MAIESTY THE LIFE▪ AND RAIGNE OF KING EDWARD THE SIXT▪ Written by S. Iohn Hayward [...] Dr. of Lawe. London [...]inted for Iohn Partridge▪ and are to [...] sold at the signe of the Sunne in Paules Churchyard. POWER

Courteous Reader,

THis noble Prince, whose Storie is here deliuered, seemes to haue had the same aduersitie of for­tune in his life and death, which he had at his birth. For as he was destituted of the helpes of nature at his en­trance, and was faine to haue his way made into the world with a knife; so in his life was there continuall imployment of either Sword or Axe; of that, either at home against his Rebells, or against his enemies abroad; of this, vpon his Nobles, and particularly vpon his owne vncles by the mothers side; of which the Duke of Somer­set's case is very remarkable. As his birth was violent, and his reigne troublesome, so was his death praemature, & not without suspicion of some [Page] practice; of which, (besides vulgar rumour,) Car­dan in calculating his scheme, seemes to haue some iealous coniecture. For whether he diuined it by his art in Astrology, or apprehended it by the course and carriage of businesse, hee made a dan­gerous praediction: when hee foresaw, that the King should shortly dye a violent death, and (as he reporteth) fled out of the kingdome, for feare of further danger. Howsoeuer, he was as noble a branch as euer sprung out of the Royall stocke, worthy (if so it had seemed good to God) of a more fauourable birth, a quieter reigne, and a longer life. But as the notable accidents in his tu­multuous times doe deserue to be recorded; so doth the King himselfe for his sweet condition, for his minde as innocent as his yeares, for his rare en­dowments well deserue to be commended to euer­lasting memory; that he may bee permanent so much the longer in the life of an history, by how much the threed of his naturall life was cut shor­ter by the Fates. And indeed as he had the birth of Caesar, so had he beene worthy to haue had the fortune and fame of Caesar; but a better conclu­sion▪ This history is left vs from the pen of a wor­thy Author, of whom we haue another essay in Henry the fourth▪ This comes out into the world [Page] after the death of the father; a Posthumus, and is not like to finde any Patron, but the loue and affe­ction of thee, (fauourable Reader) to which I commend it, and thee to God.

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[Page 1]THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF K. EDVVARD THE SIXTH.

EDWARD K. of England the sixth of that name of the Norman Race, was borne at1537 Hampton court the 17 of October 1537. being the only surviving sonne of K. Henry the 8. by Iane his third wife, daughter to Sr. Iohn Seymer Knight. And because K. Hen­ry did take her to wife, after the death of Katherine his first wife, from whom he had beene divorced, no question nor conceit was cast, but that this Issue betweene them had right to succeede.

All reports do constantly runne, that he was not by natu­rall passage delivered into the world, but that his mothers bo­dy was opened for his birth, and that shee dyed of the incisi­on the fourth day following. After which sort men brought [Page 2] forth, were by the ancient Romanes esteemed fortunate; and commonly proved great enterpris [...]rs with happy successe. For so Plinie writeth: Auspicatius enecta matre nascuntur, sicut Plin. lib. 7. cap. 9. Plin. 16. Fest. lib. 3. Solin. ca. 4. r [...]r. mem. Prob. in epit. l. 10. Valerij. Liv. dec. 1. lib. 2. Sil. Ital. lib. 13. Hermo. in castig. Plin. loco cod. Scipio Africanus prior natus. These were called Caesones and afterwards Caesares as Plime, Festus Pompeius, Solinus and Ti­tius Probus affirme. Quia caeso matris vtero in lucem [...].

In this maner was Caeso Fabius borne, whom Livy repor­teth to haue beene thrice Consull; first with Lucius Aemilius, next with Sp. Furius, and thirdly with T. Uirginius. Thus also was Scipio borne, who by reason of his braue atchieue­ments in Africke, was surnamed, Scipio Africanus prior. But in that Plinie affirmeth, that he was the first who was called Caesar, à caeso matris vtero, he seemeth to haue made a slippe. [...]or before him and somewhat before the warres with the Samnites, one Claudius was surnamed Caesar, because he was in that fashion brought into the world.

In ancient times these births were esteemed sacred to A­pollo, as Servius noteth out of these words in Uirgill. Lib. 10▪

I [...]de Lycham ferit exectum cum matre perempta, & tibi Phoebe sacrum.

And therefore Aesculapius because he was ripped from his mothers wombe, was feigned to be the sonne of Apollo; as Servius vpon another place of Uirgill hath observed. For this cause also in the ancient state of Rome, things consecrated toLib. 7. Apollo, were kept by the familie of the Caesars. That Iulius Caesar was so borne it is an vncontrouled Report. But that he was the first of the familie of Caesars, who was so either na­med or borne. It is a thicke mistie error supported chiefly by some men of excellent iudgement in their owne professions, but childishly vnskilfull in anything besides. Plinie writethLib. 7. c. 53. that his Father was surnamed Caesar; who having borne the office of Praetor, determined his life by suddaine death.

What would haue beene either the fortunes or endeavours of K. EDWARD he never attained to yeares of proofe. Assuredly both for the time of his age and raigne, he is rather [Page 3] to bee admired then commended, whereby he raised an high expectation for times to ensue. In one point hee was like the like borne Iulius Caesar. For as Caesar in the middest of his greatest actions, wrote an exact and curious Commentary of all his notable enterprises by Armes. So this Edward during all the time of his Raigne, but most especially towards the end, kept a most iudicious Iournall of all the most principall passages of the affaires of his estate. These memorialls writ­ten with K. Edwards hand (which now shall be the ground of this historie) were imparted vnto me by the great Trea­serer of English antiquities, S. Robert Cotton Knight Baro­net, who as he hath beene a most industrious, both collector and conseruer of choice peeces in that kinde, so is he most ingenuously free, to communicate the vse of them to others.

This young Prince was brought vp among nurses, vntill he arriued to the age of sixe yeares, when he had passed this weake and sappi [...] age, he was committed to Dr Cox [...], who after was his Almoner, & M. Iohn Cheeke men of meane birth, But so well esteemed for virtue and learning by reason of the place of their employment that they might well besaid to be borne of themselues. These having equall authority for instruction of the young Prince and well agreeing bare equall stroake in divers faculties. Dr Coxe for knowledge of Di­vinity, Philosophy and gravitie of manners; M Cheeke for e­loquence in the Latine and Greeke tongues. But for other sufficiencies (so farre as it appeares by the bookes which hee wrote) Pedantique enough. Others also were appointed to acquaint him with the vse of the most respected forraigne languages, all iointly endevouring to infuse into him knowledge and vertue by some mixture of honest de­light.

Vnder these teachers the Prince thrived so well that in short time he spake the French tongue perfectly. In the [...] tongue he could declaime vpon the suddaine no lesse both readily and purely then many who were reputed a­mongst [Page 4] the most learned of these times. He attained not only commendable knowledge but speech in the Greeke, Spa­nish and Italian languages: having alwaies great iudgment in measuring his words by his matter: his speech being alike both fluent and weightie, such as best beseemed a Prince, as for naturall Philosophie, for Logicke, Musicke, Astronomie, and other liberall sciences his perfections were such that the great Italian Philosopher Cardane, having tasted him by many conferences and finding him most strongly to encoun­ter his new devised paradoxes in Philosophie, seemed to be astonished betweene admiration and delight, and divulged his abilities to be miraculous. These his acquirements by industrie were exceedingly both enriched and enlarged by many excellent endowments of nature. For in disposition he was milde, gracious and pleasant of an heavenly wit, in body beautifull, but especially in his eies, which seemed to haue a starrie liuelynes and lustre in them, generally hee seemed to be as Cardane reported of him A MIRACL'E OF NATVRE.

When he was a few moneths aboue nine yeeres of his age, great preparation was made either for creating or for decla­ring him to be Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornewall, and Count Palatine of Chester. In the middest whereof K. Henry his Father ended his life of a dropsie accompanyed with a sprea­ding sca [...]e of his thigh. Herevpon Edward Earle of Hart­ford and Sr Anthony Browne knight of the order and Master of the horse were forthwith dispatched, by the residue of the couns [...]ile, to the young King then lying at Hartford. These came vnto him and the next day brought him to Enfield, neither with preparation nor traine any more then ordina­rie. Here they first declared vnto him and to the Lady Eli­zabeth his sister, the death of K. Henry their father. Vpon which tidings they both brake forth into such vnforced and vnfained passions, as it plainely appeared that good nature did worke in them, beyond all other respects. Never was sorrow more sweetly set forth, their faces seeming ra­ther [Page 5] to beautifie their sorrow, then their sorrow to clowde the beautie of their faces. Their young yeares their excellent beauties, their louely and liuely enterchange of complaints in such sort graced their griefe: as the most yron eies at that time present were drawne thereby into societie of their Teares.

The next day following being the last of Ianuarie the young king advanced towards London. The Earle of Hart­ford riding next before him and Sr Anthony Browne behinde. The same day he was proclaimed King and his lodging was prepared within the Tower. He there was received by the Constable and Lieuetenant on horse backe without the gates, and vpon the bridge next the Ward-gate by all the chiefe Lords [...]o his counsailo. These attended him to his chamber of presence and there sware allegiance vnto him.

Here he remained about three weekes, and in the meane time the counsaile appointed vnto him by his Fathers will dayly sate for ordering the affaires of the Kingdome. Among these the Earle of Hartford was elected and forthwith pro­claimed protector of the Realme, and governour of the kings person vntill he should accomplish the age of eighteene yeares. To this office he was deemed most fit, for that he was the kings vnkle by the Mothers side, very neere vnto him in bloud, but yet of no capacitie to succeede; by rea­son whereof his naturall affection and dutie was lesse easie to be over-carryed by Ambition. A few daies after the Lord Protector knighted the king within the Tower, and immediat­ly the king stood vp vnder his cloath of estate, tooke the sword from the Lord Protector and dubbed the Lord Maior of London knight. Herehence ensued diverse other advance­ments in honour. For Sr Edward Seymer Lord Protector and Earle of Hartford, was created Duke of Somerset. The Lord William Parre Earle of Essex was proclaimed Mar­quis of Northampton. S [...] Thomas▪ Seymer the kings vnckle was made Lord of Sudley and high Admirall of England. St Richard Rich was made Lord Rich▪ S [...] William Willough­by [Page 6] Lord Willoughby of Parreham, and Sir Edmund Shef­field, Lord Sheffield of Buterwike. And because high titles of honour were in that time of the Kings minority sparingly granted because dignity then waited vpon desert, which caused it againe to be waited on by respect, every of these te­stified for others, that it was the pleasure of the Kings Father before his death, that these titles should thus bee confer­red.

During this time the body of King Henrie was with ho­norable solemnities conveyed from London to Sheene and thence to Windsore and there buryed within the Colledge. All his officers brake their staues and threw them into the graue, but at their returne to the tower, new staues were de­livered vnto them, this solemnitie being finished the King vpon the nineteenth of Febr. 1547. rode in great state from the Tower to the Palace of Westminster, and the day follow­ing was crowned by the Archbishop of Canterbury assisted with other Bishops and all the chiefe nobilitie of the Realme. About the twenty-ninth yeere of the Empire of Charles the fifth and the 33 of the Raigne of Francis the first of France and in the fifth yeere both of the raigne and age of Marie Queene of Scotland.

The same day a generall pardon was granted to all persons as it hath beene vsuall at coronations. But by some envious oppositions or for some other causes vnknowne fixe onlie were excepted. The Duke of Northfolke, Cardinall Poole, Edward [...]e Courtney eldest sonne to the Marquesse of Exceter. Doctor Pates, Master Fortescue and Master Throgmorton. But they overlived that envie and had their pardons after­wards in the first yeere of the Raigne of Queene Marie. A few daies after the Earle of Southampton Lord Chancellor of England▪ for being opinatiue (as it was reported, and obsti­nately opposite to the rest of the Lords in matters of coun­saile, was removed both from his office of being Chancellor, and from his place and authority in counsaile, and the great seale was delivered to Sir William Pawlet Lord S Iohn, who [Page 7] was Lord great Master of the Kings houshold. But this wound of disgrace never left bleeding, vntill it was stopped by the Protectors fall.

It is certaine that from the first entrance of this King, to his raigne never was King either more loving to others, or better beloved generally of all. The one whereof proceeded from the goodnes of his disposition, the other from many graces and vertues illustrious in him, for besides his excel­lent beauty and modestie beseeming a Prince, besides his sweet humanity the very life of mortall condition, besides a naturall disposition to all literature, whereto he seemed rather borne then instructed, many noble and high virtues sparck­led in him, especially Clemencie, Courage, Care, and know­ledge in affaires of state.

To Clemencie he was much enclined, especially in mat­ters of blood, and most especially if it were for Religion, a vertue so much the more esteemed, by how much it had beene lesse vsed before, insomuch that albeit hee was most earnestly affected to that religion wherein hee had beene brought vp, yet none were executed in his time for other religion, but only two blasphemous Heretickes, Ioane Butcher and George a Dutchman.

And when Ioane Butcher was to be burned, all the coun­saile could not procure him to set his hand to the warrant. Wherefore they employed Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury to deale privatly with him for his subscription. But the King remained firme both in reason and resolution, affirming that he would not driue her headlong to the Di­vell, but because Heretickes for the most part haue a straine of madnesse, he thought it best to apply her with some cor­porall chastisem [...]nts which with respit of time might happe­ly reduce her to good order. The Archbishop was violent both by perswasions and entreaties, and when with meere importunity he had prevailed. The King in subscribing his name said, that he would lay all the charge thereof vpon the Archbishop before God. Not many yeares passed, but this [Page 8] Archbishop also felt the smart of the fire, and it may be that by his importunity for bloud, hee did offend, for a good thing is not good if it be immoderatelie desired or done.

His courage did appeare in the great delight he tooke in re­presentations of Battailes, Skirmishes, Assaults, and of all kinde of military exercises, his iudgment was great either for errors or fine contriuances in the field. And no actions of Armes were executed in his time, but he would perfectly vnderstand, by what aduantages on the one side or ouer­sights on the other the euent succeeded. He tooke great plea­sure in exercises of actiuity whereto he much trained his ser­vants. And to that end he often appointed challenges among them for wrestling, leaping, running, riding, shooting at roues, and at rounds and such like games, and at riding and shooting, would sometimes be of one of the sides. He had 100 archers of his ordinary guard, who once mustering be­fore him shot two arrowes euery man together against an inch board of well seasoned timber. All stroke through the board, and their arrowes stucke in another board behinde, and divers pierced both the boards; generally none might be of his guard, but besides of tall and comely stature, such as were either good archers or wrastlers or easters of the barre or leapers or runners or of some other man-like qualitie. He was exceeding skilfull in fortifications, and bestowed great cost in strengthening Calleis, Berwicke, and other parts there­about, He knew all the principall ports in England, Scot­land, Ireland, France, and other countries not farre di­stant, how they [...]ay, when the tyde served, what vessels of burthen they could receiue and what windes served for en­trance.

Touching his care and knowledge in affaires of state, no­thing was more conspicuous in him. He was much conver­sant amongst his counsaile, and would well vnderstand what matters passed their iudgments, and vpon what grounds. In matters discoursed by them, he would often encounter their reasons, and adde most liuely reasons of his owne. In [Page 9] so much that at last they made an order that no matters of weight, should be debated vnlesse he were present. Admi­rable he was to collect the speeches and opinions of many, and to draw their differences to a true head, alwaies ben­ding himselfe rather iudiciously to resolue, then by doubts and distinctions to perplex a businesse, he had a chest where­of he alwaies carryed the key about him, for keeping record of such matters as were concluded by his counsaile. And em­bracing businesse for part of his solace, hee appointed set times with Doctor Coxe Master of his Requests for speeding poore mens causes without tedious attendance or delay. Of all the Magistrates Iustices and Gentlemen of sort within his realme, he [...] their names, their housekeeping, their re­ligion and manner of life. Hee was skilfull in the exchange beyond the seas, and in all the circumstances and practises thereof. And so was he both skilfull and provident in mat­ters of the Mint at home. To Embassadors hee would giue answere vpon the suddaine and touch both orderly and fully vpon every part of their orations, to the delight and admi­ration of all the hearers. He much frequented sermons and penned notes with his owne hand, his notes hee [...]yphered with greeke characters to the end that they who waited on him should not read them. His disports were ingenuous and man-like whereby he alwaies learned somewhat. And yet as well from these as from his businesses of state, he dayly re­served some houres for his private studies and exercises with his Teachers. These endeavours fell vpon so excellent a ca­pacitie that in every short distance of time, he made incre­dible increase both in learning and experience of affaires and consequentlie in loue of all men.

Presently after that he was setled in his governement, D Wotton the kings Embassador resident with the Queene Dow­ager of Hungarie, regent of the Low Countries vnder the Emperor was discharged of that attendance and addressed to the Emperors court, there to reside Embassador for the king insteed of Doctor Bonner Bishop of London, and of Sir Fran­cis [Page 10] Bryan who were called home. He was furnished with in­structions that being first informed from the former Embas­sadors as wel of the general state of the Emperours court as of such particuler intelligēces as might serue to advāce the kings intentiōs he should deale with the Emperor to declare al Scots for his enemies, except such as should be friends to the King, which should appeare by his safe conduct. That because it had bin agreed betweene the Emperor and the late K. of England, that the yeare next ensuing they should withioyne forces, in­uade the Territories of the French King, he should moue the Emperor to aduise of some order and forme for those pro­ceedings. That whereas the Duke of Lorraine had bin late before at the Emperors court, and made [...] ouerture for peace or truce, betweene the Emperour and the French King, he should be informed by Sr Francis Bryan of the whole estate of that businesse and awaite opportunity to put the Emperor in remembrance, that it had beene couenanted be­tweene him and the King of England, that neither of them should treat of peace or truce with the French King, or any other common enimy without consent of the other, and that the King of England had well obserued that article in refusing to giue eare to the French embassador making over­ture for such a treatise, That whereas it had beene agreed betweene him and the King of England, that either of them should send certaine ships to sea well manned and apparelled for fight, which all that yeere had beene performed by the king, whereas the Emperour shifted the default vpon his of­ficers, in case he should not cause the said Navy to be forth­with furnished, he should awaite occasion to sollicite the same. Lastly that he should carry a nimble eare as well tou­ching any variation in all these [...]atters, as for other occur­rences in France, Spaine, Italie, Almaine, and thereof advertise the king.

But notwithstanding all these cautions and preventions of peace, or truce betweene the Emperour and the French, the king of England finding the Emperour slow in his performan­ces [Page 11] and much suspecting his secret ends entertained a treatie of peace with France, but secretly and a farre off, and to bee governed as occasions should v [...]ry, and in reg [...]rd h [...]reof a­greement was made, that all ships and goods which had bin surprised at sea by the English vpon the French, or by the French vpon the English since the beginning of that treatie should be freely discharged. And albeit the English had great adu [...]ntage in value of reprisalls, as being alwaies both more strong and actiue at sea, yet the king by his proclamation commanded that forthwith restitution should be made.

Hostility being thus suspended with France, preparati­on was made for warres against Scotland, the occasion where­of did thus arise.

MARY STYWARD sole daughter & heire to Iames the 5. King of Scots began her raigne ouer the Realme of Scotland vpon the 18 of December 1542, being then not aboue 7 daies olde, so as the Sunne no sooner almost saw her an infant then a Queene and no sooner was sh [...]e a Queene, but she was desired of Henry then King of England, to be assured in mar­riage to Prince Edward his only sonne, being then not much aboue 6 yeares of age. Vpon this ouerture the gouernor of Scotland assembled the nobility of the Realme at Edenburgh, where after much debatement of the cōmodities or discom­modities like to ensue, they concluded in the end that in March then next ensuing a Parliament should be held to giue perfection and forme to that businesse.

In the meane time S. Ralph Sadler knight was sent em­bassador from England to the Gouernor and other Lords of Scotland, who followed his charge with so good diligence and advice that in the same parliamen [...], authority was giuen to William Earle of Glancorne, S. George 'Douglasse, S. William Hamilton, S. Iames Leirmouth, knights, and to one of the secretaries of state ▪to conclude this marryage. These commissioners came into England with whom before the end of Iulie, the same yeere all covenants were concluded, instru­ments of the contract of marriage interchangeably sealed and [Page 12] sworne, and a peace established for ten yeares, which time ex­pyred both the Prince and the Queene should be of age to consent.

The French King all this ti [...]e was so enteartined with warres against the Emperor that he had no sence of these pro­ceedings, but when he vnderstood that these agreements were passed as well for marriage as for peace he b [...]nt his best ende­uour to dissolue them both. First with intention to impeach both the greatnesse and strength of the English nation; after with desire to winne this marriage for Francis who after­wardes was King of France. To this purpose the French K. sent for Mathew Earle of Levenoxe, who then serued vnder his pay in Italie and furnished him with mony, forces, and friends, and aboue all with many encouragements to take vpon him brauely the honour of his house, and Ancestors, to remoue the Earle of Arraine from the Regency of Scotland, and to reverse such pactions as he had made. The Earle at his first arrivall in Scotland was ioyfully received, as a man most engaged in domesticall factions, He alwaies vsed curte­sie and modestie disliked of none, sometimes sociablenes and fellowship well liked by many, generally he was honoured by his nation and well reputed by strangers, in favour of him the Pope s [...]nt the Patriarch of Apulia his Legat into Scot­land, who in the Popes n [...]me did faithfully assure, that both forces & mony should be sent into Scotland to resist the Eng­lish. He [...] drew the greatest of the Cleargie on his side who were most powerfull to draw on others. On the other side the king was not negligent to support his party with supplies, wher by great troubles ensued in Scotland, which fell not within the times that I hau [...] in hand.

In the end the Earle of Arraine abandoned the king of England, and applyed himselfe only to the French by reason whereof, the Regencie was confirmed to him which other­wise he had bin vpon adventure to loose. And as the Earle of [...] did forsake the English and adioine to the French, so the Earle of Levenoxe, being forsaken by the French applyed [Page 13] his service wholy to the English, which did not only continue but much encrease the calamities of Scotland, during the time of king Henries raigne.

King Henrie at the time of his death g [...]ue a sp [...]ciall charge to the Lords of his counsaile, that they should omit no [...]nde­vours whereby the said marri [...]ge might be procured to take effect, Herevpon they pursued this quarrell in the same st [...]te the king left it. But before they attempted any thing by Armes, the Lord Protector assailed the Scottish nobility with a friendly letter, Herein he rem [...]mbred them of the promises, sea [...]es, and oathes, which by publike authority had passed for concluding this marriage, that these being religious bonds be­twixt God and their soules, could not by any politike act of state be dissolved, vntill their Queene should attaine vnto yeares of dissent. Hee farther added that the providence of God did then manifestly declare it selfe, in that the male prin­ces of Scotland failing the kingdome was left to a daughter, and in that King Henry left only one sonne to succeed. That these two princes were agreeable both for yeares and prince­ly qualities, to bee ioyned in marri [...]ge, and th [...]reby to knit both Realmes into one. That this vnion as it was like to bee both easily done, & of firme continuance, so would it be both profitable and honourable to both the Realmes. That both the easinesse and firmn [...]s might be coniectured, for that both people are of the same language, of like habit and fashion, of like qualitie and condition of life, of one climate, not only an­nexed entirely together▪ but sev [...]red frō all the world [...]. For as these are sure arguments that both des [...]ended from one originall, and had bin vnder one governement, so (by reason that likenes is a great cause of liking and of loue,) they would be most forceable meanes both to ioine and to hold them in one body again▪ that the profit would rise by extinguishing warres betwe [...]ne the two nations, by reason whereof in for­mer times victori sabroad haue bin impeach [...]d invasions and seditions occasioned, th [...] confines of both Realmes laid w [...]st or else made a nurserie of rapines, robberies, and murthers, the [Page 14] inner parts often deepely pierced, and made a wretched spe­ctacl to all eies of humanity and pittie. That the honour of both Realmes would enerease as well in regard of the coun­tries sufficient to furnish not only the necessities but the mo­derate pleasures of this life: as also of the people great in mul­titude, in bodies able, assured in minde not only for the safetie, but the glory of their common state. That hereby would fol­low assurance of desence, strength to enterprize, ease in sustai­ning publike burthens and charge. That herein the English desired no preheminence, but offered equalitie both in liberty and priviledge, and in capacitie of offices and imployments, and to that end the name of Brittaines should be assumed in­different to both nations. That this would be the accomplish­ment of their common felieitie, in ease by their evill either de­stinie or advice they suffered not the occasion to be lost.

The authority and reasons of this letter weighed much with persons of most weighty iudgements, but others more powerful in that state partly vpon vaine hope in regard of the young yeares of the king, partly vpon feare of alteration in re­ligion, and partly in favour of their ancient amitie with the French, and doubting to be brought vnder by the English, were altogether carryed another way, yet they dispatched an Embassador into England, but neither was any thing done, neither do I finde what was propounded to haue bin done.

Herevpon diverse hostilities began to be practised. And first a small ship of the kings called the Pensie hovering at sea, was assailed by the Lyon a principall shippe of Scotland. The sight began farre off and slow, but when they approached, it grew very furious, wherein the 'Pensie so applyed her shot, that therewith the Lyons or [...] loope was broken, her sailes and tacklings torne: and lastly, shee was boarded and taken. But as shee was brought for England, shee was cast away by tem­pest and negligence neere Harewich haven, and most of her men perished with her. I would not haue staide vpon this small adventure, but that it seemed a presage to the succeeding warre, wherein the English acquired a glorious victorie, but [Page 15] lost the fruit thereof, by reason of their stormie disorders at home.

Many such small actions were enterprised dayly, which were but scattering drops in regard of the great tempest which did ensue. For in the meane season an armie was pre­pared for invasion of Scotland, vnder the fortune and com­mande of the Lord Protector. The souldiers first assembled at Newcastle and were there mustred by the Earle of War­wicke. Heere they so [...]ourned three daies in which time the kings fleete arrived, consisting of 65. Bottomes, whereof one galley and 34. tall ships were well appointed for fight, the re­sidue served for carriage of munition and victuals. Of this sleete Edward Lord Clinton was Admirall, and Sir William UUoodhouse his Uiceadmirall, in this time also a generall muster was taken and order appointed for the March.

In the whole armie were betweene 12. and 1300 thou­sand foot, 1300 men at Armes, 2800 light horse, being such men for their goodly personages, their ready horses their braue apparell, their armour and weapons, as never before was an armie set forth into those parts in all points better appointed. The Lord Protector being Generall, represented the person and Maiestie of the king. The Earle of Warwicke was Lieutenant generall. The Lord Gray of UUilton was Marshall of the field, and captaine generall of the horsemen. Sir Ralph Uane Lieutenant of all the men at Armes and Di­milances, Sir Ralph Sadler was generall Treasurer, other gen­tlemen had their particuler charges. But vpon the Generall and the Earle of Warwicke both the hopes and hazards of the maine adventure did wholy turne. And because much shalbe said of these two hereafter, because during the raigne of king Edward, they were the principall actors in every sceane, I will briefly declare both what persons, and of what demerits at that time they were.

Edward Seymer Duke of Somerset, Lord Generall was a man little esteemed either for wisedome or personage, or cou­rage in armes. But being in favour with king Henry and by [Page 16] him much imploied, was alwaies observed to be both faith­full and fortunate as well in giving advise, as in managing a charge. About fiue yeares before hee being Warden of the Marches against Scotland, the invasion of Iames the 5. was by his direction encountred, and broken at Solome Mosse, whereof diverse of the Scottish nobility were taken prisoners. The yeare next after, hee and the Earle of Warwicke with a handfull of men to speake of, fired Lieth and Edenburgh, and returned by a leasurely march 44 miles through the body of Scotland. The yeare next ensuing he invaded the Scottish bor­ders, was [...]ed T [...]uedale & the marches and deformed the coun­try with ruine and spoile. The yeare then next following, be­ing appointed to view the fortifications vpon the marches of Cale [...]s, he not only did that, but with the hardy approach of 7000 English men raised an armie of 21000 French, encam­ped over the River before Bulloine, wanne their ordinance, carriage, treasure and tents, with the losse only of one man, and returned from thence by land to Guisnes, wan in his way within shot and rescue of Arde the castle of Outing, cōmonly called the redpile. The yeare next ensuing this, he invaded & spoiled Picardy, began the forces of Newhaven, Blacknesse and Bullingberge, and so well applyed his endeavours, that in a few weekes and before his departure they were made teni­ble, vpon these and other like successes, his succeeding fortunes were esteemed alwaies rather new, then strange, and his onlie presence was reputed a susticient surety for an army, and yet did he never rise hereby, either into haughtines in himselfe, or contempt of others, but remained courteous & affable, choo­sing a course least subiect to envie, betweene stiffe slubbornes and filthy slattery, never aspiring higher then to be the second person in state.

Iohn 'Dudley Earle of Warwicke was a man of ancient no­bilitie, comely in stature and countenance, but of little gravi­tie or abstinence in pleasures, yea sometimes almost dissolute, which was not much regarded, if in a time when vices began to grow into fashion, a great man was not over severe. He was [Page 17] of a great spirit and highly aspiring, not forbearing to make a­ny mischiefe the meanes for attaining his ambitious endes. Hereto his good wit and pleasant speeches were altogether serviceable, having the art also by emptie promises and threats to draw others to his purpose, in matters of armes he was both skilfull and industrious, and as well in fore-sight as resoluti­on present and great. Being made L. Lieutenant of Bulloine, when it was first taken by the English, the walls sore beaten & shaken, and in very truth searce mainetaineable, he defended the place against the Dolphine whose armie was accounted to consist of 52000 men. And when the Dolphine had entred the base towne, not without slaughter of divers of the Eng­lish, by a braue sally he cast out the French againe with the losse of aboue 800 of their men esteemed the best souldiours in France. The yeare next ensuing when the French had a great [...]leete at sea for invasion of England, he was appointed Admirall and presented battaile to the French Navy, which they refused and returned home with all their threats and cost in vaine. Herevpon he landed 5000 men in France, fired Tre­port, and diverse villages there abouts & returned to his ships with the losse only of one man. To say truth for enterprises by armes, he was the Minion of that time, so as few things he attempted, but he atchieued with honour, which made him more proud and ambitious when he had done. Gene­rally he alwaies encreased both in estimation with the king, and authority among the Nobility, doubtfull whether by fatall destinie to the state, or whether by his vertues, or at least by his appearances of vertues.

Now the Generall in this voyage was diligent and care­full, and to perfect all practises which might serue to advance the adventure, as to giue good contentment to all the Soul­diers. These also were of good confidence and cheere, as well out of their owne courage, as for the skill, valour, and fortune of their commanders. And first every souldier was commanded to take with him provision for foure daies, and so were let out of Berwicke and encamped about two slight [Page 18] shootes off the towne vpon the sea side towardes Scotland. The Lord Clynton also put to sea with his fleete, alwaies holding his course With the army to relieue them if neede should require. Here proclamation was made in three parts of the field, declaring the causes of this iourney, and offering not only peace, but loue and rewards to all such as would either advance or favour the marriage betweene the two princes. Hereof it was conceiued that the Scots had good intelligence, hauing some factors doubtlesse at this mart, albeit, (as wisdome was) they did not openly trade.

The next day they began to march, wherein the Lord Gray and Sir Francis Bryan led aboue 800 lighthorsemen as a scout a mile or two before the army, aswell to giue ad­vertisement of appearance or approach of enimies as to provide lodging both commodious and safe, St Francis Bry­an was so regardfull of his charge as he neuer disposed any matter of weight but first he acquainted the Generall there­with, neither did he at any time forsake his saddle, vntill the army were quartered, and seated in such order, as if any alarme should be giuen, the horsemen might issue forth without disturbance of the foote, and the Avauntguard without shufling with the battaile or Arriere, next to the light horsemen followed the Auantguard, in number be­tweene 3 and 4000 foote, 100 men at armes and 600 light horsemen led by the Earle of Warwicke. The Battaile fol­lowed consisting of about 6000 foote, 600 men at armes, and about 1000 light horsemen conducted, by the Lord Generall himselfe. Lastly followed the Arrier wherein were betweene 3 and 4000 foote, 100 men at armes and 600 light horse vnder the conduct of the Lord Dacres a­liuely aged gentleman no lesse setled in experience then in yeares▪ vpon one wing the Artillery was drawn being 16 peeces, euery peece hauing his guard of pioners to plain the waies, the other wing was made by men at armes and de­milances for the Avantguard and halfe the battaile ridinga­bout [Page 19] two flight shoote from their side. The other halfe of the battaile and the whole flancke of the Arrier was cloa­sed by the carriages being 900 cartes, besides wagons. The residue of the men at armes and Demilances marched behinde.

In this order both beautifull and firme they marched two daies vsing no hostility, least peace thereby might hap­pely be hindred. The second day they arriued at a place cal­led the Peathes, a valley stretching towards the sea 6 miles in length, about 20 score in breadth aboue, and 5 score in the bottome wherein runnes a little riuer. The bankes are so steepe on either side, that the passage is not direct, but by paths leading sloopewise, which being many the Place is therevpon called the Peathes. It was giuen forth in the army that here the Scots prepared to resist them, howbeit no forces appeared. Only the Pathes were cut in diuers places with trauerse trenches, which much encumbred the carriages vntill the Pioners had leveld them againe, Assuredly a small power ioyned to the ad­vantage of the place might haue troubled the English very much. For albeit no resistance was made yet the English had much to doe in surmounting the naturall difficulties of the place, the greatest part of one day.

Passage being made the generall summoned three castles that were neere. One desperate of succor and not desirous to dispute the defence presently yeelded, but two stood vpon their aduenture. So the Cannon was planted a breach made and the place entered, but, then the moderation of the Generall was both vnusuall and vnexpected, in sparing the Defendants liues, for it hath bin a long observed law of the field. That if a small company of better courage then iudgment, will contrary to all military discipline maintaine a feeble place against royall forces, if they will offer to impeach the purposes of an army, which they haue no reason to thinke themselues able to resist, after battery presented they put themselues out of all ordinary expectation of mercy and so [Page 20] Cesar answered the Adviatici, Civitatem conservat [...]rum, [...]i Caes. 2. Gallic. Conest. 6. privsquā aries murum attigisset se dedissent. And so the Duke d [...] Alua much blamed Prosper Columnus for receiuing a castle vpon conditions after he had beaten it with the Can­non. And in this case I conceiue the law of God to be vn­derstood; which spareth not those citties that will not yeeld vntill they be beseiged, meaning doubtlesse when the de­fendants haue little reason to thinke themselues able toDeut. 20. make defence, I will not involue in silence with what a so­daine statagem of wit, the defendants of one of these peeces escaped extremities, when they vnderstood both that they were not able to defend themselues, and that their obstina­ey had excluded all hope of pardon. They made petition that they might not presently be slaine; but haue some time to recommend their soules to God, and afterwards be han­ged, this respite being first obtained their pardon did more easily ensue.

Vpon the first newes of the approaches of the English and all truths enlarged by report. The Gouernor of Scotland was somewhat appalled, as neither furnished at that time with forraine aide, nor much trusting his forces at home yet resuming his accustomed courage well acquainted with both fortunes, he sent his heralds through all parts of the realme, and commanded the firecrosse to be carried (an an­cient custome in cases of importance) namely two fire­brands set in fashion of a crosse, and pitched vpon the point of a speare, therewith proclamation to be made that all men aboue 16 yeares of age, and vnder 60 should resort forth­with to Muscleborough with convenient provision of victu­als with them.

Herevpon they flocked to the place in so great multi­tudes that it was thought sit not only to stay further resort, but making choice of the most serviceable, to discharge di­uers of the rest.

Now as the English directed their way towards the place where they vnderstood the Scots assembled, they came to [Page 21] a riuer called Lynne crossed with a bridge of stone. The horsemen and carriages passed through the water, the foote men ouer the bridg, which because it was narrow the army was long in setting ouer, The Avantguard marched forth and the battaile followed, but as the Arriere was passing ouer, a very thicke mist did arise. The Earle of Warwicke hauing before espyed certaine plumpes of Scottish horse­men ranging the field rerurned towards the Arriere to pre­vent such danger as the thicknesse of the mist, the neerenes of the enimy, and the disarray occasioned by the narrownes of the bridg might cast vpon them. The Scots coniecturing (as it was) that some personage of honor staied to haue a view of the Arriere, called to the english to know if any noble man were neere, for that one whom they named (well knowne to be of honourable condition) would pre­sent himselfe to the Generall in case he might safely be con­ducted. Certaine young souldiers not vsed to such traines made rash and suddaine answere that the Earle of Warwicke was neere, vnder whose protection he might be assured. Herevpon they passed the water placed 200 of their prickers behinde a hillocke, and with 40 more cast about to finde the Earle. Now the Earle espying 6. or 7. of them seattered neere the army and taking them to be of the English sent one to command them to their Arra [...]e, and to that end himselfe rode an easy pace towards them followed only with 10 or 12 on horsebacke. He that had beene sent be­fore was so heedlesse either to obserue, or to advertise what they were, that the Earle did not discouer them to be eni­mies vntill he was in the middest among them.

