SIr, holding my selfe beholding vnto you, for many kind courtesies, I cannot but oftentimes bend and busie my deuise, to thinke how (in some sort) to thanke you for the same; and if not fully to discharge, yet freely to acknowledge and professe my debt: to satisfie (I say) in desire, when in deed I am not able. But, howsoeuer in other performances I shall be weake, yet I will not faile to leaue a large memorie of your true habit of honestie and vertue: and in the meane season not omit to visit you with such exercises of penne, as the streightnes of other occasions shall permit me leisure to contriue. For this present I haue made choyce to present vnto you, a small enlargement of certaine passages of speech, lately raised at the table of N. which, being much frequented by persons of most principall note, hath commonly the great varietie of dishes, answered with like varietie of discourse.

The first part of the dinner was passed ouer in a sad and sober silence, our tongues seeming to giue place to the office of our teeth; and euery man commending the goodnesse of our fare, by close feeding vpon the same. At the last silence was broken, and some speeches spent in matters of conceit. In which veine one of the companie tooke often occasion to speake of a Terrible blow; alluding to the same words in that letter, whereby the late practise against his Maiestie and the whole body of the State, was beaten out and brought into light. Hereupon N. did breake forth into a liberall commendation of the Lord Mounteagle, to whom the letter was directed: affirming, that hee was a personage of true honour and merit, for that by his felicitie and faith, not onely the liues of many thousand particular persons, and whatsoeuer else was deerest vnto them, but the life also of this Empire was at that time preserued; that his high Nobilitie, enobled and made pretious both with curtesie and magnanimitie, had now iustly placed him in the formost ranke of same. He proceeded to declare, the fashion of that hot and hatefull attempt: what faire opportunitie was thereby opened to secure our selues, from the fierie furie of those homebred enemies, who, rather than wee should not bee destroyed, would ouerwhelme vs in the ruines of the state: That seueritie could not hereupon be interpreted crueltie; that hereupon nothing could be interpreted to be done in regard of religion, but onely for the necessarie defence of our safetie.

This speech was diuersly taken, according as affections were diuersely disposed; some did liuelie, some faintly, and (as it was coniectured) fainedly approue it; none did openly oppose against it.

From this, they fell to talke of the Bill propounded in Parliament against Recusants; and of the Oath of supremacie, which was appointed generally to be taken. Of the first they did but sparingly speake, as being a matter then handled in highest place of deliberation: vpon the second they maintained a longer stay. N. repeated many conueniences for which this Oath ought generally to bee taken. Whereto a certaine Knight replied, not directly contradicting him, but inuoluing his intents in such soft and nice distinctions, that hee seemed rather to declare that he would not haue the Oath imposed at all, then in what fashion he would haue it imposed.

These obscure speeches hauing bred some incertaintie, whilest euery man rather coniectured then assured what should be ment: and controuersies of conu • niencie being not alwaies easie to bee determined by way of discourse, because all men are apt to attribute much to their owne conceits; I drew the question to a higher degree. Affirming, that it seemed not onely conuenient, but necessarie also in all grounds and reasons of State, that a King who acknowledgeth no superiour vnder God, should be acknowledged to haue supreame authoritie vnder God in Ecclesiasticall affaires: That this is a principall point of Regalitie, and therefore necessarily annexed to the soueraigne maiestie of euery state: That it is a hard matter if not impossible, for any nation, either to grow or long time to continue very great, wherein a foraine power doth hold the regiment in Religion: That in all ancient Empires and Common wealthes it hath been vsed, That;

I could not finish that which I was about to speak, being interrupted by a confused clamour of three or foure at the table, who esteemed that which I had said, not for a paradoxe, but for an Adoxe, or flat absurditie: seeing many Christian countries, both lately and at this present, haue admitted forain gouernment in matters of religion.

By this time the Basons and Ewers were set vpon the table, and all of vs were attentiue to the giuing of thankes. After wee had washed, and the cloath was taken away. N. in this sort renewed speech.

What hath been the vse of auncient Empires and Common-wealths, concerning supreame gouernment in matters pertaining to religion, I haue not (I doe confesse) obserued: But it seemeth indeed, that the politicall gouernment in Ecclesiasticall affaires should be a point of Regalitie; and that it is a hard matter, if not impossible, for any state either to grow or long time to continue very great, wherein a forraine power doth hold the regiment in religion. At the least, either to grow or continue any greater, then that forraine power shall thinke expedient.

That which from me was openly reiected, being allowed by N. and in the very same words by him repeated, found good acceptance among the rest. Whereupon I tooke occasion to say, that speech (I perceiued) was oftentimes like vnto coine, which passed for currant, not in regard of the mettall onely, but chiefely in regard of the stampe that was set vpon it.

Nay, said N. beautifying his speech with a courteous smile, we will also bring your mettall to the touch. There is but one truth in religion, which is not subiect to any humane power: but the discipline thereof, or matters of circumstance and externall forme, are held by our Church to depend vpon the power of the Prince. If question be made touching matter of substance, the same also may be determined within the realme, by the Clergie thereof, assembled together by authoritie of the Prince. Or if the Clergie of any other countrie should be taken to assistance or aduice, they come as equals, and not as superiours. For so Eusebius Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 34. reporteth, that Cyprian Bishop of Carthage did aduise with the Bishop of Rome, concerning the affaires of the Church: and that Dyonise of AlexandriaEuseb. lib. 6. cap. 46. & lib. 7. cap. 5. & 9. aduised in like sort with Cornelius, Stephen and Sixtus Bishops of Rome, without attributing vnto them either title or qualitie, otherwise then as men of their owne order and ranke.

Now, I haue read many controuersies in Diuinitie concerning this question, whereof the multitude doth rather cloy then content; and therefore I will not embarke you in that disputation. If you can make proofe out of other writers, that this authoritie in matters of religion, is a right of Regalitie, it will follow (I suppose) that it cannot without apparant danger depend vpon a foraine power. If also you do manifest, that in all principall Empires and Common-wealths, this authoritie hath bin exercised by the chiefe in state, you may probably conclude that it is a Regalitie. For these rights doe little varie, but remaine in a manner the very same in all states, of what kind soeuer they are. And although true religion is reuealed vnto vs by God, yet religion in the generall proceedeth from nature; in regard whereof, there is some coherence and communitie in all sorts of religions; as to acknowledge that there is a God; to worship him; to worship him by oblation and sacrifice &c. For although all nations doe not acknowledge and worship the true God, yet there is no nation (as Cicero De Nat. deo. lib. 1. saith) which doth not both acknowledge and adore some. These generall points which naturally, or by consent of nations are common in religion, may well bee considered without contending which religion in particular is true. For this will hardly by all parties be agreed: because euery man (as Philo saithPhil. de leg •• .) either by vse or by instruction iudgeth his owne religion best. SoChrysost. in Act. homil. 33. Chrysostome affirmeth, that in all differencies of religion, euery man will say, I say true Singuli dicunt, ego verum dico.. But this argument which you haue propounded being new; this point being not pointed at by any whom I haue seene, I would gladly here you fortifie the same.

The argument being new (answered I) and now newly raysed into question, you must not engage your expectation too farre; I shall doe much, if I minister some matter for better iudgements to work into forme.

The rights of Soueraignty or of maiesty, so termed by Cicero; and by Liuie, the rights of Empire, and of Imperiall Maiestie; by Tacitus, sacraregni; by Aristotle, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; by the Lawyers, Sacra sacrorum; sacra indiuidua; iura sublimia; by the Feudistes, iura regalia; are nothing else, but an absolute and perpetuall power, to exercise the highest actions and affaires in some cretaine state. These are the proper qualities of Soueraigne or Maiesticall power; that it be both absolute and also perpetuall. If it be absolute but not perpetuall, th • n is it not soueraigne; for such power hath been oftentimes committed, by the Romanes to their Dictators, by the Lacedemonians to their Harmostes; by many Kings to their Regents, Viceroyes or Lieutenants. But because they haue no proprietie of power inherent in them, but only an execution or exercise thereof committed to their charge, vnder limitation of time; because also it may vpon iust cause bee reuoked within that time; they are not accounted to haue the same in Soueraignetie. And this holdeth true, although such power bee committed for a very long time; as the Athenians did to their great Archos for tenne yeres: although it bee committed also in a most ample manner, which the auncient Latines called optima lege, without controlement or account; such as had the Pontifices in Rome; or as the Cuidians euery yeere chose 60. of their Citizens whom for this cause they called Amimones; that is, men without imputation or account. And lastly, although it be without certaine limitation of time; as sometimes had the Regents of France, created for the infancie, furie or absence of their King; who before the law of Charles the fifth, dispatched matters in their proper name.

Againe, if it be perpetuall but not absolute, as either depending vpon some other, or else giuen either vpon charge, or with exception and restraint, then is it not soueraigne. For such power was giuen by decree of Charles the fifth Emperor to the Senate of Milan; To confirme the constitutions of the Prince, as also to infirme and abrogate the same; to dispence contrarie to the statutes; to make enablements, giue prerogatiues, graunt restitutions &c. that no appeale should be made from the Senate &c. And whatsoeuer they should doe, should haue like force as if it were done or decreed by the Prince. Non tamen possit delictorum veniam tributre, aut litteras saluiconductus reis criminū dare. Yet might they not graunt pardon for offences, or giue letters of safe conduct vnto parties conuicted. So likewise in the ancient forme of inaugurating the Kings of Arragon, the great Magistrate or Iustice said thus vnto him: Wee who are in vertue not inferiour, and in power greater then thy selfe, create thee King; yet with this condition, that one amongst vs shal haue more power and command then thy selfe.

I will not particularly rehearse what actions are proper vnto soueraigne power: generally it may be said, that those affaires of state, which are of greatest importance and weight, are annexed vnto the soueraigne Maiestie, and cannot be separated from the same. For, because some matters are of so high nature, that vpon the ordring of them dependeth, not onely the honour and dignitie, but the safetie also and libertie of the people; not the florishing constitution only, but the very life and being of the Common-wealth; it hath been thought fit by generall consent of Nations, that they cannot bee managed by any other authoritie, than that wherein the soueraignetie is setled; whether it be in one man, as in a Monarchie; or in a few, as in an Aristocrace; or in all, as in a popular or Democraticall gouernment. They cannot bee vsurped, they cannot beAlex. in l. filiae qua de lib. & post. Card. Flor. & Ias. in prooem. s ••• . Mart. l aud. in c. 1. qui feud. da. Imola. in Rub. ae • e • b. obl • g. prescribed they cannot bee distracted or aliened from the same, they cannot be absolutely exercised by any other, than by them who beare the supreame Maiestie. They to whose trust a Common-weale is committed, must order the chiefest affaires of the same: they who are appointed for the very head of a societie, must giue both direction and motion to the principall actions of the whole bodie. And therfore they are termed sacra sacrorum Baid. in prooem. seud., as hath been said; and also, iura indiuidua Cyn. in l. si viua. c. de bo mat. Bald in auth. hoc amplius. c. de side • com. Ang. Bald. in l. om • es C. de praescript. Plat. in l. si quis decurto. Feli. in Rub de praese 10. And • in cap. vlt. de praeb. lib. 6. Alex. cons. 141. lib. 1. no. 2. because they are ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) the firme foundation and groundworke of a state, and can no waies be separated from the soueraigntie thereof.

