losse of liberty, required of him one dayes deliberation in the cause, and for that whyle to reclayme his armye from the walles Harpagus (albeit as he sayd) hee verye well knewe what they meant to do neuerthelesse, graunted them space to breath and bethinke themselues. The army goyng from the city, forth with the people of Phocaea with their wiues and children and all their substaunce tooke sea, in shippinge besides all the ymages of theyr temples and gyftes offered to the gods, sauing those that were of iron or stone or onely paynted and wrought in colours. Which done with al their caryage they sayled into Chius▪ Phocaea left desolate with­out any liuig creature in it was y^e next day takē by the Persians. The people wher of hauing cheapened of y^e Chyans y^e Iles Oenusiae (who refused to sel them fearing least y^e mart and custome of marchandize shoulde bee translated from their owne Ile, thither) departed thence into Cyrnus.

Where twenty yeares before lead by a certayne prophecye they had founded a city named Aetalia. Whyle these things were doyng Argathonius the Tarcesian kyng dyed. But y^e Phocaeans holdyng their course toward Cyrnus turned out of the waye and came to their old citye where they s [...]ue the garison and power of the Persians planted there by Harpa­gus for the possession and custody of the Citye. Cursinge & banning those with most blasphemous and execrable spea­ches which should seeke to leaue theyr companye and turne behynd.

Wherewithall taking a fiery wedge of hoat iron, they cast it into the sea, deepely vowing neuer to returne to their ci­ty Phocaea, before the iron rysinge from the bottome of the water should [...]ote aloft and swimme one the toppe. Howbeit launchinge towardes Corsica: the halfe part of the rowt [Page 50] were moued with a great longing and desire of their coun­trey, and the maners and customes therof, insomuch that many of them without regard of their oth, returned backe to Phocaea. Others lead with a greater care of theyr late [...]ow, leauing the Iles Onusae, went strayght to Cyrnus.

Where beyng come on shore, for terme of 5 years they ioy­ned felowship with other their countreymen which before tyme were shed from the city to inhabite that place, making ordinaunce and appoyntment of diume seruice and honoure to the Gods. Neuerthelesse beyng accustomed in manner of enimyes by open pillage to spoyle and destroy the fields of their neighbours round about: the Tyrrheniās and Car­thaginians determined by common consent to encounter them by power of warre hauing furnished to the same end a fleete or Nauye of threscore shippes. The lyke number on the other syde beyng prouyded by the Phocaeans, wel sto­red and replenished with souldiours they set forth to meete the enemy in the sea called Sardonium. Where ioyninge in battell the Phocaeans obtayned a victory much lyke vnto that of Cadmus. For of threscore vessels fourty beyng sunk and ouerwhelmed in the sea, the other twenty were so man­gled and torne, and the noses and stemmes thereof blunted and beaten backe, that they serued afterwards to small vse. Retiring therfore to Aetalia they toke theyr wiues and chil­dren with the rest of their wealth asmuch as coulde wel lye aborde and remoued from Cyrnus to Rhegium. The men wherewith the drowned shippes were filled, loke how ma­ny escaped the water and came into the handes of their ene­mies (which hapned to many) at their cōming to land wer stoned to death. Insuing which murder they cattell & peo­ple of the Agilleans, as manye came into that place where the men of Phocaea were stonned were ether scorched and blased all with lightning or attached with extreame furye & madnes. For which cause the Agylleans willing to make [Page] satisfaction for the offence, sent to Delphos, where Pythia commaunded them to do all those thinges which they hold and obserue to this houre: annuallye perfourminge to the Phocaeans that were stayne the solemne pompe of funerall exequies with a game of wrastling and exercise of the body. Such was the euent and successe of those people after they for sooke their countrey soyle. Of which rout and compa­nye they which escaped the dynt of battel and cut the Seas to Rhegium, planted a city in y^e Fielde of Oenotria, called Hyêla: beyngtherto moued by the aduyse of one Posidonia­tes, a manne very well esteemed and thoughte of in all the lande of Phocaea. In this manner did Fortune deale with those that dwelt in Ionia.

The very lyke thing chaunced to them that held the city Teios: whose towne by meanes of a vulwarke cast vp a­gaynste the walles veynge at a poynte welnye vanquished and ouercome by Harpagus, they passed the seas into Thra­cia, fynishinge the citye Abdêra in the same place: the foū ­dation and grounde whereof was fyrst layed by Temesius Clazom enius. How bee it, not inioyinge the fruite and due guerdon of his labour, hee was driuen thence and ex­pelled by the Thracians. Albeit, the menne of Teios in the selfe same citye of Abdêra haue hym in honour and reputa­ [...]ion of halfe a God. These people onely of the whole natiō of Ionia moued with hate and disdayne of bondage, left the places, where they all were naturallye resyaunte, and soughte forrayne and straūge countries. The rest remay­ninge (except the Milesians) tooke heart at grasse, and foughte both stoutlye and valtauntlye in the behalfe of their landes and liberty.

But the fortune of warre proceedynge agaynst them, they came into captiuitye. And abydinge still in theire owne seates, dyd as they were commaunded. Onely the Milesias (who were in league with Cyrus and the Persias) [Page 55] as wee sayd before, were quiet and voyde of trouble. By this meanes was Ionia the second tyme bereaued & spoiled of theire libertye. The people of the Iles perceyuinge the mayne land to bee all vnder the dominion and rule of the Persians: fearyng the worst yelded themselues to Cyrus to be at his pleasure. Now the Ionians albeit in very misera­ble estate and condition, yet osyng their olde haunte and ac­customed meetinge at Panionium, the fame is that one Bias a Prienian gaue them such counsayle, as had they pursued it with diligence, they had liued in the most happy and blisseful estate of all the Greciās. His aduyse was this, that the people of Ionia abandoninge their owne howses & The counsai of Byas to th people of Io­nia. places of habitation, should imbarke themselues to Sardi­nia, and there for their whole multitude to build and erect a city to be helde and inhabited by them al in general which doyng they might cast of the yoke of y^e Persians, and hauing in their dominion the griatest and most principall of all the Iles, might also hold y^e chiefe rule & dominion ouer all the rest. This was y^e coūsayl of Byas, to y^e pore afflicted Iones.

Not much inferyour to this was the graue aduise and sentence of Thales whereby he prouoked and styrred vp the people before their captiuity to the institution of one gene­rall parliament to be cōmonly held at Teios both for that y^e city was fixed in the midle part of the region, and that the other Cityes rounde aboute, mighte neurrthelesse bee reckened as tribes appertinēt therto. This was y^e holesom doctrine & wyse coūsayl geuen by these 2 learned sages to y^e people of Ionia. Harpagus after his tryumph ouer Ionia, A discourse the Carians. directed hys power agaynst the Caryans, Caunians, and Lysians, leading with him the Iones and Aeoles. Of which number the Carians forsoke the Iles to come dwell in the mayne. For in auncient tyme they were vnder the authori­ty and gouernement of Minos, bearyng the name of Lela­ges, at what tyme also they were resident in the Ilandes w^t ­out rent or pension of tribute, as far as I can learne by y^e diligent scrutiny (& hearsay) of times forepast & consumed. [Page] onely they weare leauied at a certayne number of shyppes furnished and prepared with men of armes as often as it se­med good to the Prynce.

Moreouer King Mynos inioying a very large & ample Oilion, very fortunate in the euent of warre. The nation of Ca [...]ia was exceedingly aduaūced aboue the rest in royall fame & dignity: of whom the Gretians borowed three prin­cipall thinges, first found out and deuised by them. It was their inuestion to weare a Crest or Cope on their Helmets, to paynt and set forth their Targets in gallant shewe & bra­uery of colours: last of all the steele or handle of the shielde came likewise frō thē, whereas, before they vsed no steeles, but hanging them about their neckes and right shoulders, with lystes and thonges of leather they moued and guyded them to and fro. Along time after the Caryans, the Dores also and Iones chaunged the Isles with the mayne or conti­nent, and rows [...]ed thē there: all which things are affirmed of y^e Carians by the people of Creta. From whom the Cary­ans themselues doe greatly dissent and swarue in opinion, cōstantly auouching how from the beginning and beyonde all memory, those seates haue bene helde by them without chaunge or mutation eyther of name or place. In testimony whereof they shewe the temple of Iupiter Carius, founded at Mylassus whereunto the Lydians also and Mysians haue common resorte as allyed to the Carians in neere kindred & affinity. For the Carian calleth the Mysian and Lydian bro­ther, whereof it commeth that they vse all one place of pray­er and worship to the powers deuyne. All other nations be­side though in tongue they differ not from thy Carians, yet are they not ioyned wyth them in fellowship of sacrifice and seruice to the Gods.

The people Caunij, though they fetch theyr Progeny, from Crete, yet (as mee seemeth) they rowst now in theyr naturall Rest where in they haue alwayes bene resiaunt. [Page 56] Theyr speach or forme of phrase they haue drawne from the Caryans, or the Caryans deriued theirs from them: where­of I am not able to set downe an absolute and infallible sen­tence. The lawes they vse are very dyuerse and straunge, both from the maners of Carya, and other Nations. For­asmuch as with them it is a very laudable custome & hyghly commended accordinge to the respect and degree of age, for men, women and children to flocke together in companyes to open feastes and bankettinges. The state of theyr re­ligion and maner of ceremonies accustomably vsed by them were first taken from forrayne Nations: wherewith after being wearyed and discontented, they tyed themselues to y^e Saynctes of theyr owne Countrey. The selfe same take­ing Weapons in their handes marched forward like madde men till they came to the Calyndian hilles, beatinge and swynging y^e antes alleadging that they banished out of their coastes, straunge and forreyne Gods. Sutch were the ma­ners and customes also of those people. But the Lycians most assuredly are an offpring and braunch of the Creten­ses: for in the beginning Creta was inhabited by the Bar­barians, but afterwardes the sonnes of Europa, Sarpêdon, and Minos, fallinge at variaunce for the Empyre, Minos gettinge the better of his brother, chased him and all his cō ­sederates out of the lande: who beinge dispossessed of their seates seysed vppon a Region in Asia called Mylias, which name at this day is sometime attributed to that place where the Lycians dwell. Mylias so properly called, hauinge at that time to name Solinij. During the rule and gouernance of Sarpêdon they were called by y^e name which they brought with them. Which is to say, Termiliae, which as yet is held and reteyned of those that lye next vnto them. Howbeit Ly­cus the Sonne of Pandion beinge dryuen from Athens by the rigour and violence of his Brother Aegêus, and com­ming to Sarpêdon Prynce of the Termilians: in continu­aunce [Page] of tyme it came to passe that they tooke the name of Lycus, and were called Lycians. They accustomed them selues to the lawes of Creta, and Caria. Albeit they haue one thinge of theyr owne proper and peculiar, wherby as by Badge, or cognizaunce they are seperated from other nations, in that they call them selues by the names of their Mothers not of their fathers: as if the question be demaū ­ded of any of them what he is, or whose sonne, the manner and vse is to blase hys pedegre from his mother, reher­synge besydes his mothers mother and so vpward.

Ouer and besydes, if a Woman free borne couple hirselfe in matrimony with a slaue or bondma:: neuerthelesse their Children and seede generallye shall be held and accomp­ted free.

Contrariwyse if a man free by byrth and natiuitye shall ioyne in wedlocke with a forrayne woman, or one that is reputed for a scalant or common strumpit, their discent and yssue shalbe alway signed with the note of infamye, and ne­uer be called to any degree of credite or estimation.

Furthermore the people wh [...]ch at those tymes held the do­minion of Caria without atchieuaunce of any famous or no­table act were conquered and ouercome by Harpagus. Nei­ther were the Carians onely destitute of the glorye and re­noune The people of G [...]ydus their originall. of noble dedes: but the rest also of the Gretians there about lurked in silence and had their name darkened and o­uerwhelmed with obscurity. There kept resiaūtes in those places aswel others, as also the Cnydians, which were a remnaunt of the Lacedaemonians thither drawen and deri­ued, whose region wyndeth to the sea called Tryopium and is almost on euery syde hemmed in by the sea. The North part beyng limitted with the salte waues of Ceraunium: the southside by the Rhodian and Simanian sea. The rest which is a very narrow strayght, not passinge fiue acres in breadth: the people of Cnydus (whyle Harpagus was busi­ed in y^e affaires of Ionia) thought to haue digged a way, & in [Page 55] so doyng to haue brought ther countreye into the forme of [...] Iland geuing free course and passage to the sea on euery syde. For their whole territory was within the broken cir­cle of the Sea: ioyninge to the mayne or firme lande in that strayght where the waters almost mette, which space they were in mynd to haue trenched throughout, wherby the sea in manner of a circle mighte haue his full scope and issue a bout the Ile, whereto employing their whole force and in­deuour it chaunced them in the middest of their toyle to bee taken in manye partes of the bodye, and chiefly with an ex­treme smarting and sorenes of the eyes. Wherupon resol­uinge to send to Delphos to Apollo, they inquired of him what it might be that so greatly hyndred them to proceed in their enterprise.

To whom Pythia made answere in certayne verses cō ­sistyng of sixe feete after this maner.

This answere receiued, the Cnydians made holiday, & attempted no further to delue the ground. Wherefore Har­pagus inuading their countrey with his army they submit­ted themselues without resistaunce. More then this, some what about Halicarnassus in the region dwell the Pedace­ans: with whom at the shew or appearance of any daunger or misfortune either to themselues or their neighbours, it falleth out that Mineruas Priest hath continuallye a longe bearde: which happened vnto them three sundry tymes.

These alone of all the people in Carya kept Harpagus at lenghth of weapon, and defended their city a long tyme, fen­cing [Page] the mountayne Lyda with principall garde and muni­tion, howbeit in y^e end they were driuen to yeeld. From thence Harpagus mouing hys tentes into y^e fieldes of Xan­thus was encountered by the Lysians. Who albeit they were fewer in number, neuertheles hardened themselues to all extremity & with māful courage susteined the might and puissaunce of their ennemyes. Who preuayling against them at the last made thē to recoyle and take their Citye. Whereinto being entred, they toke their wiues Children, and all their substaunce and shut them vppe into the Tower or castle of the city, and setting fyre to the same without pity or regard they burnt them all. And immediately after bin­ding themselues with a most horrible and dreadefull othe, they closed the seconde tyme with their enemyes: with whō they persisted in valiaunt fight: so longe as one man of their number remayned alyue.

All the Lycians which are called by the name of Xan­thians, and forreiners and arriued from straunge places, except 40 familyes, which by fortune at y^e same tyme being oute of the city escaped death. By this meanes came Xan­thus into the handes of the Persians. In like manner also the city Caunium was taken by them whose people for y^e most part followed the example of the Lycians. Harpagus therefore hauing added to the seate of Persia all the cityes the lower: the superiour and hygher partes thereof Cyrus by his owne proper Mart and valiauncy had ouercome and vanquished leauing no part of the same free and vnsubdu­ed. Wherefore in presence we will leaue of to speake of the rest of their noble actes & deedes, letting passe many things wittingly for desire to reueale and displaye those thynges which to them selues were most labour some and difficulte and deserue to bee prynted in eternall memory.

Now when king Cyrus had brought into his power all the nations that lye in the mayne, he leuied his whole strē ­gth against the Assyrians. There be many and great cities [Page 56] of Assyria, but aboue all one especiall and pryncipall, both in defence and dignitie surmounting the rest, by name Ba­bylon, where after the occasion and ruine of Nynus was planted the seate and palace of the greate kinge. This citye had the foundation and being in a wonderful huge playne: and was builte and contriued into a foure square forme: e­uery side thereof conteining in length an hundred and twen­ty acres. Whereby it is euidente that the circuit and com­passe of the whole city amoūted to the summe of 480 acres of grounde, so greate and of so huge bygnes and ampli­tude was the mighty citye Babylon. Moreouer within the walles faire and beautifull passing measure, garnished & set forth with rych and sumptuous buildings, as no Citye whereof we haue notyce approacheth any thinge to the in­comparable dignity of the same.

First of all it is cast about and incompassed with a wyde and deepe Ditch filled and implet with water, in the nexte place is raysed a wall 50 royall cubits in thyckenesse and 200 in heigth: a cubute royall contayninge three fyngers more then the vulgare & common cubyte, which we vsually follow in measuring. It shall not be impertinent to y^e mat­ter to shew and declare to what vse & seruice the earth was imployed, which was cast and voyded out of the trench, as also in what maner and forme the wal was builte.

Of the clay cast out, and clensed from the ditche were drawed and framed certayne brickes, which arysynge at length to a great multitude they were dryed and burnte in a kill or fornace.

Afterwardes closing the same togeather with morter betwixt euery thirtith course or row of brickes they layd y^e [...]oppes of canes or reedes dipped and steeped in boylyng lyme, and first of in this manner they curbed and garded about the brinckes of the mote w^t a list or hemme of brickes obseruing also the selfe same arte in the frame and worke­manship of the wal. [Page] On the toppe of the wall along the edges and margentes therof were built & cituated certaine smal howses one story hygh facing and ful opposite one to an other, betweene eue­ry of the which was so much space and distance, as a carte might haue gone betweene them.

Through the walles ther opened an 100 broad gates for passage and ingresse into the citye all of brasse, with postes and hynges of the same. Eyght dayes iourney from Babilō is placed a city called Is, fast by the which floweth a riuer of no great bygnes, named also Is, caryinge his streme into y^e floude Euphrates: This seely brooke scowreth through his chanel greate plenty of lyme wherof they had principall vse in the buildyng of the walles of Babilon. Of the forme and description wherof sufficeth it thus to haue spoken. How be it, it behoueth vs to vnderstande that the citye Babylon, ys cutt and sundered in twayne by the mayne streame of the ri­the xiuer Euphrates: which is very great deepe and swift of course and taking hys fyrst yssue from the mountaynes of Armaenia, breaketh at the length and emptyeth yt selfe into the red sea.

The partition of the walles made by the intercourse of y^e riuer shootes bppon the bankes on eyther syde, which are breasted out and fortifyed with a countremure of bricke to kepe the waters from flowing into the citye. The Citye it selfe is replenished with houses four storyes in heighte be­yng also deuyded, & as it were chekered into sundry streets and lanes some leādyng long wayes, other some crosse and ouerthwort, at the end of one streete openeth a brasen dore through the wall and countergard of the ryuer, whereby the people haue accesse to the water. And this wall is in defence of the citye agaynst the vyolence of the floud. Moreo­uer in either part and region of the citye there is another wall, not much inferyour in strenghe (albeit in thicknesse somewhat lesse then the former. One of these in y^e one parte of the citye incloseth aboute the stately court and resyaunce [Page 57] of the Prince exceeding strong, and of a mile compasse. Likewise in the other parte of the Citie is a wall, in the circle and closure whereof is conteined the Temple of Iu­piter Belus, wherevnto entry is made through the wall by mighty brasen gates, standing yet in this our age, to the open view and beholding of trauaylers. This wall is built in maner of a quadrangle, foure-square, being on euery side two acres long. In the middest of the Temple standeth a towre of sound worke, very firme and solide, without vaut or holownesse, a furlong thicke, and as much high: on the top of the which was planted another towre, which in like manner vphelde and vnderpropped the third: wherevppon likewise were fiue other turrets placed, each taking hys ground and foundation from the top of another. On the outside of euery towre do winde certaine degrees of steps or stayres leading to the top or highest part of the same. In the midway vp the stayres are framed certayne seates or benches for those that go vp to rest and breathe by the way. In the top or supremity of the highest turret is ano­ther Chappell, within the whiche is placed a bed decked with most costly and sumptuous furniture, besides the which standeth a beautifull table of fine gold. In this sa­cred house or vestry no image is erected, neyther doth any creature lye in the same, saue one woman alone, beeing of the same countrey (as the Priests of Babylon affirme) and such a one, as it pleaseth the god to choose for his owne dy­et. Who do also constantly reporte (albeit I am hardly brought to beleeue it) that the god himselfe entring into the Temple, taketh vp his lodging in that chamber. Like as also it falleth out at Thebes in Aegypt by the voyce and re­cord of the Aegyptians, where in the oratory or place of ser­uice dedicate to Iupiter Thebanus, a woman vseth to lye: who (as also the other of Babylon) is constantly auouched at no time to haue custome or fellowship with men. Such is also the prioresse or woman priest at Paterae in Lycia [Page] when time or occasion ferueth, for there the Oracle is not continually held, but at such time as it approcheth, the Ab­besse ouer night is fast lo [...]kt and included into the Church. In the temple of Babylon besides there is another temple somewhat lower, wherein is kept the famous monument of the god Iupiter wrought of golde, neere vnto the which adioyneth a table, which together with the frame and settle thereto belonging, is also of meere and solide gold, estee­med of the Chaldaean priests at the summe and value of 800. talents. At the comming out of the chappell, there is also to be seene an aultar of cleane gold: not farre from the which standeth another of strange and wonderfull bignes, whereon are offered all such beastes as are of perfect age and ripe growth: contrarywise on the aultar of golde it is not lawfull to sacrifice any but sucklings, and such as are newly drawne and taken from the teate. On the greater of the two aultars, the Chaldaean Chaplaynes burne incense to the god, with expence of a C. M. talents of frankincense. In the same temple is also another image of. 12. cubites in length of massy and beaten golde, which albeit I sawe not with mine owne eies, yet presuming vpon the credit of the Chaldaeans, I haue aduentured to set it downe. This image Darius the sonne of Hystaspes, and King of Persia, would faine haue bin fingering, neuerthelesse, for feare of after­claps, he was contente to coole his thirst, and forgoe the spoile, howbeit, Xerxes his sonne & heire in later daies rife­ling the temple, made a booty therof, hauing done to death a chaplaine who stoutly forbad him to moue the image out of his place. With these & such like ornamēts was y^t temple of Babylon gorgeously adorned, besides an infinite number of gifts and presents, franckly geuen and bestowed to the po­lishing and setting foorth of so rare & famous a monument.

Furthermore, the genealogy and succession of the Kings of Babylon is very manyfold and diuerse, of whome ioynt­ly with y^t affaires & estate of Assyria we meane to intreate: [Page 58] parse of these laid their wealth & treasure on the trimming & beautifying of the city walles: other spared no coast to in­rich & adorne the temples & palaces of the gods. In the line­all discent of the bloud royall, mention is made of two wo­men: the one of these raigned fiue ages before the later, and was called Semiramis. This Queene caused to be cast vp & raised great mounts & mighty banckes, very wonderfull to be seene, which kept the riuer within the course of his na­turall chanell, beeing wont before time to ouerflow & couer the whole plame. The second Queene named Nitocris was of wit more sharp & subtile, and of much more fiue inuenti­on then y^e former, by whom both other things were brought to passe right woorthy memory, whiche wee purpose to re­count: and chiefly this, that perceiuing the power and go­uernement of the Medes to grow and increase, and as well other townes, as also the city Ninus to be vanquished by thē, she forethought all the meanes that could be deuised, to arme & defend hirselfe against the enemy. First of all the ri­uer Euphrates that whilome by a streight & equall course streame throughout the towne, flowing in a right line to­wards the sea by meanes of certaine trenches cast vp and digged for the streame, she drew into a confuse and intricate race, folding & winding many waies, insomuch that in three sundry places it hath eftsoones recourse vnto one little vil­lage in Assyria called Arderica so that they which come frō the sea to Babylon by y^t riuer Euphrates, are cōstreined to ariue thrice at Arderica & that also in three seuerall dayes. This was also one worke of hers which she did about y^t ri­uer, the borders wherof besides she hath hemmed & garded in with a banke so strōg & mōstrous, & what for y^t vnmeasu­rable hignes & bignes of y^t same, it would greatly astonishe those that do view & behold it. Somewhat aboue the city, a little off from the riuers side, she caused a place to be cast & trenched for the receipt of a standing water or poble, which they digged so deepe, till they came to the water, extending [Page] euery way in breadth the space of. 320. furlongs. The earth that was voyded heerefro was referred and employed to the bancking of the riuer. The edge and brinckes of the poole were layde aboute and paued with stone. In both which things, as well in turning the course of the water, as in deluing the trench or lake, she had this purpose, that the violēce of the floud being hindred by so many windings and turnings, might flowe in a more quiet and peaceable streame: then, that the passage from the maine sea to Ba­bylon might be made more troublesome to the saylers, by the often creekes and circuites of the water: finally, that the next way and readiest path from Media to Babylon be­ing shut vp, and intercepted by the mutable course of the riuer, the Medes hindered from mutable trade of Mer­chandize with the Assyrians, might be ignorant and vn­skilfull of hir assayres and counsayle. Thus did Queene Nitocris on the lower side of Babylon prouide for the safe­tie and good estate of the Realme, hauing another mea­ning in the fenne or marish which she caused the people to digge aboue the towne, for the City being separate and di­uided into two partes, by meanes of the riuer which flo­weth through the middes, vnder the raigne and dominion of other Princes, whosoeuer of the Citizens was desirous to go ouer on the other side, he was fayne to be feried ouer, and passe by a boate, whiche coulde not be voyde of greate toyle and trouble, of which extremity by the good inuenti­on of Queene Nitocris, the City obteyned speedie release by one and the selfesame meanes, leauing behinde two fa­mous monumēts of perpetual memory. Wherfore hauing turned the riuer into the maine gulfe or lake that was cast vp and digged in the plaine, she incontinently caused mighty stones to be hewed out, squared for y^e purpose. The floud hauing a breach and issue another way, within the compasse of his owne chanell became drye and voyde of wa­ter, Nitocris therefore fenced the bankes and shores of the [Page 59] riuer within the Citie, with a skirt or edge of bricke, to saue the water from abating and wearing the earth. In like maner the steppes leading downe from the brasen wickets to the water, she framed of bricke layd and mortered toge­ther in like sorte as the walles. About the middest of the Citie she made a bridge ouer the water, built of stone cut and polished to the same ende, which she caused to be knit & mortered together with leade and iron. This bridge in the day time she couered with planckes of fouresquare forme, to giue passage & recourse to her subiects: which in the eue­ning were continually drawne & remooued from thence, to the end all occasion of mutual theft and villany in the night might be foreseene & preuented. The worke being ended, she wrought the meanes for the water to returne to his proper course, eftsoones boyding the lake againe, which then by continuall feeding of the streame, drew to be full. Thus the end prooued the deluing of the fenne to be very profitable & cōmodious, by meanes whereof a bridge was made for the vse & benefit of the city. The same Nitocris also put in pra­ctise this subtile and deceitfull inuention. Alost vppon the most stately and portlike gate of the City in open shew and appearaunce to all mē, she built her a Sepulchre, engrauen with this title or superscripcion: If any of the Kings of Ba­bylon after me shall stand in neede or pen [...]ry of money, let him open the tombe and take as much as he will: but not vnlesse he be driuen by extremity, for it shall not be good for him. This Sepulchre was so long vnmoued, till the kingdome fell into the hands of Darius, who very much disdaining that he neither had vse of these gates (because that ouer them was placed a dead body, so that he counted it vnwholesome to go through them) nor any profit or com­modity of the money, especially being allured and prouoked thervnto by the Epitaph and inscription, he brake open the monument and looked in, not finding one crosse nor ought else saue the dead carkesse & certaine letters, saying thus: [Page] Vnlesse thou hadst bene an vnsatiable wretch, and gree­dy of filthy gayne, thou wouldst neuer haue discouered the graues of the dead. These things are left to memory of the Queene Nitocris, against whose sonne Labynitus ha­uing the name of his father, and the gouernement and prin­cipality of all Assyria; Cyrus prepared his whole army, at whose approch the great King gathered a power of mē, hauing made aboundant prouision both of corne and cattell. Moreouer, great plenty of water was had in readinesse, brought from the floud Choaspis, running a little besydes S [...]sa, of which riuer alone the King is accustomably wont to drinke. The water of Choa [...]pis being first sodden and af­ter reserued in vessels of siluer, is continually borne after the King whether soeuer he goeth by Chariots driuen on four wheeles, which follow his trayne in great number.

Cyrus therefore vndertaking a iourney to Babylon, af­ter he came to the riuer Gyndes (whiche proceeding from the Mantien mountaynes necre vnto the people Darnei, meeteth with the riuer Tigris, whose streame passing by the City Opis, floweth into the red sea) he attempted to passe the water, which by no meanes can be gone ouer without shipping, where stepping foorth a lusty gallant of the army, and mounting on the backe of a milkewhite steede, sacred and holy to the gods, aduentured in a brauery to take the water, and go ouer, whome the floud winding and wreathing with in his streame, swallowed vp so that he was neuer after seene. But King Cyrus greatly agreeued at the vnkind and iniurious deede of the riuer, threatned the water in furious manner, saying, that the time should not be long erre he brought it so lowe, and to so scant an ebbe, that the very women of the countrey should dare to go ouer it, not weeting themselues to the knees, which thing for the vehemency of his rage he immediately put in practise, intermitting and leauing off hys voyage to Baby­lon: wherefore diuiding his campe into two partes, hele­uelled [Page 60] out and drew by a line. 180. trenches on eyther side of the riuer, whereinto he determined to draine the water: which enterprise (as in so great a multitude) was at lēgth brought to passe, albeit he consumed the whole sommer in performance thereof. The mighty riuer Gyndes being in this sort shed and deriued into. 360. brookes at the approch of the next spring Cyrus renewed his purpose, and set foorth afresh towardes Babylon, whome the great Kyng with an hoast of men well prepared, exspected and looked for in the fielt. When he drewe neere to the city, signe of battell was giuen, and a fierce encountry made on both sides, but the Persians preuailing, compelled the contrary part to flie into the city, where the Babylonians (for that lōg before they perceyued King Cyrus to be of a busie & an vnquiet nature, giuen to controuersy & trouble, intermed­ling & dealing with other nations) had made plentiful pro­uision of vittailes, & all kind of sustenance for many yeares, for which they liued in security, nothing at all waying to be kept in and enclosed with a siege. Cyrus in like case hauing a long time layne at the walles without any successe or a­uayle, was altogether ignorant of what wood to frame his arrowes, howbeit at last, eyther of his owne trayne, or by the counsayle and aduertisement of others, he cast about a­nother way, and wrought thus: placing his army on eache side of the city, some on that part where the riuer entereth in, others on the backside where it floweth out, hee gaue commaundement, that at such time as they saw the water to fall and berome fleete and easy to be waded; they shoulde inuade the city by the chanell of the floud: leauing there­fore his ariny in this order and aray, with the vnfittest and weakest part of his power, he withdrewe himselfe asyde to the poole, made by the handyworke of Queene Nitocris, whether beeyng come, looke what before time had bene wrought by her whyle the bridge was building, the selfe-same also dyd Cyrus, piercing the bancke of the [Page] riuer; and geuing a vent to the water to passe into the fenne: whereby the streams decreasing, became very sha­low, and without daunger to those that aduentured to passe through which thing being marked by those that stayd be­hinde at the walles, they tooke the riuer, and wading very little aboue the knees with manfull and valiant courage, brake into the City: whome the men of Babylon (if in case they had foreknowne the fact of Cyrus) had not onely not permitted to take the Towne, but contrarywise had de­stroyed them all by a miserable death: for hauing fast bar­red the little gates that open to the riuer, and placed them­selues p [...]rtly on the top of the wall, partly on the bankes without the City, they had pent and included them as it were in a [...]aue or denne from whence they could neuer haue escaped aliue: wheras now the Persians stealing vpon them of a sudden, were at their elbowes before they were aware. In which their distresse (so huge was the City in [...]ignesse) that (by report of those that dwelt next them) they which inhabited the middle part of the City, were flatly ignorant that the towne was taken. Wherefore being a festiuall day, they egerly persued their delight and pastime, disporting thēselues with dauncing, and all kind of pleasaunt recrea­tion, vntill the case was too plaine that the enemies were within the walles. Such therfore were the meanes where­by the City Babylon was first of all taken and surprised by warre. As touching the power and value whereof, we will shewe many testimonies, this one especiall and of manyfest euidency. The whole coast which is vnder the gouernance of the great King, being leuied at a certayne rent to finde the Prince and his armie (I meane besides those reue­newes and pensions which euery moneth in the yeare are duely payde and yeelded to the Crowne) at the fourth part of thys rent or subsidie is the region of Babylon rated a­lone, the other eyght partes beéing gathered and contribu­ted out of the whole Countrey of Asia: so that the puissance [Page 61] and hability of this region is equiualent and matchable to the third part of Asia. The seigniorie also and principali­ty of this part (which the Persians call a Satrapy, that is, a Dutchy or Countey) doth in great measure exceede all other prouinces that are vnder the protection of the great King. For so much as Tritechmas sonne of Artabazus whome the King made his Lieutenant, and principall o­uer this Countrey, had duely rendered vnto him for tri­bute euery day in the weeke more then eyght gallons of sil­uer, according to the Persian measure called Artaba, which exceedeth by three quarts the measure that is vsed in Atti­ca, which they call by the name of Medimnus. Moreouer he had a stable of couragious and lusty coursers for the saddle, besides those which were purposely kept and mana­ged for the vse of warre: to these were added eight hun­dred stalions or stone horses, with sixteene thousand maares which were couered by those horses, one stalion being reser­ued and admitted to the couering of twenty maares. Be­sides all this, so great a multitude of dogs or mastifes com­ming of the kinde and breede of India were belonging to him, that four great townes standing in the plaine of Baby­lon, stoode at no other reuenue, then to find and maintayne a company of curres. All whiche things were peculiar and appertinent to him that was the viceroy or president of Ba­bylon. In the countrey of Assyria they haue small store of rayne: suche graine as the land yeeldeth beeing euermore watered by the floud, not after the maner of Nilus in Ae­gypt (which of his owne accord riseth ouer the bankes, and giueth moisture to the fields round about) but partly by the labour and hāds of men, partly also by brookes and ditches deriuing the water throughout their ground. For through all the region of all Babylon (euen as in Aegypt also) are drawne many trenches and ditches, the greatest whereof is nauigable, and caryeth ships, bearing to that coast where the sunne is at a stand in winter, and reacheth from Euphra-| [Page] reacheth from Euphrates to the floud Tigris, neere vnto the which was planted and situated the city Ninus. This soyle for corne and all kinde of grayne, is the most battle and plentifull of all others, being very barren and naked of wood: wherein, especially the figge tree, vine, and olyue, could neuer prosper or come to any proofe, but for seede and tillage so fruitefull and aboundant, that it neuer fayleth to yeeld increase two hundred fold: and if the ground be very well taken, and the yeare fauourable, it multiplieth to three hundreth times as much as was cast into the earth. The eares of their wheate and barly are more then a handfull broade. Likewise y^e small seede of Millet or Hirse, together with the graiue of India called Sesamum, to what exceeding growth and tallnes they arise in this countrey, that almost they seeme in manner of mighty trees, albeit I assuredly know & could iustly affirme, yet I will rather keepe silence, knowing that those which hath bene already spoken of the greate encrease of their graine are suche, that they far sur­mount aboue the cōmon credit and vsuall course of nature. They vse no kinde of oyle but such as is made of the seede Sesamum. Palme trees are cōmon with thē in euery place of the countrey, many of the which beare fruite & are very fertile. Parte of this fruite they turne and employ to foode and sustenaunce, making wine and honny of the rest. The trees themselues they prune and manure not vnlike theyr figge trees. Some of these palmes (as they vse also to do in other) the Graecians call male trees, the fruite wherof they eate not, but only bind it to the fruite of the female trees, whereof breedeth a small woorme or flye, which with her sharpe and forcked nebbe biteth through the fruite of the female palme, whereby it commeth to ripenesse and matu­rity, being otherwise wont to drop off and decay before it arriue to full growth and perfection. For of the fruite of the male palme is bred and produced this little worme, such as come also of a wilde figge tree.

