AN ADVERTISEMENT To the Subjects of Scotland, Of the fearfull Dangers threatned to Christian States; And namely, TO GREAT BRITANE, by the Ambition of SPAYNE: With a Contemplation, of the truest Meanes, to oppose it. Also, Diverse other TREATISES, Touching the present estate of the KINGDOME of SCOTLAND; Verie necessarie to bee knowne, and considered, in this Tyme: CALLED, The First Blast of the Trumpet. WRITTEN by PETER HAY, of NAVGHTON, IN NORTH-BRITANE.



Insignia Vrbis abredonie,


MOST Gracious, and most Sacred Soveraigne, This Tyme, and This Subject, doe joyne and meete so vvell together, that it is novv, if ever; and in this, if in anie thing, that I dare be bolde expresse the desire I haue to doe service to Your Majestie, and to my Countrey. I vvish the oc­casion had not beene so faire for venting [...] ambition; but rather that it had lyen buried in my Breast, and I my selfe had beene vnknovvne of Your Majestîe to my liues ende. But GOD, vvho putteth Marches to Peace and Warres, and periods to Tyme; and [...]vho hath His apt and [Page] proper Instruments, for everie disposition of Tyme; HEE hath encouraged mee, to offer to Your Majestie, this Trea­tise, as a necessarie, and vsefull Inter-course of this Tyme.

I did stryue, so much as I could, to make it short; but by reason of so manie Histories, Discourses, and Examples, as vvere to bee pertinentlie and profitablie brought in, I could not confyne it to a more narrovv Compend.

And yet, vvhen Your Majestie shall consider it, it vvill bee found minus mole, quam facultate, a great deale lighter in Paper, than in Matter: For vvhy? It contayneth the large Extent and Misteries of the Spanish Ambition, vvith a Contemplation of the truest Contrapoyse to bee made there­vnto by Neighbour States; Graue and Weightie Theorems in­deede, but vvhich fevv of them doe speculate so deeplie as neede vvere; the greatest part beeing vvhollie carried to things sensible, present, and of nearest commoditie to them-selues in particular, al-be-it it should import a ma­nifest danger to their Common-peace and Prosperitie: vvith­out the care, and curious mayntaynance vvhere-of, ney­ther can anie one of Them flovvrish by it selfe, nor yet the most flovvrishing, long endure.

Farther, SIR, Heere are contayned diverse Purposes and Passages, touching The present estate of this Kingdome of SCOTLAND, most expedient for avvaking Your Maje­sties Subjects, to looke to that vvhich the great exigence of this Tyme doeth require at their Handes; together vvith a varietie of delicate Conceits, verie fit to season both the Understanding and Humour of a young PRINCE: and those not hatched in my Braynes, but sought, and sucked by me, from the richest Hyues of Politicke Wits, vvhich haue beene committed to Registers in anie Age gone.

Heere also is contayned, A new Reason, brought from the mysticall Theologie, for the holinesse and perfection of [Page] the number 10; and vvhy GOD did choose it to be the Quotient of the Ecclesiasticke Goods, in the Leviticall Chur­ches.

So that if Your Majestie shall vouchsafe to reade it once, I haue good hope that Ye shall do [...] it tvvise, al-be-it I knovv, that it is not Your Majesties Calling, to cast over Bookes, Tu regere imperio popul. Rom. mem. hae tibi erunt artes: but such Bookes doe belong vnto that same Arte. Demetrius Phalereus did counsell King Proleme, to buy all Bookes vvritten, de regno imperio (que) eos (que) lectitaret, quia (inquit) quae amici non audent Reges monere, ea in ejusmo­di libris descripta esse. Alexander the Great did sleepe vvith Homer's Poësies vnder his head. Iulius Caesar, amidst the combustion of bloodie Warres, did spende most part of nights, in reading and vvryting.

Therefore, SIR, let it please Your Majestie, to take paynes, remembring hovve the same Homer, vvhome that great Monarch did so affect, and vvhome the Philosophs esteemed to be A source of humane Sciences, hee hath left this Aphorisme for a King, Non decet Principem solidam dormire noctem: A Prince must not take a vvhole nights sleepe. A thing vvell proved by that Arch-Prince for ci­vill vvisdome, Augustus, vvho vvhyles at a certaine tyme hee could not rest in the night, having his mynde loaden vvith anxieties and cares of the State, hee sent for the pil­lovv of a knovvne Bancq-ruptier, greatlie indebted, vvho vvas reported to sleepe vvell.

GOD hath called Your Majestie vp in-to this Moun­tayne of Paynfull Governament; not lyke vnto Helias, vvho vvhyles hee vvent vp, too much delyted vvith the pleasant vmbrage of the Iunopre Tree, hee fell a-sleeping there-by: But lyke to Moses, to vvhome it vvas sayde, Ascende in Montem, & esto ibi. Upon vvhich vvordes, Esto ibi, another [Page] doeth vvell note, Non dicitur venisse, qui non steterit. Wee doe not reade that Moses sleeped in that Voyage to the Mountayne: It vvas a significant Hyerogliffe, vvhich the Aegyptians had of a King, Oculum cum Sceptro, One Eye, and one Scepter: Shevving, that Princes are to joyne Vigilance vvith Power; and ought to haue Aquiline Eyes, able to pe­netrate the hidden thinges of the Vulgar Valleyes belovve them: Even as the Eagle doeth espy the Prey vnder him, before him-selfe can bee perceived of Fowles. Nazianzen, speaking of Governament, he sayeth, it is, Ars artium, to rule a People: And Seneca, speaking of Man, Nullum morosius animal, nec majori arte tractandum; There is not a more enorme and insolent Creature than Man, nor vvhich is to bee managed vvith more cunning. And, as Plutarch sayeth, That as Beasts can not bee guided, nor commanded, but by Men; So Men cannot bee governed, but by Him vvho is more than a Man, and hath a great measure of Deitie into Him.

Certaynlie Your Majestie hath neede of Eyes vnder Wings, as is sayde of the Spanish Cuttuio; that Yee might flie abroade, to explore the manners of Your Subjects, and malice of Your Enemies: to see that no Backe-doore bee left for those to enter at, nor no Fielde commodious, vvhere they may cover their insidious Nettes: but that the vvhole Sea of Your Majesties Governament bee calme and peace­able: vnderstanding hovv the Spanyard is skilfull to fish in drumblie Waters. Hee can practise as vvell Protestants as Papists, if hee finde them loose and vvavering. Which par­ticular Your Majestie vvill see examplified in this Treatise: besides Testimonies of French Wryters, vvhich might bee suspected of Partialitie, and malicious detraction, it is verefied by naturall Spaniards, namelie, Antonio Peres, vvho vvas a chiefe Secretarie of Estate, vnder Philip the second; [Page] and vvhose Relation in some thinges touching the sayde King, and Estate of Portugall, I haue trusted, and follo­vved, for tvvo respects: First, Because none could haue knovvne those better: and secondlie, Because hee did handle the lyke Theame to this, by vvay of shovving to King Henrie the fourth of France, the necessitie of making Warres to Spayne.

Your Majestie knovveth, that it vvas a braue Embleme for Kings, vvhich Cyrus had, of putting his foote vpon the midst of a hard and dry hyde, vvhere-by he kept it close at earth: for if he had set his foot vpō the borders, or extremities there­of, the vvhole should haue revolted: to note the Golden Rule of the Mid-way in Governament, & forbearing of Extre­mities: and to shovv, that Kingdoms are never sure to Princes, vntill they be in the middest of the Hearts of their People, and guarded round about vvith their Affections. Your Majestie seeth hovv the example of David is a perspicuous Mirrour for Kings to looke vnto; of vvhom vve reade, 2. Sam. 7. When the king sate in his house, and the LORD had given him rest round about from all his enemies, he said vnto Nathan the Prophet, Beholde, Idwell in a house of Cedar trees, & the Arke of God remaineth within the Curtaines. Hee resolved to provide for building of the Lord's House: Therefore, can vvee not deny, Sir, that the Orient of Your Majesties Reigne, doeth breake vp in just & holy Actions, in favours of the House of GOD, by setting out a Navie against the mightie Enemies of Christian Peace, and true Religion; and by vvhom the over-throvv there-of hath bene so directly sought in these Your Majesties Kingdomes, that numbers of vs yet liue, vvho did see their proude Ar­mada, put even to the parts of our Countrey for that ende.

Your Majesties Intentions at Home, to restore the Mayntay­nance and Splendor of God's Worship, doe argue the like zeale: and vvho doubteth, but God vvill grant to Your Majestie [Page] the same spirit of wisdome, vvith David, rightly to choose your tymes, for offices of Peace, & offices of warres. The prudence, and happie successes of Actions, doe consist in discret & sure ap­plication of Circumstances. With a little Tyme & Patience, your M. vvill get your good Subjects, not only to contribute after your desires, to the House of the Lord, to the Cōmon-wealth, & vvorks of Pietie; but to doe it vvillingly, as those Israelits did vnto David, 1. Chron. 29. Then the people rejoyced, for that they of­fered willingly; because with a perfect heart they offered willinglie to the Lord. And David the king also rejoyced with great joye. And then, Sir, their Sacrifices shall bee savorie vnto God, vvhen they come not from Hearts dyed into Murmuration, Grudge, or Blacknesse, like vnto the Swan, vvhich for the same cause vvas anciently forbidden to bee sacrificed to the gods.

I doe most humbly recōmend these my Christian Ende­vours to your M. patronage & protection. If they be acceptable to your M. I hope they shall displease none of your faithful Subjects. If they doe not fully correspond the judicious quicknesse of your M. great spirit, it is not my fault; my smal Vessell could hold no more. The Lord, vvho is the giver of all good thinges, and vvho hath sovven into your M. Heart these Seedes of Royall Pietie and Vertue, Hee may be pleased to nourish them, vvith the daylie influence of His Grace; vntill they grovv to that glorious and fruitfull Har­vest, vvhich they doe novv prognosticate and promise in their Spring. That God, vvho hath set your M. over a great and mightie People, Hee may blesse your M. vvith the true vvisdome of Governament, the trustinesse of faythfull Coun­sellers, the vpright loue of your Subjects, and a prosperous & fortunate Reigne vnto the ende.

Your M. most humble, faythfull, and affectionate Subject and Serviture, PETER HAY.


COurteous Reader,

I speake to as manie as bee vpright Subjects of this Kingdome; of which number I am sure, there is not one, to whome the principall scope of this Discourse will not bee gracious and plausible. If some Passages doe perhaps displease, it is for too narrow compting in your Particulars. And if I haue toutched these points moderatelie, and haue in them also my interesse equall with yours, it doeth absolue mee from anie meaning to wrong you; and sheweth, that the acting here­of hath not beene intended for you, or mee, or for another, but for the Com­mon-wealth.

Wee haue spent our whole Yeares gone to our Private Studies, Pleasures, or Emolument, without the meanest distraction by anie sort of Tyrannie, or State-Calamitie, Our dayes haue beene like vnto that jubilant age of the Romane Empyre, vnder Augustus, of whom sayeth the Po [...]t,

Ille meos errare boves, ut cernis, & ipsum
Ludere, quae vellem, calamo permisit agresti.
Ille erit, ille mihi semper DEVS.

But now this Tyme doeth require vs to carrie publicke, and not private Mynds; which is the reason, why I doe finde my selfe in this action, pene [Page] th [...]m quam antea. There is (sayeth SALOMON) a tyme for Peace, and a tyme for Warre: a tyme to gather and keepe, and a tyme to cast away: and GOD doeth these things that men should feare before Him. The golden tyme of Peace, and collection, that wee haue en­joyed, vnder our late King of blessed memorie, hath so besotted our Myndes, with Securitie, that wee are even Ignorants of the ordinarie vicissitude of the World; so farre, that the verie first threatnings of change, doe confound vs; where as by the contrarie, they should make vs turne to our GOD, and feare before Him: resolving to accept at His Hands, patientlie, and thankfullie, af­ter so long Prosperitie, the Corrections, for our sinnes proper to vs; and in the nature of thinges common with vs, to all People.

I haue presented before you, in this Treatise, as vpon a Board, a summa­rie Portract of the estate of this tyme, and of the dangers where-of wee are so much affrayde: which if yee shall diligentlie contemplate, it will helpe both your knowledge and your resolution. As for some few particulars, that for the first face, may bee some-what disagreeable with you, yee shall finde here also conjoyned with them, their soveraigne remeadies and solaces. If yee will but ascende a while, with mee vpon this Stage, to agitate the cause of your Prince, your Countrey, your Common-wealth, and Religion, when wee shall looke backe vpon the invincible couerage of our Predecessours, a­gainst so manie mightie Nations, for the standing of this Kingdome, be­fore they were Christians; and that more than humane magnanimitie of the Heathen Codrus of Athens, and others lyke to him, the Bruti of Rome, decios (que) caput fatale voventes, and these heroicke Decij, how in sacred ex­tasies of resolution, they did devote and sacrifice their lyues, for safetie of the States where-of they were members; such speculations shall make vs ashamed of some of our discontentments, and languishing amidst so great exigence, and appearance of publicke distresses.

I know there is no generose spirit, but will bee much delighted with this subject, nor anie wise-hearted man, who will not esteeme it a vertuous and laudable part, to bee fore-seeing of so capitall dangers.

With-in these three, or foure Yeares, the Palatinate did lesse dread the Spanyard, than wee doe now. Tum tua res agitur, paries dum proxi­mus ardet. If wee doe feare the LORD, obey our Prince, and bee of vnited Myndes, tymouslie to employe the meanes that GOD hath given vs, to with-stand so strong an Enemie; then there is no doubt, but wee shall bee bastant to oppose him: but if wee bee relenting in these, then I would say, as [Page] one of the Parthian Kings sayde, long before they were conquered, by the Romanes, Timeamus, [...]eamus, magnum illum Romanorum Ge­nium, qui tam brevi spacio torrentis instar effusus est per orbem ter­rarum. Wee haue great cause to project Feares, and long before to parralele the flowrishing destinies of the Spanish Empyre: which, lyke vnto a Torrent, hath with-in these hundreth Yeares, over-flowed the fairest and strongest Coun­treyes of Europe.

Certainlie, it is no time for vs to delay in murmurations, and to object our povertie, amongst infinite Examples that bee in Histories, of the fatall ruine that hath followed to Princes and People, by such doing: the pitti­full and mercilesse sackage of Constantinople, by Mahomet the second, may onelie serue, to terrifie vs from the lyke: the Citizens of that Towne being full of Ritches, did so misregard their late Emperours, that one of them, Baldwine, after hee had solde his Silver Plate, Iewels, and best Moue­ables, hee was forced to pawne his Sonne to the Venetians, for Money to maintaine Warres against the Turkes. The last of them, Constantine the eight, being desperatelie besiedged by the saide Mahomet, was not able to furnish Pay to his Souldiours, by reason of exorbitant Vsuries, exercised by his Merchands; nor Corne, nor Victuals, by reason of their Monopolies, although there was great store of both with-in. Where-vpon, after some Weekes of mutuall grudges, and exclamation of the Emperour against his Subjects, and of them against him, that glorious Citie, so commodiouslie sea­ted (for dominion over the World) vpon the shoulders of Europe and Asia, so Emperesse-lyke over-looking both, was taken by the Turkes, her miserable Prince and People cruellie murthered, her beautifull Churches turned in Stables, her hudge Ritches possessed by the Enemies, and shee made a Port for that bloodie and barbarous Nation, to come in vpon the necke of Christen­dome. I will no more insist thus in this place, because the Treatise is full of Practises and Examples, convenient for your present vse: I will onelie say againe, That it is no tyme for vs now to contest with our King, when question is for preservation of the State: and I exhort you to reade this, with that dispo­sition as I wryte it: not of private Subjects, but of States-Men, and kynd­lie Children of this Common-wealth: that wee may all in one voyce say with Pericles of Athens, when his Citie was reduced to great straites, for want of Money, in tyme of hote Warres, Ne cernere cogamur cuncta nostra in servitutem rap [...], mensae, cubilis, supellectilis, ac dierae, su­perflua abscindamus, no [...]que & liberos, servemus, ut quum pinguior [Page] fortuna aspiraverit, nobis rursus ea restituere valeamus, Let vs curbe our Humours, controll the delicacie of our Dyet, make sober our Moueables, and cut off what-so-ever is superfluous in our Manners, for our owne safetie; and let vs referre the farther fruition of those, to more propitious and fortunate Tymes.

Thus much more must I say (tout [...]cing the myste [...]ie of the number 10 here treated) to some of you, who dee disdaine to heare from an-other, that where­of your selues are ignorant: I wish yee bee not scandalized, by the mention of remote, or naturall Theologie: remembring how Sainct Paul, 1. Cor. 15, calleth him a Foole, who in the Analogie of GOD'S Workes, cannot finde a naturall Argument, to corroborate his supernaturall Beliefe, for the Resurre­ction of his Bodie. And the learned Scaliger, in his Exercitations against Cardan, discoursing of the Angelicall nature, hee calleth that kinde of know­ledge fastigium omnis scientiae, the top of humane Wisdome: and doth verie confidentlie censure the contemners there-of, saying, Irridebuntur ista à qui­busdam sectis nebulonum qui otio & supinitate marcentes fasti­gium scientiae contemnunt titulo curiositatis: noting two sorts of them, who (sayth hee) doe constantlie barke against the search of anie other thing than the naked and literall sense in the Scripture: one is of those who bee meerlie naturalists, & nunquam assurgunt ad supremam causam: An­other, of some presumptuous, but shallow-brained Theologues, who covering their Ignorance, with pretext of Holinesse, semper assurgunt ad supre­mam causam, they are ever speaking, and talking of the knowledge of GOD, but may not abyde one word of Nature; contemning the high contemplations there-of, which are the verie paeth-way that doe leade vs vnto that Knowledge, Neither of which two (sayeth hee) haue tasted this sweet Science of Ana­logicall harmonie, that is betwixt the intellectuall and visible World: where­of sayeth the divine Plato, that, that is the reall substance, and this but the shadow depending there-fra; that Trueth, and true subsistence are there, and heere nothing but as a flowing and transition of Images, Nulla sunt vera nisi quae sunt aeter [...], ista autem quae vide [...]us non sunt vera, sed ve [...]i similia: the things that wee see, are but temporarie shadowes of things true and eternall: and as the shadow of anie creature doeth perfectlie declinate vnto vs the shape, the forme, the space, and name there-of, although wee doe not see the bodie it selfe; so (sayth hee) into this great bodie of visible Nature (which is the Image of that intellectuall and infinite World) there is the true delinia­tion and viue Images of the severall creatures which bee there, and of the Hea­venlie [Page] Governament, and blessed harmonie that is amongst them. And briefe, (sayth Plato) wee haue no knowledge in this World, but that which is sym­bolicall, having reference to things invisible, as the shadow hath vnto the bodie. The Prophets of the olde Law did receiue their revelations from the Angels in symbolicall speaches, and (sayeth Christ Him-selfe) litera occidit, spiri­tus vivificat; The letter is dead, but it is the Spirit that quickeneth. And of Him sayeth Sainct Marke, That without Parables Hee spake nothing to them: and twelue severall Parables of the Kingdome of Heaven Hee did delyver to them, all which doe thus begin, Simile est regnum coe­lorum: and the Prophet David sayeth, I shall open my mouth by Pa­rables.

Certayn [...]e, if ever there was an Age of the World, where-in the super-na­tural light of Christ's Gospel had neede to haue annexed vnto it the darke light of Nature, for alluring and intertayning the weaknesse of our spirituall sight it is even this which we now liue into, where-in the Heresies of doctrine are so pregnam [...], and the loue of the World, pryde of Lyfe, and sin­gularitie of Opinion so predominant in the professors of the Trueth, that we may say not onlie with [...]lato, but with Hosea the Prophet, Non est veritas in terra: the pure Veritie hath left the Earth. So that I say to you, Yee must not be disgusted if vpon the sudden ye cannot comprehende everie symbolicall Veritie that is propounded vnto you: which, if it could bee, then wee should vilipende the Mysteries of GOD, as things triviall and vulgar. It is sayd in Eccles that God hath made the world beautifull, & did set it in the heart of man, even that he may admire it, and vexe him-selfe to explore the nature there-of: Vexa­tio dat intellectum, sayeth the same Salomon. And I say, that as the intellec­tuall spirits of our Brayne, which are the Scarchers of the Veritie, are most subtile in them-selues, and closed vp from our Eyes, within diverse Cabinets of our Head: Even so the Veritie it selfe, which is the thing searched by them, is much more subtile, and involved from our sight. The first Ages of the World did embleme the Veritie, by a Triton, standing aboue the Temple of Saturne, with a Trum­pet in his mouth: signifying, that her habitation was most high, & with the most ancient Gods, and that therefore she must be sought laboriouslie, and from afarre. GOD Him-selfe, who is onlie Veritie, hath made His Mysteries to bee vmbra­gious, and as at wee-light before vs, (whiles He Him-selfe doeth inhabite the inaccessible light, as is sayd, 1. Tim. 6,) represented to vs by the Sera­phims, Esa. 6. beholding Him through two wings; and by the darknesse of the Clowde, where-through Moses did enter into the light of Mount Sinai, to re­ceiue [Page] the Law; and by that Pillar of Fyre, that conducted Israel, which was in lyke manner locked vp in a Clowde. All these doe figure vnto vs, that al-be-it the Veritie (lyke to the Branch of Golde, that did secure the Voyage of Aeneas, vn­to the Elisean Fields) shall at length open a Passage for vs, to the inaccessible Light. Yet for the present of our mortall lyfe, there be infinite Mysteries of the Veritie, which wee cannot see other-wayes, than through darke and doubtfull Clowds: amongst the which, this of the number 10, hath fallen in myne hands; it may be, as a precious Iewell commeth to an vnskilful Gold-smith; who, although he cannot mount it curiouslie, yet he setteth it so, as it may be carried, viewed, and valued, of all men. The ancient Persian and Aegyptian Theologues, did call the Bodie of GOD, Light; and His Soule, Veritie: to declare vnto vs, that the Veritie, when it is found by vs, it should by our means shyne to others. And, as a Lanterne carried by a Man in the night tyme, is better seene of those who bee about him, than by him-selfe; Even so, perhaps, this Noble Mysterie, once poynted at by me, shall bee now vnderstood better by manie of you, than it is by mee, who did marke it vnto you: and I pray GOD it may be so.

Your true, and loving Friend, PETER HAY.

AN ADVERTISEMENT To the Subjectes of SCOTLAND, Of the Dangers threatned to Christian States; And namelie, To GREAT BRITANE, by the Ambition of SPAYNE.