But there is nothing in a Common-wealth of so high nature, nothing of so important weight, as is Religion; for this conserueth families, as Euripides In Bacchis: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . testifieth, and is a most excellent ornament in a CitieEu •• p. 〈◊〉 supplic. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .: yea, Lactantius affirmeth it the onely meanes to knit and conserue men in mutuall societieTrast. de • ra. cap. 12. re •• gto & • imor deisolus est qui custodit hominam inter sesoctetatc • .: and that without religion the life of man would be filled with all foolishnes, madnesse and mischiefe. So likewise Plutarch Plut. contra Colot. calleth religion, the band which containeth all societies, and the very foundation of iustice and lawes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .. For as a building cannot be either faire or firme, if the foundation be not fairely and firmely laid; so if there bee defect in this part of gouernment, the whole frame of state will be neither seemly nor yet sure. Sinesius saithOrat. de regno. ; First let pietie be setled, the base and piller whereupon this Statue of a kingdome shall firmely stand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .. Plutareh Plut. contra Colot. was of opinion, that a Citie might more easily be built and not vpon the ground, than a Common-wealth either constituted or conserued, if you take away Religion 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .. And therefore Numa in Liuie •• u lib. 1. did first of all establish Religion as a most effectuall thing to settle the vnskilfull multitude Omntum primum rem ad multitudinem imperitam efficacissima, deorum metum inveiend • ratus.. Afterwards also Valerius Valcr. lib. 1. cap. 1. witnesseth, that the Citie of Rome made lesse estimation of all things than of Religion Om • ia post religi •• en ponenda ciuita • nostra duxit.. For this cause likewise Aristotle Arist. 7. P • l • t. cap. 8. affirmeth, that the principall care in a Common wealth must be concerning matters of Religion 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .. First, for that it setleth obe • tence and quiet within the state; being a bridle to retaine men in order and in awe: for so Cyrus reasoneth in Xenophon Xenoph. P • d. lib. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .: If all men should be religiously affected they would beare themselues more iust and vpright in cariage, both among themselues and towards him. Secondly, for that it is an assured defence; for so Trismegast • s saithA • ud La • tantium 11. inst cap. 16. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .; Pietie is a custodie and defence. Thirdly, for that it aduanceth victories abroad: For so Cicero Cic orat de 〈◊〉 . rest on non call • ditate • word • robo • c sed pie • a • e ac relligione omnes gentes nation 〈◊〉 super au • sse. aduoweth, that, not by policie, not by power, but by pietie and religion, the Romanes vanquished all other nations. And so Valerius hath written:Va 〈◊〉 lib. 1. cap. 1. Non dubitauerunt sacris imperia seraire: its sererum humanarum futura regimen existimantia, si diuinae po ••••• ae bene atque constaater essent samelata. Empires haue not thought much to submit themselues to sacred seruice, supp • sing to obtaine the rule of humane affaires, if they were we and constantly seruiceable in diuine. Also the Poets; H • rat. Dis te minorem quod geris, imperas. Generally, for that in all affaires whether publike or priuate, it draweth our endeuours to a prosperous euent, for the most part better found in the end, than it can be coni • ctured by the meanes. For so Aristotle did acknowledgeArist. Rhet. ad Alex. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ., That God is more fauourable and inclinable to those by whō he is most honoured.

On the contrarie, it is impossible for that State to stand, much lesse to florish and thriue, where those two extreames of religion are highly in strength, whereto Plutarch Plut. in Camillo. saith, the weakenes of man is exceeding prone; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . the one is vaine superstition; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . the other is cold carelesnesse and proud contempt. The first Plutarch Plut. in Sertorio. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . doth appropriate to barbarous people; Seneca Senec. epist. 124. Superstitio error insanus est, am • dos colit, quos colit violat. termeth it a mad error: Cicero Cic. 1. de siuib. superstitione qui est imbutus, quietus esse non potest. saith that it stirreth the minds of men and maketh them vnquiet. And that it breaketh the courage and heart, Lucretius doth in these words affirme: Faciunt animos humiles formidine diuûm depressos que premunt ad terram. The second is called by Hermes, Herm. cap. 12. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . a great disease and sicknes of the soule, making it inclinable to all actions that are euill. From hence ariseth discord and disturbance in the state: from hence Cicero Cic. 5. in Ver. omnia prospera eueniunt colentibus D • os, aduersa speraeatibus. saith, great calamities are cast vpon it: which is also confirmed by that of Horace: Di multa neglecti dederunt, Hesperiae mala luctuosae.

For these causes Cicero De nat. deo li. 2. eorum imperus remp. amplificatam qui religio ••• s paruissent. obserued, that the Common-wealth of the Romans was most enlarged vnder the command of them, who had religion in regard. After him Constantine the Emperour left written, l. 16. in qualibet. de Episc. & cle. C. Theod. that a Common-wealth is contained in order, more by religion then by trauaile of body. And Iustinian also professed,Nouel. 42. circa fi. that he was the more carefull about the gouernment of the Church, because, If that be kept in good fashion and forme, the other parts of gouernment shall thereby be redressed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ..

Hereupon also it is necessarilie expedient, that they who beare the soueraigntie of State, should alwaies manage the affaires of religion; either by themselues, or by some at their appointment within the same State; and neuer receiue direction and rule from a foraine power. For the Church (saith Optatus) is a part of the State: and (as another said)Afer episc. Religio debet esse in rep. non contra. Religion must bee in a Common-wealth, and not the contrarie. Vpon which ground Diotogenes in Stoboeus said; A perfect King must of necessitie bee a good Commander, and Iudge, and Priest 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . And againe: the best must bee held in honour by the best, and that which ruleth by him that beareth rule 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .. But Aristotle in this point is most expresse, (For I must often cite these Authors to giue satisfaction vnto those, who regard more by whom a thing is spoken, then what is said.)Arist. Polit. lib. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . The King (saith hee) is ruler and directer of those things that pertaine vnto the Gods. Whereunto somewhat agreeth that of Iustine; Iustin. lib. 8. Iure ille à dijs proximus habetur, per quem deorum maiestas vindicatur. he is accounted next vnto God by whom the Maiestie of God is maintained.

For, how should he be esteemed a Soueraigne, who, in the greatest actions and affaires of the State, acknowledgeth the iurisdiction of another greater then himselfe? what maiestie should he be adiudged to beare, who is vnder the authority of another man? to reuerse his iudgements, to correct his lawes, to restraine or constraine him at pleasure and with case? Religion is seated within the soule and conscience of man, and is a most potent ruler of the same. The life (saith Plinie Lib. 14. nat. hist. Religione vitae constat.) consisteth in religion. If then the consciences of a people be commanded by a stranger, if their soules be subiect to a forraine power, if their liues be at the seruice of an external Prince; it is but a weake, but a dead dominion, which the naturall Prince shall hold ouer their bodies. That Prince whose subiects soules are in subiection to a stranger for matters of religion, shall neither preuaile more against his enemies, nor beare greater authoritie amongst his owne people, then that stranger shall limit him leaue.

All men of themselues are moued with religionCic. in 5. in Verrem. omnes religione mouentur., but when they are also thrust on by those, who make it their purchase (as Liuie speakethtiu lib. 4. quibus quaestui sunt capti superstitione animi.) to possesse soules with superstition, then doe they not inconsideratly only, but in a wild furie runne and rush vpon most desperate aduentures. The multitude (saith Curtius Curt. lib. 4. vbi vana religione capta est, melius vatibus quam ducibus suis paret.) being weake, fierce and mutable, when it is once possessed with vaine religion, is more obedient to their Priests, then to their Commander or Prince.

Diodorus Siculus Lib. 6. cap. 10 hath a memorable Historie concerning this point, of the Priests of Iupiter, in the Iland Meroe, enuironed with the riuer Niliu; who held the people of Aethiopia in so superstitious dependancie vpon them, that they would send to them at pleasure, and giue in charge the slaughter of their Kings; no man making offer either to deny or to delay their cruell command. vntill Ergamenes, a King of Aethiopia suddenly surprised and slew them all, whereby both their office and authority did surcease.

Florus Flo. 3. cap. 16. writeth that Eunus a slaue counterfeiting a fanaticall furie, and pretending some diuine inspiration, was able to see 60. thousand armed men in the face of the Romans, euen in the principal time of their policie and strength; being then hardlie able to deliuer Sicilia frō his subiection. Iosephus reportethIoseph. 2. bel. Iud. cap. 12. of an Aegyptian in the time of the Emperour Claudius, who bearing himselfe to be a Prophet, vnder that pretext adioined 30. thousand men vnto him, in the country of Iudea; with whom he maintained head against the forces of the Romans. Tacitus Tac. 2. hist. writeth the like of Maricus, who giuing forth that he was the God and deliuerer of Gallia, drew 8. thousand men vnto him, with whom he attempted against the Romane garrisons.

One of our late writersBodin. lib. 1. reporteth, that because in one chapter of the Alcoron, all the Musulman Princes are forbidden to call themselues Lords, except their Caliph or great Vicar of their Prophet Muhamed, by colour thereof, the Mahometan Bishops vsurped absolute soueraignety, aboue all their Princes; disposing of principalities at their pleasure, vnder the name and title of gouernments. At last the Muselman Princes supposing that Chapter not to haue been inserted by Mahamed their Law-giuer, but by their Caliphes, for aduancing their owne authoritie, at such time when of diuers corrupt Alcorons they composed one, long time after the death of Muhamed; they tooke aduantage of a diuision among their great Bishops, when three of them did take vpon them the title of great Caliph together, and thereupon the Princes of Persia, the Curdes, the Turkes, the Tartars, the Sultans of Aegypt, the Kings of Marrocco, of Fez, of Telensin, of Tanes, of Bugia, the people of Zenetes, and of Luntune quitted themselues of their obeysance to the Caliphes, and maintained Soueraigntie within their states.

Elmahel in AfricaLeo. lib. 2., hauing gained a great opinion of sanctitie among the people of Marocco, raised them against Abraham their King, and dispoyled him both of his Empire and life.Leo. lib. 3. With like industrie and art an other impostor called Chemin Mennal stirred the people against the King of Fesse, and constrained him by armes to yeeld vnto him the kingdome of Temesna. Annal. Turc. Schacoculis being of the sect of the Persians, by pretence of piety gathered such strength, that he tooke many Cities in Asia, ouerthrew the Turkes forces in three great battailes, and brought his whole Empire to a dangerous distresse.

How Iohn of Leiden, a Taylor by his trade, set all Germany in vproare and in armes, by bearing himselfe to be a principall man in religion, it scarce exceedeth the memory of this present age. And what practises in this kind, haue been either atchieued or attempted in other Christian countries, I shall haue occasiō hereafter to touch. But for auoiding of these and the like dangers, I find that two policies were aunciently obserued. One consisted in excluding all externall ceremonies and rites: the other was, in comm • ting the gouernment for matters of Religion, to the soueraigne power and authoritie in the State.