[Page 62] Let vs now proceede vnto that which next after the city it selfe, is (in my fancy) the straungest mirrour and wonder of the whole region. The vessels wherein they are accusto­med to passe downe y^e streame to Babylon, are made circle­wise, and of round compasse, drawne ouer on the outside, and couered with leather: for the people of Armenia, whose countrey lyes aboue the Assyrians, hauing hewed & smoo­thed out of willow certaine round vessels very hollow and deepe, they cast ouer a paast or couering of leather, apply­ing them both to the vse of houshold affayres to contemne li­cour in & such like, and also to rowe in and passe the water. They haue neither head nor tayle that a man may poynt at with his finger, there to be the nose and forepart of the shippe, and heere the hinder part or sterne, but are contri­ued into a circulare forme like a buckler or target. The bot­tome of these vessels they matte and fence with strawe or rushes, wherevpon laying their chaffer and merchandise, they commit themselues to the water. Theyr chiefest ca­riage is small roundlets or firkins of wyne, makyng the caske it selfe of the leaues of palme. The vessels are go­uerned by two seuerall rothers, at the which, two men continually stande and are attendaunt, the one whereof drawes the ster [...]e towardes hym into the shippe, the other thrusteth from hym outwarde. These kynde of shippes are maruaylous greate, and very capable, albeit some of them be of smaler making then other. The greater sort are of power to carry the waight of fyue thousand talentes. In euery of which there is one liue Asse at the least, and in the bigger three or foure. Beeyng landed at Babylon, and hauyng made theyr marte of suche thynges as they broughte, they sell also the woodde of theyr Shyppes, wyth the strawe, rushes, and suche lyke, loadyng backe theyr Asses with the skinnes, which they driue home before them into Armenia: forsomuch as to saile vpwards against the course of the riuer, it is not possible for them, by reason [Page] of the swiftnesse and violence of the strcame, which is the cause also that they make their vessels not of wood, but of skinnes. After they are returned to Armenia they make prouision of other ships, all one in similitude and fashion with the former: such are the vessels wherein the Assyri­ans ferry downe the water to Babylon.

Now for their habite and attyre it is on this manner. Their vsuall custome is to go clothed in two garments, one of linnen downe to the feete, another of wollen drawne vp­pon the same: aboute their shoulders they cast a cloake of whyte coulour. In their showes following the custome of the whole countrey, they vse all one fashion, not much vn­like the Thebane slippers. Their hayre very long, tied and bound vp behinde with a coyfe. In all partes of their bodye embaulmed with sweete oyles and precious oyntmentes. On their fingers they we are a signet: bearing in their hāds a slender rod in forme of a scepter, very skilfully and artifi­cially wrought, on y^e top whereof is carued either an apple, a rose, a lilly, an eagle, or some such like thing, being ac­compted wickednesse with them, and against all lawe, to carry a rod or scepter without such an ensigne on the top. And thus much for their attyre.

The lawes which they vse are these. One most commen­dable, and for the singulare wisedome and commoditie thereof greatly to be regarded. Likewise another, which (if I be not deceiued) the people Eneti comming of the Hlyri­ans do commonly practise throughout their whole lande. Once in a yeare they obserued this custome. The virgins that were arriued to the due time and estate of marriage, they assembled all into one place, fast behind these stoode a great multitude of yong men and batchelers. When all were come and the company was hush, there arose vp a com­mon cryer, proclayming seuerally the sale of euery one to suche as were minded to buy them, and in the first place shee that was the paragon and most beautifull damosell [Page 63] of all the route, was in like manner first published and set forth to be sold, whom some one or other hauing purchased with a great summe of money, she that was next in beau­tie to the fairest, was next priced, with a condition annexed, that they whiche bought shoulde also marry them. Suche therefore of Babylon that were of good wealth, and wan­ted wines, bought vp the brauest wenches, euery one spee­ding best for beautie that badde best for the beautifull. The basest sorte of yonkers that were not so deyntely toothed, contenting themselues with the homeliest lasses, chose ra­ther to take a good nutbrowne wench with a dowrie, with whome to practise the daliaunces of Venus. The market being made of the best and fayrest, incontinently the most vggly and foulest drosse of the company was by the voyce of the crier cyted to appeare, whome he set foorth and pro­pounded to the liking of any, who with the least expence and sinalest charge that might, woulde be contente with a wife. In which sort she standeth, til there step foorth a mate that will holde himselfe satisfied with a sluttishe wife and a slender dowrie, euermore making a gayne of those vppon whome nature and the heauens had largely bestowed theyr graces and treasures, whereas with the rest, that were ey­ther impotent, lame, or in part of the body disfigured, or generally sluttish and ylfauoured, they endowed with a por­tion of goodes the sooner to procure and get them hus­bands. Neither was it free and indifferent for any man to place and dispose his daughter to whome he would: nor for the byer without sufficient warrant or suretie of his good vsage of hir to take hir away: but hauing brought such as should plight their faith and honestie in his behalfe, that he should vndoubtedly vse hir in place of his wife, he tooke hir with him, whereof if by fortune they coulde not agree, the law commaunded that the money whiche was geuen for price of the virgine should be eftsoones restored to the buy­er: wherein the custome was not so strict and seuere, but [Page] that a couple of contrary villages might match together, and enter the estate of mariage one with another, the man alwayes rendering a certaine summe and price for his wife if she were worth the buying. This law was very well and wisely ordeyned by them, which within a while after lost his force, and was vtterly neglected: albeit in later dayes they coyned a new deuise that no man should abuse or any way iniurie a woman, nor carry hir away into a strange ci­tie, for the citie being taken, and themselues shamefully in­treated by their enemies, in so much that the most part of them had wasted their goodes and substance, the poore lay people that were in great extremity and want of sustenāce, caused their stocke, y^e care of their honesty & chaste liuing set apart, to purchase lucre by the common vse of their bodies. Another law and statute they had of equal prayse and com­mendation with the first, whereby it was prouided that all persons possessed with any griefe or disease, should be cary­ed out and layd in the open market place, to the end that (v­sing no Physicions) euery one might giue their verdit of their sicknesse and maladie. As euery one therefore appro­cheth neare vnto the diseased, if at any time they haue had triall and experience of the like payne and distresse eyther in themselues or in other, they let not to minister connsaile to the sicke, & prescribe such order & dyet, as hath bin here­tofore either profitable to themselues, or wholesome to o­ther: vtterly abhorring from all lawe and ciuility, to passe securely & carelesly by the feeble, & not to enquire the state and maner of his griefe. They esteeme it no small blisse to them to be buried in sepulchers, resembling very narrow­ly the custome of the Aegyptians in funerall sorrow and la­mentation for the dead. As oft as they haue society and fel­lowship with their wiues, placing themselues in seates one ouer agaynst another, the men take sweete perfume, and burneth it, the women likewise doing the very same. At the drawing neere of the euening they wash and wrinse [Page 64] themselues very cleane, not attempting to touch any thing with their hands, before they haue thoroughly cleansed and purged the filth from their bodies, which thing is in vse likewise with the Arabians.

The selfesame Babylonians acquaint themselues wyth an order full of all abhomination and wickednesse. All the women of their nation once in their whole liues, resort to the Temple of Venus, where abandoning their chastity, they giue vp themselues to be defiled and corrupted by straungers: howbeit, such women as are of great reputati­on, and haue wealth at will, disdeining to sit and accompany with the rest, are drawne to the temple in charlots or lit­ters cast ouer and couered with a vale of leather: whether being come, leauing the trayne of their meyny and seruants behinde them, they place themselues in seates before the gates of the palace, which is the common vse of all such as are of high degree. Within the Churche they sit in greate multitudes, bound about the temples of the head with gar­lands of sweete and pleasaunt flowres, some of them are comming, others going, for certayne passages and wayes seuerally made by cords & lines, leade and direct the stran­gers to such as they fancy best and haue moste minde to. Moreouer, hauing once taken her seate in the Temple, she neuer returneth home vntill some one or other of foreigne countreys hath geuen her money, and reapt her chastitie, who approching neere to his lady whome he liketh, sayeth thus: The goddesse Militta be fauourable and gracious vnto thee. By this name Militta is Venus called with As­syrians, neither is it lawfull to despise the money which is geuen, how much or how little soeuer it be, being applied to a sacred & holy vse. Neither may y^e womā be her own car­uer to reiect any y^t commeth to her, but whosoeuer is her first chapman him she immediately followeth w^tout respect of persons: with whome, after she hath accompanyed for a while, hauing made her offring to y^e goddesse, she returneth [Page] home, for the time to come not to be allured by mountaynes of gold to acquaint themselues with any in the like sort. Of this noble route such as are most prayseworthy for beautie and comely proportion of the body, haue soonest made theyr market and are gonne, the grosser and baser sort being held by the law to remaine there so long, till they haue accom­plished the rites and customes of the Countrey, so that it chaunceth thē otherwhiles to abide in the Temple a yeare or two, yea sometimes three, before the poore soules can be acquit of their seruitude. The like ordinaunce is of force & vertue in some part of Cyprus. These are the lawes of the people of Babylon, of whome there be three sortes, some which liue only by fish, whiche beeing purged and dried a­gainst the sunne, they vse in this manner, first they powne & bray it in a morter, which done, they preserue and keepe it in linnen sheetes, whereof they take at their pleasure, and putting thereto liquour, they kneade and bake it in maner of bread.

The Persian prince Cyrus hauing obteyned the victorie ouer all the countrey of Babylon, was pricked with desire to bring into his power the people of the Massagetes; a na­tion very large, and in armes couragious and valiaunt, ha­uing their habitation in the East towardes the morning sunne beyond the floud Araxes, right ouer against the Isse­donians, and being (as some men suppose) a part of Scy­thia. The Riuer Araxes is both greater and lesse then the mighty streame called Ister, wherein also are many Iles not inferiour in compasse to the Iland Lesbus. The people of those Iles liue in the sommer time by all kinde of rootes whiche themselues plucke vp and gather, reseruing the fruite of their trees that is ripe and ready to be eaten for their winter foode and sustenance. By these people were found out and deseryed certayne trees, whose fruite beeing cast into the fire (which they vse to kindle swarming toge­ther in great flockes) doth no lesse incharme and make [Page 65] drunken the senses of those that fit by, with the sauour and smell proceeding therefro, then their wyne doth intoxicate the heads of the Grecians, being so much the more idle in their braynes by how much y^e more they burne of the afore­said fruite: euen so farre at length, that they fall to singing, dauncing and leaping past measure. Now the floude A­raxes (like as also y^e ryuer Gyndes which Cyrus broached and deuyded into 360 trenches) beginneth at the Mantien hylles parting it selfe into sixty seuerall streames, the rest (one only excepted) haue their endinges in fennes and ma­rishe groundes: where certayne people are sayde to make their abode, which are nourished by rawe fishes, being clo­thed and apparelled in Seale skinnes. The other parte of Araxes continueth his course vnto the sea called Caspium, which is a sea of it selfe, not permixt and mingled with any other, for aswell the salte water through the which y^e Gre­cians vse to saile, as also the other without y^e pyllers called Atlanticum, finally, y^e red sea & it do meete each with other and are all one: but the Caspian waters are hemmed in & inclosed with their owne shores, being in length 15. dayes sayle for a light shippe that goeth with oares: in bredth such that the widest parte (which is toward the west) may be passed ouer in eyght dayes. The west side of this sea is edged in by the mountayne Caucasus, being of incompara­ble height and greatnesse: vpon this hill one people of all sortes inhabyting: very many & diuerse susteyned by wilde foode and fieldishe reliefe. The leaues which their trees beare are much like vnto ours in shew, though different in nature: these they beate to powlder, and rempering them with a quantity of water they make of them a certayne co­lour of such force and vertue that paynting therewith vp­pon their garments the similitudes of sundry wilde beasts, it neuer chaungeth hue, but euen as if the pictures had bene wouen and wrought in the cloth: so together with y^e woolle it selfe they weare out and decay. These men after the ma­ner [Page] of brute beastes meddle and accompany with their wo­men in open sight. Now the West parte of the sea Caspian being inuyroned by the hill Caucasus, y^e side which extēdeth toward the Easte beateth vpon a large, spacious, & ample playne. The most parte of this playne is possessed by the Massagets, whom Cyrus for diuerse & waighty causes was styrred vp and prouoked to assaile by warre. First by the re­membraunce of his birth and infancie, whereby he was mo­ued to thinke and imagyne him selfe to bee more then halfe a god, farre aduaunced aboue the mortall estate of humane kinde. Againe not a litle puffed vp and emboldned by y^e luck and prosperous atchieuaunce of all his aduentures wherein fortune shewed him so amiable a countenaunce, that against what nation soeuer hee set his force, the same hee caused eyther to bend or breake, alwayes hauing the better hande of his enemyes.

The kingdome of the Massagets after the decease of the prince hir husband was held by the most noble and vertuous Queene Tomyris, vnto whom Cyrus addressinge certayne messengers in fained glose of deceiptfull words, demaunded hir mariage: but the prudent and couragious lady percei­uing his bent, how not for the loue of hir selfe, but for desire of the kingdome he had couloured a sute of dissembled ma­trimony, flatly forbadde him to come within the lystes and boundes of hir countrey. Cyrus seeing his pollicie to be in vayne, lead his power to the ryuer Araxes, in open and pro­fessed wise, threatning vengeance and all kinde of cruelty a­gainst the realme of the Massagets: wherefore hauing co­uered the ryuer with certayne bridges, whereby to trayne and conu [...]y his army ouer the water hee fortified the same with defence & munition of towers builte by y^e help & ayde of ships which he made for y^e purpose: to whom being diligent­ly cōuersant & busied in these affaires, Tomyris dispatched an Herauld of peace w^t a message as followeth. Thou king of the Medes, leaue of to trouble thy selfe in those matters [Page 66] which y^e hast taken in hand, vncertayne what gayne y^t shalt reape by this thine enterprise: be quiet therefore & be king of thine owne, suffring vs to inioy these borders whereof we haue the right & chiefe dominion. But what? disdaynest y^• my coūsaile? preferrest thou al things before peace & quiet­nesse? Be it then, if thy hart burne to be dealing with y^e Mas­ [...]agets, cease thy buyldings & either follow vs 3. dayes iour­ney into our countrey, or departe our coasts & receiue vs in­to thine. Cyrus hauing heard this greeting, assembled to­gether the chiefe of y^e Persians & propounded y^e matter to be scanned among them: who being all of one mynde & consen­ting in one opinion made it no cōtrouersie, but y^t it behoued rather Tomyris with hir army to be receyued into Persia & them selues to retyre into their owne lande: against whom Craesus being of a contrary iudgment began to reason & ar­gue in this maner. Truly (O king) as I sayd before, since it hath pleased the mighty Iupiter to delyuer mee into thy hands: whatsoeuer I shall marke to be amisse in thy house the same to the most of my power I will study to amend: for myne owne fortune albeit an vnthankfull mistresse, yet hath she bene a lesson and schooling vnto me: if thou thinke thy selfe a god, and thy army immortall, my counsaile is not for thee, my sentence cannot auayle thee: but if y^e acknowledge thy selfe to be mortall, and to rule ouer those that be subiect to death, learne this first, that y^e affayres of men are placed as it were in a circle, which being rowled and turned about ne permitteth the same man to bee alwayes fortunate: as touching therefore the question propounded I vary in opy­on from all thy counsaile: for geuing liberty to thy enemies to come into thine owne realme, it is to be feared least at the same time thou leese both the victory and thy kingdome. thinkest thou the Massagets if they get the better, will straight wayes depart without spoyle of thy countrey? con­trarywise, if thou vanquishe them what canst thou winne? Certes (O Kynge) not comparably to that as if thou [Page] beate these Cockes one their owne dunghilles, so mayste thou followe them presently vpon the spurres and set them besides their owne pearches. Consider this (noble prince) and if thou seeme to like it, seeke to follow it, and fly not one foote before thou performe it: that hauing done this fonde girle to vnderstande thy inuincible force and prowesse, thou mayste follow thine enimyes at the hard heeles euen into y^e gates and walles of their city. For shame let it not be sayd at any time, that Cyrus the sonne of Cambyses did aban­done the fielde and geue place to a woman. I thinke it good therefore to goe so farre forward, vntill they prouyde themselues, and come forth to meete vs: wherein also we haue fit occasion to vse a pollicy. It is not vnknowne to you that the Massegets are vnacquainted with the stately dyet and mag­nificency of the Persians: for which cause hauing left behind vs in our tentes all store of delightesome and pleasaunte meates, with great plenty and aboūdance of sweete wines, let vs leaue the weakest parte of our army there, and with­draw our selues aside to y^e ryuer: our enemyes glutted with ryot, and bereaued of their right senses by excesse of wine; what may hinder vs to take them vnwares, causing them to pay the pryce of their dinner with the losse of their lyues. These opinions were vttered as concerning the cause. But Cyrus refusing to be ruled by the Persians, betoke him selfe wholly to follow the aduise of Craesus. Wherefore he gaue significations to Tomyris to retyre back, delaring him self to be ready to follow & geue her battle at home in her owne countrey. The Queene according as shee had determyned withdrew her selfe backe into the middes of the region.

Now king Cyrus hauing committed to his sonne Cam­byses the gouernaunce and administration of the realme, he delyuered into his hands Craesus king of y^e Lydians, ear­nestly charging him vpon the duty & obedience of a sonne, y^t if his luck in battle were worse then he loked for, he should let passe no parte of courtesie, honour, & liberality towards [Page 67] him: which when he had sayd he sent them away into Persia passing y^e water him selfe with his whole power. The same night after hee had trayned his host ouer the streame of A­raxes there befell vnto him a straunge vision, wherein be­ing on sleepe he seemed to beholde the eldest sonne of Hysta­spes hauing on his shoulders two wynges, with one of the which he shadowed all Asia, with the other all Europa. Hy­staspes (comming of the princely house of y^e Persian Ache­menides and borne of Arsaces) had a sonne named Darius, superiour in yeares to the rest of his children, being at that time welnigh twenty yeares olde, whom his father for that hee was too younge for the campe, left at home in his owne conntrey. Cyrus awaked from his dreame, began to waigh and ponder with him selfe the drift and intent of his vision, and supposinge it to bee of no smale moment called for Hy­staspes with whom in secret wise hauing remoued all com­pany he cōmoned thus. Thy sonne Hystaspes hath wrought treason, against me and my kingdome, which his disloyall & malicious trechery. I came to knowe by this meanes. The heauenly powers whose prouidence is a buckler to mee a­gainst all aduersity hauing chiefe care and regarde of my health, haue shewed me all things that are to come. No lon­ger ago then this last night I beheld in my sleepe the eldest of thy children, bearing on each shoulder a mighty winge, and couering with the one all Asia, with the other Europa, whereby I assuredly coniecture his treason which hee co­uertly tendeth against the crowne: hence then, dispatch and speede thee into Persia, reserue him safely to my nexte re­t [...]urne, that calling him to his tryall. I may see by what meanes he can quit himselfe of trechery. These things sayd Cyrus for that hee assuredly thought that Darius had ten­ded mischiefe to his person and priuily sought to vndermine him in his kingdome. But hee reckned without his host, & was farre deceyued of his accounte: for the gods did fore­shew, and signifie to him how in that place he should finishe [Page] his life, and that his kingdome at the length should descend to Darius. Hystaspes shaping an answere to y^e kings words began and sayd. The gods forbid (O mighty prince) that a­ny one of the Persian bloud should eyther malice thy person or impeach thy Maiesty: who if he were knowne a thowsand M. deathes were to easy for him. By whom, but onely by thy ayde (most gratious king) were we made of slaues fre­men, of subiects and vassals lordes and rulers ouer other? If the gods haue accused my childe of treason, take him, he is thine owne, I yeelde him vp to bee dealt withall as it sée­meth thee best. His talke finished hee immediatly tooke his passage ouer the ryuer Araxes, into Persia, for farther as­suraunce and charge of his sonnes appearaunce at y^e Kings pleasure.

Cyrus hauing gayned the other side of Araxes, and mar­ched forward one dayes iourney, forthwith he did as Crae­sus had counsayled him, leauing in his tents the feeblest and most vnapt souldiers of his whole number, and departed thence with the rest to the shores and banckes of Araxes, being lightly harneysed and addressed for the purpose. The seely remnaunte of the Persians appointed to stay behinde in defence and munition of the tentes, were assayled by the third parte of the Massagets power: where vsing al meanes to saue the tentes and succour them selues, they were mise­rably foyled and slayne. The enemy entering the campe and perceyuing all places to be furnished with sumptuous pro­uision of dainty and delicious meates, toke the benefit of so good and fauourable fortune, and fel freshly to the banquet, in so much that hauing there stomacks forced with bittayls and their heads inchaūted with wyne, they were taken with a profounde & heauy sleepe: when of a sudden the Persians returning from their ambush, came vpon them vnwares & putting the most parte to the sword, the rest they tooke and apprehended alyue. Among these was the sonne of Queene Tomyris named Spargapises, to whom was geuen and cō ­mitted [Page 68] the guiding of the army. Tomyris aduertised of hir sonnes misfortune together with the chaunce and losse of hir subiects, full of stomacke and displeasure, sent hir Legate y^e second time, and saluted Cyrus on this wise.

Thou insatiable and bloudy boutcher boast not thy selfe of this thou hast done, for if by the fruite and sappe of the Vyne (wherewith thy selfe otherwhyles being filled to the very eyes art free from no madnesse, vyce, and blasphemy) if herewith I say, thou hast taken and inchaunted my sonne: it is thy pollicy, not thy power: thy craft, not thy courage that hath gotten thee the victory. Well then: once agayne heare mee, and bee ruled by my counsayle: get thee hence yet, and bee speedily packinge, release my sonne whom thou hast in hold: for if in case thou refuse and stay but one mo­ment, I sweare by the Sunne the god and king of the Mas­sagets, I will glut that greedy pawnch of thine with aboū ­daunce of bloude, wherewith thou seemest to bee insatura­ble and neuer to be satisfied. These words with Cyrus came in at one eare and went out at the other, lighter in value then the wynd in waight.

Notwithstandinge, seely Spargapises sonne to the stoute and couragious Queene. Tomyris, being throughly awa­ked and come to him selfe, perceyuing the case he was in, hū ­bly besought Cyrus to loose him & take of his bondes: which done, and hauing his hands at liberty, hee pawnched him selfe into the belly with a Iauelyne, and so dyed. Such was the end and heauy desteny of poore Spargapises y^e Queenes sonne. Whom his mother greatly lamenting, and seeing hir counsayle to take no place, gathered a mighty power & fought with king Cyrus in such sorte, that of all battayles & combatryes of the Barbarians there was neuer any so blou­dy, fell, and cruell on both sides as this. The fight and bat­tayle it selfe was in this maner. First of all being distant one from another a certayne space, they assaulted each o­ther by shotte of Arrowes, which beinge spente & consu­med, so feirce a close was geuen on both parts w^t Swords, [Page] Daggers, and Iauelynes, that the very fire sparkled out by the force and might of their blowes. Thus the battayle re­mayned equall a greate space, neither parte yeelding the breadth of a hayre to his enemy, till at the length the Mas­sagets preuailing, made a great slaughter of the Persians: wherein Cyrus himselfe hauing raygned thirty yeares saue one, made a finall ende and conclusion of his dayes: whom the wrathfull Queene Tomyris seeking oute amonge the slayne and mangled bodyes of the Persians, toke his head & throwing it into a vessell filled with bloud, in vaunting and glorious wife insulted ouer it in these words. Thou Bout­ [...]herly tyrant, my sonne thou tokest by craft and kylledst by cruelty, wherefore with thy selfe I haue kept touch. Now therefore take thy fill bloudy caitife, sucke there till thy belly cracke. In this maner dyed the noble King Cyrus: of whose death and ende since many and sundry thinges are bruted, it stein [...]d vs good to followe that, which among the rest founded neerest to truth.

The Massage [...]s are very like the Scythians both in ly­uing and attyre. There maner is to fighte both on foote and horse backe, in both kindes exceeding valiaunt. There wea­pons which they vse are Arrowes, Speares, & short Dag­gers after the maner, and custome of the countrey: all their Harnesse and furniture is garnished and adorned both with Golde and Brasse: vsinge to their Speares Duyuers and Daggers, Spangs and bullions of brasse: their Costlets, Belts, and the rest of their armour beinge gallauntely set forth and beautified with Golde. In like maner also the cu­rets of their horse are layde & embossed with curious worke of Golde: wherewith also are done and beset their raynes, brydles, and trappinges: being altogether vnacquainted with the vse of Siluer, or Iron. For the land yeelding vn­to them inestimable plenty of Gold and Brasse, yet of Sil­uer and Iron it is quite voyde and destitute.

Moreouer their maners are these. Euery one marieth [Page 69] a wyfe, which notwithstanding is common and indifferente to all. For that which the Grecians affirme to bee done by the Scythians, the selfe same, not they, but the Massagets doe cōmonly vse and practise: being of a very certainety, y^t as oft as any of the Massagets is moued with desire of Wo­men, he maketh no more adoe but hanging his quyuer vpon the pinne of his wayne, goeth openly to worke without any regard. They haue no certaine ende or terme of their liues: but as euery one is arryued to the pits brinke, & growne to extremity of age, him his kinsfolkes and acquaintance take with certayne cattell and sacrifice him to the gods, whose fleshe being afterwardes boyled in a Chaldern, they make thereof a solemne feaste or banquet. Which kinde & maner of death is esteemed with them the most blessed and glory­dus death that can possibly happen to man. Such as dye through any disease or malady, they neuer eate, but ouer­whelm and couer them with mouldes, holding him vnhap­py and accursed that lyued not to the diuine dignity and ho­nour of sacrifice. They sowe not one foote of grounde, but mayntaine them selues and liue by fish, great aboundaunce whereof the riuer Araxes doth yeelde vnto them. Their on­ly drinke is milke, besides the which they vse nothinge. A­mong the gods they geue honour to the Sunne alone, vnto whom they consecrate and offer vp horses: which manner of oblation they ordayned for this reason: that to the quickest, and swiftest of all the gods, they might likewise offer the most flight and swifte creature that lyueth on the earth.

AFter the death of the most no­ble & vertuous King Cyrus, there succeeded him in y^e empyre a son of his, named Cambyses, born of Cas­sandana daughter to Pharnasphus, who dying long tyme before y^e king hir spouse, was greatly bewayled by him, and his whole empyre. The younge prince Cambyses makinge none other accounte of y^e Iönes, then of his lawfull seruaūts left him by the due right and title of inheritaunce, went in expedition against the Aegyptians, preparing an army as­well out of other countreys as also out of the regions & bor­ders of Greece, which were vnder his gouernment. The Ae­gyptians before such time as Psamme [...]ichus held the supre­micy, thought them selues to haue bene the first and moste auncient people of y^e world. This king in time of his raigne and gouernaunce in Aegypt, for the great desire hee had to know by what people the earth was first inhabited wrought An experience vvrought for the tryall of antiquitie. an experience whereby the Aegyptians were broughte to thinke that the Phrygians were the most old & auncient peo­ple of the earth, and them selues to be nexte in antiquity to them. For Psammetichus by all meanes indeuouringe to know who they were that first and before al others came in­to the world, finding himselfe hardly satisfied with ought he could heare: practised a deuise and feate of his owne braine. Two young infants borne of base parentes, hee gaue to his Sheepheard to bring vp & nourish in this maner. He gaue cōmaundement y^t no man in their presence or hearing should speake one word: but that being alone in a solitary & deserte cabyne farre from all company, they should haue milke and other foode brought & mynistred to them in due & conueni­ent time. Which thinges were done & commaunded by him, to the intent y^t when they left of their childish cries & began to prattle and speake plainly, he might know what speach & [Page 70] lāguage they would first vse: which in processe of time fell out and, happened accordingly. For being of y^e age of two yeares, it chaunced that the sheepheard (who was their Nourice & brin­ger vp) approching neere to the dore of the Cottage & entring in, both the litle brats sprawling at his feete, & stretching forth It vvere a que­stion if a man should bee taught no lan­guage, in vvhat tongue hee vvould speake their hands, cryed thus: Beccos, Beccos: which at the first hea­ring, the Pastour noted only and made no words: but perceyu­ing him selfe alwayes saluted after one sort: and y^t euermore at his entraunce the children spake y^e same word, the matter was opened to y^e king: at whose cōmaundement he brought the chil­dren and deliuered them vp into his hands: whom when Psam­metichus also himselfe had heard to chat in the same maner, he made curiouse search what people vsed y^e word Beccos in their language, & in what meaning they toke it. Whereby he came to know y^t the word was accustomably vsed by y^e people of Phry­gia to signifie bread. For which cause the Aegyptians came in­to opinion, y^t the Phrygians were of greater time & longer con­tinuance then them selues. Of all which matter, & the maner of doing thereof. I was credibly informed by the priestes of y^e god Vulcane, abiding at Memphis. Howbeit many fond fables are recited by the Grecian writers, that Psammetichus geuing y^e children to certaine women of the country to sucke & bring vp, caused their tongues to bee cut out y^t they might not speake to them. Thus much was rehearsed by them of y^e trayning vp & education of the infants. Many other things also were told me by the holy and religious Chaplaynes of y^e god Vulcane, with whom I had often conference at Memphis.