THere are some Yeares-gone, since partlie my Age, (novv about 60.) and partlie my retired Lyfe, free from anie publicke Charge, did make me to disgust all civill Meditations, and exercise of the more humane Letters; where-in I had given satietie to my Mynde in my Youth-head, both by di­ligent reading of Histories, and by traveling abroad thorow the World, to looke vpon the severall Governaments there-of. And now I had gotten place vpon an higher Stage, and was become familiar with the Muses more sublime and divine, where I did studie to vnderstand the policie of Nature, the Bountie, Beautie, and Order of the visible Creatures: and that Magicall Spirit, which doeth by a common sympathie connect and vnite in one Com­mon-wealth so manie Contrarieties, as are with-in the enclose of the supreame Heaven, and which doth maintaine whole, and inteire this great Bodie of the Vniverse, whilst her Members doe daylie perish, and passe away before our Eyes. I did consider, whether this hudge frame was animate, or inanimall, & where was the residence of that mightie Spirit, where-by it is gover­ned, how Scripture telleth mee that, Spiritus DEI implet orbem [Page 2] terrarum, The Spirit of GOD doeth fill the whole Earth: and how Philosophie perswadeth mee, that GOD is, into Nature, as the Soule of Man with-in his Bodie: that even as our Soule doeth fill the Bodie, with Lyfe and Motion, and furnish to the Or­ganes of our Senses, their faculties of severall operation; and having its seate hidden into the Braines, yet is it not confined there, but goeth out at randome, to run over the whole Earth, to penetrate the Centre, to travell through the Spheares, to flie aboue them, and to discourse of things imaginable to bee with­out the purprise of the Heavens: That even so, GOD hath His Habitation and Seat into the inaccessable Light, (as the Head and hidden Braines of Nature) and there-fra doth disperse the Spirit of Lyfe, and motion thorow all: putting into the Starre [...] (as Organes seated into the face of that great Bodie) the in­fluences which minister to all her partes, inspiring into the vast Bellie there-of, the blowing Wyndes, which are the breathing Spirit of Nature: and againe placing the Occean, as the livare and fountayne that doth ramifie & spreade so manie Veines through the Earth, (as it were of blood, through the fleshlie bodie, and trunke of Nature) and lastlie, these rockie Craiges, as the Bones of that Bodie. Then I did dispute with my selfe, how farre these visible things did beare the Characters of the invisible Governa­ment of GOD, into the intellectuall or Architypicall World: where onlie (as Plato sayeth) there is reall and true subsistence, and where-of these caduc Creatures that wee see, are but a sha­dow, or a mirrour, where-in GOD letteth vs beholde the Image of that Order and governament that is in Heaven: Ac­cording to which, sayeth Sainct Paul Rom. 2. The invisible things of GOD, from the creation of the World, are clearlie seene, being vn­derstood by the things that are made. Farther, I went on, to pon­der that discourse of Plato in his 6. de Rep. where hee maketh the Mynde of Man to haue that relation to GOD, which his Eye hath to the Sunne; where-fra, as a visible Light, proceedeth to illuminate the Eye, and maketh it to see the Sunne it selfe, that giveth it light: So doeth a spirituall Light, proceeding from GOD, illustrate our Myndes, with that splendor where-by wee doe beholde GOD Himselfe: which Light of GOD, hee calleth in that place, Foetum, sive prolem DEI, The Birth, or Chylde of GOD. [Page 3] Where-vpon I was begun to debate with my selfe, from what good warrand the learned Marcilius Ficinus, could affirme, that Plato did there-by meane the eternall Sonne of GOD, mani­fested to vs in the Scriptures: of whom sayeth Sainct Iohn, in the first of his Evangell, in termes not vnlyke, Est lux illuminans om­nem hominem venientem in hunc mundum: That Hee is a Light, which doeth illuminate everie man that commeth in this World.

But now, while as my spirit had ascended to this height of Heavenlie transportation, little thinking of anie worldlie re­tract, or encombrance, Alace for pittie! the late deplorable death of our blessed King, of sacred memorie, did intercept my joyes, and make me Icarus-lyke, to fall backe into the Seas, once againe to saile a-long the Coasts of that wicked Circe, Death of our late So­veraigne. where no­thing is to bee seene, but the dead bones of those who are day­lie naufraged amidst her inchanted allurements, & once againe to set my selfe vpon the bloodie Theatre of the World, to par­take of the publicke sorrowes, where-with so many good soules are afflicted, for the losse of so precious a Iewell, whose royall worth, his divine vertues, his happie tymes, and miraculous fortune (if Fortune may bee spoken of, where GOD did so manifestlie rule) as I am not bastant to expresse them, so it is not my intention to touch them in this Discourse, because as Plu­tarch sayeth, Praeclara gesta praeclaris orationibus indigent ne gloria de­fraudentur: curable griefes are spended, and consumed with words of lamentation, or washed away with teares, but deepe and irrecoverable displeasures will haue none other style, nor other Mourning-Cloath, but astonishment and silence: Therefore, I will onlie say this for all, to a-wake our Myndes, in thankful­nesse to GOD, who is the giver of all good things; That if it were true which Plato supposeth, that there are certaine habi­table Regions in the Aire, for an Heroicall, and more coelestiall kinde of Men, who liue to manie ages, and feed onlie of the va­pors, and fragrant smels of Fruites, that grow there, for their nowrishment; or if so bee, that Paradise hath beene, or doeth yet remaine there, which some Christian wryters spare not to af­firme, That as Lucifer, after his rebellion, was throwne from the Heavens, downe-ward in the Ayre, so Adam, after his fall, was detruded from an higher habitation, to a lower. If I say, [Page 4] either of the two were extant, wee of this Kingdome, might con­tend with anie of them, for publicke Prosperitie and Peace, of a whole Age, without interruption. I make the challenge to those imaginarie and Airie People, because I finde none vpon the knowne Earth, who may enter the Lists, with vs, in that behalfe. The sanctified Reigne of our sweet Soveraigne, who doeth now enjoy his Crowne in the eternall Glorie, who lived 60 yeares a King, and the hundreth and sixt King of one Stocke, who banished Idolatrie, planted the Gospell, superadded two Diaedemes to the third, making a confluence, of a naturall and statelie Monarchie; and all this, siue saenguine, aut sudore; yea, with­out the putting one Launce to the Fielde: let vs weigh this well, and then say truelie, qui poterunt similiter gloriari nobis.

But as nothing which is vehement, or extraordinarie, can endure into this ordinarie vicissitude of Mortalitie, so were the verie Funerals of this great Prince. followed with the doubting and feares of all his good Subjects; His late Ma­jesties death, followed with great feares of his Subjects. as if with the death of our holie and peaceable King, the period of our Countreyes-Peace had also expyred. Whether it bee that some malignant constella­tion, vnable to perturbe so rare a Sainct of GOD, hath lyen in waite till now, to spew vpon vs some mischievous Influence; or that GOD, for his sake, hath forborne hitherto, to inflict the Punishments due for our Sinnes: It is no new thing indeede, but vsuall for People subject to Kings, to bee taken with some feare of Innovations, or change, at the entrie of a young Prince. The Philosophers say, that the Coelestiall Orbs, doe some-time suffer their motum trepidationis, a motion (as they call it) of trembling. What marvaile then, if when the Axiltree of a State is changed, the Bodie which is carried vpon it, doe shake a little? But be­cause I haue perceived by conversation with diverse of graue and constant minds, that such Feares begin to bee apprehended of them more deeplie, than is agreeable with the loyall affe­ction, that wee ought to carrie to, and trust that wee should place in our naturall and kindlie Prince, of so great expectation: Therefore it is, that I out of that common Sympathie, which one Member hath with an-other of the same Bodie, and being now vpon the publicke Stage of the World, (I meane, a deepe and serious Contemplation of the present condition of things) where [Page 5] the matter and nature of Dangers threatned, doe lye open, and discovered to mine Eyes, I haue resolved for information, and solace of manie others, whose sight perhaps cannot penetrate so farre, to deduce and examine the Causes of our Feares, for a tymous Advertisement, to all the vpright Subjects of this Kingdome; that everie Man may the better vnderstand the case of the pre­sent time, and everse Man may provide to contribute the best of his Wits, of his Cowrage, and of his Goods, to the service of our Prince, whom GOD hath set over vs, to fore-see and ob­viate our Dangers, The Feares which haue possessed our Myndes, bee of two sorts, either flowing from Forraigne, or from Dome­sticke occasions: from Forraigne, because that our mightie Enemie of Spayne, Causes of our feares, what these be. is irritated against vs, and hath alreadie gotten great advantages: Our intestine Feares, bee one of three, either for Ag­gravations and Pressures, which the great exigence of this Tyme seemeth to put vpon vs: or secondlie, for the intended Reforma­tion, or Innovation of Session, Counsell, or State-Officers: because it seemeth to chop at the Arch-Pillars of our Governament, who haue beene placed, and long pratticked by a King most famous for solide Wisdome: or thirdlie, for the large extent of the Revo­cation made by his Majestie who now is, which doth touch so manie of vs to the quicke, and as it were rankle vs to the verie bones. Of all which three, I shall treate a little with that Mo­destie and Reverence which becommeth a private and faithfull Subject.

And first, because our Forraigne Dangers are most manifest, I will speake of that,The King of Spay [...]e, and the Pope, troublers of Christian Princes. (instar montis equum) that monstruous and formidable pryde of Spayne, the Common Enemie of Christian Tran­quillitie. This King, with his Pope, are the two Furies, who doe enrage all Neighbour-Princes, and States; the Nemesis and Pandora, who disperse Christian Plagues; the two insatiable Daughters of the Leech, mentioned in the Scripture, who still cry, Giue, giue, and who sucke the blood, not of Beasts, but of the Saincts of GOD. They are the two Starres of our wretched Constellations: and when-so-ever it falleth in their courses, to bee Ascendents of this occidentall Hemispheare, then let not Chri­stian people expect other than Fyre and Sword, and the blood of legions, vnlesse the Conjunction of other Princes doe make an As­pect [Page 6] happilie and rightlie opposed to them. This great King, hath long tyme gone, devoured in his mynde the Occydentall Empyre: the designe of which Ambition, is not so remarked by Neighbour-States, (which is their great fault) nor so with-stood, as is necessarie for cutting the Threed there-of in tyme, before it grow to greater length: and that because it seemeth in the meane whyle to advance but sl [...]wlie, as the highest Spheares, who haue longest periods, doe moue most insensiblie to vs; yet they cease not to make still progresse, till they come to their stations. Will wee but cast backe our Eyes a short way, even to the beginning of Charls the fift, the Grandsire of this present King, Ambition of Spaine dif­ferent from that of the Romanes. there wee shall see the swift march of that Ambition, so farre, that if they had brooked, that which they gripped, since then, they had matched the Romanes, for dilatation of Empyre, in the lyke tract of tyme. The generous Romanes did not found their Empyre vpon Oppression and Spoyle, nor rayse it by Artes of Tyrannie: They were a just and magnanin ious People, concitate by GOD, to deliver the Oppressed, and purge the Worlde from prowde Tyrants; to introduce Communitie of Conversation amongst Countreys, Common Lawes of Iustice, Civill Policie, and Learning: for the which, sayeth one of the Fathers, that GOD did favour their Empyre, and the growing ther [...]-of: Donec eo tandem deventum esset, (sayth he) ut sieret totus terrarum orbis, quasi unum cultissim [...]m imperiirus: That it came to passe, that the whole Worlde was as a well manured Husbandrie, or Fame, of that Empyre. Where, by the contrarie, these late Kings of Spayne haue not onelie interverted the moste laudable and vertuous Ambition begun,Different from that of their Prede­cessours. and prosequuted manie yeeres, by their Predecessours, for plantation of Religion and Poli­cie, amongst the Insidels of Africke, of the Levantine Indies, and di­verse Yles of the Mayne Occean: but they haue turned vp-syde downe, this Christian Ambition, as fayre Lucifer did change him­selfe into a Devill; and haue converted the Edge there-of, to the confusion of the fayrest Countreys of Europe, so sufficientlie ador­ned with Pietie, Iustice, and Policie, that they might haue beene called The Gemmes of the Worlde. And if the Moneyes, and Forces of Armes, which haue beene spent to the sackage of these, with­in an hundreth yeares gone, had beene employed against Bar­barians, and Ignorants of GOD, then the best part of Africke, of the [Page 7] Easterne and Westerne [...]dies, might haue beene at this day vnder the peaceable Domini [...] of that King; and hee, by that Conquest, more justlie called a Catholicke King: as may bee easilie vnder­stoode, by the Stories extant, of the prosperous and happie be­ginninges of his Antecessours, against the Infidels of those Nations: vvhich, because it doeth most clearlie paint out the vglie and odious Face of his detestable and execrable Ambition, I thinke it not amisse, to make a short Relation there-of, out of their owne Histories.

About some more than 800 yeares by-gone, Roderico, a Christian King of the Gothes in Spayne, having ravished and de­flored the Daughter of the Earle Iuliano, his owne Subject, was ca­sten out from his Kingdome, & slayne by Tariffio, a Barbarian king, The origine and Antiqui­tie of the pre­sent house of Spayne. brought from Africke, by meanes of the sayde Iuliano, for just revenge of the ignominie done to him. Those Barbarians did possesse the whole Countrey (few Cities excepted) of Spayne, with the vtter exterminion of the Gothicke Empyre, and were begun to spreade them-selues over the Perenees, when Pelagius, sonne of the Duke of Biscaglia, (of vvhome is descended this present King of Spayne, by succession not yet interrupted) having a Si­ster of rare beautie, in lyke sort violented and raped, by a Cosin of this Barbarian King: and beeing a great spirit, full of Valour and Pietie both, hee did plot some Stratagems, for the revenge of this injurie: where-in his cowrage and good fortune were so conspicuous,Notable pu­nishment of Lust, in Prin­ces. that the Gothes (now oppressed by the Barbarian servitude) did comfort him to publicke Armes, for restitution of their Christian Libertie: where-in hee made so good pro­gresse, that they did elect and erect him to their Kingdome. The Ravishment of the Daughter of Iuliano, was the introduction of the Moores in Spayne, and the dejection of the Gothicke Dominion. Pelagius. The Rape of the Sister of Pelagius, did procure the restitution of the same, and the ejection of that Barbarian King. There is not certainlie a Vyce, which hath procured greater ruine to mightie Princes, than this of raging and voluptuous Lust. Ty­rannie hath throwne out manie from their Crownes, but moe yet haue beene cast out by Immunditie. Be-lyke, as beeing a g [...]osse, lo [...]rde, and sensuall Vice, the LORD doth more punish it i [...] Princes, than private men, who are set vp, aboue their [Page 8] People, to spreade abroad the Rayes of their exemplarie Pietie and Vertue. This Pelagius did spende the rest of his dayes against those Infidels, whom hee swept out of diverse corners of that Countrey, Pelagius ho­noured of the World. although they were so numerous at that tyme, that there were found of them in one Battell in Aquitane, 400000, which made the VVorld adore, in a sort, his Name, because hee was the first Prince, who with extraordinarie zeale did enter­pryse holie and heroicke VVarres, against those impious Barba­rians, who were begun to treade over all Christian People. Vertuous beginnings, if with length of tyme they grow to large extent of Prosperitie, they are much honoured by after­comming Ages; and great reason: for why? the Tree, how tall soever it bee in the Fielde, yet it was once all in the Seede. This is the just Rewarde of Vertue past, and the chiefe Spurre of that which is to come. This Pelagius is most renowned in the Histo­ries. Buchanan, amongst others, in his Iure regni apud Scotos, doeth introduce him for the Image of a most vertuous and tempe­rate Prince.

The second of these Kings,Ferdinandus Magnus. memorable in Histories, was Fer­dinando, called Magno, who no lesse than Pelagius, to the glorie of GOD, and his immortall fame, did pacifie his Controversies with some Christian Neighbours, to his great disadvantage, to manage Warres against the Moores; of whom hee over-threw, and banished the King of Toledo, and the King of Siviglia, with all their People. This Prince is so honoured by their Wryters, for a wonderfull temperament that was in him of fiercenesse against the Barbarians, and religious humilitie of carriage, and conversation with his Subjects, that they doe equall him vnto that perfect Cavalliere, that Virgill descrybeth in the person of Aeneas.

For the third, I will remember Ferdinando, called Santo, who did holilie bend him-selfe to cleanse the Countrey of Spayne from the remnant of that Vermine, Ferdinando Santo. with such zeale and fervour, that hee was noted thus to speake of the Ambition of Princes, that in their Warres they had diverse ends; some Vindication, some Extention of Dominions, some Glorie of the World, and loue of Po­pular Ayre: and all these, sayde hee, were vaine, as David spea­keth of them, Periit memoria illorum cum sonitu: Their m [...]morie [Page 9] passeth away with that same sound, which doeth so much inveagle them for the tyme. Others, sayde hee, haue for the scope of their Warres, Iustice, and the Peace of People: and these doe not wil­linglie moue Warres, but for succouring of the Oppressed, and extinction of Pryde and Tyrannie. And lastlie, others for propo­gation of the Fayth, and that (sayde hee) is the top of all Glo­rie, to bee purchased by Warres. Although (hee saide) that seldome were Christian Princes happie in that sort, to haue their designes in Warre simple, and incommixed vvith Ambition, Pride, or Avar [...]ce: vvhich [...] (saide hee) vvas the true reason vvhy Christian Empyres doe flowrish so slowlie. This Prince did purge Granada, Valenza, Sainct Lucar, and Cartagena; and planted di­verse Bishops seates, ritchlie rented. This Prince vvas after his death, not onlie of Christians, but even of Infidels so honoured, that Halamar, one of their Kings, did yearlie sende an hundreth great Torches, vvith numbers of his Friends, to assist a com­memoratiue Celebration, vsed to bee yearlie of his Funerals. Hee vvas so modest in acceptation of Honours vvhilst hee lived, that vvhen the Barrons of his Kingdomes had resolved to erect some Statues, to remaine as famous Ensignes of his glorious Victories, hee vvould not suffer it to bee done; saying, it vvas to ascrybe to Man the honour vvhich is onelie due to the LORD of Hoastes.

For the fourth, I vvill make mention of the Spanyards Prede­cessoures maternall. Alphonso the fift, King of Portugall, vnder vvhom vvere discovered, possessed, and made open for Christian Traffique, the Coasts of Aethiopia, the Yles of Capo-verde, Arguim, Me­dera, Sainct Thomas, those of Terzere, vpon the Coast of Africke. Hee made conquest of Alcazar, and Arzilla, vvith their Territo­ries. After these hee did Knight fiue of his Sonnes, for their great and hardie Adventures, about these exploits: and before their instalment of Cavallerie, hee did publicklie in a Church, ob­lish them by a Sacramentall Oath, to hard points of pious Mag­nanimitie, for giving their lyues, if neede vvere, for their Fayth, their Honour, their Countrey, their Prince, their Friends, and all Op­pressed. This Prince vvas often heard to say, that it importeth [...]othing to the Common-wealth of Christendome, vvhether this or [...] Province vvere vnder the Dominion of Spayne, or France, or [Page 10] of Almaignie, or anie others, provyding all vvere good Chri­stians.

For the fift, I vvill say some-vvhat of Emanuell, King of Por­tugall. Alphonso the first, did cleanse vvhole Portugall from the Moores. Alphonso the fift, as I haue sayde, did vvarre against them in Afrik. And this Emanu [...]ll did persecute them even to Asia, and manage hote Warres against them, vvith extraordinarie good fortune, and is counted amongst the most nominate, and glo­rious Kings that haue beene in anie Age: who without removing his Person from Portugall, did place the Trophees of his Victories in Africke, Arabie, Persia, and the Indees, and fill the Earth with the splendor of his Name. Hee made him-selfe full Master of the Barbarian Occean, and of the Indish Traffique: hee over-threw diverse of their Kings, and did over-run the Levant, as the Sto­ries show, even to the Ports of China: hee daunted the Aethiopians, about the Cape of Bona-speranza: hee built the Fortresses there, called Sofala, and Mozambi: discovered, and made Tributaries, the noble Yles of Sainct Lorenzo, Quiloia, and Socotera: fortified the Yle of Ormus, and made the King Homager, and Vassall of Portugall. Hee planted a Colonie in Goa, which at this day is estee­med one of the most opulent Cities of the Levant. Hee tooke in Moluca, and frequentlie assaulted Calicute, hee did brooke the things left to him in Afrike, and super-adjoyned there-to, Safin, and Azamor. Hee bestowed one of the hundreths of all his Re­venewes, and the tenth part of the Tributes of his Conquests, for plantation of the Fayth amongst them. Hee sent learned Church­men to the King of Congo, (vvith vvhom hee vvas in friendship) and procured the comming of the saide King, his Sonne, Brother, and diverse Noble-men, to Portugall, vvhere they vvere taught, and received to the Christian Fayth. Hee sent Priests into Brasilia. And briefe, their Histories presume to equall this Prince, to Sa­lomon.

Of this Emanuell, Charles the fift,Charles the fift, Emperour. Emperour, did marrie a Daugh­ter, of vvhome is descended the present King of Spayne, Charles, did follow the same Foot-steps of the Christian Ambition of his Predecessours, against the Infidels. Hee conquered the Kingdom of Peru, where-fra hee brought into the Countreyes of Europe, [...] infinite Number of Golde and Silver, vvhich did on the sudd [...]e, [Page 11] (as yee will finde noted heere-after) alter the Manners, Estates, and Traffiques of Merchandise, vniversallie of all men. Hee re­stored the King of Tunis, and made him Vassall of the Crowne of Spaine. Hee did employ mightie Forces, at sundrie times, against Solyman the great, who did then gape most greedilie for to haue devoured Germanie. But aboue all, the memorie of him doeth rest most sacred for the longsome Toyles and Troubles endured by him, and Worlds of Money, which hee spent, for the pacifica­tion of Christian Religion, and reformation of the Church of Rome. If this fatall and wretched Emulation, and Iealousie of Neighbour-Princes, had not made King Francis the first, to oppose and marre him: and if that same had not like-wise made the Pope, his Car­dinals, and all the Prelates, and Princes Catholicke of Germanie, his Enemies fearing both the greatnesse, the good naturall, and sin­ceritie of this Prince, of whose fraudelent and vnchristian pro­ceedings with him, the Historie of the Counsell of Trent, published with-in these few Yeares, hath the full and perfect Deduction. Al­wayes, not-with-standing that hee was a rare King, whose fame and credite is aboue Envy, full of Royall Magnanimitie, religious toward GOD, and fortunate to Greatnesse; a-like to whom there hath beene in these latter Ages, if some, yet surelie not manie, Never-the-lesse, I say, even in him began to bee seene the markes of this Inclination, of the Spanish Ambition, to vniver­salitie of Empyre in Europe: the testimonie where-of, was by his owne direction, publicklie set vp vpon the Ports of such fa­mous Cities as hee conquered; as I my selfe haue seene vpon those of Naples, and Milan, that too superbe and glorious Su­perscription, Carolus 5. Imperator, ad colligenda regna dispersa, & plan­taudam fidem Christianam, à DEO destinatus: Charles the fift, Empe­rour, destinated by GOD, to collect together dispersed Kingdomes, and to make plantation of the Christian Fayth. I confesse indeede, that hee in his time went about this designe of Vniversall Dominion, by more laudable and Christian wayes, than his Successours haue done since: that is to say, by seeking to curbe the Papall Tyrannie, and to revnite the Church of GOD, in one Fayth, one Governament, vnder one Civill Law, and, I warrand, vnder one Prince, if hee could: And to giue him his due, assuredlie, hee hath had a most braue and heroicke minde, like to that of Alexander the Great, [Page 12] of whom sayeth Plutareh, to his immortall fame, Ni DEVS ille qui Alexandri huc animam demiserat eam praepopere revocasset, haud scio an lex una cunctos homines regeret, unum (que) jus veluti commune Lumen, ad omnes pertineret.