In regard of the first, the Iewes would not conuerse or accompanie a man who was not of their owne religion. Among the Grecians, Socrates and Protagoras were condemned, Anaxagoras and Aristotle were accused for holding opinions contrarie to their receiued religion. Iosephus writethIoseph. lib. 2. co • it. sp ••• . 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ., that the Athenians had a seuere law against any man who should speake a word in religion, against that which was established by law. The Scythians put Anacharsis to death, for performing the tites of Bacchus after the manner of the Grecians. Liuie writeth that among the Romanes, the Aediles receiued in part of their charge,Ne qui • isi Romani dij, neue alto more quam patrio colerc • tur. that no externall religion or ceremony should be brought in. And to the same purpose M. Aemilius recited a decree;Liu. lib. 15. ne quis in publico sacroue loco, nouo au • externo ritu sacrificaret. that no man should sacrifice in a publike or sacred place, after a new or externall rite. How often (saith the same Liuie Lib. 39. quoties patrum auorumque aetate negotiu magisti, atibus datum est, vt sacra externa sicri vitarent.) haue our fathers and ancestors giuen charge to the Magistrates, that externall ceremonies should bee forbidden? Maecenas in Dio Dio lib. 52. gaue this exhortation and aduice to Augustus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Obserue religion after the fashion of your country, and compell others to do the like: but those who bring in strange and foraine rites, hate and correct; because they perswade many to worke alterations, from whence conspiracies, and seditions are oftentimes occasioned.

Concerning the second point, Iustine Iustin lib. 36. mos est apud Iudaeos, vt cosdem reges & sacerdotes hab rent. reporteth that it was a custome among the Iewes, to haue the same men both Princes and Priests. This was at sometimes true in the gouernment of the Iewes. At other times the Kings gaue order in matters of religion, and appointed not only inferiour Priests and officers (as did Iosias 2. Chron. 35. 2.) but also high Priests (as did King Salomon 1. Reg. 2. 25.) to execute the same. For this cause Moses left in chargeDeut. 17. 19., that the King should reade in the booke of the law all the daies of his life; that he might learne to feare the Lord his God, and to keepe all the words of that law, and those ordinances for to dee them. For this cause also they were sacred with oyle, to declare (saith Eusebius Lib. 1. Ecclesihist.) both their dutie and authoritie in matters of religion. From hence it proceeded, that as the Kings prooued good or euill, so the true religion was either obserued or neglected. From hence also Tacitus Lib. 3. hist. Iudaeis sacerabtij hon • s firmamentum potentiae erat. hath written: The honor of Priesthood is a great assurance of power to the Iewes. The Scriptures doe further testifie, that Melchisedeen was both King and Priest; and that Balak King of Moab offered sacrifice together with Balaam.

The Aegyptians from amongst whom the Iewes were extracted, and with whom they communicated in many ceremonies, are reported likewise by some, to haue annexed the royall and priestly dignitie together. Marcilius Ficinus affirmethIn praef. lib. Trismeg. out of Plato, and Seuerus in Stob •• us Serm 41. that their custome was to elect Priests out of their Philosophers: and out of their Priests, whom Diodorus Lib. 2. cap. 3. placeth next in dignitie to the King (as Strabo Strab. lib. 11. writeth of the Priests of the Albanes) to make choice of the best approued for their King. Wherupon Mercurius the grand-child of that Mercurie, who was sonne to Iupiter and Maia, being called by the Aegyptians Tenot, by the Grecians was named Trismegistus, which signifieth thrice greatest, because he was the greatest Philosopher (for so is he also termed by Tertullian Aduers. Valent.) the greatest Priest and the greatest King; although Suidas coniectureth that name to be giuen him, because he did expressely write of the Trinitie.

Strabo saithStra. lib. 5., that in Aritia hee was a King who was Priest of Diana; the same is confirmed by Suetonius In Calig c. 35, and mentioned by diuers Poets, namely Ouid De arte amand. lib. 1.. Ecce suburbanae templum nemorale Dianae, Parta que per gladios regna nocente mann. And Lucane Lib 3.; Qua sublime nemus Scythicae qua templa Diana. And Valer. FlaccusArgonant. lib. 2; —Etsol • non mitis Aritia regt. And la • tly by Martial Epigram. 64. lib. 9.; Qua tri • ne nemerosa petit, dum regna viator Octauum demina marmor ab vrbe legit. The like doth Hartius I • bel. Alexand. report to be obserued in the Temple of Be • ona, in Cappadocia. The like also doth Virgil Aeneid. 3. write of Anins:

Diodorus Siculus Lib. 6. cap. 10 affirmeth, that the Priests of Pantheon were both Leaders in the field, and also Iudges and arbitratours in controuersies of right. Strabo testifiethLib. 12. that in Zela, the Priest had supreme both dignitie and authoritie in all things.Iust. lib. 11. Iustine writeth, that Mida, sonne of Gordius King of Phrygia, being by Orpheus entred into the orders of the sacred and solemne mysteries of those times, filled all Phrygia with religion: wherewith he more assured himselfe, then hee did by armes. Tacitus De mor, Ger. reporteth that among the Germanes, it was permitted to no man to beate or bind or otherwise to punish, but only to the Priests. Strabo saithLib. 12. that in Cuma of Pontus the Priest did weare a Diadem twise in the yeere, which is the ensigne of a King. Vitru • i • s Lib. 2. cap. 8. declareth that among the Trallians, the principall Priest had a princely Palace appointed for his aboad. Diodorous Siculus Lib. 17. cap. 4. Orosius Oros. lib. 4. cap. 6. and Pausanias Paus. in Baeot. siue lib. 9. doe write, that the priest of Hercules in Tyre was apparrelled in purpure, and did weare a Diadem vpon his head. Herodiane Herodian. lib. 5. writeth, that the Priest of the Sunne among the Phoenicians, was attired in a long garment, consisting onely of purpure and gold; and did weare a Crowne of gold set with precious stones; and that Heliogabalus, being Emperour of Rome did exercise that priesthood. Ferd. Lopex Lib. 1. hist. Ind. cap. 14. affirmeth, that the Kings of Malabar in East India are Priests or Bramenes, and must die in their sacred place, as men consecrated vnto God. And in China there is an auncient law, that no religion bee brought in, without allowance of the King and of his Councell: he that violateth this law is punished by death.

In the first great Empire, Berosus hath left written, that Ninus first dedicated Temples to Iupiter Belus and Iuno his parents, and caused them to bee honoured as Gods. Zamies Ninias his sonne exceedingly both amplified and adorned these Temples. Belochus with the rule of his Empire exercised also the office of the high Priest of the same Iupiter Belus; and for that cause the name Belochus was giuen vnto him.

The Kings of Persia, vnder whose gouernment the second great Empire was founded, are acknowledged by all writers to haue been inaugurated to be the Princes of their sacred ceremoniesCic. de diuinat..

In Athens and Lacedaemonia, the two eyes of Greece, as Leptines Apud Arist. Rhet. 3. cap. 10. and Iustine Iust. lib. 5. doe rightly tearme them; the ceremonies of their religion were ordered by their Kings. The Athenians had their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or King, as Demosthenes testifiethContra Neaeram., who was president and chiefe directer in all their sacred ceremonies. Xenophon saithDe Repub. Laced., that the Kings of the Spartanes or Laced • monians, so soone as they were assumed to that state of dignitie, did discharge also the office of chiefe Priest, to the celestiall and Lacaedemonian Iupiter. Alexander the great Monarch of Greece did oftentimes offer sacrifice, giue order for their kinde of religious obseruations; and at the last commaunded diuine honours to bee done vnto Q Curt. himselfe.

Among the Romanes this was one of their ancient royall lawes: Sacrorum omnium potestas sub regibus est • : Let all sacred matters bee vnder the power of Kings. Which law was stablished by their first King Romulus, but seemeth also to haue been more anciently in vse: insomuch as Seruius Lib. 10. Aeneid. super illud Virgilij. Vigilas ne deū gens? Aenaea? vigila. noteth, that Virgil alwaies bringeth in Aeineas as president both in action and drection in all offices of their religion. Whereof Ouid Fast. also seemeth to make mention in these words.

After Romulus, Numa Pōpilius performed al those sacrifices and ritesLiu. lib. 1., which afterward were committed to y• Diall Flamen. Dyonisius Halicarnassaeus Hali. lib. 2. and Plutarch Plut. in Numa. doe affirme, that he did beare the office of Pontifex: Liuie Liu. lib 1. Dec. 1. writeth, that hee committed the same to one of the chiefe Senators named Marcius. Of these two Kings Cicero Cic. lib 2. de nat. Deo. saith: Romulus auspicijs, Numa sacris constitutis fundamenta ieccrunt Romanae ciuitatis. The Kings succeeding performed the most high and sacred rites of their religion; with whom as Liuie Lau. 1. Decad. lib. 2. writeth, the Priests tooke often aduice, concerning sacrifices and al sorts of ceremonies: Whereupon Dionysius Halicarnassaeus affirmeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ., that they had the principalitie or chiefest rule of sacred matters, and of sacrifices, and that all things pertaining to diuine worship were ordered by them.

After that the Kings were cast out of state, that the chiefest in power had authoritie to giue order in religion, it may appeare by the two decrees of Senate before cited out of Liuie, for excluding the vse of foraine ceremonies and rites: but more plainely it appeareth in that it was decreed;Nequa Bacchamalia Romae neue in Italia essent, si quis tale sacrum solenne ac necessarium duceret, nec sine religione ac piaculo se id omit. lere posse, apud pr • torem vrbanum profiteretur, partor senatum consuleret: Si ei permissum esset cum in senatu centum, non minus essent, ita id sacrum fieret, dum ne plus quinque sacrificio interessent. that no Bacchanalls should be kept either at Rome or within Italie: if any man should esteeme such sacred solomnitie to be necessarie, and that hee could not omit it without offence and violation of Religion, he should declare the same to the citie Praetor, the Praetor should consult with the Senate. If it should be permitted him when a hundred (and no fewer) should be assembled in Senate, that solemnitie might be performed, so that no more than fiue should be present at the Sacrifice.

And although the name of King at that time was hatefull to the Romanes, yet they created a King whom they called Rex Sacrificulus Liu. lib. 2., or Rex sacrificus Gell. lib. 10. cap. 15., to performe those offices of their religion, which in former times were proper to their KingsFestus Pompeius lib 17.. His office was not annuall but perpetuallDio • . Halic. lib. 4.; which ioyned to his high title, lest it should draw him to dangerous attempts, they stripped him of all ciuill authoritie. He might not beare either charge in the armieDionys. vbi 5., or magistracie in the common wealth.Plut. Probl. cap. 63. He might not make any oration to the people, nor deale with them about publike affayres. His authoritie was restrained only to religion; to offer sacrifices, and to determine doubts, if any did arise. His person was sacred as Seruius notethAe • eid. 8. super illud Virgilij. Nec no Tarquinnium ciectum Porsenna Iubebat accipere., so that neither violence notr despight might be offered vnto him: And yet the greatest Pontifex was preferred before himLi • . 1. Dec. lib. 2. D on • s. lib. 5. Feuestel. de sacer • . c. 1 • ; insomuch as in their festiuall solemnities hee was placed next to their greatest Pontifex, aboue all the Flaminos Gell. lib. 10. cap. 15.. His daughters might not be compelled to become VestalsFea • stel. de sacred Rom.. His wise was called Regina sacrorum Festus Pomp. lib. 9.; who euery Calendes did offer sacrifice to Macrob. & Ouid. de • ast. Iuno, her head circled with a white wand of a Pomegranate tree, called inarculum; to whom the Vestals resorted vpon a certaine day in the yeere, to admonish her not to neglect the solemne rites committed to her charge.