Certainely a commander should not carelesly cast himselfe into danger, but when either vpon necessity or misadventure he falleth into it, it much aduanceth both his reputation and enterprise if brauely he behaue himselfe. Now the Earle espying where he was gaue so rude a charge vpon a cap­taine of the Scots named 'Dandy Care, that he forced him to turne, and chased him aboue 12 score at the lances [Page 22] point. Herewith the residue retyred deceitfully towards the place of their Ambush, from whence issued about 60 more. Then the Earle gathered his small company about him, and with good countenance maintained the fight. But the enimy in the end whether perceiuing some succors advancing from the army where the Alarme was then ta­ken, or whether intending to draw the English further into their Ambush, turned away an easy pace. The Earle forbad his men from following, fearing a greater ambush behind the hill as in truth there was. At his returne he was re­ceiued with great applause by the English souldiers, for that he did so well acquit himselfe in the danger, wherein­to by error and not by rashnes he had bin carryed. One of his men was slaine, another hurt in the buttocke, a third named Uane so grieuously hewne that many thousands haue dyed of lesse then halfe his hurts, whereof notwith­standing, he was cured afterwards; of the Scots 3 were ta­ken prisoners and presented to the generall by the Earle, of whom one had receiued many great entertainments and curtesies in England.

I may happely be thought tedious in setting downe these occurrences which may seeme small. But besides that in actions of armes small matters are many times of very great moment, especially when they serue to raise an opi­nion of commanders, I intend to describe this battaile ful­ly, not to derogate thereby any thing from the one nation, or to arrogate to the other. For what honor riseth vpon e­uent of a battaile, when oftentimes the smallest accident ouerthroweth a side? And when victory doth more often fall, by error of the vanquished then by valor of the victori­ous. But my purpose is to make it appeare what myseries both nations haue avoided, and what quietnesse and security they haue attained by their peaceable vnion, when as either of them being able to bring such forces into the field for then mutuall ruine, they may now doe the like for their common ei­ther glory or necessity. Againe this battaile being partially [Page 23] described heretofore by the writers of either nation and not without vncivill termes, I will now set it forth so in­differently and fairely as I can. Lastly this battaile is not slightly to be slipped ouer, being the last (wherein I pray that I may prophesie truly) that was or euer shall be strooke betweene the two nations. But I returne to my purpose.

Now the Scottish horsemen began to houer much vpon the English army, and to come pricking about them some­times within the length of their staues, vsing some liberty of language to draw the English from their strength. But the Generall of the English knowing right well, that the Scots were expert in tumultuous fights, restrained his horse from falling forth, and maintained a close march vntill they came to Salt Preston by the Frith. Here they encamped within view of the Scottish army, little more then two miles distant from them. About a mile from the English another way, the Scottish horsemen were very busy, vpon a hill, and emboldened much partly vpon their former approaches, and partly by the neerenesse of their army, but cheifly vpon an opinion which they conceiued, that the English horsemen were young and vnskilfull, and easy to be dealt with, came vpon the English with enereased troopes, to the number of 1200 besides 500 foote which lay in ambush behind the hill. The Lord Gray and Sir Francis Bryan impatient of braueries obtained leaue of the Generall a little to assay them, and so as they came seattered vpon the spurre within a stones cast of the English and were beginning to wheele about, the Lord Gray with some troopes of lighthorsemen charged them home. These were forthwith seconded by certaine numbers of dimilan­ces and both backed with about 1000 men at armes. The Scots meant not to depart before they had done their er­rand, wherefore turning their faces boldly maintained the fight, three houres and more. In the end ouerlaied with numbers they were put to slight and chased almost to the [Page 24] edge of their campe, in this fight the chiefest force of the Scottish horsemen was defeated, to their great disadvan­tage afterwards. The Lord Hume by a fall from his horse lost his life. His sonne and heire with two Preists and 6 gen­tlemen were taken prisoners, and about 1300 slaine. Of the English one Spanish hackbutter was hurt, and three cap­taines of the light horse, by vnadvised pursuite were taken prisoners.

The day next following the Lord Generall and the Earle of Warwicke rode towards the place where the Scottish ar­my lay to view the manner of their eneamping, as they were returned an herald and a trumpeter from the Scots overtooke them, and hauing obtained audience the Herald beganne, That he was sent from the Lord Governor of Scot­land partly to enquire of prisoners, but chiefly to make offer, that because he was desirous to avoide not only profusion but the least effusion of Christian blood, and for that the English had not done any vnmanlike outrage or spoile, he was content they might returne, and should haue his safe conduct for their peaceable passage.

Then the Trumpeter, that the Lord Huntly his master sent message by him, that aswell for breefe expedition, as to spare expence of christian blood, he would fight vpon the whole quarrell either with 20 against 20 or with 10 against 10 or more particularly by single combate betweene the Lord Generall and himselfe, which in regard the Scots had advantage both for number and freshnesse of men, in re­gard also that for supply, both for provision and succors they were at home, he esteemed an honourable and chari­table offer.

To the Herald the Lord Generall answered that as his comming was not with purpose or desire to endammage their Realme, as he was there, he would neither intreat nor accept of him leaue to depart, but would measure his marches in ad­vancing or retiring, as his owne iudgment, guided by advice of his counsaile should deeme expedient.

[Page 25]To the Trumpeter he returned answere, that the L. Hunt­ley his master was a young gentleman full of free courage, but more desirous of glory then iudicious, as it seemed, how to win it. That for number of Combatants it was not in his power to conclude a bargaine, but was to employ all the forces put vnder his charge to the best advantage that he could, that in case this were a particular quarrell betweene the Governour and him, he would not refuse a particular combat, but being a difference betweene the 2 kingdomes, it was neither fit, nor in his power either to vndertake the adventure vpon his owne fortune, or bearing a publike charge to hazard himselfe against a man of private condition.

Then the Earle of Warwicke said, I marvaile Trumpeter that thy master would make his challenge so fond, as he might well knowe it could not be accepted. For tell mee Trumpeter, can he thinke it fit, that he, to whose charge is committed the command of all this Army abroad, and at home the Kings per­son and protection of all his Realmes, should vndertake a com­bate with a particular man. But he might haue found others his equals amongst vs, by whom he might haue beene assured that he should be answered? And (therewith turning his speech to the L. Generall) vnder your Graces favour, I accept the challenge. And bring me word Trumpeter that thy ma­ster will performe with mee as thou hast said, and thou shalt haue 100 crownes for thy travaile.

Nay, answered the L. Generall, you haue a great charge in the Army, which vpon a private mans challenge you must not abandon. But Herault tell the L. Governor, and the L. Hunt­ley, That we haue entred your country with a sober company (for so the Scots terme a thing that is meane) your army is both great and fresh, but let them appeare vpon indifferent ground, and assuredly they shall haue fighting enough. And bring me word Herault that they will so doe, and I will reward thee with 1000 crownes.

This Earle of Huntley was a man young, bold, advente­rous, of very good resolution and skill in Armes. But this [Page 26] challenge was so farre beyond the point both of discretion and honor, that the English that knew his noble spirit, did beleeue that his name was therein abused, which hee mani­fested to be true by disavowing it openly afterwards. For it is not fit that a man should abandon his publike charge to vndertake both the office and danger of a private Soul­dier. And therefore the like challenge of Tullus was refused by the commander of the Albanes. For that the contention was not betweene their persons, but between the Citties of Alba and Rome. So Sertorius was refused by Metellus, An­tonius by Augustus, and Iohn Emperor of Constantinople by a king of Scythia, So Antonius Caracalla by reason of his often challenges, was esteemed not to be so valiant as vaine. And herevpon the histories of our times forbeare not to blame Charles the fift, Emperour, Henry the eight, king of England, and Francis the first, king of France, for that they often adventured rather as Souldiers then as Commanders.

But doubtlesse the L. Governour made a most honourable offer, and the rather for that it was conceiued by the Eng­lish, that he held himselfe no lesse assured of victory then he was of his owne resolution to fight, whereto it seemed that he wanted not good reason, cheifly vpon confidence of his owne forces, and partly vpon expectation of 12 Gallies and 50 ships well appointed out of France to assayle the Eng­lish at their backs. All the chiefe Captaines yeelded to the same advice of giving battaile, as out of their owne iudge­ments, because they saw it agreeable to that which the L: Governour had determined. To these the residue attributed so much, that albeit diverse were of a different opinion, yet they chose rather to condemne their owne vnderstanding then to question theirs.

During this enterparlance the Scots discharged 4 great shots against the English campe, without harme as it happe­ned, but not without breach of the Laws of the field, where­by not only publike messengers are priviledged to passe without either danger or scorne, but vntill they haue discharged their [Page 27] message all hostility should surcease. Howsoeuer this happe­ned the Generall of the English army vnwilling to bee be­hind in any equall or honourable offer, sent letters to the L. Governour of Scotland. Wherein he desired him and there­sidue of the Scottish nobility to consider, That both armies consisted of Christians, to whom nothing should be more deere then peace, nothing more detestable then effusion of humane blood. That the cause of this warre did not proceed from am­bition, avarice, or hate, but from desire of perpetuall peace be­tweene their people and nations, which could no way so firmely be knit as by knitting their Princes together in marriage. That many other respects, set aside their King for his birth, his yeares, his royall estate, his princely personage, education, and qualities was such a marriage for their Queene, that a more convenient could not be found, that in case all the Nobility of Scotland were not of one minde. The English would bee con­tent that their Queene should bee brought vp amongst them, vntill she should be of age to make her owne choice. Provided that in the meane time she should not bee transported to any forraigne country, or any agreement made for any other mar­riage. That vpon this condition there should be an abstinence of hostility▪ for all that time, and they would in quiet manner withdraw their army, and repaire all dammages which indif­ferent Commissioners should adiudge.

No answere was hereto returned, but rumors ran freshly among the Scottish souldiers, that the intention of the Eng­lish was to take away their Queene by force, and vnder pre­tence of marriage to reduce the kingdome vnder their do­minion, and verily it may seeme almost incredible that all these faire ouertures, made by men well esteemed for ho­nest dealing, could take no place, that nothing could moue the Scots to forsake their distant and heavy helps, and to embrace friends, both ready and at hand. But besides that, the long continued warres betweene the English and the Scots, had then raised invincible iealousies and hate, which long continued peace hath since abolished, I doe herein ad­mire [Page 28] the vnsearchable working and will of God, by whose inflexible decree the vnion betweene the two Realmes did not then take effect, when by the death of K. Edward it should haue beene of short continuance, (as by the death of Francis the second, the vnion betweene France and Scot­land did suddenly dissolue) but was reserued vnto a more peaceable and friendly time, so for a person in whose pro­geny it hath taken deepe and durable root. And so for that time no conditions of peace being regarded, both sides ad­dressed themselues to their adventure.

The places where the two Armies lay encamped, were divided by the river Eske, the banks whereof were almost so deepe as the bankes of the Peathes mentioned before. The Scots lay somewhat neere the one side▪ & the English about two miles from the other. The English first raised their Campe, and began to march towards the river Eske, inten­ding to possesse a hill called Vnder-Eske, which commanded the place where their enimies lay. The Scots coniecturing so much, cast their Tents flat vpon the ground, passed the River and mounted the Hill before the English could come neere. Herevpon the English turned aside to another hill called Pinkenclench, which afterwards fell much to their Advantage, aswell for that they were then in place to bee ayded by their ships which rode neere in Edenburgh Frith, as also for that they gained thereby the advantage both of winde and Sunne, a great part of the strength of an Army, and lastly for that their enimies were thereby cast into a cruell errour.

For no sooner did they espy the Eenglish turning from them, but forthwith they were of opinion that they fled towards their shipping, This surmise was first occasioned for that the English ships remoued the day before from Lieth to Muscleborough Frith, which was conceiued to be for taking in their foote and carriages, that the horsemen might with lesse encumbrance and more hast returne backe vpon the spurre. Hereupon they had appointed the same [Page 29] night, (whose darknesse would haue encreased the feare) to haue giuen a camisado vpon the English. But vnderstanding that they were well entrenched hauing good es [...]out abroad and sure watch within, they brake that purpose, but vpon this declining of the English from them, the conceit did a­gaine reuiue, not only as a thing desired, but because the English were inferior vnto them in number, and had tra­vailed farre, and were well knowne to grow short in their provisions. Yea whe [...] they were discerned to make stand vpon the first ascent of Pinkenclench hill, the coniecture ran that their flight, was only deferred vntill they might couer their disorders by the dead darknesse of the night. Mar­uailous security and alwaies dangerous, when men will not be­leeue any bees to be in a hiue vntill they haue a sharpe sense of their stings.

And thus the Scots heaued vp into high hope of victory, tooke the English fallen for foolish birds fallen into their nette, and seeming to fe [...]re nothing more then that they should escape, forlooke their hill and marched into the plaine directly towards the English. Here the Lord Go­vernor put them in remembrance, how they could neuer yet be brought vnder by the English, but were alwaies able either to beate them backe, or to weary them away. He bad them looke vpon themselues and vpon their enimies, themselues dreadfull, their enimies gorgeous and braue, on their side men, on the other spoil, in case either through slownesse or cowardise they did not permit them to escape, who (lo now) already haue began their sight.

The whole army consisted of 35 or 36000 men of whom they made three battaillons. In the Auantgard comman­ded by the Earle of Angus about 15000 were placed about 10000 in the battaile, over whom was the Lord Governor and so many in the Arriere, led by the valiant Gordone Earle of Huntley. Hackbutters they had none, no men at armes but about 2000 horsemen, prickers as they are ter­med, fitter to make excursions and to chase then to sustaine [Page 30] any strong charge. The residue were on foote well furnish­ed With Iacke and skull, pike, dagger, bucklers made of boorde, and sliceing swords, broad, thinne and of an excel­lent temper. Every man had a large kerchiefe folded twice or thrice about the necke, and many of them had chaines of latten drawne three or foure times along their hoses and doublet sleeues, they had also to affright the enimies horses, big rattles couered with parchment or paper, and small stones within, put vpó staues about three els long. But doubtles the ratling of shot might haue done better service.

The Earle of Angus led the Avantguard with a well measured march, whereupon the Lord Governor comman­ded him by a messenger to double his pace, thereby to strike some terror vnto the enimy. Himselfe followed with the battaile a good distance behinde, and after came the Arrier well nigh euen with the battaile on the left side, the a­vauntguard was slanked on the right side with 4 or 5 pieces of Artellery drawne by men, and with 400 horse­men prickers on the left. The battaile and Arriere were likewise guarded with Artillery in like sort drawne, and a­bout 4000 Irish Archers brought by the Earle of Argile, serued as a wing to them both, rightly so termed as being the first who began the flight,

The Generall of the English and the Earle of Warwicke were together when the Scots thus abandoned the hill, which they espying gaue thankes to God, holding them­selues in good hope of the euent, forthwith they ordered the artillery, and taking a louing leaue departed to their se­uerall charge, the Generall to the battaile, where the Kings standard was borne, the Earle to the Avantguard, both on foote, protesting that they would liue or dy with the soul­diers, whom also with bold countenance and speech (which serue souldiers for the best eloquence) they put in minde of the honour, their ancestors had acquired, of their own extreme disgrace and danger if they fought not well, that the iustice of their quarrell should not so much encourage as enrage them, [Page 31] being to revenge the dishonor done to their King, and to cha­stise the deceitfull dealings of their enimies, that the multi­tude of their enimies should nothing dismay them, because they Who come to maintaine their owne breach of faith, be­sides that the checke of their consciences much breaketh their spirit, haue the omnipotent arme of God most furious against them.

Herewith arose a buzzing noise among them as if it had bin the rustling sound of the sea a farre of, euery man ad­dressing himselfe to his office, and encouraging those who were neerest vnto them. The Earle ranged his Avauntguard in Array vpon the side of the hill, expecting vntill the enemy should more neerely approach. The generall after he had or­dered his Battaile, parte vpon the hill, and parte vpon the plaine, somewhat distant from the Avantguard on the right side, mounted the hill to the great artillerie, to take a view of both the Armies, and to giue directions as occasions should change. The Arrier stood wide of the battaile vpon the same side, but altogether vpon the plaine. The L. Gray Captaine of the men at Armes, was appointed to stand somewhat distant from the Avantguard on the left side, in such sort as he might take the flanke of the enimie, but was forbidden to charge, vntill the foot of the Avantguard were buckled with them in front, and vntill the battaile should be neere enough for his reliefe.

Now after that the Scots were well advaunced in the field, marching more then an ordinary pace, the great shot from the English ships, and especially from the galley began furiously to scoure among them, whereby the M [...] of Grime and diuers others about were torne in peices; especially the wing of the Irish was so grievously either galled or fearred there with, that (being strangers and in a manner neutralls) they had neither good heart to goe forward, nor good likeing to stand still, nor good assurance to run away. The Lord Gray perceiued this amazement, and conceiued there­by occasion to be ripe, wherevpon when the enimy was not [Page 30] [...] [Page 31] [...] [Page 32] about two slight shot from the English avantguard, sud­dainly and against direction with his men at armes, he char­ged them on head.

The Scots were then in a fallow field, whereinto the English could not enter, but ouer a crosse ditch and a slough, in passing whereof many of the English horse were plun­ged and some mired, when with some difficulty and much disorder they had passed this ditch, the ridges of the fallow field lay trauerse, so as the English must crosse them in pre­senting the charge. Two other disadvantages they had, the enimies pikes were longer then their staues, and their hor­ses were naked without any barbs. For albeit many brought barbes out of England, yet because they expected not in the morning to fight that day, few regarded to put them on.

The Scots confident both in their number, order, and good appointment, did not only abide the English, but with some biteing termes provoked them to charge. They cloased and in a manner locked themselues together, shoul­der to shoulder, so neere as possibly they could, their pikes they strained in both hands and therewith their buckler in the left, the one end of the pike against the right foote, the other breast high against the enimy. The fore ranke stooped so low as they seemed to kneele, the second ranke close at their backs, crossed their pikes ouer their shoulders, and so did the third and the rest in their order, so as they appeared like the thornie skinne of a hedghogge, and it might be thought impossible to breake them. Notwithstanding the charge was giuen with so well gouerned fury, that the left corner of the Scots battaillon was enforced to giue in, But the Scots did so brauely recouer and acquit themselues, that diverse of the English horsemen were overthrowne, and the residue so disordered as they could not conueni­ently fight or fly, and not only iustled & bare downe one another, but in their confused tumbling backe brake a part of the Avantguard on foote. In this encounter 26 of the [Page 33] English were slaine most part Gentlemen of the best esteem. Divers others lost their horses, and carried away markes that they had beene there. The L. Gray was dangerously hurt with a pike in the mouth, which strucke two inches into his necke. The L. Edward Seymer sonne to the L. Ge­nerall lost his horse, and the English Standard was almost. lost▪

Assuredly albeit encounters betweene horsemen on the one side, and foot on the other are seildome with the extre­mity of danger, because as horsemen can hardly breake a battaile on foot, so mē on foot cannot possibly chase horse­men. Yet hearevpon so great was the tumult and feare a mong the English, that, had not the commanders bin men both of approued courag and skill, or happely had the Scots bine well fonrnished with men at Armas the army had that day beene vtterly vndone. For an army is commonly like a flocke of fowles when some begine to flie all will follow. But the Lord Gray to repaire his error endevoured with all industrie to vallye his horse: The Lord Generall also moun­ted on horsebacke and came amongst them both by his presence & aduice to reduce thē into order. Sr. Ralph Vane & Sr Ralph Sadler did memorable service. But espcially the Earle of Warwicke who was in greatest danger declared his resolution and judgment to bee most present in reteyning his men both in order and in heart. And hauing cleered his foot from disturbance by the horsemen, hee sent forth before the front of his Avantgard Sr Peter Mewcas Cap­taine of all the Hackbutters on foot, and Sr Peter Gamboa, a Spaniard Captaine of 200 Hackbutters Spanish and Itali­ans on horse. These brought their men to the slough men­tioned before, who discharging liuely almost close to the face of the enimy did much amaze them, being also disor­dered by the late pursuit of the English horsemen, and by spoiling such as they had ouerthrowne. At the backes of these the Archers were placed, who before had marched on the right wing of the Avantguard, and then sent such [Page 34] showers of shot ouer the Hackbutters heads, that many bo­dies of their enimies being but halfe armed, were beaten downe and buried therewith. And besides the Master of the Artillery did visit them sharply with murthering haile­shot from the peeces mounted towards the top of the hill, also the Artillery which slanked the Arriere executed hotly. Lastly the ships were not idle, but especially the galley did play vpon them and plague them very sore.

The Scots being thus applied with shot, and perceiuing the Avantguard of the English to be in good order, neere­ly to approach, & the men at armes to haue recouered their Array, turned their Avantguard somewhat towards the South, to win, as it was thought, some advantage of ground. By this meanes they fell directly on head on the English battaile, wherevpon the Earle of Warwicke addressed his men to take the slanke. The Avantguard of the Scots being thus vpon, and beset with enimies, began a little to retire towards their great battaile, either to be in place to be re­lieued by them, or happely to draw the English more sepa­rate and apart. The Irish Archers espying this and surmising the danger to be greater then it was, suddenly brake vp & committed the saftie of their liues to their nimble foot­manship. After whose example all the rest threw away their weapons, and in headlong hast abandoned the field, not one stroke hauing beene giuen by the English on soot. But then the horsemen comming furiously forward had them very cheap.

The slight was made three waies, some running to Eden­burgh, some along the sands towards Lieth, but the most to­wards Dake [...]th, which way by reason of the marish the English horse were least able to pursue. The chase was gi­ven from one of the clocke in the afternoone till almost six. It reached fiue miles in length, and foure in breadth, all which waies the Scots scattered▪ in their flight Iackes, Swords, Bucklers, Daggers, or whatsoeuer was either cum­bersome, or of weight to impeach their hast, yea some cast [Page 35] off their shooes and dublets and fled in their shirts. Divers other devises were practised to avoid or deferre the pre­sent danger. Some intreated and offered large ransomes, some being pursued only by one, sodainly turned head and made resistance, by whom many horses were disabled, and some of their horses either slaine or hurt. The Earle of An­gus a man of assured both hardinesse and vnderstanding, couched in a furrow and was passed ouer for dead vntill a horse was brought for his escape. 2000 others lying all the day as dead departed in the night, Divers others plunged into the river Eske, and couered themselues vnder roots & branches of trees, many so streined themsesues in their race that they fell downe breathlesse and dead, whereby they seemed in running from their deaths to runne vnto it.

The English discerned in their retreit that the execution had beene too cruell, and farre exceeding the bounds of or­dinary hostility, which happely was a cause in the secret iudgment of God, that they had no better fruit of their vi­ctory. The dead bodies l [...]y all the way scattered so thicke as a man may see sheepe grazing in a well stored pasture, most slaine in the head or necke for that the horsemen could not well touch lower with their swords, and scarse credible it is how soone they were stripped and laid naked vpon the ground. But then againe the eyes of all men were fastned vpon them with pitty and admiration, to behold so many naked bodies, as for talnesse of stature, whitnesse of skinne, largenesse and due proportion of limbes, could hardly be equalled in any one country. The ground where their severall battailons first brake, lay strewed with pikes so thicke as a sloore is vsually strewed with rushes, whereby the pl [...]ces could hardly be passed ouer either by horse or by foot▪ the riuer Eske ran red with blood, so as they who perished therein might almost bee said to bee drowned in their fellowes blood.

On the otherside when they came to the place where the English men at Armes had beene defeated, many of [Page 36] their horses were found grieuously gashed or goared to death. The English who there perished were so deeply wounded, especially on the head that not one could be dis­cerned by his face. Braue Edward Shellie, who was the first man that charged, was knowne only by his beard, Little Preston for that both his hands were cut off being known to haue worne bracelets of gold about his wrests, others were brought to knowledge by some such particular marks. Hereby appeareth (as I said before) what blessing is growne to both nations by their late happy vnion when before they were like two rude encountring Rammes, whereof he that escapes best is sure of a blowe.

Divers of the Nobilitie of Scotland were here slaine, and many Gentlemen both of worth and noble birth, of the in­ferior sort about 10000, & as some say 14000 lost their liues. Of the English were slaine 51 horsemen & one foot­man, but a farre greater number hurt. The Scottish priso­ners accounted by the Marshals booke, were about 1500. The chiefe whereof were the Earle of Huntley, the Lords Yester Hoblie, and Hamilton, the Mr of Sampoole, and the L. of Wimmes. A Herault was also taken but discharged forthwith. The execution was much maintained by the Scots owne swords, scattered in every place. For no sooner had an English horseman brake his sword, but forthwith he might take vp another. Insomuch that many of them brake three or foure before their returne. So apparant is the hand of God against violation of faith, that it is often cha­stised by the meanes appointed to defend it.

Of all other the English men were least favourable to the Priests and Monkes▪ by the Scots called Kirkmen, who had beene equally troublesome in peace and vnprofitable in warre. To whom many as well English as Scots imputed the calamity of that day these made a band of 3 or 4000, as it was said, but they w'ere not altogether so many, how­beit many Bishops and Abbots were amongst them, from these divers Scots feared more harme by victory, then they [Page 37] found among their enimies by their ouerthrow. After the field a banner was found of white sarc [...]net, whereon a wo­man was painted, her haire about her shoulders kneeling before a crucifix, on her right hand a church, and along the banner in faire letters written Afflictae ecclesiae ne obliuis­caris. This was supposed to haue beene the Kirkemens banner. But could this crucifix haue spoken, as one is said to haue spoken to St Francis and another to St Thomas, it might happely haue told them, that neither religious per­sons are fit men for armes, nor armes fit meanes either to esta­blish or advance Religion.

I must not forget the fidelity of a Scottish souldier to­wards the Earle of Huntly. He finding the Earle assaulted by the English, and without his helmet, tooke of his owne headpeece and put it on the Earles head. The Earle was therewith taken prisoner but the souldier for want thereof was presently stroke downe. This Earle was of great cou­rage & for this cause much loued of his souldiers, to whom he was no lesse louing againe. This he manifested by his great care for such Scottish prisoners as were either woun­ded or poore, providing at his proper charge, cure for the one and releife for the other. This Earle being asked whilst he was prisoner, how he stood affected to the marriage, answered that he was well affected to fauour the marriage but he nothing liked that kinde of wooing.

Certaine of those who escaped by slight excused their dishonor, not without a sharpe iest against some of their leaders, affirming that as they had followed them into the field, so it was good reason they should follow them out. Those bitter tests the more truth they carry, the more biting memory they leaue behinde.

The day of this fight being the 10th of September seemeth to be a most disastious day to the Scot [...], not only in regard of this ouerthrow, but for that vpon the same day 34 yeares before they were in like sort defeated by the English at Flodden field. The victory raised exceeding [Page 38] ioy among the English partly because it came so cheape, & partly by reason of the great danger and greater terror that had bin cast vpon them by reason of the repulse and disarray of their men at Armes.

Now as se [...]ldome one accident either prosperous or ad­verse, cometh vnaccompanied with the like, so this cala­mity hapned not to the Scots alone. For whilst the English army had thus drawne both the preparations and intenti­ons of the Scots wholly vpon them. The Lord Wharton and the Earle of Leuenoxe entred Scotland on the west marches with 5000 men, and hauing marched two miles they wonne the church of Anan, a strong place and al­waies much annoying the English, there they tooke 62 prisoners, fired most part of the spoyle, and ouerthrew the fort with powder, passing 16 miles further they tooke the castle of Milke, which they fortified strongly and planted a garrison therein, and after much spoile and wast of the country returned safely into England.

These successes did strike such a terror into many of the Scots that the Earle Bothwell and diuerse cheife gentlemen of [...] and Meers supposing to finde more easy con­ditions by yeelding then by striuing, submitted themselues to the King of England, and were receiued by the Lord Ge­nerall into protection. But it is most cerraine that the English made not their best improuements of these fortu­nate euents, and that especially by two miserable errors, [...]unctation in prosecuting, and haste in departure. But doubtlesse the vnion of these two realmes was a worke most proper to Gods omnipotent arme, which afterwards effected the same, as by milder meanes, so in a more dura­ble manner then they could haue bin vnited by Armes. This high appointment of God we must reuerence and ad­mire, but not omit to obserue the errors committed.

First therefore after the retreit, the English lodged the same night in the place where the battaile had bin fought. Where and in the villages not farre distant they soiourned [Page 39] fiue daies, without doing any thing, in the meane time the English searched the riuers and hauens whether the Scottish ships were retyred, in such sort as they left few ships of war vnspoiled or vntaken, the army also gathered the spoile of the field, whereof 30000 iacks and swords, & 30 peices of great artillery were shipped for England.

The English hauing thus long breathed and thereby gi­uen breathing to their enimies fired Lieth tooke St Colmes. Broughticragge, Rockesborough, Humes castle, Aymouth, Fial castle, Dunglasse, Kilnecombe, and diuers other small pieces, whereof parte they ruined, parte they enlarged and fortified and furnished them with able souldiers, accusto­med with often and prosperous successe. Herewith as if they had beene weary of their faire fortunes, they suddain­ly brake off the enterprise and returned another way into England, hauing staid not aboue 25 daies in Scotland, and lost vnder 60 men. The pretence of their departure was worse then the departure it selfe, namely for that the yeare and their prouisions were far spent, and the country affor­ded little forrage. Assuredly as nature taketh least care for those things which she formeth in hast, so violent and storm­like fortunes how terrible so euer, are seldome durable.

Now the Lord Gouernor of Scotland being of great cou­rage and sober iudgement, as a man might well read in his face, as he had amply performed his duty both before the battaile and in the field, so especially after the fight he de­clared himselfe to be of a stout and vnbroken spirir. For first he assembled the dispersed forces of the Scottish army, albeit not in sufficient manner to giue a fresh battaile, by reason that much of their armor was lost, yet able to keepe the English from ranging at larg [...]. Then hee presented the English with diuers offers of [...]reaty touching matters in dif­ference, vntill the country was discharg [...]d of them, last [...]y knowing right well that counsels are commonly censured by euents, and that in matters of armes, albeit the praise of prosperous successe is shared amongst many, yet the blame [Page 40] of misadventures is charged vpon one. And fearing hereby mutinies amongst his owne people, and contempt of others, hauing first assured the young Queene in place of good de­fence, he assembled the Scottis nobility and vsed words to this effect.

I assure my selfe that many of you my Lords and more of the vulger are much displeased with me for that I haue advised this warre whereof so sad euents haue followed, for this cause I haue assembled you together to reduce you to a better opini­on▪ or to blame you deepely, either if you remaine offended, or if you cast downe your courage throw feare, the betrayer of all succors which reason can afforde, for tell me if you are discon­tented with me for aduising this warre, doe you not condemne your selues for following the aduice? It is certaine that at the first you were all of my opinion, and that I did nothing without your approuement. If now vpon one misadventure you change your iudgements, and charge the fault only vpon me, you doe me wrong and discouer your owne weaknesse, in being vnable to endure those things which you knew were casuall, and which you were resolued to endure. But I make no doubt but the same reasons which induced you to entertaine this warre, will induce you also to prosecute the same, howsoeuer sodaine and vnexpected euents dismay your iudgments, for the present.

Touching my selfe I was alwaies of opinion, and shall ne­ver change, that it is better the kingdome should be in good estate, with particular losse to many of the people, then that all the people should be well and the state of the kingdome al­together lost or dishonourably impaired, euen as it is better that a ship should be preserued with some discommodity to the sailers, then that the sailers being in health the ship should perish, or as it is lesse dangerous when diuerse parts of a tower are decaied and the foundation firme, then when the founda­tion is ruinous, albeit the parts remaine entire. For the com­mon estate is but weakned by calamities of particular persons, but the ruine of the state in [...]olueth all in a generall destructi­on. And therefore they are to be blamed alike, both who [Page 41] moue and who decline warre vpon particular respects, the com­either honour or necessity must bee the true measure of both.

But the cause of this warre is no other then that wee will not incontinently submit our selues to doe what our neigh­bours require. That is because at the first word wee are not forward to thrust our necks vnder the girdles of our enimies, yea our old enimies, yea our only enimies of any accompt for many years, who in their gluttenous hope haue devoured our kingdome, who by the bloody execution of their late victories haue shewen what curtesie wee may expect at their hands. In doeing whereof wee shall abandon our ancient and approved friends, who as they neuer failed vs in our extremities, so are they now prepared with large aides to relieue vs, who will not feare or pause at the least, before he leap vpon this sodaine change [...], who will forsake long tryed friends to rely vpon those, who alwaies haue beene ready by Armes to infest vs. Not at all times vpon desire either of revenge or spoile, but to bring vs vnder their ambitious dominion, which of vs had not ra­ther dye, this day then see our enimies in our strongest castles and yoakes of garrisons cast vpon our necks? Who will not pre­ferre a death for libertie before a life without it?

Their promises are faire and large indeed I must say but of what assurance? What assurance can we haue but that when we haue lif [...]ed them into the chaire of state, wee shall not be compelled to be their footemen? If our prince were a man and should marry an inheretrix of England, wee should hap­pily haue no cause to feare, but that he would maintaine the liberty of his natiue country, but being a woman and desired in marriage of a King of England, vnder whose power and custody she must abide, how shall we be able against his minde either to benefit or preserue vs, verily as men hate those that affect that honour by ambition which perteineth not to them, so are they much more odious who either through negligence or through feare will betray the glory and liberty which they haue.

[Page 42] Now my Lordes if any surmise either that this warre will be long, or that we shall haue the worst in the end, his error is great, for removing whereof, I must tell you, that which ma­ny of you seeme either little to remember or never to haue knowen; doe you suppose the state of this realme, (of the val [...]ur whereof the enimy hath often found wofull proofe) to be now so feeble that it cannot beare off a greater blow then this? It hath often done it and is able of it selfe to doe it againe, if our endeavours be answerable to our meanes, Our Ancestors haue sustained many greater dangers, and yet retaining their li­bertie haue left both it and their honour entire to vs, what are wee of l [...]sse heart then they? For of lesse ability we are not, shall we shew our selues vnworthy of our succession from them? Assuredly it is more shame for a man to loose that which he holdeth, then to faile in getting that which he never had.

But suppose our forces to be neerer driven then they are our ancient allies the French are vpon the seas and neere ap­proaching for our reliefe, also our friends in Italie and other partes haue sent vs money to supply our wants, wherfore Lords it is meete that we resume our ancient courage, and addresse our selues for new preparation not only vpon those hopes both from our selues and our friends, but in contempt of our enimies. For often it hapneth that a prosperity vnexpected maketh men carelesse and remisse if they be not very wise, whereas they who haue receiued that wound become more vigilant & collected, especially when they see not only the common honour and liberty but their particular both seignories and safeties to be at the stake.

And albeit the enimy hath done that which it was to be belieued they would endeavour to doe, in case we would not yeeld vnto them, yet as those things must be endured vpon ne­cessity, which happen by the hand of God. So those which come from enimies must be borne by vertue. And since it is a custome of our country so to doe, sith our people are famous for being nothing abashed at crosse events, take wee heed this vertue faile not in vs. If it doth? If we shew our selues heart­lesse [Page 43] and faint, wee shall vtterly overthrow not only the glory but the memory, both of our ancestors and of our state.

As for those who haue yeelded to our enimies let vs esteeme them as fugitiues and traitors, who endeavour to cast themselues and their country into subiection but let vs stand assured, that they who least shrinke at the stormes of fortune, whether in publique or private affaires are alwaies most ver­tuous and victorious in the end.

On the other side K: Edward added to his glory, curtesie & li­berality; shewing himselfe most gratious in cou [...]tenance to all, & giuing rewards sutable to every mans performance or place. The L: Protector he rewarded with lands of the yeerely va­lue of 500l, and certaine it is that these first fortunes raised vnto him a great respect both in other countries and among his owne people, and the rather because he was discerned to be much searching both into the Counsailes and after the events of all his affaires, and likewise into the condition and state both of his owne strength and of the countries neere vn­to him.

But these prosperous proceedings were not only hindred, in their fairest course, but altogether stayd, and in some measure turned backe by reason of the vnadvised forwardnesse of di­vers chiefe counsailors, in making both sodaine and vnseasona­ble alterations in matters of state, whose greedy desires of ha­ving their wills in all they liked, bred both trouble to the realme and to themselues danger, for great & sodaine changes are never wi [...]hout danger, vnles the Prince be both well setled in government and able to beare out his actions by power, but whilest K. Edward was both vnripe in yeers and new in go­vernment to attempt a change both sodaine and great, could not be accompanied with many mischiefs. The great matters wherein alteration was wrought were especially two, religion and enclosures.