O blessed Ambition of those braue Princes before mentionated [...] now-a-dayes, their Successours doe exhaust their Treasures, their Wits, their Forces, to make desolate Christian States, as is said, and to destroy Christian People; whilst their Predecessours did seeke vn­der Heavens vnknowne, to finde out Desarts vnpeopled, or else plenished with Savages, and haue reduced them to fruitfull Agri­culture, civill Policie, and Christian Discipline. O damnable, and cur­sed Iealousie of Christian Kings, and States! which doe not permit thir Ambition to extende it selfe, to the glorie of GOD, the en­crease of their owne Dominions, and their immortall Fame. This Globe of the World lyeth abroad by 360 degrees in Longitude, and as manie in Latitude: The English haue made Navigation to with­in 77,Contrapoyse of Christian [...], war­randed in Na [...]ure. toward the North, and the Portugals and Castilians, to with­in 56, toward the South; so there doe rest 228 to discover: and what a fairer Field, or richer Spoyles, can bee wished for Christian Ambition, or Avarice, than this? Yet what shall I say of this Emu­lation of neare, and Neighbour-Princes? It seemeth to bee fatall in effect; and what is fatall, is necessarie: for fatall wee call, Quasi fatum, sive dictum a DEO: A thing pronounced by GOD to bee. For if wee shall take a view of His whole Works, wee shall see nothing but a temperament, and contrapoysing of naturall Extremities, in such equalitie of Ballance, that none bee able to excrease to the over-throw of the other. The Heavens are placed into that Equi­librie, that everie side is jumpe with the other, and may not over-shoot it. The contrarie motions of the Heavens, doe not confound, nor impede one an-other. The coldnesse of Saturne, and the heate of Mars, doe not eate vp one another, because Iupiter commeth betweene, as the Axiltree of their Contrapoyse, by the serenitie of his temperature. So is it in the Elements, the Fyre and Water are kept from desperate conflicts, by the Ballance kept by the Ayre, attempered to both. So it is amongst Beastes, where-of those that bee of fierce and savage kindes, least vse­full vnto Man, (as Lyons) GOD hath made them more barren. Those agayne of the weaker sort, which be more necessary, and [Page 13] serviceable for Man, He hath made more broodie and foecund; to the end, the Stronger should not be able to destroy that which is more infirme; but the multitude of weake ones, should bee sufficient to contrapoyse the paucitie of the mightier. There is no Beast, which is not afrayd of the Lyon, & trembleth at his pre­sence; yet some-thing hath he to contrapoyse his awfulnesse: for he may not abide himself the crying of the Cocke, but is astonied there-by. So the Bellicose Elephant, whom all the terrors of Battell cannot make afrayde, he may not endure the cry of a Swyne, but presentlie fleeth, &, as is said in Eccles, Intuere opera omnia Altissimi, & videbis semper unum contra aliud: Doe contemplate all the workes of the most High & you shall find aye one against another. Even amongst the intellectuall Creatures, the good Angels, agaynst the bad, GOD this way showing the Height and Deepnesse of His vnsearchable Wisedome, by lodging, and ruling of so manie contrarie things, peaceablie within this one House of the Vniverse.

Shall wee not thinke then, but the LORD, who hath so mo­derated and brydled everie extreame & contrarietie, who hath placed Mountaines, and steepe Shores, to keepe in the raging Sea, that shee rise not over her Marches, and ordinarie Bankes; but hee hath like-wise, in the governament of the World, by severall great Kingdomes, and Monarchies, appointed and allowed the same Contrapoyse, that no Prince become so mightie, as to devour his Neighbour; that no Pryde, or Insolencie, doe excrease without Limitation? certaynlie, I thinke it hath a Warrand in Nature: and Reason telleth vs, That as it is lawfull, to with-stand Force, by Force; it is also lawfull, to provide, if we can, that no Case come, that may constrayne vs to doe so; or, that may put vs to the em­ploying of Force, or Violence: So that it seemeth lawfull to Princes, or States, to impede, so farre as they can, suspected Neighbour Grandour, lest it become at length to master them. Hieronimus, Hieron. King of Syras. King of Syracuse, beeing demaunded, (as Polibius wryteth) why in the meane-tyme of his beeing Confederate, and Friende of Rome, hee did ayde and supplie the Carthagenians against them? Hee aunswered, That it was to the ende hee might brooke the friendship still of the Romanes: whome, if hee shoulde suffer to over-throw the Carthagenians, then of his Friends, they should become his Masters. Or, will a wyse King, within his owne [Page 14] Dominion, permit a particular States-Man, to carrie away the whole sway of Governament, by too much of Authoritie? no, but he will contrapoyse him with a Colledge of a contrarie Disposition, to keepe him in order. Hence is it, that the LORD GOD in all Ages, hath suffered one Nation to combate with an-other, one King to beate an-other, and one man to holde in the Hornes of an-other, that nothing should shoot out aboue that just propor­tion which doeth corresponde to the communion of Nature: yea, if wee should come to consider and weigh the particular Fabricke of everie one man's Bodie, if the like equilibrie of Contra-Ballance did not attemper our contrarie Humours of Complexion, certainlie our Constitution were not able to subsist; but either the Choller shall burne vp the Flegme, or the Flegme extinguish the Choller, if the interjection of these median Humours of Sanguinean and Melancholicke, did not impede that Conflict. And hence are all the Leagues of Mutuall Defences amongst weaker States con­tracted against the more mightie.

Having thus shortlie shewed how the Ambition of Castile and Portugall was vertuous, and laudable,Philip the second, King of Spaine, his first action, his Marriage in England. vnto the death of Charles the fift, I come now to Philip his Sonne, and Successour, who did spot the Glorie of his noble Predecessours, by turning his Thoughts to the Conquest of Christian People. Hee it was, who did complot and conduct all the Tragedies which thence-foorth haue beene acted in Christendome. This King finding him-selfe debouted of his designe to the Crowne of England, by the death of Marie▪ Queene thereof, who was his Wyfe, returning into Spaine, his first Practise was,Spanish In­quisition, his second action. for excluding the Light of the Gospell, (which then began to breake foorth over all) to strengthen against Chri­stians, that fearfull Inquisition, which his Antecessours had erected against the Infidels, Iewes, and Moores: where-of this farre may bee affirmed, that if Satan him-selfe had beene King of Spaine, hee could not haue brought from the bottomlesse Pit, a more horrible Plague, more cruell, more Barbarous, and beyonde all Humanitie; the wicked Invention where-of, no Words can suffice to expresse, in sort that it doeth rather resemble Hell it selfe, than that wee can finde anie Example ever heard of the like, vpon the face of this Earth: where innocent Men, yea, Good, and holie Men, after being straitlie incarcerate diverse Yeares, spoiled of [Page 15] their Lands and Goods, afflicted with Famine, rent with Tortures, and in ende, falselie and vnjustlie condemned, to the number of 800 in one Yeare vnder that King were brought to publicke Spectacles to bee burnt, with Buckels and Bullets in their Mouthes, to stop all Apologeticall speaches, and againe, and againe casten in the Fyre, and taken out of the Fyre. It is hard, that anie Chri­stian should thinke of it, without Trembling, and Teares: the far­ther Discourse where-of, were but vnpleasant heere, al-be-it most necessarie for Demonstration of that hatefull Tyrannie: and who so is curious to vnderstand more of it, he may finde a Treatise done at large on that subject, by Reginaldus Consalvus Montanus, De Artibus Sanctae, Inquisitionis Hispanicae: one who hath for manie Yeares knowne, and behelde it with his Eyes.

The next thing that King Philip went about, was the joyning of Portugall to the other Kingdomes of Spayne alreadie in his Pos­session, His third action, the be­traying of the King of Portu­gall his Cosin. and there-by to make the Bodie of that Monarchie perfect and entire: and finding nothing that could serue him for pre­text, or colour to moue open Warres, the King there-of, Don Se­bestian, being his neare Cosin, of one Religion, free from anie Con­troversies with him for Dominion; and knowing the saide Sebestian to haue a Kinglie and cowragious Mynde, with-all hardie and temerarious, hee did corrupt and suborne some of his chiefest Favorites, to puisse him to the enlarging of his Conquests in Africke, against the Moores, where-of his Predecessours had alreadie layde so good Foundations: and for his easier inducement there-to, hee did promise him large ayde, both of Souldiours, & of Money; And when Don Sebestian had embarked himselfe for Africke, and did expect the arrivall of the promised Succours, hee found nothing but Letters of new expectation, while in the meane time Philip did practise, by Claudestine meanes, both discontentment and Mutinie with-in his owne Armies, and Treyes with the Barbarian Kings, against whom hee went. Where-vpon ensued the over­throw and death of the saide Prince, (without Children) in that Battell which hee fought against the Kings of Fesse and Moroco: after the which the Portugals did receiue the next lawfull Heyre to their Crowne, Don Antonio, whom the saide Philip did eject by open Warre; and Violence, and forced the Subjects to declare him­selfe righteous Successour of that Kingdome, by his Mother.

[Page 16] Then hee perceiving that King Henrie the third of France, His fourth action, was to plot the holie Le [...]gue in France, against Don Antonio. did sende a Sea-Armie to Portugall, in favours of Don Antonio, hee re­solved to stirre vp and kindle a civill Warre in France, that might constraine them to forbeare the farther assaulting of his new Conquest in Portugall: and by a publicke deliberation with his Counsell in the Citie of Tison, Anno 1577, hee layde the grounds of that Confederacie, called The Holie League, which did almost re­duce in Ashes, that auncient and flowrishing Kingdome of France: And to that effect, sent thither secret Practises, with 200000 Crownes, to draw and assure to his Course, the chiefest of the No­bilitie, and Gentrie Catholicke: which did succeede well enough to his Mynde, and to the great Dangers and Disasters of all the Neigh­bour-States of Europe, as the Stories doe at length record. And then, that those who were enraged by him to Armes, should not want an Enemie, on whō they might consume thē-selues, he sent also to negotiate privatelie, with King Henrie the fourth of France, (being then styled King Of Navarre, Philip did also practise the Protestants of France. and Head of the Protestant Faction in France) offering to marrie the saide King's Sister, whose Children to Philip, should succeede to the Kingdome of Navarre, with the Yles of Majorque, Minorque, and Sardinia: also, that the saide King of Navarre should haue in marriage the Infanta of Spayne, eldest Daughter of Philip, with condition to bee establi­shed King of Guyene, at the adventure, and charges of Philip; and with-all, should haue the Right and Possession of the Duchte Mi­lan, with a present advancement of 200000 Crownes, for the provision of Forces competent against his Enemies of the League. Who doeth not see by these, the insatiable thirst of wicked Am­bition, after the Blood of their Neighbours? never an hungrie Beare did hunt more fiercelie for to fill his Panches, than hee was en­raged for the Conquest of France. But the saide King of Navarre, guided by a better Spirit, did refuse all these Ouvertures, as trea­cherous, and tending to the dissipation of France, with-in it selfe, that it should bee more open and obnoxious for the Spa­nish invasion. And by his refusall, hee layde the first Stone, where-vpon there-after hee did builde his reconciliation with as manie Papists, as were true hearted French-men, and his Peace with his Predecessour, King Henrie the third, to whom hee did impart all these secret practises, Anno 1583, and who permitted [Page 17] him to assemble the whole Reformed Churches of France. at Monta­ban, the yeare there-after, for tryall, and punishment of the Ne­gotiators of the same.

For by this tyme, the sayd King Henrie the third, was begun with bitter Griefe and Repentance, to acknowledge his Errour, in retiring his Forces from Portugall; which he was forced to doe, by the furie and hote persecution of the Leaguars. And the yeare 1589,Elizabeth, Queene of England. he did send Ambassadours to the Queene of England, (who was alreadie engaged to the protection of Don Antonio) to treat with her, that shee would sende him backe to Portugall, with a Sea-Armie, promising for him-selfe, to joyne there-vnto 5000 Men, never-the-lesse that hee was then mightilie agitated with the manie Forces of the League, and that the hottest Flames there­of did burne about his Eares, having even then surprysed the lyues of the Duke, and Cardinall of Guyse, at Blois. This was easi­lie obtained of the saide Queene, who perceiving well that there was no other way to free her owne Countreyes, (the Spanish Ar­mie having threatned her Coasts the yeare before) nor to libe­rate her Confederates of France, and the Netherlands, The Voyage of the English Navie, to Por­tugall, vnder Queene Eli­zabeth. from the Tyrannie and Oppression of Spayne, but by making VVarres to him in Spaine; shee did set foorth with Don Antonio, an Armie for Por­tugall, vnder two Generals, the Lord Noris for the Land, and Darke for the Seas, together with the Earle of Essex.

But nothing of importance was performed by that Armie: the Causes where-of are diverslie agitated, and alleadged; the English Historie affirming, that their Generals then had no war­rand to make Warre, except that they had seene an vniversall Revolt of the Portugals, from the Spaniard, Antonio Pe­ [...]es, wrongeth the English, in in his relati­on of that Voyage. to Don Antonio, their King: where-of, say they, there was no appearance. But Antonio Peres, in his Treatise to the French King, vpon that Subject, doeth impute the Causes to Mislucke, and Misgovernament, the Lingering and Longsomnesse of the Voyage, their lying manie dayes at Plim­mouth, and manie at the Groine; where-by the Enemie had too much leasure to fortifie him-selfe, a mortalitie of their People, where-of their best Canoniers, and other Souldiours, died; the want of Horses, and Wagons, for transportation from the coast of Lis­bone: so that they were forced to quite great part of their Armes, and in place there-of carrie Bottels of VVyne, and other things, for [Page 18] their mayntaynance. The distraction of the Sea-Generall, Drake, from the Land-Generall, who when hee should haue entered the Port of Lisbone, finding a Fleet of Easterlings to passe by him, hee set him-selfe to the hazard of that Prey, neglecting al-together the Enterpryse against Lisbone. About the which, when the Land-Armie did lye in siedge, there was a great confluence (as hee sayth) of the Portugals, to Don Antonio: but by reason they were addressed, in base and course Apparell, they were esteemed by the English, to bee but Commons, and none of the Gentrie, and therefore contemned. But (sayeth hee) if the Enterpryse had beene followed, the Towne of Lisbone had beene taken in most easilie; for that the Cardinall of Austria, who commanded with­in, and so manie Castilians as were vnder him, were readie to leaue it vpon the first arrivall of Drake with-in the Harberie: that hee had alreadie hyred thirtie Galleyes, for his transportation: and that with such seare and consternation, that hee conduced to giue them 300 Duckates a-piece, for three leagues of Sea.

Alwayes, in the diversitie of opinions, concerning that Voyage, for my part, I doe more trust the English Historie, for two (as I thinke) infallible Reasons: first, the World knoweth, that in those dayes there was not in Christendome, a more solide, sure, and reverenced Counsell, than was in England: so that it is not to bee doubted, of that which their Historie beareth; That their Generals of that Armie did obey their Warrand: Secondlie, I finde Antonio Peres contrarie to him-selfe; for first hee sayeth, That by the longsomnesse of the English Navie, the Enemie had leasure to provyde and guard him-selfe: Secondlie, sayeth hee, the whole Gentrie of Portugall did repare to joyne with Don Antonio, and the English Armie. But heere I doe trap, and convict him from his owne mouth: If (as hee sayeth) the Spanyard had leasure at his pleasure to provide for him-selfe, who then is so simple, as to thinke, but hee did in the meane tyme remoue from Portugall the Nobilitie, namelie, the Favourers of Don Antonio, with the whole Gentrie, without the leaving of anie Man sufficient to allure a Multitude, or to leade them to a revolt? I thinke hee hath forgotten him-selfe a little here, out of an ardor of his spirit, to haue removed all shew of impedi­ment to the French King, for putting of Warres in Portugall.

[Page 19] In the meane-tyme, thus farre may bee said, That as Obedience and Discipine, militarie in the Bodie of an Armie, vnder a trustie and skilfull Generall, is of that importance in actions of Warre, as, sine quo nihil, Too strict limitation of Generals in VVarre, hurt­full. a point where-in lyeth the chiefe Suretie and Successe of all things, except of Fortune; Yet a strict limitation of Generals, hath for the most part marred, both good Fortunes, and good Successes of Warre, where the Opportunities, Advantages, and Ouver­tures are meerelie casuall, and inpendent from precise tymes. To prescribe to their Generals, was not the custome of the Wyse, Va­liant, and fortunate Romanes, Sed videant ne quid Resp. detrimenti ca­p [...]at. The Patience and Wisdome of Fabius Max­imus. And what should haue become of that great State, if their Generall, Fabius Maximus, had not so stiffelie followed his private will of cunctation and protracting of tyme with Hannibal? con­temning the infamous Reproaches and Exclamations, both of Se­nate and People against him: namelie, of his Magistrum equitum: Whom if hee had not at length rescued in his temerarious Re­countre with Hannibal, he had perished, with all those whom hee commanded.

Now, what were the Practises lyke-wise of Philip, even then also in England and Scotland, by Corruption, and Iesuisticke Artes, to haue drawne the Subjectes of both Kingdomes to vnnatural Revolts, from their Soveraigne Princes? It is better known, than that I need heere to make mention of it: I wish the Wryters of our Countreyes Historie, may over-passe that Interlude, of those Insidious tymes, as Lucan did the Cruelties vnnatural, committed mutuallie amongst the Romanes at Pharsalia: Quicquid in hac acie gessisti Roma tacebo (saide hee.)

By these few Circumstances, The first thing to bee observed of the former Discourse. shortlie related of the progresse of the Spanish Empyre, wee may easilie and vsefullie obserue these three things: first, the growing and fearfull greatnesse there-of, as it standeth at this day. Maximilian, Emperour, and Duke of Au­stria, did marrie Catherine, The first, the greatnesse of the Spanish Empyre. only Chyld and Successor of Charles, Duke of Burgundie; where-by were annexed the 17 Provinces of the Nether-lands, to Austria. Of this Marriage issued Philip, who being Duke of Austria, Burgundie, and Flanders, did marrie the Heretrix of Castile, Daughter of Ferdinando, and Isobella, the Mother of Charles the fift, and so did conjoyne the Estates fore-saide, vn­to the Crowne of Castile. Charles the fift, by his owne Vertue, did [Page 20] super-adde vnto it, the Kingdome of Peru, the Dutchie of Milan, the peaceable Possession of the Kingdome of Naples, and the King­dome of Sicilia, with the Yles of Sardinia, Majorque, Minorque, and their Possessions, which they yet haue into the Westerne Indees. His Sonne againe, Philip the second, of whom I speake, besydes that, hee had once within his Clawes, France and England: (which both hee lost againe) hee did conjoyne with these, that which made the integritie and perfection of the Spanish Empyre, Portu­gall; The Impor­tance, and Worth of Portugall. the importance where-of may be remarked by these three: first, by their glorious Conquests before rehearsed, into the Levant, into Africke, and through the maine Occean: Secondlie, by the great multitudes of People, which doe inhabite the Territories there-of. Antonio Peres doeth affirme, that vnder Sebestian, their last King, of whom I haue before remembered, there were tho­row-out the Realmes of Portugall, vnder militarie Discipline, 1200 Companies of Foot-men, where-of there was no Gentle-man, other than Commanders; and in everie Companie at least 200. Which being allowed, doeth amount jumpe to 240000 Men. And that Portugall did yearlie send out to their Conquests, 6000 Men, where-of the third part did never turne home againe. Thirdlie, by the Riches there-of, it being affirmed by him, that their Kings did in this one point of Greatnesse, surpasse all the Princes of Europe; being able in halfe an houre, to giue vnto their Subjects, ten, or fifteene Millions, or more, to bee received by Ticquets, for dispatches of Governourships, Captainships, Receits, Of­fices, Licences, to make Voyages by Sea, to the Indees, and Yles of the Occean. But heere I judge, that hee hath beene too large, out of a great fervour, to perswade Christian Princes, to set their Hearts vpon so noble a Prey: at least-wise, to provyde and prevent, that it should not fall into the hands of their Common Enemie. But certainlie, the best part of these, are well approved to bee true, by this that Philip the second of Spaine did put him-selfe at so great expence, for the purchase and prefer­vation of Portugall, by kindling and feeding the Fyre of Civill Warres, through Christendome, namelie, in France and Flanders: ex­hausting to that ende, the richest Mines that bee vnder the Hea­ven, and by making so ignominious and impious Peace with Insidels; to bee the more able to maintaine Portugall, and to in­croach [Page 21] farther on Christian Neighbours. Vnder King Philip the third againe, his sonne, there was no accession indeede to this Empyre: The mightiest Conquerers that ever haue beene, in the Nature and Necessitie of things, needed their owne In­tervals, Cessation, and Repose, for breeding of new Fortitude and Strength: and anie Man may finde into the Romane Warres, there hath beene at diverse tymes, longer Intervalles of Peace: and now wee see, that this present King of Spaine, after these Refreshments, is begun to rake and extende the Marches of his Dominions.

The second thing to bee observed by the former Discourse, The second to be marked of the former Discourse, is, the extent of the Spanish Ambition. is, the prowde Designe, and large Extent of the Spanish Ambition: when this King, of whom I treat, (Philip the second) durst, together, and at once, adventure to set him-selfe a-worke for the purchase of Portugall, France, the Netherlands, England, and Scotland, who should doubt, or call it in question, that by length of Tyme they intende not to subjugate the whole Estates of Christendome? Wee finde it written by them-selues, that when hee was about the taking in of Portugall, being demanded by one of his greatest Favourites, what was the reason why hee did neglect his thinges of East India, and suffer Friezland, and so manie good Townes, to bee invaded and possessed of Here­tickes, his Enemies, and all to maintaine the League, and Civill Warres in France? Where-vnto hee aunswered, That those might bee forgotten for a tyme, because the setling of Portugall did import no lesse to him, than the securitie of his whole Em­pyre: which once done, hee would easilie make all those his Neighbours, to become his Homagers and Tributaries: yea, it was the common Theame of Discourse amongst his Captaines, and Souldiours, both in Italie, Flanders, and France, or where ever they were, That since Portugall was now theirs, that France and England could not escape them. And more, (which is a publicke Testimonie) the Wryters of the Spanish Storie affirme thus farre, That if it had not beene, that the saide King Philip had resolved before anie thing, to brydle Portugall, hee should haue before then sufficientlie daunted France, and haue put strong Armies in England.

Farther, the Extent of this Ambition of Spayne, is clearlie seene [Page 22] by their Authoritie, The Spanish Vs [...]pation o­ver the Con­sistorie of Rome. vsurped over the Consistorie of Rome; where they haue made them-selues perpetuall Dictators, which is one of the surest Fundaments of the encrease of their Grandour now-a-dayes: that Consistorie being, as the Alembicke, where-in are fyned all the Counsels, Projects, and Designes of Christendome, and the Pope arrogating to him, power at his pleasure, to excom­municate, and consequentlie depose Christian Princes, and to transferre the Succession of their Crowns, where-of onlie the Riches must belong to that Catholicke King, as of England, and Yreland, to Philip the second, (by Pius Quintus, who did excommuni­cate Queene Elizabeth of [...]England) and of Navarre, to his Prede­cessours, by the same Title of beeing Heyre and Successour, to ex­communicate Princes, keeping still in their owne hand, the raygnes of the Papall Election, and invading of their Patrimonies, as that of Sicilie; and being in effect Popes them-selues, gover­ning at their will the Church Rents thorow-out their Kingdomes, exacting a verie great part vniversallie of all, for their owne vse.