They erected also a Colledge of Pontifices Lin 1. Dec. lib. 10., First consisting of foure, afterwards encreased to eight, lastly by Sylla enlarged to fifteeneApp • an. Plut. Plin. secundus de vir. illust. cap. 75.. Their office was both to preserue and interpret all solemnities pertaining to their religion; to keepe a true record and remembrance of them: to bee carefull that no Roman ceremonie were neglected, and no externall obseruation brought in: to determine what things were sacred, and what prophane: to appoint what sacrifices were to be offred, vpon what daies, in what Temples, in what manner, and whence the charge should bee suppliedLiu. lib. 1.; to decide doubtes concerning funerall obsequies, performancies of vowes and oathes, obseruation of festiuall times and such like. If in any matter they did differ in iudgement, that was obserued wherein the greatest part, being three at least, did fully agree. They had also the interpretation of the Ciuill laweCic. de legib. lib. 2., which for many yeeres was reputed sacred among the Romanes. They kept the Annales (as Cicero saithCic. de orat. lib. 2.) of most memorable accidents, and atchieuments euery yeere, which were termed Annales maximi, as Macrobius Lib. 3. Saturn. ca. 2. doth write; and did set them forth in a white table called album pontificium, out of which it was free for any man to write them. It was also a part of their charge to repaire the bridgesVarr. lib. 1. de ling. lat. Plut. in Numa., which vntil the time that Aemilius was Questor were made of timberMarlianus in topographia vet Rom., and not fastned together with any iron or brasseHalicar. lib. 3 & 5. Plin lib. 36. cap. 11.. These were esteemed sacred by the Romanes, and if they were in any part decayed, they might not be repaired but with sacrifices & other ceremonious obseruancies. From hence it is commonly supposed that they were called Pontifices; but Scaeuola (as Varro Deling. lat. saith) did more properly deriue that name from posse and facere, not only in regard of their eminent authoritie, but because the word facere in ancient Latine did signifie to sacrifice, as Vigil speaketh:

The principal of this Colledge was called Pontifex Maximus; who, as Iestus Pompeius Lib. 11. and Valerius Maximus Lib. 1. cap. 1. do write, was the greatest Iudge in their religion. And although other priests could not beare Empire in the armie, or office in the statePlut. Prebl. cap. 113., or be carried vpon horsePlut. Probl. cap. 39. Gellius lib 10. cap. 15. Festus Pompeius lib. 5., or be three nights absent from the citiePlut. d. ca. 39.; yet the same man might be Consul or Censor, or Praetor, or Magister equitum, (the greatest offices of that common wealth) and also greatest Pontifex: As Liuie writeth of P. Liciunius Crassus Lau. 3. Decad. lib. 8., and M. Marcellus •• u. 4. Decad. lib. 3. and of diuers others. This Pontifex Maximus was so highly honoured in the populare state of Rome, that hee was reputed to approach neere vnto the degree of dignitie which the kinges held in former timesPlut. Probl. ca. 13., insomuch as L. Florus reportethFlorus epist. lib. 47., that a fine was imposed vpon C • . Tremelius Tribune of the people, for vsing vnciuill speeches against M. Aemilius Lepidus, the greatest Pontifex. A Sergeant was appointed to goe before himPlut. Prebl. cap. 113., he was carried in a Coach-chaire, called Curules sella Liu. Decad. 3. lib. 5., which was reputed a royall ensigne, because Romulus vsed the like by example of the HetruscanesLiu. Decad. 1. lib. 1.. His doores were adorned with greene LawrellPlia. lib. 15. cap. 30.; if he vndertooke any office or charge, he was not lyable (as were other men) either to controulement or accountHalicar. lib. 2 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ., whether to the Senate or common people. His proper ornament was a hatApul. apol. 1., in token of his loftie estate. If any offender did slie vnto him, that day hee was protected from punishmentPlut. Probl. cap. 111.. Hee was married after a speciall manner, called confarreatio Boet. in top. Ciccr. lib. 2.. His wife must be of singuler example, and he might not iterat marriage the second timeTertul. de exhor cast. & ad vxorem l. 1.& in praescript.; he might not behold a dead bodieIoseph. antiq. 3. cap. 10.; hee might not foyle his hands with bloodLiu. 3. Decad. lib. 10.; and neither giue nor assist sentence of death. Hee was chiefe not onely of the College of PontificesLiu 4. Decad. lib. 10., but also of him that was Rex sacrorum; the Augures; Flamines and vestale Virgins; vpon whom hee might impose either fine or other punishment, as the qualitie of their offences did require. All their sacred matters whether publike or priuate did principally depend vpon his direction. And yet this authoritie was often borne (as hath been said) by the highest ciuill Officers of that Common wealth: the election of him pertained to the peopleCicer. in orat. del. Agraria. & in lib. de amic ti • . Halicar lib. 2. Pater c. lib. 2. Su • t. in N • rcn • . • a. 2: and prouocation or appeale did lie also from him to the people. For so Linie Liu. 4. Decad. lib. 10. writeth that a contention did arise, betwixt C. Seruilius the greatest Pontifex, and L. Cornelius Dolabesta, Du • muir, because the Pontifex commaunded him to abdicate his office, that he might be inaugurated Rex sacrificus, in place of Cornelius Dol • bella. This when the D • umuir refused to doe, the Pontifex set a fine vpon him; for which cause hee appealed and brought the matter before the people. Many tribes being assembled & the difference debated on both sides, they commanded the Du • muir to bee obedient to the Pontifex▪ and yet they remitted his fine, in case hee should abandon his office. In the meane time the heauens were couered with darke and thicke clowdes, which brake forth into a terrible tēpest. This being taken for ominous, the assemblie dissolued, and the authority to inaugurate was taken from the Pontifex.

The Common-wealth of y• Romans being changed againe to the gouernment of one, the chiefest authoritie in all affaires depended vpon the Emperours: For soTertul. in apolog. Tertullian acknowledgeth the Heathen Emperours to be A Deo setuxdi, post cum primi, ante omnes & super omnes. second and inferiour only to God before all, and aboue all. Againe he saith,Tert • ad Scapulam. Colimus Imperatorem vt hominem à Dio secundū, solo Deo minorem. Wee worship the Emperour as a man next vnto God, and inferiour only to God. So didEpist. Elutherij citat. inter ll. E. 1. Eleutherius in those times Bishop of Rome, write vnto Lucius King of BritaineVos es • is Vicarius Dei in regno, iuxta prophetam Regium.; You are Gods Vicar within your owne Realme, according to the Prophet Dauid.

Augustus annexed the greatest pontificate to the imperiall dignitie, to whom the people by the law of Royalty transferred all their power as well in religious as in ciuill affaires. Suetonius writethIn C. Caesare. ca. 13., that C. Caesar was at one time greatest Pontifex, and also Augur. Seruius Ad 1. 3. & 6. Aencid. testifieth, that C. Caesar being Pontifex, M. Terrentius Varro did write vnto him a booke, concerning their sacred and religious rites. Againe, Suetonius In Galba. c. 8 affirmeth, that Galba did beare three Priest-hoods. The same Suetonius In Claudio. cap. 22. saith, that Claudius Caesar had the Priest-hood in such honorable estimation that he neuer made choise or nomination of 〈◊〉 , vntill he had been sworne. In regard of this connexion of the Empire and pontificate,Tacit. Annal. 〈◊〉 . 3. Tacitus did write: nunc deum munere summum pontificem su ••• um hominum esse.

The greatest pontificate was also borne by Vespasian, Traiane, and diuers other Romane Emperors: the Maiestie of which Emperors was esteemed most sacred, in so much as diuine both titles & adorations were giuen vnto them. Their Statues and Images were sacred and adored, asTacit. lib. 14 Tacitus andVeg. lib. 2. c. 5 & 6. Vegetius do report; it was treason for any man either to pul away, or to violate those who did flie vnto them; to melt them also, and also to fell themL. qui statuas. l. non contra. bit. D. ad Iud. maiest.. Tacitus writethTacit. lib. 3. that L. Ennius was accused of treason, for melting the Image of the Prince: which accusation although Tiberius did forbid to proceed, yet Suetonius affirmethIn Tiberio. cap. 58., that he commanded one to be arraigned, for taking the head from the statue of Augustus, and setting another vpon the same. This kind of accusation grew to that degree, that it was capitall for a man, to beare the Image of the Prince stamped in money, or engrauen in a Ring, to any vncleane or vnseemely place. Yea, Seneca, saithDe benefic. lib. 3., that vnder the Empire of Tiberius, a certaine noble man was accused of treason, for mouing his hand to his p • iuie parts, in making vrin, when he did weare a ring vpon 〈◊〉 finger, whereon was ingrauen the Image of the Prince: So great was the reuerence borne vnto them.

Vpon this generall both authoritie and vse, for Princes to manage diuine affaires, St. Hierom In Iob. cap. 1. hath said,Priuilegium offe • endi primogenitis, vel maxime Regibus debebatur. The priuiledge to offer sacrifice was due to the first borne, but most of all vnto Kings.

And yet in these times, the Emperours reserred many matters pertaining to their religion, to be determined by the Senate; partly for expedition and ease, partly for that they would not draw all authoritie from the senate at once. So Tacitus Tacit. 2. annal. writeth of a decree of the Senate, for expelling of the ceremonies of the Aegyptians & of the IewesDesacris ludaicis Aegyptijs que pellendis.. Likewise vnder Claudius a decree of the Senate was made, that the Pontifex should consider what ceremony of the Aruspices should be reteinedViderent pontifices quae retinenda firmanda que Aruspicum essent.. So Tiberius referred to the Senate whether Christ should be receiued among the Romane Gods, which in no case they would consent to decree; because he had been worshipped for God, without the publike authority of the Empire. The like is reported to haue bin both purposed and propounded by Hadrian; who commanded also that Temples should be built in euerie Citie, without any Idols. The like purpose in Alexander Seuerus is affirmed by Lampridius In Seuero. to haue been crossed, vpon assurance made vnto him, from those who gaue answere by inspection of Entrailes, that if Christ should be receiued for God, all men would become Christians, and the other Temples should be forsaken.

But, when he that would not be worshipped with other Gods, was both admitted and adored for God alone; when the Christian faith was publikely embraced in the Romane state; religion was both aduanced and ordered by Imperiall authoritie. For so Socrates In Proaem. lib. 5. testifieth in these words: From that time when the Emperours began to be Christians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the affaires of the Church depended vpon them; in so much as the greatest Councels were alwaies assembled by their appointment. So Chrysostome Ad Pop. Antioch. hom. 2. calleth the Emperour, Summitatem & caput. the height and head of all men in the world: and one that hath no equall vpon earth Parem vllum super terram non habet.. And so did Leo the first write to the Emperour Leo, Debes Imperator incunctanter aduertere, regiam potestatem tibi, non solum ad mundi regimen, sed maxime ad ecclesiae praesidium esse collatam. that royall power was giuen him, not only for gouernment of the world, but especially for the safegard of the Church. And so likewise Gregorie Bishop of Rome affirmedEpist. lib. 3. ca. 100. & 103, that power is giuen to Princes from heauen, not only ouer Souldiers but ouer Priests. Optatus saithContra Parmen. lib. 13. super Imperatorem non est nisi solus Deus qui fecit Imperatorem.: there is no man aboue the Emperour but only God who made the Emperour. But this is most euidently declared, in the answere of Demetrius Chomatenus In respons. O •• ent. in these words: Imperator, vt communis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 •• istens & nominatus. synodalibus praeest sententijs, & robur tribuit: ecclesiasticos ordines componit, & legem dat vitae politi • que corum qui altari seruiunt. The Emperour being both in common estimation, and in very truth a skilfull gouernour, is president and giueth strength to synod all sentences; he setteth Ecclesiasticall orders in forme, he giueth law for the life and ciuil cariage of those who serue at the Altar. And againe: Vt vno verbo dica, solo sacrificand • 〈◊〉 ininisterio, reliqua pontificalia priuilegia Imperator representat. to speake in one word, the office of sacrificing only excepted, the Emperour representeth the other priuiledges of a Bishop. And therefore St. Augustine Cont Coe •• on. & epist. 48. & epist. 50. enu • ighed against the heresie of the Donatists; in that they affirmed, that the Church ought not to vse either lawes or any assistance from Princes. And that speech of Donatus Donat. Mel • uit. l. 2. was iustly condemned. Quid est imperatoricum ecclesia? What hath the Emperour to do with the Church?