Now for that Religion is of so high and noble a nature, of so absolute necessity in a common wealth; that it is esteemed the foundation of Lawes, and the common band of humane [Page 42] [...] [Page 43] [...] [Page 44] society, no sodeyne alteration can almost be made therein, but many will be induced thereby to attempt some alteration in rule, whence (saith Dio) conspiracies & seditions are often occasioned. For Religion being seated in the high throne of conscience is a most powerfull ruler of the soule and farre pre­ferred before estimation of life, or any other worldly respect, for this advanceth man to the highest happinesse, It leadeth him to his last end, all other things are but instruments, this is the hand, all other things are but accessaries this is the principall. And therefore as all men are naturally moued by religion, so when they are violently thrusted forward by those who (as Liuie speaketh) make it their purpose to possesse soules by superstition, then doe they breake all bands of reason and of rule, no persuasion of the one, no command of the other can then restrame them. Multitudo vbi religione capta est melius vatibus quam ducibus suis paret, Curt. lib. 40.

I will not deny but that some change in religion is often expedient and sometimes necessary because more in that then in any other thing, it is hard to containe men from running in­to one of these extreames either of vaine superstition or of carelesse contempt, but this must be done with a lost and ten­der hand, & as Cicero speaketh, vt quum minimo sonitu orbis in republica convertatur. Some respect should also haue been given to those greene times, to the monstrous multitude muf­fled with 2 great plagues & corruptions of iudgement, custome and ignorance, whereto may be added griefe at their owne wants, and envy at the prosperity of others, especially for that many bold spirits were busied, not only to incense but to lead them into much variety of mischiefe. And if it be said that K. Henry the 8th had quietly passed the like change before, I answere the example was not then to be followed, the kings were not equall either in spirit or in power. Euen as it is in the [...]able that albeit an Eagle did beare away a lamb in her talents with full flight, yet a raven endeavouring to doe the like was hold entangled and fettered in the flecce.

Touching enclosures, I am not ignorant what a profitable [Page 45] purchase is made thereby, not only to particular persons, but generally to the whole Commonwealth, in case it bee without depopulation, because a companie of lands inclosed, are therby improved in worth 2 or 3d parts at the least, hereby two great commodities ensue, riches and multitude of people, because the more ritches are raised out of lands, the more people are thereby maintained. This doth plainely appeare by two shires almost, equall both in greatnesse and in goodnesse of soyle. Northampton much champion, and Somerset altogether en­closed, for if estimation may be made by musters, and by sub­sidies, tenths and fif [...]eens enclosure hath made the one county more then double to exceed the other both in people and in wealth.

Notwithstanding the Lord Protector gaping after the fruitlesse breath of the multitude, & more desirous to please the most then the best causing a proclamation to be set forth against enclosures, commanding that they who had inclosed any lands accustomed to lie open should vpon a certaine paine before a day assigned lay them open againe. This Proclama­tion whilst fewe were forward to obey gaue occasion to the mu­tinous multitude instable in iudgement and intempestuous when they are stirred all carried with a headlong rashnesse, and one following another as wiser then himselfe immoderat­ly both in desire & hope to be easily drawn by others who had d [...]per reaches then themselues to matters which at the first they least int [...]nded.

And againe soone after the beginning of the young kings raigne, certaine iniunc [...]ions were set forth for remouing ima­ges out of Churches which had beene highly, not onely estee­med but honoured before, and for abolishing or altering some other ancient observations in the Church. Herevpon com­missioners were dispatched into all parts of the realme to see those iniunctions to be executed, with those divers preachers were sent furnished with instructions to perswade the people from praying to Saints as for the dead, for adoring Images, from vse of beades, ashes and processions, from masse, dirges, [Page 46] praying in vnknown languages, & from some other like things wherevnto long custome had wrought a religious observation and for defect of preachers, [...] were appointed to be pub­likely read in Churches, ayming to the very same end.

Some other offring to maintaine these ceremonies were ei­ther punished or forced to [...], Edmund Bonner Bishop of London was committed prisoner to the Fleet, for refusing to receiue these iniunctions. Stephan Gardiner was likewise committed first to the Fleet, afterwards to the Tower, for that he had openly preached that it were well these changes in re­ligion should be stayed, vntill the King were of yeares to go­verne by himselfe. This the people apprehending worse then it was either spoken or meant, a question began to bee raised among them, whether during the Kings minoritie such alte­rations might lawfully be made or no for the like causes Ton­stall Bp of Duresme, and Heath Bp of Rochester, were in like committed to prison, all these being then and still continuing famous for learning and iudgement were dispossessed of their Bishoppricks, but no man was touched in life.

Herevpon a Parliament was held in the first yeare of the King: and by prorogation in the second, wherein diverse Col­leges▪ Cha [...]tries, free Chappells, Fraternities, Guildes, &c. with all their lands and goods were put into the actuall posses­sion of the King: part of the goods and lands being sold at a low value, enriched many, and enabled some, and thereby made them firme in maintaining the change, also that no m [...] should speake against receiuing the Eucharist vnder both kindes▪ which had beene restrained in times before, and that Bishops should be placed by collation of the King vnder his Letters Patents, without any precedent election or confirmation ensu­ing, and that all processes ecclesiasticall should be made in the Kings name, is in writs at the common Law, and that all per­sons exercising Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction should haue the Kings armes in their seales of office, and further the Statute of the 6 Articles, and other statutes concerning punishment of Loll [...]rds were repealed, and so was another statute restreining [Page 47] the vse of Scriptures in the English tongue, and the Kings su­premacy ouer the Church of England was confirmed. Here­with a booke was set forth for publike prayers by proclamati­on, and for administration of the Sacraments, & other rights and offices of the Church, and diuerse punishments were ap­pointed by proclamation, either for not vsing the formes pre­scribed in that booke, or for depraving any thing therein con­tained.

I forbeare to rehearse other acts of this Parliament, albe­it a noble writer in our time esteemes it to be a mayme in historie that the acts of Parliament should not bee recited, which I conceiue so farre to bee true as they occasion tu­mults or division, or some remarkable alteration in state, otherwise as I finde them not regarded by most imitable writers, so I account the relation of them both fruitlesse & improper for a true caryed history.

Now in this meane time the commissioners before men­tioned were earnest in executing their authority. And ei­ther pulled downe or defaced all images in Churches, and that in such vnseasonable & vnseasoned fashion as if it had beene done in hostility against them, hereat many did expresse a sense of distast, some for religious respects, others in regard of the excellent artifice of some of their pieces, affirming that albeit religious reverence migh happily haue beene either taken away or moderated, yet the civill regard which all men doe not only afford but affect, in maintain­ing the memory of those whom they honour or loue, night be endured without offence.

Certainly albeit the religion of the Romans endured 170 yeeres according to a law of Numa Pompilius without any images, albeit the Persians had neither images nor temples nor altars, being of opinion that God could bee represen­ted by no device that he had no temple but the world, no Altar but the heart of man, albeit Eus [...]bius writeth that the people of Asia called Seres by expresse law forbad ado­ration of images, albeit that images were forbidden of Ly­ [...]urgus [Page 48] as drawing men from the true worship of that which cannot be seene. Albeit the ancient Germans & from the Brittaines, and the Gaules had neither Images nor Temples, albeit the Iewes, and in imitation of them, the Saracens and Turkes abhorre nothing more then Images, either in their temples, or in their houses, because the lawe of God forbiddeth not onely to adore but to make any image. Albeit the Christians continued a long time with­out Images in their Churches, yet were they never enter­tained into any religion, but presently they tooke deepe root in the hearts and consciences of the common people. When Leo Isauricus surnamed Iconomadius assembled a counsell at Constantinople, wherein it was decreed that I­mages should be cast out of Churches and burnt, the West part of his Empire did therevpon first rebell, & afterwards revolt.

And yet while these proceedings were but in the bud, affaires of state without the Realme were maintained in good condition of honour, but seemed rather to stand at a stay, then either to advance or decline. In Scotland the warres were maintained by the L. Gray of Wilton, Lieute­nant of the North, with variable successe, he fortified Had­dington, fired Dawkeith, and wonne the Castle where foure­teene Scots were slaine, and 300 taken prisoners, hee spoiled much of the country about Edenburgh, Lowthum, and Meers, fired Muscleborough, and fortified Lowder, & tooke Yester, at the yeelding whereof he granted life to all except to one who had vsed vild speeches against K. Edward. Those speeches were commonly cast vpon one Newton but he charged them vpon one Hamilton, Herevpon Hamilton challenged Newton to the combate, which hee did readily accept and the L. Gray consented to the triall, to this pur­pose Lists were erected in the market place at Haddington whereinto at the time appointed, both the comba­tants entered, apparelled only in their doublets and hoses, and weapned with sword, buckler, and dagger. At the first [Page 49] encounter Hamilton draue Newton almost to the end of the lists, which if he had fully done he had thereby remai­ned victorious, but Newton on the suddaine gaue him such a gash on the legge that therewith he fell to the ground, & Newton forthwith dispatched him with his dagger, cer­taine gentlemen then present offered to haue fought with Newton vpon the same point, but this was adiudged to be against the lawes of combate, wherefore Newton was not only acquited but rewarded with a chaine of gold, & with the gowne which the Lord Gray did then weare, howbeit many were perswaded that he was saulty and happily nei­ther of them was free, but he enioyed neither his escape nor his honor long, for soone after he was hewen in pieces by Hamiltons friends.

On the other side the Scots became before Broughti­cragge, with 8000 men and 8 pieces of Artillerie, but it was for that time well defended by the English who by often sallies enforced their enimies with losse of their Artillerio to abandon the attempt, after this diverse other enterprises were made vpon that fort; at the last it was taken where the Scots slue all except Sir Iohn Latterel the captaine who was taken prisoner.

And now Henry the 2d of France having newly succeed­ed Francis the first, who dyed the last of March 1547. sent Mounsieur D [...]ssie his Li [...]utenant into Scotland with an ar­mie of about 10000 French & Almaines who ioining with the Scots besieged Haddington and that with so good ear­nest▪ as sixe pieces of artillerie discharged 340. shot in one day and in another [...]00 within 60 p [...]ees of the wall, they lodged so neere within the very ditches that the English [...] divers of them with plummers of lead tyed to a trun­ [...] or [...] by a cord, the place was but weake and the [...] faire but the defendants by resolution supplyed all the defects, making divers fallies with such liuely spirit that the Assayl [...]nts were thereby discouraged from making as­sault. The English from Barwicke with about 1500 horse [Page 50] did often relieue the defendants by breaking through the the middest of their enemies, but at the last they were so strongly both encountred and encloased betweene the French Almaines and Scots, & that Sir Thomas Palmer the chiefe leader and about 400 were taken prisoners and divers slaine. Herevpon the Earle of Shrewsbury was sent with an army of about 15000 men whereof 3000 were Almaines, but vpon notice of his approach the French raised the field, retyred so farre as Mus [...]leborough & there encamped, attributing much honour to the English for their vasour in regard of the small strength of the place which they defended, when the Earle [...] vi [...]uilled & re­enforced the towne, he marched [...] [...]ard, the eni­mies and encamped neere vnto them, and first a fewe of the English horse aproached neere the army of the French, who sent forth some troopes of their horse to encounter them, but the English retyred vntill they had drawn the French into an ambush laid for the purpose and then char­ging together they had them cheap, amongst which two captaines of account were taken prisoners. The next day the Earle presented his army in plaine field before the e­nimies campe cloased in three bodies and ranged rea­dy to abide battaile. The French had newly receiued sup­ply of 14 or 15000 Scots but yet remained within their strength holding it no wisdome to venter on men resolud to fight, who being forthwith to depart the realme and could neither longe endanger nor indamage them much. So the Earle after that he had remained about an hower and perceiuing that the French intended not to forsake their strength, returned vnto his campe and afterwarde to England, destroying Donbarr and some other which stood neere his passage, the Army being dissolud, and the Scots thought secure, the Lord Gray with his horsemen entred Scotland did great wast in T [...]uedale and Liddesdale for the space of 20 miles, and returned without encounter, Also a navy was apoynted to coast along with the army before [Page 51] mentioned, This fleet coming to Brent Iland fired 4 ships then atempting vpon S. Minees were repulsed by the Lord Dun, and so without either glory or gaine returned into Englande.

Not long after the departure of the English army Mr Dassie with his French and Almaines attempted sodenly to surprise Haddington, the enterprise was gouerned in so se­cret manner that the French had slaine the English escouts and entred the base courte and aproached the maine gates before any alarme was taken, but then the Townesmen came forth many in their shirts, who with the helpe of the watch susteined the assault, vntill the Souldiers in better apointment came to their aide. These issued into the base court, through a pryuie posterne, and sharpely visited the Assailants with Halbeards and swordes. Here the fight grew hot, the darkenes and danger terrifying some and a­nimating others. Blowes flew at all adventures, woundes and deathes given and taken vnexpected, many scarce knowing their enimies from their friends: But shame wrought such life and courage in the English, as very few of the enimies who entered the court escaped aliue, leauing their fellowes bleeding in their deadly wounds, yet Mr Dassie not discouraged herewith gaue 3 liuely assaults more that morning, but was repelled with so great losse, that 16 Carts and Waggons were charged with carrying away their dead and dying bodies, besides 300 left in the base court.

After divers like adventures the English perceiving that the towne could not bee kept without danger, nor lost without dishonour, The Earle of Rutland was sent with 3000 Almaines and as many borderers to demolish the towne and to bring the artillerie a way to Barwicke, The Earle not only accomplished his Charge but made wide wast in his passage by ruine and spoyle, Herewith the castle of Hame was sodenly surprised by the Scots and all the Eng­lish therein either taken or [...]laine. This was effected by [Page 52] meanes of certaine Scots who vsed to bring victualls to the English and were reputed their assured frindes, these both obseruing the weakenes of the place and orders of the garrison, discouered them to their fellowes and gaue en­tertainement for the surprise Giueing also warning to others never to trust either the cur [...]syes or services of those whom they haue provoked to be their enimies.

About these times Sr Edward Bellingham Lo: Deputie of Ireland first with great diligence and care, then credite and [...]eputation especially gained by that service, tooke Ocanor and Omor and reduced the other seditious Lords to good subiection Ocanor and Omor guided by overlate counsaile of necessity left their Lordships and had a yeerely pension of 100l assigned to either of them.

And now the French supposing that by reason partly of suspence of hostility betweene England and France, and partly of the English affaires in other places, matters with them would be neglected, determined to attempt a sud­daine surprise of the fortresse of Bullingberge, to this end 7000 men were appointed vnder the conduct of Mr Cha­stilion furnished with ladders and other preparations for the surprise. They marched secretly in the dead time of the night, and when they approached within a quarter of a league. On Carter who had beene discharged of his pay by the English for takeing a French woman to wife, and then serued vnder the French ranne privily before, and gaue the Alarme to those in the Forte. The English drewe him vp the walles betweene two pikes and vnderstanding the dan­ger addressed thē selues to their defence by reason wherof the French at their approach had so warme a welcome, e­very of the English contending that his valour might be noted for some helpe in the fight, that at their departure they laded 15 wagons with their dead. Carter himselfe adventured brauely in places of greatest danger, and re­ceiued two great hurts in his body, Sr Nicholas Arnault the captaine was likewise hurte with a pike in the face, diuers [Page 53] others were wounded & about 25 slaine The assault conti­nued with great obstinacy from midnight vntill somwhat after the breake of day.

Shortly after 300 English on foote and 25 horsemen were appointed to goe to a wood, about 2 leagues from Bullingberge, hauing carriages with them, for bringing certaine timber for mounting great Artillery, and some o­ther vses when they approached neerer the edge of the woode, about 500 French horsemen issued forth and gaue three sharpe charges vpon them, the English empaled them­selues with their pikes, and therewith bare off their eni­mies, and being lined with shot (the cruell plague of horse­men) the French were in such sort galled with arrowes that many were wounded Mr Ca [...]ret and diuers others slaine, 70 great horses lay dead in the field and one Cornet was taken. The English fearing greater forces began to re­tyre, and therewith appeared about 2000 French and Al­maines on foote. But the English maintained an orderly re­treat, vntill they came within favour of the shot of Bulling­berge and then the enimy adventured no further, & in this manner the old wounds of warre began freshly to open & bleede betweene England and France.

But in this meane time such tempests of sedition tum­bled in England more by default of governors then the peoples impatience to liue in subiection, that not only the honour but the safetie of the state was thereby endange­red. For as the commissioners before mentioned passed to divers places for establishing of their new iniunctions, ma­ny vnsavory scornes were cast vpon thē, & [...]he further they wenr from London as the people were more vnciuill so did they more rise into insolencie & contempt. At the last as one Mr Body a commissioner was pulling downe images in Cornwall, he was sodainely stabbed into the body by a Priest with a knife.

Herevpon the people more regarding commotioners then commissioners, slocked together in diverse parts of [Page 54] the shire as clouds cluster against a storme, and albeit iustice was afterwards done vpon the offenders, the Prin­cipall being hanged and quartered in Smithfield, and di­vers of his chiefe complices executed in divers parts of the Realme, albeit so ample a pardon was proclaimed for all o­thers within that shire touching any action or speech tend­ing to treason, yet could not the boldnesse be beaten down either with that severity or with this lenity be abated. For the mischiefe forthwith spread into Wiltshire and Somer­setsoire, where the people supposing that a common wealth could not stand without Commons, beat downe enclo­sures, laid parkes and fields champaine. But Sr William Her­bert afterwardes Earle of Pembroke with a well armed & ordered company set sharpely vpon them, and oppressing some of the forwardest of them by death, suppressed all the residue by feare. But their duty depending vpon feare the one was of no greater continuance then the other.

The like motions followed in Sussex, Hampshire, Kent, Glocestershire, Warwickeshire, Essex, Hartfordshire, Lei­cestershire, Worcestershire and Rutlandshire. But being nei­ther in numbers nor in courage great, partly by authority of Gentlemen, and partly by entreaty and advice of ho­nest persons they were reduced to some good appease­ment, as with people more guided by [...]age then by right, yet not altogether mad, it was not vneasy. But herein hap­pely some error was committed, that being only brought to a countenanc [...] of quiet, regard was not had to distin­guish the rebellion fully. For soone after they brake forth more dangerously then before for no part could content them who aimed at all. After this the people in Oxford­shire, 'Devonshire, Northfolke and Yorkeshire fell into the same madnes, incensed by such who being in themselues base and degenerate, and dangerous to the state had no hope but in troblesome times. To Oxfordshire the Lord Gray of Wilton, was sent with 1500 horse and soote, to whō the gentlmen of the country resorted, drawing many [Page 55] followers with them, the very name of the Lord Gray be­ing knowne to be a man of great valour and fortune▪ so terrified the seditious, that vpon the very report of his ap­proach, more then halfe fell away and dispersed of the re­sidue, who being either more desperate or more sottish did abide in the field, many were presently slaine, many taken, and forthwith executed. To Devonshire was sent Iohn Lord Russell, Lord of the priuy seale, whose forces being indeed, or being by him distrusted to be inferior to the importance of the service, he sate downe at Honington, whilest the sediti­ous did almost what they would, vpon this heavines of the kings forces going forward interpr [...]ted to be feare and want of mettle, divers either of the most audacious or such as pouerty or feare of punishment might easily plunge into any mischi [...]fe, resorted to the seditious daily from Cornwall and other parts, as bad humors gather to a bile, or as divers kenn [...]ls slow to one sinke, so in short time their numbers encreased to 10000 tall & able bodies. They were chiefly guided by H [...]mphery Arundell a man well estee­med for military seruices. About 6 others of inferior note were bold actors with him. Many priests vnworthy to be named were also impetuous and importunate incensors of the rage, men of some academicall learning in discourse, but their mindes not seasoned with any vertuous or religious thoughts.

Assuredly the vulgar multitude is not vnfirly termed a beast, with many heads not guided▪ I will not say with a­ny proportion but portion of reason, violence and obstina­cy like two vntamed horses, draw their desire in a blinde­fo [...]de Carriere. They intend most foolishly what they ne­ver put in action, and often act most madly what they ne­ver intended, all that they know to doe, is that they know not what to doe, all that they meane to determine proues a determination and meaning to doe nothing. They attri­bute more to others iudgement then to their own, esteem­ing bold obstinacy for bravest courage and impudent pra­ting [Page 56] for soundest wisdome, and now being assembled into one company rather without a Lord then at liberty, to ac­complish their misery they fall to division of all calamities the worst, and so broken in their desires that many could not learne either wherefore they came, or what they would haue done. Some were commonwealth mutiners, and some did mutiny for religion. They who were for the common wealth could agree vpon no certaine thing, but it was certaine they could agree vpon nothing, some would haue no iustices, so ne no gentlemen, some no laiers nor ordinary courts of iustice, and aboue all enclosures must downe, but whether all or which or how to be emploied none could tell, every man regarding what he followed but not what might follow thereof. All would haue the state transformed, but Whether reformed or deformed they neither cared nor knew. They concurred only in con­fused clamors, every man thinking it no lesse reasonable that his opinion should be heard, then that his body should be adventured.

The religious mutiners were not altogether so vàrious in their voices, as hauing some few spirits among them by whom they were both stirred & guided, these in the name of the people hammered vp the Articles following, & sent them to the King, vpon granting of which they professed that both their bodies & their goods should be absolute­ly at the kings devotion.

  • 1 [...]hat carats should administer baptisme at all times of necessity aswell on weekedaies as on holidates.
  • 2 That their chilaren might be confirmed by the Bishop whensoeuer they should within the d [...]oces resort vnto him.
  • 3 Forasmuch as they believed that after the words of con­secration no [...] substance of bread remaining but the reall body and blood of Christ, that th [...] masse should be c [...]lebrated with­out any man communicating with the priest, for that many put noe differenc [...] betweene the Lords body and other m [...]at, soms saying that it is bread before and after, some saying [Page 57] that it is profitable to none except he receiues it.
  • 4 That they might haue reseruation of the Lords body in their Churches.
  • 5 That they might haue holy bread and holy water in re­membrance of Christs precious body and blood.
  • 6 That Gods service might be said or sang with an audible voice in the Quire and not forth like a Christmas play.
  • 7 That Priests liue chast (as St Paul did) without marri­age, who said to all honest Priests, be yee followers of me.
  • 8 That the 6 Articles set forth by K. Henry the 8th, be so vsed as they were in his time, at least vntill the K. should ac­complish his full age.

Now albeit the King knewe right well that no reasons would serue for deniall, and that they yeelding to them in any thing would profit him nothing, but rather make them rise to more insolent demands, yet hee returned an answere in writing and therewith his generall pardon, in ease they would desist and open their eyes to diseerne how their vncircumspect simplicity had beene abused especially in matters of religion, for that as some vertues resemble some vices so neere, as the one is often taken for the other, so religion and supe [...]stition doe so neerely resemble, that it was easie for men to disguise the one vnder the maske of the other, First therefore hee reproued them fairely for their disorderly assemblies, against the peaceable people of the Realme and against the honour of his estate, fearing much that by reason of their disobedience, his lenitie should appeare to be lesse then he would haue it, al [...]o for that they vsed his name in all their writings, not only with­out his authoritie but even against himselfe, abusing there­by the weaknesse of many, and drawing them into socie­tie of their evill. Then he pitied their ignorance and the er­rors thence arising, whereby they were allured to new hopes by some, who could not th [...]iue so well by their ho­nest e [...]deavours, as by rapine and spoile, who stopped all course of law and discourse of reason to open the full sloud­gate [Page 58] of their vnmeasurable madnesse, who to overthrowe th [...]state pretend libertie, but if they should ouerthrowe it all libertie were lost.

For saith he who hath borne you in hand that children even in cas [...] of necessitie cannot be baptised but vpon ho­lidaies, whereas there is no day no [...] houre wherein the Mi­nister is not only permitted but commanded to baptise. By like abuse you are perswaded that many hold that the bles­sed Sacrament of Christs body doth nothing differ from cō ­mon bread, whereas Lawes, Statutes, Proclamations, com­mon practise agree, that common bread is only to sustaine the body but this blessed bread is food for the soule. Tou­ching confirmation, doth any beleeue that a child baptised is damned vnlesse it be confirmed? If it be baptised and al­so confirmed, is it saued only by confirmation, and not by baptisme? Or is it the more saued by confirmation? children are confirmed at the age of discretion to teach them what they receaued in their infancie, they are taught by confir­mation to continue in that whereto they were baptised, oh how much doe they need who will never bee content? What may satisfie those who haue no limits to their desires.

As for the order of service and vse thereof in the Eng­lish tongue, which you esteeme new it is no other then the old, that same words in English which were in Latine, ex­cept a few things omitted so fond, that it had bin a shame to haue heard them in English, and how can any reasonable man be offended to vnderstand what God by his word speaketh vnto them, what they by their prayers speake vn­to God: If the service were good in latine, it remaines so in English, for nothing is altered but to make you vnderstand what is said, In like sort the masse with great iudgment and care was reduced to the same manner as Christ left it, as the Apostles vsed it, as the ancient Fathers receaued, practised and left it.

But you would in sober earnest haue the six Articles a­gaine reviued, Doe you vnderstand what you would haue, [Page 59] or ate you masters of your owne iudgment. If you vnder­stand them and yet desire them, it is not long since they were enacted, and haue since drawne much blood from the subiects, as would you haue bloody lawes againe in life, or would they any long time be endured? Vpon pitty they were taken away, vpon ignorance they are againe deman­ded, Verily that in the Gospell may truly bee said of you, yee aske yee knowe not what, for you neither know what good you shall haue by receiuing them, nor what evill you haue lost by their abolishing, our intention is to haue our lawes written with milke, but you would haue them writ­ten with blood. They were established by law and so ob­served, although with much expence of blood, they are a­bolished by law with sparing of blood, and that also must be obserued, for vnlesse lawes be duly obserued, neither the authority of the Prince, nor safetie of the people can be preser­ved.

And whereas you would haue them remaine in force vntill our full age, if you had knowne what you speake, you never would haue giuen breath to such an vnseasoned thought, for what is our authoritie the lesse for our age, or shall we be more King hereafter then now? or are you lesse subjects now then in future times you shall be? Verily as a naturall man we haue now youth, and by Gods sufferance expect age; but as a King we haue no difference in yeares, we are rightfull king by Gods ordinance, and by descent from our roi [...]ll ancestors, and not by any set number of yeares, and much it is to bee feared, that they who moued you to require this suspence of time, would absolutely de­nie our royall power, if they durst so plainely expresse themselues.

The seditious as men alwaies dangerous when they haue once broken awe, interpreted this or any other milde dealing to proceed from some faining or fainting disposi­tion either doubting or daring most when they are most fairely entreated, and the more to enslame the popular rage, [Page 60] fresh rumors were devised and divulged, that the people should be constrained to pay a ratable taxe for their sheep and other cattle, and an excise for every thing which they should eat or drinke, by which and other like reports the simple were blinded, the malitious edged, all hardned from applying to any peaceable perswasion.

And now vnable to support themselues either with their own estate or by wast of villages, they aspired to the spoile and subiection of citties, and first they came to Ex [...]ter and demanded entrance, but the citizens as they were both ci­vill and rich, so were they better advised, and therefore clo­sed their gates, and refused to haue any entercourse with the seditious, but either by common obedience, or else by hostility and armes; the popular fury being thus stopped, swelled the more. Wherevpon they resolued to apply their endeauours for taking the citty, and either by destroying it to increase terror, or else by sparing it to winne an opinion of moderation, they had no great artillery to open a breach, and yet without reason they gaue an assault, and vsed di­vers meanes to mount the walls, but the more madnesse they shewed in their attempt, with the greater losse they were driuen b [...]cke, then they fired the gates at two severall times, but the citizens at both times by casting in wood maintained the fire, vntill they had cast vp a halfe moone within, vpon which when the seditious attempted to enter they were slaine from the corners like dogges. After this they mined the walls, laid the powder and rammed the mouth, but the citizens made a countermine, whereinto they powred such plentie of water, that the wet powder could not be fired.

In the meane time the L. Privy Seale lay at Hunnington expecting more strength, and knowing right well that as the multitude are slow to danger, so are they most desperate when they are stirred, but whilst he expected more compa­nie, many of those he had slipped away from him. Herevp­on he resolued for retaining the rest to entertaine some pre­sent [Page 61] enterprise, and first he assailed by a by way to enter and relieue the citty, but the seditious for prevention hereof had f [...]led all the trees betweene S. Mary Outry and Exeter, & laid them crosse the waie in such sort as they im­peached his passage, herevpon firing such places as hee thought might serue either for vse or ease to the seditious, he determined to returne to Hunnington. But the seditious forelaied a bridge, over which hee should passe, called Fennington bridge, and in a great faire meddow behinde the bridge placed a great number vnder banners displaid. The Lord privy seale had but a small company in regard of the seditious. Yet with good order and courage hee at­tempted the bridge but could not force it, at the last find­ing the riuer to be fordeable at the foot of the bridge, he there set ouer his horse, wherevpon the guardes appoin­ted to defend the bridge forsooke their charge, and rety­red to their strength in the meddow. Then the kings for­ces charged liuely vpon them, and they againe as stoutly receiued the charge, but being an vntrained multitude without either souldier or guide, they were soone broken and put to slight, yet they valued themselues and tumul­tuously charged vpon the kings forces, but were presently rowted and cast out of the field, the ch [...]se was not far pur­sued for feare of fresh succours from before the citty. Not­withstanding the seditious lost 600 of their men, and the Lord Privy seale returned without losse to Hunington.

At this time the seditious liued by rapine and ruine of all the country, omitting nothing of that which savages enraged in the height of their vnruly beh [...]viour doe com­mit, but the Cittizens driven to great distresse for want of victuales, bread they made of coursest branne moulded in cloathes, for that otherwise it would not cleaue together. Th [...]ir finest fl [...]sh was of their owne horses, especially for 12 daies they endured most extreame famine. During this time they were much encouraged by an aged cittizen, who brought forth all his provisions and said, that as hee did [Page 62] communicate vnto them his store, so would he participate of their wants. And that for his part he would feed on the one arme and fight with the other before he would con­sent to put the citty into the seditious hands. Herewith the Lord privy Seale for want of power to performe any services, was about to rise and returne to London. But in good time the Lord Gray came to him with supply of for­ces most Almane horsemen, and with him came Spinola with his band of Italians consisting of 300 shot, purposed for Scotland, also 200 men were sent vnto him from Read­ing, so being in all not much aboue 1000 strong, he made head against the seditious. So departing from Honington he came to a little village frō whence lay 2 waies towards Exeter, both which were blocked vp with 2 bulwarkes of earth, made by the seditious, hither they had driuen 2000 men from before Exeter whom they divided into 4 com­panies. In either of the Bulwarkes they lodged one, at the bridge neere the backe of one of the fortes▪ a third com­pany was placed, the 4th was laid in ambush behinde a hedge on the high way, at the backe of the other fortresse, the Arricre of the kings forces led by captaine Wauers set vpon one of the sortes, the vaward and battaile vpon the other, Spinola with his shot did beare vpon those within, who offered to appeare vpon the walls. At length Captaine Wavers wonn the sort which he assailed, and draue the de­fendands to the bridge where one of their companies made stand, Herewith the other two companies did forthwith resort vnto them, one from the second sort, the other from the [...]. These casting a strong guard vpon the bridge, marsha [...]ed the residue vpon a plaine ground behinde the bridge. The Kings forces coming forward draue the guard from the bridge [...]nd making profit of the fresh terror set vpon those who were vpon the plaine. The kings footmen were firmely [...] ▪ the troopes of horse in good array, whereas the [...] had neither weapons, order nor counsaile, but being in all things vnprovided were slaine [Page 63] like beasts. They tooke their slight towards St Mary cl [...]sse but the souldiers vpon disdaine of their vnworthy actions filled themselues with revenge and blood, and slue of them aboue 900 not sparing one.

This sad blow abated much the courage and hope of the seditious, and yet the next day about 2000 of them affron­ted the Kings forces at the entrance of a high way, whom when they found both ready and resolute to fight, they desired enterparlance, and in the meane time began to for­tify. But vnderstanding that their intention was vnder­stood▪ more like slaues then souldiers they furiously ran a­way. The same night the seditious before Exeter raised theirseige, and therewith discharged the citty from many miseries and dispaires. The King afterwards enlarged the constant obedience of the citty with enlargement both of liberties and of revenews, hee gaue vnto them the mannor of Eu [...]land for a perpetuall remembrance both of their loialty and of his loue.

Now the seditious driven almost to a dead dispaire and supported only by the vehemency of desire, brought forth their forces to Cli [...]on heath, to whom many of the most vile vulgars resorted hourely, which much enlarged their numbers but nothing their strength, but what mea­sure haue men in the encrease of madnes, if they keepe not themselues from falling into it, they brought with them a crucifix vpon a carte couered with a canopie, and beset with crosses, tapers, banners, holy bread and holy water as a representation of those things for which they fought. The Lord Gray encouraged his men to set sharpely vpon the vague villaines good neither to liue peaceably nor to fight, and to win at once both quiet to the Realme and to them­selues glory, so he brought the Kings forces vpon them rather as to a carnage then to a fight, insomuch as without any great either losse or danger to themselues, the greatest part of the seditious were slaine, divers also were taken, of whom the common sort were forthwith executed by mar­tiall [Page 62] [...] [Page 63] [...] [Page 64] law, the chiefest leaders were sent to receiue iustice at London, Some escaped and sailed to Bridgewater, who ta­king dangers to be the only remedy against dangers, en­deavoured to set vp the sedition againe, but they were speedily repressed, and thereby the sedition suppressed wholly.

The sedition thus broken and beaten downe Sir An­thony Kingston prouost marshall of the kings army was dee­med by many not only cruell but vneivill, and inhumane in his executions. One Boyer maior of Bodmin in Cornwall was obserued to haue beene among the seditious, but by absolute enforcement as many others were. The Martiall wrote to him a letter that he would dine at his house vpon a day which he appointed, the maior seemed glad, and made for him the best provision that he could, vpon the day he came and a large company with him, and was re­ceiued with many ceremonies of entertainment. A little before dinner he tooke the maior aside and whispered him in the [...]are, that execution must that day be done in the towne, and therefore required him that a paire of gallowes should be framed and erected against the time that dinner should end; the maior was diligent to accomplish his de­mand, and no sooner was dinner ended, but he demanded of the Maior whether the worke were finished, the Ma­ior answered that all was ready, I pray you said the provost bring me to the place, and therewith he tooke him friend­ly by the hand, here beholding the gallowes he asked the Maior whether he thought them to be strong enough, yes said the Maior doubtlesse they are, well then said the provost get you vp speedily for they are prepared for you, I hope answered the Maior you meane not as you speake, in faith said the provost there is no remedy, for you haue beene a busie rebell, and so without respite or defence hee strangled to death.

Neere the said place dwelled a Miller who had beene a busy actor in that rebellion, and fearing the approach of [Page 65] the provost martiall, told a sturdy tall fellow his servant that he had occasion to goe from home, and therefore gaue directions that if any one should enquire after the miller, he should not speake of him but affirme that himselfe was the miller, and that so he had bin for three yeares before, So the provost came and called for the miller, his seruant came forth and said he was the man. The provost de­manded how long he had kept the mill, these three years answered the seruant, then the provost commanded his men to lay hold on him, and to hang him on the neerest tree, then the fellow cried out that he was not the miller but the millers man, nay Sr answered the provost I will take thee at thy word, and if thou beest the miller thou art a bu­sy knaue, if thou beest not, thou art a false lying knaue, whatsoeuer thou art thou shalt be hanged, when others al­so told him that the fellow was but the millers man, and what then said he? could he ever haue done his master a better service then to hang for him, and so without more to doe he was dispatched. Assuredly this might haue pas­sed for a tollerable iest if it had not beene in a case of life.

Divers others were executed by martiall law, & a great part of the country was abandoned to the spoile of the souldiers, who not troubling themselues to discerne be­tweene a subiect and a rebell, whilest their liberty lasted made indifferently profit of both.

The seditious in Northfolke were somewhat dange­rous, both because their strength was greater, as also be­cause the citty of Norwich was a friend vnto them, or at least wished them no great harme, and being faithfull to neither side, was alwaies ready to entertaine the stronger, their first attempt was made at Attleborough where they threw downe the fences of one Greene of Wilbie, who was supposed to haue enclosed a parte of Attleborough com­mon adioining to the common pasture of Harsham. After­ward they assembled at a play accustomed yeerely to be kept at Wimondham, and from thence went to Morley a [Page 66] mile distant, and there cast downe the ditches of one Hub­barde, next by incitement of Iohn Flowerdew of Netheset, a gentleman of good estate, but neuer expressing desire of quiet, they did the like to certaine enclosures of Robert Ket a tanner in Wimondham, and receiued of him 38s 4d for their labour, this Ket who hath made his obscure beginning well knowen by his mischievous attempts to require Flowerdew carried them to Netheset, where they cast down all the enclosed pasture of Flowerdew, and not stay­ing there he led them indifferently to divers other places, laying all enclosures where hee came rather wast then open.