Moreouer, for y^e same occasion I toke a iourney to Thebs & Heliopolis, which is to wit, y^e city of y^e Sunne, to y^e end I might Heliopolis the city of the Sunne. see whether they would iumpe all in one tale & agree together. For the Heliopolitans are sayd to bee the most prudent & witty people of all y^e Aegyptians. Notwithstanding of diuine & hea­uenly matters, as touching their gods, loke what they told me The vvisest people in AE­gypt. I am purposed to conceale, saue onely their names, which are manifestly knowne of all men: of other matters I meane to keepe silence, vnlesse by the course of the Hystory I shall per­force bee broughte into a narration of the same. In all their [Page] talke of mortall and humane altayres, they did rightly accord & consent one with an other: saying this: that y^t Aegyptians first of all others foūd out the circuite & compasse of y^t yeare, deui­ding The 12 mo­nethes of the yeare first foūd out by the Ae­gyptians. the same into 12 seuerall moneths according to y^t course and motion of the starres: making (in my fancy) a better com­putation of the time then the Grecians doe, which are driuen e­uery thirde yeare to adde certaine dayes to some one moneth, whereby the yeares may fall euen & become of a iust cōpasse. Contrarywise, the Aegyptians to three hundred dayes which they parte & distribute into twelue moneths, making addition of fyue odde dayes, cause the circle and course of their yeares to fall out equally & alwayes a like. In like maner the Aegyp­tians The names of the 12 gods, Aulters, Ima­ges, and Tem­ples inuented by the Aegyp­tians. first inuented and vsed the surnames of the twelue gods: which y^t Grecians borowed & drew from them. The selfe same were the first founders of Aulters, Images, & Temples to the gods: by whom also chiefly were carued the pictures of beasts and other creatures in stone, which thing for y^t most parte they proue & confirme by lawfull testimonyes & good authority: to this they ad besides y^t the first king y^t euer raygned was named Menes the first kinge that euer raygned. Menes, vnder whose gouernaunce all y^• lande of Aegypt except the prouince of Thebes was wholly couered & ouerwhelmed with water, and y^t no parte of the ground which lyes aboue the poole called Myris was then to be sene: into which poole from A Egypte for the most parte couered vvith vvater. the sea is 7. dayes sayling. And truly as concerning y^• country they seemed to speake truth. For it is euident to all men (who hauing neuer heard thereof doe but onely beholde it) how that parte of Aegypt whereat the Grecians are wont to arryue is gayned ground, and as it were the gyft of the ryuer. Likwise all the land aboue the poole for the space of thr [...]: dayes fayle­ing: whereof notwithstanding they spake nothing at all. Be­sides, there is another thing from whence no smale profe may be borowed: to wit, the very nature and quality of the Aegyp­tian soile: which is such that being in voyage towards Aegypt, after you come within one dayes sayling of the lande, at euery sounde with the plummet, you shall bringe vppe great store of mud and noysome filth, euen in such place as the water is ele­uen ells in depth: whereby it is manyfest that so farre y^• ground [Page 71] was cast vppe and left bare by the waters. The length of Ae­gypt by the sea coaste is 423. miles and a halfe: according to our lymitation which is from the coaste of Plynthines, to the poole named Selbonis, wherevnto reacheth an ende of y^• great mountayne Cassius: on this side therefore Aegypte is sixety scheanes, which conteyne the number of myles before mentio­ned. For with y^• Aegyptians such as are slenderly landed, mea­sure The maner of the Aegypti­ans measures. their groūd by paces, they which haue more, by furlongs, vnto whom very much is allotted, by the Persian myle named Parasanga: lastly such as in large and ample possessions ex­ceede the rest, meete their torritory by Schoenes. The measure Parasanga contayneth thirty furlongs, the Schoene three score, AEgypt nexte the sea coaste: 3600. fur­longes. whereby it cōmeth to passe that the lande of Aegypt along the sea is 3600. furlongs, from this parte towarde the citie Heli­opolis and the middle region: Aegypt is very wyde and broade a playne and champion countrey, destitute of waters, yet very slimie and full of mudde. The iourney from the sea to Helio­polis by the higher parte of the region, is welnigh of the same length with that way, which at Athens leadeth from the aul­ter The descrip­tion of the countrey of AEgypt. of the twelue gods to Pisa, and y^• palace of Iupiter Olym­pius, betwene which two wayes by iust cōputation can hardly bee founde more then fifteene furlonges difference: for the di­staunce betwene Athens and Pisa is supposed to want of 1500 furlongs, fiftene, which number in the other of Aegypt is ful, complet, and perfit: trauayling from Heliopolis by the hills you shall finde Aegypt to be straight and narrowe compassed, banked on the one side by a mighty hill of Arabia, reachinge from the North towardes the South which by degrees wax­eth higher and higher, and beareth vpwards toward the redd sea. In this mountayne are sundry quaries out of the which y^t people of Aegypte hewed their stone to builde the Pyramides at Memphis: one this side, the hill draweth and wyndeth it selfe towarde those places whereof we spake before. The selfe same mountayne hath another course from the Easte to the Weste stretching so farre in length as a man may trauayle in two monethes: the Easte ende hereof yeldeth frankincense in great aboundaunce: likewise one the other side of Aegypt which ly­eth [Page] towardes Africa, there runneth another stony hill, where­in are builte certayne Pyramedes very full of grauell & grosse A mountaine. Sande, like vnto that parte of the Arabian hill that beareth toward the South: so that from Helyopolis the wayes are very narrowe not passing foure dayes course by Sea.

The spate betwene the mountaynes is champion ground, being in the narrowest place not aboue two hundred furlongs from the one hill to the other: hauing passed this straight, Ae­gypt openeth into a large and ample widenesse extendinge it selfe in great breadth: such is the maner and situation of the countrey.

Furthermore, from Heliopolis to Thebs is nyne dayes iourney by water, being seuered from each other in distance of place foure thowsand eight hundred and sixty furlongs, which amounteth to y^• number of foure score and one schoenes: of the furlongs aforesayd, three thowsand and sixe hundred lye to the sea, as wee declared before: Now from the sea coaste to the ci­ty Thebs are 6120. furlonges of playne ground, & from Thebs to the city Elephantina, 820. Of all the region and coūtrey. Aegypt whereof wee haue spoken the most parte is borow [...] ground, wherein the waters heretofore haue had their cour [...] for all the whole bottome which lyeth betwene the two moun­taines aboue the city Memphis seemeth to haue bene a narrow sea, much like vnto those places that lye about Ilium, Teuthra­nia, Ephesus, and the playne of Meander: if it be not amisse to bring smale things in comparison with greater matters: for­asmuch as none of those ryuers which held their passage in the places forenamed, are worthy to be mentioned where any one of the seuen streames of Nylus are brought into talke: there be also other floudes not comparable in bignesse to Nylus, which The straunge effects of cer­tayne ryuers. haue wrought straunge effectes and wonderfull thinges in the places where they haue runne: amongst whom is the famous ryuer Achelous, which flowing through Acarnania into y^t sea of the Iles Echinades, hath ioyned the halfe parte of the Iles to the mayne and continent. In the countrey of Arabia, not far from Aegypt there is a certaine arme or bosome of the sea, ha­uing a breach & issue out of the red sea, the length whereof be­ginning [Page 72] at the end of y^t angle or creeke & continuing to y^• wyde mayne, is foure dayes sayle: the breadth easy to be cut ouer in halfe a day: in this narrow sea the waters ebbe & flow, raging and roaring exceedingly against a forde or shalow place, wher­at the streame beateth with great violence: such a like creeke I suppose to haue bene in former ages in the lande of Aegypte, which brake out from the North sea, and continued his course towards Aethyopia: like as also the Arabian sea (whereof we haue spoken) floweth from the south waters, towards y^t coasts of Syria, both which straights welnigh in their furthest corners concur & meete together being separrted by no great distaunce of groūd: were it then that y^t ryuer Nilus should make a vent, & shed it selfe into the narrow sea of Arabia, what might binder, but y^t in 200000 yeares, by y^t cōtinuall & daily course of y^t ryuer, the creeke of the salt waters should be cleane altered & become dry: for I think it possible, if in 10000 yeares before me, sundry ryuers haue chaūged their courses & left the groūd dry where­as first they ran: an arme of the sea also much greater then y^t may bee dryuen besides his naturall bosome, especially by the force of so great a streame as the riuer Nilus, by whom diuerse things of greater admiration haue bene brought to passe. The reporte therefore which they gaue of the soyle I was easely By vvhat proofe [...] the coūtrey of Ae­gypt is argued to haue bene couered by vvaters. brought to beleue, aswel for that y^t country it selfe bringeth cre­dite to the beholders, as also y^t in the very hills & mountaynes of the region are found a multitude of shel fishes, the earth like­wise sweating out a certaine salt and brynishe humour, which doth corrupt and eate the Pyramides. Agayne, it is in no point like to any of the countryes that lye next vnto it, neither to A­rabia, Lybia, nor Syria, (for the Syrians inhabite the sea coaste of Arabia) being of a blacke and brittle moulde, which com­meth to passe by the greate store of mudde and slimy matter which the ryuer beinge a flote bringeth out of Aethyopia into the lande of the Aegyptians. The earth of Lybia is much more redde and sandy vnderneath. The moulde of Arabia and Syria drawe neere to a fatte and batile claye, beynge vn­der grounde very rockye and full of stone.

Lykewyse, for proofe that the Region in tyme past was [Page] watery ground the priests alleadged how in the time of kinge Myris his raygne the floud arysing to the heighth of 8. cubits watered the whole countrey of Aegypte lying beneath Mem­phis, scarse 900 yeares being past & expired since the death and decease of Myris: whereas at these dayes vnlesse it swell and increase 15. or 16. cubits high, it cōmeth not at all into y^t coast, which aforesaid coast, if accordingly to y^e fall of y^e riuer it grow still in loftynesse and become higher, the earth receyuinge no In AEgypt it neuer rayneth, but their lande is vvatered by the ouerflovve of Nilus. moysture by the sloude, I feare y^e Aegyptians themselues that dwell beneath y^e lake Myris both other, & also the inhabitants of the lande of Delta, will euermore be annoyed with the same plague and inconuenience, whych the Gretians (by their ac­counte) are sometimes like to abyde. For the people of Aegypt hearing that the whole countrey of Greece was moystned and watered by the seasonable fall of rayne and showers, & not by floudes and ryuers lyke vnto their owne: they prophecy that y^e day would come, when as the Greekes being deceyued of their hope would all pearishe through famine and hunger: meaning that if y^e gods did not vouchsafe to send thē raine in due season, from whome alone they haue their moysture, the whole nation shoulde goe to wracke for want of sustenaunce. Thus farre is pleased them to descant of the fortune of Greece. Let vs nowe consider in what estate and condition they stand them selues if then (as we sayd before) the lowe countrey of Memphis (for in these is the gayne and increase of grounde seene) waxe & aug­ment accordingely as in former times, our friendes of Aegypt shall shew vs the way, what it is to be famished and dye by hun­ger: if neyther theyr land be moystened by the sweete and time­ly showres of rayne, nor by the swelling and rysing of the riuer. For as now, they haue an especiall aduauntage aswell of all The maner of husbandry a­mongst the AEgyptians. men els, as of the rest of their countreymen y^t dwell higher, in that they receiue the fruite and increase of the ground without eyther tilling or weeding the earth, or doing ought els belong­ing to husbandry: wherefore immediately after the ryseing of y^e waters, y^e earth being moyste and supple, & the ryuer returned agayne to his olde course, they sowe & scatter their seede euery one vpon his owne ground & territory: wherinto hauing driuē [Page 73] great heards of Swine that roote and tread the grayne and moulds together, they stay till the time of haruest, attending Hogs be the best husbands in Aegypt, and the vvorst in England. the increase and gaine of their seede. Being full growne and ripened, they send in their hogges afresh to muzle and stampe the corne from out the eares, which done, they sweepe it toge­ther, and gather it. If we follow the opinion of the people of Ionia, as touching the land of Aegypt, who affirme, that the true countrey of Aegypt is in very deede nothing else saue the A confutation of the opinion of the Iones concerning Aegypt. prouince of Delta (which taketh his name of the watchtowre or Castle of espiall made by Perseus) testifying besides, that by the sea coast to the salt waters of Pelusium, it stretcheth forty scheanes in length, and reacheth from the sea toward the hart of the region, to the city of the Cercasians (neere vnto which y^e riuer Nilus parteth it selfe into two seueral mouthes, the one whereof is called Pelusium, the other Canobus) and that all the other partes of Aegypt are belonging to Arabia and Africa, we might very well inferre and prooue heereof, that the countrey of Aegypt in former times was none at all. For the land of Delta (as they say, and we easily beleeue) was grounde lif [...] voyde and naked by the water, and that of late yeares also and not long ago: wherefore if they had no coun­trey at all, what caused them so curiously to labour in the searching out and blazing of their auncienty, supposing them­selues to be the chiefe of all people, the knowledge and intelli­gence whereof, was not worth the two yeares triall and expe­riment which they wrought in the children. I my selfe am ful­ly perswaded, that the Aegyptians tooke not their beginning together with the place of Delta. but were alwayes since the first beginning and originall of mankinde, whose countrey gayning ground, and increasing by the chaunge and alterati­on of the riuer, many of them went downe from the high coun­trey, and inhabited the low places, for which cause, the City Thebes, and the countrey belonging thereto, was heeretofore called Aegypt, the circuite and compasse whereof is 6120. fur­longs. Be it so then that our opinion accord and consent wyth truth, the Graecian writers are in a wrong boxe, but if they speake truely, yet in other matters they recken without theyr [Page] hoste, making but three partes of the whole earth, Europa, Asia, and Africa: whereas of necessity Delta in Aegypt should be accounted for the fourth, sithens by their owne bookes it is neyther ioyned with Asia, nor yet with Africa. For by this ac­count, it is not the riuer Nilus that diuides Asia from Africa, which at the poynt and sharpe angle of Delta, cutting it selfe into two sundry streames, that which lyes in y^e middes should equally pertayne both to Asia and Africa. But to leaue the iudgement and opinion of the Greekes, we say and affyrme, that all that countrey is rightly tearmed Aegypt, whiche is held and possessed by the Aegyptians, euen as also we make no doubt to call those places Cilicia and Assyria where the Cilicians and Assyrians do dwell. In like manner, according to truth, Asia and Africa are disseuered and parted betweene themselues by none other borders, then by the limits and boundes of Aegypt. Howbeit, if we followe the Graecians, all Aegypt (beginning at the places called Catadupae and the ci­ty Elephantina) is to be diuided into two partes, which draw their names of the regions wherevnto they are adioyned, the one belonging to Africa the other to Asia. For the riuer Nilus taking his beginning from the Catadupae so called, and flo­wing The course of the riuer Nilus. through the middes of Aegypt, breaketh into the sea, running in one streame til it come to the city of the Cercasians, and afterwards leuering it selfe into three sundry chanels. The first of these chanels turneth to the East, and is called Pelusi­um, The names of the chanels of Nilus: Pelusium. Canobus. the second Canobus, the third streame flowing directly in a straight line, kepeth this course, first of all scouring through the vpper coastes of the countrey, it beateth full vpon the point of Delta, through the middest whereof, it hath a straight and direct streame euen vnto the sea, being the fayrest and most fa­mous of all the rest of the chanels, and is called Sebennyti­cum. From this streame are deriued two other armes also, Sebennyticum leading to the salt waters, the one being called Saiticum, the other Mendesium. For as touching those braunches and Saïticum. Menedesium. Bolbitinum. Bu [...]olicum. streames of Nilus, which they tearme Bolbitinum and Buco­licum, they are not naturally made by course of the water, but drawne out and digged by the labour of men. I followe not [Page 74] the fantasies of mine owne brayne, nor imagine any thing of my selfe, for that the countrey of Aegypt is so wyde, and of such amplitude as we haue described it, I appeale to the o­racle of the god Hammon which came into my minde, beeyng in study and meditation about these matters.

The people of the two cities Maerea and Apia that inhabite the borders of Aegypt next vnto Africa, esteeming thēselues A story tou­ching the de­scription of Aegypt. to be of the linage and nation of the Africans, not of the Ae­gyptians, became weary of their ceremonies and religion, and would no longer absteyne from the fleshe of kyne and fea­male cattell, as the rest of the Aegyptians did, they sent there­fore An oracle in Afrike. to the prophecy of Hammon, denying themselues to be of Aegypt, because they dwelt not within the compasse of Del­ta, neither agreed with them in any thing, wherefore they desi­red y^e god that it might be lawful for them without restraint to taste of all meates indifferētly: but the oracle forbade thē so to do, shewing how all that region was iustly accounted Aegypt which the waters of Nilus ouerranne and couered, adding heereto all those people that dwelling beneath the city Ele­phantina, dranke of the water of the same floud. This aun­swere Hovv much of the land Nilus ouerflovveth. was giuen them by the oracle. Nowe it is meete wee know, that Nilus at what time it riseth aboue the banckes, o­uerfloweth not Delta alone, but all the countrey next vnto A­frica, and likewise the other side adioyning to Arabia, coue­ring the earth on both partes the space of two dayes iourney or thereabout.

As touching the nature of the riuer Nilus, I could not bee satisfyed either by the priests, or by any other, being alwayes very willing and desirous to heare something thereof, first, The cause and time of the rising of the riuer. what the cause might be that growing to so great increase, it shoulde drowne and ouergo the whole countrey, beginning to swell the eyght day before the kalends of Iuly, and continu­ing aflote an hundred daies, after which time, in the like num­ber of dayes it falleth agayne, flowyng within the compasse of hys owne banckes tyll the nexte approch of Iuly.

Of the causes of these thynges the people of Aegypt were ignoraunte themselues, not able to tell mee anye thyng [Page] whether Nilus had any proper and peculiar: vertue different from the nature of other flouds. About which matters being very inquisitiue, mooued with desire of knowledge, I demaun­ded Nilus sendeth foorth no miste. inoreouer the reason and occasion why this streame of all others neuer sent foorth any miste or vapour; such as are com­monly seene to ascend and rise from the waters, but heerein also I was faynt to nestle in mine owne ignorance, desiring to be lead of those that were as blind as my selfe. Howbeit, cer­tayne Graecian wryters thinking to purchase the price and prayse of wit, haue gone about to discourse of Nilus, and set A refutation of the Greci­ans as tou­ching the same things. downe their iudgement of the nature thereof, who are found to varry and dissent in three sundry opinions, two of the which I suppose not worthy the naming, but onely to giue the reader intelligence how ridiculous they are. The first is, that the o­uer flow of Nilus commeth of none other cause, then that the windes Etesiae so named, blowing directly vpon the streame thereof, hinder and beate backe the waters from flowing into the sea, which windes are commonly wont to arise, and haue their season a long time after the increase and rising of Nilus: but imagine it were otherwise, yet this of necessitie must fol­low, that all riuers whatsoeuer hauing a full and direct course against the windes Etesiae, shall in like maner swell and grow ouer their bankes, and so much the rather, by how much the lesse and weake the flouds themselues are, whose streames are opposed against the same. But there be many riuers as well in Syria as in Africa, that suffer no such motion and change as hath bin sayd of the floud Nilus. There is another opinion of lesse credite and learning, albeit of greater woonder and ad­miration then the first, alleadging the cause of the rising to be, for that the riuer (say they) proceedeth from the Oeean sea, which enuironeth the whole globe and circle of the earth. The third opinion being more caulme and modest then the rest, is also more false and unlikely then them both, affirming, that the increase and augmentation of Nilus commes of the snowe wa­ters molten and thawed in those regions, carying with it so much the lesse credit and authority, by how much the more it is euident that the riuer comming from Africa through the [Page 75] middest of Aethiopia, runnes continually from the hotter countreys to the colder, beeing in no wise probable, or any thing likely that the waxing of the waters should proceede of snowe. Many sound proofes may be brought to the weakening of this cause, whereby we may gesse how grossely they erre whiche thinke so greate a streame to be increased by snowe. What greater reason may be found to the contrary, then that the windes blowing from those countreys are very warme by nature. Moreouer, the lande it selfe is continually voyde of rayne and yee, being most necessary that within fiue dayes af­ter the fall of snowe there should [...]ome rayne, where by it com­meth vvithin fiue dayes after snovve, fal­leth rayne. to passe that if it snowe in Aegypt, it must also of necessi­ty rayne. The same is confirmed and established by the black­nesse and swartnesse of the people, couloured by the vehement heate and scorching of the sume: likewise by the swalowes and kytes which continually keepe in those coastes: lastly by the flight of the cranes toward the comming of winter, which are alwayes wont to flye out of Scythia and the cold regions to these places, where all the winter season they make theyr abode. Were it then that neuer so little snow could fall in those countreys by the which Nilus hath his course, and from which he stretcheth his head and beginning, it were not possible for any of these things to happen which experience prooueth to be true. They which talke of Oceanus, grounding their iudge­ment vppon a meere fable, want reason to prooue it. For I That there is no sea called Ocean. thinke there is no such sea as the Ocean, but rather that Ho­mer or some one of the auncient Poets deuised the name, and made vse thereof afterwardes in their tales and poetry. Now if it be expedient for me hauing refuted and disalowed other mens iudgements, to set downe mine owne. The reason why Nilus is so great in sommer I take to be this. In the winter­time The true opi­nion of these things. the sunne declining from his former race vnder the colde winter starre, keepeth hys course ouer the high countreys of Africa, and in these fewe wordes is conteyned the whole cause. For the sunne the neerer he maketh his approch to any region, the more he drinketh vp the moysture thereof, and causeth the riuers and brookes of the same countrey to runne [Page] very lowe. But to speake at large, and lay open the cause in more ample wyse, thus the case standeth. The bringer to passe and worker heereof is the sunne, beeing caryed ouer the hygh countreys of Africa: For the spring time with them beeyng very fayre and cleare, the land hote, and the wyndes colde, the sunne passing ouer them workes the same effecte as when it runneth in the middest of heauen in sommer, forsomuch as by vertue of his beames gathering water vnto him, he causeth it to ascend into the superiour regions, where the windes recei­uing The cause vvhy the South and Southvveast vvind bring rayne. it, dispearse the vapours and resolue them againe, which is chiefely done by the South and Southwest winde that blowe from these countreys, beeing stormy and full of rayne. Now the water drawne out of Nilus by the sunne, doth not in this sort fall downe agayne in showres and drops of rayne, but is quite spent and consumed by the heate. Toward the ende of winter, the sunne drawing towards the middest of the skye in like manner as before, sucketh the water out of other riuers, which is the cause that being thus drawne vntill much rayne and showres increase them agayne, they become fleete and al­most drie. Wherefore the riuer Nilus, into whome alone no showres fall at any time, is for iust cause lowest in winter, and bighest in sommer, forasmuch as in sommer the sunne dra­weth moysture equally out of all riuers, but in winter out of Nilus alone, this I take to be the cause of the diuers and changeable course of the riuer. Heereof also I suppose to pro­ceede the drynesse of the ayre in that region, at such time as the sunne deuideth his course equally, so that in the high coun­treys of Africke it is alwayes sommer: whereas if it were possible for the placing and situation of the heauens to be alte­red, that where North is, there were South, & where South is, North, the sunne towardes the comming and approach of winter departing from the middest of heauen, would haue his passage in like sort ouer Europe, as now it hath ouer Africke, and worke the same effects (as I iudge) in the riuer Ister, as now it doth in Nilus. In like maner, the cause why Nilus hath Ister a great riuer in Eu­rope. no mist or cloude arising from it according as we see in other flouds, I deeme to be this, because the countrey is exceeding [Page 76] hote and parching, being altogether vnfit to sende vp any va­pours, which vsually breathe and arise out of cold places. But let these things be as they are and haue bene alwayes.

The head and fountayne of Nilus where it is, or frō whence it cōmeth, none of the Aegyptians, Graecians, or Africans that The spring of the riuer Ni­lus vnsearch­able. euer I talked with, could tell me any thing, besides a certaine scribe of Mineruas treasury in the city Sais, who seemed to me to speake merily, saying, that vndoubtedly he knewe the place, describing the same in this manner. There be two mountaines (quoth he) arising into sharpe and spindled tops, situate be­tweene Syêne a city of Thebais, and Elephantina, the one called Crophi, the other Mophi. from the vale betweene the two hilles doth issue out the head of the riuer Nilus, being of The tvvo mountaynes Crophi and Mophi. an vnsearchable deapth, and without bottome, halfe of the wa­ter running towardes Aegypt and the North, the other halfe towardes Aethiopia and the South. Of the immeasurable deapth of the fountayne, the scribe affirmed, that Psammeti­chus King of the Aegyptians had taken triall, who sounding the waters with a rope of many miles in length, was vnable to feele any ground or bottome: whose tale (if any suche thyng were done as he sayde) made me thinke, that in those places whereof he spake, were certayne gulfes or whirlepooles very swift, violente and raging, whiche by reason of the fall of the water from the hilles, would not suffer the line with the soun­ding leade to sinke to the bottome, for which cause, they were supposed to be bottomlesse. Besides this, I coulde learne no­thing of any man. Neuerthelesse, trauelling to Elephantina to behold the thing with mine owne eyes, and making diligent inquiry to knowe the truth, I vnderstoode this, that takyng our iourney from thence Southward to y^e countreys aboue, at lēgth we shall come to a steepe & bending shelfe, where y^e ryuer falleth with great violēce, so y^t we must be forced to fasten two gables to each side of y^e ship, & in that sort to hale and draw her forward, which if they chaunce either to slip or breake, y^e vessell is by and by driuē backwards by y^e intollerable rage & violēce of y^e waters. To this place frō y^e city Elephantina is four daies saile, whereaboutes y^e riuer is ful of windings & turnings, like [Page] the floud Meander, and in lēgth so cōtinuing twelue scheanes, all which way the ship of necessity must be drawne. After this, we shall arriue at a place very smooth and caulme, wherein is standing an Iland incompassed rounde by the ryuer, by name Tachampso. The one halfe heereof is inhabited by the Aegyp­tians, the other halfe by the Aethiopians, whose countrey is ad­ioyning to the Southside of the Ile. Not farre from the I­land is a poole of woonderfull and incredible bignesse, about the which the Shepheards of Aethiopia haue their dwelling: whereinto, after we are declined out of the mayne streame, we shall come to a riuer directly running into the poole, where going on shore, we must take our voyage on foote the space of forty dayes by the waters side, the riuer Nilus it selfe beeyng very full of sharpe rockes and craggy stones, by the which it is not possible for a vessell to passe. Hauing finished forty dayes iourney along the riuer, take shipping againe, and passe by water twelue dayes voyage, till such time as you arriue at a great city called Meroe, which is reputed for the chiefe and The City Meroe. Metropolitane city of the countrey, the people whereof, only of all the gods worship Iupiter and Bacchus, whome they re­uerence with exceeding zeale and deuotion. Likewise to Iupi­ter they haue planted an oracle, by whose counsayle and voyce they rule their martiall affayres, making warre how oft soe­uer, or against whomesoeuer they are mooued by the same. From this city Meroe by as many dayes trauell as yee take from Elephantina to y^e same, you shall come to a kind of people named Automoly, which is to say, traytours or runnagates, the same also in like manner being called Asmach, which em­porteth in the greeke tongue such as stande and attende at the Kings left hand. These men being whilome souldyers in Ae­gypt to the number of eyght thousand and two hundred, they reuolted from their owne countreymen, and fled ouer to the Aethiopians for this occasion. Being in y^e time of King Psam­metichus The souldiers of Aegypt for­sooke theyr ovvne coun­trey. dispersed and diuided into sundry garrisons, some at the city of Elephantina, and Daplinae Pelusiae, against the Ae­thiopians, other against the Arabians and Syrians, and third­ly at Marea against the Africans (in which places agreeably [Page 77] to the order and institution of Psammetichus, the Persian garrisons also did lie in munition) hauing continued the space of three yeares in perpetuall gard and defence of the lande, without shift or release, they fell to agreement amongst them­selues to leaue their King and countrey, and flye into Aethio­pia: which their intente Psammetichus hearing, made after them incontinently, and hauing ouertaken the army, humbly besought them with many teares, not to forsake by suche vn­kind and vnnaturall wise their wiues, children, and countrey gods, vnto whose plaint and intreaty, a rude roystrell in the company shewing his priuy members, made this aunswere, wheresoeuer (quoth he) these be, there will I finde both wyfe The tricke of a knaue. and children. After they were come into Aethiopia, and had offered themselues vnto the King of the soyle, they were by him rewarded on this manner. Certayne of the Aethiopians that were scarsely sound harted to the King, were depriued by him of all their lands and possessions, which he franckly gaue and bestowed on the Aegyptians. By meanes of these, the people of Aethiopia were brought from a rude and barba­rous kind of demeanour, to farre more ciuill and manlike be­hauiour, being instructed and taught in the maners and cu­stomes of the Aegyptians. Thus the riuer Nilus is founde still to continue the space of foure monethes iourney by lande and water (lesse then in which time it is not possible for a man to come from Elephantina to the Automolians) taking hys course and streame from the West part of the world, and fal­ling A slory tou­ching the spring of Nilus. of the sunne. Howbeit in this place I purpose to recite a story told me by certayne of the Cyraeneans, who fortuning to take a voyage to y^e oracle of Ammon, came in talke with Ete­archus King of the Ammonians, where by course of speache, they fell at length to discourse and common of Nilus, the head whereof was vnsearchable, and not to be knowne. In which place Etearchus made mention of a certaine people called Na­ma [...]ones of the countrey of Afrike, inhabiting the quicksands, and all the coast that lyeth to the east. Certayne of these men comming to the court of Etearchus, and reporting dyuers strange and wonderfull things of the deserts and wild chases [Page] of Africa, they chaunced at length to tell of certayne yong Gentlemen of theyr countrey, issued of the chiefe and most noble families of all their nation, who beeing at a reaso­nable A voyage vn­dertaken by certayne yong gentlemen. age very youthfull and valtant, determined in a brauery to go seeke straunge aduentures, as well other, as also this. Fiue of them being assigned thereto by lot, put themselues in voyage to go search and discry the wildernesse, and desert pla­ces of Africa, to the ende they might see more, and make fur­ther report thereof then euer any that had attempted the same. For the sea coast of Africa poynting to the North pole, ma­ny nations do inhabite, beginning from Aegypt, and continu­ing to the promontory named Soloes, wherein Africa hath his end and bound. All the places aboue the sea are haunted with wilde and sauage beastes, beeing altogether voyde and deso­late, pestered with sand, and exceeding drye. These gentlemen­trauellers hauing made sufficient prouision of water, and o­ther vyands necessary for theyr iourney, first of all passed the countreys that were inhabited: and next after that, came into the wylde and waste regions amongst the caues and dennes of fierce and vntamed beastes, through which they helde on theyr way to the west parte of the earth. In which manner, after they had continued many dayes iourney, and trauelled ouer a great part of the sandy countreys, they came at length to espy certayne fayre and goodly trees, growing in a fresh and plea­saunt medowe, wherevnto incontinently making repayre, and tasting the fruite that grewe thereon, they were suddenly sur­prised and taken short by a company of little dwarfes, farre vnder the common pitch and stature of men, whose tongue the gentlemen knew not, neither was their speache vnderstoode of them. Being apprehended, they were lead away ouer sundry pooles and meares into a city, where all the inhabitauntes were of the same stature and degree with those that had taken them, and of colour swart and blacke. Fast by the side of thys city ranne a swift and violent riuer, flowing from the Weast to the East, wherein were to be seene very hydeous and ter­rible serpents called Crocodyles. To this ende drew the talke of Etearchus King of the Ammonians, saue that he added be­sides [Page 78] how the Namasonian gentlemen returned home to theyr owne countrey (as the Cyraeneans made recount) and how the people also of the city whether they were broughte, were all coniurers, and geuen to the study of the blacke arte. The floud A City inha­bited by Ne­cromancers. that had his passage by the city, Etearchus supposed to be the riuer Nilus, euen as also reason it selfe giueth it to be. For it floweth from Africa, and hath a iust and direct cut through the middest of the same, following (as it should seeme) a very like and semblable course vnto the riuer [...]ster.

Ister beginning at the people of the Celts, and the city Py­rene (the Celts keepe without the pillers of Hercules, being neere neighbours to the Cynesians, and the last and vtmost The descri­ption of the riuer Ister. nation of the westerne people of Europe) deuideth Europe in the middest, and scouring through the coast, it is helde by the Istryans (people so named and comming of the Milesians) it lastly floweth into the sea. Notwithstanding Ister is well knowne of many, for that it hath a perpetuall course through countreys that are inhabited, but where or in what parte of the earth Nilus hath his spring, no man can tell, forsomuch as Africa from whence it commeth, is voyde, desert, and vnfur­nished of people, the streame and course whereof, as farre as lyeth in the knowledge of men, we haue set downe & declared, y^t end of the riuer being in Aegypt where it breaketh into y^e sea.

Aegypt is welny opposite & directly set against y^e mountaines of Cilicia, frō whence to Synopis standing in y^e Euxine sea, is fiue daies iourney for a good footemā, by straight & euen way.

The Ile Synopis lyeth iust against the riuer Ister, where it beareth into the sea, so that Nilus running through all the coast of Africa, may in some manner be cōpared to y^e riuer Ister, howbeit, as touching y^e floud Nilus be it hither to spokē.

Let vs yet proceede to speake further of Aegypt, both for that the countrey it selfe hath more strange wonders then any na­tion Aegypt the most vvon­derfull nation in the vvorld. in the world, and also because the people themselues haue wrought sundry things more worthy memory, then any other nation vnder the sunne, for which causes, we thought meete to discourse more at large of y^e region & people. The Aegyptians therefore as in the temperature of the ayre, and nature of the [Page] riuer, they dissent from all other: euen so in theyr lawes and customes they are vnlike and disagreeing from all men.