Two parts in the Church may separatly be considered, the externall forme, which consisteth in the politicall gouernment thereof; and the essentiall forme, consisting in the true substance and foundation of faith. Concerning the first, we may find many things aunciently ordered in the Church by Christian Emperours. For so Constantine nouel. 43. & 49. in princ. the great, Anastatius l. 18. C. de sacros. eccles. and Iustinian D nouel. 43. & 49. the first established order, for expence and forme of funerals. The Emperours Gratian, Valentinian the second, and Theodosius the greatl. 2. C. de sacros. eccles., prohibited that any corpes should be interred within the seates of the Apostles or Martyrs. Honorius and Theodosius ordeined, how many Deacons should be in the Church of Constantinople l. 4. C. co.; and what immunities euery Church should enioyl. 5. C. co.. Leo and Anthemius forbad alienation of lands pertaining to the Churchl. 14 C. co.. Valentinian, Theodosius, and Arcadius did prohibitel. 9. C. de episc. & cler. that any should be receiued for a Diaconisse, who was not aged aboue fiftie yeeres; which was afterwards confirmed by Iustinian nouel. 6. ca 6.. Honorius and Arcadius forbadl. 17. C. de episc. & cler., that Clerkes should haue any thing to do with publike actions or pleas. Iustinian addednouel. 123. ca. 10., that they should absteine from play, and from all open spectacles and shewes. Leo and Anthemius l. 29. C. de episc. & cler. enioyned Monkes and religious persons, not to depart out of their Monasteries, and to liue in that modesty and sincerity wherto the imperiall lawes did bind them: and that no Clergio man should be ordained by way of corruptionl. 30. C. co.: or conuented in Iudgment, in a place farre distant from his abodel. 31. C. co.. Iustinian ordainedl. 22. C. de episc. audien., that vpon a certaine day in the weeke Bishops should go and visite the prisons, to enquire for what cause euery prisoner is detained, and to admonish the Magistrates, to execute iustice. In another constitutionnouell. 3. he ordeined, what manner of Clerkes should be ordained in the Church; that Clerkes should not remoue themselues from a lesse Church, to a greater; and that the rents of the Church should be expended to godly vses and acts. Hee appointed alsonouell. 5. the time for monasticall profession, and the rules which Monkes should leade. He established his ordinancenouell. 6. for the election, life and behauiour of Bishops, and other Ecclesiasticall persons; that they reside vpon their charge; that they resort not to the Court, except they be expressely called; that they celebrate not diuine offices in any place which is not consecrated to the seruice of God.nouell. 58. He declared what causes should be lawfull for diuorce and separation of mariagenouell. 117.; as Theodosius the yonger, and Valent. the third had done before himl. 8. C. de repud.. He ordained also that the holy Scriptures should be read in the vulgar tongue, and appointed what translations should be in vsenouel. 146..

It would bee both tedious and vnnecessarie to make long stay vpon rehersall of those imperiall lawes, which haue bin both receiued and reuerenced for gouernment of the Church. For Iustinian professedl. 1. C. de vet. iur. enuc legu authoritas & diuinas & humanas res bene disponit., that by authoritie of the lawes, both diuine and humane affaires were well ordered; and againe, nouel 133. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . there is nothing but may be examined by authoritie of the Emperour; for hee receiueth from God a generall principallitie and gouernment ouer all men. The same is acknowledge by Pope Gregorie, in his epistle to Mauritius lib. 2. epist. 100 Ad hoc potestas super omnes homines dominorū meorū pictati coesitus data est, &c.: To this end is power ouer all persons giuen from heauen vnto my Lord, for assistance of good men, and enlargement of the way to heauen. Whereupon Espencaeus saithEspenc. com. in Tit. 3. digres. 10. Gregorius magnus agno se • bat, Imperatoribus conc • ssum esse dominari sacerdotibus.; that Gregorie the great did ingeniouslie acknowledge a soueraignetie in Emperours ouer priests. So Balsamon Bals. in Concil Chalced. cap. 12. hath said, that the Emperours had power to appoint patriarchall seas, according to the power giuen them from aboue. Whereto doth that of Isodore agreec. Principes 23. q. 5.; Princes of the world haue their authoritie and power in the Church, that the ecclesiasticall discipline should bee held in strength; that they who will not obserue it by admonition of the priest, should be constrained by force of the Magistrate. Yea, diuers of the papall decrees, for ordering of Ecclesiasticall affaires, were lawes made by Christian Emperours; of which lawes many are yet extant in the Codex of Theodosius. The Canon Iudicantem 13. q. 5., expressing the office of a Iudge in cognisance of causes, attributed by Gratian to Pope Eleutherius, was made by the Emperor Constantine l. 1. C. de Iudic. in C. Theod.. The Canon, si quis Iratus 2. q. 3. de poe. di. 1., attributed to Pope Fabian, against accusers, is a law of the same Emperour Constantine, in the Codex of Theodosius. The Canons which goe vnder the names of the same Fabian 3. q. 6. c. 1., of Sixtus 3. q. 6. c. 16. & 17. & 2. q. 8. c. 4., and of Hadrian 2. q. 3. c. 3., concerning the same subiect, are found to bee made by Gratian the sonne of Valentinian the first. The decrees of Pope Caius c. Episcopis. 3. q. 5., and of Pope Iohn c. reintegranda. q. e., for restitution of Church goods, taken from Bishops, when they were forced from their sea, are the Edictes of the same Emperour Gratian. The Canon qui ratione 3. q. 9. attributed to Pope Damasus, for order in accusations, is comprised in Theodosius Code, vnder the name of the same Emperour. The Canon nullus 2. q. 7., vnder the name of Pelagius was made by the Emperours Honorius and Arcadius. The Canon quisquis 2. q. 8., vnder the name of Eutychian, was promulged by the Emperours Honorius and Theodosius. The Canon consanguineos 35. q. 6., for separation of marriage contracted within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity, is a constitution of the Emperour Constantine the great. The Canon Priuiligia 25. q. 2., for confirmation of the priuiledges of the Church, vnder the name of Anacletus, is a constitution of the Emperours Theodosius and Valentinian. In a word, the volume of decrees is filled with diuers constitutions of Christian Emperours, either assumed by Popes, or attributed vnto them, without expressing either the name or authoritie of the Emperours. And touching the rest, Pope Honorius c. 1. ext. de iu • am calum. acknowledged, that it was by decree of the Emperour Iustinian Imperator Iustinianus decreuit, vt canones patrū vim legum habere oporteat., that the Canons of th • Fathers should haue the force of lawes.

Now, when any difference did arise in matters of faith; when any great schisme or disturbance was maintained in the church; the Emperours did vse to assemble their Bishops in common Councell, and those things that were by them decreed, were afterwards confirmed by Imperiall constitution. So Nicephorus Niceph. lib 8. cap. 14. and Eusebius Euseb. lib. 2. de vita Constantini. doe write, that Constantine the great, hauing imployed Hosius Bishop of Corduba, for composing the difference betwixt Alexander Bishop of Alexandria, and Arrius; wherewith the Church was exceedingly disturbed; and perceiuing his good purpose thereby nothing aduanced; assembled by his authority the Councel of Nice in Bithynia, which he honored with his presence, and defrayed the charge of 308. Bishops that were called to that Councell. Of whom Eustachius Bishop of Antioch, or rather (as the Canon law affirmethc. futuram. 12. q. 1.) Constantine himselfe was presidentConstantinus praesid •• s sa • ctae synodo, quae apud 〈◊〉 congregata est.. The forme of faith agreed vpon in this Councell, was presently confirmed by Constantine, and both imparted and imposed vpon others, who had not bin present; and charge giuen vnder paine of death, that none should secretly preserue any of the bookes of Arrius from the fireSocrat. lib. 1. cap. 6.. Afterwards the same faith was both declared and confirmed by constitution of the Emperours Gratian, Valentinian and Theodosius l. 2. C. de sum. trin..

The generall Councel of Constantinople was assembled against the heresie of Macedonius, by Theodosius Niceph. lib. 12 ca. 10. the great. The Bishops assembled in this Councel wrote thus in humble maner vnto the Emperour Theodosius; Obsecramus clementiam tuam, vt, quemadmodum literis h • norasti ecclesiam, quibus nos con • ocasti, ita sinalem conclusionem nostrorum decretorii corrobores sententia tua & sigillo. We beseech your Maiestie, that as you haue honored the Church, by your letters, wherewith you haue called vs together, so it may please you to confirme the finall conclusion of our decrees with your sentence, and with your seale.

The generall Councell of Ephesus was assembled by authoritie of Theodosius the yongerNiceph. lib. 14. ca. 34. against the heresie of Nestorius. The decrees of this Councell, together with the decrees of the Councell of Nice, containing the profession of Christian Faith, was confirmed by a constitution of Theodosius and Valentinian l. 3. C. desum. trin., whereby also the writings of Nestorius are condemned to the fire.

The fourth generall Councell was appointed by authoritie of the Emperour Martian Euagr. lib. 1. ca. 2., first to be held at Nice, afterwards vpon certaine occasions it was assembled at Chalcedon. In this Councel, Euagrius Lib. 2. cap. 4. writeth, that both the Bishops and temporall Iudges did oftentimes suspend their decrees in this sort; Vnto vs it seemeth right 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ., if it shall also like our most vertuous and godly Lord the Emperour. And in the end it is thus concluded;Vid. d. conc. Chalc. all our doings being referred to the Emperours Maiestie. Lastly, the decrees of this Councell touching Christian Faith, were confirmed by a publike constitution of the same Emperour Martian l. 4. C. de sum. trin..

The fifth oecumenicall Councell was assembled by Iustinian the first3. vol concil.; and the sixth by Constantine the third; both of them in the Citie of Constantinople. The last of these Councels Constantine subscribed, after that he had commaunded that ten Bishops of the East, and ten of the West should repaire to his Court, and open to him the decrees of the Councell: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . That he might consider (saith Sozomenus) whether they were agreed according to the Scriptures, and that he might further determine and conclude what were best to be done.