The third point of Observation, vpon the preceeding Discourse, is the Iusidiation, [...] 3. Ob­servation vp­on the former Discourse, is, the Insidia­tion of the Spanish Am­bition. and Latent Attempts of this Ambition, by god­lesse Perfidies, and Treacherie, where no Fayth is kept, nor Con­science, nor Religion, nor Humanitie, nor Vere [...]unditie, where Neigh­bour-Princes cannot brooke their lyues, by reason of the exces­siue Rewards, and Honours promitted, to trayterous Executioners of Claudestine Murthers. What shall I say of Enemie Princes? no, I say of what-so-ever persons, publicke, or private, suspected Enemies to their prowde Tyrannie, sparing neither Papist, nor Protestant; Pope, nor Cardinall; Bishop, nor Priest, nor nearest Kins­folkes, nor their most faithfull Counsellers, or most fortunate Gene­rals, if they but once, vpon the lightest Occasion, become jealous of them: no, not their owne Children, when their blood may bring the smallest accession vnto the strength of that diabolicke Ambi­tion, they doe murther, poyson, embotch, and bewitch at their pleasure: So that this same Philip, of whom I speake, hee caused to bee made away in his tyme, as Wryters haue observed, more than 200 nominablie recorded in diverse Histories, where­of I will remember but seaven, of the most abominable Pa­ricidies (I will call them all so) ever heard of, and yet best [Page 23] knowne. King Henrie the third of France, a Christian Prince, of equall qualitie with him-selfe, to whome hee was bound by that Fraternitie, and by the vnion of one Fayth, besydes some degrees of Blood; yet it is well knowne, that hee did con­tryue the death of this King, as truelie, as hee did plot the League against him. Pope Sextus the fift, whome hee professed to bee Head of the Church, and his holie Father, because that Pope fearing the Spanish Tyrannie, if his Conquest of France had proved good, hee did favour the said Henrie the third, in his last Distresses; Philip made him away by Poyson: a thing so well vnderstood, that they haue it for a common speach yet at Rome, (which I haue heard with mine eares) That if a Pope doe enter without the approbation of Spaine, hee will goe the way of Sex­tus the fift. Hee did betray, to the Eyes of the World, Don Sebestian, King of Portugall, his Cousin, Alexander Farnesse, Duke of Parma, his Kins-man, and Generall in Flanders, that valiant and renowned Cap­taine, who had done him so great Services, immediatelie after the misfortune of his Armada set out for England, 1588. (which hee did impute to the slownesse of the saide Duke) hee fell into a lingering Disease, and died by Poyson, ministred from Philip: the World doeth know it. Don Bartholomew Carenzae, Arch-Bishop of Toledo, who had beene the Preceptor, and Father of his owne Youth-head, as Seneca to Nero, because hee would not publicklie maintaine his Title to the Crowne of Portugall, hee also did dis­patch him. His Brother, Don Iohn de Austria, (whose great and ambitious spirit hee began to suspect) hee was stricken with the Plague of Pestilence, immediatelie after the receit of a Letter from Spaine, whilst there was no Post in the Countreyes about, and where-of hee died. But aboue all, that most deplorable and nefarious Paricidie, publicklie committed, avowed by him­selfe, authorised by the Church, the murthering of Prince Charles, his owne eldest Sonne. Hee did price the life of Don Antonio, at 100000 Crownes, and of Elizabeth Queene of England, and of the late Prince of Orange, at as-much a-piece. Hee was not ashamed to receiue certaine Townes from the King of Moroco, vpon Bar­gaine, to betray (as hee did) Don Sebestian, King of Portugall, his Cosin, nor to render vnto those Infidels, Arzilla, (which his Predecessours had noblie conquered) vpon condition, they [Page 24] should not furnish in preste to Don Antonio, 200000 Crownes, as they had promised to doe at the Intercession of the saide Queene of England. N [...]melie, Antonio [...]. These are not mine Assertions, but taken and col­lected from Spanish Wryters.

Of all the fore-sayde Perpetrations, the killing of his Sonne, Prince Charles, being in it selfe most fearfull, and execrable of the whole; it is also most clearlie verified, not onlie by the Histories of Neighbour-Countreyes, as by the French recordes of Majerne, of Matthew of Paris, of Thuanus; but so stood to, by the Church of Rome, that into that deede, they doe place the Triumph, and Glorie of the Pietie of the saide King, advancing his Fayth aboue that of Abraham, who did onelie offer to sacrifice his Sonne, and comparing him to GOD Him-selfe, witnessed by Hieronimus Catena, wryting vpon the life of Popius Quintus, the which Pope, by a publicke Panegyricke, did celebrate the prai­ses of the sayde Philip, for that fact, saying, E cosa multo notabile, & stupenda ch' el re facesse sacrificio d'ella carne sua, & del suo sangue à DIO, dicendo, che' non come Abrahamo, ma come DIO stesso, Propter salutem Ecclesiae, non pepercit vnico filio: That is to say, It is a thing most notable, and admirable, that this King did sacrifice vnto GOD, his owne Flesh, and his owne Blood, for nought, like vnto Abraham: but like vnto GOD Him­selfe, for the safetie of the Church, hee would not spare his onlie begotten Sonne. Farther, it is affirmed by the English Wryters, namelie, Sir Francis Hastings, in his Watch-Word to Queene Eliza­beth, against the Spanish Insidiation, that the same Philip, did by his Agents, the Count of Fuentes, then Generall in the Low-Countreyes, and Secretarie Ibarra, induce Doctor Lopez, a Iewish Physician, at London, for fiftie thousand Crownes, to poyson Queene Elizabeth: which he him-selfe, vpon his triall, did confesse, and two others, Manoel Lois, and Stephen Ferraires, did depone, and all three suffered Death for it, as the processe criminall led against them, and yet extant, will verifie.

What shall I say vpon this fearfull kinde of Policie? Ah for pitie! Quid non mortalia pectora cogit, reg [...]andi dira libido? What is that so odious, which the loue of domination will not perswade the ambitious heart to perpetrate? The publicke crueltie of the In­quisition on the one part, and the covert Crueltie of Ambushes [Page 25] practised by the King, and his Iesuites, Parricid [...]e practised in Spaine, as in Turk [...]e, by a religous Tra­d [...]tion. on the other part, seeme to bee a chiefe Misterie of this Ambition, as two Arch-pillars, which doe for the time sustent the great Spheare of their Empyre, and the wicked Source, where-fra haue flowed so manie Chastels, Clements, Ravillacks, Babingtons, Fauxes, Garnets, &c. as haue beene Actors of the wofull Assassinates, Sorceries; Pests, Powder Treasons, Poysons, &c. that haue surprysed the liues of so manie anointed Kings, and others of lawfull Authoritie, and doe still lye in waite for the like Executions, against those who are present, or to come heere-after. And heere is a Case to bee lamented eternallie, that those Parricidies, committed now in Spayne, after the man­ner of the Mahumetane Superstition; not as Crymes to bee repen­ted, but as Religious Traditions, and Deeds of great Merite, when the life of one Man, or a few Men, if it were of our Brethren, or Children, are taken, and sacrificed, for preservation of the publicke Tranquillitie both of Church and State, chiefelie in great and Monarchicall Kingdomes, where Religion doeth shoot out, with a growing and flowrishing Empyre. Alace! is not this the Fyre of Moloch, and the sacrificing of our Children to those bloodie and savage Gods? This is a Fascination and stupiditie of the Mynde in the highest Degree: And heere it is, where that powerfull Circe of Superstition, hath transformed those Kings reallie into Beastes, that wittinglie, and willinglie, they haue cast off both Sence, and as it were Shape of Humanitie; that the grea­test Vlysses of the World, is not able by anie Oratorie, to reclaime them. In the meane-time, it is a Case that doeth admonish Neighbour-Princes, Christian Princes, to be a [...]ware of Spanish Trea­cheries. to bee of constant Pietie, and Devotion towards GOD; and their Domesticke Servants, to bee vigilant, and stu­dious, for the avoyding of that kinde of claudestine Dangers. And, O what great cause wee haue to render thankes to the MOST HIGH, for that, that our late Soveraigne, of bles­sed memorie, did escape the Insidiation, and bloodie Knyfe of such Butchers! hee who was the most conspicuous Marke where­at they did shoot, and of whom their curious casters of Horos­ [...]ops, and malignant Astrologues, did so often prognosticate, that his ende should not bee peaceable.

Fourthlie, wee are to weigh the Strength and Soliditie, of this great and growing Empyre, to see if wee can ex­plore [Page 24] should not furnish in preste to Don Antonio, 200000 Crownes, as they had promised to doe at the Intercession of the saide Queene of England. [...]. These are not mine Assertions, but taken and col­lected from Spanish Wryters.

Of all the fore-sayde Perpetrations, the killing of his Sonne, Prince Charles, being in it selfe most fearfull, and execrable of the whole; it is also most clearlie verified, not onlie by the Histories of Neighbour-Countreyes, as by the French recordes of Majerne, of Matthew of Paris, of Thuanus; but so stood to, by the Church of Rome, that into that deede, they doe place the Triumph, and Glorie of the Pietie of the saide King, advancing his Fayth aboue that of Abraham, who did onelie offer to sacrifice his Sonne, and comparing him to GOD Him-selfe, witnessed by Hieronimus Catena, wryting vpon the life of Popius Quintus, the which Pope, by a publicke Panegyricke, did celebrate the prai­ses of the sayde Philip, for that fact, saying, E cosa multo notabile, & stupenda ch' el re facesse sacrificio d'ella carne sua, & del suo sangue à DIO, dicendo, che' non come Abrahamo, m [...] come DIO stesso, Propter salutem Ecclesiae, non pepercit vnico filio: That is to say, It is a thing most notable, and admirable, that this King did sacrifice vnto GOD, his owne Flesh, and his owne Blood, for nought, like vnto Abraham: but like vnto GOD Him­selfe, for the safetie of the Church, hee would not spare his onlie begotten Sonne. Farther, it is affirmed by the English Wryters, namelie, Sir Francis Hastings, in his Watch-Word to Queene Eliza­beth, against the Spanish Insidiation, that the same Philip, did by his Agents, the Count of Fuentes, then Generall in the Low-Countreyes, and Secretarie Ibarra, induce Doctor Lopez, a Iewish Physician, at London, for fiftie thousand Crownes, to poyson Queene Elizabeth: which he him-selfe, vpon his triall, did confesse, and two others, Manoel Lois, and Stephen Ferraires, did depone, and all three suffered Death for it, as the processe criminall led against them, and yet extant, will verifie.

What shall I say vpon this fearfull kinde of Policie? Ah for pitie! Quid non mortalia pectora cogit, regnandi dira libido? What is that so odious, which the loue of domination will not perswade the ambitious heart to perpetrate? The publicke crueltie of the In­quisition on the one part, and the covert Crueltie of Ambushes [Page 25] practised by the King, and his Iesuites, on the other part,Parricidie practised in Sp [...]tne, as in Turkie, by a religous Tra­dition. seeme to bee a chiefe Misterie of this Ambition, as two Arch-pillars, which doe for the time sustent the great Spheare of their Empyre, and the wicked Source, where-fra haue flowed so manie Chastels, Clements, Ravillacks, Babingtons, Fauxes, Garnets, &c. as haue beene Actors of the wofull Assassinates, Sorceries▪ Pests, Powder Treasons, Poysons, &c. that haue surprysed the liues of so manie anointed Kings, and others of lawfull Authoritie, and doe still lye in waite for the like Executions, against those who are present, or to come heere-after. And heere is a Case to bee lamented eternallie, that those Parricidies, committed now in Spayne, after the man­ner of the Mahumetane Superstition; not as Crymes to bee repen­ted, but as Religious Traditions, and Deeds of great Merite, when the life of one Man, or a few Men, if it were of our Brethren, or Children, are taken, and sacrificed, for preservation of the publicke Tranquillitie both of Church and State, chiefelie in great and Monarchicall Kingdomes, where Religion doeth shoot out, with a growing and flowrishing Empyre. Alace! is not this the Fyre of Moloch, and the sacrificing of our Children to those bloodie and savage Gods? This is a Fascination and stupiditie of the Mynde in the highest Degree: And heere it is, where that powerfull Circe of Superstition, hath transformed those Kings reallie into Beastes, that wittinglie, and willinglie, they haue cast off both Sence, and as it were Shape of Humanitie; that the grea­test Vlysses of the World, is not able by anie Oratorie, to reclaime them. In the meane-time, it is a Case that doeth admonish Neighbour-Princes, to bee of constant Pietie, Christian Princes, to be a [...]ware of Spanish Trea­cheries. and Devotion towards GOD; and their Domesticke Servants, to bee vigilant, and stu­dious, for the avoyding of that kinde of claudestine Dangers. And, O what great cause wee haue to render thankes to the MOST HIGH, for that, that our late Soveraigne, of bles­sed memorie, did escape the Insidiation, and bloodie Knyfe of such Butchers! hee who was the most conspicuous Marke where­at they did shoot, and of whom their curious casters of Horos­ [...]ops, and malignant Astrologues, did so often prognosticate, that his ende should not bee peaceable.

Fourthlle, wee are to weigh the Strength and Soliditie, of this great and growing Empyre, to see if wee can ex­plore, [Page 26] and finde out anie Weaknesse, Breach, or Advantage to bee gained,A tryall of what VVeak­nesse is into this great Empyre. since they are our Capitall, and mightie Enemies; of whom it is not likelie, that long wee shall bee fred. Al-be-it it be true, that it is not so much governed by the Sword, as by Graue and Sage Councell, which is never a whit diverted from their Plots, and Purposes, by the death of anie King, where-in standeth, no Question, a chiefe point of the Firmnesse and Perpetuitie there­of.The State and Counsell of Spay [...], not in­terrupted, or altered, by the death of a King. Yet it cannot bee denyed, that for aboundance of Money, for militarie Discipline, and for great numbers of good Souldiours, (which three bee as the Nerves, Veines, and grosse Bodie of the Warres) they too farre exceede their Neighbours. Alwayes, for the first, I say, that the light of Reason sheweth mee, that the greater Fortitude, doeth aye consist in the greater Vnion, Vis vnita fortior. Fortitude of Empyre, standeth in [...] of [...]. There is no perfect Strength, but in GOD, because there is nothing meerelie and simplie Vnike, but GOD: The Strength of Nature, dependeth from her Compaction, Vnion, and Sympathie of her well-conjoyned Members. This made Augustus to aban­done and neglect the Longinque Provinces, beyond Caucasus and Taurus, and here in Great Britane: by mayntaynance where-of, they did receiue greater domage, than could bee countervalued by anie Benefit to bee had there-fra in time of Peace: saying, that as there were two Defaultes, that made the naturall Bodie imper­fect; that which was too small, and vnder a proportion natu­rall; and againe, that which was aboue, too big, superstuous, and vnwealdie, called by the Physitions, Plethera, and Endeiat Even so it was in the Civill Bodie of the State, and there-fore did hee recommend to his Successor, Examples of dis-vnited Conquests. the Limitation of the Empyre vni­ted and consolidated within the Marches of Euphrates, Danubius, and the Westerne Occean: forbearing to haue more care of the most remote and disjoynted Provinces, which did not other, but teach the Discipline militare, to barbarous Nations, who were ignorant of it: Where-vpon sayeth Tacitus, Longa oblivio Britan­niae etiam in pace, consilium id Augustus vocavit, maxime Tiberius. Hen­rie King of Castile, who died Anno 1217, without Children, having two Sisters, of whom the elder had beene married to Lewes the eight of France, the youngest to Alphonsus, King of Leon in Spaine: The Castilians, by publicke Parliament, did declare the youngest to the Crowne of Castile; albeit against their Law, yet convenient [Page 27] in the nature of things, (sayde they) seeing Castile and Leon, were Cosines, and easilie did incorporate: they had one Language, and Manners nothing different, where-as France was naturallie divided from them by the Mounts Pirenees, of diverse Languages, and discrepant Manners, thinges difficill to bee vnited vnder one King. Of Examples of this kynde, the Histories bee full, of Princes and States, who stryving to possesse thinges farre remo­ved, and dis-joyned from them, and disconvenient in Nature, albeit their Titles to them were just, yet after manie yeares en­joying of thē with much Warre & Trouble, they haue bene in end forced to quite them, being things altogether improfitable, a [...] the English of Aquitane and Guyen, the French of Naples, the Ve­netians of Pisa, and some Territories of Genua, the Germane Empe­rour of some Cities in Italie: of all which they haue nothing this day, but the Burials of their Predecessours: in which respect, (to returne to the purpose) I may say of the Spanyard, that it is not all Gold, that glistereth:The Spanish Provinces, dis­join [...]ed mem­bers. his great Empyre is patched, of things dismembred, discommodious, and disconvenient in Nature: hee hath Navarre divided by the Pirenees in part, and na­turallie incorporate to the mightie Kingdome of France: hee hath Milan divided by the Alpes, Naples by both those, and by the Apemmie too, and both but members of the bodie of Italie: Flaunders separated by interjection of France and Switzerland; the Indees, by the great Occean; that if wee shall consider all the mightiest Monarkes, wee shall finde none so weake and obnox­ious in that behalfe: so farre, that it is more easie for France, En­gland, Holland, and Denmarke, to put into Spaine 50000 Souldiours, than for Spaine it selfe, to transport thither from their owne Provinces 20000.

Againe, Kings are set aboue their People, as the Sunne aboue the Earth, and Seas, who draweth vp the Moistures, where-with hee doeth partlie feed his owne Flames, and partlie converteth them in Raines▪ to refresh the Seas, and nowrish the Earth: The Spany­ard draweth nought from his Provinces. yet it is thought, that hee beholdeth his Provinces often-times as Clowds without Raine; hee draweth nothing from them, but glo­rious and airie Titles of Ambition: yea, hee must goe search the Bellie of the Earth, vnder another Hemispheare, to sucke the Va­pours that must entertaine them: for if it were not by his Trea­sures [Page 28] of the Indees, it is judged, that hee were not able to brooke them. The yeare of their last Pacification with Holland, I did heare into Brusels, by some of his entire Counsellours, that since the first entrie of those VVarres, hee had spended of his proper Fiances, aboue the Rents of Flaunders, 60 Millions. I did heare about that same tyme, at Naples and Milan, by those of good intelligence in his Affaires, that his whole Revenewes there were morgadged, and that hee was greatlie indebted aboue; and that hee was often-tymes so scarced of Moneyes, that at Ant­werpe, Genu [...], and other Bankes, hee did pay more than thirtie for the hundreth: which Inconveniences doe all result from this, that his Provinces are not contiguous, nor incorpo­rate.

And yet, it being so, wee are not to vilipende our Enemies, no, even those Provinces doe bring notable increase to his Gran­dour; they are as the Heads or Hearts of the Countreyes where they lye;The com­modities of his Pro [...]nees. they are most fertile, flowrishing, and rich for them­selues; and vpon extraordinarie Necessities, able to advance to him infinite summes of Money: planted they are, to the full, with industrious People: They are the Seminaries of his Milice, which doe breede vnto him good store of wittie Counsellours, skilfull Commanders, and braue Souldiours. And how-so-ever they yeelde nothing to his Coffers, yet the Vice-rayes and Gover­nours sent thither, (who commonlie are of his nearest Paren­tage) they doe loade them-selues with Ritches, by the Mecha­nicke Tyrannies that they are permitted to exercise: and at the ende of their three yeares, which is the period of their Reigne, they doe returne to Spaine, as clogged Bees, with Honey to their Hyves: which I confesse to bee of as great importance and pro­fite to him, as if those did come directlie to his owne Coffers; for why? a great Monarch hath not so good a Treasure, as traf­ficable Countreyes, What is the greatest Treasure of a Prince. and Subjects vertuous, and full of VVealth: for then doe Moneyes abound, and People doe serue their Prince in Offi [...]es of Peace, or VVarre, with contentment and splendor both. But if an avaritious Prince doe studie to collect and amasse Rit­ch [...]s to lay in store, by too much pressing of his Subjectes, then they are discowraged from their Trades, the Fruites where-of they are not suffered to enjoy, Vertue decayeth, that should [Page 29] enritch the Countrey, and the cowrage of Men fayleth, when time of VVarre doeth come: So that the best Politickes that haue beene, holde, that the Ritches of mightie Kings, are not so much to bee esteemed, by their Ordinarie Rents, as by the Extraordinarie Meanes they haue to lift Moneyes vpon great necessitie: of the which Meanes, that Prince doeth robbe him-selfe, who maketh his Subjects poore, to fill his Coffers. And they doe thinke, that as ritch was Lewes the twelft of France, whose yearlie Rent▪ did not exceede one Million, and an halfe, as Francis the first, vnder whom it arryved at three; or Henrie the second, who doubled that, or yet the third, who did multiplie it to ten Millions. Those Provinces of Flaunders, being courteou [...]e ruled by Charles the fift, and by his Sonne Philip, with more moderation, after the returne of the Duke de Alva, they are found in the Histories to haue advanced willingl [...]e to those two Kings, in the space of nine Yeares, twentie-three Millions of Crownes, which made them to bee called the Northerne Indees of the saide Empyre; and which they could not possiblie haue done, if hee had lifted grosse yearlie Rents from them. So that the Prince, who doeth thus tender his People, is saide to haue his Treasures more sure in the custodie of his Subjects, than if they were collected to his Coffers.

For as they wryte, hardlie can Treasures bee saved in the hands of Princes, even in tyme of Peace, by reason of so manie occasions as they embrace to disperse them,Inconveni­entes follo­wing vpon the being of Treasures in the hands of Princes. to the splendor of their Courts, their bountie to their Favorites, publicke and popular showes, employment of Ambassadours vpon light cau­ses, which perhaps had not beene taken notice of, if the Cof­fers had beene emptie, and such like: or it may bee (say they) that aboundance of present Moneyes doeth a-wake Ambition and Pryde, more than is expedient for their Prosperitie, and quiet of their People. And it is even a difficill thing of it selfe, to keepe thinges that are much desired, and of manie, name­lie, hard to great Kinges, vpon whose bountie so manie greedie and importune Suters doe depende and hing; Diffici­lis magni custodia census. Or if a temperate and prudent Prince, can saue them from all these, and leaue them to his Successour, yet seldome doe we find in the Stories, that they haue bene con­verted [Page 30] to anie happie vse. Tiberius the Emperour, left behind him 67 Millions, Treasures collected by great Kinges, most often vn­happilie spen­ded. and his Successour devoured them in one yeare. Do­mitian, and Antonius Caracalla, did consume at their pleasures and ryot, the Treasures of Vespasian, and of Septimius Severus. Cyrus left 50 Millions of golden Crownes: his Enemie did carrie them: Darius left 80 Millions: Alexander the Great, did spend them. Sar­danapalus left 40 to his Enemies. Pope Iohn the 22, did leaue 33 Millions to the avarice of his Successours, Nephewes, and Favo­rites: Stephen, King of Bosna, had his Skinne fleede from his Bo­die, by Mahomet the second, because hee did not employ his Treasures▪ to the safetie of him-selfe. David (as wee finde, 1. Chron. last Chap.) left behinde him 120 Millions, (which was the greatest Treasure ever heard of) not to the arbitrement or appetites of his Successour, but by the speciall appointment of GOD, to the building of the Temple. Farther, wee may draw an Argument from an article of the Law of GOD, Deut. 17, Where Kings are forbidden to multiplie Silver and Gold to them-selues, either for taking away the occasions of Aggravations and Imposts on Subjects, or of excessiue Prodigalitie of their Courts, or Pryde of moving vnjust and vnlawfull Warres, or to invite them to employ the superplus of their yearlie Rents, to present workes of Pietie, or Charitie, or advancement of the Common-wealth, one way or other.Publicke Charitie of Augustus. Augustus did furnish great summes of Money to the People, without Interesse, sayeth Suetonius: Quoties ex damna­torum bonis pecunia superflueret, vsum ejus gratuitum iis qui cavere in duplum possent indulsit: to those of meane and sober estate, who were able to set Cautioners for the double of the principall. And of the Emperour Alexander Severus, sayeth Lampridius, Foenus publicum trientarium exercuit, & pauperibus plerisque sine usuris pe­cunias dedit ad agros emendos, [...]eddendas paulatim de fructibus: that is, foure for the 100, to those of middle & reasonable estate, and to the Poore, without Interesse. And of Antoninus Pius, Iulius Capitolinus doth affirme the same. So that it hath beene thought by manie, that Treasures reserved in the handes of Princes, bee but like Cisterns, and reserues of Water, which may be soone ex­hausted, by daylie taking from them, because they haue no Fountaine: and againe, that the same being in the hands of the People, exposed to daylie Exchange and Traffique, is like vnto a [Page 31] running River, whose source cannot bee dryed vp. As Cornes doe not yeelde encrease that are locked in G [...]rnels; but the seede dispersed through the ground, is the thing that doeth mul­tiplie; so are the Moneyes dispersed in popular Trades, onelie fruitfull.