In this countrey the women followe the trade of merchan­dize in buying and selling: also victualing and all kinde of sale and chapmandry, whereas contrarywyse the men remayne at The lavves and customes of the people of Aegypt. home, and play the good huswiues in spinning and weauing and such like duties. In like manner, the men carry their bur­thens on their heads, the women on their shoulders. Women make water standing, and men crouching downe and cowring to the ground. They discharge and vnburthen theyr bellies of that which nature voydeth at home, and eate their meate open­ly in the streetes and high wayes, yeelding this reason why they do it, for that (say they) such things as be vnseemely and yet necessary ought to be done in counsayle, but such as are de­cent and lawful, in the eyes and viewe of all men. No woman is permitted to do seruice or minister to the gods or goddesses, that duty being proper and peculiar to men. The sonne refu­sing to nourish and susteyne his parents, hath no lawe to force and constrayne him to it, but the daughter be she neuer so vn­willing, The daughter bound to nou­rish her pa­rents in need. is perforce drawne and compelled thereto. The priests and ministers of the gods in other countreys weare long hayre, and in Aegypt are all rased and shauen. Likewyse with other people it is an vsuall custome in sorrowing for the dead to powle theyr lockes, and especially such as are nearest touched with griefe, but contrarywyse the Aegyptians at the deceasse of their friends suffer their hayre to growe, beeing at other times accustomed to powle & cut it to y^e stumps. More­ouer, the people of all lands vse to make difference betweene their owne diet & the foode of beastes, sauing in Aegypt, where The good fe­lovvship in Aegypt vvher the good man and his hogs dine together. The vse of grayne is very [...]lender in Aegypt. in barbarous and swinish maner men and beasts feede ioyntly together. Besides this, y^e people elsewhere haue their greatest sustenā [...]e by wheate, rye, & barly, which y^e Aegyptians may not taste of without great reproch & contumely, vsing neuerthesse a kind of wheate whereof they make very white and fine bread, which of some is thought to be darnell or bearebarly. This at the first hauing mingled it with licour, they worke & mould w^t their feete, kneading the same afterwards with their hands.

[Page 79] In this countrey also the manner is to circum [...]ise and cut round about the skinne from their priuy parts, which none o­ther vse, except those that haue taken letter, and learned the cu­stome from the Aegyptians. The men go in two garments, the women in one, stitching to the inside of the vesture a tape or caddese to gird their appare. I close to them, which y^e people of other regions are wont to weare outwardly. The Graeci­ans in writing and casting account, frame their letters, and The manner of casting of account. lay their counters from the left hand to the right, the Aegyp­tians contrarywise proceede from the right to the left, wherein also they frumpe and gird at the Graecians, saying, that them­selues do all things to the right hand, which is well and ho­nestly, but the Graekes to the left, which is peruersely and vn­towardly. Furthermore, they vse in writing two kind of cha­recters or letters, some of the which they call holy and diuine, Their letters or charecters. other common and prophane. In the seruice and worship of the gods, they are more religious and deuout then any nation vnder heauen. They drinke out of brasen pots, which day by day they neuer fayle to cleanse and wash very fayre and cleane, which manner and custome is not in a few of them, but in all. They delight principally to go in fresh and cleane linnen, con­suming Cleannesse in auyre vvith­out pride. no small part of the day in washing their garmentes. They circumcise their secret partes for desire they haue to be voyde of filth and corruption, esteeming it much better to be accounted cleane, then comely. The priests and churchmen: The custome of the priests. shaue their bodies euery third day, to the end that neyther lyee nor any kind of vncleannesse may take hold of those which are dayly conuersaunt in the honour and seruice of the gods. The same are arrayed in one vesture of single linnen, and paper shoes, without sufferance to go otherwise attired at any time. They purge and wash themselues euery day twice in the daye time, and as often in the night, vsing other ceremonies and cu­stomes welny infinite that are not to be rehearsed. The selfe-same priests haue no small aduantage or commodity in this, that they liue not of their owne, neither spend or consume any thing of their priuate goodes and substaunce, but haue dayly ministred and supplied vnto them foode in great aboundance, [Page] as well the flesh of oxen as of geese. Their drinke is wine made of grapes, which in like maner is brought them in allowance. Their dyer. To take any kind of fishe, they hold it vnlawfull: and if by for­tune they haue but seene or lightly behelde any beanes, they deeme themselues the worsse for it a moneth after, forsomuch as that kind of pulse is accounted vncleane. The rest also of the Aegyptians and common sorte vse very seldome or neuer to sowe beanes: and to eate the same either rawe or sodden, they hold it a greeuous sinne. The priests take their orders in such wise, that euery one by turnes and courses doth seruice to all The orders of priesthood. the gods indifferently, no man being clarked or chosen to be the seuerall minister of any one god alone. All these are gouerned by one generall president or Archbishop. If any man dye, his sonne taketh the priesthoode in his stead. All neate and bul­lockes of the malekinde they hold sacred to Epaphus, whereof if they be in minde to sacrifice any, they searche and trie hym whether he be cleane or no after this manner. If in all hys skinne there appeare any one blacke hayre, they by and by The manner of trying the bullocks that are sacrificed vvhether they be cleane or othervvise. iudge him impure and vnfit for sacrifice, which triall is made by some of the priests appoynted for the same purpose, who ta­keth diligent view of the oxe both standing and lying, and tur­ned euery way, that no part may be vnseene. After this, search is made also of his mouth and tongue, whether all the signes and tokens appeare in him that should be in a pure & vnspot­ted beast, of which signes we determine to speake in another booke. To make short, he curiously beholdeth the hayres of his tayle whether they growe according to nature, and be all white. If all these markes agree, they tye a ribaund to one of his hornes, and seare a marke on the other, and so let him run, and if any man aduenture to offer vp an oxe, whose hornes are not marked with the publike seale or brandyron, he is by and by accused by the rest of his company, and condemned to dye. These are the meanes which they vse in searching and suruey­ing theyr cattell, such as are to be offered to the gods. Moreo­uer, The order of sacrificing. in the time of sacrifice and oblation, this is their man­ner. The beast that is sealed on the horne, being brought to the aultare and place of immolation, incontment a fire is kind­led, [Page 80] then some one of the Chaplaynes taking a boule of wyne in his hands, drinketh ouer the oblation with his face towarde the temple, and calling with a loude voyce vpon the name of the god, giueth the beast a wound and killeth him, the head and hyde whereof, they beare into the market place, with many The head of the beast that is sacrificed is accursed. detestable cursses, and diuelish bannings, making sale thereof to the Merchaunts of Greece. Such of the Aegyptians as haue no place of sale or vse of Merchaundise with the Graeci­ans, cast both head and hyde into the riuer Nilus. In curssing the head of the slaine beast they vse this manner of imprecati­on, that if any euill or misfortune be to happen either to those which do the sacrifice, or to the whole realme and dominion of Aegypt, it would please the gods to turne all vpon that head. The like vse and custome about the heads of such cattel as are killed in sacrifice, and in time of offering for the priest to drinke wine, is in all places alike throughout all the churches of Ae­gypt, in so much, that it is growne into a fashion in all the whole land, that no Aegyptian will taste of the head of beastes sacrificed. Howbeit, there is choyse and diuersity of sacrifice with thē, neyther is the same manner and forme of oblation kept and obserued in euery place. Now we will shew and de­clare which of all the goddesses they chiefly honour, and in whose name they solemnize and celebrate the greatest feast. Hauing therefore most deuoutely spent the eue or day before the feast in solemne fasting and prayer, they sacrifice an Oxe, whose hyde incontinently they pull off and take out his en­trayles, suffering the leafe and fat to remayne within him. Af­ter that, they hewe off the shanke bones, with the lower part of the loyne and shoulders, likewise the head and the necke, which done, they farce and stuffe the body with halowed bread, hony, raysons, figges, franckincense, myrrhe, and other precious o­dours. These things accōplished they offer him vp in sacrifice, pouring into him much wine & oyle, and abiding still fasting, vntill such time as the offering be finished. In the meane space while the sacrifice is burning, they beate and torment them­selues with many stripes, whereby to satisfy and appease the wrath and displeasure of the gods. Hauing left off on [Page] this manner to afflict and crucifie their flesh, the residue of the sacrifice is set before them, where with they feast and refreshe their hunger. It is a custome receyuen throughout all the re­gion, to offer bullocks and calues of the malekinde, if in case they be found immaculate and pure, according to the forme of their lawe: howveit, from kine and heiffers, they absteyne A lavv great­ly honoured in Aegypt. most religiously, accounting them as holy and consecrate to the goddesse Isis, whose image is carued and framed like a wo­man, with a paire of hornes on hir head, like as the Graecians describe and set foorth Iö. Hereof it proceedeth that the people of Aegypt do most of all other beastes worship and reuerence a cowe, for which cause, none of that nation neither men nor women will eyther kisse a Graecian, or so muche as vse hys knife to cut any thing, his spit to rost, his pot to voyle, or any other thing belonging to them, disdayning and loathing the very meate that hath bin cut with a Graecians knife, for somuch as in Greece they feede of all neate indifferently both male and feamale. If an oxe or cowe chaunce to die, they bury them The maner of burying kyne vvhē they dy. on this wise, the kine and females they cast into the riuer, du­rying the oxen in some of the suburbes with one of his hornes sticking out of the ground for a token; lying on this maner vn­till they be rotten. At an ordinary and appoynted time, there ariueth a ship frō y^• Ile Prosopitis situate in y^t part of Aegypt which is named Delta, being in compasse nine scheanes, which is 63. miles. In this Iland are planted many cities, one of the which continually furnisheth and sends foorth the aforesaid ship, hauing to name Atarbeehis, wherein standeth a faire and goodly temple dedicated to Venus. From this city Atarbe­chis, many people are woont to stray and wander into other townes of Aegypt. The ship comming to land at euery city, takes vp the bones of the dead oxen, and caries them all to one place where they are buryed together. The law also cōmaun­deth the selfesame manner to be kept and obserued in the sepul­ture and burying of other cattell that dye in the land, from the slaughter of the which generally the Aegyptians absteyne. Neuerthelesse, such as abiding in the prouince of Thebes in the temple of Iupiter Thebanus, are inuested with the orders [Page 81] of priesthoode, vse the same abstinence from sheepe, and slayne goates vpon the aultars of the gods, for in Aegypt the same gods haue not the same kinde of diuine honour in euery place and with euery people, sauing Isis and Osyris, the one a god­desse, the other a god, which are of all men worshipped alyke. This Osyris is of the Aegyptians thought to be Bacchus, al­beit for some respect they name him otherwise. Contrary to these, such as are belonging to the pallace of Mendes, and are conteyned within the precinct and limits of that sheere, with­holde themselues from goates, and make sacrifice of sheepe. The cause vvhy some of the Agyp­tians vvill kill no sheepe. The Thebaries therefore, and such as following their example eschew and auoyde the slaughter and killing of sheepe, testifie themselues to be mooued heerevnto by a law, because that Iu­piter on a time refusing to be seene of Hercules who greately desired to behold him, at his instant prayers cut off the head of aramme, and stripping off the fell, cast it ouer him, and in such manner shewed himselfe to his sonne, where of the Aegyptians framing the image of Iupiter, made him to haue a rammes head, of whome, the Ammonians tooke that custome, whych are an offpring and braunch growne from two sundry nations the Aegyptians and Aethiopians, as well may be seene by their lāguage which is a medley of both tongues: who seeme for this cause to haue named themselues Ammonians, for that they Whence the Ammonians drevv theyr name. hold the oracle of Iupiter whome the Aegyptians call by the name of Ammon. In this respecte the Thebanes absteyne from the bloud of rammes and sheepe, esteeming them as holy and diuine creatures. Howbeit, one day in the yeare which they keepe festiuall to Iupiter they kill a ramme, and taking off the skynne, they couer therewith the image, wherevnto in­continent they bring the picture of Hercules, after which, they beate the naked flesh of the ramme for a good season. The sa­crifice being in this sort accomplished, they bury the body in a religious and halowed vessell. This Hercules they recken in the number of the twelue gods, as for the other Hercules of whome the Graecians make mention, the Aegyptians are alto­gether vnacquainted with him, neyther do they seeme at any time to haue heard of him. This name I suppose to haue come [Page] first from Aegypt into Graece, and to haue bene borrowed of them, howsoeuer the Graecians dissemble the matter, to make The name of Hercules ta­ken from the Aegyptians. the inuention seeme their owne: wherevpon I grounde wyth greater confidence, for that the yarents of Hercules, Amphy­trio and Alomaeea are by countrey and lynage Aegyptians. Likewise in Aegypt, the name of Neptune, and the gods called Dioseuri, was very straunge, and vnheard of, neyther would they be brought by any meanes to repute them in the fellow­ship and company of the gods. And it in case they had taken the name of any god from the Graecians, it is very credible that as well as of the rest, nay aboue the rest, they would haue made chose of Neptune and the other, were it that at those dayes trade of merchandise, and voyaging by sea were vsed eyther by them into Graece, or by the Graecians into Aegypt, which I suppose and thinke to haue bene. It is therefore most soun­ding and agreeable to truth, that if any thing had bene borro­wed by them, the name of Neptune rather then Hercules had crept into their manners and religion. Besides this, the god head and name also of Hercules is of greate coutinuance and antiquity in Aegypt, insomuch that (by their saying) 17000. The Kings of Aegypt could make at their pleasure gods. yeares are passed, since the raigne of King Amasis, in tyme of whose gouernaunce, the number of the gods was increased from eight to twelue, whereof Hercules was then one. Heere in not contented with a slippery knowledge, but mooued with de­sire to learne the truth, I came in question with many aboute the same cause, & tooke shipping also to Tyrus a city of Phoe­nicia, where I had heard say that the temple of Hercules was founded. Being landed at Tyrus, I beheld the pallace beauti­fied and adorned with gifts of inestimable price, and amongst these, two crosses, one of tried & molten gold, another framed of the precious gemme Smaragdus, whiche in the night season sent foorth very bright & shining beames, forthwith falling in­to parle with the chap [...]ines & priests of y^e temple, I demaun­ded them during what space the chappell had stoode, and how long since it was built; whose talke and discourse in nothing a­greed with the Graecians affirming, that the temple tooke his beginning with the city, from the first foundation & groundley [Page 82] whereof, two thousand and three hundred yeares are exspired. I saw also in Tyrus another temple vowed to Hercules suma­med Thesius. In like sort; I made a iorney to Thasus, where I light vpon a chappell erected by the Phaenicians, who enter­prising a voyage by sea to the knowledge and discouery of Europe, built and founded Thasus, fiue mens ages before the name of Hercules was knowne in Greece. These testimonies doplainely prooue that Hercules is an auncient god and of lōg durance. For whiche cause amongst all the people of Greece they seeme to haue taken the best course, that honour Hercules by two sundry temples, to one they shew reuerence as to an im­mortall The tvvo temples of Hercules in Greece. god, whome they call Hercules Olympius, to another, as to a chiefe peere, and most excellente person amongst men. Many other things are noysed by the Graecians, albeit very rashly and of slender ground: whose fond and vndiscret tale it is, that Hercules comming into Aegypt, was taken by the Ae­gyptians, and crowned with a garland, who were in full mind to haue made him a sacrifice to Iupiter. Vnto whose aultare being lead with greate pompe and celerity, he remayned very meeke and tractable, vntill such time as the priest made an of­ferto slay him, at what time recalling his spirits, and laying a­bout him with manfull courage, he made a great slaughter of all such as were present & stroue against him. By which theyr fabulous & incredible narration they flatly argue, how igno­raunt and vnaquaynted they be with the maners of Aegypt, for vnto whome it is not lawfull to make oblation of any brute beast, but of swine, oxen, calues and geese: couldethey so farre stray from duty and feare of the gods, [...] to stayne and blemish their aultars with the bloud of men: Agayne, Hercules being alone in the hands of so many Aegyptians, can it stande wyth any credence or lykelyhoode that of hymselfe he should be able to slay so greate a multitude: But let vs leaue these fables, and proceede forwarde to the truth, Such therefore of thys The reason vvhy in some partes of Ae­gypt they vvil kill no goates. people as flye the bloudshead and slaughter of goates (namely the Mendesians) lay for theyr ground, that Pan was in the number of the eyght gods which were of greater standing and antiguitie then the twelue.

[Page] The forme and image of the god Pan, both the paynters and ca [...]uers in Aegypt franie to the same similitude and re­semblance as the Graecians haue expressed and set him foorth by, making him to haue the head and shankes of a goate, not that they thinke him to be so, but rather like the other gods. Notwithstanding the cause whereby they are mooued to por­tray and shadow him in such sort, is no greate and handsome tale to tell, & therfore we are willing to omit it by silence, suffi­ceth it that we knowe how as well bucke as dooe goates are no pety saincts in this countrey, in somuch that with the Men­desians goateheards are exalted aboue the common sorte, and much more set by then any other degree of men, of which com­pany, some one is alwayes of chiefe estimatiō, at whose death, all the quarter of Mendesia is in great sorrow and heauines, whereof it commeth, that as well the god Pan himselfe, as e­uery male-goate is called in y^e Aegyptian speach Mendes. In these parts of Aegypt it hapned that a goate of the malekinde in open sight closed with a woman, whiche became very fa­mous and memorable throughout all the countrey. An hogge A Goate clo­sing vvith a vvoman. Hogs of all beasts vvurst accounted of. Hogheards of basest account. is accounted with them an vncleane and defiled beast, which if any passing by fortune to touch, his next worke is to go washe and dowse himselfe clothes and all in y^e riuer, for which cause, of all their proper and natiue countreymen, only such as keepe swine, are forbidden to do worship in the temples. No man will vouchsafe to we [...] his daughter to a swineheard, nor take in marriage any of their discent and issue feamale, but they mutually take and yeeld their daughters in mariage betweene themselues. Of the number of the gods onely Liber and the Moone are sacrificed vnto with hogges, whereof making ob­lation at the full of the moone, for that space also they feede of porke and hogsflesh. The reason why the people of Aegypt kill swyne at this time, and at all other times boyle in so great de­spight and hatred against them, bycause mine eares glowed to heare it, I thought it maners to conceale it. Swyne are offered vp to the Moone in this manner: the hogge standing Svvine sacrifi­ced to Liber and Luna. before the aultare, is first slayne, then taking the tip of hys tayle, the milt, the call, & the sewet, they lay them all together, [Page 83] spreading ouer them the leafe or fat that lyeth about the belly of the swine, which immediately they cause to burne in a bright flame. The flesh remayning they eate at the full of the moone, which is the same day whereon the sacrifice is made, abhorring at all other times the flesh of swine as the body of a serpent. Such as be of poore estate, and slender substaunce, make the picture & image of a hogge in paast or dowe, whiche beeing consequently boyled in a vessell, they make dedication thereof to their gods. Another feast also they keepe solemne to Bacchus, in the which towarde supper they sticke a swyne be­fore y^e threshold or entry of their dwelling places, after which, they make restitution thereof to the swinehearde agayne of whom they bought it. In all other pointes pertayning to thys feast, so like the Graecians as may be, sauing that they square Superstition oft times run­neth into most filthy deuises. a little, and vary heerein. For the manner of Greece is in this banquet to weare about their neckes the similitude of a mans yard named Phallum, wrought and carued of figtree, in stead whereof, the Aegyptians haue deuised small images of two cu­bites long, whiche by meanes of certayne strings and coardes they cause to mooue and stirre as if they had sence and were li­uing. The cariage of these pictures is committed to certayne women that beare them too and fro through the streetes, ma­king the yard of the image (which is as bigge as all the bodye besides) to daunce and play in abhominable wise. Fast before these marcheth a piper, at whose heeles the women followe in­continent with sundry psalmes & sonets to y^e god Bacchus. For what cause that one member of the picture is made too big for the proportion & frame of y^e body, and also why, that, only of all the body is made to mooue, as they refused to tell for religi­on, Melampus the first founder of this cere­monie in Greece. In the time of Herodotus the name of Phi­losophers vvas straunge. so we desired not to heare for modesty. Howbeit, Melam­pus sonne of Amytheon was falsly supposed to haue bin igno­raunt in the ceremonies of Aegypt, in the whiche he was very skilfull & cunning. By whom the Greekes were first instructed in the due order and celebration of Bacchus feast (whome they worshipped by the name of Dionysius) & in many other cere­monies and religious obseruations pertayning to the same. Notwithstāding something wanted in this description, which [Page] was after added, and in more perfect and absolute manner set downe by certayne graue and wise men called▪ Philosophers, which liued in the secondage after him. Most euident it is that the picture of Phalli [...] worne of the Graecians in the feast of Bacc [...]s; was found out and deuised by him, whose discipline in this point the Graecians obserue at this day. This Melam­pus was [...] of rare wisedome, well seene in the art of diui­nation and southsaying, the author and first founder to the Graecians as well of other things which he had learned in Ae­gypt, as also of such statutes and obseruances as belong to the feast of D [...]onysius, only a few things altered which he thought to amend. For why, to thinke that the Graecians and Aegypti­ans fell into the same forme of diuine worship by ha [...] hazard or plaine chaunce, it might seeme a very hard and vnreasonable gesse, si [...]ence it is manifest that the Greekes both vse the selfe [...]ame custome, and more then that, they kept it of olde. Much lesse can I be brought to say, that either his fashion or any other hath bene translated and deriued from Greece into Aegypt I rather iudge that Melampus comming from Phae­nicia into Beo [...]ia, accompanyed with Cadmus and some other of the Tyrians, was by them made acquaynted with all such rites and ceremonies as in the honour of Dionysius are vsed by the Greekes. True it is, that the names by which the gods are vsually called, are borrowed and drawne from the Aegyp­tians, for hearing them too be taken from the Barbarians as the chiefe inuenters and deuisers of the same, I haue found not only that to be true, but also that for the most parte they are brought out of Aegypt. For setting aside Neptune and the gods called [...] (as before is declared) lun [...], Venus, Th [...]is, the Graces, the Nymphes Nereides, all the names of the gods and goddesses haue bene euermore knowne and vsurped in Ae­gypt. I speake no more then the Aegyptians testify, which a­ [...]ouch sincerely that neyther Neptune nor the gods Dioscuri were euer heard of in their land. These names I iudge to haue bene deuised by the Pelasgians, except Neptune, whose name I suppose to be taken from the people of Africa, for somuch as from the beginning no nation on the earth but only the A­fricanes [Page 84] vsed that name, amongst whome, Neptune hath al­wayes bene reuerenced with celestiall and diuine honours, whome the Aegyptians also denie not to be, albeit they shewe and exhibite no kinde of diuine honour towardes him. These and suche like customes (which we purpose to declare) haue the Greekes borrowed of the Aegyptians: neuerthelesse, the i­mage of Mercury, who is framed with the secret member por­rect The beastly deuises of the paganes. and apparent, I rather deeme to haue proceeded from the maners of the Pelasgians, then from the vsuall and accustomed wont of Aegypt, and principally to haue growne in vse wyth the Athenians, whose fact consequently became a paterne and example to the rest of the Graecians. For the selfe same soyle was ioyntly held and inhabited both of the Athenians (which were of the right lignage of Hellen) and likewise of the Pelas­gians, who for the same cause began to be reckoned for Graeci­ans. Which things are nothing maruaylous to those that are Cabiri the three sonnes of Vulcane. silfull and acquaynted with the worship and religion whych the Graecians yeeld to the three sonnes of Vulcane named Ca­biri, which diuine ceremonies are now fresh in Samothracia, and were taken and receyued from the Pelasgians. The cause is, that those Pelasgians whome we said before to haue had all one territorie with the Athenians, dwelt sometime also in Sa­mothracia, by whome the people of that soyle were taught and indoctrined in the ceremonies appertinent to Bacchus. First therefore the people of Athens following the steps of the Pe­lasgians, caused the picture of Mercury to be carued in suche sorte as we haue heard. For authority & proofe why the image should be thus framed, the men of Pelasgos recited a mysterie out of holy bookes, which is yet kept and conserued in the re­ligious monuments of Samothracia. The selfe [...]ame in prayer and inuocation to the heauenlye powers, made abla [...]ion of all creatures indifferentlye, and wythout respect (whyche I came to knowe at Dodona) geuing no names at all to the gods, as beeyng flatly ignoraunte howe to call them. Ge­nerally they named them [...] gods, in that [...] that is, they disposed and placed in order all the countreyes and regions on earth. In tract of tyme, the [Page] names and appellations of the powers diuine vsed in Aegypt, grew also in knowledge with the Greekes: [...]nsuing which, the name also of Dionysius, otherwise called Bacchus, came to light, albeit, long after that time and in later dayes. A small time exspired, the Greekes counsayled with the oracle in Do­dona to the same ende and purpose. This [...]hayre of prophecy Dodona som­time the chiefe oracle in Greece. was in those dayes the only and most auncient seate in the land of Greece, whether the Pelasgians repayring, demaunded the oracle if the surnames of the gods receiued and taken from the Barbarians, might be lawfully frequented in Greece: whereto aunswere was geuen, that they shoulde be reteined: for whyche cause, yeelding sacrifice to the gods, such names were helde by the men of Pelasgos, and lastly obserued of y^e Graecians. How­beit, The begin­ning of the pagans gods. what original or beginning the gods had, or whether they were euermore time out of mind: finally, what forme, figure, or likenesse they bare, it was neuer fully and perfectly knowne till of late dayes. For Hesiodus and Homer (which were not passing. 400. yeares before vs) were the first that euer made the gods to be borne and sproong of certaine progenies like vn­to men, assigning to euery one a byname, proper and peculiar honours, sundry crafts and sciences wherein they excelled, not leauing so much as the fauour and portraytour of any of the gods secrete and vndeseried. As for suche poets as are saide to haue gone before these, they seeme to me to haue liued after them. The first of these things (I meane the names of the na­tures celestiall) to haue bene planted in Greece in such sorte as hath bene declared, the priests at Dodona do iustly witnesse.

Now for this of Hesiode and Homer to be no other wyse then is said, I pawne mine owne credit. Furthermore, of y^e oracles in Africke and Greece the Aegyptians bla [...]e this rumor, and principally such as are employed in the seruice and ministerie of Iupiter Thebanus: by whome it is sayde, that certaine men of the Phaenicians comming to Thebes; state priuily from The begin­ning of the oracles in Africke and Greece. thente two women accustomed to minister in the temple of Iu­piter, one of the which they sold in Lybia, the other in Greece, by whose meanes and aduise it came to passe, that in each coun­trey the people created an oracle. Heereat somewhat abashed, [Page 85] and requesting earnestly how and in what manner they came to knowe this, they made we aunswere, that leauing no corner vnsearched whereby to come to knowledge of their women, and not able to finde how they were bestowed, newes was brought at length of their plight and condition. Thus farre was I certified by the Thebane prelates, wherevnto I deeme it conuenient to adde such things as were notified vnto mee at Dodona by the priests there, who vndoubtedly affyrme how in A tale of tvvo pigeons. times forepast and long ago, two blacke pigeons tooke theyr flight from the countrey of Thebes in Aegypt, scouring with swift course through the sky, one of the which fortuned to light in Africa, the other in that part of Greece where Dodona is now situate, where pointing vpon a mighty [...]all beech, she was heard to speake in a voice humane, like vnto a man, warning the people to erect an oracle or seate of diuination in that place, being so thought good, and prouided by the destinies. Whiche admonition the people taking (as well they might) to come by the instince and motion of the gods, did as they were commaū ­ded by the done. In like manner it fell out that in Lybia the people were stirred vp and in [...]ensed by the other done to the planting and erection of a seate propheticall, named the oracle of Ammon, being also cōfecrate to the name of Iupiter. These things we receiued of the credite and authoritie of the Dodo­neans, confirmed: and established by the generall consentē of those that had the [...]ase and charge of the temple. Of these wo­men priests resident in the temple of Dodona, the eldest & most aunciēt had to name Promenca, the second Timareta, the third and yougest Nicandra. Neuerthelesse of these matters such is my iudgement. If any such religions and holy women were by stealth of the Phenicians transported and caryed away into Lybia and Greece. I condecture that the one of these was sold at Thesprotus, in that parte of the region which earst was in y^e possession of the Pelasgians; and is at this present reputed for a portion of Hettus: where, hauing serued certayne yeares, in processe of time she brought [...] diuine ceremonies of Iu­piter, vnder some beach tree growing in shoa [...]e coāstes. For what could be more likely con [...]emente, then for her to esta­blish [Page] some monument in the sacred honour of Iupiter, in whose seruice and religion she had bene long time conuersaunt at Thebes in Aegypt Which her ordinance at length grewe into the custome of an oracle. The same beeing perfect also in the Greeke language, discouered vnto them in what sort the Phe­ni [...] an [...] had likewise made sale of hir sister to the people of A­frica. The sacred and deuoute women of Dodona resyaunt in the pallace of the great god Iupiter, seeme for none other cause to haue called these Aegyptian pufi [...]s two doues, then for that they were come from harbarous countreys, whose tongue and manner of pronouncing seemed to the Graecians to sounde like the voyce of bites. And whereas they shewe that in time the do [...]e began to vtter playne language, and speake like men, [...]aught else is meant heareby then that she vsed such speech as they knew and vnderstood, being so long esteemed to emusate and follow the noyse of birds as she remained in her harbarous kind of speach and pronunciation. For how is it credible that a pigeon in deede could haue [...]urped the voice and vtteraunce of a man [...] and alleadging yet further that it was a blarke do [...]e, they argued her more playnely to haue bene a woman of Ae­gypt, the flower of whose beauty is a fayre browne blew, [...]an­ned and burnt by the fyery beames of the sunne. Agayne, the o­racles themselues, that of Thebes, and this of Dodona, are wel [...]ye in all poyntes agreeable. Thspeake nothing of the ma­ner and order of southsaying in the comples of Greece, whych any man with halfe an eye may easily discerne to haue bene ta­ken from Aegypt. Let it stand also for an [...]ent and vndoub­ted verity, that assemblies at festiuals, pompes and pageants in diuine honour, talke and communication with the gods by Inuentions of the Aegypti­ans. a mediatour or interpretour, were inuented in Aegypt, and consequently vsed in Greece. Which I thinke the rather, for that the one is old and of long continuance, the other freshe and lately put in practise. It is not once in a yeare that the Aegyp­tians vse these solemne and religious meetings, but at sundry The feastes of Diana, Isis, and Minerua. times and in sundry places, howbeit, chiefly and with the grea­test zeale & deuotion at the city Bubast, in y^e honour of Diana. Next after that at Busiris, in the celebration of [...] feast, where [Page 86] also standeth the most excellent and famous temple of Isis, who in the Greeke tongue is called [...], which is to wit, Ce­res. Thirdly, an assembly is held in the city Sars in the prayse and reuerence of Miner [...]. Fourthly, at H [...]liopolis in honour The feast of the Sunne. of the sunne. Fiftly at Batis in remembraunce of Larona. In the sixt and last place no [...]h [...] city Paps [...]is, to the dignity & re­nowne of Mars. Moreouer, suc [...] of this people as with encyre. The celebra­tion of Lato­nas feast and Mars. and affectionate zeale most religiously obserue these astat. B [...] ­bastis, behaue and beare themselues on this maner. Certayne shippes being addressed, wherein infinite numbers of men and women fayle towards the cat [...], in the meane season whiles [...] ▪ be in voiage on y^e water, certaine of the womē play vpō drums The maner of such as repaire to the festiuall of Diana. & taders, making a great found & noyse, y^e men on pipes. Such as want these implemēts, clap their hands & straine their voice in singing to y^e highest degree. At what city soeuer they ariue, happely some of the women of [...]tinue their mirth & dispor [...]on y^e timbrels, some other raise, reuise & wold at the da [...]es of the city beyond measure: [...] trau [...] [...]aunce motionly: other cast vp their clothes, & openly discouer and being an [...]he in shame, doing this in all those cities y^t are neere adioyning to the riuers [...]i [...]i [...]. Being assembled & gathered together at B [...]bastis, they honou [...] the fe [...]h day with [...] all solemnity, making large [...]ffring [...] to Diana, wherein is greater or [...] [...] of gr [...]p [...] wi [...]e [...] th [...] all the yeare besides. To this place by the [...] of the coun­trey are want to repay [...]7000 [...]en & wo [...], [...] fides thildrē, and thus they passe the time at Bubastis. Now in what maner they solemnize y^e sacred day of Isis at y^e city▪ Businis, we declared before, where in the [...]age is after y^e deeper furnāce & accom­plishment of y^e sacrifice, to whip & [...]to [...]ge thēselues [...] In mind table wise, and y^t not one or [...] many thousandes of [...]ache degree both men & women▪ [...]nouor the lesse, by what meanes, or where with al they beate & vexe their bodies in this sort, I may not disclose. Howbeit such of the people of Car [...]a as soiourne & make their abode in Aegypt. stricken with a deeper remorse of sinne, in this point of zeale & [...] go beyond y^e Aegypti [...]s, in that they hackle & slice their forehead with kniues & dag­gers: where [...] it is plainely [...] to vnderstande that they come of forreine nations, and not of the homeborne & naturall [Page] people of the land. Inlike manner meeting (as before) at the city Sais, there to accomplishe the rites and ceremonies due to the day, at the approche and neere poynt of the euening, they furnish and beset their houses with torches and lampes, which being replenished with pure oyle mingled with salte, they giue The feast of lampes. fire to the weike, and suffer them to continue burning till the next morning, naming the day by the feast of lampes. Such as resort not to this feast, do neuerthelesse at their owne homes giue due honour to the night, placing in euery corner of theyr house an infinite number of tapers and candles, the custome be­ing not only kept at Sais, but spread and scattered throughout the whole region. But for what ende this night is helde so­lemne by lighting of lampes, a certayne mysticall and religi­ous reason is yeelded which we must keepe secret. At Helio­polis and Butis onely, sacrifice, without execution of any other ceremonies, is done to the gods Likewise at Papremis they remyne the same custome of diuine seruice and worshipping as in other places. At the sunne going downe, certayne chosen men of the priests, being few in number, and seriously held and A combate of priests. busied about the image, the most parte standing before the dore of the temple armed with clubs as much as they can weilde: ouer against whome on the contrary side, other, more then a thousand mē (of the number of those that come to worship) all strongly furnished & prepared with bats in their handes. The day before the feast, the picture or image framed of wood, is by meanes of a few (assigned to the ministery and cure of y^e wood­den god) conueyed out of a small temple made of light timber gorgeously gilded: into another sacred and religious house, being thither drawne by the minister & themselues vppon a wayne of foure wheeles, wheron the temple itselfe is placed, & the image also conteined therein. Drawing neere to y^e temple with their cariage, the clubbes standing before the dore wyth threates & cruell manaces forbid thē to enter: incōtinēt y^e band: of men oueragainst them tōming with might & maine to assist the image, and encoun [...]ing with those that kept the temple, laye on suche escapeth with­out hys crowne crackt in manye places. Wherein also [Page 87] I suppose that many men miscarry and came short home, al­beit they flatly denie that of a wound so taken any man euer perished. The homelings and peculiar people of that coun­trey alleadge this reason of the battell. In this temple (saye The cause of this combate. they) did sometimes inhabite the mother of the god Mars, who seeking at the estate of ripe yeares against the lawe of nature to haue society with his owne mother, tooke the repulse, and was reiected by her ministers that knew him not, whereat the god storming in great rage, purchased ayde out of the cities adioynaunt, and made way perforce, to the greate discomfi­ture and dammage of those as sought to resist him, for which cause, they yet solemnize to Mars a feast of broken pates and The feast of broken pates. brused costards, enacting moreouer by the vertue of their reli­gion, that no man should haue carnall copulation with a wo­man in the temple, neyther attempt to set his foote within the dores of any suche house of religion, vnlesse after the fleshly knowledge of women he first wash and cleanse his body wyth pure water, whiche custome onely taketh place amongst the Graecians and Aegyptians, beeing the vse in other nations to accompany with their women in the churches and palaces of their gods, and also presently after such secret actes, without any regard of purifying themselues, to rush into the houses of diuine honour, making no difference betweene men and other brutish and vnreasonable creatures. For it is seene (say they) how other things that haue life and sence, meddle themselues A reason dravvne from the vse of beastes to de­fend the ma­ners of men. each with other euen in such places as the gods were worship­ped, which if it were a thing so odious and displeasaunt in the eyes of the higher powers, no doubt the beastes themselues would eschue and auoyde it, whose doings together with their iudgement I flatly disalow. Howbeit, vnderstand we, that as well in these things whereof we haue intreated, as in all other the Aegyptians are led with a singular superstition. Aegypt also itselfe albeit it abutte and poynt vpon the countrey of Ly­bia, yet is it not ouermuch pestered with beastes. Such as the lande bringeth vp and fostereth, are reputed holy, and by no meanes to be violated or harmed by any, some of which haue their nouriture and foode together with the people of y^e soyle: [Page] othersome are more wilde, fierce, and intractable, refusing so gently to come to haud. The cause of these things, why crea­tures vnreasonable are so highly honoured of this people, I may not without breach of piety reueale: which things of set purpose I haue endeuoured to conceale and keepe secrete, vn­lesse by the necessary course of the history I haue bene brought to the contrary.