In briefe, Cardinall Cusanus Cus. de conc. l. 3. ca. 16. doth acknowledge that he did euermore findSciendum est quod in vniuersalibus octo concilus semper inuen • o imperatores, & Iudices suos, cum senatu primatum hab • isse., that the Emperours and their Iudges, with the Senate, had the primacie, and office of presidence in the eight generall Councels. In regard whereof Odoacer Conc. Ro. 3. did in this sort expostulate with Pope Symachus, and the Clergie of Rome.Miramur quicquam tentatum fuisse sine nobis; nam viuente nostro presbytero sine nobis nihil tentari oportuit. We marueile that any thing hath been attempted without vs; for without vs nothing should haue been done, our Priest being aliue. In like manner Nicephorus Niceph. in praesat. ad Emanuel. did write to the Emperour Emanuel Paleologus; Tu es dux professionis fidei nostrae &c. You are the captaine of the profession of our faith, you haue reformed the Temple of God from Marchants and exchangers of the heauenly doctrine, and from heretickes, by the word of God.

During this time, a stiffe strife did arise betwixt the Bishops of Rome, and the Bishops of Constantinople (as did once among the Disciples of ChristMarc. 9. 35. Luc. 9. 46.) whether of them should be greatest. In the Councell of Nice it had been decreedCan. 8., that the first place should be giuen to the Sea of Rome, the second to Alexandria, and the third to Antioch: for the Citie of Constantinople at that time was not built, neither was Hierusalem then a patriarchall Sea. But after that Constantinople was aduanced to be the head of the Empire, the Bishop thereof did claime prerogatiue before all the rest; affirming, as Platina, Plat • n vita 〈◊〉 3. and out of himSabel. Aencid. 8. lib. 6. Sabellicus doe write, that where the head of the Empire was, there also should be the principall Sea. The Bishop of Rome answered, that the Citie of Rome, from whence a colonie was brought to Constantinople, was in right to be esteemed the head of the Empire: for the Graecians did vse to stile their Prince 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Emperour of the Romans: and they themselues were also called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Romans.

In this contention Platina In vita Bonifacij 3. affirmeth; that diuers Emperours fauoured the Bishops of Constantinople. In the Councell of ChalcedonCan. 28. it was decreed, that the Church of Constantinople should stand in one degree of dignitie, and enioy equall priuiledge with the Church of Rome. The same equalitie was also decreed in the second Councell of ConstantinopleIn trip. hist. lib. 9. cap. 13., and confirmed by constitution of Honorius and Theodosius l. 6. C. de sacros. eccles. • vnic. C. de priuil. vrb. Const. lib. 11.. By a constitution of Leo and Athemius l. decernimus C. de sacros. eccles., the Bishop of Constantinople is declared to haue precedence of place 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . before all others: which law was alleadged by Photius Nomoca. tit. 1. cap. 5. to confirme the primacie of the Patriarch of Constantinoplel. Constantino▪ p • litana 24 C. de sacros. eccl.. Iustinian declarethConstantinopolitana ecclesia omniū aliarum est caput. that the Church of Constanti • nople was the head of all other Churches. Which constitution is omitted in some editions of Iustinians Code. Mauritius Platin. in vita Gregor •• 1. admonished Gregorie the first, to beare obedience to Iohn Bishop of Constantinople.

Afterwards, Pope Gregorie the third, with much adoe (as Platina writeth) obtained of Phocas▪ Emperour, or rather (as Zonoras and P. Diaconus In vit. Pho •• . do discribe him) the wilde, drunken, bloodie, adulterous tyrant of Constantinople, that the Sea of Rome should be the chiefe of all other Churches. But this was an errour in the Emperours of Constantinople; first, to settle so great dignitie and prerogatiue in a place, far distant from the principal seat and strength of the Empire. Secondly, to permit affaires of so high nature to depend vpon direction of any one within their Empire. For, by this meanes the Bishops of Rome did steale into such strength with the common people, that by their Interdictions only, they were of power to withdraw them from paying tribute, and bearing alleagance to the Emperours of Constantinople: vpon occasion, that Leo surnamed Iconomachus, had caused the Images of Saints to be taken downe. Finally, they pulled the west-part of the Empire from their subiection, and left the residue, with that mortall maime, to be a pray to the barbarous infidels.

The west Empire flourished for a time, first in France, and afterwards in Germanie; and the most apparant cause whereby it was broken and beaten downe, was the absolute & vnlimited power, which the Bishops of Rome challenged, principally in Ecclesiasticall affaires, and consequently in all. For, by entitling themselues the Vicars of Iesus Christ; the Spouse of the Church; the Soueraigne Bishop, and Prince of all others; the Maisters and Lords of all the world; (for these are the titles which Innocent the third, Boniface the eight, Clement the fifth and diuers others haue assumed) by exempting also both the persons and goods of all the Clergie, frō secular subiection; and by binding all men to their obedience, in matters which concerne the soule; they haue alwaies been able to stirre vp, not onlie weightie warres against the Emperours, but also most stiffe and vnnatural rebellions. Which disordered demeanour Carion accounteth the only cause,Car. lib. 4. sceleribus pontificum hoc imperium languesactum est. Luit prand. lib. 6. ca. 6. Cuspinian & Theodo. de Nihem. in vita Otho 3. that brought the Empire to a feeble state.

So Iohn the third combined with Berengar the third, aud Adalbar his sonne, who pretended themselues to be Kings of Italy, to make head against the Emperour Otho the great. Pope Iohn the eighteenth made league with Crescentius, and mutined the people against the Emperour Otho the third. Benedict. 9. to stay Henrie the blacke from entering into Italy, stirred Peter King of Hungarie to beare himselfe for Emperour; to whom he sent a crowne with this inscription.

Petra dedit Romam Petro, tibi Papa coronam. Gregorie the seuenth, who was the first that enterprised to cause himselfe to be elected and consecrated, without the consent and against the pleasure of the Emperour; and who set forth a decree, whereby he excommunicated all those who should affirme, that either the consent or knowledge of the Emperour was herein necessarie; opposed against the Emperour Henrie the fourth, first Rodulph Duke of Suauie, giuing charge to the Archbishops of Men • s and of Collen to consecrate him Emperour: to whom also he sent a crowne with this inscription.

Afterwards, weary of nothing so much as of quiet, he stirred Ecbert Marquis of Saxonie against the same Emperour. Galasius the twelfth raised against Henrie the fifth Emperour, the most part of his subiects, and especially the Archbishop of Ments; whom he so strongly seconded with the Normanes that were in Sicilie, that the Emperour was constrained to quit his quarrell, and to yeeld the collation of Bishoprickes to the Pope. Innocent the second raised against Lothaire the twelfth, Roger the Norman, whom he inuested in the Duchie of Pouille, which the Emperour claimed to be a fiffe of the Empire. At the last the contention was composed by mediation of S. Bernard, who then liued, and was with the Emperour; wherein the Pope sped so well, that he was ioyned with the Emperour in holding Bauier. The same Innocent the second raised Guelphus Duke of Bauier against Conrade the third, whom hee aided with monie and all other conuenient meanes.Bart. in tract. de Gaelph. & Gib. This warre was so villanouslie cruell, that it giue beginning to the two factions of the Guelphes, who tooke their name from this Duke of Bauier; and of the Gibelins, so called of Wi • bling, which was the place where the Emperour Conrade had bin brought vp.

Against Fredericke Bar • arossa, who succeeded Conrade, Hadrian the fourth raised them of Milan, and the other Lumbards; Alexander the third stirred the Dukes of Saxon and of Austrich, aiding them with all his power to intertaine disquiet in Almaine. Pope Celestine the third excōmunicated Henrie the sixth Emperour, the successour and sonne of Fredericke Barbarossa; and depriued him of all his dignities: making this the meanes to auoide him out of Italie into Almaine. Against Philip, brother vnto Henerie the sixth, Pope Innocent the third caused Otho Duke of Saxonie to be elected Emperour; whereby the Empire was embroiled with a bloodie warre. Against Fredericke the second, Pope Honorins the third raised the Lumbards in rebellion, adioyning the Sic • ians to the side, and the greatest part of the other Italians. All these troubles were so tempestuous, that the Emperour Radulph of Haspurge could neuer be perswaded to passe the Alpes for his coronation; affirming, that Italie was the denne of the Lion, whereof the entrance was faire, but the issue fearefull.

Clement the fifth armed and opposed Rebert King of Sicilie against the Emperour Henrie the seuenth; because hee would not doe homage and sweare faith to the Sea of Rome: and in the end caused him to bee empoisoned by a Iacob • e, in giuing him the sacred host. What troubles had Lewes of Bauier against Frederick of Austrich, who was elected Emperour at the same time with him, by the faction of Pope Iohn the 22? The same troubles were continued by Pope Clement the sixth, who caused Charles the fourth King of Boheme, to be elected Emperour; and yet he could not enioy the Empire vntill after the decease of Lewes. This Charles was a weake Prine, both in counsaile and courage; who in fauour of the Popes did extreamely both enfeeble and abase the Empire of Rome. Nauclerus writeth,Gen. 46. that he entred the citie of Rome on foote, in derision whereof a certaine Senatour began a speech which he made to the people with these words: Ecce Rex tuus venit tibi mansuetus; Petrarch, who liued at that time, did also write betweene scorne and disdaine of this deiection of the imperiall Ma • estie.

I omit the tragedies which Eugenius the fourth raised against the Emperour Sigismond, principally to impeach the Councell of Basil. I omit that which Paul the second did to chase Frederick the third out of Italie. Generally they alwaies endeauoured to endomage the Emperors; not onely as hating them, (for so Gu • cc • ardine Guice. in comment. polit. saith y• it grew into a proue • b; It is proper to the Church to hate the Caesars) but as fearing to be endomaged by them. In the end, partly by opposing enemies, and partly by raysing rebellions against the Emperours, the Popes haue bin able to expell their gouernment out of Italy. Whereof our countrie man Sanderi Sand. lib. 4. de clau. Dauid. Stupenda res, & supra quam dici potest admiranda, vt cum pot • utissi • i qu • que imp • . 〈◊〉 per al • quot saecula ownem suam vim in exterminandis ex vrbe Roma ponti • icibus Romanis, frustra explicuissent; nun • è contrari • , pontifices Romani abs • vlia vi, Romanos Imperatores ex ar •• Imperij semou • runt; palat • s Caesarum alque ad • o tota vrbe in su •• potestatem conuersa. in this sort hath written: It is a thing more admirable then can be vtte • ed, and able to make a man astonished, that when the most puissant Emperours did for many ages display all their forces to no purpose, for driuing the Roman Bishops from the citie of Rome; now to the contrarie, the Roman Bishops without any power, haue remoued the Roman Emperours from the tower of the Empire, and made themselues Lords of the Palaces of Caesars, and turned the whole citie into their proper power.