Neither doe I alleadge anie of these, as if Kings, and special­lie great ones, must not haue Royall and Magnificke Rents: for it is not possible for vs, who bee private Subjects, to know how manie necessarie occasions doe daylie occurre to them,Princes haue manie occa­sions, not knowne to Subjectes, of necessa [...]ie de­bursments. of great and vast Expenses; neither must wee bee curious for that part. That Princes are to liue with that Pompe and Dignitie, which is requisite to conserue Majestie, that wee doe know and see: That they must bee at hudge Charges, by sending out, and ac­cepting in of Ambassadours, that wee also see: That they must giue Pensions and Fees to Counsellours, Statesmen, Noble-men, Cap­taines, and serviceable Gentle-men, that wee see: Lyke-wise, the exorbitant debursment vvhich is in Warre. But vvhat secret Bountie must bee bestowed through the VVorlde, a­mongst sure Friendes, in the Courtes of other Princes, by which kynd of practising they doe often-times best assure their Affaires, when all men thinke them in greatest perill: that, and manie such, wee doe not know, neither must wee enquyre: but when after their death, the Histories of their lyues come to bee devul­gate, then wee finde and reade, what these policies, of having latent Friends abroad, haue imported to the greatest Kings. Doe not wee reade of King Francis the first, that to Almanes, Italians, English, Spanish, Switzers, he payed during all his life-time, great yearelie Pensions, vnknowne to the world for the tyme? And of Lewes the eleventh, who was a sort (I may say) of Sorcerer, or En­chanter, in that kynd of subtiltie, to make mercinarie the Counsels of Neighbour-Princes: so farre, that there was none of them free from his corruption: by which doing, hee did render himselfe a Miracle to the World, for dexteritie of wit, to dissolue the strongest Leagues of his Enemies, without the drawing of a Sword: hee did pay by publicke paction to King Edward the fourth of England, 50000 Crownes yearelie: but with-all, secretlie to his Counsellours, and Domestickes, 17000, also yearelie; which (sayeth the Wryter of the Historie) was the truest Meanes of the two, [Page 32] for the continuance of that Pacification. In consideration of these necessarie and weightie Charges, Oblations of Money an­cientlie made to Princes. ancientlie Subjects were wont to giue freelie to their Princes, and frequentlie a Portion of Money, that they called Oblations. Augustus did leaue behinde him in Testament, eleven Millions, to bee distributed amongst the People of Rome: where-into hee did subjoyne this Testimonie of the mutuall benevolence of the Romanes towards him, saying, that with-in few yeares preceeding his death, hee had gotten of voluntarie Donatiues, to the availe of 35000 golden Crownes. But now-a-dayes, Subjects haue for borne these voluntarie Gra­tuities in time of publicke indigence to their Princes, by reason that some avaricious Kings haue preassed to convert, the same to an annuall and ordinarie Duetie, as Philip le Long of France, ha­ving in his [...]necessities granted by his Subjects the first impost vpon the Salt, First Impost of the Salt in France, a gra­tuitie tempo­rall, but tur­ned to be an­nuall. of foure Denieres on the pound; with this Condition, to stand but vntill his Debts were defrayed. Yet Philip de Valois there-after, did incorporate the same to the perpetuall Domaine of the Crowne, saying, that there could not bee a more compe­tent thing to come vnder Tollage, than Salt, where-of all sort of People, poore and ritch, young and olde, had the necessarie and daylie vse. Or as King Philip the second, (of whom I haue spoken) having of before annexed to the Crowne Patri­monie, the third part of the Ecclesiasticall Rents; yet for the sup­port of the Warres, where-with hee was greatlie charged, had granted to him by the Prelates, a certaine summe of Money also of the two-part, which they called Subsidie, on condition to stand but some few yeares: hee also did perpetuate the same to the Crowne.

But to returne to the purpose of Cases of Weaknesse to bee found into the Empyre of Spaine, wee cannot thinke, but, to bee feared of all, Another VVeaknesse of Spaine, to bee feared of all. and hated of the greatest part, is a Weaknesse, if it were of the mightiest that ever haue beene: Passimus custos dia­turnitatis metus, sayeth the great Statesman Cicero, That Feare can never make diuturnitie of Greatnesse. And all men know it to bee true, that the Spanyard is feared of all: I proue it shortlie, by the Church of Rome, (the Iesuites excepted) hee is feared vniversallie, to whom hee is most nearlie linked of anie for­raigne Amitis: Ergo, much more by anie other Neighbour-Prince, [Page 33] or State, the trueth of mine Antecedent, is showed by two fa­mous and infallible Testimonies; one of the Historie of the Counsell of Trent, where a Man shall clearlie see, how this Feare did make the Sea Apostolicke, directlie to oppose the Grandour of Charles the fift,Cardinall [...], against [...] the se­cond of Spaine. where-of I haue alreadie discoursed. For the second, I take mee to Cardinall Baronio, the most learned and most sin­cere, that hath beene amongst them in these late Ages, in his Treatise written against the Spanish vsurpation of the Kingdome of Sicile, where hee wryteth thus of Philip the second, in whose dayes hee lived, in one place, Sub vocabulo (inquit) Monar­chiae, praeter vnum Monarcham, quod vn [...]m visibile caput Ecclesiae est cognitum, aliud in Monarchia Siciliae obortum, pro monstro & ostento caput Ecclesiae: that is to say, Aboue one Monarch over Si­cilia, who is the onlie one visible head of the Church, having right vnto it, there is risen an other monstrous head and Monarch of the same. And in another place there-after, Ista sunt quae manus au­dax, ad sacrilegium prompt [...], abstulit, à recitato Papae diplomate: Those things haue that bad and bolde-hand, readie to sacriledge rest from the Papall Title. This Cardinall had an offer of the Papall Diademe, made him from Philip the second, if hee would call in this opinion; but did refuse it, preferring his Conscience to what­so-ever Palinodie. Next, vnto the Pope, the nearest Neighbour allyed to him, is the French King, his Brother in Law, of whose daylie Feares, and Iealousies of the Spanish Ambition, I were ydle to treate heere, it being so well remarked of the World.

Since it is so with his most entire Confederates, I neede not, neither I hope to call it in question, whether the other Poten­tates, and States of Christendome, doe much more feare him. Therefore, leaving those, I come to try what probablie is the disposition of his owne People towards him.The Portu­gals doe hate the Castilians. Portugall is of all his thinges in Spaine, of greatest importance, betwixt whom and the Castilians, there hath beene from all Antiquitie, not onlie Neighbour Emulation, but inveterate malice, and as it were, a fundamentall and naturall Antipathie of myndes and manners, as their owne Histories doe confesse. The heate where-of, no doubt, must bee greatlie encreased by this Castilian Tyrannie, so latelie and vnlawfulie throwne vpon them. There bee yet manie aliue there, who did spende their Blood, to haue with­stood [Page 34] that Castilian pryde. It is an ordinarie speach of the Por­tugals, The ori­gine of the Portugals, and [...]. to say, That the Castilians bee worse th [...]n the Moores, who did first inhabite Castile. The Portugals are sayde to bee descended of the Gaules, their language approaching vnto the Latine. The Castilianes againe of the Vandales, Iewes, and Moores, their accent annearing to the Morasque; where-of it is saide, that the Castilians being amongst the Turkes, are easilie induced to deny the Christian Fayth. And in this point appeareth to bee a noteable Weaknesse of that Empyre: Portugall accoasting to the Sea, so opportune and commodious for great Navies, the People manie, and malicious against their Conquerers, and having their Sores yet open and quicke.

To come to their other Subjects, wee heare that the Arra­gonees haue their Myndes in like sort wounded, with the remem­brance of the late Conquest made of them,The whole [...] of Spaine, doe hate their Prince his greatnesse, & why they doe so. and to speake gene­rallie, of all the Nobilitie of Spayne; yea, even of those of Castile it selfe. It hath beene ever so, that as Thieues haue beene stu­dious to provide Backe-Doores, so great Noble-men vnder Kings, in all Ages haue wished, that some adjacent Prince might bee in Tearmes of Emulation with their Master, to whose protection they might haue recourse, in Case at anie time they should happen to fall vnder their Masters wrath, by their Ambitious and insolent carriage: things familiar eneugh to potent Subjects in everie Countrey. Now Spaine, being as it is at this day, con­joyned vnder one Crowne, in manner of an Yland, where-fra the Princes and Lords there-of, cannot easilie with-draw them-selues in such a Case, they are by that meanes brought vnder greater Feare, Slaverie, and Subjection. When there were severall King­domes in Navarre, Arrogone, and Portugall, the Castilian Nobles vpon anie distraction,It is not so easie for our Noble men to rebell now, as before our Conjunction with England or variance with their King, did finde easie retract and protection, with some of these Neighbour-Prin­ces, perhaps with more Honour, and Preferments than at home, by reason of Neighbour Iealousies and Contention, the examples where-of, are most frequent in anie Historie: as in our owne, wee finde, that before the vnion of Great Britane, it was more easie and secure for Scottish Noble-men, to offende their Princes, and leape out from their obedience, having so neare a Sanctua­rie, in the Hospitalitie and Armes of England, by reason of Neigh­bour [Page 35] Distractions, than it is now, when their nearest refuge should bee Spaine, or Flanders. And as ancientlie that advantage did often a-wake the Pryde of our great Men, and giue way to Re­bellion, against their Kings: So the solide Incorporation that now is, hath put a Brydle into the Teeth of that kinde of Ambition, that no stirre can bee heere to trouble a King, vnlesse it were, by generall revolt of the whole Countrey, or receiving of Forraigne Armes with-in our Bowels, and joyning with them. And as the supposed prowde and tyrannous Governament of Spaine, is thought to enstrange the Hearts of their Nobilitie from their King, and to make them more practizable to rebellions, if they should see the occasion faire; so there is no doubt, but dure and rigorous Governament, should even in this Kingdome, or anie other else, produce the like Consequences. Al-wayes, the Nobilitie of Spaine, at this day, doeth want this Sanctuarie of Re­fuge, that the skurviest Marshall is able to arrest the greatest of them: and now with much griefe they doe resent the effectes of that, which was prognosticated vnto them, when King Charles the fift began to extende the Wings of his Domination; for the which cause they did show them-selues notablie displeased with the conjunction of Portugall, as Don Francisco de Ivara, a noble man of Castile, being Ambassadour at Paris, during the League, Anno 1579, hearing by a French Gentle-man, newlie come from Africke, that the Moores were in feare, having intelligence that King Philip did put together great Forces, for to conquer them, vnder pretext to revenge the slaughter of Don Sebastian, King of Portugall. A cleare Testimonie there-of. (for so did Philip make the World belieue, when hee did conveane his Armies against Portugall) But the saide Fran­cis did answere this Gentle-man, saying, It is well, that the Moores bee in feare, but it is better that your Master, the King of France vnderstand the intention of that Armie, to bee against Portugall; which if hee doe conquere, your Master, and the Pope, and all the Princes of Europe may lay compt, by length of time, to bee his Tri­butaries. Which speach doeth well enough demonstrate the aversnesse of the Spanish Nobilitie, from the fearfull Greatnesse of his Empyre. The State Ecclesiasticke indeede doeth more affect him, yet I haue tolde you, that hee doeth skumme the Fat of their P [...]t: but of this Weaknesse, which wee gather, of discon­tented [Page 36] humours of their Nobilitie, there is no advantage to bee gayned by secret Practises, because of the terrour of the Inquisi­tion. His Iesuites, and perfidious Ambassadours, get libertie with other Princes, to traffique & to traytor at their pleasure; where­of wee haue late experiences to our owne Coastes, but none dare adventure that kynde of doing in Spayne. Al-wayes, out of those it may bee surelie enough presumed of the Nobilitie, (namelie, of their late Conquests of Spaine) that when they should see a puissant Enemie amongst them, the Fyre of their in­dignation should breake foorth so much more violentlie, by how much it hath bene long & masterfullie suppressed amongst the Ashes of their Servitude, sayeth Scip. African. in that Oration to the Senate, for sending of Forces in Africke, during Hanniballes being in Italie, Non speraverat Hanniball fore, ut tot populi in Italia ad se deficerent, post Cannensem dedem, quanto minus quic­quam in Africa firmum a [...] stabile sit Carthaginensibus, infidis sotiis, gravibus dominis? Hanniball did not looke for so great revolting of People with-in Italie, from the honest and generous Romanes, after his victorie at Cannas: how much lesse can things bee firme and sure in Africke, to the Carthagenians, a Nation treacherous, and vntru­stie to their Associates, and tyrannous to their Subjects? which Saying howe properlie it may bee applyed to the present Purpose, anie man doeth see it.

Next, it is thought, that there bee small store of Armes in Spaine, A [...] supposed in Spaine, for [...] of Armes, and how it is so. the numbers of Cities and People considered; partlie be­cause they goe for the furnishing of his Warres abroade, and partlie because it is not thought expedient by his Counsell, that Multitudes but latelie conquered, whose Myndes are yet suspe­cted, should bee armed at their pleasure: remembering well vvhat had almoste befallen KING PHILIP the third, if the Moores, called N [...]vos Christianos, (vvho then had a neare Designe agaynst him) had not beene suddenlie disar­med, and cast foorth of the Countrey.

Moreover, the prowde and tyrannous nature of the Spany­ard, Their na­turall Pryde, a great VVeak­nesse. is no small point of Weaknesse: for why? the LORD GOD doeth humble the Prowde, and punish the Oppressour▪ Tolluntur in altum ut lapsum graviora cad [...]nt. I doe not onelie [Page 37] speake of that dominant and Monarchicall Pryde, mayntayned by so manie Cruelties, Perfidies, and Impieties bore-saide; but vni­versallie of the verie vulgar pryde, chiefelie of the Castilians. Even as the fumes of strong Wyne, doe inebtiate, and make gidd [...]e the Braines of Man, transporting them from the cen­tre of their place; so doeth Pryde blynde and confuse the Vnderstanding: (and as seldome Prudence doeth accompanie Youth-head) Even so is Wisdome rarelie conjoyned with too much Prosperitie. Neither shall it bee out of purpose to speake a few wordes of the Spanish Nature in generall. They are extreamelie melancholious,Vi [...]e Des­cription of the Spanish H [...]mour. which everie [...]ot of their carriage doeth verifie, their graue Apparell, their sober Dyet, their Dauncing, their Musicke, their hunting of Buls, their personall March, their austere Phisnomie, obscure Colour, vnpopular presentation; where-of everie thing is disgustfull to M [...]n of other Nations. Melancholie is a tenacious and vis [...]uous hu­mor, where-from proceedeth their slowe and lingering De­liberations, the longsomnesse of their Actions, their constant Prosecution of their Enterpryses, their obstinate adhering to auncient Customes, abhorring imitation of Forraigne Man­ners, their Superstition in Religion, their silence from Dis­course, and reservednesse from Conversation; which indeede doe make them, being contemplatiue, more capable of solide Knowledge. The Spanish Punctualitie approacheth to Nullitie. They goe heere and there, through Neighbour-Countreyes, but never procure familiaritie of friendship with anie Man: yea, there is small interchange of Kindnesse or Courtesie amongst them-selues, because, attour beeing thus concentricke and contracted with-in them-selues, they doe make profession of Punctualitie, which is contrarie to Friend­ship, that in its owne nature is open and communicable, liberall of Discourse and Complements, and of steadable Actions, thinges opposed to those who stand vpon pointes, mea­sure their Paces, and number their Wordes, fearing to perill their Reputation for a Syllabe more or lesse; as if they durst not adventure to goe without the Confines of their Melan­ch [...]lie: where-as by anie experience, one would thinke, that Punctualitie is not onelie Enemie to Friendship, but contrarie to great Actions, De [...]cription of Punctualiti [...]. because what convenience can bee betwixt [Page 38] Greatnesse, and that which is small? a point (as everie Man knoweth) doeth verie nearlie approach to nothing, and Pun­ctualitie, to Nullitie. Therefore is it, that hee who standeth vp­on points in Businesses, often-times attaineth nothing; which, men say,A quicke observation, for Punctualitie. was the chiefe reason of their bad Successes against En­gland, and Algiers, where the Designes of their Enterpryses were founded vpon such Subtilties, Moments, and points of time, as was not possible for anie Generall to obserue, except him who could controll Tyme, and make the Sunne fixed, as to Ioshua, or retrograde, as it was vnto Ezechias.

Lastlie,The Navar­ [...]oies doe hate the Spanyard. to come without the Confines of Spaine, to consider what trust they haue with their next Neighboures, if men of ex­perience should enter to dispute, on what side it were most ad­vantagious for Enemie-Forces to enter vpon Spaine, one might [...]ay, that even Navarre were not vnfit, al-be-it it bee vnlawfullie possessed by them, yet those are the naturall Subjects of the French King, and there should bee found at this day, the Grand-Children of them who did lose their Lyues and Goods in the service of his Predecessours, And the French too. against the tyrannie of Spaine, and who them-selues would vnder-goe willinglie the like, to haue him restored to bee their King. Adjacent to Navarre, are the Countreyes of France, whose bravest Men doe even now carrie into their Faces, the honourable Seat, and Marks of the bloodie Woundes which they did couragiouslie sustaine, when the Spanyard did employ all his Forces to extinguish the glorie of that Nation. Wee neede goe no farther, for if wee should travell to the Worlds ende, wee shall never arryue there, where they are not either feared, or hated, or both.

Now, since so it is, that this Catholicke Ambition aimeth over all, everie Man seeth that it doeth require a strong Opposition, the Meanes where-of, and easiest Possibilities, The Pryde of Spayne, to bee opposed by Vvarre. is not an vnfit Con­templation for vs of this Yle, who for the present seeme to bee most threatned by the same. It cannot bee opposed, but by Warres: and these are not to bee wished. Al-be-it GOD and Nature haue their good endes in Warres, as GOD to purge the Sinnes where-with a Land is defiled, and chieflie of the Gen­trie, by Pryde, Oppression, and Lust: and Nature againe, to cut, as it were, and crop the over-grouth of the Civill State, when [Page 39] People doe multiplie aboue the proportiō of the Countreys means▪ yet wee are not to desire Warres, but rather wish the sending out of Multitudes to Neighbour-Warres; or by transportation of Colonies, where wee can finde anie possibilitie to plant them▪ vvhich is the most laudable and lawfull Meanes of the two,Colon [...]es. for the disburdening of populous Countreys; because Warres are ne­ver without too much Crueltie, and effusion of innocent Blood: yea, even where the Pretences, and Claymes of Princes and States seeme to bee most just, the grosse of their Armies are brought to the Shambles, and innocentlie murdered; at least, they are guilt­lesse of the Ambition which did moue the Warre, al-be-it it plea­sed GOD to punish them that way, for other Sinnes, and to purge the Land there-from: But by transportation of Colonies, GOD did people the Earth, as the sacred Historie showeth: Na­ture doeth the same; for are wee not all of this Occidentall Worlde descended of the Trojan, Aegyptian, or other Forraigne Colontes? Nature hath imprinted this Politicke Instinct into Beastes: when the Eagle hath taught her young ones to flye, and catch their Prey, shee doeth no more admit them to her Nest, but dryveth them away: and if shee finde anie one laysie, and vnwilling to labour for it selfe, shee killeth it. The Bees constraine their brood, when they once can flie abroad, to seeke new Habita­tiones. All well-governed States haue followed the same, there being no surer Rule in Policie, than the imitation of Nature, which things I neede not heere to discourse, being of daylie practise in the World, so notorious in Histories, and latelie so well set downe, by a vertuous and worthie Gentle-man of our Countrey, Sir William Al [...]xander, now Secretarie for Scotland, Plantatio [...] of Nova Sco­tia. in his Treatise for Plantation of Nova Scotia; of which Enterpryze, and of all such like, I must say thus farre, that they are not onlie ver­tuous, and noble, but in a degree heroicke, aboue ordinarie Vertue, and Nobilitie: and for this Assertion, I giue my reason thus; GOD did frame the World to the ende, that by length of time it might bee peopled, and that no corner there-of might bee emptie of holie Altars, Priests, and People, to celebrate His Worship: So that hee that putteth his Handes to such Workes, for plantation of Countreyes disinhabited or desarted, hee doeth se­cond the first Intentions of GOD toward the World, and doth [Page 40] puisse the course of Nature, so farre as in him lyeth, to her de­stinate perfection: and al-be-it this braue Enterpryze of the fore-saide Gentle-man, bee some-what with-stood, by that vn­luckie Genius of our Nation, ever esteemed to bee averse from such publicke Vertues, witnessed by manie particulars in our Dayes, namelie, by the bad successe of the late Yron Works, long gone about by inexhaustable paines of another great spirit amongst vs; and falling in the ende, for want of concurrance: Not-the-lesse, let not Vertue want her due, to bee honoured of Men, Sat magnum est voluisse magna: and seeing no Nation hath greater cause than wee, to try the Fortune of Transplantation, let vs bee a little ashamed to bee so contrarie to this Designe of No­va Scotia, that wee doe not onelie refuse to embarke our selues into it, but wee seeme to haue an heart-sore, that His Majestie should conferre the marks of Honour on such as doe joyne there­vnto; while as wee cannot deny him to haue the more high and noble Mynde, who doeth it, than hee who refuseth, by as farre as Hope is more heroicke than Despare. Rome was not buil­ded in one day, and manie glorious works haue beene founded vpon doubtfull and difficill beginnings: although manie of vs doe holde it an ydle Project, yet vnderstanding Men haue seene and contemplate the Countrey, who intende to returne and re­maine there-in, certaine, it is more ydle, and more vnreverend with-all, to thinke, that GOD hath placed a Region vnder a degree so temperate, which hee will not suffer to bee peopled by tyme. Al-be-it Men haue often builded Houses, and never dwelt into them, much lesse haue plenished them; it is not so with GOD, whose endes are infallible. For my part, I doe holde, that that insearchable Wisdome hath framed no part of this whole Globe, which is not capable of Man, and sufficient for the mayntaynance of his Lyfe.

But as touching the nature and condition of Warre, Incommo­dities, and Evils follo­wing on VVarr [...]. such are the Distresses that come by Warres, that even the best Fortunes of the Victors doe seldome contrapoyse them: In pace causas & merita spectari, ubi bellum ingruat innocentes ac impios juxta cadere, sayeth one. What Warre was there ever in the World, which was not damnable, for desolation of Cities, exterminion of noble Houses, spoyle of poore People, rape of Women, violation of Chur­ches, [Page 41] and of Holie Things? And happie is that Warriour, whose Sword hath not beene defiled with Christian Blood. Augustus, that mightie Emperour, did abhorre Warre, and adore Peace: his Successour Tiberius, did arrogate to him, as the greatest of all his Glories, when hee had pacified anie Tumult, rather by practi­sing, than by Warre. The Emperour Adrian, did compare Peace to Argent Content, and his Forces were most strong, and when hee could quyer his bordering Nations vvith peaceable wayes: jactabat palam (sayeth Aurelius Victor) plus se ocio adeptum quam armis caeteros: hee bragged openlie, that hee had done more in Peace, and Quietnesse, then his Neighbours had by Armes.