Furthermore, about the beastes that breede and multi­plye in the region, suche is their order. Generally they are The manner of the Aegyp­tians touching the beastes of the land. helde with a most tender and reuerent care for the mayn­tenaunce and fostering of them, in whiche kinde of ho­nour (for it is accounted a greate honour with them, to haue regard of beastes) the sonne euermore succeedeth the fa­ther. To these brute creatures, all such as are resident in the cities of Aegypt, performe and pay certayne vowes, makyng humble supplication to some one of the gods, in whose patro­nage and protection that beast is, which thing they accomplish after this manner. Shauing the heads of their sonnes, eyther wholly, in halfe, or for the most parte, they waigh the hayre in balaunce, setting agaynst it the iust weight in siluer, whiche done, they deliuered it to him that hath the charge and ouer­sight of any suche cattell, by whom are bought heere with small peeces of fishe which they giue the beastes to eate, and such is the meanes whereby they nourishe and bring them vp. The s [...]aying of any of these done of malice and set purpose, is present death to the killer, but committed by chaunce a mule [...] or pe [...]ne at the discretion and arbitriment of y^e priests. To kill an hauke The great re­gard of haukes or the bird which is called Ibis, is losse of life, in what sort soe­uer it be done. Such beasts as are tame and come to hand, ha­uing their food together with mē, albeit they be many in num­ber, yet wold they much more increase, were it not for y^e strāge nature of cats in y^t countrey. The feamale hauing once kitled, alwayes after eschueth the male, keeping her selfe secrete and The nature of catsin Aegypt couert from him, which the Aegyptians seeing, kill y^e kitlings, & vse thē for foode. The feamale bereaued of her yong ones, and finding her nest empty, is by that meanes brought to submitte hir selfe to the bucke, beeing of all creatures most desirous of [Page 88] increase. In time of fire, or suche like misfortune, the cats are mooued with a certaine diuine kind of fury & inspiration. For the Aegyptians behauing thēselues securely in the appeasing & extinguishing the flame, the cats lie couertly in waight, & so­deinly coursing towards the place, mount and skip quite ouer the heads of the people into the fire, at which chaunce whenso­euer it commeth to passe, the Aegyptians are extreamely sor­rowfull. In what house soeuer there dies a cat, all of the same Mourning for the death of cats and dogs. family shaue their eyebrowes: but if a dog dye, their head and body. A cat dying, is solemnely caryed to the temple, where be­ing well powdered with salte, she is after buried in the city of Babastis. A bitch is euermore buryed in the same city where she dieth, yet not without the honour of a sacred tombe, bury­ing Houndes greatly re­garded. their dogges after the same sort, and chiefly houndes of the malekinde, whiche they most of all others esteeme and set by. Likewise small serpents called in their tongue Mygalae, and haukes of all kinde, if they fortune to dye, they take and bury them at the city Butis. Beares, such as be halowed, & wolues not much bigger then foxes, are couered in y^e same place where they be found dead. The nature also of the Crocodyle is thys. The nature of the Croco­dyle. Foure monethes in the yeare, and chiefly in the winter season it liues without meate. And albeit it haue feete like a land beast, yet hath it a nature middle & indifferent, liuing as well in the water as one drie land. Her egges she layes on the shore, where also she couereth & hatcheth the same, biding the most part of the day abroade on the dry land, but all the night tyme in the water, being much more hoate then the cold deawe that falleth in the night. Of all creatures I iudge none of so small & slender a beginning, to waxe to such huge and infinite great­nesse, the egge at the first not much bigger then a goose egge, which measure the broode it selfe exceedeth not when it fyrst commes out of the shell, howbeit, in durance of time, it growes to bee monstrous, surmounting the length of seauenteene cu­bites. The Crocodyle hath eyes like a swine, teeth of pas­sing A cubite is a foote and an halfe. bignesse, accordyng to the measure and proportion of her bodye, extendyng and bearyng outwarde, beeyng also very rough and grating lyke a sawe: and of all other [Page] creatures is only without a tongne: the selfesame, contrary to the nature and property of all other beastes, hath the neather most The Croco­dyle hath no tongue. chap stedfast and without moouing, and champeth her foode with the vpper iawe. Her clawes are very strong and great, a scaly skynne, and aboute the backe impenetrable, that no weapon be it neuer so sharpe can pearce it. In the wa­ter as blinde as a moale, on lande of an excellente sharpe and quicke sight. Liuing in the water, it commeth to passe that her mouth is euermore full of horseleaches. No foule or beast can abide to see or come nye a Crocodile, saue only the bird Tro­chilus, with whome she is at a continuall truce for the singular commodity she receyueth by him. For the Crocodile at what The bird Trochilus. time she forsaketh the water, and commeth out onlande, her quality is with wide and opened mouth to lye gaping toward the West, whome the bird Trochilus espying, flyeth into her mouth, and there deuoureth and eateth vp the horseleaches, which bringeth such pleasure to the serpent, that without any hurt in the world she suffereth the bird to do what she will. To some of the Aegyptians Crocodiles are in place of holy crea­tures, to other prophane and noysome, which chace and pursue them as most odious and pestilent beastles. Those that geue honour to them, are such as inhabite about Thebes, and the poole of Maeris, who are wont commonly to traine vp a Croco­dyle to hand, and make it tame, being in all poyntes so gentle and tractable as a dogge. At whose eares they hang gemmes A [...]ame Cro­codyle. of singulare price, likewise golden eareings, hampering a chayne to the forefeete. This tame one they cherish and bryng vp with great care, setting very much by it while it liueth, and being dead, they powder the body with sault, and lay it vnder the ground in a vessell accounted holy. Vnlike to these are the people dwelling at Elephantina, who be so farre from thin­king so reuerently of suche venemous serpents, that for hate they stay, and in disdayne eate them. The Aegyptians call thē not Crocodyles, but Champsi, this name being brought vp Crocodyles in Aegypt called Champsi. by the people of Ionia, for that in shape they resemble those Crocodyles which amongst them ingender and breede in hed­ges. Diuers are the meanes whereby they are taken, yet a­mongst [Page 89] other deuyses this one seemeth to mee most worthy rehersall. Such as laye for them and seeke all wayes to take them, bayte their hookes with Swynes flesh and cast it into y^e The maner of taking Croco­dyles. myddest of the ryuer: immediately standing on the shore they beate a younge porkling and cause it to cry exceedingly: which the Crocodile hearing followeth the cry, and drawing neere to the place, findeth the bayte and swalloweth it vp at one morsel. Being fast intangled and drawne to lande, they first blinde and stop vp hir eyes with clay and rubbishe, which causeth hir to lye still and suffer all thinges quietly, which otherwise they coulde neuer obtaine and come by without much a doe. Like­wise, the Ryuerhorse (a beast so called) in all the borders of A beaste cal­led the Ry­uer horse. Papremis is reputed holy: being of this shape and figure. He hath foure feete clouen in sunder, and houed like and Oxe: a flat nose: and taile and Mane like an Horse: teeth apparaunt & stan­ding out: in sounde and cry neighing so like a horse as may be: in hignesse resembling a mighty Bull, of so grosse and thicke an hyde that being well dryed, they make thereof Darts of ex­ceeding strength and stiffnesse. There be also founde to breede in the ryuer certaine beastes much like a Beuer and liue like an Otter, which in Aegypt are of great accounte and thought holy. In the same degre of sacred honour are all kinde of scale fishe and Eeles. Such is also their opinion and reuerence to­wards birds and fowles of the ayre, as wilde Geese & such like. There is also an other bird of whom aboue all other they think The byrde Phoenix. most diuinely, called a Phoenix: which I neuer saw, but pro­trayed and shadowed in coloures. For the cōmeth very seldome into that countrey (as farre as I could heare say by the Helio­politans) to wit, once in 500. yeares, and that also when hir pa­rent The shape of a Phoenix. or breeder dyeth. If she be truely drawne by the Aegypti­ans this is hir forme and bignesse: hir feathers partly red and partly yealow, glittering like Golde: in forme and quantity of the body not much differing from an Eagle. Of this Phoenix, Aegyptians haue bruted a straunge tale, which I can hardly The nature of the Phoenix. credit: saying that the Phoenix flying from Arabia, to the tem­ple of the Sunne in Aegypt, carieth in hir tallaunts the corps of hir dead sire, embaulmed & roled in Myrrhe, which she accusto­meth [Page] to bury in that place. Adding also the maner whereby she inureth hir selfe to cary so great a burthen. First she gathers a great quantity of Myrrhe and works it into a lumpe, as much as shee canne well beare, whereby to make cryall of hir owne strength. After this perceyuing hirselfe able to weylde it. shee maketh an hole with hir Beake in the side of the balle, framing it very hollow and empty within, wherein she incloseth the bo­dy of hir breeder. This done, and the hole cunningly filled vp againe, she poyseth the whole masse in hir tallaunts: and final­ly, she transporteth it to Heliopolis to the temple Pallace of y^e Sunne: so skilfully handling hir cariage, that the Myrrhe bo­dy and all waygheth no more then the whole balle did before.

This they mention as concerning the Phoenix. Knowe wee Serpents haū ­ting in AEgypt. besides, that in the region of Thebs in Aegypt, there vse to haunte a kinde of Serpents, had in dyuine worshippe: of body sinale, & nothing norsome or hurtfull to men. These haue two hornes growing out of their heads, & euermore dying are laide in Iupiters temple, vnto whom they are holy and consecrate.

In Arabia there lyeth a place of no great distaunce from the city Batis, whether I went of purpose, hauing heard of cer­tayne wynged Serpents there to bee seene. And being come: I behelde the ribbes and bones of Serpents in number wel­nigh infinite and not to bee reckoned whereofsome were grea­ter, and some lesse. The place where the bones are layde, is a sinale and narrowe bottome betweene two Mountaynes, ope­ning into a wyde and waste champion.

The speech goeth, that out of Arabia at the poynte of the Sprynge, many hydious and terrible Serpentes take their The bird Ibis. flght into Aegypt: which y^e fowles called Ibides meeting with, straight wayes kill and deuour them: by which meanes y^e soile is rid & deliuered of a great plague. For this cause y^e bird Ibis (whereto the Arabians likewyse accorde) is had in great price and estimation of the Aegyptians. The fashion & protrayture of this bird is such: hir feathers as black as I eat: long shanks The shape of Ibis. like a Crane: an hooked beake: much about y^e bignes of a Da­ker hen. And in this sorte is the fowle bis rightly figured, that killeth y^e Serpents as they come into y^e land. There is also ano­ther [Page 90] of these which are brought vp, & liue amongst men, hauing a sinale head, a slender necke, white plumed in all partes of the body, sauing in the head & necke, the hinder parte of y^e wyngs and the taile, which are of a dark & black hue: the legges & [...]yll in all poynts like y^e other. The Serpents themselues in forme and making and much like to y^e pestilent & infectious beast Hy­dra, Hydra a vva­ter Serpent. that liueth in y^e water. They haue wyngs not of feathers, but of smothe and naked skin like vnto the wings of a Bat or Reremouse. But let it suffice vs hyther to to haue continued y^e discourse and hystory of such beastes as with this people are had in chiefe and principall honour, exhibiting towards them a certayne religious, holy, and diuine worship.

Now it vehoueth vs to know that such of the Aegyptians as dwell in the corne Countrey, & are most of all conuersant in de­scrying to the posterity the acts & affayres of auncient momo­ry, The chiefe par [...]e [...]f AE­gypt, nd their maners. and of all the nation the most famous & principall. Whose kinde of lyuing is after this maner. Thrise euery moneth they cleanse and purifie them selues, both vpwards by vomitting & downewards by purginge: hauinge especiall regarde of their health and welfare: euermore supposing all maladies & disea­ses to grow and arise of the meate which they eate. For other­wise the Aegyptians are of all men liuing the most sounde and healthfull except y^e Libians: the cause whereof I iudge to pro­ceede of the immutable & constant course of y^e yeare, which with them neuer varieth but falleth out alwayes alike: the greatest Sicknesse pro­ceedeth of the vnseasonable times of the yeare. cause of defect & sicknesse in men, arysing of the chaung & muta­bility of y^e same. Their bread is cōtinually made of fine wheat: their wyne for y^e most part cōpound of barley: the conntry bea­ring no vynes at all. They liue by fish partly raw and dryed a­gaynst the sunne: sometimes powdred with salt. Likewise by raw byrds well salted, as Duayles, Duckes, and other smale fowle. In like maner, of other Creatures that haue neere affi­nity either with fish or fowle they make their prouision and fur­niture, rosting some and boyleing other. The rych and weal­thy men of the lande in greate assemblies haue an vsuall cu­stome, that by some in the company there shoulde bee caryed [Page] about in a smale coffine the liuely & expresse image of a deade man one or two cubits in length, which hauing shewne and re­uealed An excel­lent custome practysed by Nobles of Aegypt. to all that are presente, hee sayth thus: Beholde here, and amiddest thy pleasure and delighte remember this, for such a one after thy death shalt thou bee thy selfe. Such is their order in feastes and banquets, contenting them selues al­wayes with the customes of their owne countrey and refusing to be ruled by straunge and forraine maners. Amongst whom are diuerse fashions, very conuenient and well appoynted: in New fashi­ons abhorred. the number of these an excellente Poeme or Ditty, which the Grekes call Lynus. And in truth meruayling at other thinges in Aegypt, I am not a litle amazed at this, whence the name of Lynus should come. The Songe they seeme to haue kept & re­tained from all antiquity. Lynus in the Aegyptian gibberishe is called Maneros, who (as they say) being the onely sonne of their firste Kinge, was surprised and taken away by vntimely death, whom the Aegyptians bewayle and lament in this piti­ous and dolefull verse. Herein they iumpe and agree with the Lacedaemonians, in that the inferiour meeting with his elder, Ciuility. yeeldeth the way, and sheweth him a dutifull obeisaunce in rise­ing from his seate, if happily hee bee sitting as he passeth by: in which poynte they are vnlike all y^• rest of the Grecians besides. Meetinge in the way in place of mutuall salutation, they vse humble and curteous reuerence each towarde other, bendinge their hands to each others knees. Cōmonly they goe clothed in linnen garments made fast with a lace about the thigh, which kinde of attyre they call Calasyris: ouer this they cast also ano­ther besture of linnen very cleane & white. Garments of wool­len are neuer caried into the houses of religion, neither will a­ny man shrowd him selfe in a woollen vesture, which is accoun­ted prophane. This hath some agreement with y^• ceremonies v­sually kept in y^• sacred feasts of Bacchus & Orpheus, which part­ly Pythagoreans vvere such as follovved the doctrine of Pythagoras the Philoso­pher. were taken from y^• Aegyptians, & partly deuised by y^• Pytha­goreans. For such as haue bene partakers of those ryts, haue e­uermore abhorred to be buried in woollen garments. Where­of also an holy reason is geuen which we dare not disclose. Ma­ny other thinges haue bene invented by y^• Aegyptians, as what [Page 91] day and moneth is proper and appertinent to euery god. Like­wise The Aegypti­ans first in [...]en­red the arte to read a mans destiny. in Astrology what fortune is incident to him that is borne one such a day, how hee shall proue in lyfe, by what meanes hee shall miscary by death: which thinges haue bene vsed, of ma­ny that haue laboured in the Arte, and Science of Poetry. Also, more wonders, and strange sightes and euentes haue bene discussed and interpreted by them, then by any other. Na­tion liuinge. For as any such thing hath happened at any tyme they commit it to memory, awaighting dilligently what issue it hath: and if the like fall out at any time after, they coniec­ture of the ende and effect thereof by the example of the first. The knowledge of diuination is so practised by them, that they impute not the inuention thereof to the will of men, but to certayne of the gods. In their lande there bee these Oracles. The prophecy of Hercules, Apollo, Minerua, Diana, Mars, and Iupiter, most of all retterencing the diuine seate of Lato­na, The seates of prophecy in AEgypt. helde at the city Batis. These prophesies are not all in­stituted after the same fashion, but haue a difference and diuer­sity betweene them. Phisieke is so studyed and practysed with them that euery disease hath his seuerall phisition, who stryueth to excell in healing that one disease, and not to be ex­pert in curinge many: whereof it commeth that euery cor­ner In AEgypt e­uery disease hath his phy­sition. is full of Physitions. Some for the eyes, other for the head, many for the teeth, not a fewe for the stomacke and belly. Finally, such as are of knowledge to deale with secret and pri­uy infirmities.

In like sorte, the maner of mourninge, and funerall sorrow at the death of friendes: also the maner of sepulture and vu­ryall which they vse, is most worthy memory. When as any of Of mourning and burying the dead. their familiars or domesticall friendes fortune to decease, (bee hee of regarde amongst them) all the women of that family besmere and gryme their heads and faces with myre & drosse: and leauing the forlorne and languished corps amongest their friends & acquaintaunce, they them selues being straight gyr­ded, with their breasts all bare and naked, accompanied with al the women of their kindred, wander about y^• sireets with most piteous lamentation and howling: on the other side, y^• men fast [Page] gyrte about the loynes, thump & beate themselues, as the most miserable, infortunate, & wretched persons in the world. After this they cary out the body to embalme and preserue. Certaine there be definitly appointed for the same purpose, that make an occupation and trade hereof. These when the corse is brought vnto them, propounde & shew to the bringers, sundry formes & pictures of the dead, paynted or carued in wood, one of which The maner of embalming the dead. is wrought with most curiouse arte and workmanship (which we thinke impiety to name): the second of lesse pryce: the third meanest of all: demaundinge of the bringers, to which of these paterns & examples their friend shalbe dressed. Being agreed of the price they depart, leauing the body with y^• salyners: who incontinent season & preserue the corps with al industry, draw­ing the braynes out by the nosthrills with a croked instrument of Iron, in place whereof they fill the Brayne pan with most sweete and pleasaunt oyntments. This done and finished, they cut and rip vp the Bowells with a sharp stone of Aethyopia, taking thereout the paunche & entrals, and clensinge the belly with wyne of Palme tree: secondly, with fresh water mingled with most fragrant & delightfull spyces: in place hereof they force and stuffe the belly it selfe with myrrhe, of the finest force brayed and pounded in a morter. Likewise, with Cassia & all kinde of pleasaunt odours, except frankincense. Hauing thus done, they sowe it vp agayne, & embalming the body, preserue it for the terme of [...]0. dayes: longer then which they may not keepe it. The dayes exspired & drawne to an ende, they take the corse and wash it ouer a fresh, annoynting the body with gum (which is to the Aegyptians in steede of Glue) and attyring it in a fine lynen drawne together with a lace, they send him back againe to his friends. His friends in y^• tyme, while the saliners haue him in hand, procure an Image to be made to the likenes and resemblaunce of him that is dead, wherein being holow & vauted within, they cause him to be inclosed, layinge both the Image and the body therein contayned in a toumbe together. Howbeit they which in meaner estate and fortune cannot reach so high, order the bodyes of their frindes in forme as follow­eth. First of all they fill a clyster with the oyntment of neder [Page 92] which without any maner cuttinge or opening the belly, they strayne it into the body by the inferiour partes & Fundament, preseruinge the corse: as before, 70. dayes. The last day of all they dreyne out the oyle from the bowels of the dead: which is of such vertue, that it bringeth out with it all the inner parts of the belly corrupted and festered. Herewith also they instil & power into the body Saltpeter, which is of force to depratie, taynt, and consume the flesh, leauing nothing but skin & bones: which done, they eftsones deliuer the body to y^• owners. There is also a third kinde of vsage accustomably practised about the bodyes of the dead: that if any one be deceased whose friendes are very poore and of smalest substance, they only purge the belly, and preseruing the corps with salt for terme of like time as before, in fine, redeliuer him to the bringers.

The wyues of noble men, and such as are very fayre and of Fayre gentle­vvomē dying are kept three dayes before they be pre­serued. great respect for their hearty, are not presently vpon pointe of their death, geuen to be embalmed, but three or foure dayes af­ter, fearing least they should be abused by the inordinate lust of such as dresse them: alleadging moreouer, that a Saliner some­times working such abuse vpon y^• dead body of a woman, was taken in the maner, and his villany discryed by one of his owne company. If it fortune any one either of the Aegyptians, or of forraine countries to be drowned and cast on shore, the City in whose borders he is founde must sustaine the charge of the fu­neralles, which in honorable maner must be executed, and the body buried in the sacred and holy Monumentes. Being not lawfull for his friends and allies any whit to intermeddle or touch the dead, but the Preists assigned to the worship of the ryuer Nylus intoumbe and bury him so nicely and solemnly as if it were the body of a god. The customes of Greece they will in no wise follow: vtterly estraunging themselues from all orders borowed and deryued from other Nations.

Albeit Chemmis a great City in the Prouince of Thebs not farre from the City Nëa, wherein standeth the Tem­ple The City Chemmis. of Perseus, senne of Danäe, builte fouresquare and in­compassed rounde aboute wyth a Springe or Groue [Page] of Date trees: hauing also a large entry of stone, on each side whereof are placed two Images of passing greatnesse: within the pallace is contayned y^e carued monument of Perseus, whom the Chemmyts auouch often times to appeare vnto them out of the earth, and not seldome in the church: at which time they stude his supper which he was wo [...]s to weare, two cubytes in length & affyrminge that at such times as that is seene, the yeare proueth very fertile and prosperous throughe out all Aegypt. This towne (I say) hath ordayned certayne games of exer [...]ise in the honour of Perseus, after the maner of Greece. These being dmaunded of mee why Perseus should appeare to them alone, and for what cause in the celebration of their games, they dissented from the rest of y^e Aegyptians: they made answere, that Perseus was issued of theyr city, adding moreo­uer, that Danaeus and Lynaeus were also Chēmmyts and say­led into Greece: in blasing whose Pedagree they came at lēgth to Perseus, who comming into Aegypt for the selfe same cause as the Grecians testify, namely, to fetch the heade of Gorgon out of Africk, came also to them and called to remembraunce his kinred and linage, of whom hauing taken acquayntaunce, and hearing his mother to speake of the name of Chem, he in­stituted a game of all exercises, which according to his appoint­ment and first ordinaunce they obserue till this day. These are the maners of those that lye aboue the Fennes, such as dwell in the Maryses differ not from the rest, neither in other things, nor in estate of mariage, euery one inioying the priuate fellow­ship of his owne wyfe, in semblable maner to the Grecians. Notwithstanding for the easie prouision of their foode and su­stenaunce other thinges haue bene soughte out and deinied by them. For in time of the floude when the ryuer ouergoeth the Their floud in AEgypt. countrey, there arise in the water great plenty of syllyes, which the people of Aegypt call Lotos. These they reape and dry them in the Sunne. The seede whereof (growing in the middest of the flower, somewhat like vnto Popy seede) they boyle, after which they kneade it into cakes, & bake it for breade. The roote of this is very rothsome, pleasant & good to eate: being of forme very rounde, & in bignesse like an aple. There is also another [Page 93] kinde of lyllyes much like to roses, which in like maner haue their growth in the water, from whose roote springs a bud vn­like to the former, bearing fruite in maner & likenesse of an ho­ny Combe: herein are contayned certayne smale kernells re­sembling the stone of an Olyue, not vnfit for sustenance, and cō ­monly eaten of the Aegyptians, aswell fresh as wythered. The selfe same people when the season of the yeare serueth, are bu­sily conuersant in gathering a kinde of Rush called Bybl [...]s, the top whereof they crop & turne it into vse of foode: the residue being much about one cubyte in length, they partly eate & part­ly sell. Such as be desirous to make fine and delicate meate of this Rush, vse to cast it into an Ouen & broyle it: some there be that lyue only by fish, which hauing taken, they incontinently draw them & parch them in the Sunne like stockfish, and being well dryed they eate them. The cōmon sorte of fish vsed among them, breede not in y^e ryuer, but in pooles, being of this nature. The nature of their fish. Toward the time of spawning they leaue the fennes & make re­payre generally to y^e sea, the male fishes in maner of captaines leading the ranke. These male fishe as they passe still onwarde shed theyr seede by the way, which their femals following af­ter immediatly deuour, and thereof shortly after breede theyr spawnes. Now at the pointe of breede, the femals forsaking y^e salt waters, stower backe agayne to the maryses to their accu­stomed haunte, leadinge the males that follow after them: and in swiming backe agayne, they voide spawne, being very smale cornes, like the graynes of mustard seede which lightinge vp­on the male fishe in the tayle of the rancke, are swallowed vp and deuoured by them. Not one of these litle graynes but will grow to a fishe, as well may bee seene by those that escape the males, and are vndeuoured: which being nourished by the wa­ters growe to smale Frye. Such of these fishes as are taken swimminge to the sea, are founde to haue the left side of theyr heads very much worne and gauled: and in comming from the sea, the right side: the cause being this, that both in going and comming they continually grate agaynst the shore and bancks of the ryuer, as a direction to them in passinge to and fro, least that [...]loting in the middest of the streame, they chaunce to stray [Page] and wander out of the right course. At such time as the ry­uer Nilus beginneth to swell, all the lowe places in the coū ­trey and Ponds neere adioyning to the ryuer doe likewise in­crease: being then to bee seene great store of younge Fry in euery litle puddle: whereof these should breede, this seemeth to be a probable cause. That the yeare before, at the fall and de­crease of the water, the fish which together with the ryuer departe them selues, leaue behinde them their spawne in the mudde, which at the rysing of the nexte floude, being eftsones moystned, by the waters, recouer vertue, and growe to bee fish. As touchinge which thinges let it seeme sufficient thus much to haue spoken.

The Aegyptians that keepe in the fenne countrey, vse a cer­taine The gatherīg of fruite for oyles. oyle made of a tree, which the Apothecaryes call Palma­chri. These trees (that springe naturally in Greece) the Ae­gyptians accustome to plant and set by the banckes of Pooles and ryuers, which is the cause that they beare fruite, but very strong and rancke of sauoure. The fruite being gathered, some of them bruise it against the fyre, other some frie it in a pan, re­seruing that which commeth of it, which serueth them partly for Oyle, partly for the vse of their Lamps and candles, yeeld­ing (as they sayd before) a deyne very loathsome and vnsauory. Likewise, agaynst gnats and flyes, wherewith their lande a­boundeth aboue measure, certaine remedies are founde out by them. Such as dwell aboue the Fennes are holpen herein by towers and high garrets, wherein they take their sleepe, for­asmuch as the winde will not suffer the Gnats to fly high. The people of the Fennes in steede of Turrets are fayne to worke this deuise. Each man hath his Nets, wherewith in the day time they goe on fishing, and in the night pytche them aboute their chambers wherein they rest, by whych meanes they come to take a nappe of nyne houres longe: whereas o­therwise (were they neuer so well wrapped in clothes) the Gnats with their sharp nebbes woulde pier [...] and stinge quite through all, being not able in like maner to passe through The maner of their Shyps. the Nets. Their Shippes vsed for burthen or caryage are [Page 94] made of a kinde of Thorne, not farre vnlike the tree Lotos growing in Cyrene, from the which there issueth a certayne kinde of gumme. Of the body of this thorne they sawe and square out certaine boardes two cubits longe, and fashioned like a tilesheard, which they frame and compact together af­ter this maner. First they vnite and ioyne the plancks toge­ther with an infinit number of nayles and pynnes, binding the same to many transomes that goe both crosse and longe wayes for the strength of the vessell. Their wood they frame not in compasse, after the maner of other Nations, but fasten and knit the ioyntes together with Bullrushes and such like. They haue only one Helme or Sterne, which is made to goe throughe the hinder parte of the Shippe. The Mast is likewise of thorne, the Sayle of the Rushe Byblus. These kinde of vessells are not able to cut against the streame, but are haled and drawne forward by land. Downe the streame they passe in this wyse. They frame an hurdle of the bushe Tamarisk, fast bounde and tyed together with the peelings of greene Cane or Reedes: prouydinge moreouer a migh­ty stone wyth an hole through the middest, two talents in weight: which done, they cast the hurdle into the streame beinge made fast with a Rope to the nose of the Vessell: contrariwise, the stonne they tye behynde wyth an other Gable, geuinge it so much scope that it may sinke to the bottome. By which meanes it commeth to passe that the streame caryinge on the hurdle, causeth the Shippe to fol­low, with exceedinge swiftnesse: and the stone on the other side drayling behinde, directeth the same in euen and sted­fast course. At such time as the ryuer ouerrunneth the soyle, the Cityes are only apparent and vncouered, resembling in shew the Iles of the sea Aegêum, all the land besides being in maner of a sea. The Cities which in time of the floud are ex­tante, be in place of Portes for the ships to lye at rode in. Du­ring which time they sayle not in y^e mayne ryuer, but through y^e The Pyrami­des vvere cer­tayne long re­v [...]e [...]s of [...]oe [...] midst of the fieldes. They that take shipping from the Citye Naucrates to Memphis, haue their course by the Pyrami­des: [Page] albeit there be another way also [...]ndinge to the same place, strykinge ouer by the Neb of Delta, and the Ci­ty of the Cercasians. Likewise as we take our voyage from the Sea coaste, and the city Canobus to Naucrates through the wyde and open fieldes, we shall passe by Anthylla a towne so named: in like manner arryuinge, at the city Arcandry. Anthylla a city of chiefe renowne, is euermore geuen and al­lotted by the Kinge of Aegypt to his Queene, that then is, to The reuenues of a city assig­ned to the Queene of AEgypt to find hir shoes. finde her shoes, which are purchased by the reuenewes of the same. Which custome hath remayned since the tyme that the Persians gonerned in Aegypt. Archandry seenieth to haue ta­ken the name of Archander, sonne in lawe to Danaeus, and the lawfull ofspringe of Phthius Achaeus: not denying but that there might bee another besides him: but howsoeuer it is, the city Archandry can in no wyse be made an Aegyptian name. Hytherto haue I set dawne such thinges as eyther by my selfe I haue seene and knowne: or bene constantly aduertysed there­of by the people of the region, determining henceforth to pro­secute such matters, as I haue onely by heresay, interlace­ing the same otherwhiles, with such thinges as of myne owne knowledge I am able to iustifie.