This is true (Master Sanders) which you haue said; but neither is it worthie of any wonder, neither i • it all that which the Popes haue done. What maruaile is it that most puissant Emperours could never preuaile against the Bishops of Rome, when their 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 owne subiects were persuaded, that they drew their swordes against heauen, and made offer (like those Giants of whom the Poets write) to scale the skies, and to pull God out of his throne? Where subiects haue bin of other opiniō, there Princes haue preuailed against many Popes. Againe, what necessity had the Popes to vse force of armes, when the consciences of men were vnder their commaund? whilest this rule held good, cloisters and Colledges were in stead of Castles vnto them; and religious persons were in steed of many armies. These were their garrisons, these their soldiers; these quelled the courage of all their enemies, by thundring forth threats against those who disobeyed them; not of death, which might be peraduenture either contemned or else auoyded; but of damnation, which as it is most terrible, so was it held for this cause vnauoydable. For so Boniface the eight decreed,In extrauag. vnam sanctam. Porto subesse Rom Pont▪ omnem humanam creaturam declaramus, dicimus, diffiaimus & pronuntiamus omnino esse de necessitate salutis. that vpon necessitie of saluation all men must be subiect to the Bishop of Rome. These forces were plāted within euery state, and by these might any state be supplanted:

By these meanes the Bishops of Rome were easily able, not onelie to driue the Romane Emperours from the chiefe tower and seate of the Empire, but also, making one wrong the cause of another, to reduce them to a very low degree, both of power and of authoritie within Almaine; and to hold them as no better then vassalls to their Sea.Tibi d • mina. 63 dist. c. • enerab • lem. de elect. 〈◊〉 . in c licet. n. 8. de so. comp. For, after that eight Emperours had been excōmunicate by Popes; Namely, Frederick the first, Frederick the second. Philip, Conrade, Othe the fourth, Lawes of Bauaria, Henri • the fourth, and Henri • the fifth, (which was occasion enough for their subiects to reuolt, and for other Princes to inuade) the succeding Emperours, partly vnwilling, but principally vnable to sustaine so sad and heauie blowes, submitted themselues to the papall power; renounced the right, which by long custome they claimed, in election of the Pope and of other Bishops. And to the contrarie, the Emperour Charles the fourth, acknowledged by his letters Patents,Incip. post pedum oscula. that although he was elected Emperour by the Princes, yet hee was to bee confirmed by the Pope, and to receiue the Imperial crowne from him. Whereupon Pope Pius the fifth, did sharpely rebuke the Emperour Ferdinand by his Legat, for neglecting to receiue of him the Imperial Crowne; neither would he admit the Emperours excuse, but had proceeded by excommunication to compel him, had he not by entreaty of the French King, and of King Philip of Spaine the Emperours kinseman, been otherwise appeased.

In the forme of the coronation of the Emperours, which was approued by the Emperour Charles the fourth, and is kept in the Vaticane at Rome, many seruile ceremonies are contained. As, that the Emperour supplieth the office of a subdeacon, in ministring to the Pope when he saith Masse; and that after diume seruice he holdeth the stirtop, whilest the Pope mounteth to horse; and for a certaine space leadeth his horse by the bridle. Adde heereto the kissing of the Popes feete, as Charles the fifth did, at Bononia, at Rome, and last of all at Marsielles in Prouence, in the presence of diuers other great Princes: adde their humb • e subscriptions to the Pope; I kisse the hands and feete of your holinesse: adde that they must seeke the Pope for receiuing the Imperiall crowne, whereforuer he shall be; and follow him if he chance to remoue: with diuers like tokens and testimonies of de • ection of the Maiesty of that State, and subiection thereof to the Sea of Rome. For further declaration whereof,Pan. c. causam. qui fil. fi. le. &c. solita. de ma. & ob. c nou •• . de 〈◊〉 . &c. 〈◊〉 . n. 8. des • comp. & in c. • . n. 2. 3. 4. depro bat. during the life of the Emperour, the Popes challenge to be his Iudge; and the Emperiall feate being void, they claime the exercise of Imperiall power, and haue giuen inuestitures and receiued fealtie, of those who held of the Empire; as of Iohn and Luchi • , Vicounts of Milane.Anno 1341. For which cause the Canonists also (who set vp these strings to the highest strame) doe maintaine opinion, that the Emperour cannot resigne his Imperiall dignitie to any other then the Pope: and that it is a streine of heresieFeli. in c. firmissime, n. 1. de haeret., not to beleeue that the Emperor is subiect to the Pope: and that the Emperour is but the Popes MinisterMolina. tract. 2. de Iust. disput. 29., to vse his sword only at his becke. Lastlie, Pope Clement the fifth, expressely declared by decreeCle. Romani de Iurc ••• ., that the oath which the Emperour maketh to the Pope, is no other then an oath of fealtie.

Neither hath it been against the Empire only, that the Popes haue had this power to preuaile, but against diuers other Christian countries; in so much as they haue claimed to hold, either as feudataries or as trubutaties to their Sea, the kingdomes of Naples, Sicilie, Hierusalem, Sardinia, Corsica, Arragon, Portugale, Nauarre, Ireland, England, Scotland, Poland, Hungarie. to which Cuiacius Cuia • c. 7. de Imp. adioyneth the kingdome of France, which Pope Boniface the eight, declared to be deuolued to the Church, for the contempt and disobedience of King Philip the faire. And Pope Alexander the sixt in diuiding the late discouered parts of the world, betweene the Kings of Castile and Portugale, expressely reserued to his Sea, the Iurisdiction and soueraignety of them, by consent of both Kings; who from that time became his vassals, of all the purchases and conquests which before they had atchieued, or intended to enterprise in times to ensue. Generally, they do challenge temporall soueraigntie in all countriesPan. in c. fi. de Baptism.; habitually at the least; which at pleasure they may produce into actPan. in c. 1. de so. comp. & in c. 1. de probat., whereby the subiects of any State may haue recourse vnto themPan. in c. si duobus de appell.; to some complaint or suite against their PrincePan. in c. 1. de prob. n. 2. & 3. & n. 6.; to be relieued or protected by them, and to receiue priuiledges and immunities at their handsPan. in c. per vencrabilem. n. 1. qui fil su • t legitti.. Whereby also they may iudge the actions of Princes; and vpon such cause as they shal thinke meet, punish, excommunicate, de priue them, denounce publike warre against themPan. in d. c. per vencrabilem. & in c sicut. n. 12. de iureiur. & in c. & sinecesse. de do. inter vir. & vx. Pius 5. in bulla.: free their subiects from subiection vnto them. As Pope Pius the first, not only absolued the subiects of England from their alleagance to the late Queene Elizabeth, but commanded them also to turn • traytours, and take armes against her. After which Bull few yeeres passed without some notable attempt, either against her person, or against the State.

It would be very redious to giue but a light touch; to all the desperate distresses that hereupon haue bin occasioned, in diuers foraine countries; which out of their Annal; may be furnished with ease. And the sequell now sheweth, that the chiefe encrease and establishment of the Turkish Empire, hath proceeded from the outragious warres, which by this meanes haue been occasioned among the Christians; which made Europe on all sides to bath her limmes in the blood of her children. Against our owne State we cannot be ignorant, what heretofore hath bin acted; especially vnder the raigne of King Iohn. What hath been lately, what freshly, what is daily attempted, it cannot possiblie escape the memorie of those that liue in this present age: and for helpe of those who are to succeed, report there of shall be made at large, in a historie Intended for the times lately passed, and now presently running. The accumulating of these examples in this place, would be a matter of some labour, for cleering that which hath litle doubt.

Thus much in substance, but somwhat more briefly deliuered: it seemed that there was not any man in that presence, who, either in replie or in supplie, had not somewhat to say. That only was a hinderāce to the discharging of their minds, which is pleasantly said to haue dissolued the Parliament of women; because they could not agree to speake one at once. Many shewed themselues so impatient of silence; and they who vpon aduisement could haue said least, were vpon the suddaine most franke and forward in words. At the last, that which was the cause that no man could haue free libertie of speech, did driue them all into a dumbe dumpe: which opportunity was forthwith apprehended by a thick Theologian, whose formall attire, countenance and cariage, was a good supplie to other defects. And so, hauing composed himselfe to al complements of grauitie and grace, he began his speech after the set and solemne manner of those disputers, who, contenting themselues with commendation of memorie, doe more diligently endeuour to repeate then to reply.

You haue declared vnto vs (said he) that the proper qualities of the rights of Maiestie are, to be both perpetuall, and also absolute; as neither depending vpon any other, nor yet held either vpon charge, or with exception and restraint. That these rights cōsist in managing affaires of highest nature, which cannot be separated from the soueraigne power; because vpon the guiding of them, all the fortunes of a State do follow. That nothing is of so high nature in a State, as is religion: and that therefore the ordering thereof is annexed, as a right of Maiestie, to the soueraigne power; whether it be setled in a King, or in the Nobilitie, or in the people • For, seeing religion commandeth the conscience, and holdeth the soule in subiection, if supremac •• therin be acknowledged to be in a forren Prince, the sinewes of domesticall soueraigntie are cut in s • nder. You haue brought certaine examples of dangerous consequence, when either strangers or subiects haue bin followed for religion. You shewed y• for auoiding the like dangers, two policies were anciently obserued; one consisted in excluding external ceremonies & rites; the other, in setling the gouernment for matters in religion, in the supreame power and authority in the State. That this last was practised among the Iewes, Aegyptians & in diuers other countries. In the foure great Monarchies also, of Assyria, of Persia, of Graecia, and of Rome. Of Rome (you say) first, vnder the gouernment of Kings; secondly, in the popular state; thirdly, vnder Heathen Emperours; and lastly, (for a good space) vnder Christian Emperors; who in matters of circumstance and of external forme in religion, both vsed, and were acknowledged to haue supreame authoritie: of whose lawes, diuers were afterwards either assumed by Popes, or attributed vnto them. Concerning matters of substance, and of internall forme, they assembled generall Councels; wherein they held the Primacie; and confirmed the acts of them by Imperiall decree. You declared also, that when Constantinople was aduanced to be the head of the Empire, a stiffe strife did arise betwixt the Bishops of Constantinople and of Rome, whether should be greatest; that diuers Emperours fauoured the Church of Constantinople; but at the last, Pope Boniface obtained of the Emperour Phocas, that the Sea of Rome should be the chiefe of all other Churches. This you account an errour in gouernment; to settle a power of so high qualitie, in a place farre distant from the principall strength of the Empire. For hereby the Bishops of Rome did grow to such greatnesse, that they drew the west part of the Emp •• e to reuolt; and left the residue for a pray to the ba • barous Infidels. Lastly you haue shewed, that the Bishops of Rome, aduancing their authoritie by degrees, haue been of power, to reduce the west Empire to a feeble state; and to hold, not the Emperour alone, but all the chiefe Kings in Europe, either as vassals or as tributaries to their Sea. Generally, that they haue challenged Soueraigne iurisdiction ouer all Kingdomes and Common-wealthes in the world: whereby they haue cast diuers countries, and among others this Realme of England into desperate distresses.

Now, before answere should be offred to all these seuerall points, I would think it fit, (vnder the leaue of better Iudgements) to take some reasonable respite to aduise vpon them; because questions of this high nature, are not alwaies the same which sodainly they seeme: and he bewrayeth too great opinion of his owne sufficiencie, who presently will vndertake a controuersie of this weight. But, if Christ hath committed supreame power in religion to the Sea of Rome, then is no place left to these rules and reasons of state.