I know farther, that when GOD hath brought a State to a sort of Maturitie, and Perfection, When a Kingdome is i [...]perfection, then bee a­ware of Warres. that it is, as compacted and limited naturallie; as presentlie is this Monarchie of GREAT BRITANE, consolidate with-in it selfe, and confyned with-in the Occean, that then it is good, to feare the instabilitie of thinges. And seeing what-so-ever thing is vnder the Moone, yea, the Moone it selfe, is subject to ordinarie chan­ges; It must bee an heroicke, and more than an humane, yea, a divine worke, the mayntayning of great Kingdomes to great length of tyme: and this is not done,Great B [...]i­tane alreadie a perfect Mo­narchie. but by a prudent wa­rinesse and moderation, when States are once come to a matu­ritie for reasonable greatnesse, or for Antiquitie, as this Kingdome (I say againe) of Great Britane. It is written of Scipio, that when hee had ruinated Carthage, and destroyed Numantia, Wisdome, and Modera­tion of Scipio [...]. the two Competitors, and Emulators of Rome, then hee did not so much wish the farther increase, as the continuation of the Romane State: So farre, that beeing himselfe Censor a whyle there-af­ter, and making the Lustrum, at the pubilcke Sacrifice, the Ma­ster of their religious Ceremonies, according to their forme, hee prayed for the daylie growing of their Empyre. Scipio did cor­rect and change the Style of that Invocation: Satis inquit bonae ac magnae sunt res Romanae, itáque Deos precor vt eas perpetuo in­columes servent, ac protinus in publicis tabulis ad hunc modum carmen emendari voluit, sayth the Historie: Hee would haue the Gods to be in­vocated only for the continuation of the Empyre, because it was alreadie great enough: and hee would haue that Phrase of Prayer to remaine [Page 42] there-after in the Bookes publicke of their Priests. In which case, I say, it were madnesse for vs of this Yle to cry for VVarres, out of Pryde, Forraigne [...] f [...]uitlesse for our Princes. or for extention of Empyre. The mightiest Kings of En­gland (as I haue before touched) did finde their Forraigue, Am­bition but troublesome and fruitlesse, that after the possession of manie Ages, they were contented to quy [...]e the things that they and their Predecessours had lawfullie, justlie, and long brooked in France.

But now it is one thing to wish VVarre, and another thing to embrace tymouslie a most necessarie and inevitable VVarre. The defini­tion of a just Warre. Omne bellum necessarium est justum, said that Captaine of the Vols­ques, in Livius, when the Romanes had determined to conquer his Countrey. And no Man can deny it that VVarre which is ne­cessarie, is just; because wee defyne necessarie, that which can bee no other-wyse. The Volsques behooved to quyte their Coun­treyes Libertie, Our Warre against Spaine just, in three maine re­spectes. or fight with the Romanes. Againe, that VVarre which is mooved to procure Peace, and is defensiue, it is a just VVarre: GOD and Nature doe warrand that. So, I say, for ought I see, wee are to embrace a VVarre most just in all these three Respectes; and I show it by this Argument: To doe that which may stop the comming against our Countrey, a mightie Enemie, whose designe to conquer vs is hereditarie to him; it is both necessarie, defensiue, and tendeth to purchase Peace: But to make VVarre to such an Enemie, within some part of his owne Dominions, is to impeach and stop his comming: Ergo, the mooving of VVarre against him, is just, defensiue, and tendeth to procure Peace. The Major of this Syllogisme is so cleare, that it needeth no probation: the light of Reason doeth show it. The Minor is verified by the ordinarie experience of all Ages gone, and Histories bee full of Examples of the same, where-of I will alleadge, for Brevities cause, but three or foure, of the most fa­mous, and most frequentlie cited by everie Man, vpon this kynde of Theame: The noble Yland of Sicilia, seated betwixt Rome and Carthage, (the two mightie Emulators for the Empyre of the VVorld) was long stryven for, and often-times assaulted by them both, as a thing that would downe-swey the Ballance of their Emulation, and draw after it vniversalitie of Dominion. Amongst others, Agathocles, King there-of, beeing hardlie be­siedged [Page 43] with-in his Towne of Syracuse, by the Carthagenians, hee did closelie convoy him-selfe foorth, and went with an Armie into Africke: by meanes where-of, they were forced to lift the Siedge, and turne home for defence of their owne Countrey. Which exploit Scipio Afri [...]. did object in these Termes to Fa­bius Maxintus, who went about in the Senate, to hinder the sending of an Armie with Scipio against Carthage, during Hanni­ball his beeing in Italie: Livius dec. 3. lib. 8. Car ergo Agathoc [...]e [...] Sy [...]. regem [...] Sicilia punico bello vexaretur, transgressum in hanc eandem Africam avertisse eo bell [...]n, vnde venerat, non rofers. There-after the Ro­manes perceiving that Amilcar, the Father of Hanniball, was like­lie to adjoyne Sicile to Carthage: therefore, to prevent that a conquering People should not spreade over their Armes to Italie, they resolved to make VVarre with them in Sicil [...]a it selfe. From the same ground, the Carthag [...]nian [...], after the fulling of Sicile, in­to the handes of the Romanes, fearing lyke-wyse their comming into Africke, they did sende Hanniball, with strong Forces into Ita­lie, to keepe them at home: where-of sayeth the same Scipio, in the same place and to the same purpose, Sed quid veteribus ex­ternisque exemplis opus est majus praesentiusque [...]llum esse exemplum quant Hanniball potest. From the same ground, yet the Romanes, by sending of Scipio to make VVarre in Africke, made Hanniball constrainedlie to bee called out of Italie; Quasi eodem telo saepius retorto, (sayeth one) as by a naturall, necessarie, and ordinarie meane, for keeping of anie State peaceable, and free from Ene­mie-Invasion, namelie, of the weaker, from the more mightie.

For even in lyke manner, when the great Persian Monarchs did often afflict the weake and dismembered Estates of Greece, Ag [...]silaus, [...] poore King went against the Persian Empyre. gaping at length after the conquest of all, Agesilaus, King of La­cedemon pitying his Countreys Calamit [...]e, and to divert those migh­tie Kinges from Greece, he did put him-selfe with a maine Armie into the midst of Persia, where hee did so daunt the pryde of Xerxes, that it behooved him to practise the same Policie, for Li­beration of his Kingdomes, from Forraigne Powers, hee sent 10000 great pieces of Golde, bearing the Image of an Archer: on the one side (the current Stampe then of his Coyne) to corrupt (as it did) the Orators of Athens and Thebes, and concitate the People, to make Warre to Lacedemon, in absence of their King, and Coun­treyes [Page 44] Forces: where-vpon the Ephorie were compelled to recall Agesilaus, [...] who in his returning, saide, that 10000 Persian Arcbers had chased him out of Asia.

Againe, of the lyke practise to this of Xerxes, with Athens and Thebes, for mooving and keeping of Warres in Enemie-Coun­treyes, that wee may remaine within our selues free from their Invasion, wee reade in the Histories of Scotland, that the renowned Prince, Charles Magne, having an holie and Christian Resolution, to prosecure (as hee did) Warres against the Barbarians: and fin­ding the English begun in their prosperitie, to crosse the Seas, and to molest the Borders of his Kingdome of France, hee sent Am­bassadours to Aebains, King of Scotland, to negotiate with him a perpetuall League, in these Termes, that when-so-ever the English should molest either of their Countreyes, the other should moue Warre to England, and so constraine them to call home their Ar­mies. Which (after great Controversies of Opinions amongst the Scottish Nobilitie, and frequent Orations of the French Ambassa­dours) was finallie concluded, and stood to, by their Successours, in all tyme following; with often mutuall Advantages against their Common Enemie. For late Examples, I haue alreadie tolde you, how King Philip made Warres in France, and intended against England, and that to the ende they should retire their Forces from Portugall: Hanniball did ever affirme, namelie to King Antiochus, that it was impossible to vanquish the Romanes, but at home in Italie, as the same Livius doeth testifie.

Now I thinke yee will come to the Hypothesis, and put mee to prooue,How the Spanyard is proved to bee our Enemie. that the Spanyard is that mightie Enemie, who in­tendeth to trouble this Kingdome. That hee is mightie a great deale aboue that, which wee would wish, I haue alreadie sho­wed, and that hee is our Enemie, not onelie by actions intended, or projected, but diverslie alreadie attempted, these are the Cir­cumstances, which doe qualifie it: First he is Enemie to all Christian States, by the vniversalitie of his Ambition: Ergo, also to vs; Second­lie, his Grandsire, Philip the second, did once obtaine a matrimo­niall right to the Crowne of England, by his marriage with Queene Marie. Thirdlie, & a Papall right, by excommunication of Queene Elizabeth. Fourthlie, hee did set foorth a great Armada, to haue reconquered it, as is before rehearsed. Fyftlie, hee hath ever [Page 45] since, and as I thinke, doeth yet maintaine with-in it, a clau­destine Traffique of Iesuites, and Seminarie Priests, to alienate the Hearts of Subjects from their naturall King, or to keepe them vm­bragious, and suspended in myndes, vntill his better occasion. And I doe thinke, that besides Ambition puissing him there-vn­to, there bee no Neighbour-States that hee so much feareth, by reason of their strong and skilfull Navigation, as yee will heare heere-after more particularlie. But this King that nowe is in Spayne, hath proceeded farther: hee hath reft, and taken away, the whole estate of the Palatine, who is Brother-in-law to His Majestie, our Soveraigne: and by that deede, hath made this Warre to bee defensiue to vs: Non enim nobis solum nati, &c. Wee are not onelie borne to our selues, but our Prince, our Parents, our Children, our Friendes, Common-wealth; and Religion: everie of these haue their owne part and interesse in vs, and all these together doe concurre to move vs to so just a Warre: so far, that if that Prince Palatine were not linked to vs by so near Allyance, and by communion of one Fayth; yet, Tum tua res agitur paries dum proximus ardet, the propulsion of a fearfull Enemie approaching nearer to our Coastes, and seeking to do mineire over all, is sufficient enough to make all the braue Heartes of Christendome to boyle: Besides these, hee hath put vpon vs intollerable Indignities, in a verie high degree: hee hath made vs, by false, and persidious Promises, to bee as in­different beholders of his conquest of the Pal [...]tinate: yea, more, to facilitate his engresse there-to, hee hath made vs to seeke Peace, perhaps, to haue beene accepted vpon disadvantagious Conditions, and hath refused the same. And hee who refuseth Peace, by necessarie consequence, doeth intende Warre. The marriage of our King, hath beene agitated by him, and illuded: and hee who doeth containe so neare friendship of Neighbours, appearinglie intendeth to bee their Superiour. And so hee hath left vs no hope of Peace, but in Armes: therefore wee may con­clude with that Captaine of the Volsques, of whom I spake before, Iustum est Bellum, quibus est necessarium: & pia Arma, quibus nul­la nis [...] [...] Armi [...] relinquitur spes: Their Warre is just, whose Warre is necessarie, and their Armes bolie, to whom there is no hope relin­quished but in Armes.

[Page 46] Since then I holde it granted, that of necessitie there must bee Warres, How Scot­land is furni­shed of Men for Warre. it followeth to consider the Forces to bee employed there-to, and those must either bee properlie our owne, or of conjoyned Confederates. Wee are bred into, and doe inhabite, a Northerne Region, naturallie generatiue of great Multitudes, of more bellicole kynde, and of more robust Bodies, than those of the Southerne Climates: And al-be-it wee haue for the first face, but small opinion of our vulgar sort, because an hard condition of living hath some-what dejected their Hearts, during these late vnfruitfull Yeares: yet there bee manie strong Persons of Men amongst them, who pressed for the Milice, and once made ac­quainted there-with, and being fred from the Povertie and Base­nesse of their carriage, they will more gladlie follow the Warres, than the Plough. Wee haue numbers of braue Gentle-men, wan­ting vertuous Employments, and, for the most part, necessarie Meanes. Wee reade in our Countrey Annals, how our auncient Kings did lose in Battels, yea, and frequent Battels, ten, or twen­tie, or thirtie thousand Men, when Scotland was not so popu­lous. What should wee then doubt, nor wee bee able now to make great numbers? and that is alwyse easilie tryed, by Rolles of Weapon-showes, if they bee diligentlie noted: and so what doe wee lacke of Warre, but Armour, Discipline and Mayntaynance?

And certainlie, it is strange, that in this great appearance of Warres, Neglect of militarie Dis­cipline. the two or three yeares by-gone, no order hath bene given, to bring able men vnder Discipline. Wee heare, and haue read, that even in Spaine, when the Countrey-Youthes of vulgar kinde are in-rolled for the Milice, and brought to Cities for Dis­cipline, they doe looke as most vile and abject Slaues: if one haue Sockes, hee wanteth Shooes; and manie doe want both: if another haue Breaches, hee wanteth the Doublet: pitifull Bodies, and our of countenance: but when they bee exercised during two Mo­neths, and once put into Apparell, then they are seene of most haughtie Carriage, and to walke as Captaines in the Streets. Why then are wee not to expect the lyke of our People, if lyke paines were taken? and if in everie Shyre [...] Men expert in the Soul­dierie were set a-worke to in-roll, and bring vnder Capt [...]ines, and Discipline, those who were most fitting for the Warres, no doubt but our basest Clownes should grow both to civill con­versation [Page 47] and cowrage. There hath never beene yet anie great State carelesse of the Militarie Seminaries, not in times of most solemne and sworne Peace.

As for Allyance, Leagues, or Confederacio in Warres, Thenature of Leagues and Consede­racies. they are indeede not onelie necessarie, but as I haue saide before, even naturall to bee, for the safetie of smaller States, or Princes, from the tyrannie and violence of the mightier: But with-all, they haue beene often-times subject to one of two great Inconveniences, either to Pryde, for Preferment, or Prioritie of place during Warres: where-thorow what dangers did ensue in that famous Confederacie for the Battell of Lepanto, Confe [...] for the Battell of Lapanto. because of emulation betwixt Don Iohn de Austria, and Vinieri, the Ad­mirall of Venice, the Storie doeth beare it at length: and al-be-it it pleased GOD in His mercie, to favour the present action, yet the rememberance of that Contestation, did debrash all farther prosecution of that glorious and holie Enterpryse, and vtterlie dissolue that Christian Vnion. Neyther is it a new thing, al-though I bring this late Example for it: The Romanes in their begin­nings, being confederate with the Latines, in a League offensiue, and defensiue, the Latines did challange Paritie of Governement: Si societas aequa [...]io juris est (sayeth Livius) cur non omnia aequan­tur, cur non alter ab Latinis Consul datur, vbi pars vivium, ibi & imperij pars? Tum consul Rom▪ Confed. of the Romanes and [...]. audi Iupiter baec scelera, perigri­nos Consules, &c. If societie bee an equalitie of things, Why are not all things made equall to vs? and why should not one of the two Consuls bee a Latine? Where-vnto the Romanes did answere, by attesting Iupiter, that it was an impious demande, to haue a stran­ger Consullover them. Or againe, Leagues are subject to fraudfull de­sertion of some of the Sociation, in time of greatest Danger: Wher­of the World is full of daylie experience.Confed. be­twixt Car [...]es the eight of France, & the Duke of Milan. I will remember that of Lodowicke Duke of Milan▪ who vpon malice against the Aragones of Naples, did procure King Charles the eight of France, (preten­ding some Title to Naples) to bring a great Armie into Italie, & joy­ned with him, a Confederacie of divers of his Friends in Italie: But seeing the said King, to passe thorow so fortunatelie, and to behaue him-selfe as a Conquerour in manie of their Townes, and to enter peaceablie in Naples, without that anie Teeth were showed against him, as the King returned from Naples home-ward, the [Page 48] same Duke did negoti [...]te a League of the greatest Potētates against him, who did constrayne him to fight a Battell at Forum Novum, vnder the Apennine, where hee did hardlie escape with his lyfe, although hee over-threwe them. I haue tolde you alreadie, how Philip the second of Spayne did desert Don Sebastian of Por­tugall, and betray him by a League: but of all Examples for this Purpose, that is most remarkable, of the Confederacie drawne by Charles of Burgundie, with the whole Princes of France, agaynst Lewis the eleventh;Confederacie against Lewis the eleventh of France. where-vnto they were so bended, and wil­ling, that they did call it, Bellum pro Rep. A Warre vnder-gone for the Common-wealth. Which Confederacie, that subtill King did dis­solue, as Clowds dispersed with the Wind, before they could grow to Raine: where-vpon, sayeth the Wryter of the Historie, De Co­mines, That hee holdeth one partie stronger for him-selfe, who doeth command absolutelie over 10000, than are ten Confederates against him, al-be-it everie of them doeth command over 6000.

To come to our Purpose: Leagues, or Confederacies of Salt. There are as manie Christian Prin­ces, and States, true Enemies to the Spanyard, as are able to de­voure him, in two or three Yeares, if it were possible to con­tract amongst them a Confederacie, or League of Salt: that is to say, which might endure without Corruption, of Fraude, or Emu­lation. Delibera­tion for War, the weigh­tiest matter belonging to a King. And therefore heere must I say, that all the Actions be­longing to a King, are of light importance, compared to this, to maturelie deliberate both of his owne Forces, and of the trusti­nesse of Confederates, before hee doe enterpryze VVare. Alwyse, when wee take but a single view of our Associates against Spayne, wee should thinke it strange, why they may not stand vnited, beeing al-readie conjoyned, by Vi [...]initie of Neighbour-hood, by Consanguinitie, Affinitie, communion of one Cause, against a Com­mon Enemie, communion of one Fayth: Confede­rates against Spayne. connected, I say, everie one of them, by diverse of these Bandes, our Soveraigne, the King of Great Britane, the French King, his Brother-in-law, the King of Denmarke, his Vncle, the Princes of Germanie, all knit to the Prince Palatine, eyther in Blood, in Religion, or participation of one Feare of the House of Austria: the Duke of Savoy, who lyeth nearest to the Thunders and Threats of Spayne, having a great part of his Ter­ritories circumscribed by them: the Venetians, who beholde his Garrisons daylie vpon their Frontiers, gaping for some good opor­tunitie [Page 49] of Assault; Holland, and her Estates, who haue beene so long protected, and as it were, fostered in the Bosome of the Crowne of England: now, who would not conjecture, that this Tygers VVhelpe might bee surelie impailed amidst those mightie Hunters? and that it were easie for them to bring him to his lat­ter sweate. I scorne heere to call in question, what invincible Armies they might assemble by Sea and Land, sufficient to robbe him of all that hee hath: for it is thought, that if after the ta­king in of Portugall, England, France, Holland, and other Confede­rates, had then put into it amongst them all, but 30000 Men, with sufficient Shipping, and Munition, they had beene bastant to recover it, and King Philip had beene forced to forbeare from the farther troubling of France or Holland.

And yet to treat this Point of so great Consequence, with Can­dor and Sinceritie, Whether small, or grosse Armies to bee sent to Enemie Coun­treyes. I finde, that Men of great experience for Warre, doe holde opinion contrarie to this, beeing of the mynde of King Francis the first, who saide, that longsome VVarres, and small Armies, served rather to exercise Men in the Artes Militarie, than to daunt the Enemie: and that without grosse Armies, and quicke dispatch, it was not possible to compasse great Enterpry­ses: saying with-all, that the Maintainance of small Armies, and longsome VVarres, was much more chargeable than the other. They tell vs, that the Empyre of the Turke beginneth to decline for his Pretermission of two thinges, which his Predecessours did obserue and follow: One, that hee goeth not in person, to bee over his Armies, as they did: another, that they are not so nu­merous and grosse as they had them, and that light exploits, and often leading of small Armies to and froe, doeth but teach the Milice to his Enemies, and spoyle his owne Countreyes, tho­row vvhich his Souldiours so frequentlie doe passe. Where-of they giue vs this Example: Amurat the third,The long­some Warres of Amurat the third, im­profitable. kept vnder the commandement of his Bussaes, a lingering VVarre, of more than twelue Yeares, employing not verie great Armies against the Persian, vvhere-by, al-be-it hee conquered great partes of his Countreyes, yet vvere his Losses knowne to bee greater, because hee spended the Flowre of his Forces, of young Souldiours, and lustie Horses, 200000 Horses, and more than 500000 Men, from the beginning to the ende, and made desolate the Countreyes [Page 50] that hee tooke in: so farre, that Osman Bassa alone (besides what vvas done by others) did cast to the ground, and burne, 100000 Houses, besides that the Persians, their Enemies, during that great length of tyme, did become more skilfull Warriours than themselues. The Spanish Warres against Holland, Zealand, and Friezland, haue vvrought the same Effects. Agesilaus, King of Lacedemonia, in his longsome Warres against the Thebaus, having one day received a dangerous Blow in his Person, was tolde by one of his Friends, that hee deserved vvell to haue it, because hee had taught his Enemies to bee good Souldiours.

I confesse indeede, that in this point of teaching the Arte Militarie to Enemies, vvee can lose nothing, beeing rather to learne from them: but whether the employing of small or grosie Armies against them, shall bee most hurtfull to them, before vvee say to that, [...] prudent Prince will not manage Warres with­in, but with­out his Coun­treyes. wee must consider vvhat parts of his Dominions doe lye most open for our Invasion, and most easilie and profitablie brooked: for I take it also as granted, that as there must bee Warres, so they must bee with-out our Countrey, and into that of the Enemie. Never an actiue Prince was knowne to looke on, vntill the Enemie should bee seene with-in his Bowels. There be thousands of Examples of Ignorants, who by so doing haue cast away their Kingdome from them-selues. Antiochus, Persius, Iu­ba Ptolome the last of Aegypt, Darius, some of the French Kings, as King Iohn, taken vvith-in his owne Countreyes, by Edward, the Blacke Prince of England: And for this cause, Philip of France, cal­led the Conquerer, vnderstanding that the Emperour, Otho the se­cond, and the King of England, were to assault his Kingdome, hee fortified sundrie strong places, and led his Armie without the Frontiers, vvhere hee did combate, and defeat them. Wee reade in our Scottish Histories, how frequentlie Armies haue bene con­voyed beyond our Marches, to find the Enemie, before he should enter amongst vs. So long as a Countrey is free from open Hosti­litie, as long it doeth not feele extreame Calamitie; sayeth Scipi [...] Afric. for putting of Armies into Africke, Plus animi est inferenti periculum quam propulsanti, ad hoc major ignotarum rerum est ter­ror, &c. The Assaulters of anie Countrey must haue greater cowrage than the Defendants, who having mo [...] things, and more deare, in pe­rill their Houses, their Rit [...]es, VVyues, and Children, are more taken [Page 51] with feare: besides, being with-in the Enemies Countrey, yee doe dis­cover all his weaknesses, whylst your strength and possibilities, the more they bee vnknowne to him, they doe the more encrease his terrour.