Menes the firste Kinge of Aegypt (as the pryests make Menes the king of AE­gypt. reporte) by altering the course of the ryuer, gayned all that grounde whereon the City Memphis is situated: the floud being wonte before time to haue his course fast by the san­dy mountayne which lyeth towarde Lybia.

This Menes therefore damminge vppe the bosome of the ryuer towardes the south Region hauinge cast vppe a The actes of Menes. pyle, or bulwarke of Earth much after an hundred Fur­longes aboue the City, by that meanes dryed the old Cha­nell, causinge the ryuer to forsake and abandone his natu­rall course and runne at randame amiddest the hills. To which damme also the Persians that rule in Aegypte euen at this day haue a dilligent eye: yearely fortifyinge and re­payringe the same wyth newe and fresh Earth. Through the which if by fortune the ryuer stryuinge to recouer his [Page 95] olde course, should happily make a breach, the city Memphis were in daunger to bee ouerwhelmed with water. By the selfe same Menes firste bearinge rule and authority in Aegypt (after y^• by turning y^• streame of Nilus he had made dry ground of that where erst the ryuer had his passage) in the same plot of land was the city it selfe founded & erected, which (as well may bee seene) stands in the straight and narrow places of the countrey. More then this, to the North & West (for Eastward Memphis is bounded by the course of the riuer) hee caused to be drawne out of the ryuer a large and wyde poole: beinge also the founder of Vulcans temple in Memphis, one of the fayrest buildinges and of chiefest fame in all the countrey of Aegypte. Three hundred & thirty Prynces that by mutuall succession fol­lowed Three hūdred and 30 princes after Menes. Menes, the priests also readily mentioned out of y^• books of their Monuments: of which number 18 were by Countrey Aethyopians, and one a forraine & outlandish women, whose na­tion they knew not, al the rest being sprong of their owne land. This woman y^• aspired to y^• crowne, bare the name of y^• famous Nitocris a Queene of Aegypt. Queene of Babylon, & was called Nitocris: whose brother in y^• time of his empire being slaine by y^• Aegyptians, Nitocris wea­ring y^• crowne after him sought meanes secretly how to reuēge his death, whith she brought to passe by a straunge deuice and pollicy. Hauing therefore builte for hir owne vse a fayre & gor­geous courte, she caused an hollow Vaut or caue to be cast vn­der the earth, pretending for the time a reason of hir deuice, al­beit farre different from hir secret minde & purpose. The work ended, she inuited thither the most part of hir nobles to a ban­quet, such as shee knew to haue bene y^• authors and workers of hir brothers death, who being all assembled and set together in an inner Parlour, expectinge their cheere, the water was let in at a priuy grate and ouerwhelmed them all.

These thinges they spake of Nitocris, adding besids, that hauing wrought this feate, shee cast hir selfe into an house full of Ashes to escape vnpunished.

By the rest of the kinges of Aegypt the priestes coulde re­cyte Moeris the last of the 330 prynces. no glorious acte that shoulde bee accomplished, sauing by the noble king Moeris the last and latest of all this crewe. [Page] To whom they attribute y^• building of y^• great porches belong­ing to Vulcans temple, standing on the North parte of y^• Pal­lace. By the same also was a certaine fenne delued and cast vp, wherein were builded certaine mighty Towers called Pyra­mides, of whose bygnesse, as also of y^• large cōpasse and ampli­tude of the Poole, wee will ioyntely intreate in another place.

These thinges were done by Moeris the last king. The rest consuminge the time of their raygne in silence and ob­scurity, whom for the same cause I will passe ouer, and ad­dresse my speache to him who came after them in time and went before them in Dignity: namely, the worthy Prynce Sesostris. Him the Pryestes recounte firste of all the kings Sesostris king in AEgypt, and his exployts. of Aegypt to haue passed the narrow Seas of Arabia in longe Ships or Gallyes, and brought in subiection to the Crowne all those People that marche a longe the redde Sea. From whence retyringe backe againe the same way, hee came and gathered a greate power of men, and tooke his passage o­tter the waters into the mayne lande, conquering and sub­duing all Countreyes whether so euer hee went. Such as hee founde valiaunte and hardye not refusinge to icoparde their safety in the defence and maynetenaun [...]e of their liber­ty, after the victory obtayned, hee fired in theyr countrey cer­tayne smale pyllers or Crosses of stone, wherein were in­grauen the names of the kinge and the countrey, and how by his owne proper force and puissaunce he had made them yelde. Contrarywyse, such as without controuersie gaue themselues into his handes, or with litle stryfe and lesse bloudshed were A monument an the reproch of Covvardise. brought to relent: with them also, and in their region he plan­ted Pillers and builte vp litle crosses, as before, wherein were carued and importrayed the secret partes of women, to signifie to the posterity the base and effeminate courage of the people there abyding. In this sorte hee trauayled with his at my vp and downe the mayne, passing out of Asia into Europe, where he made conquest of the Scythians and Thracians: which see­meth to haue bene the farthest poynt of his voyage: for so much as in their land also his titles & marks are apparantly seene, and not beyonde. Herefro hee began to measure his steps back [Page 96] agayne incamping his powre at the ryuer Phasis: where, I am not able to discusse, whether king Sesostris him selfe planted a­ny parte of his army in that place euer after to possesse y^• coun­trey: or whether some of his souldiers wearyed with continuall perigrination and trauayle, toke vp their māsion place & rested there. For the people named Colchi, seeme to be Aegyptians: The people Colchi sprōg of the AEgyp­tians. which I speake rather of myne owne gathering, then of any o­ther mans information. Howveit, for tryall sake cōmoninge w^t the inhabitants of either nation, the Colchans seemed rather to acknowledge & remember y^• Aegyptians, then y^• Aegyptians thē: affyrming, that the Colchans were a remnante of Sesostris ar­my. My selfe haue drawne a cōiecture hereof: y^• both people are in coūtenance a like black, in hayre a like fryzled, albeit it may seeme a very feeble gesse, the same being also in other nations. A better surmise may be gathered of this, that y^• people of Ae­thyopia, Aegypt, and Colchis only of all men, circumcyse & cut of the foreskin from their hidden partes; reteyning the custome time out of minde. For the Phoenicians and Syrians y^• dwell in Palaestina, confesse themselues to haue borrowed the maner of circumsicion from the Aegypt [...]. And as for those Syrians y^• dwell neere vnto the ryuers Thermodon and Parthemus, and the people called Macrones their next neighbours; they tooke the selfe same vse and custome of y^• Colchans. Howbeit, the Ae­gyptians and Aethyopians, which of them learned it of others, it is hard to discerne, forasmuch as the custome in both Coun­tryes is of great antiquity. Neuerthelesse, very good occasion of coniecture is offred vnto vs, that it came fyrst from y^• Aegyp­tians, at such time as the Aethyopians had exchaunge of mar­chaundise with them. For the Phoenicians, that in like maner haue mutuall trafique which the Grecians, leaue of to circum­cysse them selues, and refuse in that poynte to be conformable to the lawes and statutes of their countrey. One thinge more may be alleaged wherein the people of Colchis doe very nar­rowly resemble y^• customes of Aegypt, in so much as, these two nations alone, work their lynnen & dresse theyr flax after y^e same sorte, in all poyntes respecting each other both in order of lyfe & [Page] maner of lāguage. The flaxe which is brought from Colchis y^e Grecians call Sardonick: the other cōming out of Aegypt they terme after the name of the countrey, Aegyptian flaxe. But to returne to the tytles and emblems that king Sesostris lefte be­hind him in all regions through y^t which he passed, many there­of are fallen to decay. Notwithstāding, certaine of them in Sy­ria and Paloestina I beheld with myne own eyes, intayled with such posyes as we spake of before, and the pictures of womens secretes ingrauen in them. Likewise in Iönia are to bee seene two sundry Images of Sesostris himselfe carued in pillers: one as we passe from Ephesus to Phocoea: another in the way from Sardis to Smyrna. Eyther of these haue the forme and figure of a man, fiue hands breadth in bignesse, bearing in his righte hand a Darte, in his left a vowe, his harnesse and furniture af­ter the manner of the Aegyptians and Aethyopians. Crosse his backe from the one shoulder to the other went a sentence ingra­uen in the holy letter of Aegypt: hauing this meaning. By my owne force did I vanquishe this region. Notwithstandinge it is not there specified what he should be, albeit els where it is to be seene. Some haue deemed this monument to haue bene Memnon the sonne of Au­rora slayne [...] in the vvarre at Troy. the image of Memnon, not a litle deceyued in opinion. This noble and victorious prince Sesostris making his returne to Aegypt, came (by report of y^e priests) to a place named Daph­noe pelusiae, with an infinite trayne of forraine people out of al Nations by him subdued: where being very curteously met & welcomed by his brother, whom in his absence he had lefte for Viceroy and protectour of the countrey, he was also by y^e same inuited to a princely banquet, him selfe, his wife, and his chil­dren. The death of Sesostris intē ­ded by his ovvne bro­ther. The house where into they were entered, being compassed about with dry matter, was suddaynely by the treachery of his brother set on fire, which he perceiuing toke counsayle with his wife then present, how to escape and auoyde the daunger. The woman either of a readier wit or riper cruelty, aduised him to cast two of his sixe children into the fire, to make way for him selfe and the rest to passe: time not suffering him to make any long stay, he put his wyues counsayle in speedy practise, & made a bridge through the fire of two of his children, to preserue the [Page 97] rest aliue. Sesostris in this sorte deliuered frō the cruell trea­son and malicious deuise of his brother, first of all tooke re­uenge of his trecherous villany and diuelish intent: in the next place bethinking himselfe in what affayres to bestowe the multitude which he had brought with him, whome after­wards he diuersly employed: for by these captiues were cer­tayne huge and monstrous stones rolled and drawne to the temple of Vulcane. Likewise, many trenches cut out and deri­ued from the riuer into most places of the countrey, whereby The countrey of Aegypt cut out into tren­ches for the better conuey­ance of vvater. the land being aforetime passable by cart & horse, was thence­foorth bereaued of that commodity: for in all the time ensuing, the countrey of Aegypt being for the most parte playne and e­quall, is through the creekes and windings of the ditches brought to that passe, that neyther horsse nor wayne can haue any course or passage from one place to another. Howbeit, Se­sostris inuented this for the greater benefite and commodity of the lande, to the ende that such townes and cities as were farre remooued from the riuer, might not at the fall of the floud be pinched with the penury and want of water, which at all times they haue deriued and brought to them in trenches. The same King made an equall distribution of the whole countrey to all his subiects, allotting to euery man the lyke A diuision of land. portion and quantitie of ground, drawne out and limited by a fouresquare fourme. Heereof the King himselfe helde yeerely reuenewes, euery one being rated at a certayne rent and pen­sion, which annually he payd to the crowne, and if at the rising of the floud it fortuned any mans portion to be ouergone by the waters, the King was thereof aduertised, who forthwyth sent certayne to suruey y^e ground, and to measure the harmes which the floud had done him, and to leauy out the crowne rent according to the residue of the land that remayned. Heereof sprang the noble science of Geometry, and from thence was translated into Greece. For as touching the Pole and Gno­mon The begin­ning of Geo­metry. (which is to say) the rule, and the twelue partes of the day, the Graecians tooke them of the Babylonians.

This King Sesostris held the Empyre alone, leauing in Ae­thiopia before the temple of Vulcane certayne monuments to [Page] the posteritie, to wit, certayne images of stone, one for hym­selfe, another for his wife, beeyng eache of them thirtie cu­bites: The images of King Sesostris. the foure images also of hys foure sonnes, beeyng each of them twentie cubites apeece. In processe of time when the image of King Darius that gouerned Persia should haue bene placed before the picture of Sesostris, the priest of Vulcane which serued in the temple woulde in no wise permit it to bee done, denying that Darius had euer atchieued the like ex­ploites that Sesostris had done. Who, besides the conquering of sundrie other nations (not inferiour in number to those whiche had beene ouercome by Darius) had also brought in subiection the most couragious and valiaunt people of Scy­thia: for whyche cause, it were agaynst reason to preferre hymselfe in place before him vnto whome he was inferiour in chiualry, whiche bolde aunswere of the priest, King Darius tooke in good parte and brooked welynough.

Sesostris dying, the seate imperiall came to hys sonne Phe­co, who beeyng bereaued of hys sight, vndertooke no voyage The death of Sesostris, vvhome Phe­co succeeded. of warre, but remayned quiet in his kingdome. The cause he was stricken blynde, is sayde to be this. At what tyme the waters of the floud increasing, by reason of a mightie raging winde, had drowned the lowe countreys eyghteene cubites deepe. The Kyng inraged at the vnaccustomed swelling of the ryuer, tooke hys darte and discharged it into the middest of the waters, for whyche hys, vnrcuerent facte, the fame is, that hys sighte incontinente was taken from hym, and hee became blynde the space of tenne yeares. In the eleuenth yeare, there arose a prophecie in the city Butis, that the tyme of hys miserie was nowe exspyred, and that hys syght shoulde eftsoones bee restored agayne, if in case hee washed hys eyes in the water of a woman, whych neuer knewe man but her owne husbande. For further proofe of thys phetis medicine, An exquisite medicine for the eyes. the Kyng beganne first wyth hys owne wyfe, whych working not the effecte he looked for, he tryed many others, but all in vayne, lastly, lighting vppon a poore seely woman that had neuer woorshipped more Sainctes then one, hee speedely recouered hys sighte agayne, and causing all those whome [Page 98] earst he had prooued to be gathered into one citie (the name whereof was called Reddclodd) he set fire to the towne, and An army of honest vvomē burnt at a clap. consumed them all.

The King thus healed, and freely acquited of hys former miserie, began to be deuoute, increasing the temples of the gods with giftes of exceeding value. All which deserue for theyr excellencie to be had in memorie, and chiefly those that he offered in the temple of the Sunne, which were these, two mighty great stones which the Aegyptians in theyr tongue cal­led Obeli, in fashion like a spit or breach. 100. cubites long, and in breadth. 80.

Next after hym the kingdome descended to a certayne man of the citie Memphis, whose name in the greeke language Protheus King of Aegypt. was Protheus, to whome the Aegyptians erected a temple, which is yet to be seeue in Memphis, very fayre and beauti­full, garnished wyth rich and singulare giftes. On euery side whereof dwell the Phenices, a people descended of the Tyri­ans; whereof the place taketh the name, and is tearmed the tentes of the Tyrians. Within the temple there is standyng the house of Proteus, called the court of straunge Venus, vn­der which name is meant (as I deeme) Helena, the daugh­ter of Tyndarus, who as a guest agaynst her wyll, kepte resy­aunce for a tyme in the court of Protheus, and was tearmed the straunge Venus, in as much as the other Venus (who Helena. hath many temples in Aegypt) is neuer called by the name of straunge. Heereof entring talke with the sacred order of the priestes, they discoursed vnto me, that Alexander hauing stolne Helena from the Spartanes, and speedyng hymselfe Of the ariuall of Paris in Ae­gypt. homewarde by the sea called Aegeum, by constraynte of wea­ther was driuen into the Aegyptian seas, and perforce againste his will, was cast ashore in Aegypt. His ariual was at y^e mouth of the floud Nilus called Canobicum, at y^e porte whiche the in­habitants tearme by y^e name of Trachex. In this place is situ­ated a temple to Hercules, where vnto if any mans seruaunt or A Sanctuary for seruauntes. vassall flye, and get vppon hym the holy markes (as they call them) in token that hee yeeldeth hys whole alleageaunce to the god of that place, it is not lawfull for any man [Page] to touch him, which order was kept inuiolate vnto our agea The seruauntes of Alexander hearing of the lawes of this temple, forsooke their Lorde, and fled vnto it, and in humble manner submitting themselues before the god, they accused their mayster (whose death they all desired) shewing in what manner he came by Helena & the great iniury he had wrought to her husband Menelaus. The same playnt also they framed before the priests of Hercules, and the chiefe gouernour of the port named Thonis. Thonis hauing hard the accusatiō of these poore suppliants, sent in all haste to the King in these wordes: Knowe you (noble Prince) that a fewe dayes since, a certayne straunger of the Troiane lignage (hauing committed a most villanous acte in Greece, by entising away the wife of him that had geuen him entertaynement) is by force of tempest dryuen vpon our coastes, we desire therefore to knowe your hignesse pleasure, whether we shall geue him free passage into his coun­trey, or bereaue him of that he hath, and sende him awaye. To which newes the King returned an aunswere saying. The per­son you speake of, of what nation soeuer hee bee whiche hathe wrought this despitefull treacherie to his hoste, see you appre­hend and bring to my court, to the ende I may heare what he can say for himselfe. Whereat Thonis without any farther de­liberation, tooke this yong gallaunt of Troy, strayned hys ships, and brought him with the Lady Helena and the rest of his retinue to the city Memphis, where the King at that tyme made his place of abiding. Beeing arriued at the Court, the King asked Alexander in these wordes: Yong gentleman, what are you, and from what countrey are you landed heere in Aegypt? Alexander, who was not to seeke of an aunswere, with a comely grace made aunswere to the King, descrying both his countrey and lynage, the place also from whence hee was arriued, and to what coastes he directed his course. And where then (quoth the King) had you this goodly geutlewo­man, for she seemeth to be a woman of no common bloud: whereat my youth somewhat mammering before he coulde cast the plot of his excuse, was betrayed by his seruaunts, who in humble inanner on their knees, disciphered to the King the [Page 99] whole discourse of his treason. The vassals hauing ended their speeche, Protheus turned hymselfe to Alexander, and tucked hym vp with thys rounde tale: my friende (sayde hee) were it not for the reuerence I owe to straungers, with whome my custome is not to deale by rigour, I woulde surely pipe yee such a daunce for the wicked villanie wherewith thou hast a­bused thyne hoast in Greece, that all vnthankefull wretches shoulde take example by thee how to vse those that shewe them courtesie in a forraigne lande. Ah vnkynde wretche as thou arte, is thys the best requitall thou makest the Gre­cian for hys noble vsage towarde thee? to bereaue hym of his mate, the most comfortable companyon of all hys daies, and not contente therewyth, lyke an arraunt theefe thou hast despoyled hys goodes, the best and principall treasures of hys house. Thou mayest blesse the tyme tenne thousande tymes, that the Aegyptians yeelde suche honoure to straun­gers: and packe thee hence from my presence wyth the rest of thy mates, swearyng by my crowne, that if hencefoorth thou bee seene within the borders of Aegypt, I wyll account thee as myne enemye. As for thy minion and the goodes thou hast broughte, I shall reserue, tyll suche tyme as the Grecian shall come to reclayme them. By these meanes (sayd the priestes) came Helena into Aegypt, whereof also Homer hymselfe seemed not to bee ignoraunt, but of purpose ra­ther (for that it fell not out so fittingly for hys verse) hee chose the other, declaring notwythstandyng that some such fame as thys was bruted abroade, whyche appeareth ma­nifestly in hys Illiads, where making mention of the voyage of Alexander, he affyrmeth, that by meanes of a contrarye wynde, hee was tossed by sea, and recouered the lande at the city Sydon in Phaenicia: reade the verses that are fra­med by hym in the prayse of Diomedes, in whych place these lynes are founde.

In these verses Homer confesseth that he knewe of the wandering of Alexander into Aegypt, forsomuch as the coun­trey of Syria is bounding vpon Aegypt, and the people Phae­nices vnto whome the city Sydon is belonging are resyaunt in Syria. As well these therefore as also the place it selfe, are no small proofe, nay rather a most valerous argumente, that the verses wherein it is sayde, that Alexander conueying He­len from Greece in three dayes space, wyth a prosperous gale, [Page 100] and quyet sea, arryued at Troy, were rather intruded by some other poet then inuented by Homer, who contrarywyse in hys Illiads maketh mention of his errour by sea.

To leaue Homer, and come to the affayres of the Troianes, being desirous to vnderstand of what truth these things were Of the Tro­iane vvarre. which are bruted to haue beene done by the Greekes at Troy, I sollicited the matter with the priestes of Aegypt, who tolde me in such manner as themselues beforetime had beene aduer­tised by Menelaus. After the flight of the Lady Helen, there assembled, in the cause of y^e kings brother Menelaus, a puissant armie of the Graecians, who embarking themselues into Teu­cria, and incamping in theyr coastes, sent in ambassage to the city Troy certayne of theyr chiefe peeres and nobles, amongst whome, was Menelaus brother to the Kyng. Beeyng entered the city, they made clayme of the Lady Helena, with the goodes and treasures shee tooke wyth her, requyring also a sufficient satisfaction to be made for the iniurie. Wherevnto the Troianes aunswered, that they spente their speech in vaine, to rechallenge eyther women or goodes of them which they neuer sawe, alledging, that the thyngs they challenged were surprised by the Aegyptians: neyther was it reason why they shoulde beare the faulte of others, and make restitution of that which they neuer had. Howbeit, the Greekes imagining they had spoken it in derision, to shift off the siege for the tyme, bent theyr whole force agaynst the towne, continuing the siege and batterie so long, tyll they had brought it to vtter ruyne and subuersion.

The citie taken, when Helena could not be founde, and the same aunswere was rendered the Graecians as before, they gaue credite at length to theyr wordes, and sente Menelaus into Aegypt to the courte of Protheus, whether beeyng come, and declaryng the cause of hys arriuall to the Kyng, he gaue him greate entertaynemente, restoring vnto him hys Lady with all his treasure, without any manner of losse or imbeselment. Neuerthelesse, Menelaus for all this courtesie Courtesie re­vvarded vvith crueltie. and royall vsage which he had receyued at the handes of the King, gaue him but a poupe for his labour, dooyng to the [Page] countrey this iniurie for a farewell. For indeuouring to de­part thence, and wayting a fauourable wynde to fit hys pur­pose, by meanes whereof, he stayde a long tyme in Aegypt: to knowe the state of hys voyage, what fortune should thereaf­ter betide vnto hym, he tooke two children of the Aegyptians, slewe them, and paunched out theyr bowels, whereby to take view of his future successe. Which beyng knowne, and percey­uing hymselfe to be mortally hated and pursued of the inhabi­tauntes, he sped hym thence into the Isles of Africa lying o­uer against them, from whence also makyng as good haste as he coulde, the Aegyptians heard no more tydyngs of hym. Of all these things they were partly informed by the knowledge of hystories, beeyng much more certayne of such thyngs as were done in theyr countrey. Thus farre the priestes of Aegypt proceeding in discoursing of Helena, whereto I adde thys surmize of myne owne, that if Helena had beene in Troy, no doubt for ought that Alexander could haue sayde or done, That Queene Helena vvas neuer at Troy. she had beene deliuered to the Graecians. For who woulde thynke that Kyng Pryamus wyth the residue of that lignage were so madde, that to the ende Alexander might enioy the delighte of hys Lady, would imperill theyr owne lyues and theyr childrens, with the flourishing estate of so famous a ci­tie. In whych fond opinion, if in case they had bene at the be­ginning, yet vndoubtedly they woulde haue recanted at length when as many valiaunt souldyers of the Troianes, and two or three of the Kings owne sonnes, (if any credit may be ge­uen to the poets) were most lamentably slaine by the Graecians in fight. By these things I am driuen to coniecture, that if Helena had beene in their keeping, Pryamus to rayse the siege from the walles of hys city, woulde willingly haue wrought meanes to restore her agayne. Neyther was Alexander heyre apparaunt to the crowne, so that his father beeyng crooked wyth age, the administration of the kyngdome shoulde rest in hys gouernemente, one there was betweene hym and home, namely hys brother Hector, as well in number of yeares hys elder, as in noblenesse of mynde hys better, whome it beho­ued not to smooth vp his brother in hys filthy leachery, seeing [Page 101] such imminent perill to threaten not onely himselfe, but also the whole kyndred and nation of the Troianes. But it was the iust plague of God inflicted vppon them for their wicked­nesse, that they shoulde neyther delyuer Helena whome they had not, nor be credyted of the Graecians, to whome they fay­ned not, to the ende all men myght learne, that they whyche stryke wyth the swoorde, shall be beaten with the scabberde, being euermore seene, that vpon greeuous iniuries the gods alwayes powre downe greeuous reuengements. Thus much I thought conuenient to speake of mine owne fancye.

After the deceasse of Protheus, Kampsinitus tooke vppon hym the rule of the countrey, who in memorie of himselfe, Kampsinitus. lefte behynde hym certayne porches of stone, planted west­ward agaynst the temple of Vulcane, right ouer agaynst the whych, stoode two images of fyue and twentye cubites in length. One of the which standyng northerly, they call som­mer, and the other lying to the west, they tearme winter, con­trary to all reason and order. This King in aboundance of wealth, and plenty of coyne, so farre excelled all those that came after hym, that none coulde go beyonde him, no not ap­proch neere vnto hym in that kynde: wherefore desirous to possesse hys goodes in safetie, hee builte hym a treasurie or iewellhouse of stone, one of the walles whereof bounded vpon the outsyde of hys courte. In framing whereof, the workeman A tale of a cunning theefe. had wrought thys subtile conueyance, one stone in the wall hee layde in that sorce, that a man might easily at pleasure plucke it in or out, which notwithstanding serued so fittingly to the place, that nothing coulde be discerned. When the building was finished, the King caused his treasure to be brought into it, minding henceforth to be secure and to lay aside all feare of misfortune. In processe of time, this cunning artificer lying at the poynt to dye, called vnto him his two sonnes, and disclosed vnto them in what manner he had prouided for theyr good e­state, in leauing a secret and most priuy passage into the Kings treasurie, whereby theyr whole lyfe myght be lead in most happy and blessed condition. In briefe, hee shewed them all that was done by hym, delyuering them the iust measures [Page] of the stone, that they mighte not bee deceyued in laying it a­gayne, whych the two yong youthes well marking, thought from that tyme forwarde to be of the Kings counsayle, if not of hys court, and to become the priuy surueyers of hys iewell­house.

Theyr father beeing dead, they made no long delay to put in execution theyr determinate purpose, but repayring to the court by night, they found the stone, which with small force remoouing it from the place, they sped themselues wyth plen­tie of coyne, and so departed. In shorte space after the Kyng entering hys treasurie, and fyndyng the vessels wherein hys money lay to be somewhat decreased, was exceedingly ama­zed, not knowing whome to accuse, seeyng both hys seales, whyche he had set on the dore, vntouched, and the dore fast lo­cked at hys commyng thyther. Howbeit, repayring sundrie tymes to beholde hys wealth, and euermore perceyuing that it grewe lesse and lesse, deuised with hymselfe to beset the place where hys money lay with certayne greens or snares to entrappe the theefe in. These subtile merchaunts accor­dyng to theyr former wont approching the spring head where they had dronke so oft before, one of them wente in, and groa­ping for the money, was so fast intangled in a snare, that for hys lyfe hee wist not how to shifte, but seeyng hymselfe in these braakes, hee called hys brother, to whome he disclosed hys euill happe, willing hym in any wise to cut off hys head, least beeyng knowne who hee was, they both myght bee serued wyth the same sauce. His brother hearing hys coun­sayle to be good, did as he bade hym, and fitly placing the stone as hee founde it, departed home, bearyng wyth hym the head of hys slayne brother.

The nexte day the Kyng opening hys iewell house, and e­spying and headlesse theefe surprised in a ginne, was woonder­fully astonied, seeing euery place safe, and no way in the world to come in or out at.

In this quandary, vncertaine what to thynke of so straunge an euent, be deuised yet to go another way to the wood, cau­sing the body of the theefe to be hanged out vppon the walles in [Page 102] open view to all that passed by, appoynting certayne to attend in that place, with straight charge, that if they hearde any making moane or lamentation at the sighte thereof, they shoulde foorthwyth attache them, and bryng them to the Kyng.

The Mother of these two Breethron not able wyth patiente eyes to beholde the wretched carkasse of her piti­full sonne, called the other brother vnto her, aduising him The affection of a mother. by some meanes or other, to take awaye hys brothers bo­dye and burie it, threatening moreouer, that in case he neg­lected to accomplishe it wyth speede, shee woulde open all hys thefte and treacherie to the Kyng. Whome her sonne endeuouring wyth many woordes to persuade, and nought auayling (so tender was her affection towardes her childe) hee set hys wittes abroache to the framing of some sub­tyle conceyte, to beguyle and inueigle the Kyngs watche­men. Pannelling certayne Asses whyche hee loaded wyth bottels of sweete wyne, hee proceeded forwarde wyth hys carryage, tyll suche tyme as hee came agaynste the place where the watche laye, where priuily vnstopping one or two of hys bottles, the wyne flowed out in greate aboundance, whereat, fayning as though hee had beene besydes hym­selfe, hee piteously cryed out, tearing hys hayre add stam­pyng as one vtterlye; ignoraunte whyche to reuiedye fyrste. The keepers seeyng the wyne gushe but so fast, ra [...]e ha­stely wyth pottes and cannes to receyue to least all should bee lost, but the dryuer (who had alreadye cast hys plotte) seemed heereat muche more inraged then before, taun­tyng and raylyng at them wyth most bitter and reuiling woordes. Contraryly, the watchmen geuing hym very fayre and gentle language, hee seemed better contented, leadyng asyde hys Asses out of the way to newe girde them, and place his carriage in better order. Manye woordes grewe betweene them whyles he was addressing hys Asses to pro­ceede on theyr waye, till that one of them bolting foorth a merry iest, caused hym to laugh hartily, so that lyke [Page] a good fellowe, he bestowed amongst them a bottle of wyne. Which courtesie they all tooke in very good parte, reque­sting hym to sitte wyth them for companye, and drinke parte of hys owne cost. Whereto hee willingly consenting, they dranke a carouse, euery man hys cannikin, tyll the wyne be­gan to runne of the lyes, whyche thys coapesmate percey­uing, set abroach another bottle, and began to quaffe afreshe, whyche set my keepers on such a tantarra, that beeyng well wetted, they set more by three drammes of sleepe, then syxe ounees of witte. When all was hushe, and the watch­men fast asleepe, hee tooke the bodye of hys brother, and in mockage, shauing off the hayre of theyr right cheekes, he returned home, beyng right gladly enterteyned of hys mo­ther.

The Kyng seeyng hys deuises no better to proceede, but for ought he coulde imagine the theefe still beguyled hym, waxed woonderous wrath: howbeit, determining to leaue nothing vnattempted, rather then to let such a villayne escape scotfree, he built yet another trappe to catch the foxe in. He had at that time abiding in hys courte a goodly gentlewoman his onely daughter, whome he tenderly loued from her childhood. This Lady he made of his counsayle, willing her by the duety of a chylde, to a bandon chastity for the time, making hirselfe a com­mon stalant for all that would come, on condition they shoulde sweare to tell her the subtilest and the sinfullest prancke that e­uer they had played in all theyr lyfe tyme, and who so confessed the facts lately atchieued in imbesileing the Kings treasure, and stealing away the theefe, him to lay hold on, and not suffer to depart.