And the rather to traine them to his allure, he told them both often and with vehement voice, how they were o­ver topped and trodden downe by gentlemen, and other their good masters, and put out of possibility ever to re­cover foote, how whilest rivers of riches ran into their landlords coffers, they were pared to the quicke, and sed vpon pease and oats like beasts, how being sleeced by these for privat benefit, they were slayed by publique burthens of state, wherein whilest the richer sort favoured them­selues, they were gnawen to the very bones, how the more to terrify and torture them to their mindes, and winde their necks more surely vnder their arme, their tyrannous masters did often implead arrest, cast them into prison, and thereby consume them to worse then nothing, how they did palliat these pillaries with the faire pretence of autho­rity and of law, fine workemen I warrant you, who can so closely carry their dealings, that then men only discouer them, how harmelesse counsailes were fit for tame fooles, but for them who had already stirred there was no hope but in adventuring boldly.

The likenes of affection and the masking of vices vnder pleasant tearmes, procured not only assent, but applause to all that he said, and so by often and earnest repeating of these and the like speeches, and by bearing a confident [Page 67] countenance in all his actions, the vulgars tooke him to be both valiant and wise, and a fit man to be their comman­der, being glad they had found any captaine to follow.

Their numbers encreased daily, and therewith their boldnesse and power to doe harme, they were largely sup­plied at the first both with victualls and armes, albeit not with open consent of the places adioining, yet with much private goodwill, for many did not only secretly favour but openly approue their designes. Generally every good man was much grieued, many vpon some dislikes before reioiced in their greater harmes, and not regarding in what liberty they stood, were ready to runne into any bondage. The Sheriffe of Northfolke resorted vnto them, and made proclamation in the Kings name, that forthwith they should peaceably depart, and had he not beene ready & his horse swift to depart in time, hee should hardly haue departed from them aliue.

After this they drew towards Norwich and seated them­selues at Monshold neere Mount Surrey and vpon S. Leon­hards which hangeth ouer Norwich, another company sea­ted at Rising neere Lynne, but they were dislodged by the gentlemen of the countrey, and forced to draw to their fellowes at Monsholde. Here the maine body encamped and sent divers light companies forth to terrifie and roue. To this place many resorted out of Suffolke, and from all places of Norfolke, many for want, but most vpon a turbu­lent minde, and in all places thereabout beacons were fi­red, and bells rung, as a roaring furtherance to his vproare, so as in short time the multitude encreased to 16000, and yet rather to be esteemed a number then an army.

Their actions were couered and disguised with mantles very vsuall in time of disorder of religiō & iustice, for they had one Coniers for their chaplaine, a man brought vp in idle and dead studies, who both morning and evening read solemne prayers, many sermons they also had either by en­treatie or enforcement. But Dr Parker afterwards Arch­bishop [Page 68] of Canterbury in his sermon before them touched them for their liuing so neere, that they went neere to touch him for his life, as for Iustice they had a bench vnder a tree where Ket vsually sate, and with him two of euery hundred whence their companies had beene raised, here complaints were exhibited and examined aswell against those of their owne company, who receiued iudgement for their offences as against any gentleman or other in the country, by commandment from hence many were very violently pulled from their houses, of whō some were en­forced to follow them, others were cast into prison, & hap­pily fettered with irons, and not a few rudely and dange­rously entreated, from hence also warrants were sent forth in the kings name, whereby ordinance, powder and shot were commanded out of ships and any other furniture of warre out of houses where it could be found. This tree was ever since termed the oake of reformation.

And now the seditious being advanced vnto the height both of their power and of their pride, presented certaine complaints to the King, and desired that a herald or some other messenger of credite may be sent vnto them to re­ceiue articles of all those matters wherewith they concer­ned themselues to de grieued. The King tooke it for a great indignity that base traitors & theeues should offer to capitulate with him as enimies law: fully holding the field, and yet knowing right well, that as good counsailes ga­ther strength by time, so vpon a little respite evill advices either vanish or grow weaker to winne some advantage of time, returned an answere. That seeing he was ready al­waies to receiue and relieue the quiet complaints of any of his subiects, he marvailed much either vpon what opi­nion of necessity in themselues or of iniustice in him, they should first put themselues into armes, as a partie against him, and then present him with their bold petitions, espe­cially at such a time when hauing fully reformed many o­ther matters, he had lately set forth a proclamation against [Page 69] excessiue prices of victualls, and had also appointed com­missioners with ample authority for divers other things, whereof many doubtlesse had beene by that time redres­sed, had not these disordes giuen impediment to his de­signes, generally when they might well discerne both his care and endeavours to set all matters in a right frame of reformation, as might best stand both with his honour and their sureties, and with iustice and providence towards all. Touching their particular complaint for reducing lands & farmes to their ancient r [...]nts although it could not be done by his ordinary power without a parliament, yet he would so farre extend his authority roiall and absolute as to giue charge to his commissioners to trauaile with all persons within their counties, to reduce lands to their former rents where at they were farmed 40 yeares before, and that rents should be paid at Michelmas then next ensuing according to that rate, & that such as would not presently yeeld to his commissioners for that redresse, should at the parlia­ment which he would forthwith summon be overruled.

Concerning their complaint for price of wolles hee would forthwith giue order that his commissioners should cause clothiers take wolles paying only two partes of the price, wherat they were commonly sold the yeare next be­fore, and for the other third part, the owner and the buyer should stand to such order as the parliament should ap­point. At which time also he would giue order that landed men to a certaine proportion should be neither clothiers nor farmers, and farther that one man should not vse di­vers occupations, nor haue plurality of benefices, nor of farmes & generally that he would thē giue order for all the residue of their requests, in such sort as they should haue good cause not only to remaine quiet, but to pray for him, and to adventure their liues in his service.

This parliament he promised should beginne in the be­ginning of October then next ensuing, against which time they should appoint 4 or 6 of their countey, to present bills [Page 70] of their desires, and in the meane season apply them­selues to their harvest and other peaceable businesse at home, and not to driue him to necessity (whereof he would be sorry) by sharper meanes to maintaine both his owne dignity and the common quiet.

These letters carrying the Kings name in the front, and the protectors with the kings signature at the foote, were sent by a heralde to Monsholde, a place guarded with great, but confused and disordered strength of the seditious, herewith also the King sent his generall pardon, in case they would quietly desist and dissolue. But the seditious were so farre from accepting these of any other offers of accord that herevpon they discharged the first shot against the citty, and because their Artillery being planted on a hill could little or nothing endammage the walls, they remo­ued their batterie to a lower ground, but because their cit­ty was weake, and the cittizens but weakely disposed a­gainst them, with no danger and little travaile they made themselues masters thereof. Here they imprisoned the Ma­ior and many other of the chiefe cittizens, and ordered all things at their pleasure, but maintained the chiefe seat at Mansholde, where it was before. The Maior of Norwitch and some other gentlemen of credite they constrained to be present at all their counsells, with intention to coun­tenance their actions with some authority, but in no sort to be guided by them, All this time the Kings forces ad­vanced but slowly, being imploied in appeasing the like disorders more neere the heart of the kingdome. So that it is most certaine, that had these seditious beene so mis­chievously bent as in number they were great, they might haue proued more dangerous then they were, but they ai­med not at ambitious ends, their rude earthly spirits were neuer seasoned with any manly adventurous thought, and therefore they were content with a licentious & idle life, wherein they might fill their bellies by spoile rather then by labour, to this side their companies ranged in all parts [Page 71] thereabouts, and tooke away for their vse much houshold­stuffe and goods, but especially they brought to their sta­tions many droues of cattle, for besides deere out of parkes, besides beeues, besides fowles of all kinds within a few daies were brought out of the country 2000 mut­tons, such numbers of sheepe were daily brought in, that a fat weather was sold for 4d. This was interpreted for a present plentie but it made such scarcitie afterwards, as could not in many yeares be repaired, Sr Edmond Kne­uet Knight with such company as he could assemble, char­ged vpon one of their watches by night, but he was so farre inferior vnto them, that it was esteemed a great fortune that he departed from them with his life.

But soone after the Lord William Parre Marquis of Northampton was sent against them with 1500 horsemen, and a small band of Italians vnder a Captaine named Ma­latesta, he was accompanied with the Lord sheffield, the L. Wentworth with divers knights and gentlemen of princi­pall estimation, when he approached within a mile of the citty, the magistrates and chiefe cittizens vpon summons, resorted to his standard, yeelded vnto him the citty sword, and professed their owne loialty, and excused others of in­ferior force, who neither by ignorance fauoured the sedi­tious, or through feare durst not declare against them; with these the Lord Marquis entred the citty at Saint Stephens gate, the citty sword being borne before him, and there­with caused the chiefe cittizens to assemble in the market place, both to giue aduice and to take direction how the citty might best be defended.

In the meane time the strangers who came with him whether by appointment or by adventure, issued forth of the citty, to view both the numbers and orders of the sedi­tious. They againe first put forth their Archers, then their horsemen, lastly a company ran furiously forth without either direction of others or iudgement in themselues, in­tending to haue enclosed the Italians, but here might haue [Page 72] beene a great difference betweene men practised to fight, and men accustomed only to spoile. For the Italians in so well advised order receiued the seditious coming rashly vpon them without either feare or skill, that divers of the tumultuous numbers were slaine, at the last the Italians per­ceiuing themselues almost invironed, cast themselues into a ring and retired backe into the citty. But they left one gentleman of their company behinde, who being over­throwne from his horse fell into the hands of the sediti­ous, who like sauages spoiled him of his armour and of his apparell, and hanged him ouer the walls of Mount Surrey.

This caused the seditious to remaine the first part of the night within their station, which by reason of the nastines of the beastly multitude, might more fitly be termed a ken­nell then a campe. Within the citty diligent watch was kept, which was often visited and relieued. The souldiers remained in their armor all night, and kept so great a fire in the market place that all parts of the citty were lighted therewith. The seditious about midnight began to shoote off their great artillerie very liuely and thicke, hereupon the Lord Marquis directed part of his forces to rampart the gates and ruinous places of the walls, which the sedi­tious espying, with a hideous roaring and rage they pow­red themselues vpon the citty, some endeavoured to fire the gates, some to mount ouer the walls, and some to passe the riuer, the fight continued three houres, and it is almost in­credible with what rude rage the seditious maintained their assault, some being almost disable to hold vp their weapons would striue what they could to strike their eni­mies, others being thrust through the body with a speare, would runne themselues further to reach those who gaue them that deadly wounde, at the last their obstinacy was overcome, and they returned to their cabbines with losse of 300 of their company,

The residue of the night which was not much, the soul­diers [Page 73] within the citty applied in refreshing themselues, but the next morning the seditious both with greater strength and better order entered the citty by the hospitall and began a most desperate surprise, the forces of the Mar­ques albeit inferior in numbers, yet by reason of the fresh­nes of the place might haue beene sufficient, if they had charged in order, and together, but being scattered in the streets, they were not able to make resistance, herewith they were much endammaged by the cittizens from their houses, so as 100 of them perished, many were hurt, and the residue driven to forsake the citty, the Lord Shiffields horse fell with him into a ditch, wereby hee fell into the power of the seditious, and as he pulled off his helmet to shew them who he was, a butcher slew him with the stroak of a club. Divers gentlemē to the number of 30 were taken and committed to streight prison, where they were vexed alike with scarcity and scorne. The seditious lost a bout seauen schoore of their company, and yet much sleshed with this successe, they spoiled many parts of the citty, and fired the houses of those whom they esteemed not to bee their friends, but the rage of the fire was at first hindred and then appeased by fall of a suddaine shower of raine, wherevpon many presaged that the flames of this sedition should neither spread farre nor long endure. The report of this repulse flying to London, the most made of that which was true, and many falsities added thereto. The Earle of Warwicke was sent with such forces both English and strangers, wherewith hee had appointed for seruice in Scotland▪ when he came to Cambridge the Lord Marquis resorted vnto him, and also the Lord Willoughby, Powes and Bray, his two sonnes Ambrose and Robert and many knights and gentlemen of name, with these hee marched somewhat leasurely because the importance of the danger might make the service the more esteemed, At length h [...]e presented his forces consisting of 6000 foote and 1500 horse before the citty vpon the plaine, and forthwith sent [Page 74] to summon the seditious and to offer pardon if it would be accepted, but neither summons nor pardon was any thing regarded. Insomuch as when the Kings pardon was offred by a herault, a lewd boy turned towards him his naked britch, and vsed words sutable to that gesture, one standing by and moued with this barbarous behaviour discharged a harquebur vpon the boy, and stroke him with the shot a little aboue the reines. Hereat those seditious that seemed moderate before became desperate, and those who were desperate seemed starke mad, whence such tu­mults, such confused hollowings and howlings ensued, that the heralde was glad to withdraw himselfe.

Then the Earle planted his cannon against St Stephens gate, and se [...] pioners to worke against the brazen gate. The cannon against S. Stephens gate executed so well, that in short time the Port [...]ullis and gate were broken, and entry opened into the city. Others entered at the brazen gate but in that entrance some were slaine. Also the Maiors deputy opened Westwicke gate where the Earle himselfe entred without resistance and possessed himselfe of the market place, at these entrances 130 of the seditious were slaine 60 were taken and forthwith executed by martiall law. As the Earles carriages were brought into the citty nei­ther garded norregarded as they should, divers of them were surprised by the seditious and driuen to Monsholde. At this bootie they were more ioyfull then grieued at the losse, either of the cittie or of their companions, especial­ly for that they were supplied thereby with good store of powder and shot, wherein their want did most consist.

The Earle being in possession of the citty rampared all the gates except those who opened towards Monsholde, wherein he planted good artillerie. But the seditious the more terrible by reason of their more desperate fury fell vpon those gates albeit without order, yet with such rude and carelesse courage and cries, that they beat backe the guardes, slew the principall gunners, carried away their ar­tillery [Page 75] and therewith certaine carts laden with munition, here were boies obserued to be so desperatly resolued as to pull arrowes out of their owne flesh, and deliuer them to be shot againe by the archers on their side, herevpon the Earle was enforced to blocke vp those gates as hee had done the rest, but the citty was so weake that it could hard­ly be defended.

For the seditious being now furnished with artillerie powder and shot battered Bishopsgate, and cast downe a­great part of the walls vpon that side of the citty. They afterwards passed the riuer likewise and assailed the Earles men vpon advantage in the streets, of whom many they slew, & fired divers places prostrating two parishes almost entirely, so they did mischiefe they little cared what they did or to what end, and in such sort the danger encreased that many perswaded the Earle to submit courage to rage, and for a time to abandon the citty. But he not easily vin­cible in spirit, and well assured that hauing stopped all pas­sages for reliefe, shortnesse of provision would in very short time draw the obstinacy of the seditious to shorter limits, drew his sword and caused others to doe the like, & (according to a souldiery custome in cases of extremity by enterchange of a kisse by every of them vpon the swords of others, sealed a resolution to maintaine the place.

Assuredly as it is advantageable to a physition to be cal­led to the cure of a declining disease, so it is for a comman­der to suppresse a sedition which hath passed the height, for in both alike the noxious humor doth first weaken and afterwards wast and weare to nothing, and besides it is scarce possible that a rude and ruinous multitude should continue long together, if any pr [...]uention be applied, but they will fall into irrepairable wants, and so it hapned to these seditious, who after three daies, finding their provi­sion to faile, fired their cabbines built of timber and coue­red with bushes, and with a broken noise betweene cer­taine questions and doubtfull answeres dislodged from [Page 76] their hill, and entrenched them at the foote thereof in a valley called Dussendale where they invited the Earle to a present encounter, and as there hath seldome hapned any sedition within this realme, but the chiefe actors therein haue beene abused with some ▪prophecies of doubtfull construction, so the seditious were moued to remoue to this place vpon a prophecy much credited among them, that they should fill it with slaughtered bodies, but whether of their enimies or of their owne it was left vn­certaine, the words of the prophecy were these.

The country Knuffes Hob, Dicke and Hick,
with clubbes and clou [...]ed shoone▪
Shall fill vp Dussendale,
with slaughtered bodies soone.

The Earle being newly supplied with 1400 horse was glad that the seditious had forsaked their hill, for that his horse­men in whom consisted his greatest strength, could there performe but little service, so the next morning he sent forth all his horsemen of whom 1000 were Almaines, as ac­customed so aduentrous in armes, his foote hee retained within the towne. The seditious ranged themselues for the sight, placing all the gentlemen whom they had taken in front every two couple together to make them sure from starting away. The Earle before he would charge sent to them an offer of a generall pardon, one or two of the principall excepted. But this more chafed the rage of those who were resolued either to liue or dye together & what cared they for pardon, who haue nothing but a vile and servile life to loose. For no more could be gotten from their estates, then from the shauing of an egge, wherefore in a proud scorne they answered this offer with a great shot, that stroke the kings standard bearer on the thigh, and his horse on the shoulder, Herevpon the Earle com­manded his artillery to be applied, the Almaines also and captaine Drury with his troopes gaue a resolute charge, & yet with such discretion that most of the captiue gentle­men [Page 77] who were placed in the front escaped without harme, these were so well seconded by the light horse, that in short time they brake the seditious, chased them aboue three miles, and silled themselues with blood vntill night, there dyed of them 2000 as K. Edward tooke the number, but our histories report more then 3500.

In the meane time they who guarded the artillerie and baggage, encloased themselues with carriage and a trench, and pitched stakes to beare of the approach of horses, de­termining to stand stifly vpon their desence. The Earle returning from the execution, did certifie them by message, that because the King his master was desirous to establish peace rather by benignity then by blood, hee did assure them their pardon if they would submit, otherwise they might expect nothing but death. Answere was made that they expected nothing but death, and that they respected nothing at all, but it was by the sword if they stood vpon defence, and by the halter if they should yeelde, where­fore they made choice to dye rather as souldiers then as dogges. The Earle sent againe to know if they would en­tertaine their pardon in case he should come in person and assure it, they answered, they did conceiue him to be so honourable, that from himselfe they would most thank­fully embrace it; So hee roade and caused their▪ pardon to be read to them, and engaged his honour that it should be performed. Then seeming to respect life more then any o­ther thing, threw away their weapons and disloialty to­gether, and with voices so lowd as before they were lewd wished all ioy and prosperity to the King.

The commander Ket. hauing a good horse sled away with the first, and the next day was taken with his brother William in a barne, and brought with a guard of 20 horse­men to Norwich both of them hauing made good proofe that they were no lesse peaceable to guide an army in war, then they were to governe themselues in peace. Nine of the principall were hanged vpon the tree of Refomation, of [Page 78] whom two were sedueing prophets, a third was a most excellent cannonier, whose good skill euelly imploied did much endammage the forces of the King. Robert Ket and his brother were sent to London, and from thence returned to be executed in Northfolke. Robert Ket was hanged in chaines vpon Norwich castle, his brother William was in like sort executed vpon Wimondham steeple, but not without some murmuring. For that church dedi­cated to the seruice of God, and which is polluted by violent death, should be made a place of publique execu­tion. The day of this defate of the seditious was a long time after yearely obserued for a festivall day by the inha­bitants of Norwitch, as well by cessation from labour, as by resorting to Church to giue publique thankes for their deliuerance,

About the same time another sedition was raised at Se­mor in the Northriding of Yorkeshire where of the chiefe mouers were William Ombler a gentleman, Thomas▪ Dale a patish clarke, & Steuenson a post. They tooke encourage­ment from a clarke and deceivable prophecy, a. common law both of obedience and peace, which did foretell that the time should arriue when there should be n [...] King, when the nobility and gentry should be destroied, when the Realme should be ruled by foure gouernors elected by the commons holding a parliament in commotion, which should beginne at the South and North seas of England, and that present they vnderstood to be the time, and that the rebellions in De­vonshire Norfolke and Yorkeshire should draw together to accomplish this prophecy. The pretences were to restore the church to her ancient Rights (for that was alwaies one note in their musique) to relieue the poore, to abate the rich, and generally to disburthen the Realme of all grieuances, a seemely taske for such vndertakers.

And now for execution hereof, first by firing of beacons and ringing of bells (as if the coast had beene assailed by enimies) they assembled about 3000 in armes, whom they [Page 79] drew to be appliable to their purpose. Then to beginne their great worke of refomation they slew one White a Gentleman, Sauage a Merchant and two others of mea▪ ner quality, and left their bodies naked vpon the wild neere Semor. After this they passed to the Eastriding in Yorkeshire, their company daily increasing like a snowball in rowling, and many they tooke with them much against their mindes. But no sooner was the kings pardon pre­sented, but most of them sell off and dispersed, leauing Ombler and Dale almost alone. These as they were riding like mad men from towne to towne charging people in the Kings name to assemble at Hummanby were apprehen­ded, and with foure others of the most tumultuous▪ soone after executed at Yorke whose speedie punishment staid others who were thought to wauer betweene obedience and revolt.

Now the French king supposing to make his hand by these rude rauages in England brake of his treaty of peace proclaimed hostilitie & denounced the same by his Embas­sador to the King. Hereupon all French men in England not Denizens were taken prisoners, & all their goods seized for the Kinge. The French Kinge vnderstandinge that certaine English ships lay at Iersey set forth a sleete of gallies & ships intending to surprise them as they lay at Anchore. But the English being both vigilant & well appointed in such sort did entertaine them, that their ships departed terribly torn with losse of 1000 men at the least, The French King fear­ing least that the bad successe of this first enterprise, might both discourage his peope and bring di [...]reputation to him­selfe, forbad any report to be made not only of the euent, but of the iourney.

After this the French King leuied an army by lande wherewith marching towards Bulloine, he tooke Blacke­nesse and Newhauen two fortes of the English neere vnto Bulloine. This he did effect chiefly by the treason of one Sturton a bastard sonne of Lord Sturtons, and by reuolt of [Page 78] [...] [Page 79] [...] [Page 80] diuers Almaines, who serued in the garrisons, who being meerely mercenarie did easily encline to the strongest.

From whence the French King marched towardes Bul­laine vpon whose approach St Nicholas Arnault captaine of Bullingberge holding the place not of strength to be held withdrew all the ordinance & matters of worth into high Boullaine and with gunpowder blew vp the Forte. So the French Kinge brought his armie before Boulline, but because the plague raged amongst his souldiers & the weather was vnseasonable by reason of much fall of raine, he departed from his army and left Chastilion gouernor in his steed.

Chastilion bent his siege against the Pierre, which was erected in Boulline haven and after batterie of 20000 shot or more the breach was thought reasonable and therevp­on the assault was giuen. But the same was so well encoun­tred by the valour of the defendants, helped with advan­tage of place, that the obstinacy of the assailāts did nothing but increase their losse, so as the first fury being broken and spent, The French resolued to attempt the peice no more by assault, notwithstanding they continued the seige, pre­sented diuers skermishes & false attempts, but they spent both their labour & shot without putting the defendants in any feare. Then they planted their artillery against the mouth of the hauen, to impeach supply of victualls to the towne. Yet the English victualers surceased not at the Kings adventure to bring all things necessary, vntill the end the souldiers of the towne set vpon the French sud­dainly by night, slue many of them and dismounted their pieces.

Then the French applied their batterie againe, wherein they sometimes spent 1500 shot in one day. But finding this to be a fruitlesse fury they afterwards vsed it more spa­ringly and rather vpon a shew of hostility then vpon any hope thereby to prevaile. In the meane season they char­ged a galley with grauel and stones, and prepared to sinke it in the middest of the hauen. But the English tooke the [Page 81] galley before it sunke and drew it to the shoare, and vsed the stones to reenforce the Pierre. After this they made faggots of light matter, mixed with pitch, tarre, tallow, rosin, powder, and wildfire, with intention to fire the ships in the hauen, but that enterprise was defeated by the Bul­lenois, and their fagots taken from the French. During these enterfeits diverse skirmishes passed betweene the English and the French about the frontires of Calleis, which as they were but light, so most of them ended with disadvan­tage to the French.

And now if all these troubles had not beene sufficient to trauaile the realme of England, at once a great diuision fell among the nobility, so much the more dangerous, by how much the spirits were more actiue and high. And al­beit the heat thereof was much appeased for a tim [...] by the great iudgement and moderation of the King, ye [...] did it breake forth in the end to tragicall euents, not vpon par­ticular persons only, but did much ouerslow and [...] o­uerwhelme the whole realme with disquiet, and here of the most apparent originall was this.

The King had two vnkles brothers to Queene Iaue his deceased mother, Edward D. of Somerset Lord Protector, & Thomas Lord Seymer Baron of Sudley, high Admirall of England, as the Duke was elder in yeares, so was hee more staied in behauiour. The Lord Sudley was fierce in cou­rage, courtly in fashion, in personage stately, in voice mag­nificent, but somewhat empty of matter, both were so faithfully affected to the King that the one might well bee termed his sword, the other his target. The Duke was grea­test in fauour with the people, the Lord Sudley most re­spected by the nobility, both highly esteemed by the King, both fortunate alike in their advancements, both ruined a­like by their owne vanity and folly, whilest these two brothers held in amity, they were like two armes, the one defending the other, and both of them the King, but many things did moue together to dissolue their loue and bring [Page 82] them to ruine. First their contrary disposition, the one be­ing tractable and milde, the other stiffe and impatient of a superior, whereby they liued but in cunning concord as brothers glued together but not vnited in graine, then much secret enuy was borne against them, for that their new lustre did dimme the light of men honoured with an­cient nobility. Lastly they where openly minded, as hasty and soone moued, so vncircumspect and easy to be minded. By these the knot not only of loue but of nature between them was dissolued, so much the more pitty for that the first cause proceeded from the pride, the haughty hate, the vnquiet vanity of a mannish or rather of a diuelish wo­man.

For the Lord Sudley had taken to wife Katharine Parre Queene Dowager last wife to King Henry the 8th, A woman beautified with many excellent vertues, especially with humility the beauty of all other vertues. The Duke had ta­ken to wife Anne Stanhope a woman for many imperfecti­ons intollerable, but for pride monstrous, she was exceed­ing both subtle and violent in accomplishing her ends, for which she spurned ouer all respects both of conscience and of shame. This woman did beare such invincible hate, first against the Q. Dowager for light causes and womans quar­rells, especially for that she had precedency of place before her, being wife to the greatest Peere in the land, then to the Lord Sudley for her sake. That albeit the Q. Dowager dyed by childbirth, yet would not her malice either dye or decrease. But continually she rubbed into the Dukes dull capacity, that the Lord Sudley dissenting from him in o­pinion of religion, sought nothing more then to take away his life, as well in regard of the common cause of Religi­on, as thereby happely to attaine his place. Many other things she boldly fained being assured of easie beliefe in her heedlesse hearer, alwaies fearfull and suspitious (as of feeble spirit) but then more then euer by reason of some late opposition against him. Her perswasions she cunning­ly [Page 83] intermixed with teares, affirming that she would depart from him, as willing rather to heare both of his disgraces and dangers, then either to see the one or participate of the other.

The Duke embracing this womans counsaile (a womans counsaile indeede and nothing the better) yeelded him­selfe both to aduise and deuise for destruction of his bro­ther. The Earle of Warwicke had his finger in the businesse and drew others also to giue either furtherance or way to her violent desires. Being well content she should haue her minde, so as the Duke might thereby incurre infamy and hate. Herevpon the Lord Sudley was arrested and sent to the tower, and in very short time after condemned by act of parliament. And within few daies after his condem­nation a warrant was sent vnder the hande of his brother the Duke, whereby his head was deliuered to the Axe. His owne fierce courage hastened his death, because e­qually ballanced betweene doubt and disdaine, he was de­sirous rather to dye at once, then to linger long vpon cur­tesie and in feare.

The accusations against him contained much friuolous matter, or terme them pittifull if you please. The act of parliament expresseth these causes of his attaindor. For attempting to get into his custody the person of the King, and gouernment of the realme. For making much prouision of mony and of victualls, for endeauouring to marry the Lady Elizabeth the Kings sister, for persuadinge the Kinge in his tender age to take vpō him the Rule & order of him­selfe: The proofes might easily be made because he was ne­uer called to his answeare. But aswell the protestations at the point of his death, as the open course & carriage of his life cleered him in opinion of many. So doubtfull are all weighty matters whilest some take all they heare for cer­taine, others making question of any truths, posterity enlar­ging both Dr Latymer pretending all the grauity and sin­cerity of a professed diuine, yet content to be seruiceable [Page 84] to great mens ends, declared in a sermon before the King that whilest the Lord Sudley was a prisoner in the Tower he wrote to the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth the Kings sisters, that they should reuenge his death, which in­deed the Lady Mary afterwards more truely did by [...] ­ting the Earle of Warwicke, then either shee was or at that time could in particular be required. Many other imputa­tions he cast forth, besides most doubted many knowne to be vntrue, and so whereas Papinian a ciuill lawyer but a heathen chose rather to dye then to defend the murth [...]r which the Emperor Caracalla had done vpon his brother Geta, some theologians haue beene imploi [...]d to defile places erected only for religion and truth by defending oppressi­ons and factions, deste [...]ning their professions, and the good artes which they had learned by publishing odious vn­truths vpon report and credite of others.

O wiues! The most sweete poison▪ the most desired evill in the world. Certainly as it is true as Syracides saith, thatCap. 25. there is no malice to the malice of a woman, so no mischiefe wanteth where a malitious woman beareth sway, a woman was first giuen to man for a comforter but not for a coun­sailor, much lesse a controler and directer, and therefore in the first sentence against man this cause is expressed because thou obeyedst the voice of thy wife. And doubtlesse the pro­tectorGen. 3. 17. by being thus ruled to the death of his brother see­med with his left hand to haue cut off his right. For here­vpon many of the nobility cryed out vpon him that hee was a bloodsucker, a murtherer, a parricide, a villaine, and that it was not sit the K. should be vnder the protection of such a rauenons wolfe. Soone after it was giuen forth and belieued by many that the King was dead, wherevpon he passed in great estate through the cittie of London to ma­nifest that he was both aliue and in good health, whether this speech were spread either by aduenture or by arte, it is vncertaine, certain it is it did something shake the strength [Page 85] of the Kings affection towards the Protector.

B [...]sides many well d [...]sposed mindes conceiued a hard o­pinion of him, for that a church by strand-bridge and two Bishops houses were pulled downe to make a seat for his new building in digging the foundation whereof, the [...]ones of many who had beene there buried were cast vp and carried into the fields, and because the stones of those houses & the church did nothing suffice for his work, the sle [...]ple and most part of the church of Saint Iohn of Ierusa­l [...]m neere Smithfield most beautifully erected and adorned not long before by Docray Priour of that church was mi­ned and ouerthrowne with powder, and the stones appli­ed to this spatious building. And because the worke could not be ther with finished, the cloister of Paules on the north side of the church in a place called Pardonne church­yearde and the dance of death, very curiously wrought a­bout the cloister, and a chappell that stood in the midst of the church-yeard, also the charnell house that stood vpon the south side of Paules (now a carpenters yeard) with the chappell tombes and monuments therein were beaten downe, the bones of the dead carried into Finsbury fields and the stones conuerted to his building. It is constantly affirmed that for the same purpose hee intended to pull downe the church of S, Margaret in Westminster, and that the standing thereof was preserued only by his fall, assu­redly as these actions were in an high degree impious, so did they draw with them both open dislike from men and much secret reuenge from God.

And now hath the Lord Protector played the first act of the tragedie of his life, namely his high and prosperous estate, he is now stopping into the second act, wherein he beginneth mainly to decline.

For the Earle of Warwicke espying opportunity shewing him selfe and knowing that in troublesome times the obe­dience of great persons is most easily shaken, drew about 18 of the priuy counsaile to knit with him against the Lord [Page 86] Protector. These he did so winde vp to his purpose that they withdrew from the courte, fell to secret consultati­ons, and walked in the citty with many seruants weapo­ned and in new liueries, the causes thereof many con­iectured but few knew. They were all desirous that the Protectors greatnesse should be taken lower, but none con­ceiued that the Earles malice did extend vnto death. But the Lord Protector as humble then as he had beene haugh­ty before sent secretary Peeter to them in the Kings name to vnderstand the causes of their assembly, and to declare vnto them that he would thanke them for hating him in case they did it in loue to the King, intreating them for the Kings sake if not for his safetie yet for his quiet, that they would forbeare open shew of hostility and resort vnto him peaceably that they might commune together as friends. In the meane time he armed 500 men parte of the kings & parte his owne, the court gates were rampard and people raised both by letters and proclamation to aide the King, and the more to encrease the present terror he re­moued the king by mightfrō Hampton courte to Windosor with a company more resembling an army then a traine.

On the other side the Lords at London first taking pos­session of the tower sent for the Maior and Aldermen of the citty to the Earle of Warwicks lodging at Ely house in Hol­borne, here they presented themselues secretly armed, and the Lord Rich then Lord Chancellor of England, a man of quicke and liuely deliuery of speech, but as of meane birth so prone to thrust forwards the ruine of great persons, in this manner spake vnto them.

I am not ignorant into what aduenture I now plunge my selfe in speaking against a man both high in honour and great in fauour both with the King and many of the people. But my duty prevailing against respect of danger, I will plainly de­clare the discontentments of the Lords of his Maiesties coun­saile, haue already conceiued against the actions past of the Lorde Protector, as also their fears touching matters to en­sue, [Page 87] that with your aide they may in good time happily re­medy the one and remoue the other, assuring you all that as I will not vtter any thing falsly, so will I forbeare to tell many truths.

And first to touch vpon his open ambition, with what good reason or purpose thinke wee did he being a man of ma­ny imperfections, as want of eloquence, personage, learning, or good wit aspire to the great offices of gouerning all affaires of state, sit for none but whom God hath fauoured with fit­ting graces. And albeit these defects might haue beene well supplied by sufficiency of others of the counsaile, yet was hee so peeuishly opiniatiue and proud, that he would neither aske nor heare the advice of any, but was absolutely ruled by the obstinate and imperous woman his wife, whose ambitious and mischieuous will so guided him in the most weighty affaires of the realme, that albeit he was counsailed by others what was best, yet would he doe quite contrary, least he should seeme to need their aduice, And yet this was not enough, as auarice and ambition haue neuer enough, but to adde dignity to authority, and to make sure that as no man should as in power so in title surmount him, he would be aduanced to the Degree of Duke of Somerset, which hath alwaies beene a title for one of the kings sonns inheritable to the crowne.

And albeit it may seeme a light matter to speake of bri­bery and extortion against him, yet his robberies and oppres­sions haue beene such, that no man would willingly haue adventured to commit them, vnlesse he thought by treason so to assure himselfe as he could not be called to answere for them. For he hath laid his rauenous hands vpon the Kings treasure and Iewels left by his Father, which were knowne to be of an inestimable value, that it might well be said euen as he had giuen forth, that K. Henry died a very poore prince, and had beene vtterly shamed in case he had liued one quar­ter of a yeare longer.

Then also what hauocke hath he made of the Kings lands and inheritance? What sales and exchanges vpon pretence of [Page 88] necessity? And yet what a high deale hath he transported to himselfe? Without regard of others who haue emploied their trauailes & estates in seruice of the King & of his deceased Father? What artes hath he vsed to spend those & spare him­self against the time of his mischievous purpose. How greedi­ly, how insatiably hath he neuer ceased the whilest to rake & gleane mony together? What shamefull sale of offices & pre­ferments hath he made, nothing regarding the worthinesse of the person, but the worth and weight of the gift. Betraying thereby the administration of the realme into the hands both of worthlesse and corrupt men. To speake nothing the whilest of his minte at Duresme place erected & vsed for his priuate profit. To speake nothing of the great Boutisale of colledges and chantries, to speake nothing of all his other particular pillages, all which were so farre from satisfying his bottomles desires that he proceeded to fleece the whole Commonwealth, to cut and pare it to the very quicke.

For vnder colour of warre, which either his negligence drew on or his false practises procured, he leuied such a subsi­die vpon the whole realme as neuer was asked a greater at once, which should not haue needed, albeit the warres had beene iust, in case he had not imbereled the Kings treasure as he did, for besides he extorted money by way of loane from all men who were supposed to haue it, and yet left the Kings souldiers and servants vnpaid. But in all these pretended ne­cessities, how profuse was he in his priuate expences? Carry­ing himselfe rather as fitting his owne greatnesse then the common good▪ How did he riot surfeit vpon vaine hopes, as if new supply for wast would neuer want? What treasures did he bury in his sumptuous buildings? And how foolish and fanci­full were they? A fit man forsooth to gouerne a realme, who had so goodly gouernment in his owne estate. All these things as there are but few but know, so we may be assured that hee neuer durst haue committed halfe of them with a minde to haue remained a subiect vnder the law, and to be answera­ble for his actions afterwards, but did manifestly intend to [Page 89] heape his mischiefs with so high a treason as he might climbe aboue his soveraigne and stand sure beyond reach of law.