Nay (answered N.) I haue protested before, that we haue neither leasure nor lust to engulphe our selues in such an Ocean. If Christ hath committed to the sea of Rome! This is a large supposall indeed; and that which will neuer settle in the opinion of many, who are otherwise firmely affected to the doctrine of the Church of Rome. Yea, I am assuredly perswaded, that the violence of ambition hath pulled many Bishops of Rome from their owne iudgement, in making cla • me to that authoritie which they neuer had either title to hold, or abilitie to rule. For diuers of them being sodainely borne out of a low retired state; namely, from some Cloister or heremitage, into an vnknowne Sea of absolute authoritie, they were ouerswayed therewith, like a small boate with too large a saile: And being men for the most part, spent in age, vntrained in experience, and neither by nature nor by education of abilitie, to conceiue the bounds and degrees of great affaires, they tooke to themselues a licentious libertie; supposing it reasonable, yea altogether necessarie, that all the Kings and Princes of the earth, who hold their estate immediately from heauen, who receiue their power from the hand of God, should be subiect to the pleasure, the passions, the fierie furie; the ignorance, the errors, the malice, of one haughtie and humerous man, whose weaknes is subiect (as it hath bin plainelie declared by their liues) to all immoderate motions of humanitie. And al this vpon no other ground but because Christ said to S. Peter; Thou art Peter, Matth. 16. and vpon this rock will I build my Church &c. But what is this to Supremacie? what is this to the Bishop of Rome? diuers questions must be cleered before this will serue the one or the other.

For, first it is but weakely assured, that S. Peter euer was at Rome. Many reasons are alleaged against it; and many authorities are brought for it. But it often happeneth that the common consent of writers is like vnto a flocke of fowles; as one flieth all doe follow. Secondly, it is lesse assured that euer he was Bishop of Rome. For, being an Apostle, his charge was generall;Matth. 28. goe teach all nations; and therefore not to be, as a Bishop, either limited or settled in any one particular place. Or if we wil say, that either by appointment or by choise, some part of this generall charge was apportioned to S. Peter; then this seemeth, or rather is most assured to haue been Iudea, by that which S. Paul hath written: that, the Gospell of Circumcision was committed vnto Peter, Galath. 2. 7. as the Gospell of the vncircumcision was vnto him. And therefore we find in Scripture,Act. 23. 11. that S. Paul was expressely sent to Rome; but that S. Peter was euer at Rome, we hold it by tradition. This is further confirmed by the long aboade which S. Peter made in Iudea, and by the short stay which is possible he could haue made at Rome, euen by computation of them who best fauoured the dignitie of that Sea.

With that he called for Onuphrius, and out of him read vnto vs, that S. Peter liued after the death of Christ 34. yeeres, 3. monethes and odde daies; that the first nine yeeres he remained in Iudea; that in the tenth yeere after Christs Passion, in the end of the second yeere of the Empire of Claudius, he departed from Iudea for feare of Agrippa, from whose imprisonment hee had been deliuered by an angell;Act. 12. that after he had trauailed preaching through many coū tries, he came to Rome, and there contended with Simon Magus: That after foure yeeres, Agrippa being dead, for feare of whom he • orsooke Iudaea, he returned to Ierusalem, and was there present at the Councell of the Apostles, wherein circumcision was abrogated: That after this he remained seuen yeeres at Antioch; that in the beginning of the Empire, of Nero he returned to Rome, and from thence trauailed almost thorough all the parts of Europe: that comming againe to Rome in the last yeere of Nero, S. Paul and he were there martyred.

To this agreeth that which Ireneus saith; Iren. de bares. lib. 3. cap. 5. Fundātes beati Apostoli Petrus & Paulus Romanam ecclesiam, adminish and •• ecclesiae • p • sc • patum tradidcrunt l • no. The blessed Apostles Peter and Paul, laying the foundation of the Church of Rome, committed to Linus the Bishopricke, or charge of administration of that Church.

Now, said he, the third question is, whether by these words, Thou art Peter, &c. Christ gaue vnto S. Peter any speciall power or Iurisdiction, either spirituall or secular, more then vnto the residue of the Apostles; where he did exercise; when make claime to any such power; by which of the Apostles it was acknowledged; by what ancient father of the Church aduowed. For diuers testimonies of S. Paul do beare against it:Aug • tract. 50. ad cap. 12 lo. Cypr. in tract. de simpli • cler. S. Augustine, S. Cyprian and others of principall authoritie in the Church doe expressely denie it. Whereas the Scripture giueth so large and plaine testimonie, both for the title and authoritie of Kings, as it seemeth no greater can be added thereunto.

The fourth question may bee, whether any power was giuen vnto S. Peter, as Bishop of Rome: (which before the ascension of Christ hee could not bee) otherwise, how falleth it, that the same should bee rather fixed in the Church of Rome, then in any of those Churches, where it is manifest by the scriptures that he remained many yeeres, imploying himselfe in the exercise of his charge?

Fiftly, what assurance can we haue, that the power which is said to be committed to S. Peter, was to be transmitted entirely to any of his successors in place, who are so farre from being mentioned, as it is nothing 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 probable that euer they were ment. For, as Matthias was not the worse for succeeding vnto Iudas in place; so is not any man the better, onely for his locall succession to S. Peter.

Lastly, seeing the promises of God are with exception; if we continue in obedience to his wil: and therefore, although all the land of Canaan was expresly promised to Abraham and to his seede for an euerlasting possession,Gen. 17. 8. yet was the posteritie of Abraham, for their disobedience, first cast out of the greatest part thereof, and afterwards dispossessed of all.2. Sam. 7. 16. Psal. 89. 36. And although the kingdome of Israel was expresly promised to Dauid and to his seede for euer, yet the succession was broken off, by reason of their sinnes.Apoc. 2. Againe, seeing the Church of Ephesus, although furnished with many excellent vertues, was threatned notwithstanding, that the candlesticke should bee remoued out of his place, onely for that their first loue was abated. If wee should suppose (supposall is free) that expresse promise was made to S. Peter, and to his successours the Bishops of Rome, that they should represent the authoritie of Christ vpon earth; it will be a hard piece to perswade men, who haue not abandoned their owne iudgement, that this power was not long since either expired or reuoked, by reasō of the dissolute disorders, the irregular outrages and impieties, which haue bin ordinarie in that Sea. Marc • lline sacrificed vnto Idols; Liberius was an A • ian; another a Nestorian; Anastasius the second embraced the errour of Acatius. Sabinian was a man of base behauiour, and altogether opposite to the vertues of S. Gregorie▪ Constantine the second procured himselfe to be elected by corruption and force. Ioan the eighth, was a woman and a harlot. Romanus, Theodorus, Iohn the tenth, and Christopher, were infamous for seditions, symonie, lust, and other base abuses in life. Iohn 11. the bastard of Pope Sergius, was elected by fauour of Theodora his mistrisse. Iohn the 13. was accused of many vile villanies before the Emperour Otho the great. Boniface the 7. attained his place by corruption, and maintained it by sacrilege. Siluester the second, was a Magician, and came to his dignitie by couenanting with the diuell. Benedict the 10. was compelled to quit his place, because of his Symony. Boniface the 8. was aduanced like a Foxe, reigned like a Lion, and died like a dogge. What? shall we say, that all these were the oracles of heauen? the heads of the Church? the guides and grounds of religion? the successors of S. Peter? the Vica • s generall of Iesus Christ? wil worldly Princes endure such, who are not only vnseruiceable vnto them, but dishonorable, but rebellious, for their liefetenants? And seeing good life is a sruite of faith, seeing faith is expressed by actions of life, shall we say that these men who liued in this sort, could neither erre nor faile in faith? Alas, how then would they haue liued, if they could haue erred or failed in faith?

I will not digge deep into this dunghill; I will not speak of the heresies of Iohn the 23. of the scandalous deportments of Eugenius the 4. of the Incests, Sorceries, poysonings, & cutthroat cruelties of Alexander the 6. of the couetousnes, the cruelties, the periuries, the blasphemies, the adulteries, the Sodometries, the disdainfull pride, the cunning dissimulatiō, and other infamous behauior of diuers other Bishops of Rome. I will not speake of the two monsters lately hatched within that Sea, to the broad blemish of religion, to the vtter ouerthrow of ciuill societie: the one aequiuocation; the other par • icide of Princes, & raising rebellions for the cause of religion. In one word to the point of our purpose, as Christ denied the Iewes to be the children of Abraham, Ioh. 8. 39. because they did not the workes of Abraham; and as S. Paul said, that the children,Rom. 4. 16. & 9. 7. Galat. 3. 7. not of the flesh, but of the faith of Abraham, were to bee accounted his seede: in regard whereof, S. Iohn also said, that many affirmed themselues to be Iewes,Reuel. 2. 9. who were not: so we may safely defend, that the true succession of S. Peter, and of the other Apostles consisteth, not in comming after thē in place, but in holding their doctrine, and imitating their godlines in life. This (saith Gregorie Nazianzene) (and not succession in place) is in proper sense to bee taken for succession. De laudibus Athanas • , 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 For to expresse the same iudgement and mind, is to possesse the very same Chaire; the difference of Sea, is the difference in opinion, for doctrine and for life. This is a succession in truth and indeed; that is only a succession in name. Strato • les published in the citie of Athens, that whatsoeuer the tyrant Demetrius should ordaine, the same was to be esteemed holy before God, and iust before men. When Cambyses was desirous to espouse his Sister, the fact was iustified by this law of the Persians; The King may do what soeuer he please. Doubtlesse, (said he) many Bishops of Rome in claiming Hyperbolicall power, to beare through Diabolicall dristes, haue bin rather successors to these men, then vnto any of the Apostles.

To conclude, with answere vnto those who can find a difference betweene the Pope and the Pope; betweene the Pope as being a man, and the Pope as being Bishop of Rome; betweene the Pope in his Consistory, and the Pope in his Palace, or among his Souldiers in the field;Fulg. collectan. lib. 6. betweene the Imperiall and Pontificall Pope; I will tell you what Fulgosius, he that was throwen out of state in Liguria, reported of a certaine Archbish • p of Colen. As this Archbishop being also Duke of Colen, passed through a small Village in Germanie, with so great a trame of armed men (according to the fashion of that people) that it neerly approched the greatnes of an armie; a certain countrie fellow brake forth into a loude laughter against him. And being therefore presented before the Archbishop, hee boldly said, that hee could not refraine both to laugh and to admire, considering the great pouertie, the great humilitie, wherein the Apostles passed the trauailes of this life, that they who carrie themselues for the Apostles successours, should thus plunge themselues both in plentie and in pride. Simple fellow, said the Archbishop, I doe now beare the state and presence of a Duke; I represent an Archbishop when I am within the church. At this speech, the fellow did • ise into a more broad and bolde laughter. And being demaunded the cause thereof, I pray you, said hee, whilest this Duke ruineth the Church, both by action and example, how is the Bishop in the meane time busied; and when this Duke for this cause shall goe to the diuell, what shall then become of the Bishop?

There was not any amongs vs, who did not countenance this conceit with a smile. And this had put a period to our discourse, had not one maintained it with further speech; that he would gladly heare these questions so fullie followed, as then hee saw them fairely laid. Assirming, that thereby he supposed it would appeate, that it is impossible to find a worke of so great waight, as is the supremacie of the Bishop of Rome, vpon so weake and feeble a foundation. But this will require (said hee) both the leasure and labour of some excellent Diuine.

True (answered N.) and yet many of these questions haue a mixture of humanitie: a mixture also both of the Ciuill and Canon law. And I haue often maruailed (with that he cast a side countenance vpon me) by what meanes it falleth, when in other countries the professers of these lawes are most accomplished schollers, and fittest for matters of mixt professions; that in England only, either they are not so, or are not so (at leastwise) reputed.

I was forward to haue answered. But it appeared that the intent of N. was, by crossing into this question to cut off the other. For, refer • ing this point to a more priuate conference between him and me, he fell into varietie of other talke. So, the time being well spent, after some ceremonies of curtesie, all of vs withdrew, whither our particular occasions did leade.