The gentlewoman obeying her fathers will, kepte open house, hauing greate repayre vnto her out of all partes of the countrey. Now the theefe whyche knewe full well to what intente the Kyng had done thys, desirous to bee at oast wyth hys daughter for a nighte, and fearing the daunger that myghte ensue, beeyng of a verie pregnaunt and readie witte, deuised yet another shifte wherewythall to delude the Kyng: he strake off the hande of hys brother that was [Page 103] dead, and closely carying it vnder his cloake, he repayred to the place where the Kings daughter lay, who demaunding hym the question as she had done the rest, receyued of him this aun­swere, that the sinfullest acte that euer he committed, was to cut off his brothers head, beeing inueigled in a snare in the Kings treasurie, but the subtilest in that he had deceyued a sort of drouken asses, whome the King had appoynted to watch the body. The Lady that had listned to his tale, hearing the newes she longed for, stretched out her hand to lay hold on him, who subtilly presenting her with the hande of his brother, (which beeing darke, she fast griped in stead of his owne) hee conueyed himselfe from her and was no more seene. The King heereof aduertised, was stricken with so great admiration as well of his wit in deuising, as his boldnesse in aduenturing, that forthwith he caused notice to be geuen throughout all partes of his gouernment, that in case the party whiche had done these thinges. woulde disclose himselfe, and stande to his mercy, he woulde not only yeeld him free pardon, but also in­due and honour him with so princely rewards as were fit for a person of such excellent wisedome. My yonker yeelding cre­dite to the Kings promise, came foorth in presence, and descri­ed himselfe, with whome Kampsinitus ioyning his daughter in mariage, did him the greatest honour he could deuise, estee­ming him for the wisest man that liued vpon the earth, holding it for certayne, that the Aegyptians excelled all others in wise­dome, amongst whome he iudged none comparable to hym. The same King (say they) whiles he was yet liuing, trauelled so farre vnder the ground, till he came to the place which the Kampsinitus iourney to hel. Graecians call the seates infernall, where he played at dyce with the goddesse Ceres, and sometimes winning sometimes losing, he returned againe at length, beeing rewarded by her with a mantle of gold. In the meane space while Kampsinitus vndertooke this voyage to hell, the Aegyptians kept holyday, prolonging the celebration till such time as he retyred backe a­gaine, which solemne obseruance, since our memory hath bene duely celebrated. But whether this be the cause of that sacred festiuall, I dare not auowe, howbeit, the priests shewed me a [Page] certayne cloake, wouen in the space of one daye, wherewith once ayeare they attyre some one of theyr petie vicares, blind­ing moreouer hys eyes wyth a myter. Beeing in thys sorte attyred, they conduct hym to the hygh way that leadeth to the temple of the goddesse Ceres, where after they haue placed hym, they leaue hym grabling in that place, and departe their waye. To whome incontinently resorte two wolues, conduc­ting the priest to the temple aforesayde, whyche is distaunte from the city twentie furlongs, where hauing accomplished certayne rytes, the wolues leade hym backe agayne to the same place. All these thyngs they doubt not to reporte for cer­tayne true, which we leaue to euery mans lyking to iudge of them as they deserue. For myne owne parte I haue thought it meete to make relation of such things as I heard amongst them, going no farther in many thyngs then he aresay.

Amiddest the infernall powers, the Aegyptians affyrme that Ceres and Liber haue the chiefe authoritie.

The same people were they that first helde opinion that the soule of man was immortall, passing from one body into ano­ther The opinion of the Aegyp­tians touching the immorta­lity of the soule. by a continuall course, as euery one tooke hys beginning and generation of another, and when it had passed through all bodyes that haue theyr beeyng eyther in the lande, sea, or aire, then consequentlie to returne into the bodye of man agayne, whyche course it finished within the tearme of three thousand yeares: whych opinion had many patrones of the Graecians, some auncient and of great authoritie, others of later dayes, vsurping and chalenging it for theyr owne, of whose names I am not ignoraunt, albeit I minde not to recite them. The Ae­gyptians likewise mention that to the tyme of Kampsinitus, religion, iustice, and true order of gouernement greatly flouri­shed among them.

After whome, the royall dignitie came into the handes of Cheops, a man fraught with all kynde of vicious demeanour, Cheops. and wicked conuersation. For causing the temples of the gods to be fast locked vp, he gaue out through all quarters of hys Empyre, that it myght not be lawfull for any Aegyp­tian to offer sacrifice, to the ende, that beeing seduced front [Page 104] the seruice and reuerence of the gods, he might securely em­ploy them in hys owne affayres. Some were appoynted to digge stones in the mountayne Arabicus, and from thence, to conuey them to the riuer Nilus, where they were receyued of others which pheryed them ouer the riuer to the roote of a greate hill named Africus. The whole number of those that were conuersaunt in the Kings affayres, was tenne thousande men, seruing by turnes, euery three monethes a thousand. In which manner, he helde the people the space of tenne yeares, in all whiche tyme, they did nothyng but hewe and cary stones, a labour of no lesse importaunce (in my iudgemente) then to haue built the pyre it selfe, or towre of stone, which is in length fiue furlongs, in breadth tenne paces, and in height where it is greatest, to the number of eyght paces, beeyng framed of stone, euriously carued and ingrauen with the pictures of beastes. Heerein also were consumed other tenne yeares, The building of the Aegyp­tian Pyrami­des. causing certayne chambers to be cut out vnder the grounde, vndermining the stoneworke vpon the which the towres were founded, whyche hee prouided for hys sepulcher. The situa­tion heere of was in a small Ilande, through the whyche by a trench or small draught, he caused the riuer to haue passage. The pyre was made stearewise, ascending by steppes or de­grees orderly placed one aboue another.

Hauyng in suche sorte finished the lower worke, they de­uised certayne engines or wrestes to heaue vp stones from the grounde to the fyrst stayre, and from thence to the se­conde, and so consequently tyll they came to the place where the stone shoulde lye, hauyng vppon each stayre a wreast: or (that whyche is more likely) vsing one for all, beeyng framed of lyght wood, to the intente it might the more easi­ly be remooued.

The grosse worke finished, they began to polishe and beau­tifie the towre from the toppe downewardes, comming last of all to the neathermost stayre, wherein they made a fi­nall ende and conclusion of the beautie and grace of all theyr woorkemanshippe. In thys pyre, were intayled [Page] certayne letters in the Aegyptian language, declaring the ex­pence the King was at in the time of his building, for [...]u­stardseed, oynyons, and garlike, which (as I remember) the interpreter told me, did amount to the summe of a thousande sixe hundred talents. If this were so, how much shal we deeme to haue bene spent vpon other things, as vpon tooles, engins, victuals, labouring garments for the workemen, being tenne yeares busied in these affayres? I recken not the time wherein they were held in framing and hewing of stones to set them in a readinesse for the mayne worke: neyther all the space that passed ouer in the conueyance and cariage of the stone to the place of building, which was no small numbers of dayes, as also the time which was consumed in vndermining the earth, and cutting out of chambers vnder the grounde, all whyche things draue the King to such a narrow straight, that he was fayne to cloute out his deuises with a most wicked inuention, which was this: Perceiuing his golden mine to draw low that the diuell might daunce in the bottome of his bagge and finde neuer a crosse, he made sale of his daughters honestie, willing hir to entertayne tagge and ragge all that would come, in case they refused not to pay for their pleasure, sithence Venus ac­cepteth not the deuotion of such as pray with empty hands and threadbare pursses. The Lady willing to obey the hestes of the King her father, deuised also the meane to prolong the memo­rie of herselfe, and to aduaunce her fame to the notice of all a­ges that should ensue, wherefore she made request to suche as had accesse vnto her, to giue her a stone to the building and e­rection of a worke which she had determined, wherewith (as the brute goeth) she gaue so many stones as serued to the fra­ming of a whole pyre, situate in the middest of the three former, in full view and prospect to the greatest pyrame, which is eue­ry way an acre and an halfe square.

Ensuing the raigne of Cheops, whose kingdome continued the space of fifty yeares, the chiefe gouernement was commit­ted Chephrenes King of Ae­gypt. to Chephrenes his brother, which followed the steps of his predecessour as well in other things, as also in building of a pyre, howbeit, not so huge and great as that which his brother [Page 105] had finished before him, for we tooke the measure of them all. Moreouer, such vnderworke wrought out in caues and cham­bers vnder the ground as is to be seene in the pyre of Cheops, are wanting in this, besides the laborious & toilesome worke which they had to deriue and drawe the riuer to that place, which hath his course through the middest of the former pyre, [...]emming in the whole Iland wherein it is situate: within the compasse whereof, they affirme that Cheops himselfe was bu­ried. By whome in his lifetime, an house was framed of one stone alone, diuersly coloured, which he had out of the countrey of Aethiopia, forty foote lower then the pire it selfe, yet planted and built vpon the selfesame foundation. Chephrenes also (by the computation of the Aegyptians) ruled the countrey fiftie yeares, by which meanes they make account that their miserie cōtinued an hundred and sixe yeares, al which time, the temples of their gods were vnfrequented, abiding still from time to time sealed vp and vnopened, wherefore these princes the Ae­gyptians will not name for the hatred they beare them, calling their pyres the towres of the shepeheard Philitio, who at that time kept sheepe in those places.

Chephrenes dying, yeelded the Kingdome to Mycerinus, Mycerinus King of Ae­gypt. the sonne of his brother Cheops, who eschuing the wicked acts and detestable practises of his father, caused the temples to be set open, giuing libertie to the people being so long distressed vnder the gouernement of his father and vncle, to follow their owne affayres, and returne to their auncient custome of sacri­fice, ministring iustice aboue all the Kings that were before him, for which cause, none of all the princes that haue borne Mycerinus fa­mous for his iust gouerning rule in Aegypt is so greatly praysed and renowmed, both for o­ther causes which were wisely taken vp by him in iudgement, and chiefly for this, that a certayne Aegyptian much complay­ning that the King had wronged him in deciding his cause, he commaunded him to value the losse which he had suffered by him, which the partie doing, he gaue him so much of his owne goods to make him a recompence. Mycerinus in this wise go­uerning the common weale with great clemency, and seekyng by vertue to aduance his fame; was sodeinely daunted by a [Page] great misfortune, the death of his onely daughter, hauing no more children but her, which was the first and greatest hart­breake that befell him in his kingdome. For which cause, be­ing stricken with sorrowe aboue measure, and desirous to so­lemnize her funeralles by the most royall and princely kinde of buryall that could be deuised: he caused an oxe to be made of wood, inwardly vauted and hollow within, which being layde ouer and garnished most curiously with gilt, he inclosed there­in the wanne and forlorne corpse of his best beloued daughter. This royall tombe was not interred and buryed in the grounde, but remayned vnto our age in the city Sais in open view, standing in a certayne parlour of the Kings pallace, a­dorned and set foorth for the same purpose, with most beauti­full and costly furniture. The custome is euermore in the daye time to cast into the belly of the oxe sweete and precious o­doures of all sortes that may be gotten: and in the nighte to kindle a lampe, which burneth by the tombe till the next daye. In a chamber next adioyning are certayne pictures of women that were the concubines of Mycerinus, if we may beleeue the talke of those that in the same city of Sais are professours in religion, forsomuch as there are seene standing in that place certayne mighty images made of wood, twentye or there­aboutes in number, the most parte of them bare and naked, but what women they resemble, or whose pictures they be, I am not able to alleadge more then hearesay, notwithstāding, there were which as touching the gilded oxe, and the other images framed this tale, that Mycerinus being inamoured of his own daughter, dealt vnlawfully with her besides the course of na­ture, who for intollerable greefe hanging her selfe, was in­tombed in that oxe by her father: the Queene her mother cau­sing the hands of all her gentlewomen to be cut off, by whose meanes she had beene betrayed to serue her fathers lust, for which cause (say they) are these images portrayed, to declare the misfortune which they abode in their lifetime. But this is as true as the man in the moone, for that a man with halfe an eye may clearely perceiue, that their hands fel offfor very age, by reason that the wood through long cōtinuance of time was [Page 106] spaked and perished, whiche euen to our memory were to be seene lying at the feete of those which were portrayed. The oxe wherein the yong princesse lay, was sumptuously clad, and a­rayed all the body wyth a gorgeous mantle of Phenicia, hys head and necke beeyng spanged and layde ouer with braces and plates of golde of a maruaylous thickenesse. Betweene hys hornes was set a globe or circle of golde, glistering as the sunne. Neyther is the oxe standing and borne vp vppon hys feete, but kneeleth as it were on hys knees, equall in bignesse to a great heighfer. The manner is once a yeare to bring this image out of the parlour wherein it is kepte, hauyng first of all well beaten and cudgelled a certayne image of one of It is as good to be a slaue in England as a Sainct in Ae­gypt. theyr Sainctes, whome in thys case wee thynke it not lawfull for vs to name. The talke goeth, that the Lady besought the Kyng her father that beeing dead, she myght once a yeare be­holde the sunne, whereof sprang the custome and maner afore­sayde.

After this, there befell vnto him another mischiefe that sate as neere hys skirtes as the death of his dilling, insomuch that he was readie to runne beyonde hymselfe for sorrowe. A pro­phecie arose in the city of Butis, that the tearme of sixe yeares fully exspired, the Kyng shoulde ende hys lyfe, leauing hys Kyngdome to be ruled of another. Whereof the Kyng bee­ing aduertised, and greately greeuing at the rigorous and vniust dealing of the gods, sped a messenger to the place where the seate of prophecie was helde, to expostulate with the god, for what cause (since hys father and vnckle who had beene so vnmindfull of the gods, shutting vp their temples, and ma­king hauocke of the people had liued so long) he hymselfe that had dealte better with them, and caused these thynges to bee restored agayne, shoulde so soone be depriued of the be­nefite of lyfe, to whome aunswere was made, that hys dayes were therefore shortened because hee tooke a wrong course and dyd not as he should do, beyng appoynted by the celestiall powers, that the countrey of Aegypt should suffer miserie, and be afflicted by their princes y^e space of an hūdred & fifty yeares, [Page] which the two former princes well vnderstanding, was neuer­thelesse by him neglected and left vnperformed. Mycerinus hearing this round reply, and perceiuing that his thread was almost spoon, set al at reuell, making great prouision of lights and tapers, which at euentide he caused to be lighted, passing the night in exceeding great mirth and princely banquetting, letting slip no time wherein he either wandered not alongst the riuer, and through the woods and groues of the countrey, or entertayned the time in some pleasaunt deuises, following all things that might eyther breede delighte, or bring pleasure, which things he did, to the end he might prooue the prophecie false, and conuince the god of a lie, making twelue yeares of sixe, by spending the nightes also as he did the dayes. Myceri­nus Mycerinus made tvvelue yeares of sixe. also built a pyre, not equall to that which his father had set vp before him, beeing in measure but twentie foote square, framed quadrangularly, and another lower then that, of three acres in compasse, being built to the middest of the stone of Ae­thiopia. There be of the Graecian writers that suppose thys towre to haue bene erected by a woman of notable fame, called Rhodope, who misse of their account, not seeming to knowe The story of Rhodope. what that Rhodope was of whome they speake. Besides, it is very vnlikely that Rhodope woulde euer haue enterprised a worke of so great value, wherein infinite thousands of talentes were spent before it came to perfection. Lastly, it was not in the dayes of this prince that Rhodope flourished, but vnder the gouernement of Amasis, many yeares passing from the tyme of those princes that planted the pyres, to the dayes and age of Rhodope. This gallaunt dame was by countrey a Thracian borne, the bondmayd of one Iadmon, whose abiding was in the land of Samos in the city of the god Vulcane, who in the tyme of her bondage, was fellowseruant with Aesope the inuenter of fables, to whome this smooth minion had a monethes mind and more, for which cause, being giuen out by y^e oracle at Del­phos, that it mighte be free for any man to slay Aesope that would, and take pennaunce for his soule for his faulte commit­ted, there was none found that would put him to death, but the nephew of Iadmon that came by his sonne, who was also na­med [Page 107] Iadmon: whereby we may gather that Aesope was a slaue and vassall to Iadmon. The death of Aesope wounded Rhodo­pe with so great feare, that she tooke her flight foorthwith in­to Aegypt, accompanyed by one Xanthus a Samian, where she set foorth her selfe to the sale of such, as rather then Venus should be shut out for a Sainct, thought it no idolatrie to worship idols. Whiles shee abode in Aegypt, shee was redee­med and acquit of her seruitude by one Charaxus, who purcha­sed her libertie by a great summe of money. This Charaxus was of the countrey of Mitilene, sonne of Scamandronymus, and brother to Sappho the notable poetresse. By these meanes came Rhodope to be free, and remayned still in Aegypt, where she wanne so great credite and liking of all men, that in shorte space she grewe to maruellous wealth, beeing such as farre in deede surmounted the degree of Rhodope, but yet amoun­ted not to the buylding of a pyre. By the tenth parte of whych her substaunce, it is easie for any man to gesse, that the masse and summe of money which she had gathered, was no suche myracle as it is made to be. For studying to be famous and remembred in Greece, she deuised a worke which had neuer bene imagined or geuen by any other, which in remembrance of her selfe she offered in the temple of Delphos. Wherefore of the tenth parte of her riches which she sente to the temple, she commaunded so many yron spittes to be made (which were imployed to the rosting of oxen) as the quantitie of the money woulde afoorde that was sente thyther by her. These spittes at this present stande behynde the aultare, whiche the people of Chios erected iust oueragainst the temple. Howbeit, such ar­rant honest women as are fishe for euery man, haue in no place the like credite, as in the city of Naucrates. Forsomuch as this stalant of whome we speake, had her fame so bruted in all pla­ces, as almost there was none in Greece that had not hearde of the fame of Rhodope. After whome, there sprang vp also a­nother as good as euer ambled, by name Archidice, whose ver­tues Archidice. were blased very farre, but not with like fame and re­nowne as her predecessour, with whome, Charaxus was so farre gone, that retyring home to Mytelene, he was almost be­sides [Page] himselfe, as Sappho maketh mention, inueyghing in verse agaynst hys folly. We haue thus far digressed to speake of Rhodope, we will now returne to the text agayne.

Next after Mycerinus, ensued the raigne and dominion of Asychis, by whome (as the priests report) was consecrated to Asychis King of Aegypt. Vulcane a princely gallerie standyng to the East, very fayre and large, wrought with most curious and exquisite worke­manship. For besides that it had on euery side embossed the straunge and liuely pictures of wilde beastes, it had in a man­ner all the graces and sumptuous ornaments that coulde be imagined to the beautifying of a worke. Howbeit, amiddest other his famous deedes, this purchased him the greatest dig­nitie, that perceyuing the land to be oppressed with debt, and A statute a­gainst borovv­ers. many creditours like to be indamaged by great losse, he inac­ted foorthwith, that who so borrowed aught vppon credite, shoulde lay to pledge the dead body of his father, to be vsed at the discretion of the creditour, and to be buryed by him in what manner he woulde, for a pennaunce to all those that tooke any thing of loane: prouiding moreouer, that in case he refused to repay the debt, he should neyther be buryed in the tombe of his fathers, nor in any other sepulchre, neyther himselfe, nor the is­sue that should descend and spring of his body. This prince de­siring to surpasse all that had bene before him, left in memorie of himselfe an excellente pyre built all of clay, wherein was a stone set ingrauen in these wordes: Compare me not to the rest of the pyres, which I surmount as farre as Iupiter excel­leth the meaner gods, for searching the bottome of the riuer with a scoupe, looke what clay they brought vp, the same they employed to the building of me in such forme and big­nesse as you may beholde. And this did Asychis imagine to aduance the fame of himselfe to the time to come.

After whome, the scepter was held by one Anysis a blynde man, inhabiting in a city called after his owne name Anysis. In time of whose raigne, Sabbacus King of Aethyopia inua­ded Anysis the next King. Sabbacus van­quished Ae­gypt, ruling fifty yeares. Aegypt with a mightie power. Where at the poore blinde King greatly affrighted, crope priuily away, and gayned a priuie couert in the marrishe places of the countrey, leauyng the gouernement to Sabbacus his enemie, whiche ruled the [Page 108] same 50. yeares, whose actes are mentioned to haue beene these. If any of the Aegyptians made a trespasse, he neuer vsed to do any man to death for his offence, but according to y^e quan­tity of his fault, to enioyne him to arrere & make higher by for­reine supply of earth and stone, some parte of the city wherein he dwelt, for which cause, the cities became very high and emi­nent, being much more loftely situated then before. For first of all in time of Sesostris such earth as was cast out of the tren­ches (which were made to geue the water a course to the cities that were farre off) was employed to the eleuation & aduan­cing of the lowe townes, and now agayne vnder this Aethyo­pian they had increase of fresh earth, and grew to be very high and lofty. Amongst the rest, the noble city of Bubastis seemeth The descrip­tion of the temple of Diana. to be very haughty & highly planted, in which city is a temple of excellent memory dedicate to the goddesse Bubastis, called in our speach Diana, then the which, albeit there be other chur­ches both bigger and more richly furnished, yet for the sightly grace and seemelynesse of building, there is none comparable vnto it. Besides, the very entrance and way that leadeth into the city, the rest is informe of an Ilande, inclosed round about with two sundry streames of the riuer Nilus, which runne to either side of the path way, and leauing as it were a lane or causey betweene them, without meeting, take their course ano­ther way. These armes of the floud are eache of them an hun­dred foote broade, beset on both sides the banckes with fayre braunched trees, ouershadowing y^e waters with a coole & plea­sant shade. The gate or entry of the city is in heighth 10. paces, hauing in the front a beautifull image. 6. cubites in measure. The temple it selfe situate in the middest of y^e city, is euermore in sight to those y^t passe to and fro. For although y^e city by addi­tion of earth was arrered & made higher, yet y^e temple stāding as it did in y^e beginning, & neuer mooued, is in maner of a lofty & stately tower, in open & cleare viewe to euery parte of y^e city. Round about the which goeth a wall ingrauen with figures & protraitures of sundry beasts. The inner temple is enuironed with an high groue of trees, set and planted by the hande and industrie of men: in the whiche temple is standing an image. The length of the temple is euery way a furlong.

[Page] From the entrance of the temple Eastward, there is a fayre large causey leading to the house of Mercury, in length, three furlongs, and foure acres broade, all of faire stone, & hemmed in on each side with a course of goodly call trees planted by the hands of men, and thus as touching the description of y^• temple. Likewise they make mention in what maner they shifted their hands of y^• Aethiopian prince, who admonished in his sleepe by The departure of Sabbacus. a vision, hastned his flight to depart y^• countrey. There seemed vnto him one standing by his bedside, willing him in any wise to assemble together y^• priests of Aegypt, & to cut thē all asunder by y^• waste: which the King pondering in his mind, said thus, I wel perceiue that y^• gods would picke a quarrel agaynst me, that by the doing of some villany or other, I might either in­cur their hatred, or the displeasure of men, but since the time of my rule in Aegypt, which by y^• oracle was prefined, is nowe ex­spired, I will kindle no moe coales then I may well quenche, wherewith departing y^• countrey, he left the gouernement to y^• seed of the Aegyptians, & retired himselfe into his owne lande. For abiding beforetime in Aethiopia the oracles which the Ae­thiopians vse, gaue out to the King, that he shoulde beare rule 50. yeares in Aegypt, which time being finished, Sabbacus sore troubled with y^• strange sight of his dreame, of his own proper wil departed the listes of the countrey. Insuing whose flight, y^• blinde King forsaking his nest in the fennes, came out, & shewed his head againe, exercising gouernemēt as he had done before, hauing wonderfully inlarged the Iland where he lay, with ad­dition of ashes & fresh earth. For whosoeuer of the Aegyptiās came vnto him either with grayne or other prouision, his man­ner was to giue him in charge, that vnwitting to the Aethio­pian prince (who then withheld frō him the right of his king­dome) he should present him with a loade or two of ashes. This Ile before y^• time of Amyrtaeus was vnknowne to any mā, na­med in y^• Aegyptiā lāguage Elbo, being in bignes. 10. furlōgs. Next after whome, the title ro all was resigned ouer to a cer­taine priest called Sethon, seruing in y^• temple of the god Vul­cane Sethon. by whom, the souldyers of Aegypt were abused & had in contempt as men vnfit, & not seruing for his purpose. Where­fore [Page 109] beside other slaunderous tauntes & reuiling words, wher­by he sought at all times to greeue thē, he bereaued thē also of such lāds and reuenues as had bene graunted vnto them by the former Kings: for which cause, after that Senacherib King of the Arabians & Assyrians had inuaded Aegypt with a mighty power, they refused to yeeld him ayd & assistāce in his warres. The priest driuen to this sudden blanke, not knowing howe to shift, withdrewe himselfe into a close parlour, where complay­ning himselfe before his god, he shewed what great & imminent perils were like to befall him. As he was in this sort powring out his teares & pitiful complaints before his image, he fell a­sleepe, where there seemed to appeare vnto him the straunge forme of his god, willing him to be of good comfort, and meete his enemies in the field, not fearing the euent of battayle, for­somuch as he would send him sufficiēt aide to assist and succour him. Maister parson taking hart of grace by this blessed visi­on, tooke with him such of the Aegyptians as were willing to follow him, & incamped in Pelusia, on which side only Aegypt lieth open, and may be inuaded by forreine power, in whose cause, not one of the souldiers would mooue a foote to followe him out of dores, but pedlers, tinkers, & common gadders that strayed here & there about the countrey. Being arriued at the place before named, in y^• night season, there came into the tents of their aduersaries an huge multitude of field mice, which gna­wed their quiuers, but in sunder their bowstrings, & the braces off their shields, y^• in y^• morning being disfurnished of their ar­mour, they betooke thēselues to flight, not without the losse of many souldiers. Herehence is it y^• the picture of y^• same prince grauen of stone, is seene standing in y^• temple of Vulcane with this title & inseription, Learne by me to feare God. Thus far The revvard of godlinesse. went the Aegyptians & their priests in describing the cōtinual succession of their kings & gouernours, alleadging that frō the first King vnto this priest of Vulcane before mentioned, were 341. generations. Three hundred generatiōs conteine ten thou­sand yeares, forsomuch as to three progenies of men are assig­ned an hundred yeares, so y^• the residue of the progenies which were 41. are valued at 1340. yeares. Likewise they affirmed, y^• [Page] in the course of ten thousand three hundred and forty yeares, there appeared no god in Aegypt vnder the proportion & shape of a man, neyther coulde any such thing be mentioned to haue falne out vnder the gouernance of any of their princes, howbe­it, within the tearme of yeares aforenamed, these strange alte­rations Myracles chanced in the Sunne. were marked in y^• Sunne at foure sundry times. Two sundry times it was seene to rise frō that place where it is now wont to fall, and in like maner to set in those regions frō whēce it now ariseth, which also came to passe two seueral times. Iu­suing which things, there was no change in y^• countrey, no al­teration in any poynt, neither as touching the effects & course of the riuer, nor for any maladies, death, or inconueniences in the lande. In like sorte, before Hecataeus the writer of monu­ments (by whome in the city of Thebes a rehearsall was made of the whole discent of his stocke & kindred, fetching his proge­ny frō the xvi. god) the priest of Iupiter did this, (as also to my selfe that made no relation of mine alliance) leading vs into a large chappel or house of praier, they shewed vs both the num­ber of our auncetry according to our own account. Wherin al­so stood the images of certaine chiefe priests & Bishops in such forme & maner as euery one had led his life, where, by orderly discent & issue they shewed vs in what maner y^• sonne had euer­more succeeded his father in y^• office of priesthode, reciting eue­ry one of their images vntill they came to the last. Heerein also they disliked y^• speach of Hecataeus y^• sought to fetch his proge­ny frō y^• xvi. god, making him another account of his kinsfolke & allies, shewing him how absurd a thing it was, & disagreeing from reason for a man to deriue his issue frō a god. For which cause, in reciting the genealogies, they disprooued his account in this wise, relating howe each of these images were in theyr speach named Pyromis, which name they tooke by discent, the sonne frō the father by line all course to y^• nūber of 345. whose pictures were standing in y^• same oratory. These Pyromes (as they termed thē) were such mē as had no affinity with y^• gods, neither coulde chalenge their progeny of any one of the chiefe nobles & potentates, being such as y^• Grecians call [...], that is, an honest, simple, & wel meaning mā. Of which sort were al those whose monumēts were extant in y^• place very [Page 110] far frō being allied w^t any of the gods. Before these mē, y^• gods thēselues were rulers in Aegypt, hauing their dwelling and a­bode together with mē. Notwithstāding, being many in num­ber, they gouerned not the countrey all at once, but some one of thē for a time, or ech in course, til at lēgth y^• scepter came to the hāds of Orus sonne of Osiris whom the Graecians call Apollo. The last & yongest of al the gods by the Grecians account, are Hercules, Dionisius, & Pan. Albeit Pan with the Aegyptians is a grandsire god, one of the most auncientst among them, in the nūber of those eight y^• are y^• chief & principal. Hercules is reck­ned in y^• nūber of y^• xii. meaner saints. Dionisius among those y^• are called y^• iii. saincts, issued of the xii. former. From Dionisi­us (who is said to be the sonne of Cadmus by Semele) vnto this our age, are 6000. yeares. From Hercules sprong of Alcmena to this time welny 9000. From Pan sonne of Mercury, begot­ten of the Lady Penelope, vnto these daies wherin we liue, the time is not so long as frō the Troiane war, to wit, 8000. yeres or there aboutes. In all these thinges we leaue it free to euery ones fancy to follow what he will, our selues best liking of the cōmon opinion which is generally receiued of all men. For if these gods beeing renowmed with great fame in Graece, had The Greekes tooke theyr saints from the Aegyptians. there also wasted the whole course of their age (as Hercules descended of Amphytrio, Dionisius of Semele, Pan of Penelo­pe) happily some man would haue sayde that the Aegyptians had worshipped some other gods, whiche beeing of the same name with these before mentioned, were notwithstanding in time long before them. Nowe the Graecians themselues con­fesse, that Dionisius being begotten by Iupiter, was no sooner borne, but he cleaued fast to his fathers thigh, and was caryed away by hym into Nyssa, which is a towne in Aethyopia neere vnto Aegypt. Of Pan they make shorte worke, as ignorant in what parte of the worlde after his birth hee was broughte vp and nourished. Whereby it is easily coniectured, that the names of these gods came of later dayes to the eares of y^• Grae­cians, and that accordyng to that notice, they began to frame for eache of them a cradle in Greece, as though they had beene borne there, planting more vpō hearesay, then certaine truth. [Page] Thus farre we haue followed the sayings of the Aegyptians, from hencefoorth minding to set downe the consente of others, wherein they accord with the people of Aegypt as concerning such things as were done in that countrey, adding thereto such matters as our selues haue bene beholders of, & eyewitnesses.

The last King (beeing as before was mentioned the priest of Vulcane) leauing the seate imperiall void by his death, y^e Ae­gyptians The tvvelue Kings of Ae­gypt. being now at liberty, & yet vnable to liue without the aid of gouernemēt, chose vnto thēselues 12. princes, deuiding y^e whole lād into so many partes. These 12. ioyning betweene thē ­selues mutual kindred & affinity, exercised the authority & office of Kings, establishing mutuall league & couenaunts, that none should incroch or gather vpō another, but holding himselfe sa­tisfied with an equall portion, should liue in friendship and a­mity with the rest, which their league & agreemēt they sought by so much the more diligence & warines to confirme & streng­then, for that in y^e first entrance to their kingdomes a prophe­cie was geuen out, that who so dranke of a brasen mazer in the temple of Vulcane, should be King alone ouer the whole lād. When the sacred rites and ceremonies obserued in striking of league & making couenāt were duly accomplished, it liked thē all to leaue some cōmon monumēt or worke behinde thē to the continuance of their memories, which they did, making a laby­rinth or maze somewhat aboue the poole called Maeris toward The Laby­rinth. the city, much more greater & famous thā y^e brute goeth. This I beheld with mine eies, being named The Maze of the Cro­codyles: for if a mā would frame his cōiecture according to the report which y^e Graecians make therof, measuring the walles & beauty of y^e work after their account, certes he shal giue but a beggerly iudgemēt of so sumptuous & magnificent a building. For albeit y^e temple of Ephesus be an excellent & worthy monu­mēt, & the church or religious house of Samos, yet are they no­thing in respect of y^e pires in Aegypt, one of y^t which may well stād in cōparison w^t all y^e renowmed works of Greece, and yet euē these are far excelled & surmounted by y^e labyrinth. In this princely monumēt are 12. most fair & sumptuous haules, whose gates opē opposit ech against other, 6. stāding north neere ad­ioing together, y^e other 6. south, garded about w^t y^e same walls.