And for inducement to this his traiterous designe he sub­orned his seruants and certaine preachers to spread abroad the praises of his government, with as much abasing the no­ble King Henry as without impudence they could deuise. Following therein the practises of K. Richard the tyrant, by deprauing the Father to honour the sonne, to extinguish the loue of the people to the young King, by remembring some im­perfections of his Father; which example both traiterous and vnnaturall who doubts but his heart was ready to follow, whose heart was ready to defame his father, and set nought by his mother (as it is well knowne) and to procure, yea labour the death of his brother, whom albeit the law and consent of many had condemned vpon his owne speeches yet his earnest endeauor therein did well declare what thoughts can sinke in­to his vnnaturall breast, & what foule shifts he would haue made, rather thē that his brother should haue escaped death, to that end that he might remoue at once both an impeach­ment to his poysenous purposes & a surety to the Kings life & estate. To this ende he also practised to dispatch such of the nobility as were like to oppose against his mischeiuous drift, & in such sort either to encumber & weaken the rest, that they should be noe impediments to him. In the meane time he endeauored to winne the common people both by strayned cur­tesy & by loosenes of life, whereto he gaue not only licence, but encouragement and meanes.

And the better to advance his intents he deviseth to in­tangle the realme not only with outward warre that with ru­mor thereof his dangerous diuices might be obscured, bu [...] but with inward sedition by stirring and nourishing discon­tentments among the nobility gentry and commons of the realme. This he did vnder pretence of such matters as all men desired might be redressed more gladly then hee, but in a more quiet and setled time. But the time seemed most conve­nient for him when vnder the sweete pretence of release and [Page 82] libertie to the people might haue destroied the Nobility and gentry, who are the defence and safety of the people, and so at pleasure haue reduced all vnder his tyrannous subiection.

Which how insupportable it would haue beene may well be coniectured by his actions already past, what pride and inso­lency of his men made vp of naught? What instruments had he in euery shire to worke his purposes, to spread his rumors, to harken and to carry tales? And those what flatterers? What lyers? How greedily gaping for other mens liuings? How vi­gilant to grope mens thoughts, and to picke out somewhat whereof they might complaine? and such vile vermine how deere were they to him? and namely Iohn Bonham his one hand in Wiltshire, Sir Gyles Partridge his other hand in Glocestershire, his customer in Wells, Piers country, his mi­nister in Deuonshire, besides many his bad conditioned mini­ons in courte, what monsters were they? How esteemed they his fauour aboue all mortall respects.

And further to accomplish his ambitious ends, he devi­sed to make the French king his friend, by bewraying vnto him the Kings fortresses beyond the seas, which the late noble K. Henry with great charge courage and glory, had brought vnder his power, which practise was so caryed, that no man but such as discerned nothing but did perceiue it. And that aswell by his often private conference with the French Em­bassadors and their secretaries, as by failing to furnish those pieces with necessarie supplies, as also by the speeches which himselfe and his servants cast abroad, that Bulloine and the fortresses about it were an vnprofitable burthen to the realme. But for the charge no man will conceiue that he wan­ted money to keepe them, who vndertooke so great a charge as the conquest of Scotland, and wasted euery day a 100 [...] vp­on his phantasticall building.

Besides it hath beene often heard from his owne communi­cation, how he intended to procure a resignation of the rights of the Kings Maiesties sisters, and others who are entitled to the possession of the Crowne, and to haue entailed the same [Page 83] vpon his owne issue, which when he had effected, and hauing the Kings person in his power, the chaine of soueraignty could not long haue tied him short, he might haue atchieued all his ambitious intentions at will.

Wherefore surely he hath thus put on the person not only of a robber, and of a murtherer, but of a traitor to the state, since we haue euidently discouered both his lofty and bloody minde. It behoueth you to ioyne in aide with the Lords of his Maiesties privy counsaile, as in extinguishing a raging fire, as in repelling a cruell enimie, for assuredly wee must either weakly yeelde to his rule and commande, or else the ambiti­ous author must be taken away.

In the afternoone of the same day the Lord Maior as­sembled a common counsaile in Guildhall, where two let­ters arriued almost in one instant, one from the King and the Lord Protector for 1000 men to be armed for defence of the Kings person, another from the Lords at London for 2000 men to aide them in defence of the Kings person, both parties pretending alike, but both intending nothing lesse. The Recorder whose voice accordeth commonly with the Lord Chancellor did so well set forth the complaints of the Lords against the Protector, that many were inclinable to fauour their side. But one named George Stadlowe some­what better aduised stept vp and spake vnto them as fol­loweth.

This businesse (right Honorable Lord Maior & the residue of this court) as it is a very high passage of state, so it is wor­thy of serious consideration, & that vpon sodeine aduice no­thing be done or determined them, least happely by being ser­viceable to the designes of other men whose purposes we know not, we cast our selues into the throat of danger which hither­to wee doe not see, two things I much feare in case wee afford present aide to the Lords, either of which should cast vpon vs a bridle rather for stopping a while, then for stepping or stir­ring too soone or too fast at their incitement. One is the cer­taine dangers of the citty, the other the vncertaine aduenture [Page 92] of all the realme.

First then if wee adioine to the Lords, whether they pre­vaile or not wee engulph our selues into assured danger, an example whereof I finde in Fabian whose report I entreat you all to obserue. In the time of King Henry the third, the Lords in a good cause for maintenance of divers beneficiall lawes desired aide of the citty ogainst the King. Ayde was granted and the quarrell brought to the arbitrement of the sword. In this battaile the King and his son [...]e were taken prisoners, & vpon their enlargement free pardon was granted not only to the Lords but the cittizens of London which was afterwards confirmed both by oath and by act of Parliament. But what followed? Was the displeasure forgotten? Noe verily, nor euer forgotten during that Kings life, for afterwards the liberties of the Citty were taken away, strangers were appointed▪ go­vernors, and the cittizens perpetually vexed, both in their persons and in their estates. So heauy and durable is the wrath of Kings. That Solomon saith: The indignation of the King is death. For it is naturall for princes to vphold their sove­raignty, and to holde it in highest esteeme, in no case to en­dure their supreame authority to be forceably either oppres­sed or dispressed by their subiects. Insomuch as they mortally hate such subiects as haue once attempted either to ouerrule them by power, or to cast any terror vpon them. And howsoe­uer they may be either constrained or content to beare saile for a time, yet are they so sure paymasters in the end, that few haue held out their liues, I will not say prosperously but safely, who haue offered enforcements against their King.

Now touching my seare for the commonwealth, I much suspect these considerations. I alwaies expect from them some lurking mischiefe, which the more cunningly it be kept in, the more dangerously it will breake forth. For albeit there be many hands in this action, yet one is the head who doubtlesse hath skille to play his owne game, and albeit the pretences giuen forth are alwaies faire, and for the publique good, yet are the secret intentions commonly ambitions, & only aime at [Page 93] priuate ends, yea many times the end is worse then the first in­tent. Because when a subiect hath obtained the hand against his prince, I will not say he will be loath, but doubtlesse it is not safe for him to giue ouer his advantage, wherefore I am of opinion, that for the present if wee will not be so vneurteous as to delay, and suspend our giuing aide to the Lords for a time.

Vpon this aduice the courte resolued to arme 100 horse­men and 400 foote for defence of the Citty. To the King they returned answere that they would be ready vpon any necessity to apply all their forces either for his defence or for his honour. But they intreated him to bee pleased to heare such complaints as were obiected against the Lord Protector before he assembled forces in the field, which in those tempestuous times as it could not be done without great danger, so without great cause it should not: To the Lords they answered that they were ready to ioyne with them in any dutifull petition to the King, but to ioyne with them in armes, they could not vpon the sodaine re­solue.

The next day the Lordes at London dispatched a letter to the Lords at Windesore, wherein they charged the pro­tector with many disorders both in his priuate actions, and in his manner of gouernment, requiring that hee would disperse the sorces which he had raised, and withdraw himselfe from the King, and be content to be ordered by iustice and reason. That this done they would gladly com­mune with the rest of the counsaile for the surety of the Kings person, and for ordering of his estate, otherwise they would make no other accompt of them then they might trust to finde cause, and would assuredly charge them ac­cording to their demerits.

The King all this time was so farre from gouerning his Lords, that he was scarce at his owne liberty, and consider­ing that the late rebellions had but newly weared them­selues into quiet, and fearing new rages among the vnstabie [Page 92] [...] [Page 93] [...] [Page 86] people daily threatned, and vpon such occasion not vn­like to take slame, conceiuing also that the confederacy trenched no deeper, or that the only remedy was to seeme so to conceiue, dissolued his companies except only his guarde, but charged them vpon warning to be ready, so it is most certaine that the troublesome times were a great aduantage to the Lords. Had the people beene well setled in subiection, or the Protector a man of spirit or witt, they h [...]d beene in danger to haue beene vndone, but the protector instead of vsing his authority sent secretary Pe­ter (who vnder pretence of gravity couered much vn­trustinesse of heart) to the Lords at London, with some se­cret instructions sent especially to perswade them that for a publique benefit, all either priuate guardes or vnkind­nesses might be laid aside. But neither did hee returne to Windesore, neither was any answere returned from the Lordes. After this he wrote two letters, one in his owne name to the Earle of Warwicke, the other in the name of the Lords at Windesore to the Lords at London, in both which he so weakly complained, expostulated, intreated, yeelded vnder their hande, as it was sufficient to haue breathed courage into any enimy once declared against him.

And indeed herevpon the Lords forthwith published a proclamation vnder the hands of 17 persons, either for nobility or authority of office well regarded, werein the causes of such calamities and losses as had lately before happened, not only by inward diuisions which had cost the liues of many thousands of the Kings subiects, and threatned more, but also by the losse of diuers pieces be­yond the seas, which had beene wonn by great adventure of the late Kings person and consumption of his treasure▪ they perceiued that the only roote from whence those mis­chiefes s [...]rung, was the evill gouernment of the Lord Pro­t [...]ctor, whose pride, couetousnes and ambition couered on­ly his priuate ends, and therefore he was deepely busied in [Page 87] his spatious and specious buildings in the hottest times of warre against France and Scotland whilest the poore soul­diers and seruitors of the King were vnpaide, and laboured to make himselfe strong in all countries, whilest within the realme lawes, iustice, and good order preuerted, pro­uisions for the forts beyond the seas neglected, and the Kings subiects by most dangerous diuisions (by his means either raised or occasioned) much disquiet. That hereupon the Lords of the counsaile for preuenting aswell present dangers to the Kings person, as the vtter subuersion of the state of the realme, concluded to haue talked to him quiet­ly, without disturbance to the King, or to the people, for reducing him to liue within reasonable limits, and for put­ting order for safety of the kings person, and preseruation of the commonwealth of the realme, and so to haue passed ouer his most vnnaturall and trait [...]rous deseruings with­out further extremities. But he knowing that he was vna­ble to answere for any part of his demeanour, began forth­with to spread false rumors, that certaine Lords had conspi­red against the Kings person, vnder pretence whereof hee leuied forces in a disordered vproare, albeit the treason rested in him and some other his complices, wherefore seeing he troubled the whole realme for accomplishing his traiterous ends, and vsed the King in his tender age for an instrument against himselfe, causing him to put his hand to many of his owne deuises, and to speake things tending to the destruction of himselfe they desired and in the Kings name charged all subiects not to obey any precepts, licenses or proclamations, whereunto the Protectors hand should be set, albeit he should abuse the Kings hand and seale vnto them, but to quit themselues vpon such procla­mation as should proceede from the body of the counsaile, protesting therewith their faithfull hearts to the King and their loialty towards the people.

Instantly after the publishing of this proclamation the Lords directed their letters to Windesore, ond addressed to [Page 96] the King, another to the Protector, the third to the houshold which was openly read. The letter to the Protector was guilded ouer with many smooth words intimating faire promises and full of hope, but the other two did fully and fowly set forth his obstinacie, his auarice his ambition, his rash engagements into warres, in the Kings vnsetled, both age and estate, his negligences, his deceits, and all other in­sufficiences mentioned before. Herewith Sr Robert Wing­field captaine of the guarde was sent from the Lords to Windesore who so well persuaded the King both of the loy­all affection of the Lordes towards him and of their mode­rate desires against the protector (who then was in pre­sence) that partly thereby but chiefly in regard of the tur­bulent times the Protector was remoued from the Kings person, & a guard set vpon him vntill the next day, when the Lords at London were appointed to be there.

So the next day diuers of the counsell rode from London to Windsore, but the Earle of Warwick rode not with them, for he was a perfect Master of his craft: he had well lear­ned to put others before him in dangerous actions, and in matters of mischiefe to be seene to doe least, when in very deed all moued from him. He had well learned of the ape to take nuts out of the fire with the pawe of the cat. These Lords comming before the King did againe runne ouer their complaints against the Protector, and also vnder co­lour of loue and duty aduiseth the King to beware of such as were both powerfull, ambitious, mischieuous and rich. Affirming that it would be better surety vnto him, if this great authority should be committed to many, who cannot so readily knit in will or in action, as when the whole man­nage resideth in one. In the end the Duke of Somerset (for hereafter he must be no otherwise called) was com­mitted into their power and committed to custody in Be [...]uchampe tower within the castle.

The next day he was brought to London as if he had bin a captaine caried in triumph. He rode through Holborne [Page 97] betweene the Earles of Southhampton and of Huntington, and was followed with Lords and Gentlemen to the num­ber of 300 mounted on horsebacke. At Holborne bridge certaine Aldermen attended on horsebacke, and the citti­s [...]ns housholders stood with halberds on all sides of the streets, through which he passed. At Sopherlane he was re­ceiued by the Maior, Sh [...]riffes, Recorder and diuers Knights of especiall note, who with a great traine of offi­cers and attendants bearing halbeards carryed him forth­with to the Tower, all this was to beare in shew, both that the Duke was a dangerous man▪ and that the common both aide and applause concurred in his restraint.

Forthwith the King was brought to Hampton courte, where all things being borne as done well, because no­thing was ill taken, seauen of the Lords of the counsaile and 4 Knights were appointed by turnes to attend the Kings person. The Lords were the Marquis of North­hampton the Earles of Warwicke and Arundell, the Lordes Russell, St Iohn, and Wentworth, the knights were these Sr Andrew Dudley, Sr Edward Rogers, Sr Thomas Darcy, and Sr Thomas Worth. As for affaires of state the gouern­ment of them was referred to the whole body of the coun­saile, Soone after the King rode to his house in South­warke, (then called Suffolke place) & there dined all-After dinner he rode in great estate through the citty to West­minster, as if the people should be giuen to vnderstand, that nothing was d [...]minished either from the safety or glo­ry of the King by imprisonment of the Duke.

And now when the Duke had breathed a small time in the tower, certaine Lords of the counsaile were sent vnto him, who after a shorte preface in such termes as hate and dissimulation could temper together, remembring how great the amity had beene betweene them, and of what continuance: Then acknowledging what offices & seruices he had done for the commonwealth, & yet enterlacing some errors & defects, wherewith they seemed to reproach [Page 98] him. Lastly they presented him certaine articles as from the residue of the priuy counsaile, desiring his present an­swere, whether hee would acknowledge them to be true, or else stand vpon his iustification. The articles obiected against him were these.

  • 1 That he tooke vpon him the office of Protector vpon ex­presse condition, that he should doe nothing in the Kings af­faires, but by assent of the late Kings executors, or the grea­test part of them.
  • 2 That contrary to this condition he did hinder iustice, & subuert Lawes of his owne Authority, aswell by letters, as by other commande.
  • 3 That he caused diuers persons arrested and imprisoned for treason, murther, manslaughter, and fello [...]y to be dischar­ged against the lawes and statutes of the realme.
  • 4 That he appointed L [...]euetenants for Armies and o­ther officers for the weighty affaires of the king vnder his own writing and seale.
  • 5 That he communed with Embassadors of other realmes alone of the weighty matters of the realme.
  • 6 That he would taunt and reproue diuers of the kings most honourable counsailors for declaring their aduice in the Kings weighty affaires against his opinion, sometimes telling them that they were not worthy to sit in counsaile, and some­times that he needed not to open weighty matters to them, and that if they were not agreeable to his opinion, he would discharge them.
  • 7 That against law he held a court of request in his house and did enforce diuers to answere there for their freeholde & goods, and did determine of the same.
  • 8 That being no officer without the aduice of the coun­saile, or most part of them, he did dispose offices of the Kings guift for money, grant leases, and wards, and presentations of Benefices pertaining to the King, gaue Bishoprickes, and made sales of the Kings lands.
  • 9 That he commanded Alchimie, and multiplication to [Page 99] be practised, thereby to abase the Kings coine.
  • 10 That diuers times he openly said that the nobility and gentry were the only cause of dearth. Whereupon the people rose to reforme matters of themselues.
  • 11 That against the minde of the whole counsaile he cau­sed proclamation to be made concerning enclosures, wherevp­on the people made diuers insurrections and destroied many of the Kings subiects.
  • 12 That he sent forth a commission with Articles annex­ed, concerning enclosures, commons, highwa [...]es, cottages, and such like matters▪ giuing the commishioners authority to heare [...] determine those causes whereby the lawes and statutes of the realme were subuerted and much rebellion raised.
  • 13 That he suffered rebells to assemble and lie armed in campe against the nobility and gentry of the realme without speedie repressing of them.
  • 14 That he did comfort and encourage diuers rebells by giuing them money, and by promising them fees, rewards and seruices.
  • 15 That he caused a proclamation to be made against law, and in fauour of the rebells, that none of them should be vexed or sued by any for their offences in their rebellion.
  • 16 That in time of rebellion he said that he liked well the actions of the rebells, and that the auarice of gentlemen gaue occasion for the people to rise, and that it was better for them to dye then to porish for want.
  • 17 That he said, the Lords of the Parliament were loath to reforme enclosures and other things, therefore the people had a good cause to reforme them themselues.
  • 18 That after declaration of the defaults of Bouline and the pieces there by such as did surview them, he would neuer amend the same.
  • 19 That he would not suffer the Kings pieces of Newha­uen, and Blacknesse to be furnished with men and prouision, albeit he was [...] of the defaults and aduised thereto by the Kings [...], whereby the French King was em­boldned [Page 100] to attempt vpon them.
  • 20 That he would neither giue authority nor suffer noble men, and gentlemen to suppresse rebells in time conuenient, but wrote to them to speake the rebells [...]aire, and vse them gently.
  • 21 That vpon the fifth of October the present v [...]ere [...] Hampton courte for defence of his owne priuate causes, hee procured seditious bills to be written in counterfeit hands, and secretly to be dispersed into diuerse parts of the realme be­ginning thus, Good people, intending thereby to raise the Kings subiects to rebellion and open warre.
  • 22 That the Kings priuy counsaile did consult at London to come to him, and moue him to reforme his gouernment, but he hearing of their assembly declared by his letters in diuers places, that they were high traitors to the King.
  • 23 That he declared vntruly aswell to the King as to o­ther yong Lords attending his person, that the Lords at Lon­don intended to destroy the King, & desired the King neuer to forget, but to reuenge it, and required the yong Lords to put the King in remembrance thereof with intent to make sediti­on, and discorde betweene the King and his Nobles.
  • 24 That at diuers times and places he said, the Lords of the counsell at London intend to kill mee, but if I dye the King shall dye, and if they famish mee, they shall famish him.
  • 25 That of his owne head he remoued the King so sodain­ly from Hampton courte to Windsore, without any prouision there made, that he was thereby not only in great feare but cast into a dangerous disease.
  • 26 That by his letters he caused the Kings people to as­semble in great numbers in Armor after the manner of warre to his aide and defence.
  • 27 That he caused his seruants and friends at Hampton court & Windesore to be apparelled in the Kings armor, when the Kings seruants and guarde went vnarmed.
  • 28 That he intended to fly to Iernsey and Wales and laid posthorses, and men, and a boat to that purpose.

[Page 101]Now albeit there is little doubt but that some of these articles were meerely deuised, others enlarged, or wr [...]sted, or otherwise inforced by odious interpretation, yet the Duke being of base golde and fearing the touch, subscri­bed with his owne hand, that he did acknowledge his of­fences contained in them, and humbly vpon his knees submitted himselfe to the Kings mercy. That in like man­ner he entreated the Lords to be a meanes to the King that he would conceiue that his offences did proceede rather from negligence, rashnes, or other indiscretion, then from any malitious thought tending to treason, and also that he would take some gratious way with him, his wife and children, not according to extremity of lawes, but after his great elemency and mercy. Written with my owne hand 23 December Anno 3o Edw. Regis.

To this I make no other defence, but intreat the reader not to condemne him for perishing so weakly, and for that he who should haue lost his life to preserue his honour, cast away both his life and honour together. Assuredly he was a man of a feeble stomacke, vnable to concoct any great fortune prosperous or aduerse. But as the iudgement of God, and malice of a man concurre often in one act, although it be easie to discerne betweene them; so is it lit­tle to be maruailed, that he who thirsted after his brothers blood, should finde others to thirst after his; Notwith­standing for that present his blood was respited▪ but hee was stripped of his great offices of being Prote [...]tor, Treasu­rer and Marshall, lost all his goods and neere 2000 lande, in which estate if he had continued, the longer he had liued the more punishment he should endure, herewith it was s [...]ossingly said that he had eaten the kings goose and did then regorge the feathers.

After this he sent letters to the Lords of the counsaile wherein he acknowledged himselfe much f [...]oured by them, in that they had brought his cause to be fineable which although it was to him impo [...]able, yet as hee did [Page 102] neuer intend to contend with them nor any action to iustifie himselfe, as well for that he was none of the wisest and might easily erre; as for that it is scarce possible for any man in great place so to beare himselfe, that all his actions in the eye of iustice shall be blamelesse; so hee did then submit himselfe wholly to the Kings mercy, and their discretions for some moderation; desiring them to con­ceiue that what he did amisse was rather through rudenes, and for want of iudgement, then from any malitious meaning, and that he was therefore ready both to doe and suffer what they would appoint. Finally hee did againe most humbly vpon his knees entreat pardon, and fauour, and they should euer finde him so lowly to their honours, and obedient to their orders, as hee would thereby make amends for his former follies.

These subiections, obiections, deiections of the Duke made a heauenly harmony in his enimies eares. But they wrought such compassion with the King, that forthwith he was released out of the Tower, his fines discharged, his goods and lands restored, except such as had beene giuen away, either the malice of the Lords being somewhat ap­peased, or their credit not of sufficient strength to resist, within a short time after he was entertained and feasted by the King with great shew of fauour, and sworne againe of the priuy counsaile, at which time betweene him and the Lords perfect amity was made, or else a dissembling hate And that all might appeare to be knit vp in a comicall conclusion, the Dukes daughter was afterwards ioined in marriage to the Lord L [...]sle sonne and heire to the Earle of Warwick, and the Earle also was made Lord Admirall of England, yet many doubted whether the Earle retained not some secret offence against the Duke, which if hee did, it was most cunningly suppressed, doubtlesse of all his ver­tues he made best vice of dissimulation. And as this friend­ship was drawen together by feare on both sides so it was not like to be more durable then was the feare.

[Page 103]And thus the second act ended of the tragedie of the Duke, the third shall follow in the proper place.

In the meane time the Earle of Warwicke for what mis­cheiuous contriuance it was not certainly knowne, but conceiued to be against the Duke ioined to him the Earle of Arund [...]ll late Lord Chamberlaine, and the Earle of Southhampton sometimes Lord Chancellor, men of their owne nature circumspect and slow, but at the time dis­countenanced and discontent, whom therefore the Earle of Warwicke singled as fittest for his purpose. Many secret conferences they had at their seuerall houses, which often held the greatest part of the night. But they accustomed to afford at other times either silence, or shorte assent to what he did propose, did then fall off and forsake him, procuring thereby danger to themselues without doing good to any other. For when the Earle of Warwicke could by no meanes draw them to his desires, hee found means that both of them were discharged from the counsell, and commanded to their houses. Against the Earle of Arun­dell obiections were framed that he tooke away bolts and locks at Westminster, and gaue away the Kings stuffe. Hee was fined at 12000l to be paid 1000l yeerely. But doubt­lesse the Earle of Warwicke had good reason to suspect, that they who had the honesty not to approue his purpose, would not want the heart to oppose against it.

During these combats among the nobility many popu­lar insurrections were assayled, One Bell was put to death at Tyborne for mouing a new rebellion in Suffolke and in Essex, hee was a man nittily needy and therefore aduen­trous, esteemed but an idle fellow, vntill he found oppor­tunity to shew his rashnesse. Diuers like attempts were made in other places, but the authors were not so readily followed by the people as others had done before. Partly because multitudes doe not easily moue, but chifly because misaduentures of others in like attempts had taught them to be more warily aduised. About this time a Parliament [Page 104] was held at Westminster wherein one Act was made against spreading of Prophecies the first motiue of rebellions, and another against vnlawfull assemblies, the first apparant act­ing of them. But for feare of new tumults, the Parliament was vntimely dissolued and gent. charged to retyre to their country habitations, being furnished with such for­ces and commissions as were held sufficient to hold in bri­dle either the malice or rage of reasonlesse people, yea so great grew the doubt of new insurrections that Trinity terme did not holde least gentlemen should by that occasi­on be drawen out of the country where they were estee­med to doe good seruice by keeping the Commons from commotions. All these mouements seemed to be preten­ded by mouing of the earth in diuerse places of Sussex.

The affaires of England beyond the seas all this time were caried with variable successe, Sr Thomas Cheynie was sent to the Emperour to treat with him, that his forces might ioine with the forces of England against the com­mon enimies of them both according to the Articles for merly cōcluded. These articles had bin well obserued for a time esp [...]eially against the French. But afterwards the em­perour being diuerted about other preparations, and there­with much solicited by the Scots, not to be a helpe to ruine their kingdome fell by degrees from the K. of England, fil­ling his Embassadors with emptie hopes at the first, wherein also he daily fainted and failed in the end.

In France the King placed the Rhenegra [...]e with diuers Regiments of Almaine, Lancequenots, and certaine ensignes of F [...]ench to the number of 4 or 5000 at the towne of Morguison midway betweene Bouline and Calais to empeach all entercourse betweene those two places, wherevpon the King of England caused all the strangers that had serued the yeere against the rebells to the num­ber of 2000 to be transported to Calais, to them were ad­ioined 3000 English, vnder the command of Francis Earle of Hunting don, & Sr Edward Hastings his brother to [Page 105] dislodge the French, or otherwise to annoy them. But the French perceiuing that the troubles in England were per­fectly appeased, and that the King thereby was much strengthened in his estate, for that the vicious humors a­gainst him were either corrected or spent, finding also that he daily grew rather into admiration then loue, aswell for that it was apparant, that hee had so well improued that little stocke which his father left, as he was like to proue a thriuer in the end, also weary in maintaining warres with Scotland, as well in regard of the charge, as for that his people were nothing desirous of seruice in that distant country. Lastly hauing tried aswell the strength as curtesy of the English nation, and doubtfull of the estates of the empire and of Spaine, by whom not only the wings of his Kingdome had beene clipped on euery side, but the whole body thereof dangerously attempted, he resolued to fasten peace with England if he could.

Herevpon he dispatched to the English court Guidolti an Italion borne in Florence who made many ouertures to the Lords of the counsaile, but all as from the Cunstable of France, and espying with a nimble eye that matters of consaile were chiesly swayed by the Earle of Warwicke by great gifts and gretter hopes he wrought him to be ap­pliable to his desires. In the end it was concluded that foure Embassadors should be sent from the King of Eng­land into France, and foure from the French King to treat with them that the English commissioners should come to Guisnes and the French to Arde, and that their meeting should be chiefly at Guisnes. The English yeelding to all with sincerity of minde, the French accepting all but with intentions reserued to themselues. The Lords appointed by the English were Iohn Earle of Bedforde, William Lord Paget, St William Peeter, and Sr Iohn Mason. Secreta­ries of State, on the French side were appointed Mounsier Rochpott, Mounsier Chastilion, Guillant de Mortier, and Rochetele de Dassi [...], in short time after the Earle of War­wicke [Page 106] was made Lord great M another feather to his mounting minde.

The day wherein the English Embassadors arriued at Ca­luis, Guidolti resorted vnto them with a letter from Moun­sier Rochpot whereby he signified that the French intended not to come to Arde, but desired that the English would goe to Bouline, and that the meeting might be besides the Towne. For this he alleadged that he was so weakly dis­posed in health that he could not trauaile farre, and that he being Gouernor of Picardie and Chastilion of Newha­uen they might not depart such distance from their charge, and further that there must be much wast of time if the English should lye at Guisnes and the French at Ardes, and that the equality would be more, and the dishonour to one of the sides lesse, if the enterview should be vpon the Frontires, then if one part should be drawen into the terri­tory of the other.

Vpon this rubbe the English Embassadors thought fit to demurre, and so sent into England to receiue directions from the Lords of the counsaile. They againe referred the matter wholly to the iudgement of the Embassadors, af­firming that it was a circumstance not much to bee stood vpon in case it were not vpon some sinenesse, but for ease and commodity of them and their traine, which indeed they might better finde neere Bouline then at Ardes, in case also they could discerne no deepe inconuenience which might hinder the good issue of the good busines in hande, which they esteemed sufficient if in substance it might be effected, albeit in all points they had not so much of their mindes, as they then desired, and as at another time they would expect, and so the English Commissio­ners went to Bouline, and the French came to one of their forts neerest to Bouline.

Not long before the Emperour had beene assailed by the King of England to aide him in defence of Bouline a­gainst the French, which he expresly refused, alleaging [Page 107] that he was not bound so to doe by conditions of the league. For that Bouline was a piece of new conquest ac­quired by the English since the league was made, then the King offered to yeelde the Towne absolutely into his hands in case he would maintaine it against the French, which offer also he refused to accept. At the arriuall of the English embassadors the souldiers were sharply assailed with wants. There was not one drop of beere in the Towne. The bread and breadcorne sufficed not for six daies. Herevpon the souldiers entred into proportion, and to giue them example the Lord Clinton being Lord Deputie limited himselfe to a loafe a day. The King was indebted in those parts aboue 14000l besides for the Earle of Hun­ting dons numbers which were about 1300 foote, besides al­so the increases daily rising, for the monethly pay of Eng­lish and strangers amounted to 6000l besides allowance for officers. Hereof the band of horsemen out of Germany tooke little lesse then 800l the moneth, and the Almains on foote 4000l accounting the gulden at 3s 4d, but account­ing it more, as without a higher valuation little seruice & happily some mischiefe might be expected, the monethly pay to strangers amounted higher. Hereby a great error was discouered, in that the strangers for defence of Bou­laine were of greater strength then were the English.

Now the English commissioners hauing first procured some releife both for victualls & pay, prepared a tent without the towne for meeting with the French. But they▪ erected a house on the further side of the water within their owne territory, in a manner halfe way betweene their forte and the towne. The English perswaded the French to surcease their building, pretending but for their fantasies it was not necessarie, because neither their treaty was like to conti­nue long neither was it by solemne meeting that the bu­sinesse in hand must be effected. But in truth they feared least if peace should not follow, the French might in short time either with filling or massing the house, or else by for­tifying [Page 108] make such a piece as might annoy the hauen or the towne. Notwithstanding the French not only procee­ded but refused any other place of enteruiew.

At their first meeting much time was spent in ceremo­ny of salutation. Then the commissions were read, then Mr de Mortier in a sharpe speech declared that the French King their Mt had vpon iust grounds entred the warre for recouery of his right, and defence of his allies, yet was he well minded for an honourable peace, so as the things for which the warre began, might be brought to some reaso­nable appointment; and hearing of the like disposition of the King of England he had sent them to treat of those af­faires, nothing doubting but that the English would ac­cord to the restitution of Bouline, and other pieces of their late conquest, which so long as they should keepe, so long they may be assured the warre would continue. He fur­ther added that Bouline was but a bare ruinous Towne, without territory or any other commodity to ballance the charge of defending it against the power of France. Last­ly he said there should want no good will in them to bring matters to good appointment, hopeing to finde the like affection in the English.

After that the English commissioners had conferred a while, the Lord Paget answered that the causes of the warre both with them and their Allies (whom he tooke to be the Scots) being iust and honourable. The towne of Bouline & other pieces subdued aswell by their late great master against them, as by the K. their then Mr against their Allies were acquired by iust title of victory, and there­fore in keeping of them no iniury was offered, either to the French King, or to the Scots. But the further declara­tion hee left off vntill their next meeting, because both the time was spent and the tide summoned them to departe. Touching the good inclination of the King their Mr hee had declared it well by sending them thither, in whom they should fin [...]e such good conformity, that if good suc­cesse [Page 109] ensued, not the fault should be which they expected not in the French. Nothing else was done sauing a surcease of hostility concluded for 15 daies, which was proclaimed in both the frontires.

At the next meeting the Lord Paget spent much speech in setting forth the King of Englands title to Bulloine and to his debts and pension from the French king, with all ar­rerages; together with the iustice of his warre against the Scots. The French were as earnest in maintaining the con­trary, wanting no words whatsoeuer their reasons were. For betweene great Princes, the greatest strength carrieth the greatest reason. At the last Mr de Mortier roundly said that to cut off all contentions of words, he would propose two means for peace. All that for old matters of pensions, debts and arrerages, the English should make white books and neuer mention them more, but for Bulloine to set the higher value, (or else said he) let old quarrells remaine, so as your right may be reserued to clime, and ours to de­fende. And let vs speake frankly of some recompence for Boulloine. As for the Scottish Queene. (For this had beene also mentioned before) our King is resolued to keepe her for his sonne and therefore we desire you to speake there­of no more, but of what other points you please, so as we may draw shortly to an end.

The Lord Paget answered for the other commissioners that they had greatest reason to desire a speedy end, but the matters whereupon they stood were of greater impor­tance then to be determined vpon the sodaine. For said he you may make doubts as you please. But if the debt to our King be not iust, being confessed, iudged, sworne, and by many treaties confirmed, wee know not what may be deemed iust, neither is it a summe to be slenderly regarded being 2000000 crownes cleere debt, besides 12000 crowns resting in dispute. The iustice of the warres against Scot­land he maintained aswell in regarde of breach of treatise with themselues as for that contrarie to their comprehen­sion [Page 110] in the last treaty of France they had inuaded England in these entercourses, the whole afternoone being spent, it was agreed that both parties should advise vpon such mat­ters as had beene propounded vntill the next meeting.

But the French either hauing or supposing that they had aduantage ouer the English partly by reason of their firme intelligence in the English court, and partly because they found the English commissioners much yeelding to their desires, as first in cumming into France, then to Bouline, lastly to a house of their owne erecting began to be stiffe and almost intractable, sharpely pressing both for speedie resolution and short times for meetings But Gui­dolti continually trauailed to draw both parties to confor­mity, the French being willing to be entreated by their friend to their most dissembled desires. Guidol­ty in steed of the Queene of Scots propounded that the French kings daughter should bee ioyned in marriage to the King of England, affirming that if it were a drie peace, it would hardly be durable, but hereto the English gaue no inclinable care. Then he deliuered 17 rea­sons in writing, for which he said it was necessarie for the English to conclude a peace. The English demanded how many reasons he had for the French; he answered that he had also his reasons for them, which he intended likewise to deliuer in writing.

At the next meeting the French shewed themselues as before peremptory and precise, standing stifly vpon their owne ouertures, which they had they said no com­mission to exceede, and therefore they refused to treat ei­ther of the pension or debt demanded by the English, and declared themselues rather desirous then willing to breake off the treaty. The English answered that before their comming Guidolti had declared from the French King that so as Bulloine might be rendred, all that was owing from him to the King of England should be paid, which Guidolti being present affirmed to be true; well said they [Page 111] what our King told Guidolti we know not, but to vs hee hath giuen no other commission then you haue heard, which in no case wee must exceede. As for the pension whereof you speake, thinke you that a King of France will be tributary to any? No, No, assure you he will not, and touching the debt because the K. of England gaue occasion to the warres wasted the French Kings countrey, & there­by caused him to expend such summes of mony as exceeded the debt, he tooke himselfe to be acquitted thereof.

Hereto the English answered that the French King might take matters as he pleased, but in honour iustice, and con­science no debt was more due, and the warres being made for deniall thereof, he could not be for that cause acquit­ted. That the pension was also granted vpon diuers cau­ses both weighty and iust, and amongst other by reason of the King of Englands vncontrouleable title to Normandie Gascoine and other parts of France. Here they were inter­rupted by Mr Rotchpot, who brake forth into warme words, and was againe as warmely answered, but the French would nothing moue from their owne ouertures which they stood vpon by way of conclusions.

At the last the English said that they might doe well to report these differences to their Masters on both sides & that their pleasures might therein be knowne. Hereto the French answered that they knew their Kings pleasures so well, that if they should send to him againe, he would and might thinke them of small discretion▪ and herewith they offered to breake. The English told them that if they would breake they might, but they intended to conclude nothing vntill they had further instructions from England; which they would procure as soone as they could. To this the French did easily incline.