But to speake of places in generall, most proper for this VVarre, there is none more honourable than the Palatinate, Palatinate, the most ho­nourable place of this VVarre. (al-be-it most difficill to come vnto, by reason of remotenesse from the Sea:) without the restitution where-of, there can remaine no credite with the parties and Princes of the League. I heard a Scottish Captaine of good experience in those Countreyes, latelie say to mee, that it was impossible to recover the Palatinate, but by Sea Advantages over the Spanyard, because it was so farre re­mooved from Friends; and I did aske him, how the late Prince of Parma did leade 10000 Men to Paris, in the Teeth of a migh­tie King, amidst his Armies? hee answered mee, that those were carried as in Trenches, and the way was easie, without impedi­ment of Mountaines, or Rivers. Againe I demanded, how did the Christian Kings ancientlie of England, Scotland, and France, con­voy their Armies to the holie VVarres of Hierusalem, and most part over Land? or how Alexander the Great, an Armie of with-in 40000, from Macedon, to the Easterne Occean, and did subjugate all the Nations by the way? or how Iulius Caesar, a smaller by the one halfe, from the occident of France, to Pharsalia in Greece? or Hanniball from Carthage, by the way of Spaine and France, tho­row so manie alpestiere and precipitious Mountaines, even to Naples, and brooked Italie fifteene Yeares? Although them­selues were excellent, and incomparable Captaines, and of ex­travagant Fortunes, yet their Souldiours appearinglie haue beene but such Men, as doe yet liue in the VVorld, the difference and ods of Tymes excepted: for softnesse and Delicacie in some, and contemplation, and loue of Letters in others, haue so daunted, and as it were emasculate the cowrage of Men, who now are, that none is able to endure that austeritie and hardnesse of li­ving with Hanniball him-selfe, let bee his Souldiours.

The next Fielde fitting for this VVarre, VVest Flan­ders, a proper Seat for Wars against Spayne. is that which were most easie to come vnto, and likelie to bring the Businesse to a short and prosperous Ende, and this is the Countrey of VVest Flanders, if this fatall Iealousie of Neighbour-Princes, which hath [Page 52] beene so manie tymes contrarious to the best Designes and En­terpryses of Christendome, did not heere with-stand: that is to say, if the French King did not call to mynde, how that was the Port where-at ancientlie the English did so often enter to trouble his Predecessours. It is a wonderfull thing, if Kings so nearelie allyed, and so nearelie touched by one Common Danger, cannot bee assu­red from mutuall Iealousies in the meane tyme, Nulla fides regni sociis. Therefore, leaving that to the Event which GOD shall grant,Going of the Navie latelie to Portugall. I will speake of putting Armies into Spayne by Sea, where­vnto, it may bee, yee will object the small Successes; now, of a second Navigation of the English to Portugall; and that His Ma­jestie had better kept his Navie at home, Careat successibus opto, quisquis ab eventu facta not and a putet. Cou [...]sels not to bee ponde­red by the events. I answere to you, that Counsels and Designes, are not to bee weighed from the Event, that was so good a purpose, as in my judgement, will not yet be left. But yee will say, Wee haue wakened the sleeping Dog, and made spoyle of our best Occasion: I confesse, that is more considerable, than anie losse; and yet who doubteth, for the Dog, but hee was a-wake before? Diabolus non dormit. How can he sleepe, that lyeth in Ambush, for all the World?

As touching the credite of the Enterpryse, it is so farre from bringing vnder question the Reputation of our Soveraigne, that by the contrarie,The going of our King in person to Spayne. both that, and his personall going to Spaine, are things where-of wee should rejoyce; as being infallible Argu­ments of his Royall Magnanimitie, and Preambles of much greater things. King Philip of Macedon, being brought for the first time, to see the noble Horse, Bucephalus, commanded his best Horse-man to ryde him: which when hee could not doe, by reason of his fiercenesse, the King did set another to him, and the third, who in lyke manner did not suffice; vntill at length, Alexander his Sonne, being but a young Stripling, did adventure him-selfe to it, and did performe it: which when his Father behelde, shedding Te [...]res for joy, hee apprehended there-by, the greatnesse of his Spirit, saying, that Greece was too small for him. Where such Spar­kles breake foorth, before the Fyre of a young Prince his cowrage bee well kindled, it is like enough once to spreade manie Flames abroad. Yea, I will say farther, that the successe of that Businesse went better, than if it had beene to our Wishes, for that it is not [Page 53] good, that Fortune should bee too indulgent to the beginninges of a young King, or should lay the Reignes vpon his Necke: but ra­ther that he runne his first Cariers with a borne head; to the ende, that hee may learne the wayes of true Wisdome, and Fore-sightful­nesse in Matters of greater Consequence. The ancient Theologues▪ amongst the Gentiles, did never introduce their Goddesse Fortune in the Counsell of the Gods. There is nothing that doeth more rectifie the judgement to Action, than Experience, where-of one Tricke, in our Youthhead, is more worth to vs, than twentie in our Age.

Besides that, wee are certainlie but ignorant, to thinke, that great things can bee gone about, or compassed, but by adven­turing somethings also of the lyke kynde: but lest wee bee anie way discowraged, by those two fruitlesse Voyages of the English to Portugall, wee may reade in the Stories, how that Nation an­cientlie hath beene no lesse victorious in Spaine, than in France, al-be-it not so often, because they were olde, and long Inheriters, and Inhabiters of diverse parts of France. Edmund, called De Lang­ley, Duke of Yorke, and Iohn of Gaunt, Duke of Langcaster, both Sonnes of Edward the third, King of England, having obtained diverse glorious Victories against the Castilians, in favours of the Kinges of Portugall, sought to bee ejected by the saide Castilians: The English auncientlie most victori­ous in Spaine. not-the-lesse where-of, they did at length marrie the two Daugh­ters of Peter, King of Castile: who dying without other Children, the saide Iohn of Gaunt, who was married to the eldest, did stile him-selfe King of Castile, and passe from Gascoigne, (then being vnder the English Dominion) into Castile, with 8000 Footmen, & 2000 Horse; where he did quickly make himselfe Master almost of the whole Countrey: but partlie, by Famine then in Castile, and second­lie, because of new Troubles betwixt the English and French, then in Gascoigne; and thirdlie, by reason of hote Broyles in England, which was likelie to cut him from succourse of his Friends, hee did transact with most honourable and advantagious condi­tions, even at his owne option, that his onelie Daughter and Chylde, should marrie the eldest Sonne of the Castilian King, that him-selfe should haue the present Possession and profites of foure chiefe Townes of Castile, with sixtie hundreth thousand Frankes, in Argent Content, to defray his Charges, and fourtie thousand [Page 54] Franks of yearlie Rent. What then? shall wee thinke, but the English, who are the naturall Off-spring of those generose Stockes, haue also braue Mindes, and aboundance of Cowrage, to invade, by way of just and necessarie VVarre, their olde and sworne Ene­mies of Castile, if they were once set on edge, after this long In­tervale of Peace? Haue they not all the whyle bene exclayming agaynst the dayes of Peace? And was it not much for a paci­ficke King, to contayne them? Did they not yearne after the Spanyard, as Hounds long kept vp after Hares? And may we not hope, that Armies which bee not verie grosse, well disciplined, vvell armed, and vvell mayntayned, can doe great thinges in Portugall, being of so easie accesse and recept? when wee reade of Scanderbeg. Scanderbeg, VVilliam VVallace. or of the late Prince of Transylvania, or in our owne Annals, of VVilliam VVallace, what Miracles were done by small numbers against worlds of Men? It is the LORD, who stirreth vp the Heart, to persecute Pryde, and punish Tyrants: it is Hee, who doeth deliver into the Hands of Israel, their mightie Enemies. 2000 Men, that Charles the eight of France gaue to his Cosin, Henrie, Earle of Richmond, Henrie, Earle of Richmond, against Ri­chard the third, with 2000 French. were sufficient for him to passe into England, and giue Battell to Richard the third, the Tyrant, and to slay him. The Kingdome of Spaine was once alreadie (as I haue related) taken from Roderico, a licentious Prince, by 12000 Moores.

But, to returne to the particular: Navarre, or Portugall, shall bee the first Revolters from Spayne, Portugall and Navarre, the first re­volters from Spaine. when-so-ever the tyme shall come, where-in GOD hath appoynted to dissipate that Empyre: there shall the Stone bee first moved, which rolling along, shall bruise and breake the Hornes there-of. Portugall must bee the chiefe Port of our Hopes in Spayne. The World hol­deth, that His Majestie of Great Britane, and the Hollanders, his protected Confederates, haue more Shipping than will command the whole Occean, let bee to get footing in Portugall, or to stop the Trafficke of the West Indees. And if wee would make a like­lie Conjecture, what they are able to doe in Portugall, let vs but call to mynde, what great Conquests were made by the Portugals them-selues, with no great numbers of Ships (as is showne in the former part of this Discourse:) There bee manie yet alyue, who know, that when those few of England and Holland did last [Page 55] invade, and tooke the Towne of Cales, King Philip did presentlie sende for his Galleyes of Naples and Sicilia, and would haue bor­rowed from Genua and Malta: hee called his Forces out of Brita­nie, and had beene compelled to call Home all that hee had anie where, if the English had remayned longer.

It is greatlie to bee marveled, why the Ritches of the VVest Indees should not before now haue allured both English & Flem­mings, and others, who are powerfull by Sea, those beeing the Treasures that doe fortifie and assure the Spanish Tyrannie. The VVest Indees in the possession of a great Mo­narch, aninfal­lible meanes to vniversali­tie of Empyre, & the proofe there of. The Romanes and Carthagenians, when they began to flowrish, and to haue mutuall Iealousies, fore-seeing that Sicilia (beeing a Store-House of fyne Cornes and People) was the thing which would de­termine their Emulation, as I haue said before, they fought cruell Battels for it. The Carthagenians had it, and lost it often. At length it did incline to the Romanes, and with it, the Soveraignitie also of Empyre. Wee cannot erre, to thinke, that never a Mo­narch, or mightie State, did possesse such probable Meanes, and such inexhaustable Mines, more commodious for Extension, and vniversalitie of Dominion, as are the West Indees to the Spanyard, if hee bee suffered to enjoye them peaceablie, together with the other ritch Mines of Silver, and great Revenewes that hee hath else-where. Plinius helde Spayne the ritchest for Silver Mines in the World, then in his tyme: It is wonderfull, sayde hee, to see one onlie Silver Mine in Spayne, broken vp by Hanniball, and which yeelded to him 300 pound weight daylie, to continue still now vnder Vespasian. Hee hath diverse of the most fruitfull and questuous Countreyes of Europe, as Naples, Milane, Sicilie, Flanders, beeing all of the Su­perlatiue Degree, for Ritches, and for vertuous Traffickes, (which are the Fountaynes from whence Ritches flow) so it is indeed: for wee reade in the Histories, that Charles the fift of Spayne, Empe­rour, did draw yearlie more Moneyes out of the Dutchie of Milan, than King Francis the first, who lived with him, did from whole France; and more out of the Low-Countreyes, than the King of Eng­land of his whole Kingdomes. (This is affirmed by French Wry­ters.) It beeing so, may not I say, with good vvarrand, that (saving Fatalitie, and the secret providence of GOD) the Kinges of Spayne shall bee once Masters of the Occidentall Worlde, except that Neighbour Princes and States take it more in heart, [Page 56] to oppose him, than hither-to they haue done?

Bio [...], the Philosopher, sayde, that Money was the Nerue of Ac­tion, and of all the Effayres of Men. And of him sayeth Plutarch, that his speach doeth most touch the Actions of Warre, Money the Nerue of VVarre, and the proofe there-of. where-in there was no doing at all without Money: For why? sayde hee, a Captayne hath onlie two thinges to goe about; eyther to draw Men together for Services of Warre; or being together, to leade them to their Services; vvhere-of he can doe neyther vvithout Money. Thucitides sayth, that the People of Pelop. did often vexe them-selues, and over-runne their owne Territories, by short Warres, and small Exployts, because of their Povertie, and want of Money to attende Warres. The Foundator of that State, Lycurg [...]s, having by a Law prohibited the vse of Money there, Agesil. their King, were into Aegypt, with great Forces, to bee mercenarie, and serue for Money, where-with hee might bee able to keep VVarres agaynst the Theb. who had almost ruinated his Countrey. Alex­ander the Great, before hee enterpryzed his VVarres, did alienate what-so-ever hee had for provision of Money, leaving no-thing to him-selfe but Hope. Pompey the Great, Greatest States and Monarches, straited for w [...]nt of Mo­ney. the tyme of his VVarres in Spayne, agaynst Sertorius, hee wrote to the Senate, that if they did not sende him quicklie store of Money, his Armie would goe from that Province. Hanniball after he had defeated the Romanes, by three great Battels, did wryte as much to Carthage. So, if Mo­ney bee the strength of humane Actions, as Bion sayde, and prin­cipallie of Warre, as Plutarch did subjoyne, I say, it is a thing no lesse than fearfull, to suffer the Spanyard to brooke peaceablie his Traffique of the West Indees, having there-by a greater meanes to enlarge his Dominions, than either Rome, or anie others haue hitherto had; that of Rome was the greatest of anie tymes past; Plinius calleth it, a Sunne-shyning to the World, but when their Towne was taken by the Gaules (who were irritated by the vn­just dealing of the three Fabli) they were forced to robbe their People, of their whole Golde and Silver, and did scarcelie finde so much as to pay the Ransome: manie yeares there-after when they were so broken by Hanniball▪ they were compelled to doe the same, and were in such paine, for want of Money, that they had no meanes to redeeme 8000 Prisoners, who were taken by him at the Battell of Cannas.

[Page 57] Now I doe not doubt, but some Men will thinke, that I haue sayde too much, in affirming, That the West Indees, and Moneyes, which the Spanyard hath, may by length and tract of Tyme, purchase vnto him the Western VVorld: therefore I would preasse to show it this way, By posing the Case, that two things may concurre together,The hudge Moneyes got­ten by Charles the fift, into Peru. which are possible enough to meere, by progresse of Tyme: First, If the Spanyard should light at once vpon the lyke Treasure as hee got at the taking in of Peru, where there was such plentie of Golde and Silver, that the Bottle of Wyne was solde for 300 Duckates there, a Spanish Cape, at 1000, a Gen­net of Spayne, at 6000. And besides the fift part of all Moneyes generall in that Countrey payed to the King, Charles the fift, the king there-of, Atabalipa, payed to him, for his Ransome, ten Mil­lions, three hundreth, twentie, and sixe thousand Duckates, in pure Golde, at one tyme: which was the first thing that made in these Countreyes of Europe, the great alteration of all sorte of Merchandize, Vivers, and of the pryces of Land, and, al-most, of the Manners of Men: even as it fell out in Rome, when Iul. Caes. brought thither the ritch Spoyles and Treasures of Aegypt, that made vpon the sudden the Vsurie of Money to be diminished by the one halfe, and the pryce of Land to be haughted by the other halfe. For the second, I put the Case, that together with this Casualitie, the Spanyard should finde the Humours of France so easie to bee practised, and such Distemper, and Distraction of Myndes amongst them, as his Grand-father, Philip the second, did finde, then when hee broached the holie League in France. If these two should meere, I put it to anie Man's contemplation, if anie lesse could follow there-on, than the conjunction of France, to the Empyre of Spayne? which Philip had even then obtayned, if his Conquest of Portugall had not diverted him from it. And may not these supposed two Cases arriue, and come to passe together? Vnlesse the vigilance, and diligence of Neighbour Princes, doe stop the Wayes where-by they must come, assuredlie it is a thing most possible: for why? the French, how-so-ever after they be beaten with the Miseries and Calamities of Warre, they can for a whyle bee content to refresh them-selues,The naturall humour, and manners, of the French Nation. with Peace and Quyet­nesse: yet that is but a Digression, or a By-Strype, from the Current of their naturall Humour, which is to be volage, and remoueant, [Page 58] much delighted with present things, having no long Projectes, given to Change, both of Apparell, and Mynde, joviall; and of open Conversation, of easie Familiaritie, of amiable Countenance, never si­lent, but still in Complement, and Discourse, full of Noble, and Cour­teous Carriage, inclined to all sort of Gallantri [...], which doeth re­quire great Charges, of moderate Devotion, suden, and precipi­tant in their Resolutions, and loving Innovations of State, aboue all things: that it is a wonder, to see such Antipathie everie way be­twixt them, and the Spanyard, divided but by one Mountaine of the Pirenees, and no other-wise.

Thus haue I discoursed on this last Point, to let you see, what great necessitie haue Princes, who vvould make Warres, to bee vvell provided of Moneyes, vvhich, because it doeth no lesse touch and concerne vs, vvho bee Subjectes of this Kingdome, A [...] of the Re [...]sor [...] which should encowrage vs agaynst the spa [...]y [...]rd. than it doeth our Soveraigne King, it shall bee verie expedient to treate some-what seriouslie of it, as the weightiest Article wee haue to speake of. That wee are bound to contribute to just and necessarie Warre, vnder-taken by our Prince, Pro aris & focis, not onelie our Goods, but our Lyues, it is a Position that no Man will contradict: And to know, that vvee of this Kingdome are most obliedged of anie People in the World, not onelie to doe so, but to accept the necessitie of so doing, vvith much patience, and thankfulnesse to GOD, for the great Peace and Quiet­nesse, vouchsafed on vs, during a whole Age by-gone, vvithout the smallest interruption, which, what an extraordinarie Bles­sing it is,Co [...]empla­t [...]on of our [...], du­ring our P [...]ace, this [...] by [...]gone. wee cannot vnderstand, never having felt nor knowne the Afflictions of VVarre. But if vvee shall set before our Eyes, (as Portracts of those Calamities) the fearfull Naufrages of our Neighbours, during the time of our Quyetnesse; and the disastrous, and sorrowfull Dayes, of our owne Predecessours, before our Times, whilst this Yle remained disvnited, and vnder discordant Kinges, wee should not then forbeare to fall vpon our Faces, and to adore that Bountie of the MOST HIGH, who did re­serue so happie Dayes for vs. As for our Neighbours, wee haue so often heard the Thunders of their Troubles, sounding in our Eares; and, as it were, securelie standing vpon the S [...]oare, so often behelde the Spoiles of their Tempests, that I neede not to particu­larize anie Examples of things that are so recent. When those [Page 59] of that Noble Citie of Paris, (the Queene of all the Townes of the World) were forced by this tyrannie of Spaine, Calamitie of the Citie of Paris, and of whole France. to nowrish them-selues with the bodies of Horses, of Dogs, Cats, and Rats, we were fed, the greater part of vs, to Superfluitie, and all to Sufficience, When those of her Countrey about, were glad to get an houre of sleepe in their Armour, vnder some Covert in the Fieldes, the LORD did grant to vs, Mollibus incumbere toris, & pingues exigere somnos.

As for our Predecessours, if wee shall cast over the Annals of our Nation, wee shall finde it the most cruent and bloodie Histo­rie, where-in, since the establishment of our Crowne, (not-with­standing of the matchlesse Antiquitie, and lawfulnesse there-of) wee shall not reade of an Age, nor halfe, nor third part of an Age, Contem [...]lation of the Trou­bles of our Predecessors. free from desperate Warres, now with Peghts, now with Dane [...], now with Saxons, now with Romanes, now with English, (tantae molis erat Romanam condere gentem:) where not onlie Men, but Women, did ordinarilie goe to Battell: ordinarilie, I say, for manie Ages, after manie Testimonies of our famous Historiographer, Hector Bo [...]ce, where-of I will ci [...]e to you but one, in his sixt Booke, where hee setteth downe that fearfull Battell foughten against them by Maximus, the Romane Generall, with the assistance of the Saxones, and perfidious Peghts, where-in our King, Euge­nius, with the whole Nobilitie, Gentyle, Commons, and their aged Parents, were nearlie extinguished, without anie hope of far­ther memorie of our Race, Maximus, the Romane Ge­nerall, against the Scottish King, Euge­ [...]. except that it pleased GOD to re­serue miraculouslie amidst their Ashes, some sparkles of Lyfe, which did after some Yeares reviue, and restore the Progresse of our Nation, Convenere (sayeth hee) ad E [...]genium regem frequon­tes viri, foeminae que ad militiam, ex veteri gentis instituto, vrgentibus ex­tremis, conscriptae, clamantes aut eo die moriendunt sibi omnibus fortiter dimicando, aut vincendos infensissin os hostes, &c. There did conveane (sayeth hee) vnto the King E [...]gemus, multitudes of Men, and Wo­men, to stand in Battell, according to the ancient and observed custome of the Countrey; protesting, that day either to vanquish, and destroy their deadlie Enemie, or other-wise, to lay downe their whole Lyues into the Se­pulchers of Valour and Dignitie. And a little there-after, speaking of their ardor, and fiercenesse in that Battell, Whylst the furie of the Enemie did approach vnto the King's Person, the Noble Men assisting [Page 60] nearest vnto him, did perswade him; yea, with akinde of Violence pressed him, to retire his Person, and saue him-selfe to a better Fortune, and to the Common-wealth: but hee casting from him his Kinglie Ornaments, did thrust him-selfe amongst the vulgar Ranks, to the Maine of the Battell; where, with incredible Cowrage, and contempt of Death, hee did sacrifice his Heroicke Spirit. Few of Men, and of Women, al-most none, did escape this Calamitie: and whylst the Romanes did too insolentlie, and fiercelie persue the small numbers of those, who at the length did flee, they did re­counter a new sort of Combate, never of before knowne vnto them: for why? the remnant of the aged people, Men and Women, vnable for Warres, did follow a-farre, vpon the Armie, to know what should be fall there-vnto: and finding the event so bad, and infortunate, they did runne vnto the Vveapons, and Armour of their dead Children; and forgetting both Age and Sexe, did encowrage those few that yet did rest aliue, to make a new assault vpon the Romanes: which they did, more like vnto savage and enraged Beasts, than puissed by anie humane instigation: where they were all consumed, and not without great slaughter of their Enemies. These are the verie words of the VVriter, by my Translation, from the Latine Text.

Of the lyke to this, the Historis hath manie, to show what was the bitter Cup of our Antecessours, compared with our delica­cie; and what they did vnder-lye, for mainta [...]nance of that Liber­tie, where-of wee haue enjoyed the Sweetnesse. Encowrage­ment, from great Rea­sons. This and thus was the Foundation, which it pleased GOD to blesse, and to build vpon it a statelie and vnited Monarchie, after the which the Spanyard doeth no lesse greedilie gape now, than did the Ro­manes then. Heere is an Object of yeelding infinite thankes to GOD, and honour to the memorie of our generose Antecessours: They kept constant VVarres, in expectation, and wee beginne now to bee called to VVarres, for that where-of wee haue had long Fruition: They were as the Israelites in the Desarts, vnder Moses, and wee like vnto Israel vnder Salomon: we are but gentlie pressed, as yet, (GOD grant it hee so long) to sende foorth some of our able Youthes: and that is an Advantage to vs, it being a Liberation of our Countrey, from that it may want commodious­lie: and then to contribute some Tryfles of our Goods, for their entertainment. And wee haue better store of Men, and ten times more Moneyes, It is proved, that there is more by a great deale of Money and Men now, than our Pre­decessours had. (praised bee GOD) than our Antecessours had, who did render willinglie both Lyues, and Goods, and VVyfe, [Page 61] and Children, and all for the service of their Prince and Coun­trey.