[Page 111] The roomes and lodgings therein conteyned, are of two sorts, some lower, wrought cellar wise vnder the ground, other aboue these, being together in number three thousand and sixe hundred. Of such roomes as were situate in the seconde story, our selues had the full sight and viewe, speaking no more ther­of then we beheld with our eyes, following in the rest the re­port of others, forsomuch as the vnder buildings were kepte couert from the sight of all that were trauellers, because in them lay the tombes of those Kings that were the founders of that place, with the bodies and dead carkasses of the sacred Crocodyles. Thus of the neathermost house we speake by hearesay, of the lodgings aboue viewing with our owne eyes, more straunge & wonderfull miracles then could be wrought by the helpe of men, for the sundry turnings and windings lea­ding from one chamber to another, did wonderfully amaze and astonish my wits. Out of the great haules we go into certaine The descrip­tion of the caues that are in the Labe­rinth. parlours, wherehence the way leadeth in other bedchambers, next vnto which are situate diuers secrete lodgings that open into the sixe great haules, standing on the contrarie parte of the court, all which are coped ouer aboue with wrought and carued stone, incompassed also with a wall of most fayre and beautifull stone, ingrauen with sundrie sorts of pictures. Eue­ry one of the haules are layde with smooth white stone, beau­tified on each side with a goodly course of pillers. To one cor­ner of the Laberinth is adioyning a pyre or towre of stone, be­ing fortie paces, wherein are the pictures of many straunge beastes hewne out and carued of stone. To this towre is a way vndermined in the ground. Notwithstanding, for all the won­ders that are to be seene and marked in the Laberinth, the poole called Maeris, neere bounding vnto the same, hath (in our iudgemēt) sundry things thereto belonging of farre grea­ter admiration. The compasse of this ponde is three thousande sixe hundred furlongs, and sixty Schoenes as they tearme them, conteyning alltogether as much space as the sea coast of the countrey of Aegypt. The length of the poole lyeth North and South, being in deapth where it is highest fiftie paees. Now that it hath not sprong naturally in that place, but rather hath [Page] bene wrought and digged by the trauell of men, this is an e­uident proofe, for that welnye in the middest of the ponde are planted two mightie towres of stone appearing fiftie foote a­boue the water, and beeing as much vnder. On the toppe of ech towre is a great image wrought of stone, sitting in a chaire of maiestie, so that the towres conteyne in heigth an hundreth paces. An hundreth full paces do make a furlong of sixe acres. A pace conteyneth sixe feete, or foure cubites. A foote is foure times the breadth of the hande. The water of Moeris is not naturally flowing from any spring belonging thereto (the grounde beeyng exceedyngly patched and drie) but is deriued from the riuer, the water hauing recourse into the poole eue­rie sixe monethes by ebbing and flowing. The sixe monethes wherein the water is retyring out of the ponde, the multitude of fishe which is there taken, increaseth the Kings fiske euery day by a talent of siluer, and at suche time as it refloweth a­gayne, it bringeth aduantage of twentie pounde a daye. Thys poole, the inhabitants affyrme, searcheth through the vames of the earth, and sheddeth his waters into the Syr [...]s or quicke­sands of Africa, vndermining a secrete course into the mayne land towarde the countreys of the West, fast by the side of an huge mountayne which appeareth ouer the city Memphis. Now forsomuch as I could not discerne how all the molde should be bestowed that was cast out of the poole at the firste making thereof, being desirous to knowe what was become of it, I questioned with the inhabitaunts of those places as tou­ching the same, whose answere was, that it was employde to the rampeiring of the bankes of Nilus, and much of it throwne downe the riuer, whose speach obteyned the more credite wyth me, for that I remembred the like thing to haue bene done at the city Ninus, one of the chiefe cities of Assyria. In this city it fell out in auncient time, that certayne good fellowes wanting siluer, determined to visit the Kings treasurie, who at that time was Sardanapalus abounding with infinite summes of treasure, which for that it lay safely garded vnder the earth in houses vndermined for the purpose, these yonkers aforesayde beginning at their owne houses, made a way vnder grounde, [Page 112] directly leading to the pallace of the King, voyding all the mold which they digged, into the riuer Tigris by night, which floweth fast by the city, vntill they had brought their enterprise to passe. After the same manner it fell out in Aegypt, in casting the lake of Maeris, sauing that the one was digged by night, the other by day, but in this also, the greatest parte of the boyde earth was cast into Nilus, and dispersed by the streame. And in this manner say the Aegyptians, was the poole of Maeris firste made. Now when as the 12. Kings of Aegypt had practised e­quity euery one within his owne territory, they drew together at a certaine time to do sacrifice in Vulcans temple, where (as y^e maner was) y^e last day of y^e festiuall, the priest ministred wine vnto thē in certaine chalices of gold reserued for the same vse, where happily missing of his number, hauing but xi. cups for xii. princes, Psammitichus standing last, tooke from his head a brasen costlet, and for want of a cup, dranke therein. In lyke maner fel it out with the rest of the princes, that euery one was there presente in his headpeece of brasse. In thus doyng, it was deemed that Psammitichus meante no crafte or legerde­ [...]ayne, but had a playne & simple meaning. Howbeit, it could not sinke with the rest but that he did it of purpose, and com­ming in mind of the oracle that was geuen them, that whosoe­uer dranke of a brasen chalice, should vsurpe the whole empyre alone: weying his facte, and finding that it was committed by errour, they thought it not meete to put him to death, but de­priuing him of the greatest parte of his dominion, banished him into the marrish countrey, with especiall threates, that he should not meddle with any parte of the countrey besides. Not­withstanding, Psammitichus hauing put to flight Sabbacus the Kyng of the Aethyopians, and chased hym into Syria, af­ter this conquest was acquit of hys exile, and restored agayne by those Aegyptians which are of the tribe of Sais, wherefore, once agayne vsing gouernement wyth the rest of hys confede­rates, for the olde grudge of the brasen helmet, they forced him to take the fennes agayne. Recounting therefore with himselfe Psammitichus became prince alone. y^e great despight they had wrought him, determined eftsoones to reuenge his cause vpon those y^t had pursued him, & speeding [Page] a messenger to the oracle of Latona in the citie of Butis, which of all the seates of southsaying is of greatest truth, aunswere was giuen him to be of good courage, he shoulde haue helpe i­nough by brasen men that shoulde arise from the sea. Which prophecie for the strangenesse thereof could hardly sincke into his braines, to make him hope for the helpe of brasen souldy­ders. Not long after, certayne pyrates of Ionia and Caria pro­ling alongst the seacoastes for their pray, were by constraynte of weather driuen vpon the shores of Aegypt, where going on lande all in armour of brasse, a certayne Aegyptian ranne to Psammitichus in the fennes, and for that he had neuer before seene any in the like array, he tolde him that certayne brasen men were sproong out of the sea to waste and despoyle the countrey. Psammitichus reknowledging the truth of the pro­phecie, foorthwith ioyned himselfe in amitie with the rouers, inducing them by great and large promises to abide with him, which being by him in like sorte obteyned, with this fresh supply of forreyne ayde, and the helpe of such Aegyptians as fa­uoured his cause, he prouided against the rest of the princes. Hauing the whole gouernemente alone, he made in the city of Memphis certayne porches sacred to the god Vulcane, lying vpon the South winde, and oueragainst the porches a fayre large haule dedicated to Apis, wherein the god Apis at suche time as he appeared, was releeued and nourished. This place was beset round with stately pillers, and ingrauen with sun­drie similitudes and imbossements of beastes, foules, and fi­shes. Wherein also in place of some pillers are planted di­uers fayre images of no lesse then twelue cubites in bignesse. To these forreiners of Caria and Ionia, by whome he was hol­pen in his warres, Psammetichus gaue certayne manner pla­ces to dwell in, lying on each side of the riuer Nilus called the Tentes, whereof beeing possessed, he performed all such promi­ses besides that were couenaunted betweene them. Moreouer, he put vnto them certayne yong impes of the Aegyptians to be instructed in the Greeke language, from whome, by discent of issue came those which are now interpreters in Aegypt, and vse the Greeke tongue. A long time did the people of Ionia and [Page 113] Caria inhabite those places lying against the sea, somewhat a­boue the city of Bubastis, situate at the mouth of Nilus, which is called Pelusiacum, from whence, they were afterwardes translated by King Amasis into the city Memphis to gard him against the Aegyptians. After the Greekes were thus setled in Aegypt, the people of Greece had traffique thither, by which meanes, such affayres as were atchieued in that countrey from Psammitichus following, are certaynely knowne of vs with­out any errour. These were the first that inhabited Aegypt, being of a diuers language from the homelings. In like man­ner, from whence they fleeted thither, the reliques of their ships wherein they came, the olde postes and groundreels of their houses were shewed me. And these were the meanes whereby Psammitichus obteyned the dominiou of Aegypt. As touching the oracle or seate of prophecie, we haue made many wordes, and will make more, as of a thing most worthy to be mentioned. This oracle is planted in the temple of the goddesse Latona in a great city named Butis standing against the mouth of Nilus which is called Sebenniticum, into the which they haue entry that from the vpper parte of the sea cut against the streame. In this city also are the temples of Apollo and Dia­na, and the great pallace of Latona, wherein is the place of di­uination, hauing a gallery belonging to it tenne paces high. Heerein suche things as might lawfully be seene, and deserued greatest admiration, of those I meane to make report. In this temple of Latona is a small chappell framed of one stone, whose walles beeing of equall heigth, were in length forty cu­bites: which semblably was coped ouer the top with another stone, beeing foure cubites in thickenesse. Wherefore of all those things that were pertayning to the temple, there was nothing that deserued greater woonder then this little chap­pell. Next to this is an Ilande called Echemmis standing in the middest of a deepe and wide lake a little besides the chiefe An Iland that svvimmeth. temple, whiche the Aegyptians suppose to swimme and to be borne vp of the waters. Howbeit, I neither sawe it swimme nor mooue, maruayling very much (if it were true) that an I­land should be caryed in the waters. In this Ile is planted the [Page] temple of Apollo, a greate and sumptuous building, lyke­wyse three rewes of aultares, and many fayre palme-trees, some very kynde and bearing fruite, other fruitelesse and barren.

The Aegyptians also render a cause of the swimming of this Ilande, saying thus: that at what time Latona (which is one of the eyght saints that are of greatest antiquity amongst them) dwelt in the city of Butis whereas nowe the oracle is helde: she tooke the sauegard of Apollo commended vnto her Isis, the mo­ther of Apollo by his mother Isis, and preserued hys lyfe in the same Ilande, beeyng at that tyme stedfast and immoueable, when as Ty­phon made so diligente searche in all places to finde out the sonne of Osyris. For heere we must vnderstande, that thys people imagine Apollo and Diana to be the children of Dio­nisius and Isis, and that Latona was but theyr nourse and bringer vp, that delyuered them from perill. Apollo in the Aegyptian tongue is called Horus. Ceres hath the name of Isis: Diana, of Bubastis, from whence Aeschilus the sonne of Euphorion drew his opinion, which alone of all the rest of the poets maketh Diana daughter to Ceres, after which euent, the Ile (say they) became loose, and was marked to floate and mooue in the water.

Psammitichus gouerned in Aegypt 54. yeares, 29. of the Psammitichus raigned 54. yeares. which he spent in the asseige of the great city of Syria, which at length he subdued. This city is called Azotus, which of all the cities that euer wee hearde of, susteyned the longest as­saulte.

Insuing the raigne of Psammitichus, the gouernemente of the countrey fell to Necus hys sonne: by whome, first of all Necus King of Aegypt. was the channell digged that leadeth to the red sea, whyche afterwardes was cast afreshe, and made deeper by Darius the Persian.

The length of thys course was foure dayes sayling, the breadth such, as two reasonable vessels of three oares apeece might well sayle in it together.

The water which is deriued from Nilus into this channell, floweth into it alittle aboue the city Bubastis, against a towne [Page 114] of Arabia named Patumon, and so continueth hys course vnto the red Sea.

They beganne first to digge from the playne of Aegypt to­wardes Arabia, for all the countrey aboue the playne is fil­led and occupyed wyth a course of greate mountaynes neere vnto the citie Memphis, wherein are many pittes and quar­ries of stone, wherefore from the roote of thys mountayne is the channell deriued, continuing a long course towardes the East, vntyll it come to the place where the hyll parteth in twayne, whyche distaunce and separation betweene the mountaynes openeth to the South regions, and leadeth to the narrow seas of Arabia.

In the digging of thys course there perished an hundred and twentie thousande of the people of Aegypt.

When thys enterprise was halfe done, Necus brake off and lefte it vnfinished, being discouraged by a prophecie that tolde hym that hee toyled for the profite and behoofe of a Barba­rian.

The Aegyptians tearme them all Barbarians which are of a sundry language. Necus therefore leauing hys worke vnfi­nished, applyed hys studie to the prouision of warre, gathe­ring souldyers, and preparing a fleete of warring Shippes, some of the which were builte at the North Seas, others in the strayghtes of Arabia at the red Sea, some tokens where­of are yet to be seene in the same places. Thys Fleete he em­ployed in hys affayres continuallie so long as it fitted hym to the vse of warre.

Forsaking afterwards the Sea, and giuing himselfe to The actes of King Necus. battailes by the land, where, in a conflict with the Syrians at a place named Magdolos, he wanne the renowne of the fielde, and after the battayle was ended, tooke the greate city Caditis.

And beeyng very neate and fine in hys apparrell, he sent a sute of hys brauest array to Apollo in Branchidae, a certayne field of the Milesians. In the ende, after he had held the King­dome seauenteene yeares, hee then died, leauing the title Necus raigned 17. yeares. [Page] of his soueraignety to Psammis his sonne. During whose raigne, a certayne people called Helus sent messengers abrode Psammis King of the Aegyp­tians. into all regions, to giue them to vnderstand how by them was deuised a game in Olympus of greater admiration and equi­tie, then by any that euer had vsed that place, supposing that the Aegyptians (who had the prayse of wisedome aboue all na­tions) could not better or more iustly dispose of these matters then themselues. When they were come into Aegypt, and had told the cause of their arriuall thither, the King assembled such of the Aegyptians as were most excellent for graue and sage advice aboue the rest. To whome, when the Helians had made discourse of all those things which they had ordeyned in the set­ting foorth of this noble combate; and had asked the Aegypti­ans if they could deuise anything better, after deliberation had of the matter, they asked the Helians whether they had inacted that citizens should mayntayne the controuersie against stran­gers, or otherwise, who aunswered, that it was indifferently lawfull for all to striue of what countrey soeuer he were: wher­to the Aegyptians replyed, that it coulde no wise stande wyth iustice, forsomuch as one citizen would shew fauour to another, & by that meanes by partial dealing do iniurie to those y^t came frō farre, so that in case they would order y^e matter with more equity, and for that cause had arriued in Aegypt, it were better to make the game for strangers alone, not suffering any of the Helians to striue. These things the Aegyptians put into theyr heads and sent them packing. Psammis hauing raigned full Psammis raigned sixe yeares. out sixe yeares, and making a voyage of warre into Aethyo­pla, incontinently dyed.

After whome, succeeded his sonne Apryes the most fortu­natest of all the princes that had ruled before him, excepting Apryes King after the de­ceasse of Psammis. Psammiti [...] his great graundfire, gouerning the countrey 25. yeares. During which time, he warred vpon Sydon and fought with the people of Tyrus by Sea. Howbeit, fortune owing him a despight, she payde him home at length, the cause where of, we withriefely touch at this present, deferring a more ample discourse of the same, till we come to speake of the af­fayres of the Punickes. When as therefore vndertaking a [Page 115] iourney against the Cyrenians he had suffered great losse of his men: the Aegyptians cōtinuing hatred against him, denied their allegeaunce & rebelled, supposing y^t he had betrayed their liues on purpose, to the end that with more security he might gouerne those y^t remained. For which cause in great disdayne, aswell such as forsooke him & returned home, as also the friends of these y^t had died in the battell, stoode at defiance with the king, renoūce­ing all duties of subiection. Apryes witting hereof, sent Amasis to treate peace with them: who, when he came & in many words had rebuked their disloyalty, one of the Aegyptians standing be­hinde him clapt a Costlet on his head, saying hee had done it to Amasis rose against Apry­es. make him King. Amasis nothing discontent herewith, was no soner proclaymed King by the rebells, but forthwith he put him­selfe in a readinesse to encounter with Apryes. Apryes vnder­standing this, sent one of the Aegyptians named, Patarbemes a man of approued vertue, with especiall charge to bring to him Amasis alyue. Who arryuing speedely at the place where hee was: tolde him the Kinges pleasure. Amasis sittinge on horse backe and incouraginge those that were about him, commaū ­ded Patarbemes to bring Apryes vnto him: Patarbemes once agayne willing him to make speede to the King, who had sente for him: hee answered that hee woulde come with all speede possible, sayinge, that the Kinge shoulde haue no cause to complayne of his slacknesse, for hee purposed, god willing, to bee with him shortely, and bringe him more company. Pa­tarbemes perceiuinge by his maner of speache and dealinges what hee was mynded to doe, thought with as much speede as hee coulde to geue notice to the King: and being retur­ned, Apryes in a great rage, for that hee had lefte Amasis be­hinde him, without any woordes, by and by commaunded his Nose and his Cares to bee cut of. The rest of the Aegypti­ans that followed the Kinges partes seeing this, that so wor­thy and renowmed a man should without cause suffer so great shame and reproche amongst them, without any delay fled o­uer to the rebelles and came to Amasis. Apryes increasing his fury, put in armoure all such as of forrayne countries were [Page] hyrelinges in his hoste (which hee had of Iönia and Caria, aboute thirty thowsande men) and marched agaynst the Ae­gyptians. Hee had in the City Saïs a very great & gorgeous Pallace. The armyes therefore of bothe parties, incamped agaynst other at the City Memphis, there to abide the lot and euent of the battayle.

Nowe the people of Aegypt are diuersly addicted, amongst whom are to bee marked seuen sundry Trades and kindes of lyuing: which are these: Priests, Souldiers, Grasiers, Neate­heardes, The trades of lyuing in Ae­gypt. Salesmen, Interpreters, Maryners: so many kindes bee there of this people, taken of the Trade or crafte which euery one followeth. Likewise, the souldiers are called Ca­lasiries and Hermotybies dwelling in certayne regions. For the whole countreye of Aegypte is distinguished into certaine territories. The coastes of the Hermotybies are these. Busi­ris, Saïs, Chemmis, Papremis, and the halfe parte of the Iland Prosopis, otherwise called Natho. In these quarters are inha­byting of the souldiers Hermotybies 160. thowsande, none of the which geue themselues to manuary artes or any trade of gayne, but wholly practise the science of armes. Moreouer, to y^e Calasyrians are assigned these regions: Thebana, Bubastiana, Aphthitana, Tanitana, Mendesia, Sebenitana, Athribitana, Pharbaethitana, Thmuitana, Thnuphitana, Anysia, Myecpho­ritana, which tribe possesseth an Iland lying against the City Bubastis. The tribes of the Calasyrians, when they are mu­stered to the most, yeelde to the warre two hundred and fiftye thowsand men, which are neuer trained vp in any thing but in feates of Chiualry, the Sonne learning of his father.

Which custome, whether the Greekes tooke from the Ae­gyptians, or borowed it from els where, I can not certainely Craftsmen of all others least set by, and souldiers most. say, seeing that in Scythia, Persia, and Lydia, and welnigh all the countreyes of the Barbarians, the basest sorte of Cityzens are such as exercise handicraftes, and their children of leaste accounte: and they best regarded which are leaste conuersante in the same, especially such as are employed in the fielde.

The same maner also doe the Grecians obserue, and chief­ly [Page 116] the Lacedaemonyans, and euen amonge the Corinthyans, craftsmen and such others are debased to the lowest degree.

To these gentlemen souldiers, this chiefe honour is assigned The honoure of souldiers in Aegypt. aboue all sortes of men, sauing those onely that are busied in the seruice of the Sainctes, that to euery one of them is al­lotted twelue portions of singuler good grounde, exempt & free from all kinde of Tribute and Pension, and seuerall to their owne vse and behoofe. Each plot of grounde contayning euery way an hundred cubyts by the Aegyptian measure. A cubyt amongst the Aegyptians is equall to that which they vse in Samos.

A thowsand of each company, aswell of the Calysirians as Hermatybians, did yearely geue attendaunce, to garde and de­fend The Kynges Garde. the Kinges body. To whom, besides the profite & reuen­newes of their land, were certayne Farme-places geuen, to each man one. Moreouer, for their lyuery fiue pound of tosted bread, two pounde of Beefe, and a gallon of wyne, which were duely serued to them euery day. When as therefore Apryes on the one side with his stipendaries, and on the other side Amasis with an huge army of the Aegyptians were come into the City Mem­phis, they closed bartaile: where the hyred souldiers of Apryes acquited them selues very valiauntly, till at the length (being fewer in number) they were put to flight. Apryes was per­swaded that neither god nor the diuell coulde haue ioynted his nose of the Empyre, hee seemed so surely to haue strengthned it to him selfe. Neuerthelesse, in this fight hee was foyled, ta­ken a liue, and caried to his owne courte in Saïs: where Ama­sis kept him more like a Prynce then a prysoner, for the time that hee lyued. At length the Aegyptians murmuring againste him, that hee did not well to reserue a liue a mortall enemy both to himselfe and the whole country, he delyuered vp Apryes into their handes. Whom they immediatly toke & strangled, & buri­ed The death of Apryes. him in the sepulcher of his father in the temple of Minerua, neere vnto a certayne Oratory, at the lefte hand as you enter in. Being the vse with the people of Saïs to burie all such, as out of their tribe haue attayned to the kingdome, within the temple. [Page] For the toumbe of Amasis is placed vppon the other side of the Oratory, contrary to the Sepulcher of Apryes and his Pro­genitours. Likewise, in one place of this Temple is a fayre Chamber builte of stone, beautyfied with sundry Pyllers in­grauen like vnto Palme-trees, being otherwyse very sump­tuously and royally garnished. In the middest of the Cham­ber are two mayne Posts, betwene the which standeth a Co­phine. There is also a toumbe in the same, the name where­of I may not descry without breache of Religion.

At Saïs in the Temple of Minerua, beneath the Churche and neere vnto the walle of Minerua, in a base Chappell, are standinge certayne greate brooches of stone, whereto is adioyninge a lowe place in manner of a Dungeon, couered ouer wyth a stone curiously wroughte, the Vaute it selfe be­ing on euery side carued with most exquisite arte, in bigg­nesse matchinge with that in Delos, which is called Trocho­ïdes. Herein euery one counterfayteth the shadowes of hys owne affections and phantasies in the nyghte season, which the Aegyptians call Mysteryes: touchinge which, god forbid, I should aduenture to discouer so much as they vouch­safed to tell mee. In lyke manner of the Decrees of Ceres, which the Grecians terme [...], that is to say, the publishinge of Lawes and Ordynances: of these matters I dare not bee very francke in speakinge, no further then re­ligion wyll permit. This is certayne, that the Daughters of Danaeus were the firste that brought this custome oute of Aegypte, and made it knowne to the women of Pelasgos.

But afterwardes mislyked of the Dores, it was vtterly a­bolyshed and lefte off in all the Countrey of Peloponnesus, sauinge of certayne Arcadians, whom the people of Pelo­ponnesus lycensed to contynewe in the Countrey, by whome the same order was retayned.

Apryes being dead Amasis raygned in his steede being of y^e Tribe of Saïs, and trayned vp in a City named Suph. In the Amisis Kinge of the Aegyp­tians. first entraunce of his raygne the Aegyptians set lyght by him, and had him in greate contempte, being spronge of no No­ble [Page 117] house, but arysinge of the common troup of the popular sorte. Whose goodwill Amasis soughte to reconcile rather by A deuise vvrought by Amasis to pur­chase the goodvvill of his subiects. pollicy then seuerity. Being therefore infinitely riche, he had amongest other his treasure, a Basen of cleane Golde where­in both him selfe and his Guestes were wont to washe their Feete. This Bason hee caused to bee beaten into the forme & Image of a god, and set it vp in a fit place of the City. The Aegyptians repayringe to the place, bowed themselues in great reuerence vnto the Image: which Amasis hauing learned by his friendes, assemblinge the people, tolde them that of the same Basen wherein him selfe, and many other of the Ae­gyptians had bene wonte to vomite, pysse, washe their feete, and all such base exercises, was framed the god that they so greatly honoured: saying, that his owne present estate was not much vnlyke vnto that Bason: for albeit, before time he had bene one of the basest degree of the people, yet now be­ing their Kinge hee ought of ryghte to bee had in honour. Whereby the Aegyptians weare so allured that they thought it meete afterwards to obeye their Prynce. Who afterwards His custome in admini­string the kingdome. obserued this Custome in dealinge with the affayres of the realme: from the morninge, vntill the places of assembly and common meeting were filled, hee sat vppon all matters, that were brought before him: spending the rest of the day amongst his companyons in swilling, drinking, & such broade and vn­seemely iesting, as if hee had bene some common rybauld or Vyce of a playe. Whereat his friendes aggrieuinge, rebuked him in these or such like termes. Most worthy Prince, it is a great blemish to your name to liue so wickedly, more meete it were for you to sit in a Throne of maiesty and decide the causes of your subiects, whereby the Aegyptians might knowe them selues to bee gouerned by a worthy Prince, and your fame bee increased throughout all the lande. To whom hee answe­red. They that owe the Bowe knowe best when to bend it: which being alway bent becommeth so weake, that it is alto­gether vnfit for those that shoulde vse it: euen so it fareth with those that [...]yreing themselues with continuall paynes, [Page] geuing no intermission to their cares, they are sodenly bereaued either of their right minde, or their perfit members.

This king, whiles hee lyued without honour, was geuen to His nature. bibbing and scoffing without measure, neuer greatly minding his affayres: and as ofte as hee wanted to serue his turne, and to yeelde supply to his pleasures, he sought mayntenance by filch­ing and stealing, whereof if happily hee were at any time atta­ched, his maner was to stand stoutly in deniall of the thing and defiance of y^e person: for which cause, being many times brought to the Oracles and places of southsaying: hee was sometime conuicted by them, and at other times acquited. Wherefore, hauing attayned to the kingdome, which of the gods soeuer had acquited him of theft, he had no regard to their temples, did no honour to them, gaue no gyftes, offered no sacrifice, esteeming them vnworthy of any reuerence, hauing geuen out a false ver­dite. And such as had pronounced him guilty, to these as to the most true gods, whose Oracles were agreeable to iustice, hee perfourmed the greatest honour hee coulde deuise. Besides, in the City of Saïs hee made a porche to the temple of Minerua, a worke of great admiration, and farre passing the rest, both in heights and bignesse, so great is the quantity of the stones that were employed in the building. Hee erected besides in the same place, diuerse Images of a wōderfull size, & the pictures of ma­ny noysome and pestilent Serpents. Hee layde there also many huge stones, to the repayring of the temple, parte of the which were digged out of the stone quarryes by Memphis: other of great quantity brought from the city of Elephantina, which is distant from Saïs 20. dayes sayling. Moreouer, that which is not the least wonder, but in my minde to bee reckoned amongst the chiefest: hee brought from Elephantina an house framed of one A house of one stone. stone: in the cariage whereof 2000. choyse men of the Mariners of Aegypt consumed three yeares. The roufe hereof on the out­side is 21. cubyts longe, 14. cubits broad, & eight cubites highe: being on the inside 22. cubytes in length, and in height 5. This house is set at the entring into the temple: geuing this reason why it was not brought into the church, for that the chiefe Ma­riner, [Page 118] when he had gotten it to that place, as wearie wyth hys dayes worke, tooke respite and breached him selfe, whereat the King being very much mooued, bad him leaue of work, not per­mitting him to labour any longer. Some say that one of those, which were busied in heauing of the stone with leauers, to haue bene bruised to death by it, and that this was the cause why it stoode without the Pallace. By the same King were erected sundry temples, built by arte very exquisitely and cunningly, whereof one hee made sacred to Vulcane: before which lyeth a great Image with the face vpwarde, in length seuenty fiue feete, being spread along vppon a pauement of stone: in the selfe same place on eache side this Image, stand two carued monu­ments of stone, twenty foote in quantity. Like vnto this is a­nother stone in Saïs, lying in the selfe same maner. In like sorte the great temple in Memphis, so gorgeous and beauti­full to the sight of all that behold it, was the handiwork also of y^e same King Amasis. In the time of this Kinges g [...]uernmente Aegypt floryshed in all wealth, being greatly increased, aswell by the ryches which the ryuer yeeldeth, as in other reuenewes which the people receyue by the countrey, which at the same time was so populous that there were then inhabited 20000 cityes. Likewise, by this Kinge it was enacted, that euerye one should yearely render accounte to the cheife president of A statute for arr [...]rages. the countrey, howe, and by what maner of trade hee gayned his lyuinge: being alwayes prouyding that such as refused to doe it at all, or beeinge called to a reckoninge, coulde shewe no lawefull meanes, howe they spent their tymes; should for the the same cause bee adiudged to dye.

Which lawe Solon borowing of the Aegyptians, did publish it in Athens, and is by them, for the profite thereof, most reli­giously obserued. Amasis vppon good affection hee bare to the Grecians, besides other benefittes franckly bestowed on them, made it lawefull, for all such as trauayled into Ae­gypte, to inhabyte the City Naucrates. And such as would not abyde in that place, hauinge more mynde to sea [...]aring for the vse of Marchaundize, to those hee gaue lybertye to [Page] Plant aulters and builde churches. So that the greatest and most famous Temple in all the land is called the Grecian tem­ple. The Cityes of the Greekes by whose charge and expence this temple was builte in Aegypte, were these: of the coun­trey of Iönia, Chius, Teus, Phocoea, Clazomene: amongst the Dorians foure Cities: Rhodus, Cnydus, Halicarnassus, Phase­lus: one City of the people of Aeolia, namely, Mitylene. To these Cityes of Greece is the Temple belonginge, by whom also are founde and mayntayned certayne Priests to serue in the same. There are other townes besides in Greece that haue some righte to the Temple, as hauing contributed some thinge to the vse of the same.

Howbeit the Temple of Iupiter, the people of Aegina built of their owne proper cost. No City toke parte with Samos in set­ting vp the Pallace of Iuno: the Milesians alone tooke vppon them to erect the Temple of Apollo. Besides these there are no other monuments built by the Grecians which remayne ex­tant in Aegypt. And if by fortune any of the Greekes passe in­to Nylus by any other way then that which serueth to lande from Greece, hee is fayne to sweare that hee was constrai­ned agaynst his will, byndinge him selfe by oath that in the same Shippe hee wyll speede him selfe into Canobicus, ano­ther Channell of the Ryuer so called: and if by contrarye wyndes hee bee hindered from arryuinge there: hee muste hyre caryage by water, and so ferry the nexte way to Nau­crates. In such sorte were the Grecians tyed to that City, be­inge by reason of their trafique thyther, had in principall ho­noure. Nowe whereas the Pallace of Amphiction whiche is nowe at Delphos, beeing straungely pearyshed by fyre, was gone in hande with a freshe, vppon price of three hundred tallentes: the people of Delphos which were leauyed at the fourth parte of the charges, straying aboute all countryes, gathered very much, being chiefly assysted by the Aegyptians.

Amasis the Kinge, bestowinge on them a thowsande tal­lents of Asume, and the Grecians that were abyding in Ae­gypt twenty pound. Moreouer, with the Cyrenaeans Prynce [Page 119] Amasis entred friendship, and strooke a league of fellowship with the same, insomuch, that he thought meete to enter as [...]y­aunce Ladyce, vvife to Amasis. with them, taking a wife of that countrey, eyther for af­fection he bare to the women of Greece, or in respecte of hys loue to the Cyrenaeans. His wife, as some say, was the daugh­ter of Battus sonne of Arcesilaus, as others reporte, of Crito­bulus a man of chiefe credite and regarde amongst those with whome he dwelt. His Ladies name was Ladyce, a woman of surpassing beautie, with whome, the King beeing in bed, was so strangely benummed, and daunted in courage, as if he had bene an Eunuch, not able to execute any dutie of a man, wher­at the King himselfe beeing greately agast, feeling himselfe frollicke in the company of other women, and so faint to hys Lady Ladyce, on a time began to taunt her in these tearmes. Can it be thou filthy and detestable hagge, that by any meanes I should refrayne from doing thee to the most miserable death that can be deuised, which hast thus inchaunted and bewitched my body? In faith minion, I will coniure this diuell of yours, and assure thy selfe, if thy lucke be not the better, thou shalt not liue two dayes to an ende. The poore Lady standing stiffely in her owne defence, and nothing preuayling to appease his fury, vowed within her selfe to the goddesse Venus, that in case it might please her to inable Amasis to performe the du­ties of an husband, and accompany with her the same night, she would dedicate an image vnto her at Cyrenae. Hir prayers being heard, Amasis became so frollicke, that before the mor­ning they arose the best contented folkes on the earth, euer af­ter that finding hymselfe so apt to enioy the delightes of his Lady, that he tooke greatest pleasure in her company, and lo­ued her most entirely of all other. Ladyce remembring her vowe she had made to Venus, thought good to performe it, and framing a most beautifull and curious image, she sente it to the city Cyrenae, which stoode vnperished vnto our dayes, being placed by the citizens without the towne. The same La­dyce, Cambyses King of Persia vanquishing Aegypt vnder­standing what she was, sent her without any manner shame or violence into her owne countrey. By this King Amasis were [Page] many giftes distributed of singulare price and value. To Cy­renae he sent the image of Minerua, garnished all ouer wyth gilt, and his owne personage most curiously shadowed by a Paynter. Likewise to the city Lindus he gaue two images of the goddesse Minerua wrought in stone, with a linnen stoma­cher most excellently imbrodered by arte. Moreouer, to the goddesse Iuno in Samus, two pictures expressing her diuine beautie, of most exquisite workemanship. Which bountie he exercised towards the Samians for the great friendship he bare to their King Polycrates the sonne of Aeaces. But to the city Lyndus, why he should shewe hymselfe so franke and liberall, no other reason serued, sauing that the fame wente that the great temple of Minerua in Lindus was builded by y^e daugh­ters of Danaus after they were knowne, and had escaped the daungers intended against them by the sonnes of Aegyptus. These and many other excellente giftes were dispersed and giuen abroade by King Amasis. By whome also the city Cyprus which was deemed of all men inuincible, and had neuer before beene vanquished by any, was conque­red, taken, and brought vnder tribute.