These matters aduertised into England much troubled the counsaile, and the rather for that the Earle of War­wicke was at that time retired, pretending much infirmity in his health. Hereupon many sinister surmises began to [Page 112] spring vp among some of the counsaile, partly probable & parte happely deuised, for as they knew not whether hee were more dangerous present or away; so as the nature of all feare is they suspected that which happened to be the worst. From hence diuerse of the counsaile began in this manner to murmure against him.

What said they is he neuer sicke, but when affaires of grea­test weight are in debating? Or wherefore else doth hee withdraw himselfe from the company of those who are not well assured of his loue? Wherefore doth he not now come forth and openly ouerrule, as in other matters hee is accusto­med? Would he haue vs imagine by his absence that he act­eth nothing? Or knowing that all moueth from him, shall wee not thinke that he seeketh to enioy his owne ends, which bearing blame for any euent? Goe to then; let him come forth and declare himselfe, for it is better that should finde fault with all things whilest they are doing, then condemne all things when they are done; with those and the like spee­ches he came to counsaile more ordinary then before, and at last partly by his reasons and partly by his authority, peace with France was esteemed so necessarie, that new instructi­ons were sent to the English Embassadors, according whereto peace was concluded vpon these articles.

  • 1 That all titles and climes on the one side and defences on the other should remaine to either party as they were before.
  • 2 That the fautle of one man (except he were vnpunished) should not breake the peace.
  • 3 That prisoners should be deliuered on both sides.
  • 4 That Bouline and other pieces of the new conquest, with all the ordinance except such as had beene brought in the Eng­lish should be deliuered to the French within 6 moneths after the peace proclaimed.
  • 5 That ships of merchandise might safely passe and ships of warre be called in.
  • 6 That the French should pay for the same 200000 crownes of the summe, euery crowne valued at six shillings 8d [Page 113] within three daies after the deliuery of the towne, & 200000 like crownes more vpon the fifth day of August then next ensuing.
  • 7 That the English should make no new warres vpon Scotland, vnlesse new occasions should be giuen.
  • 8 That if the Scots rased Lords and Dunglasse, the Eng­lish should rase Roxborough and Aymouth, and no fortifica­tion to be afterwards made in any of those places.

To these articles the French King was sworne at Ami­ens, the King of England at London; Commissioners being especially appointed to take their oaths, and for further assurance 6 Hostages were deliuered for the French at Ards and 6 for the English at Guisnes, and it was agreed that at the deliuery of Bulloine the English hostages should be discharged, & that vpon the paiment of the first 200000 crownes 3 of the French hostages should be discharged, and other 3 vpon paiment of the last 200000 crownes. In the peace the Emperor was comprised in case he would consent, and further to cut off future contentions, com­missioners were appointed both by the English and French to make certaine the limits betweene both territories. Other commissioners were appointed summarily to expe­dite and determine all matters of piracie and depredati­ons betweene the subiects of both kingdoms, whereby ma­ny had not only liued but thriued many years before.

So the Lord Clinton gouernor of Bulloine hauing recei­ued his warrant, discharged all his men except 1800 and with them issued out of the towne, and deliuered it to Mr Chastilion hauing first receiued of him the 6 English hosta­ges, and an acquittance for deliuery of the towne, and safe conduct for his passage to Calais. These 18000 men were afterwards placed vpon the frontires betweene the Em­peror and the English. Soone after the first paiment of money was made by the French to certaine English com­missioners wherevpon 3 of their hostages were dischar­ged, the other three namely Count de Anguien next heire [Page 114] to the crowne of France after the Kings children, the Marquis de Meaux brother to the Scottish Queene, and Montmorencie the constables sonne who at that time chief­ly guided the affaires of France, came into England. They were honourably accompanied and with great estate brought to London, where euery of them kept house by himselfe.

Of the monies of the first paiment 10000l was appoin­ted for Calais 8000l for Ireland, 10000l for the North, and 2000l for the Nauie, the residue was earefully laid vp in the Tower. Likewise of the second paiment (wherevp­on the hostages aforenamed returned into France) 8000l was appointed for Calais 5000l for the North▪ 10000l was emploied for enerease towards outward paiments, certaine persons vndertaking that the mony should bee doubled eueryOr hap­pely yeare. moneth, the residue was safely lodged in the tower.

And now it remained that the chiefe actors in this peaee (whatsoeuer their aimes were) must be both honoured & enriched with great rewards, & first Guidolti the first mo­uer of the treaty was recompenced with knighthood, 1000 crownes rewards, 1000 crownes pension & 250c pensiō to his sonne. The Earle of Warwicke was made generall war­den of the North, had 1000 markes land granted to him and 100 horsemen of the Kings charge. Mr Herbert his chiefe instrument was made president of Wales and had a grant of 500l land, and thus whether immoderate fauours breed first vnthankfulnesse and afterwards hate, and there­with ambitious desires, or whether God so punisheth im­moderate affections, it often happeneth that men are prone to raise those most who worke their ruine in the end. Also the Lord Clinton who had beene deputie of Bul­loine was made Lord Admirall of England. The captains and officers were rewarded with lands, leases, offices and annuities, the ordinary souldiers hauing all their pay, and a moneths pay ouer were sent into their countries, and great [Page 115] charge giuen that they should be well obserued, vntill they were quietly setled at home. The light horsemen & men at armes were put vnder the Marquis of Northhamp­ton captaine of the Pensioners. All the guarde of Bulloine were committed to the Lord Admirall, The chiefe cap­taines with 600 ordinaries were sent to strengthen the Frontires of Scotland. Lastly strangers were dispatched out of the realme, who after some idle expence of their mo­nies & time were likest to be forward either in beginning or in maintaining disorders.

Presently after this agreement of peace. The Duke of Brunswicke sent to the King of England to offer his seruice in the Kings warres with 10000 men of his bande, and to entreat a marriage with the Lady Mary the Kings eldest sister. Answere was made touching his offer of aide, that the Kings warres were ended. And touching marriage with the Lady Mary that the King was in speech for her marriage with the Infanta of Portugall, which being de­termined without effect, he should fauourably be heard. Vpon this also the Emperors Embassadors did expostulate with the King that he had brokē his league with the Empe­ror. To this the King answered that because the Emperor fai­led in his performances the King was enforced to prouide for himselfe. The Embassador desirous as it seemed to make a breach, demanded boldly that the Lady Mary should haue the free exercise of the masse. This did the King not only constantly deny, but herevpon sermons were encrea­sed at court and order taken that no man should haue any benefice from the King but first he should preach before him, and in short time after vnder pretence of preparing for sea matters 5000l were sent to relieue Protestants be­yond the seas, and further because the Emperor made di­uers streight lawes against those of the religion. Merchants were charged to forbeare their trade into Flanders so much as they could. So as it appeares, had some of the English nobility beene either lesse powerfull or more [Page 116] faithfull then they were, the King had eares enough and hands enough aswell at home as among good friends a­broad, either to haue maintained warres against the French or to haue reduced them to a more honourable peace.

Warres being thus at good appointment, peaceable bu­sines was more seriously regarded, and whereas an Em­bassador arriued from Gostaue King of Sweden to knit a­mity with the King for entercourse of merchants. At last these articles were concluded.

  • 1 That if the King of Sweden sent Bullion into England he might carry away English commodities without custome.
  • 2 That he should carry Bullion to no other Prince.
  • 3 That if he sent Ozimus, steele, copper, &c. he should pay custome for English commodities as an English man.
  • 4 That if he sent other merchandise he should haue free entercourse paying custome as a stranger.

The mint was set to worke so as it gained 24000l year­ly to the King, which should beare his charges in Ireland and bring 10000l to the treasure. 400 men were sent into Ireland and charge giuen that the lawes of England should there be administred, & the mutinous be seuerely suppres­sed. Verily it may seene strange that among all the horri­ble hurries in England, Ireland was then almost quiet. But besides that the King drew much people from thence for seruice in his warres, who happely would not haue remai­ned quiet at home, the gouernors at that time were men of such choice, that neither the nobility disdained to en­dure their commande, nor the inferior sort were suppres­sed to supply their wants.

Further 20000l weight was appointed to be made so much baser as the King might gaine thereby 160000l. Agreement was also made with Yorke Mr of one of the mints, that he should receiue the profit of all the Bullion which himselfe should bring, and pay the Kings debts to the value of 120000l and remaine accountable for the rest, paying six shillings 8d the ounce vntill the exchange were [Page 117] equall in Flanders and afterwards six shillings 8d and fur­ther that he should declare his bargaine to any that should be appointed to ouersee him, and leaue off when the King should please, that for this the King should giue him 15000l in prest, and license to transport 8000l beyond the seas to abase the exchange. Herewith the base monies formerly coined were cried downe.

Now it is certaine that by reason of the long hostility which England held against Scotland and France, peace was not so hardly concluded as kept. But albeit occasions of breach were often offered, yet the iudgement & modera­tion of both parts sufficed either to auoide or apease them. The Bishop of Glasco comming into England without safe conduct was taken prisoner. The French Embassador made means to the King for his discharge, but answere was made that the Scots had no such peace with the English that they might passe without safe conduct. This was not denied by the Mr of Erskine, whereupon the Archbishop was retai­ned prisoner, but after a short time remitted to his liberty. After this the Queene Dowag [...]r of Scotland going from France to her countrey, passed through England but the French Embassador first obtained her safe conduct, she ar­riued at Portsmouth and was there encountered by diuers of the ▪ English nobility of highest quality and estimation as well for doing her honour as for that hauing such pled­ges she neede not feare, at London she soiourned 4 daies be­ing lodged in the Bishops pallace, and defraied at the charge of the Citty, in which time she was roially feasted by the King at Whitehall. At her departure she was attended out of the Citty with all ceremonies pretending to state, the Sheriffes of euery shire through which she passed receiued her accompanied with the chiefe gentlemen of the coun­trey, as also they conveied her from one shire to another (making alwaies prouision for her entertainment vntill shee came into the borders of Scotland.

The Earle of Maxwell came with a strong hand to the [Page 118] borders of England, against certaine families of Scots who had yeelded to the King of England, and the Lord Dacre brought his forces to their aide, in which seruice his va­lour and discretion did equally appeare. For albeit the gentlemen of those families did often skirmish with the Earles men, and slew many of them, yet were they neuer therein aided by the English, neither would they assaile him vpon any aduantage. But when any of these gentle­men were distressed by the Earle the English did then en­counter him by armes. Generally the English would not offer to offend the Scots, but only in defending their friends.

About this time the French king sent Mounsier Lansat to request of the King of England, that the fishing of Twe [...]de, Edrington, the debatable ground, and the Scottish Hostages which had beene sent into England in the time of King Henry the 8th might be restored to the Scots, and that the English prisoners who were bound to pay their ransomes, before the peace should not be comprised in the conditions thereof. The King sent Sr William Picke­ring to declare to the French King, that to the last demand he agreed without exception, and albeit he had to the places required, yet he was content as well for them as for other demands, to performe whatsoeuer should be agreed on by commissioners on both sides, so commissioners were appointed and the matters setled in quiet agreement.

In the meane time the King sent new supply of forces and other prouisions into the North parts of the Realme, wherevpon the French King sent a nauie of 160 saile into Scotland, laden with graine, powder, and ordinance, of these 16 of the greatest perished vpon the coast of Ireland, two charged with Artillery and 14 with graine, the residue so shaken and torne, that it gaue a maine checke to their further designes, but because many saued themselues in the harbors of Ireland. The King sent thither 4 ships, 4 barkes, 4 pinnaces, and 12 victualers. These possessed themselues [Page 119] of three hauens, two on the south side towards France and one towards Scotland. The Lord Cobham was appointed Generall lieuetenant, who fortified those hauens and drew downe the chiefest forces of the country towards the south parts thereof, and thus euen in peace either of the Kings so vigilantly obserued euery motion of the other, as if they had liued vpon the Alarme. The will of friends is best assured when they haue no power to doe hurt.

In France a difference did rise about a place called Fines wood, whether it pertained to the English or to the French. On the French part 800 men assembled at armes vpon this quarrell, on the English 1000. But the readines of the English to fight moued the French to abstaine from blowes, and to permit the English to enioy their ground. Herevpon the King fortified Calais and his other pieces in France, in such sort as they had neuer beene in like condi­tion of defence. And whereas one Styward a Scot was ap­prehended in England and imprisoned in the Tower, for intending to poison the young Queene of Scots, the King as well to manifest his iustice as his loue and respect to­wards the young Queene, deliuered him to the French King vpon the frontires of Calais to be iusticed by him at his pleasure.

And yet this aduice was not approued by many, for al­beit it be both honourable and iust, that they who offend against their proper prince, should be deliuered to him to be punished, yet is it growne out of common vse. And for this cause the condition is often expressed in leagues, that the subiects of one Prince should be deliuered by the other in case they be required, the contrary custome may happe­ly holde reasonable in ordinary offences, in which case the Scripture forbiddeth to deliuer a slaue to his angrie Lord, but in grieuous and inhumane crimes, in such as ouer­throw the foundation of state, in such as shake the surety of humane society, I conceiue it more fit that offenders should be remitted to their Prince to be punished in the place where they haue offended.

[Page 120]But of all other the Kings amity with the Emperor was least assured, being as fullest both of practise and distrust, so in danger euery houre to dissolue. Certaine ships were appointed in the Lowe Countreys with men and furniture sutable to the attempts to transport the Lady Mary either by violence or by stealth out of England to Antwerpe. Diuerse of her gentlemen departed thither before, and cer­taine shipheres as they are termed, were discouered to view the English coast, Hereupon Sr Iohn Gates was sent with forces into Essex where the Lady then lay, and be­sides the Duke of Somerset was sent with 200 men, the Lord Priuy seale with other 200, and Mt Sentlegier with 400 men more to seuerall coasts vpon the sea; diuerse of the Kings ships were addressed to be in readines for the sea. Mr Chamberlaine Embassador for the Queene of Hungarie in the Lowe Countries aduertised by his letters, that it was intended by this means to raise an outward warre to ioine with some sedition within dores, & that the Queene of Hungarie had openly saide, that the Shipheres were to­wards; who for feare of one gentleman durst not proceede in their attempt. Vpon these either dangers or feares the Lord Chancellor & Secretary Peeter were sent to the Lady Mary, who after some conference brought her to the Lord Chancellors house at Lyes in Essex and from thence to Hunsdon. and from thence to the King at Westminster. Here the counsell declared vnto her how long he had per­mitted her the vse of the Masse, and perceiuing by her let­ters how vnmoueable she was, he was resolued no longer to endure it, vnlesse she would put in hope of some confor­mity within short time. To this she answered that her soule was Gods, and touching her faith as shee could not change so she would not dissemble it. Reply was made that the King intended not to constraine her faith, but to restraine the outward profession thereof, in regard of the danger the example might draw. After some other like en­terchange of speeches the Ladie was appointed to remaine [Page 121] with the King, but Dr Mallet her chaplaine was com­mitted prisoner to the fleete, and almost herewith arriued an Embassador from the Emperor, with a menacing messu­age of warre, in case his cozen the Lady Mary should not be admitted the free exercise of the masse. The King pre­sently aduised with the Archbishop of Canterburie, and with the Bishops of London and Rochester who gaue their opinion that to giue license to sinne was sinne, but to con­niue at sinne might be allowed in ease it were neither to long nor without hope of reformation. Then was answere giuen to the Embassador that the King would send to the Emperor within a moneth or two to giue him what satis­faction should be fit.

In the meane time the counsaile considering how preiu­diciall it would be to the realme if the subiects should loose their trade in Flanders, that the Flemmings had cloath for a yeere in their hands, that the King had 500 quintals of powder and much armor in Flanders, and the merchants much goods at the woll fleete, they aduised the King to send an Embassador legier for the Emperor, as well to satis­fie him for other matters by him required, as to winne time, thereby both to prepare a mart in England and to withdraw their goods out of Flanders. So Mr Wotton was dispatched with particuler instructions to desire the Em­peror to be lesse violent in his requests. And to aduertise him that the Lady Mary as she was his cozen, so was she the Kings sister, and which is more his subiect, that seeing the K. was a soueraigne Prince without dependancy vpon any but God, it was not reason that the Emperor should entermeddle either with ordering his subiects, or with di­recting the affaires of his realme. Thus much hee offered that what fauour the Kings subiects had in the Emperors dominions for their religion, the same should the Empe­rors subiects receiue in England. The Emperor pereeiuing that his threats were little regarded, regarded little to threaten any more.

[Page 122]About the time that the Lady Mary should haue beene transported vnto Antwerp, a rebellion was attempted in Essex where she then lay. For furtherance whereof spee­ches were cast forth, that strangers were arriued in Eng­land, either to rule or to spoile the naturall inhabitants, vpon this surmise many appointed to assemble at Chelins­forde, and from thence to make pillage as their wants or wanton appetites should leade, but the Principall being put to death and the residue pardoned, all remained quiet. Many Londoners also hunting after riot and ease, contriued to tumult vpon May day, pretending grieuances and fears from strangers, but because where many are of counsaile counsell is hardly kept, the enterprise was discouered and defeated before it was ripe, herewith Lyon, Gorran & Ire­land persons of meane condition but desperate and dis­content, endeauoured to raise a rebellion in Kent. They often met and had conferences both priuate and long. They seemed highly busied in minde, and their heads tra­uailing with troubled thoughts, which they often dissem­bled with impertinent speeches, this was first discouered by one of their seruants, doubtfull whether before know­ing the mischiefe, and vntill then secret or ignorant be­fore, and then first apprehending suspitions. So they were apprehended and after conuiction the danger deter­mined by their deaths. Herewith rumors were raised of great discord and practises among the nobility, for this cause the Lords assembled at London, and feasted diuers daies together, giuing order to apprehend the reporters of these surmises, albeit happely not altogether vntrue. For this cause gentlemen were newly commanded to remaine in the countrey, to gouerne the people easy to be dealt with whilest they stand in feare.

The King being thus vncertaine of the faith both of his subiects and of his confederats, intended by aliance to strengthen himselfe. To this purpose one Bortwicke was sent to the King of Denmarke with priuate instructions to [Page 123] treat of a marriage betweene the Lady Elizabeth the Kings sister and the King of Denmarks eldest sonne. But this La­dy albeit she was furnished with many excellent endow­ments both of nature and education, yet could shee neuer be induced to entertaine Marriage with any.

After this the Lord Marquis of Northampton was di­rected with a solemne embassage to the French King, aswell to present him with the order of the garter, as to treat with him of other secret affaires, with him were ioyned in commission the Bishop of Elie, Sr Phillip Hobbie, St William Pickering, Sr Iohn Mason knights, and Mr Smith secretary of state. The Earles of Worcester, Rutland, and Ormond were appointed to accompany them, and likewise the Lordes Lisle, Fitswater, Bray, Abergauennie, and Yuers, with other knights and gentlemen of note to the number of 26 and for auoiding immoderate and burthensome traine, order was giuen that euery Earle should haue foure atten­dants, euery Lord three, euery Knight and Gentleman two, The commissioners were not limitted to any number.

They arriued at Nants and were there receiued by Mounsier Chastilion and by him conducted to Chasteau Bryan where the French King then lodged, they were twice banquetted by the way, and the neerer they approa­ched to the castle, the more encreased the resort of the French nobility to doe them honour, being come to the court they were forthwith brought to the King abiding then in his bedchamber. Here the Marquis presented vn­to him the order of the garter, wherewith he was present­ly inuested, and thereupon gaue for the garter a chaine worth 200l and his gowne addressed with aglets esteemed worth 25l.

Then the Bishop of Ely in a short speech declared how desirous the King of England was not only to continue but to encrease amity with the French King. That to this purpose he had sent the order of the garter to be both a testimony and tye of loue betweene them, to which pur­pose [Page 124] chiefly those societies of honour were first deuised. He further declared that they had commission to make ouerture of some other matters, which was like to make the concord betweene the Kinges & their realmes not on­ly more durable, but in all expectation perpetuall desiring the King to appoint some persons enabled with authority to treat with them.

To this speech the Cardinall of Lorraine answered that the French King was ready to apprehend and embrace all offers tending to encrease of amity, and the rather for that long hostility had made their new friendship both more weake in it selfe, & more obnoxious to ielosies & distrusts, and therefore he promised on the Kings behalfe that com­missioners should be appointed to treat with them about any matters which they had in charge, praying to God that it might be a means not only to assure but to enlarge their late setled loue, so a commission went forth to the Cardinall of Lorraine and Chastilion the Constable, the Duke of Guise and certaine others; at the first the English demanded that the young Queene of Scots might be sent into England for perfection of marriage betweene K. Ed­ward and her, but hereto the French answered that they had taken too much aduenture, and spent too many liues vpon any conditions to let her goe, and that conclusion had beene made long before for her marriage with the Dolphine of France Then the English proposed a marri­age between their King and the Lady Elizabeth the French Kings eldest daughter, to which the French did cheereful­ly encline.

So after agreement that neither partie should be bound either in conscience or in honour vntill the Ladie should accomplish 12 yeares of age, they fell to treat of the porti­on which should be giuen with her in marriage. The Eng­lish first demanded 150000 crownes, and offered that her dowrie should be so great as K. Henry the 8th had giuen with any of his wiues. The offer of dower was not disli­ked, [Page 125] but for the portion some of the French wondred, o­thers smiled, that so great a summe should be demanded The English descended to 1400000 crownes & after by de­grees fell so low as 800000, but the French as they held the first summe to be vnreasonable, so all the other they estee­med excessiue. Then the English demanded what the French would giue, first they offered 100000 crownes, afterwards 200000, which they said was the most & more thē euer had bin giuen with a daughter of France, they followed a stiffe contention both by reasons, & precedents, but the French in no case would rise any higher, only they agreed that the French K. at his proper charge should send her to the K. of England 3 moneths before she should accomplish her age for marriage, sufficiently appointed with Iewells, apparell, & furniture for house, & that bands for the performances should then be deliuered at London by the K. of England and at Paris by the French King, and that in case the Lady should not consent after she should be of the said age for marriage, the penalty should be 150000 crownes, the French set downe these offers in writing, and sent them to the King of England.

Soone after Mounsier l [...] Marshall and other commissio­ners were sent by the French King into England, where they arriued at such time as the sweating sicknesse was most fu­rious, a new strange & violent disease; for if a man were at­tached therewith he dyed or escaped within 9 houres, or 10 at the most▪ if he tooke cold he dyed within 3 houres. if he slept within 6 hours (as he should be desirous to doe) he dyed rauing, albeit in other burning diseases that dis­temper is commonly appeased with sleepe. It raged cheifly among men of strongest constitution and yeares, of whom 120 perished in some one day within the liberties of London few aged men or children or women died thereof. Two of Charles Brandons sonnes, both Dukes of Suffolke, one of the Kings Gentlemen and one of his groomes died of this disease. For which cause [Page 126] the King remoued to Hampton court with very few fol­lowers.

The same day the Marshall and other French com­missioners were brought by the Lord Clinton Lord Admi­rall of England from Grauesend to London. They were sa­luted by the way with all the shot of more then 50 of the Kings great ships, and with a faire peale of Artillery from the Tower, and lastly were lodged in Suffolke pallace in Southwarke, and albeit they had more then 400 gentle­men in their traine, yet was not one of them nor any other stranger in England touched with the sweating disease, and yet the English were chased therewith not only in England, but in other countries abroad, which made them like ti­rants both feared and auoided wheresoeuer they came.

The next day the French were remoued to Richmond whence euery day they resorted to Hampton court, where the King remained, the first day after they had performed the Ceremonies of court, and deliuered to the King their letters of credence, they were led to a chamber richly fur­nished for their repose, the same day they dined with the King, and after dinner being brought into an inner cham­ber, the Marshall declared that they were come not on­ly to deliuer vnto him the order of St Michaell, but there­with to manifest the entire loue which the King his Ma­ster beare him, which he desired him to conceiue to be no lesse then a father can beare to his naturall sonne. That al­beit diuers persons either witlesse or malitious raise diuers vaine rumors to draw the King as it is thought from his [...] friendship, yet he trusted that the King would not listen vnto them. That it much concerned the com­mon quiet, that good officers be placed vpon the Frontires, for as good may doe good in moderating things amisse, so euill will doe euill albeit no bad occasion be offered. Lastly he desired in case any new controuersie should ar­rise it might be determined by commissioners on both sides and not by conflicts the parent of warre.

[Page 127]To this the King both suddenly and shortly answered, that he much thanked the French King for his order, as for the large expression of his loue, which he would be ready in all points to requite. Touching rumours they are not al­wayes to be credited, nor alwayes to be contemned, it be­ing no lesse vaine to feare all things, than dangerous to doubt of nothing, and in case at any time hee listned to them, it was only to prouide against the worst, and neuer to breake into hostilitie: concerning officers, he appointed such as hee esteemed good, and yet preferred the ouer­doubtfull before the ouer-credulous and secure, new con­trouersies he would alwaies be readie to determine by rea­son rather than by force, so farre as his honour should not thereby be diminished.

The French after this returne to their lodging at Rich­mond, and the next day resorted againe to the King, inuested him with garments of the order, and accompanied him to the Chappell, the King going betweene the Marshall & de Guise, both which after the Communion kissing his cheek. The residue of that day and a few dayes following were passed ouer with pastimes and feasts. At the last the Lord Marquis of Northampton and the residue, who had beene formerly sent with commission from the King into France, were appointed to treat with the French Commissioners touching the great matters of their Embassage. And be­cause the French could be serued no higher than their offer of 200000. crownes it was accepted. The one moitie to be paid vpon the day of marriage, and the other six moneths after, the Dote was agreed to be 10000. markes of English money, and not to be paid in case the King should die be­fore marriage. This agreement was reduced into writing, and deliuered vnder Scale on both sides: at the same time an Embassador arriued out of Scotland, to demand an exem­plification of the articles of peace betweene England and France, vnder the great Seale of England, which without any difficultie they obtained.

[Page 128]The Marshall, at his taking leaue, declared to the [...] how kindly his Master did conceiue of the Kings [...] nesse to conclude this treaty, and also commended his [...] sters great inclination to the agreements thereof. Then presented Mounsier Bo [...]s to be Embassador Legier for [...] French, and the Marquis presented Mr. Pickering to Embassador for the King of England in France. The [...] of the Marshall was three thousand pound in gold, [...] a Diamond taken from the Kings finger, esteemed [...] an hundred and fifty pound: Mounsier de Guy had 100 [...] Mounsier Chenault 1000l. Mr. Mortuillier 500l. the [...] cret [...]ry 500.l and the Bishop of P [...]riguer 500l. The [...] were exceeding sumptuous, and at their returne they [...] wafted ouer the seas by certaine of the Kings ships, reason of the wars betweene the Emporour and the [...] King. The Lord Marquis reward was afterwards [...] red at Paris, worth 500l. the Bishop of Ely 200l. Sir [...] Hobbies 150l. and so were the rewards of the rest.

Now the King supposing his estate to be most safe, [...] indeed it was most vnsure. In testimony both of his [...] and of his loue aduanced many to new titles of [...] The Lord Marquis Dors [...]t, a man for his harmelesse [...], neither misliked nor much regarded, was [...] Duke of Suffolke, the Earle of Warwick was created [...] of Northumberland, the Earle of Wiltshire was [...] Marquis of Winchester, Sir William Herbert, [...] Cardiffe, was created Earle of Pembroke, Sir [...] Darcie, Vice-chamberlaine, and Captaine of the [...] was created Lord Darcie; William Ce [...]il was made of the chiefe Secretaries; Master Iohn Cheeke, the [...] Schoole-master, and one of the guides of his [...] hope, and with him Mr. Henry Dudley, and Mr. [...] Neuill of the Priuie Chamber, were made Knights which was the accomplishment of mischiefe, Sir [...] Dudley one of the Duke of Northumberlands sonnes, [...] heire both of his hate against persons of Nobility & [...] [Page 129] cunning to dissemble the same, was sworne one of the six ordinary Gentlemen, he was afterwards for lust and cruel­ty a monster of the court, as apt to hate, so a most sure ex­ecutioner of his hate, yet rather by practise then by open dealing, as wanting rather courage then wit. After his entertainment into a place of so neere seruice the King en­ioyed his health not long.

The Duke of Northumberland being now inferior vnto none of the nobility in title of honour, and superior to all in authority and power could not restraine his haughty hopes from aspiring to an absolute command. But before he would directly leuill at his marke, the Duke of Somer­set was thought fit to be taken away, whose [...]re did was so great with the common people, that although it sufficed not to beare out any bad attempt of his owne, yet was it of force to crosse the euill purposes of others.

And now to begin the third act of his tragedie, speeches were cast that he caused himselfe to be proclaimed King in diuers countries, which albeit they were knowne to be false, insomuch as the millers seruant at Battlebridge in Southwarke lost both his yeares vpon a pillory for so re­porting, yet the very naming of him to be King, either as desired by himselfe or by others esteemed worthy, brought with it a distastfull rellish apt to apprehend suspi­tion to be true.

After this he was charged to haue persuaded diuers of the nobility to choose him Protector at the next parlia­ment. The Duke being questioned, neither held silence as he might nor constantly denie it, but entangled himselfe in his doubtfull tale. One Whaly a busy headed man, and desirous to be set on worke gaue first light to this ap­peachment, but the Earle of Rutland did stoutly a­uouch it.

Herewith Sr Thomas Palmer a man neither louing the Duke of Somerset nor beloued of him, was brought by the Duke of Northumberland to the King, being in his garden. [Page 130] Heere he declared that vpon St George day last before, the Duke of Somerset being vpon a iourney towards the North, in case Sr William Herbert Mr of the horse had not assured him that he should receiue no harme, would haue raised the people, and that he had sent the Lord Gray be­fore to know who would be his friends, also that the Duke of Northumberland, the Marques of Northampton, the Earle of Pembrooke, and other Lords should be inuited to a banquet, and if they came with a bare company to be set vpon by the way, if strongly, their heads should haue beene cut off at the place of their feasting, he declared fur­ther that Sr Ralph Uane had 2000 men in a readinesse, that Sr Thomas Arundell had assured the tower, that Seymor and Hamond would waite vpon him, and that all the horse of the Gendarmorie should be slaine. To this Mr Secretary Cecill added, that the Duke had sent for him and said that he suspected some ill meaning against him, whereto Mr Se­cretary answered, that if he were not in fault, hee might trust to his innocencie, if he were, he had nothing to say but to lament him.

The Duke being aduertised of these informations a­gainst him by some who had some regard of honestie did forthwith defie the Secretary by his letters. Then he sent for Sir Thomas Palmer, to vnderstand what he had reported of him, who denied all that he had said, but by this hot & humorous striuing he did but draw the knots more fast.

A few daies being passed the Duke either ignorant of what was intended, or fearing if he seemed to perceiue it, came to the court, but somewhat later then he accustomed, and as too mindes possessed with feare, all things vnvsuall seeme to menace danger, so this late coming of the Duke was enforced as a suspition against him, and so after dinner he was apprehended. Sir Thomas Palmer, Sir Thomas A­rundell, Hamonde Nudigates: Iohn Seymor and Dauid Sey­mor were also made prisoners, the Lord Gray being newly come out of the country was attached. Sr Ralph Uane be­ing [Page 131] twice sent for fled, vpon the first message it was repor­ted that he said that his Lord was not stout, and that if he could get home he cared not for any, but vpon pursuit he was found in his seruants stable at Lambeth couered with straw, he was a man of a fierce spirit both sodaine & bold, of no euill disposition sauing that he thought scantnesse of estate too great an euill. All these were the same night sent to the tower except Palmer, Arundell, and Vant, who were kept in the court well guarded in chambers apart. The day following the Dutches of Somerset was sent to the Tower, no man grieuing thereat because her pride and basenesse of life ouerballanced all pitty, and doubtlesse if any mischiefe were then contriued, whereof many were doubtfull (euery one giuing forth as he belieued) it was first hammered in the forge of her wicked working braine, for shee had alwaies wicked instruments about her, whom the more she found appliable to her purposes, the more fa­uors she bestowed vpon them, who being engaged by her into dangers held it dangerous to fall from her, also with her were committed one Crane and his wife, and her own chamberwoman. After these followed Sr Thomas Hold­croft, Sr Miles Partridge, Sir Michaell Stanhope, Wingfield, Banister, Vaughan, and some others. In diuers of these was then neither any cause knowne or afterwardes discouered, but the number raised the greater terror, and doubled the conceit of the danger.

Sir Thomas Palmer being againe examined added to his former detection, that the Gendarmorie vpon the muster day should be assaulted by 2000 foote vnder Sir Ralph Vane, and by 100 horses of the Duke of Somersets, besides his friends which should stand by, and besides the idle people which were thought inclineable to take his part, that this done he would runne throw the cittie and pro­claime liberty, and in case his attempt did not succeed hee would goe to the Ile of Wight or to Poole.

Crane confessed for the most part as Palmer had done [Page 132] and futher added that the Lord Pagets house was the place, where the nobility being inuited to a banquet should haue lost their heads, and that the Earle of Arundell was made acquainted with the practise by Sr Michaell Stanhope, and that it had bin done but that the greatnesse of the en­terprise caused delaies and sometimes diuersity of aduice, and further said that the Duke of Somerset once faining himselfe to be sicke, went to London to assay what friends he could procure. This Crane was a man who hauing con­sumed his owne estate had armed himselfe to any mis­chiefe.

Hamonde confessed that the Duke of Somersets cham­ber had beene strongly watched at Greenwich by night.

All these were sworne before the counsaile, and the greatest part of the nobility of the realme, that their con­fessions were true. and as fauourably set downe in behalfe of the Duke, as with a safe conscience they could, and forthwith vpon the information of Crane the Earle of A­rundell and the Lord Paget were sent to the Tower, so were Stradley, and St Albones seruants to the Earle of Arundell, the Lord Strange voluntarily enformed, how the Duke desired him to moue the King to take to wise his third daughter the Ladie [...]ane, and that he would be his especi­all about the King to aduertise him, when any of the coun­saile spake priuatly with him, and to acquaint him what they said.

Herevpon to giue some publique satisfaction to the peo­ple, the Lord Chancellor who had words at will & wit e­nough to apply them, declared openly in the starre chamber all these accusations against the Duke of Somerset, letters were allso published to all Emperors, Kings, Embassadors, & chiefe men in any state, wherein these matters were com­prised. By other letters the muster of the Gendarmorie was deferred for certaine moneths, other letters were directed to Sir Arthur Darcy to take charge of the tower, and to discharge Sir Arthur Markham. For that without acquaint­ing [Page 133] any of the Lords of the counsaile, he suffered the Duke of Somerset to walke abroad and permit entercourses of letters betweene Dauid Seymor and Mrs Poynes.

Whilest these matters were in trauerse, messengers ar­riued from Duke Mauris [...] of Saxony, the Duke of Mickle­burge, and Iohn Marques of Brandenburge, Princes of the religion in Germanie, to vnderstand the Kings minde whether he would agree to aide them with 400000 dol­lars in case any necessity should assaile them, they con­senting to doe the like to him in case he should be ouer­charged with warre, the King gaue them an vncertaine an­swere, but gentle and full of faire hopes, that because their message was only to know the Kings inclination, and not to conclude he could giue them no other answere then this, that he was well enclined to ioyne in amity with them whom he knew to agree with him in religion, but first he was desirous to know whether they could procure such aide from other Princes as might enable them to maintaine their warres, and to assist him if need should re­quire, and therefore he willed them to breake this matter to the Duke of Prussia and other Princes about them, and to procure the good will of Hamborough, Lubecke, and Breme, then he desired that the matter of religion should be plainly set downe, least vnder pretence thereof warres should be made for other quarrells, lastly he willed that they should furnish themselues with more ample instructi­ons from their Lords to commune and conclude of all cir­cumstances pertaining to that businesse.

The Kings answere was framed with these vncertainties and delaies, least if the King had assured his consent at the first, it might haue beene taken as breach of league with the Emperor, afterwards they and other Princes of Germa­ny made a league offensiue and defensiue with the French King against the Emperor, into the which the French King desired the King of England to come, but because the French K. was the chiefe of the league, the King did plain­ly [Page 134] perceiue that the warre was not for the cause of religi­on, wherefore he answered that he could not doe it with breach of his league with the Emperor, against whom ha­uing no pretence of hostility, he was not so desirous of warres as without iust cause of his owne to pull them vp­on him.

About the same time the Lord admirall was sent into France as the Kings deputie to be Godfather at the bap­tisme of the French Kings sonne, also a French man who had committed a murther at Diepe, and fled into England was remitted into France▪ and deliuered vpon the borders to receiue iustice by the same lawes against which he had offended.

And now the Duke of Northumberland being impa­tient of long working wickednesse, the 4th act of the Duke of Somersets tragedie must not be delaied, least thereby feare abating, (as being false it could not be durable) ei­ther the Kings gentle disposition, or the loue which he had formerly borne to his vnkle might happily returne to their naturall working. So the Duke of Somerset after a short aboad in the tower was brought to his triall at Westminster. The Lord William Paulet Marques of Win­chester and Lord treasurer sate as high Steward of England, vnder a cloath of estate on a bench moūted three degrees, the Peeres to the number of 27 sate on a bench one step lower. These were the Duke of Suffolke and of Northum­berland, the Marques of Northampton, the Earles of Dar­by, Bedforde, Huntington, Rutland, Bath, Sussex, Worce­ster, Pembrooke, and Here [...]orde. The Barons, Abergauen­ny, Aud [...]ly, Wharton, Euers, Latimer, Borough, Louch, Staf­ford, Wentworth, Darcie, Sturton, Windesore, Cromwell, Cobham, and Bray.

First the inditements were read in number 5 contain­ing a charge of raising men in the north parts of the realme, & at his house of assembling men to kill the Duke of Nor­thumberland, of resisting his attachment, of killing the [Page 135] Gendarmorie, of raising London, of assaulting the Lords, and deuising their deaths, when the prisoner had pleaded not guilty and put himselfe vpon triall of his Peeres, the examinations before mentioned were read, and by the Kings learned counsaile pressed against him. Hereto albe­it he was both vnskilfull and much appalled (causes suffi­cient to driue him out of matters) yet after a short entrea­ty, that words either idly or angerly spoken might not be enforced to any high crew, to the points obiected he an­swered.

That he neuer intended to raise the north parts of the realme, but vpon some brutes he apprehended a scare, which moued him to send to Sr William Herbert to re­maine his friend. That he determined not to kill the Duke of Northumberland or any other Lord, but spake of it only and determined the contrary. That it had beene a mad enterprise with his 100 men to assaile the Gendarmory consisting of 900, when in case he had preuailed, it would nothing haue auailed the pretended purpose, and therefore this being senselesse and absurd, must needs dis [...]redid o­ther matters, which otherwise might haue beene belieued. That at London he neuer proiected any stirre but euer held it a good place for his surety. That for hauing men in his chamber at Greenwich it was manifest he meant no harme, because when he might haue done it he did not, and fur­ther against the persons of them, whose examinations had beene read against him he obiected many things, desiring they might be brought to his face, which in regard he was a person of dignity and estate he claimed to be reasonable, especially against Sr Thomas Palmer he spake much euill, and yet in opinion of many farre short of the truth. Here­to no answere was made but that the worse they were, the fitter they were to be his instruments, fit instruments in­deed (said he) but rather for others then for me.

The fast being made the Kings learned counsaile auou­ched the law to be to assemble men with intent to kill the [Page 136] Duke of Northumberland was treason, by a statute of the 3 & 4th, or K. Edward then raigning, made against vnlawfull assemblies, that to raise London or the North parts of the realme was treason, that to minde resisting his attachment was felony, that to assault the Lords, and to devise their deaths was felony. But vnder fauour of their iudgement the statute alleaged bears no such sense, either for treason or for felony, indeed by a statute of K. Henry 7 it is felony for inferior persons to contriue the death of a Lord of the counsaile, but Lordes are therein expresly excepted.

The Lordes went together and first the Duke of Suf­folke nobly said that he held it not reasonable, that this be­ing but a contention betweene priuate subiect, vnder pre­tention thereof, any meane action should to draw to in­tention of treason. The Duke of Northumberland (in countenance bearing shew of sadnesse but in truth stifly obstinate) denyed that he would euer consent that any practise against him should be either imputed or reputed to be treason, yet this was not taken to proceede from mo­desty as he expected, but for that he could not with his ho­nour or with reason so enforce it.

The Marques of Northampton was crossed and conten­tious with many, but neuer replied to any answere a mani­fest marke of no strong spirit. Some of the rest plainly brake forth that they held it vnfit that the▪ Duke of Nor­thumberland, the Marques of Northampton, and the Earle of Pembrooke should be of the triall, because the prisoner was chiefly charged with practises intended against them. But hereto answere was made that a Peere of the Realme might not be challenged. After much variation of opini­ons the prisoner at the barre was acquit of treason, but by most voices (most fauouring the Duke of Northumberland) he was sound guilty of felony. Hereupon iudgement fol­lowed that he should be hanged, but this would neuer haue gone so hard, had they not prosecuted all vnder pre­tence of treason.

[Page 137]The Duke of Somerset might haue craued his clerge, but he suffered iudgement to passe, thanked the Lords for his gentle triall, craued pardon of the Duke of Northumber­land, the Marques of Northampton, and the Earle of Pem­brooke, for his ill meaning against them, and made suit for his life, in pitty to his wife, children, and seruants, and in regard of paiment of his debts. As he departed because he was acquit of treason, the axe of the tower was not open­ly carried, whereupon the people supposing that he was al­together acquit, shooted halfe a dozed times so loud that they were heard beyond Charing Crosse. It is certaine the people fauoured him the more because they saw that there was much secret hate borne against him. But as this im­moderate fauour of the multitude did him no good, so will it vndoe so many as shall trust vnto it. It was told the King that after the Dukes returne to the tower, he acknowled­ged to certaine Lords, that he had hired Bartuile to make them away, that Bartuile confessed so much, and that Ha­mond was not ignorant thereof, which whether it were true, or whether deuised to make the King more estranged from him, of iudgement could not hold themselues as­sured.

About this time Cuthbert Tonstall Bishop of Durham a man famous in those times for learning, and integrity of life, was sent to the tower for concealement of (I know not what) treason, written to him I know not by whom, and not discouered vntill (what shall I call) the party did re­ueale it. But the Lord Chancellor Rich hauing built a faire estate, and perceiuing what nimble ears were borne to listen after treason, also for that a parliament was towards wherein he was doubtfull what questions might arise, made suit to the King that in regard of the infirmities of his body, he might be discharged of his office, giuing good example to men sometimes by their owne moderation to auoid disgrace. So he deliuered the seale at his house in great S t Bartholomewes to the Duke of Northumberland & [Page 138] the Earle of Pembrooke sent by the King with commission to receiue it. The same seale was forthwith deliuered to Dr Godricke Bishop of Ely, a man if happily able to discharg the place, assuredly no more. It was first deliuered vnto him only during the sicknesse of the Lord Rich, but in short time after he was sworne Lord Chancellor, because as keeper of the seale he could not then execute such matters as were to be dispatched in parliament.

And now after iudgement against Somerset the Lords were not negligent to entertaine the King with all de­lights they could deuise, partly to winne his fauour, but especially to conuert his thoughts from his condemned Vnkle, to this end they often presented him with stately masques, braue challenges at title and at barriers, and whatsoeuer exercises or disports they could coniecture to be best pleasing to him, then also he first began to keepe hall, and the Christmas time was passed ouer with banque­tings, masques, plaies, and much other variety of mirth. Often they would call him to serious affaires wherein he tooke especiall pleasure. Sometimes they would remem­ber him how dangerous the Duke of Somerset was, who hauing made away his only brother, contriued the death of the chiefe of the nobility. And where (say they) would his mischiefe haue rested? Would it haue raged a­gainst all and left the King only vntouched? Verily hauing beene alwaies both cruell and false, there would haue beene no end of his mischiefe, and all his submissions must now be taken for counterfeit and dissembled. But his auarice and ambition once remoued, the way will be laid open to vertue and merit.

So about two moneths after his iudgement the 5th and last act of his tragedie was brought vpon the stage. When being so often exposed to fortunes mercy before he was placed by a strong guard vpon a seaffold at tower hill, about eight of the clocke in the morning to suffer death, & albe­it straight charge had beene giuen the day before to euery [Page 139] housholder in the citty, not to permit any to depart out of their houses before ten of the clocke that day, yet the peo­ple the more vnruly by this restraint, by such thick throngs swarmed to the place, that before seauen of the clocke the hill was couered and all the chambers which opened to­wards the seaffold were taken vp▪

Here the Duke first aduowed to the people, that his in­tentions had beene not only harmelesse in regard of par­ticuler persons, but driuing to the common benefit both of the King and of the Realme. Then he exhorted them vnto obedience, assuring them that no persons could iust­ly auouch their faith to God, who were not faithfull to their King.

But herewith behold certaine persons of a hamlet neere who had beene warned by the Lieuetenant of the tower to attend that morning about seauen of the clocke, com­ing after their hower through the posterne, and perces­uing the prisoner to be mounted vpon the seaffold, began to runne and to call to their fellowes to come away. The sodaine of their coming, the hast that they made, the wea­pons they carried, but especially the word, come away, be­ing often doubled, moued many of the neerest to surmise that a power was come to receiue the Duke, whereupon many cried with a high voice. Away, Away, the cry of those and the coming on of the other cast amazement vpon the rest, so much the more terrible because no man knew what he feared or wherefore, euery man conceiuing that which his astonished fancie did cast in his minde, some imagined that it thundred, others that it was an earth­quake, others that the powder in the armorie had taken fire, others that troopes of horsemen approached. In which medly of conceits they bare downe one another, and iost­led many into the tower ditch, and long it was before the vaine tumult could be appeased.

No sooner was the people setled in quiet, and the Duke beginning to finish his speech, but vpon another idle ap­prehension [Page 140] they fell to be no lesse riotous in ioy then they had beene in feare. For Sr Anthony Browne coming on horsebacke vpon the spurre gaue occasion, whereby many entertained hope that he brought a pardon, whereupon a great shout was raised, A pardon, A pardon, God saue the King. But the Duke expressed great constancy at both these times, often desiring the people to remaine quiet that he might quietly end his life. For said he I haue often looked death in the face vpon great aduentures in the field, he is now no stranger to me, and among all the vaine mockeries of this world I repent me of nothing more then in esteeming life more deare then I should I haue endured the hate of great persons, so much the more dangerous be­cause vniust. I haue incurred displeasure from inferiors, not alwaies for any great faults of mine owne, (albeit I was neuer free) but for giuing way to the faults of others, and now being constantly resolued, I neither feare to dy nor desire to liue, and hauing mastered all griefe in my selfe▪ I desire no man to sorrow for me, so hauing testified his faith to God, and his faithfulnesse to the King, he yeel­ded his body into the executioners hand, who with one stroake of the axe cut off all his confused cogitations and cares, the more pitied by the people for the knowne hate of Northumberland against him.

Assuredly he was a man harmelesse and faithfull, and one who neuer hatched any hopes preiudiciall to the King, but alwaies intended his safety and honour, but hard it is for greatnesse to stand when it is not sustained by the proper strength. The people whose property it is by excessiue fauour to bring great men to miserie, and then to be excessiue in pitty departed away grieued and afraid, and yet feared to seeme to be afraid, and for this cause chiefly did neuer beare good minde to Northumberland afterwards although in shew they dissemble the con­trary, for nothing is more easie then to discerne when people obserue great men from the heart, or when [Page 141] they doe it for fashion or for feare, and as it often happen­eth that men oppressed worke reuenge after their deaths. So the remembrance of Somerset much moued the people to fall from Northumberland in his greatest attempt▪ and to leaue him to his fatall fall, whereat they openly reioyced and presented to him handkerchiefes dipped in the blood of Somerset, for whom they thought he deserued rather late then vndeserued punishment. So certaine it is that the debts both of cruelty and mercy goe neuer vnpaied, I o­mit the meane scourges of conscience. For assuredly a body cannot be so torne with stripes, as a minde is with remem­brance of wicked actions, but of him more hereafter shall be said, and how his greatnesse turned to be fortunes scorne.

But outwardly and for the present he gained a great hand ouer the nobility, who soone obseruing that he was able to endanger the estate of the greatest, & that the more respect they did beare to him, the more safely they liued & the more easily aduanced to honour, they all contended to creepe into his humor, to watch his wordes, his gestures, his lookes, & to doe that as of themselues which they con­ceiued he had a desire they should doe.

But the King albeit at the first he gaue no token of any ill tempered passion as taking it not agreeable to maiesty, openly to declare himselfe, and albeit the Lordes did much helpe to dispell any dampie thoughts which the remem­brance of his vnkle might raise, by applying him with great variety of exercises and disportes, yet vpon speech of him afterwards he would often sigh and let fall teares, sometimes he was of opinion that he had done nothing that deserued death, or if he had, that it was very small, and proceeded rather from his wife then from himselfe. And where th [...]n said he was the good nature of a nephew? where was the clemency of a Prince? Ah how vnfortunate haue I beene to those of my blood? My mother I slew at my very birth, and since haue made away two of her bro­thers, [Page 142] and happily to make away for the purposes of others against my selfe. Was it euer knowen before that a Kinges vnkle, a Lord Protector, one whose fortunes had much ad­uanced the honour of the realme, did loose his head for felony, for a felony neither cleere in law and in fact weak­ly proued? A lasse how falsely haue I beene abused? How weakly caried? How little was I master ouer my owne iudgement? That both his death and the enuy thereof must be charged vpon mee?

Not long after the death of Somerset, because it was not thought fit that such a person should be executed alone, who could hardly be thought to offend alone. Sr Ralph Uane and Sr Miles Partridge were hanged on tower hill, Sr Michaell Stanhope, and S Thomas Arundell were there also beheaded. All these tooke it vpon their last charge that they neuer offended against the King, nor a­gainst any of his counsaile, God knowes whether obstinat­ly secret, or whether innocent, and in the opinion of all men Somerset was much cleered by the death of those who were executed to make him appeare faulty.

Sr Ralph Uane was charged with conspiring with So­merset, but his bold answeres termed rude and russianlike, falling into yeares apt to take offence, either only caused or much furthered his condemnation. For besides his naturall fiercenesse enslamed by his present disgrace, he was the more free by reason of his great seruices in the field. The time hath beene, said he, when I was of some esteeme, but now we are in peace which reputeth the coward and cou­ragious alike, and so with an obstinate resolution he made choice rather not to regard death then by any submission to entreat for life, indeed it was wellknowne that he had beene famous for seruice, but therewith it was well knowen by whose fauour he had beene famous.

S Thomas Arundell was with some difficulty condem­ned, for his cause was brought to triall about seauen of the clocke in the morning, about noone the Iurors went to­gether [Page 143] and because they could not agree, they were shut in a house all the residue of that day, and all the night fol­lowing, the next morning they found him guilty, vnhap­py man, who found the doing of any thing or of nothing dangerous alike.

Sr Miles Partridge, and Sr Michaell Stanhope were con­demned as consociates in the conspiracy of Somerset. Both reputed indifferently disposed to bad or good, yet neither of them of that temper as to dare any dangerous fact: ei­ther because they were so indeed, or because their fauour or alliance with the dutchesse of Somerset made them to be of lesse esteeme.

Garter K. at armes was sent to the Lord Paget prisoner in the tower to take from him the garter and the George, and to discharge him of that order. The pretence of this dishonour was because he was said to be no gentleman of blood, neither by Father nor by Mother. The Garter and the George were Forthwith bestowed vpon the Earle of Warwicke, eldest sonne to the Duke of Northumberland, about this time the order was almost wholly altered, as by the statutes thereof then made it appeares.

After these times few matters of high nature or obser­uable note happened in England during King Edwards life. Of these I will select such as I esteeme most fit for history, both as being publique, and as contained matter of some regard, not alwaies obseruing the iust order of time, but sometime coherence or propinquity of matter.

Sr Philip Hobby was sent to pay 62000 pounds at An­twerp, for paiment of which summe the King stood to di­uers persons engaged. This done he went to the Regent, then lying at Brussels to declare vnto her certaine grieuances of the English merchants aduentures, but he receiued nothing but faire promises which proued, deceiuable. Afterwards Mounsier de Couriers came from the Regent to the King to vnderstand more particularly the complaints of the Mer­chants, and therewith to desire that her subiects ships [Page 144] might safely take harbour in any of the Kings hauens. For the first a note of the merchants complaints was deliuered in writing, but answere was deferred for want of instru­ctions, an vsuall pretence in like affaires. Touching the se­cond, answere was made, that the King had giuen order that Flemmish shipps should not be molested in any of his hauens, which appeared in that they were there alwaies rescued from the pursuit and chase of the French. But hee thought it not fit that more should enter his hauens at once then he had power to gouerne. Assuredly the Mer­chant aduenturers haue beene often wronged and wringed to the quicke, but were neuer quicke and liuely in thankes to those by whose endeauours they were freed.

The same merchants exhibited a bill at the counsaile table against the Merchants of the Stilliard. After an­swere by those of the Stilliard, and reply by the aduen­turers, it was conceiued vpon view of diuers Charters, that the Merchants of the Stilliard were no sufficient corporation, and that their number, names, and nation could not be knowen. Also that when they had forfeited their liberties, King Edward the fourth restored them vp­on condition, that they should couer no strangers goods which they had not obserued. And againe whereas at the beginning they shipped not aboue 80 cloathes after that 100, afterwards 1000, after that 6000, at that time 44000 cloathes were shipped euery yeare in their names, and not aboue 1100 by all strangers besides, wherefore albeit cer­taine Embassadors from Hamborough & Lubeck spake much in their behalfe, yet a decree was made, that they had forfei­ted their liberties & were in the same condition with other strangers. And albeit they made great moanes afterwards, yet could they not procure this sentence to be reuersed.

A commission was granted to viii Bishops, viii other Di­uines, viii Ciuilians, and viii common Lawyers, and in all xxxii to set forth ecclesiasticall lawes, agreeable to the na­ture both of the people and of the religion then established [Page 145] in the Church of England, but it tooke no effect. For nei­ther the number of the commissioners being many, nor the quality of them being persons both in great offices and di­uers farre remote could afford meetings for so great a busi­nesse. Also the difference both of porsessions & of ends, did of necessity raise much difference in iudgment.

The King had sixe Chaplaines in Ordinary, touch­ing whose attendance in court an order was made, that two should remaine with the King by turnes, and fower should trauaile in preaching abroad. The first yeare two in Wales, and two in Lincolneshire, the next yeare two in the Marshes of Scotland and two in Yorkeshire. The third yeare two in Deuonshire, & two in Hampshire. The fourth yeare two in Northfolke, and Essex, and two in Kent & Sussex, & so throw all the shires in England, which hap­pily did not only serue for a spirituall end, namely instruc­tion in religion, but did also aduance a temporall purpose of peaceable obedience. For as rude vntrained mindes are not only easily drawen but inclineable of themselues to se­dition and tumult, so by learning and religion men are especially both reduced and retained in ciuill quiet.

For better dispatch of businesse of diuers natures, the body of the counsaile was diuided into seuerall commissi­ons. Some were appointed for hearing those suits which were vsually brought before the whole table, to send mat­ters of iustice to their proper courts, to giue full deniall to such as they should not esteeme reasonable, to certify what they thought meet to be granted, and vpon allow­ance thereof to dispatch the parties. Others were appoint­ed to consider of penall lawes and proclamations in force and to quicken the execution of the most principall. These were directed first to consider what principall lawes [...] proclamations were most needfull to be executed. The [...] to enquire into the countries how they were disobeyed and first to punish greatest offendors, and afterwards to pro­ceede to the rest. Lastly that they should enquire what o­ther [Page 146] disorders were either dangerous or offensiue in euery shire, and either to punish the offendors or else to report their iudgement therein. Others were appointed to at­tend occurrences of state at large, with whom the King did sit once euery weeke to heare matters of greatest moment debated, because in these high passages nothing was thought to be done truly with maiesty, nothing agreeable to the dignity of the state, but in the presence of the King. Generally all the counsaile agreed that none of them should make suit to the King for land or forfeitures aboue xxl or for reuersion of leases, or any other extraordinary matter vntill the state of his Reuenewes should be further knowen.

Besides these commissions another went forth to ouer­see and order the Kinges reuenewes, and to cut off super­fluous charges, to ouersee all courts, especially those of new erection, as the court of augmentation, and of first fruits and tenths, and to prouide that the reuenewes were an­swered euery halfe yeare, another went forth for debts owing to the King, and to take accompt of paiments since the 35 of K. Henry the 8th, and in what manner the King had beene deceiued, either by not accompting or accompt­ing falsely. Another also for taking away needlesse B [...]ul­warkes, by vertue whereof, diuerse were dimolished vp­on the sea coasts, in peace chargeable and little seruiceable in warre. And further for more orderly and speedy dis­patch of causes, the King deliuered to his counsaile these Articles following.

  • 1 That all suits 'petitions and common warrants deliuered to the priuy counsell be considered by them on mundaies in the afternoone and answered o [...] saturdaies in the afternoone, and that those daies and no other be assigned to that purpose.
  • 2 That such suits and petitions as pertaine to any courts of law, be referred to those courts where properly they are tria­ble, others to be determined with expedition.
  • 3 That in making warrants for money it be forseene, that [Page 147] they be not for such matters as may be dispatched by warrants dormant, least by such meanes accompts should be vncertaine.
  • 4 That vpon Sundaies they intend publique affaires of the Realme, dispatch answeres to letters for good order of the state, and make full dispatches of all things concluded the w [...]cke before. Prouided that they be present at common praier.
  • 5 That on Sunday night the Secretaries or one of them deliuer to the King a memoriall of such things as are to be de­bated by the priuy counsaile, and he to appoint certaine of them to be debated vpon seuerall daies, viz. Munday after­noone. Tuesday, wensday, Thursday, and Friday beforenoone.
  • 6 That on friday afternoone they shall make a collection of such things as haue beene done the fower daies before, what they haue concluded and what the time suffered not to peruse. Also the principall reasons which moued them to conclude of such matters as seemed doubtfull.
  • 7 That on Saturday before noone they present this collecti­on of the King and enquire his pleasure vpon all things which they haue concluded, and also vpon all priuate suits.
  • 8 That none of the priuy counsell depart the court for lon­ger time then two daies, vnlesse eight of the counsell remaine behind, and vnlesse the King haue notice thereof.
  • 9 That they make no assembly in counsell vnlesse they be to the number of foure at the least.
  • 10 That if they assemble to the number of fower, and vn­der the number of sixe, then they may reason or examine the commodities or inconueniences of matters proposed, and make things plaine which seeme diffused at the first opening, and if they agree then at the next full assembly of sixe, a perfect conclusion thereof shall be made.
  • 11 That if there be vnder fower and a matter arriseth requiring expedition, they shall declare it to the King, but not giue answere vnlesse it requires extraordinary hast.
  • 12 That if such matters shall arise as it shall please the King to heare the same debated, warning shall be giuen that [Page 148] the more may be present.
  • 13 That if such matter arise as cannot be ended without long debating, the counsaile shall not intermeddle with other causes vntill they haue concluded the same.
  • 14 That no priuate suit be entermedled with great af­faires, but shall be heard on Mundaies only.
  • 15 That when matters for scantnesse of time be only dis­cussed and not brought to an end, then it shall be noted to what point the businesse is brought, and what haue beene the principall reasons, that when it shall be treated againe it may the sooner come to conclusion.
  • 16 That in tedious or difficult matters two or three or more may be appointed to prepare and report the same, that being lesse cumbrous and defuse they may the more easily be dis­patched.
  • 17 That no warrant for reward aboue 40l, or businesse, or affaires aboue 100l passe but vnder the Kings signet.
  • 18 That if vpon aduertisements or other occasions matters of great importance appeare which require hast, such mat­ters shall be considered and determined, notwithstanding those Articles which appoint businesse for seuerall daies, so as this order be not generally or commonly broken.

Assuredly albeit the King declared both his iudgment and his diligence and care of affaires of the realme. Yet is there one rule more (and not by him neglected) for all great officers, which if it be not sufficient in itselfe to hold matters in order, yet are no rules sufficient without it.

And this is to choose persons both for ability and inte­grity well reputed, albeit happily they be not alwaies vsed. For besides that these will be a rule to themselues, it is a great satisfaction to the people, and keepeth them both from murmuring and curious enquiring into counsailes of State, which is neuer good and often dangerous when they know or at least suppose matters to passe vnder such mens iudgements,

In theese times it was conceiued by many that by e­recting [Page 149] of a Mart in England, the realme would be much enriched and made more famous, and lesse obnoxious to other countries. The time was then esteemed fit by reason of the warres betweene the Emperor and the French King. The places deemed most meete were Hull for the east coun­tries, and Southampton for the South. London was thought no ill place, but Southampton was iudged most conueni­ent for the first beginning. This matter detained the Lords of the counsell in a deliberation both serious and long, with great strength and variety of reasons on both sides, which because they may giue some light to the like question, which in times ensuing may happily againe be set on foot. I will here declare them in the same manner as they were collected by the King.

Against the Mart these octiections were made.

  • 1 That strangers could haue no accesse into England by land, which they had at Antwerp where the Mart then was.
  • 2 That the ill working of English cloaths made them lesse esteemed abroad.
  • 3 That the great quantity of English cloathes in Flanders would make them lesse desired from hence.
  • 4 That the Merchants had then established their dwel­ling places at Antwerp.
  • 5 That other Nations would forbeare their resort into England for a while vpon commandement of the Emperor.
  • 6 That the deniall of the requests of the Merchants of the Stilliard would be a hindrance to the Mart if preuention were not vsed.
  • 7 That the pouerty and smalnesse of Southampton would be a great impediment.
  • 8 That the Riuer Rhene was more commodious for An­twerp then any riuer was for England.

1 Herevnto answere was made that at the time when the Mart should beginne at Southampton, the French King and the Almans would stop entercourse to Antwerp by land, so as nothing should passe that way but in great dan­ger. [Page 150] Againe as South ampton wanteth the commodity of accesse of merchandise by land, so it hath the commodity that there can be no accesse of enimies by land, and if warres should be raised then the Nauie of England is suffici­ent to defend them. And further that trafique that com­eth to Antwerp by land is almost only from the Venetians, who may with greater ease, and lesse danger transport their merchandises into England by sea. That the ill making of cloathes was fit to be redressed by the Parliament, then sitting, and the matter was then reduced to some ripenesse, the vpper house hauing one bill and the neither house ano­ther in good forwardnesse. Neither were they so ill made but that the Flemmings did easily desire them, offering ra­ther to Pay the imposition of the Emperor then to be with­out them.

That it were necessarie that the passage of ships should be staied vntill the Mart should aduance to some ripenesse, and that cloathes should be bought with the Kinges mo­ney and conueied to Southampton to be there vttered at the Mart, which should helpe the inconuenience very well. That merchants neuer binde themselues to any mansion, which either to atchieue gaine or to auoide danger they will not readily forsake, for so they remoued from Bruges to Antwerp only for the English commodities. And there­fore seeing they shall haue a good commodity by com­ing to Southampton, and be rid of great feare of danger both in their liues and goods, in forsaking Antwerp, there is little feare that they will be curious in making the change.

That the Emperor was then so neerely driuen, that nei­ther was he willing to attend the impeachment of the Mart, neither could he at that time doe it, for the Flem­mings and the Spaniards vnder him could more hardly be without the English, then the English without them, and therefore would hardly be brought to forbeare that tra­fique, and besides they liued then in feare of loosing all.

[Page 151]That it were good that for the present the Stilliard me [...] were generally answered, and triall made whether by any gentle offer of some part of their liberties they might be brought to ship, and their wares vnto the mart. The French also might easily be drawen ouer, hauing one trafique at that time but with England. That these two might suffice to beginne a Mart.

That the merchants would make good shift for their lodging, and it is not the ability of the place that maketh a mart, but the resort of Merchants, as Spaniards, Almans, Italians, Flemmings, Uenetians, Danes, in exchanging their commodities one with another. With whom also would concurre the Merchants of London, Bristowe, and other places of England, and some of the cloaths which should be carried thither at the first might be taken vp with the Kings money and there be vttered.

That Bruges where the Mart was before standeth not vpon the Rheene neither doth Antwerp where the Mart was then. Frankeford doth and may well serue for a faire for high Almaine, but Southampton serueth better for all coun­tries vpon the sea, for few of these resort to Frankeford.

Herewith diuerse reasons were alleaged for the Mart, and namely that the vent of English cloathes would hereby be open in all times of watre, that the English merchants goods would be out of danger of strangers, and without feare of danger of arresting vpon euery light cause. That it would much enrich the Realme, because as a Market en­richeth a towne, so doth a Mart enrich a Kingdome. That vpon occasion great summes of money might be borrowed of them who frequent the Mart. That the King might com­mand a great number of strangers ships to serue in his warres. That warre being made all goods should be in the Kings danger. that the English should buy all things at the first hand of strangers. Wheras then the strangers sold their wares to the Flemings, & the Flemings to the English. That [Page 152] the townes towards the sea would hereby be made more populous, rich, beautifull and strong. That the merchants insteed of Tapistrie, points, glasses and other laces, would then bring in bullion, and other substantiall merchandizes to haue the English cloath, and tinne That by this means the English should abate the power of their enimies, and not be enforced to borrow of Merchants but when they list, and that in no great quantity or summe.

The time was then esteemed most conuenient, because the warres betwixt the French and the Emperor caused the Italians, Genowaies, Portugals, and Spaniards to forbeare their trade to Antwerp. The Prussians also and other East countries hauing 14 ships against the Emperor would not be very forward to aduenture thither. Againe the French in­uading Lorraine, and menacing Flanders, and the Al­maines lying on the riuer of Rheene, did stop the course of merchants out of Italie, as well to Frankeford as to Antwerp. And further the putting of souldiers into Antwerp mo­ued the Merchants to forbeare their trafique, and to looke to their safety. Also the breach which a late tempest had made, was like to make the channell vncertaine, and the hauen naught. Lastly the stop of the exchange to Lyons would make many Flemmings bankrupts. And because these nations cannot liue without a vent. These things de­caying the Mart of Antwerp & Frankeford they would most willingly vpon erecting a [...] Mart resort to England.

And here the towne of Southampton was esteemed most sit because the Spaniards, Brittaines, Gascoins, Lombards, Genowaies, Normans, Italians, the Merchants of the East­land, the Prussians, Danes, Swedens & Norwegians might indifferently resort thither, & more easie than to Antwerpe. And wheras the Flemmings hauing few commodities haue allured Merchants by their priuiledges to settle a Mart a­mong them, much more easily should the English doe it ha­uing both opportunity & meanes, as cloath, tinne, seacoale lead, bellmettall and such other commodities, as few chris­tian [Page 153] countries haue the like.

Lastly the meanes to establish this mart were contriued to be these. First that the English merchants should for­beare their resort for a mart or two beyond the seas vnder pretence of the impositions there charged vpon them. Then that proclamation should be made in diuerse parts of this Realme where Merchants chiefly resort, that there shalbe a free Mart kept at Southampton to beginne pre­sently after whitsontide and to continue fiue weekes, so as it should be noe hindrance to St Iames faire at Bristow nor to Bartholomew faire in London. The priuiledges of which Mart should be expressed to be these.

That all men should haue free libertie for resort and re­turne without arresting, except in cases of treason, murther or selony. That for the time of the Mart all men should pay but halfe the custome due in other places of the Realme. That during the time noe shipping should be made from any place betweene Southwales & Essex but only to South­hampton. That in Hampshire, Wiltshire, Sussex, Surry, Kent, Dorse [...]shire, and no bargaine should be made for wares dur­ing that time but only at that Mart. That a court should be erected to punish offendors with liberties of good condi­tion. That some one commodity as happily some one kind of cloath should be assigned as proper to the Mart. That some liberties must be giuen to the inhabitants of South­hampton and some monies lent to them if it might be spa­red to beginne their Trafique. That ships should attend the safegard of Merchants so well as they could, and that if this Mart tooke good effect, another might be erected at Hull for the Northeast countries, to beginne presently af­ter Sturbridge faire, so as they might returne before the great Ices stopped their seas.

Thus it was concluded but the execution was for a time delaied because the wooll fleete of 60 saile, was lately be­fore departed for Antwerp, & could not possibly be called backe. But to make the first preparation because a Mart [Page 154] could not subsist without exchang▪ liberty was granted to the English Merchants, to exchang and rechange money for money. As vpon this occasion this profitable purpose was first delaied, so afterwards it was altogether dashed, first by the Kinges sicknesse, after by his death.

Now albeit the King was both deepely in debt, and had many extraordinary occasions, yet in regard of the trou­blesome times he did forbeare to charge his subiects with such loanes and impositions as vsually in peace breed dis­content, and in turbulent times disquiet, but he chose ra­ther to deale with the Foulker in the low Countries for mo­neys vpon loane at a very high rate. And hereupon letters were directed from the Lords of the counsell to the Foulker at Antwerp that he had receiued from the King 63000 punds Flemmish in Februarie, and 24000 in Aprill next be­fore, which amounted to 87000 pounds Flemmish. A faire summe to be paid in one year, especially in that busy world when it was necessarie for Princes not to be without mo­ney. Hereupon and for that they vnderstood that at that time he was well able to forbeare money, they aduised the King to pay to him only 5000 pounds of the 45000l which then remained vnpaid, and to continue the rest at the vsuall yearly interest of 14l for euery hundred, where­with they desired him to retaine good patience. Hereto the Foulker answered that as he had found faire dealings before, so he would rest content to deferre pa [...]ment of 30000l so as 20000l thereof might be well assured to be paid within some conuenient time. All this was presently agreed, and no lesse faithfully performed afterwards. And assuredly as God is the word and cannot but make good his word, so a Prince so much looseth of his dignity as hee declineth from his word.

About this time a garrison pay of 10000l was sent to the Frontires of Scotland, and the like to Calais, and in the same yeere 5000l into Ireland, hereto if we adde the Kings great charges in fortification vpon both the frontires of [Page 155] Scotland and France the particulars wherof I omit as mat­ters now altogether of no vse, it may easily be be discerned that the hostility with Scotland and France and the inciui­lity of Ireland were a great part of the cause which held this frugall King thus diued in debt.

And for another means of raising of mony commissions went forth for selling chantry lands, and houses for paiment of the Kings debt giuen forth to be 251000 pounds sterl­ing at the least. Also to enquire of all Church goods either remaining in Cathedrall or parish Churches or embes [...]ed away, & namely of Iewels of gold & siluer or siluer crosses, candi [...]sticks, censors, challicies, ready mony, coapes and other vestiments, and reseruing to euery Church one Chal­lice, and couering for the Communion [...]able, the residue to be applied to the benefit of the King. [...]y their sales and enquiries the Kings wants were [...] what relieued. And many persons, uery meane both for birth and ability of minde, and of no l [...]sse place of emploiment, found means to aduance themselues to so great estate as they left their posterity ranged among the nobility of this realme.

Of these church purchasers, I haue seene many melt to nothing, and the residue shall be obserued either by riot or by improuidence to consume.

At the same time for more assured strength of the Bor­ders vpon Scotland order was setled that no man in those parts should beare two offices at once, which not well ob­serued in later years hath much derogated both from the dignity and discharge of offices aswell in state as in some inferior places.

Another means for raising mony was practised no lesse pleasing to the people then profitable to the common­wealth, And that was by enquiring after offences of offi­cers in great place, who as by vniust dealing they became most odious, so by iustice in their punishments, the Prince acquireth both loue and applause. And so one Beamont M of the Rolles was conuinced, that in his office of wardes [Page 156] he had purchased lands with the Kinges mony, also that he had lent aboue 700l of the Kinges mony, and forborne 11000 of the Kinges debts for his owne profit. Also that being Mr of the Rolles he dealt corruptly in a case be­tweene the Duke of Suffolke, and the Lady Powes. For he bought the Ladies Tithe and caused an indenture to be for­ged from Charles Brandon the Duke a little before decea­sed, purposing a grant of the lands in question from Duke Charles to the Lady Powes. Also that he had concealed the felony of his seruant, who hauing stolne from him 200l he tooke the mony to himselfe againe. Hereupon he surren­dred to the King all his offices, lands & goods in satisfacti­on as well for the monies due by him to the King, as of the fines which his offences had merited, he was a man of a dull and heauy spirit, and therefore the more senslesly de­uoted in his sensuall auarice.

One Whalie receiuer of Yorkeshire acknowledged how he had lent the Kinges mony for gaine, how he euer paid one yeares reuenue with the arrerages of the yeare before, how he had bought the Kinges land with the Kinges mony, how he had made diuerse false accompts, how vpon fall of mony he borrowed diuerse summes, whereby he gained 500l at one crying downe. For these misdemeanors he sur­rendred his office and submitted himselfe to pay such fines as the King or his counsell should charge vpon him.

The Lord Paget Chancellor of the 'Duchie was conuin­ced that he had sould the Kings landes and timber woods without commission, that he had taken great fines for the Kings lands and applied them to his proper vse, and that he had made leases in reuersion for more then xxi years, for these offences he surrendred his office and submitted him­selfe to be fined at the pleasure of the King. So his fine was gessed at 6000l whereof 2000 were remitted vpon condi­tion that the other 4000 should be paid within the com­passe of that yeare.

This he endured with a manly patience as knowing [Page 157] right well that he held all the residue of his estate vpon cur­tesie of those who hated him at the heart. It was at the first suspected and afterwards expected by all that among other matters obiected against the Lord Paget the chiefe or at least one should haue beene for contriuing to Ban­quet the Lords at his house, and vnder pretence thereof to take off their heads, which was the only cause for which the Duke of Somerset lost his head. But because no menti­on was made thereof, because about the same time the Lord Gray of Wilton, Bannister and Crane, and a little after the Earle of Arundell were freely discharged hauing beene im­prisoned for this conspiracy, the conceit was taken that the Dukes head was the only aime, and that the residue were vsed but as a countenance of state to dazle the people.

Letters were sent to the gouernor of Gernesey, that di­vine seruice should there be vsed according to the forme of the Church of England. A King of Armes named Vlster was newly instituted for Ireland, his prouince was all Ireland, and he was the first 4th King of Armes, the first herald appointed for Ireland.

Whilest these matters were in action the Emperors Em­bassador in England deliuered letters to the King from the Regent in the low Countries, importing that whereas the King was bound by a treaty betweene the Emperor and the Kinges Father at Lutrect in the yeare 1542, that if the low Countries should be inuaded the King should aide him with 5000 foote, or 70 crownes a day during 4 moneths and that this aide should be performed within one moneth af­ter request. For so much as the French King inuaded Lux­embourg, the Emperor required aide of the King of Eng­land according to the effect of that treaty.

Herevpon order was giuen that if the Embassador did moue for answere to this letter, he should be told by two of the counsell, that during the Kinges progresse his coun­sell was dispersed, whose aduice he was desirous to heare. And further that the K. had committed the same treaty to be perused by men whose iudgments as he did much re­spect, [Page 158] so would he expect a time vntill their opinions might be heard. And in case that after this the Embassador should againe require an answere, then they should say that the King hauing lately wrestled out of most dangerous warres, wherewith his yong years were ouerburthened, he hoped well that the Emperor would not desire to thrust him into the like againe. That he had sworne amity with the French King which he could not with his honour breake, & there­fore if the Emperor should deeme it so meete he would mediate a peace as a friend to both, which he should best effect by forbearing to vse hostility against either. And in case the Embassador should still perseuere to vrge the trea­ty they were lastly directed to answere that the King did not hold himselfe bound by that treaty, as both made by his Father and euidently preiudiciall to his real [...] ▪ for al­beit agreements of peace are perpetuall & bind the succes­sor, yet it is not so in agreements of society & cōsederation. And this the Emperor did right well vnderstand, for whē the King in his last warres desired to enter a new treaty with the Emperor, he returned answere that it should not need, for albeit the King were discharged by his Fathers death yet the Emperor was still bound. And againe the Emperor had not for his part performed the treaty, as well in hin­dring the carriage of horses, armor, and munition, which the King had prouided for his warres, as also in neglecting to send aide when the low Country of Calais was forraged, and therefore he did not iustly demand performance there­of from the King.

I know it hath beene often in like sort answered, that treaties dissolue by death of those who made them, for so the Fidenates held themselues discharged of the league which they had made with Romulus after his death. And the Latines did the like after the death of Tullus, and like­wise after the death of Ancus. The Etrurians affirmed the like after the death of Priscus. And the Sabines after the death of Seruius. And againe after that Tarquinius was [Page 159] cast out of state. I know also that the difference is great betweene a league of peace and a league of society & con­federation. But I will not touch euery string of this questi­on, which Hottoman calleth a noble question, and much tossed and debated, partly because it consisteth of many knotty and thorny distinctions, wherein approued authors doe not well agree, but chiefely because at this time it fell not to be a difference betweene the Emperor and the King.

For when the Embassador first came for answere to this letter Mr Wotton and Mr Hobbie answered according to the first branch of their instructions, wherewith he depar­ted well satisfied for the present, and before he called for answere againe one Stukely arriued out of France and declared to the counsell how the French King being per­suaded that Stukely would neuer returne into England be­cause he departed without leaue vpon apprehension of the Duke of Somerset, his master bewraied to him that if he could procure peace with the Emperor, he intended to be­siege Calais and was in hope to carry the towne by way of the sand hills, and that from thence winning rice banke he might both famish the Towne, and beate the market place, how he further said that he intended to land in some angle of Scotland about Falmouth because boule­warkes there might easily be wonne, and the people were for the most part Catholiques. And further how at the same time Mounsier de Guise should enter England by the way of Scotland, not only with good leaue, but with aide and conduct from the Scots.

Vpon this discouery the King assembled his counsell at Windesor, & entred with them into deliberation, whether it were either safe from him or to no disaduantage to rely so securely either vpon the strength or faith of France, as ei­ther to refuse or neglect to afford aide vnto the Emperor, and thereby happily incurre his hostility.

Many were of opinion that the King should condescend to aide the Emperor. First for that if the King were desi­rous [Page 160] to hold the Emperor bound by the treaty made with the Kinges father he must also be obliged thereby. Other­wise it was a lame halting league and could not possibly goe vpright. Then for that if the Emperor should not be aided the house of Burgundie was like to be deuoured by the French, whereby their greatnesse might grow dreadfull especi [...]lly to England. Then for that againe the French King had drawen the Turke into Christendome, and there­fore was to be resisted as a common enimy. And further in case the Emperor vpon ext [...]emity should compose agree­ment with the French, the danger to England would be double. First vpon offence taken by the Emperor, then vp­on the French Kings old disposition edged by euery new displeasure wherein the deuotion of the Bishop of Rome would not be wanting. And againe the English Merchants were so ill intreated in the Empire, the Realme was so much eng [...]ged in honour and in wealth as some remedy was to be sought, & none better then by giuing aide. Lastly the French Kings proceedings were no les [...]e doubtfull then fearfull, not only in regard of Stukelies report (not altog [...] ­ther to be neglected) but by reason of his breaking and firing diuers English ships the auncient strength and for­tresses of the realme.

Others were of aduice that the Emperors demands of aide should be denied▪ First for that it would be too chargea­ble and almost [...]mpossible for the English to performe. Th [...]n for that when the Emperor should die the whole weight of the warre would r [...]ule vpon the English. And further the Germaine Protestants would be offended herewith, & con­ceiue some doubts of their owne estates. Lastly there was hope that the amity with [...]rance would not long continue but a [...]end▪ & that the [...]mbassadors then lately sent would repaire all harmes done by the French upon English shipps.

Betweene both these the King stroke a mid [...]ing iudg­ment, so to ai [...]e the Emperor against the French King as o­ther Christian Princes should also adioine, and that for no [Page 161] other cause but as a common enimy for drawing the Turkes forces vpon them.

That her [...]by as the cause was common so would there be more parties to it. And this also would moderate the charge of aiding the Emperor according to the treaty, and whensoeuer the Emperor should die or breake off, it was likely that some of those Princes and parties should re­maine so as the King should not stand alone. Moreouer this friendship would much advance the Kinges other affaires in Germany, and finally it would be honourable to breake with the French King vpon this common quarrell.

Against this advise of the King, two obiections were made, one that the treaty must be entertained with so ma­ny that it could not be speedily or secretly concluded. The other that in case the purpose should be discouered and not concluded the French might be prouoked thereby to pra­ctise the like confederation against the English.

All these the King did knit vp in this conclusion, first that the treaty should be made only with the Emperor, and by the Emperors means with other Princes. Secondly that the Emperors acceptance should be well vnderstood be­fore any treaty were either entered or entertained against the French.

Herevpon letters were dispatched to Mr Morison the Kinges Embassador with the Emperor whereby he was di­rected to declare to the Emperor how the King touched with pitty at the invasion of Christian countries by the Turkes, would willingly ioin [...] with him and other States of the Empire (in case the Emperor could bring it to passe) in some league against the Turkes and against their confede­rats. But caution was giuen that he should not once men­tion the French King nor answere any mention made of him, only to say that his commission extended no further. But if the Emperor would send a messenger into England he should happily know more.

Herewith and because time beateth out truth letters [Page 162] were sent to Mr Pickering the Kinges Embassador in [...]rance to know whether S [...]ukely h [...]d acqu [...]inted hi [...] with any of those matters which he had disclosed in Eng­land. And with what familiarity the French King vsed him or by what other circu [...]stances he could conceiue his re­port to be true Herewith also the Lord Gray was chosen deputy of Calais, & the Lord Wentworth remoued as one whose youth & want of experience, was held vnfit to go­uerne that ch [...]rge in turbulent times. On the other side Sr Nicholas Wentworth was remoued from being Porter of the towne by reason of his old age, but had an hundred pounds yea [...]ly pension assigned him for his life. Also by a­bating needlesse expences to be the better enabled against charge the seuerall tables for young Lor [...]s, for the masters of Requests, and for Sergeants at armes [...] laid downe, and diuerse extraordinary allowances we [...]e taken away. And further because the King was to make paiment of 48000l beyond the seas, and had but 14000l towards the summe 300 of the chiefe Merchants aduenturers granted to him a lone of 40000l for three moneths, to be leuied from the cloaths which they were then to transport after the rate of 20 shillings for euery cloath. But these Aduen­turers went not vpon any aduenture because at that ship­ping 40000 broad cloaths were by them transported.

Whilest these matters were in action two Lawyers ar­riued in England with direction from the French King to declare what matters had beene determined against the English by the French Kings counsell, and vpon what rea­sons and also what matters were then depending, and what care and diligence was vsed in those dispatches. They were much commended by all for their modest be­hauiour, and their sweet eloquence much delighted the King who againe in a short speech first thanked the French King for his desire to giu [...] him satisfaction, then commen­ded them for well performing their charge, but for the sub­stance of their businesse he referred them to London, where [Page 163] some of his counsell should commune thereof fully with them. Here Mr Secretary Peeter, and Mr Watton, and Sr Thomas Smith laid before them the grieuances of the Eng­lish merchants, whose losses by the French exceeded the summe of 50000l, To this the Embassadors gaue little an­swere, but said they would make report thereof at their re­turne into France, affirming that they had no commission but only to declare the manner and causes of iudiciall pro­ceedings.

Presently a [...]ter their returne Mounsier Villandry was sent againe in post to the King to declare vnto him that al­beit Mr Sydneies, and Mr Winters matters went iustly a­gainst them, yet because th [...]y were the Kings seruants, and one of them in place neere his person, the French King was content freely to giue to Mr Sydney his ship and all his goods in her, and to Mr Winter his ship and all his owne goods. But this offer the King refused assuming that he re­quired nothing freely, but expected iustice and expediti­on. Villandry shewed further that the King his master was desirous that the ordinances and customes of England and France touching Marine affaires might be reduced into one forme, without any difference betweene them. Wher­to answere was made that the English ordinances for ma­rine affaires were no other then the ciuill lawes and certaine aunt [...]ent additions of the Realme, wherein they could conceiue no reason or conueni [...]ncy of change, hauing long continued without r [...]proofe. After this Uil­landry brought forth two proclamations not long before published in France and very aduantageable for the Eng­lish, for the which he had a letter of thankes to the King his master. Lastly, which was indited the maine of his message, and whereto all other were but insinuations he desired that certaine Frenchmen taken vpon the co [...]st of England might be released. Hereto he receiued answere that they were Pirats, and that some of them should by iustice be punished, and some might happily by [...] [Page 164] be spared, so with this dispatch he returned for France.

But before it was conceiu [...]d he could be fully at home he came againe to the English court, and there declared to the King, how the King his master would deliuer 4 shipps against which iudgment had beene giuen. And that h [...]e would appoint men of good sort and sufficiency to heare the English Merchants at Paris, and that he would alter his ordinances for marine affaires, of which emendations he then sent a copy to the King. The King appointed his Secretaries to consider therof. And after some passages of time Uillandry had his answere. That the King intended not by receiuing fower ships freely to preiudice his right in the rest. That the appointing of an inferior counsell to heare Merchants at Paris after former tedious suits in a higher court, he thought would be but dil [...]tory and so to▪ little purpose, because the inferior counsell would neuer vndoe that (albeit good cause should appeare) which had bin iudged by a higher counsell. That the new ordinan­ces he liked no better then he did the olde, and therfore de­sired no other then the customes which oflate times had beene vsed in France, and then continued in force betweene England and the low countries. Lastly he desired no more words but deeds.

And now were letters returned from Mr Pickering out of France, wherby he aduertised the King how Stukely neuer discouered any of those speeches to him, which since he had charged vpon the French King. And further that he neuer was either in credite or conuersant with the French King or with the Constable, nor euer resorted vnto them except once when he was interpreter betweene the Constable & certaine English pioners, wherfore as it was very like so did he verily belieue that as the French King was alwaies close & reserued amongst his best knowne friends, so would he not be open and vncircumspect to impart a matter of such import to a meere stranger and in a most vnseasona­ble time.

[Page 165]Hereupon Stukely was examined againe, and then sir d­ing it dangerous alike to confesse a truth or stand to a ly, he became more vnconstant and variable then he was before, wherfore he was committed to the Tower, and no­tice was giuen to the French Kings Embassador of all those proceedings, to the intent that he might acquaint his ma­ster with them. Letters were also sent to the Kings Embas­sador in Frace, directing him to aduertise the French King of all these matters, and that for two speciall ends. One to manifest the Kings considence in his amity with France, the other to bring the French King into suspition against all English fugitiues who resorted daily to his court. And so because no better person was the author, incredible fables were not belieued. But herevpon some began to discourse that the accusations against the Duke of Somerset were no lesse improbable, and vpon the credict of no better per­sons, and therefore might happily be no lesse vntrue. But the difference is great betweene both the persons, and the facts of a soueraigne Prince and of a subiect.

And now when the French K. vnderstood aswell the im­putation which Stukely had raised as his imprisonment. First he deepely protested his innocence in his particular and his generall sincere meaning for preseruing amity with England. Then he much blamed Stukelies villany, and no­lesse thanked the King aswell for that he had not afforded a credulous care to such mischeiuous devises, wherein the tender touch of his estate might happily haue excused his error as for his Princely manner in acquainting him therwith.

On the other side wh [...]n Mr Morrison the Kings Embas­sador with the Emperor, had opened the matt [...]rs giuen him in charge, touching a league against the Turke, and against his confederats. The Emperor much thanked the King for his gentle offer, and promised to procure the Regent to send ouer some persons of cred [...]te to understand the Kings further meaning. Soone after Mr Thomas Grosham c [...]me [Page 166] from Antwerp into England, and declared to the counsell how Mounsier Lo [...]gie the Emperors Treasurer in Flanders was sent to him from the Regent with a packet of letters which the Burgundians had intercepted in Bullonois sent as it was said from the Dowager of Scotland, wherein she set forth how she had imprisoned George Paris an Irish­man because she vnderstood that vpon grant of his pardon he had a meaning to come into England, and how she had sent Oconners sonne into Ireland to giue encouragement to the Irish Lords. Also he shewed instructions giuen a­bout 4 years before vpon the fall of the Admirall of France, to a gentleman then coming from England, that if any were in England of the Admiralls faction he should doe his best to excite a trouble.

The deputy of Ireland was at that time ready to trans­port into England. But vpon this aduertisement Sr Henry Knowles was sent in post to stay him there, yet with cauti­on that he should pretend to stay vpon his owne occa­sions, and therevpon deferred his departure from weeke to weeke, least the true reason should be discerned. Letters of thankes were also sent to the Regent for this gentle o­uerture. And the messenger was directed to vse pleasing words in the deliuery of the letter, and to wish a further amity betweene the two states. And further to acquaint her with the French Kings practise in waging 5000 Scottish footmen, and 500 horsemen, & how he tooke vp 100000l by exchange at Lubecke, whereby the coniecture was evi­dent that he had some meaning against the Emperor in the spring then next following. Doubtlesse the aduertisement of neighbour Princes are alwaies much to be regarded, for that they receiue intelligence from b [...]tter Authors & surer grounds then persons of inferior note and sort.

About this time one of the Earle of Tyrones men was committed to the tower for making an vntrue complaint against the deputy and counsell of Ireland. And for brut­ing abroad how the Duke of Northumberland and the [Page 167] Earle of Pembrooke were fallen into quarrell, and one of them against the other in the field.

In Aprill in the 6th yeare of the raigne of the King, he fell sicke of the Measles, wherof in short time he well re­couered, afterwards he sickned of the small poxe, which breaking kindly from him, was thought would proue a means to clense his body from such vnhealthfull humors as commonly occasion long sicknesse or death. And herof he also so perfectly recouered that in the so [...]mer next fol­lowing he rode his progresse with greater magnificence then euer before. For whether it were to maintaine his ma­iesty or to manifest the feare which had beene formerly impressed, he caried with him a band of 320 men, which made vp his whole traine aboue the number of 4000 horse. But because this multitude was burthensome to the Coun­try through which he passed, which did afford little mea­dow or pasture, because also it seemed to bewray distrust as if the King should thinke that he rather marched among dangerous rebells then tooke his pleasure among faithfull and quiet disposed subiects, about the middest of his pro­gresse the greatest part was discharged. For furnishing the charge of this progresse 500 pound weight of gold was coined with 1500 pounds sterling.

Soone after the King did complaine of a continuall in­firmity of body, yet rather as an indisposition in health then any set sicknesse.

And about that time certaine prodigies were seene ei­ther as messengers or signes of some imminent and eminent eui [...]l. At Middleton eleuen miles from Oxford a woman brought forth a female child which had two bodies from the nauill vpward, so vnited at the nauill as when they were laid in length the one stretched directly opposite to the other, from the nauill downward it was but one, it li­ued weakly 18 daies, and then both bodies died together. Vpon birth of such monsters the Grecians, and after them the Romans did vse diuerse sorts of expiations, and to goe [Page 166] [...] [Page 167] [...] [Page 168] about their principall citties, with many solemne ceremo­nies and sacrafices, supposing hereby that wrath from hea­uen was menaced against them. At Quinborough three great Dolphins were taken, and a few daies following at Black­wall sixe, which were brought to London, the least in big­nesse exceeding any horse. After this, three great fishes were taken at Grauesend called Whirlepooles and drawen vpon the Kings bridge at Westminster. These accidents the more rarely they happen, the more ominous are they commonly esteemed, either because they are so indeed or because they are neuer obserued but when sad euents doe ensue.

In Ianuary about the beginning of the 7th yeare of the Kings raigne his sicknesse did more apparantly shew it selfe, especially by the symptome of a tough strong strein­ing cough. All the medicines and diet which could be pre­scribed together with the helpes both of his yong age, and of the rising time of the yeare, were so farre either from curing or abating his griefe, that it daily encreased by dan­gerous degrees, & it was not only a violence of the cough thad did insect him, but therewith a weaknesse and faint­nes of spirit, which shewed plainly that his vitall parts were most strongly and strangely assaulted, and the talke hereof among the people was so much the more because through an opinion obscurely raised but running as most absurd, that his sicknesse grew by a slow working poison. Vpon this cause it happened that a Parliament beginning vpon the first day of March was vpon the last of the same moneth d [...]ssolued.

And now the danger of the Kings sicknesse was much la [...]ented, not only by his owne people but by strangers a­broad because his curtesy and wisdome had begot to him such loue, that he was no lesse honoured by those who heard of him, then of those who conversed with him. For he was famous in all places by reason of his foresight and iudgment in affaires, and did so well temper the greatnes [Page 169] of his estate both with modestie and with grauitie, that he auoided enuie by the one, and contempt by the other. Some compared him with the greatest persons that had beene, both for warre and peace, because in the like pitch of yeares, none of them attained to the like perfections. Haply hee did not appeare in souldiery so great, but that was because he was not so rash, being also drawne backe from his pursu [...]es abroad by domesticall disorders and diuisions, both amongst the people and Nobilitie of his Realme, by reason whereof he scarce seemed well se [...]led in his Chaire of Estate, and yet his fortunes were alwayes Victorious.

It hapned during his sicknesse that Doctor Ridley Bishop of London, preached before him, and in his Sermon much commended workes of charitie, which as they were a dutie for all men to performe, so most especially for men in m [...]st especiall dignitie and place, as well in regard of their large abi [...]ities, as for that they were much obliged to giue exam­ples of goodnesse to others: the same day after dinner the King sent for him priuatly into the Gallery at White-Hall, caused him to sit in a chaire by him, would not permit him to remaine vncouered, and then after courteous thankes, he reported all the principall points of his Sermon, and further added; I tooke my selfe to be especially touched by your speech, as well in regard of the abilities which God hath giuen me, as in regard of the example, which from mee hee will require, for as in the Kingdome I am next vnder God, so must I most neerely approach to him in goodnesse and in mercie, for as our miseries stand most in need from him, so are we the greatest debtors; debtors to all that are miserable and shall be the greatest accomptants of our dispensation therein. And therefore, my Lord, as you haue giuen me (I thanke you) this generall exhortation, so direct me, I intreat you, by what particular actions I may this way best dis­charge my dutie.

The Bishop partly astonished, and partly ouerioyed with these speeches, was strucke into a sad silence for a time, at [Page 170] last [...]eares and words breaking forth together, he declared to the King, so as he little expected such a question, so was he not furnished with a present answer, for this matter had a great mixture of a ciuill gouernment, wherein he concelued that the Citizens of London had best experience, as ouer­burthened with multitudes of poore, not only of their owne, but from all parts of the Realme besides, and therefore as they best know both the qualitie of such people, and the in­conueniences which they occasion, so could they best aduise what remedies were fittest: wherefore, if the King were pleased to afford his Letters to that effect, he would confer with them, and in very short time returne with answer. The King forth with caused his Letters to be written, and would not suffer the Bishop to depart vntill hee had firmed them with his hand and Signet, and enioyned the Bishop to be the messenger, imposing great charge for expedition. The Bi­shop hasted with his Letters to the Lord Maior, who pre­sently assembled certaine Aldermen, and foure and twenti [...] Commissioners, by whose aduice the poore were cast into three companies and [...]orts, some were poore by impotenci [...] of nature, as young fathe [...]lesse children, old decrepit per­sons, Ideots, Criples and such like; others ar [...] poore by fa­cultie, as wounded souldiers, diseased and sicke persons, and the like; the third sort ar [...] the poor [...] by [...] or vnthri [...]i­tinesse, as rioti [...]us spenders, vagabonds, [...], lew [...] strumpe [...]s and their companions▪ that the first of these were to be educated and maintained, the s [...]cond to be cured and relecued, and the third to be chastised and reduced to good order.

When this was [...] to the King, he gau [...] to the Ci­tie for education and maintenance of the first sort of poore, the Gray-Friers Church neere Newgate-market▪ with all the reuenues there to belonging; for cure and releefe of the se­cond [...]ort, he gaue Saint Bartholomewes neere [...]; for correction of the third, hee appoin [...]ed his house at Bride­ [...]ell, the ancient Mansion of many English King [...], and [Page 171] which not long before had beene repaired and beautified by Henry the [...]ighth, for the entertainment of the great Empe­rour Charles the fifth, for increase of [...] of their places, together with the new re-edified Hospitall of Saint Thomas in Southwork, the King gaue seuen hundred and fifty markes yearely out of the rents of the Hospitall of Saint Iohn Baptist, or the Sauoy, with all the bedding and furni­ture at that time belonging to that place, and when the char­ter of this gift was pr [...]sented vnto him with a blanke space for lands to be afterwards receiued in Mortm [...]ine, to a year­ly valew without further licence, the King presently with his owne hand filled vp the void space with these words (foure thousand markes by yeare) this done with reueren [...] gesture and speech, he thanked God for prolonging his life to finish that businesse; and so hee was the first Founder of those three pious workes, which by many additions are now growne to be the most absolute and famous of that kinde in Europe.

The Kings sicknesse daily increased, and so did the Duke of Northumberlands diligence about him; for he was little absent from the King, and had alwayes some well assured to espie how the state of his health changed euery houre, and the more ioyfull hee was at the heart, the more sorrowfull appearance did he outwardly make, whether any tokens of poyson did appeare, reports are various, certainly his Physi­tians discerned an inuincible malignitie in his disease, and the suspition did the more increase, for that the complaint being chiefly from the lights, a part as of no quicke sense, so no seat for any sharpe disease, yet his sicknesse towards the end grew highly extreme; but the Duke regarded not much the muttering multitude, knowing right well that rumours grow stale and vanish with time, and yet somewhat either to abate or delay them for the present, hee caused speeches to be spread abroad, that the King was well recouered in health, which was readily beleeued, as most desired to be true.

[...]
[...]

Hereupon all persons expressed ioy in their countenance and speech, which they inlarged by telling the newes to o­thers whom they incountred, who haply had heard▪ it of­ten before, and as the report increased, so there with increa­sed also the ioy: Thus whilest euery men beleeued▪ and no man knew, it was made more credible by religious per­sons, who openly in Churches gaue publike thankes for the Kings recouery.

But when the speech of his danger was againe reuiued, and as in newe; it happeneth, the more stopped, the more increased to the worse, then as if the second time he had beene lost, the people did immoderatly breake forth into passions, complaining, that for this cause his two Vncles had beene taken away, for this cause the most faithfull of his Nobilitie and of his Councell were disgraced and remo­ued from Court; this was the reason that such were placed next his person, who were most assuredly disposed either to commit or permit any mischiefe, that then it did appeare, that it was not vainly coniectured some yeares before by men of iudgement and fore-sight, that after Somersets death the King should not long enioy his life. To qualifie these and some broader speeches, it was thought conuenient that the King sometimes should shew himselfe abroad, albeit, little either with his pleasure or for his health, yet a thing which in long consuming sicknesses, euen to the last period of life, men are often able to doe.

Whilest the King remained thus grieuously sicke, diuers notable mariages were solemnized at once in Durham place; The Lord Guldford, fourth sonne to the Duke of Northum­berland, married Lady Iane, the Duke of Suffolkes eldest daughter, by Frances daughter to Mary second sister to King Henry the eighth: also the Earle of Pembrokes eldest sonne married the Lady Katherine, the Duke of Suffolkes eldest daughter by the said Lady Frances, who then was li­uing: and Martin Kayes, Gentleman Porter, married Ma­rie the third daughter of the Duke of Suffolke, by the said [Page 173] Lady Frances: lastly, the Lord Hastings, sonne to the Earle of Huntington, tooke to wife Katherine youngest daughter to the Duke of Northumberland; hereupon the common people vpon a disposition to interpret all Northumberlands actions to the worst, left nothing vnspoken which might serue to st [...]rre their hatred against the Duke, or pitie towards the King: but the Duke was nothing moued herear, for be­ing equally obstinate both in purpose and desire, and moun­ting his hopes aboue the pitch of reason, he resolued then to dissemble no longer, but began openly to play his game.

For albeit the Lady Iane married to his fourth sonne, had not right to the succession of the Crowne, for that shee was excluded, first, by the two Ladies Mary and Elizabeth, daughters of King Henry the eighth; next, by the issue of Lady Margret married into Scotland, eldest sister to King Henry the eighth: lastly, by her owne mother, the Ladie Frances, who then was liuing, yet Northumberland, sottish­ly mad with ouer great fortune, procured the King by his Letters Patents vnder the great Seale of England, to appoint the Lady Iane to succeed him in the inheritance of the Crowne; in this contriuance he vsed the aduice of two espe­cially, Lord chiefe Iustice Montague, who drew the Let­ters Patents, and Secretary Cecil: these furnished the Patent with diuers reasons, whereof some were of Law and some of policie in State: The pretensions of Law were these, that albeit the Crowne of the Realme, by an Act of the fiue and thirtieth of King Henry the eighth, was in default of his issue of his body, and of the body of Edward his sonne lawfully begotten, limited to remaine to the Lady Mary▪ his eldest daughter, and to the heires of her body lawfully begotten; and in default of such issue, the remainder thereof to the Lady Elizabeth, his second daughter, and to the heires of her body lawfully begotten, vnder such conditions as should be limited by the said King vnder his Letters Patents, vn­der the great Seale, or by his last Will in writing, signed with his hand; yet because the said limitations were made [Page 174] to persons illegitimate, both the marriages betweene King Henry the eighth and their seuerall mothers, being vndone by sentences of diuorce, and the seuerall diuorcements rati­fied by authoritie of Parliament in the eight and thirtieth yeare of King Henry the eighth, which Act remained then in force, both the Lady Mary and the Lady Elizabeth were thereby disabled to claime the Crowne, or any honours or hereditaments as heires to King Edward the sixth or any other person.

And againe, the said two Ladies, Mary and Elizabeth, being but of the halfe bloud to King Edward, albeit they had beene borne in lawfull matrimony, yet by the ancient Lawes of the Realme they were not inheritable to him by descent, and had no capacitie in any degree to receiue any inheritance from him.

The reasons or pretexts of necessitie to the State were these: In case the Ladie Mary and the Lady Elizabeth should enioy the Crowne, they would assuredly ioyne in marriage with some stranger, who would reduce this noble and free Realme into the seruitude of the Bishop of Rome, and thereby bring in forren customes and Lawes, abolish­ing those whereupon the rights of all natiue subiects depend, and haply the whole body of the Realme should hereby be annexed as a member to some other greater Kingdome, to the vtter subuersion of the ancient dignitie and Estate there­of, the people were not vnlike to elect a King of some priuate Stocke, a popular and seditious man, peraduenture one who to countenance his own vnworthinesse and obscurity, would little regard what contumely he cast vpon the falling Fami­ly of the Kings before him; wherefore he held it the most prouident aduice, that the King by his authoritie should de­signe, not only his next Successour, but others also in reuer­sion, that the Crowne might not be subiect to risling, but re­maine to those whom hee loued, and who humoured him best.

These reasons did more easily sinke into the Kings iudge­ment, [Page 175] partly by meanes of the great affection which he bare to the Religion that he had established, of the change wher­of he was assuredly perswaded in case the Lady Mary his sister should succeed, and partly by reason of the entire loue hee bare to his Cosin the Ladie Iane, a woman of most rare [...]nd incomparable perfections: For besides her excellent beautie adorned with all varietie of vertues, as a cleere skie with starres, as a princely Diadem with Iewels, shee was most deare to the King in regard both of her religion and of her education in the knowledge of the liberall Sciences, and skill in Languages, for in Theologie, in Philosophie, in all liberall Arts, in the Latine and Greeke tongues, and in the Vulgar Languages of diuers neere Nations; shee farre ex­ceeded all of her sex▪ and any of her yeares, vnlesse haply the King himselfe.

Hereupon the King consented that Letters Patents should be drawne, importing that in case the King should die with­out issue of his bodie lawfully begotten, then the Imperiall Crowne of England and Ireland, with his title to the Crown of France, and all things to them belonging should remaine and come to the eldest sonne of the Ladie Frances, daughter to the Ladie Mary, youngest sister to Henry the eighth, in case such issue should be borne into the world, during the life of King Edward; and after to the heires male of the said issue, and in like sort from sonne to sonne of the said Ladie Frances lawfully begotten, as they should be in prioritie of birth, and borne during the Kings life; and in default of such sonnes and of heires male of euery such sonne lawfully begotten, that then the said Crowne and all the pro [...], should remaine and come to the Lady Iane; eldest daughter to the said Ladie Frances; and the heires males of her law­fully begotten, and for default of such issue, the said Crowne to remaine to the Lady Katherine; second daughter to the said Lady Frances, with diuers other remainders, ouer which as they were vainly appointed▪ so are they needlesse to be repeated.

[Page 176]These Letters were dated the one and twentieth of Iune, in the seuenth yeare of King [...]dwards raign, and by him sig­ned when he was in great debilitie of body, and afterwards passed vnder the g [...]eat Seale of England. And albeit the course contriuance was almost visible, first, for that such pro­uision was made for the Issue male of the said Lady Frances▪ who neither at that time had any, and was commonly rep [...] ­ted to be past yeares of child-bearing▪ secondly, for that in case, that beyond the ordinary course of nature, she should conceiue, the hope was desperate that the King should liue vntill the birth.

Lastly, for that her children borne, and to be borne, were so carefully and orderly remembred, and no mention made of herselfe, from whom their title must be deriued, yet these Letters were subscribed by all the Priuic Counsellours, the greatest part both of number and power of the Nobilitie of the Realme, the Bishops, the Kings learned Councell, and all the Iudges at the Common Law, except only Sir Iames Holles, one of the Iustices of the Common Pleas, a man well obserued to be both religious and vpright, who worthily re­fused to subscribe, and was vnworthily requited by Queene Mary afterwards.

It is very like that some of these were guided with respect of their particular interest, for that they were possessed of diuers lands which once pertained to Monasteries, Chantries, and other religions houses not long before dissolued, of these they held themselues in some danger to lose, in case religion should change to the ancient forme, which by succession of Queene Mary they did euidently fore-see.

Others were drawne partly by feare, and partly by obli­gation to the Duke of Northumberland, who then was ex­ceeding poten [...], and almost absolute in gouernment of the State, and supposed able to make any title good, either by his authoritie, or by his sword.

Now whether a King may lawfully dispose by his will, or otherwise, of a Kingdome that hath beene long carried in [Page 177] one forme of succession contrary to that ancient forme I haue largely discoursed in my History of the three Norman Kings, about the beginning of the raigne of King William the second; but certaine it is, that when kingdomes haue cu­stomably beene [...]ried by right of succession, according to [...] of bloud, the violation of which course hath al­wayes beene either very vaine, or with dangerous conse­quence, it hath alwayes beene like the breaking of a ban [...] which holdeth a sheafe of arrowes together, like a rupture in bankes, which bindeth a riuer within its proper channell, or like a casting downe of a pale, wherewith deere o [...] o­ther beasts are inclosed: It was neuer done, but either no ef­fect ensued, or bloudle disorders, or haply both, and the Duke by piercing his ambitious purposes with his vniust po­licie, did no otherwise than often doth a foolish greedie gameste [...], who by stealing a card to win a stake, forfeits the whole rest.

But hauing thus in his owne opinion assured his owne deuices, nothing remained but that the King should not lon­ger suruiue, le [...]t haply his sickly iudgement might be ouer­ruled by sounder aduice; his disease was violent, but his Phy­sitians conceiued some hope of recouery, in case he might be remoued to change of healthfull aire, which in infirmities of the vitall parts, the seat of his sicknesse, is of greatest mo­ment for the cure.

But hereto the Councell would not consent, so he conti­nued without either any sensible in [...]nding, or impairing for a time. At the last a Gentlewoman, vnworthy to be named, but accounted to be a schoole-mistresse [...] the purpose, of­fered her seruice assuredly to cure him, in case he were com­mitted wholly to her hand; hereto the Physitians would in no case afford their aduice, because as she could giue no rea­son, either of the nature of the disease, or of the part affli­cted, so shee would not declare the meanes whereby shee intended to worke th [...] cu [...].

After some [...]he [...] of deliberation among the Councell, it [Page 178] was resolued that the Physitians should be discharged, and the cure committed to her alone: the apparant defect both of her iudgement and experience, ioyned to the weighti­nesse of the aduenture, caused many to maruell, and some deeply to suspect that shee was but an instrument of mis­chiefe; this surmise was strongly confirmed within a very short time ensuing, when the King did fall into desperate extremities, his vitall parts were mortally stuffed, which brought him to a difficultie of speech and of breath, his legs swelled, his pulse failed, his skin changed colour, and many other horrid symptomes appeared.

Then were the Physitians called againe, who espying him in that fearefull estate, departed from him with a sad silence, leauing him to the miserable mercy of neere approaching death, some of these whispered among their priuate friends, that they were called for fashion only, but neither their ad­uice nor appliances were any deale regarded, but the King had beene ill dealt with more than once, and that when by the benefit, both of his youth and of carefull meanes, there was faire means of his recouery, he was againe more strong­ly ouerlaid.

Yet as crueltie and wrong neuer stand secure, so the Duke thought one thing more expedient for assuring his designes, and that was to draw the Lady Mary wholly into his power: to this purpose Letters were directed to her in the Kings name from the Councell, willing her forth with to re­sort to the King, as well to be a comfort to him in his sick­nesse, as to see all matters well ordered about him; the La­die suspecting no lurking mischiefe, addressed herselfe with all speed to the iourney, expressing great ioy, that either her company or her seruice, should be esteemed needfull to the King; but as she was vpon the way, and within halfe a daies [...]ourney of London, her foot readie to slip into the s [...]are, shee receiued aduice both of the Kings desperate estate, and of the Dukes designments against her: whereupon she returned in haste to her house at Houeden, where in a short time shee [Page 179] heard how [...]o pro [...]table her iourney would haue beene to London.

So the King hauing long wrastled with a lingring and tormenting sicknesse, at the last his spirits yeelded to the malice of his disease, which as with great patience hee did endure, so with no lesse piet [...]e did he end it; many feruent prayers hee made, both for himselfe and for the people of his Realmes, and some when he was esteemed almost past sense, and so spent his last breath in committing his sweet soule into the Almighties hands▪ which had created it.

He died at Greenwich vpon Thursday the sixth day of Iuly, in the yeare 1553. and in the seuenteenth yeare of his age, when he had raigned six yeares, fiue moneths and nine dayes; two dayes his death was concealed, to open a straight way for the Dukes crooked purposes; his body was buried vpon the ninth of August in the same yeare, in the Chappell of Saint Peters Church in West­minster, and laid neere to the body of King Henry the seuenth, his Grand-father.

[Page] THIS HISTORY I HAVE BVILT FOR THE MONV­MENT OF HIS VNPERISH­ABLE FAME.
FINIS.
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LONDON, Printed for IOHN PARTRIDGE, and are to be sold at his Shop in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Sunne, 1630.

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