And because it may bee, this bee compted a rash or temera­rious Speach, I thinke it may bee easilie prooved in this manner: Al-be-it it bee so, that onelie GOD can multiplie the Earth, yet it is of veritie, that wee, since the dayes of our Predecessours, haue multiplied the Fruites of the Earth; so farre, that for everie three Plough gate of Land, (as wee doe call it) manured, which was in Scotland an hundreth Yeares by-gone, there are foure now. And if yee answere, that the People are multiplied pro­portionallie to that, so that I should not esteeme it to be encrease of Ritches, which doeth bring with it encrease of People to con­sume them; I will reply to you, that is the point I intende to prooue, for Multitudes of People industrious, are both the Ritches and Strength of a Countrey; and that vvee doe exceede our Ante­cessours both for numbers of People, and of Moneyes, yee shall vn­derstand it this way: They wanted first the two Seminaries for breeding of People, which wee haue: everie one knoweth, that the Multiplication of Ground-Labourers, and Husband-men, (as wee call them) haue peopled the Land-warts of Scotland, farre aboue that it was ancientlie; for wee see now vpon a Maines (that of olde was laboured by a Barron him-selfe) twentie or thirtie severall Families of those Retite Husband-men, vvhere-of everie one hath a good number of Children. Next againe, it is well knowne to bee the Sea Trade, which hath peopled our Maritine Townes, and that also, our Predecessours wanted: so farre, that I may say, there bee now twentie Ships of Trafficke amongst vs, for everie one that was in their dayes. Then, who doeth not know, that by the Trafficke of the Sea [...], our Countrey hath twentie times more Moneyes, than was an hundreth yeares by-gone? or if yee doe doubt of it, yee may soone learne, that our Grand-Fa­thers could haue bought as much Land for one thousand Marks, as wee can doe for twentie thousands, and farre more. Farther, our Predecessours had a meanes for stopping the growing of Multitudes, and encrease of People, that wee want: and it was by the great numbers of Men and Women, who tooke them-selues to the Caelibate and Monasticke lyfe, of whom there was no Off­spring. And if yee would know of what great importance that [Page 62] was, doe but consider how manie Bishoprickes, Abbacies, Pri [...]ries, Nunueries, with the number of their Convents, Arch-deanries, Dean­ries, Personages, and places of cure for secular Priests, was into Scotland, in time of P [...]perie: and when yee haue taken vp their number, doe conferre them with the 70 of the house of Iacob, who went into Aegypt, and how in the fourth Age there-after, there came foorth 600000, fighting Men, besides Women and Children, all descended of them. Which vvhen yee haue consi­deratelie done, I thinke yee shall bee affrayed of the hudge Multitudes, that before now, should haue issued from the pro­fessed religious of Scotland, if they had followed the Matrimoniall life. If yee will yet insist, to object the Povertie of our Countrey, by reason of the broken Estates of Noble-men, and Gentle-men, who haue our Lands morgadged for great Debts of Money, It is showne that the bro­ken Estates of particular me [...], doeth not argue the povertie of a Countrey. I an­swere to you, that (by the contrarie) it is an Argument of the Ritches of our Countrey: for if the Noble-mans Grand-father, by Pre­digalitie, Pryde, wilfull pleying in Law, or anie other such Misgo­vernment, had brought him-selfe to neede the like Summes of Mo­ney, twentie Lords could not haue gotten so much then, as one can get now. And I will finde now a base-borne Man advance to a Noble-man in prest, 30, 40, or 50000 Pounds, whose Grand­father, and all his Parentage, was not valiant of the twentie part there-of: Ergo, the personall Distresses of Noble-men and Gentle­men, doeth not argue the Povertie of the Countrey in generall. Wee see into Nature, that her severall Members, as of Plantes, Beasts, and Men, doe daylie decay and die; and others doe shoot vp in their Rowmes, vvhilst Nature it selfe remaineth in entire and full strength. In the dayes of our Predecessours, there were in Scotland but Victuall Rents, where-as now, by the vertuous Trades, vvhich haue beene since introduced, a great part of Men doe liue by Silver Rents.

Things being manifestlie so, shall wee refuse to furnish out, and mayntayne, two or three thousand Souldiours, to so just and necessarie Warres? The d [...]n­gerous conse­quence of in­gratitude in People. Certaynlie, it cānot be heard abroad, without our great Ignominie, & (which is worse) adding of Cowrage to our Enemies, when they shall know vs to be so base and degenerose. Well, let vs not be vngrate towardes GOD. It is true, indeed, that Nature and Ty [...]e doe favour the growing of Monarchies, [Page 63] namelie, vvhere they are just and temperate, as being the vi [...]e Image of GOD, for Governament of the World; But it is also true, that vnthankfull People doe procure short Periods of great King­domes. The Throne of Israell was established in the person of Da­vid, after manie toylsome and laborious years of the preceeding Rulers of that People, and great sheeding of Blood, and so much in David his owne tyme, that GOD would not suffer his bloodie Hand to be put to the building of the Temple: but the Glorie, Peace and Prosperitie there-of did expyre, with the death of Salomon his Sonne. There-after the LORD did set manie wicked Kings over that wicked People. The greatest Punishment that GOD threat­neth to inflict vpon a rebellious Nation, A wicked People, doe make a wic­ked King. is to giue them evill Kings: vvhere-vpon the Divines doe note, that it is the highest Transgression, vvhereof a People can be guiltie before GOD, When by their Ingratitude they make Princes, of their nature perhaps se­ren [...] and temperate, to turne to tyrannous Governament, and to lay vpon their Neckes the Yoake of perpetuall Grudge and Murmu­ration: and so not onlie them-selues transgresse agaynst GOD, but make their Kings also to doe the lyke, who most of all Men should obey & feare the LORD: so that often tymes a wicked People, maketh a wicked King.

But to returne: If wee doe question for small thinges now, vvhat would we doe, si Hannibal astaret portis? if our Enemies were at the Ports of our Countrey, or within the Bowels of it? We would be forced to doe even as the Romanes did against Hannibal, to run and offer all our Moneyes, and our Iewels, and our Eare-rings, for safetie there-of. Wee would vndoubtedlie say, as that famous VVarriour did, the late King of France, vvho after the recoverie of Cain from the Spanyard, by transaction, after hee had spended a great part of his lyfe in VVarres, hee saide, they were not wyse, who would not make a Bridge of Gold, for their Enemies to passe out vpon. A Bridge of Golde to bee made, for E­nemies to passe out on. But as we say, It is better to hold out, than to put out: Durius ejicitur quam non admittitur hostis. Haue wee not seene our Kinges vse all possible Practises, for procuring of Peace all this tyme by-gone, by toy­ling of Ambassadors to and froe, by super-spending their Rentes, exhausting their Coffers, and indebting of them-selues? Are vve not naturall Members, as they are naturall Heads? Are they more bound to doe for vs, than we for our selues? Al-be-it the [Page 64] Kings Spheare hee higher and greater than ours,Iust and true Encowrage­ments, from solide Causes. yet everie Man doeth fill his own Spheare, and everie Man's estate, is a Kingdome to him-selfe. Perseus, that mightie King, having beside him in­finite Treasures, and refusing to bestow some of them to Gentius, a Neighbour-prince, and others, who offered to combate the Ro­manes in Italie, he suffered them to over-throw him-selfe, in his owne Countrey. Darius cōmitted the lyke Errour with Alexander, and Stephanus, King of Bosna, the lyke with Mabomet the second: as I haue remembered before, wee may prayse GOD, that wee haue not such avaricious Kings. What is it, that good and na­turall Subjects will not doe for the safetie of the Sacred Persons of their Kings? Let bee of their Kingdomes, vvhere-in wee haue our Portion, and common Interesse with them. We may reade in the Histories of France, what domage that Countrey did sustaine,Captivitie of King Iohn of France, and of Francis the first. for the liberation of their King Iohn, taken by Edward, the Blacke Prince of England, at the Battell of Poiteou, and of King Francis the first, taken at the Battell of Pavie: and in our owne Histo­ries, what our Predecessours did, for the redemption of King David Bruce, led Captiue in England, and there detained eleven yeares:Great Ran­some payed by our Ante­cessours, for King David Bruce, if the Author was not a little mistaken. Liberatus (sayeth the Historie) undecimo ex qu [...] captus est anno, nu­meratis quingentis millibus Mercarum Sterlingarum in presenti moneta. Hee was redeemed vpon payment of fiue hundreth thousand Marks Ster­ling, in argent contant. A thing most admirable, the scarcitie of Moneyes in those dayes considered. If a Physition should cōmand vs, in time of a dangerous Sicknesse, to take a little Blood, for pre­servation of the whole Bodie, wee should bee glad to obey him:Philip de Comi­nit sayth, fiue hundreth thousand Crownes. why not by the like reason, when our King (who cureth and careth for the Bodie of the Common-wealth) doeth command vs, to bestow some of our Goods, for safetie of our whole Estate, ought wee not to obey? if wee were versed in the French An­nals, to know what innumerable spoile of Goods was there, be­fore the Spanyards could bee pyked out of the Nests, which they did build vpon their Coasts, and with-in their Bowels, wee would bee content to spende to our Shirt (as it is saide) before they should plant their Tents amongst vs. I haue alreadie told you, how they are of Melancholious, and fixed Mindes, not easilie ray­sed, or remooved, where once they are set downe: where-of wee see the present experience into the Palatinate. To take, and [Page 65] then to giue backe againe, is not the way of their Designe to vni­versall Empyre, over their Neighbours.

If anie would object, that the Palatinate is detayned for Re­paration of the Wrongs and Injuries done in Bohemia, hee hath little skill in the Effaires of the VVorld: for why? these might haue bene long since composed, or redressed: but it is done to facilitate their Conquest in Germanie, to enclose the Nether-Landes from Suc­course of their Friendes there,The Causes why the Palatinate, is detained by the Spanyard. and to open a Gate into England, by length of Tyme, vvhen they shall finde the Occasion fitting. So that if the Kings of Great Britane, and France, together with their Confederates of Germanie & the Netber-Lands, doe not joyne their Forces, to banish them tymouslie, from the Palatinate, as the Ro­manes did the Carthagenians from Sicilia, (vvhich I did note in the beginning here-of) doubtlesse they vvill bee vpon their owne Neckes at the length. There vvas a great Intervale of Tyme be­twixt the first and second Warres of the Romanes, against the Car­thagenians; and yet the last did come to passe, and there-with the vtter over-throw of the Carthagenian State. And here I must re­count a thing, (vvhich I haue often called to mynde, since His Majesties comming from Spayne, A remarkable Speach, of Co­ronell Semple, to the Author of this Trea­tise. and that the Treatie of his Mar­riage did there expyre) how I my selfe, the yeare of their Pacifi­cation vvith Holland, beeing in the Towne of Brussels, in familiar discourse, touching our late Soveraigne his cōming to the Crowne of England, vvith a Scottish Gentle-man, of a fine Wit, Experience, & In-sight in the Spanish Designes, and vvho had beene long tyme a Coronell, and Counsellor of Warre amongst them, Coronell Semple; hee sayd to me, That al-be-it King Iames vvas an aged & wise Prince, vvho had providently practized his peaceable Entrie to England, that yet he vvas much beholden to that Tyme so fortunate, as it vvas for him, vvhen Spayne, being so broken vvith longsome VVarres, had al-most begged their Peace frō Holland. And how-so­ever (sayd he) your King may be free of vs, during his lyfe, yet if ye shall surviue him, ye shall see no more Peace betwixt England and Spayne: adding vvith-all, this Speach, Laus non solum hominum est, sed etiam temporum. Where-vnto I did answere, that by these it seemed, that the Spanyard intended to conquer England. Then he rehearsed to me, the manie & notable Injuries done to them, by the English Nation, by their prowde and fascuous ejection of [Page 66] King Philip, before the death of Marie; by their fostering of their Rebels in Flanders; by their protection of Don Antonio, King of Por­tugall, and ayding of him vvith Sea Armies; but namelie, by their ordinarie Sea Rapines, and insolent Navigation, vvithout the con­trolling and coercing vvhere-of, Spayne could not be in so good Case, as vvas hoped for to be, in progresse of Tyme. And in the ende, hee did subjoyne thus farre, If your Catholicke Noble-men of Scotland, with whom my selfe (sayd he) did negotiate from Spayne, had bene wyse, and constant, your Countrey might haue bene, long before now, in a twentie-folde more happie Condition, vnder the Dominion of Spayne, than ever it can be vnder the Crowne of England; the Yoake of whose Ser­vitude and Tyrannie, shall questionlesse become intollerable to you, so soone as that King shall be gone, who doeth so well know you: for why? by rea­son of their Vicinitie, and nearnesse vnto you, they shall be ever preassing to draw great Rents from you into England, which cannot fayle to impove­rish your Countrey: where-as by the contrarie, the Spanyard should not only spend it amongst your selues, but should also yearlie send in great summes of Money to you, according as he doeth here in Flanders, & in his other Pro­vinces. This Storie did I, after my returning to London, relate to His Majestie, who is nowe with GOD; and who having heard it, did answere me, That Semple was an olde Traytor, and dangerous companie for his Subjects, which went beyond the Seas.

Thus the Spanyardes know not when the Fish will swimme, but they doe keepe their Tydes diligentlie, and haue their Nets hung in all Mens Waters: so that if anie of vs would thinke, that the present Quarrell against Spayne, The Quarrell of the Palatinate, most [...]ib to vs, & why. is more sibbe to the King, our Soveraigne, than to vs, by reason of the Palatinate, it were absurd ignorance also: For first granting it vvere so, yet there can bee no Separation betwixt the Head and the Members: whome GOD and Nature haue knit together, there is none can loose: Next agayne, it is well knowne, that our late King, of blessed memo­rie, could haue gotten to marrie his onlie Daughter, greater, and the greatest of Christian Princes, if it had not beene to prevent the falling of our Crowns Succession, into the person of some Papi­sticall Prince, to the dangering of the Libertie Evangelicall, and Vni­tie of this Kingdome of Great Britane: of both which the LORD hath made Him-selfe the Instrument to establish them. Our latest Histories doe record, that Scotland, England, and Ireland, haue al­readie [Page 67] beene almost devoured by Forraigne Ambition, by way of Marriages with Papall Kings, as of Queene Marie, the Grand-mother of our present King, with the Dolphin of France; & of Marie, Queene of England, to Philip the second, King of Spayne; vvhere-of vvhat Blood-sheeding, Cruell Warres, and Persecution of the Professors of the Gospell did follow,Iohn Knoxe, against the Regiment of Women. even to publicke Martyrdome, the Stories doe mention at length: vvhich moved our Proto Reformator, Iohn Knoxe, to publish that Treatise agaynst the Regiment or Reignes of Women. If so be, that the onlie Daughter of Great Britane, (and of that King) capable of the greatest Marriage in Christendome, vvas couched in so narrow Bounds, out of the holie Projects of her Fa­ther, to assure the Peace and Liberties of this Kingdome, to vs & our Successours, then can anie Quarrell in the World be so deare to vs, & more pricke our Consciences and Honour, nor the Restitution of her Estate, although the Spanyard were resolved, to march his Ambi­tion there, and come no farther?

Having treated thus farre concerning VVarre, Of our dome­sticke discon­tent, or Feares. or the necessi­tie of Warre with Spaine, I come now to speake of things that may breede into vs Distraction of Myndes, or Coldnesse of Affection towards this Businesse: And first, (because it is most easilie an­swered vnto) I vvill remember how it did sticke in manie Mens Teeth, and could not at the first bee digested, that vvee did not know, no, not the Lords of our Counsell, vvhat vvas the Course of His Majesties Navie: The going of the Navie to the Seas, and our publicke Fast. that a publicke Fast and Praying vvas en­joyned for the successe of vvee know not what; and that this Fast vvas not limitated, but during the King's vvill, contrarie the Custome of the Scottish Church, and diverse from anie Example to bee found in Scripture. The last of these two being a Question Theologicall, and impertinent to this Discourse, I will not touch: But for the first, I say, and it is approved in all Ages, that no­thing doeth more advance great Enterpryses, than Secrecie; so farre, that Secrecie is the verie Soule of the Actions of Kings: and their Secrets once published, are but lyke vented Wyne, which can no more be drunken. And most actiue Princer, haue brought to passe amongst puissant Enemies, Secrecie ad­vanceth great Enterpryses. most noteable Exploits, onlie by meanes of Secrecie: as wee doe finde speciallie in the lyues of Iulius Caesar, Charles the fift Emperour, Lewis the eleventh of France, whose cover Plots, secret Friendes, Voyages, Dyets, and Dayes of [Page 68] Battell, Secresie of Iu­lius Caesar, Charles the fift, [...] the eleventh, and of the [...] Councell. were kept in their Breasts, vnto the time of present Exe­cution: which kinde of doing, was the chiefest thing that made them so redoubted, and feared of all their Enemies; as the Spa­nyard, even to this day, delighteth to holde his Neighbours in per­petuall feare, by this secrecie of Counsels and Courses. Withall I doe confesse, that such doing requireth a solide wisdome in Princes, and that other-wise it vvere verie dangerous: in the meane time it is sure, that wee who bee private Subjects, are not to craue a Compt of their Counsels; no more than the Mem­bers of the Bodie, doe question for that which they are com­manded to doe, by the intellectuall Reason that lodgeth in the Head.

The next Point, shall bee to consider of our Doubts, and Feares Domesticke, as I did terme them in the beginning: and first, tou­ching the Reformation, The Reforma­tion, or Inno­vation of Magistrates. or Innovation of Counsell and Session, inten­ded by His Majestie; It is certaine, that Princes both may and ought to reforme, and if they please, innovate where there is neede; there being no meanes in this corruptible World, to keepe things in due temper, but after long progresse of Time, and gro­wing of Abuses; to reduce them to their first Institution. Plato hol­deth, that an the length, GOD shall reforme the Worke of the whole World, and reduce it to the first Puritie; and that other-wise it is not able to endure and stand, I know not how that accor­deth with Sainct Iohn Apoc. who sayeth, That wee shall see new Heavens, [...]. and a new Earth. And a great Politicke saide, That if some late reformed Franciscan Friers, and the late Order of the austere Caput­chines, bad not risen to maintaine some credite to the Pope's Church, that it had beene before now disgustfull even to all the World, by reason of his obstinate denyall, to reforme his Church, against the nature of thinges. But to the Purpose [...] There is indeede no small importance in the Auncietie of Senators, long experienced in the Mysteries of a State, and with the Humours and Conditions of a People [...] and these are onelie they, who can bee called Olde Counsellers: And diverse of the wisest Emperours, sayde it was more dangerous to haue an olde King, and a young Counsell, nor a young King, and an olde Counsell. Senators are to bee of good Age, & Experience. Where of wee see the good experience in the Spanish Government, where the death of a King doeth no more interrupt the Course and prosperitie of that Empyre, than it were [Page 69] of anie private person. The verie Name it selfe of a Senator, doeth signifie Agednesse, as a Senectute. The Greekes called the Senate, [...]; to show, that both Greekes and Latines did choose aged Men to their Counsellers: yea, suppose they could haue found numbers of young Men, Wyse, Graue, and of good Experience, yet they would not haue them to bee Senators, because that were (said they) to turne their Senate into a Iuvenat. Solon and Lycurgus, did prohibite by a Law, the comming of anie vpon the Senate, with-in the age of 40, although they were never so sufficient. But to leaue them, the Scripture telleth vs, (which is a Warrand infallibl [...]) that in the setling of the Iewish Governamēt, GOD com­manded to choose 70, not of the best, nor the most learned, nor of greatest experience; but sayeth the text, Of the most Aged, Num [...]. 11. to whom Hee gaue the Spirit of Wisdome, in aboundance.

Yet whilst it is so,Inconveni­ents that fol­low the per­petuitie of Magistrates. even good Politickes of the latter Tymes, and consequentlie of greater Experience, will holde the Opinion, that it is expedient for the Common-wealth, to change and inno­vate Magistrates: and for it they doe bring this Reason, They tell vs, that the ende of good Governament is Vertue; and the scope of everie prudent Prince, should bee to render his Subjects Vertuous: and therefore the Rewards of Vertue, (which are publicke Offices of the State) ought to bee patent to everie vertuous Mynde, and the Hopes of them set before it, as the Marke where-at it must aime: which cannot bee, if Offices of State be lyfe-rentallie establi­shed in the Persons of a Few, who whilst they, and onlie they, doe enjoy the publicke Honours, and Emoluments, it doeth beget an Heart-burning, and Envy, into other good Spirits, who finde them­selues neglected; and so doeth breede, and nowrish the Seedes of Civill Sedition. Farther, (say they) it doeth procure to those who possess [...] chiefe Offices in perpetuitie, too much Grandour and Au­thoritie: it draweth away after it, the Eyes and Dependance of the People; and, as it were, stealeth a little of that Splendor, that is due to the Royall Majestie: and beeing in the Persons of great Subjectes, prepareth the Way to Popularitie, and Ambition. Agayne,Inconveni­entes by the Innovation of Magi­strates, and Counsellers. they vvho reason agaynst the frequent change of Ma­gistrates, they vse that Argument, vvhich the wittie Tyberius vsed, vvhen his Friendes tolde him, that he did continue Men in great Offices too long, agaynst the Custome of that State: hee sayde, it [Page 70] vvas better for People, to endure those, vvho were al-readie sa­tiate, and full of their Blood, (meaning their Goods) than vnder-ly the Hunger, and Avarice of a new Entrant: Nec enim parcit populis regnum breve. With-all (they say) that the changeable Magistrate hath no Cowrage, nor Boldnesse, to administer Iustice; but feareth the displeasure of Men, being shortlie him-selfe to descend to a private Condition, perhaps inferior to manie, over whome hee is Iudge for the tyme: So that betwixt these two Extremities, one vvould thinke the Mid-way verie fitting to bee followed by prudent Princes, vvhere they may neyther bee perpetuall, nor much frequentlie changed; vvhere they be only to the pleasure of the Prince, and with-all made Syndicable, and Censurable. For certaynlie,Vtilitie of the Censor a­mongst the Romanes. (as all Men know, vvho vnderstand Policie & Histo­ries) there was never a Magistracie invented by Men, that did ad more to the Vertue, Increase, and Stabilitie of a State, than that of the Censor amongst the Romanes; vvhen once a Yeare, the Consuls, the Senators the Generals, the Knightes, the Captaynes, the Tribunes, the Pretors, the Questors, & all vvho had the meanest Intromission vvith the State, did compeare, & tremble, in presence of a Cen­sor; fearing Disgrace, or Deposition from their Offices, or Dignities. The Spanyardes keepe in their Provinces of Italie, The Spanish Syndicator, in place of the Censor. an Image of this sort of Magistrate, called by them, Syndicator: and so they doe in the State of Genua. Of this they haue some shadow in England, al-be-it not in the person of one Man, by those who are called Their Court of Conscience. And of this it seemeth that our Soveraigne King hath now erected an Image amongst vs, (if I be not misse­taken) in establishing The Iudicatorie of Grievances.

Of the which Iudicatorie (because Men doe dispute diversly, as of a thing newe,Nature of the Comiss. for Grievances. and vnknowne amongst vs) I will shortlie consider two Circumstances, which I trust shall serue some-what for our Information, touching the Importance there-of: First, the Vse and Ende of it: secondlie, the Warrand and Auctoritie where-by it may be established. For the first, The Scope there-of is not on­lie Politicke and Vertuous, but of most Necessarie and Profitable Vse, for the Common-wealth: that is, To purge the Land from devow­ring Cormorants, and those who sucke the Blood of the People: to wit, Corruption of Iudges, and Officers of State, if anie be, Extorsion of Seale-Keepers, and Wryters to Seales, exorbitant Vsurers, Transpor­ters [Page 71] of Coyne, Detracters and Traducers of His Majesties Counsels, and Actions: all which (being the Ground and Source of Publicke Pover­tie, and Pillage) are particularlie ordayned to vnder-ly this Iudi­catorie. And if there-with the Commission had bene also granted, expresselie agaynst Transporters of Oxen, Kyne, and Sheepe, where­by our Countrey is incredibly damnified; and also agaynst all Pro­digall and Profligate Persons, who by Ryot of Lascivious and Distem­perate Lyfe, doe destroy their Patrimonie, and there-with their Wyues and Children, that such might bee punished, according to the Custome amongst the ancient Greeks and Romanes: then, I say, these beeing committed to the Censures of entire and intelligent Men, there is no Policie that could more reallie yeeld manie Po­pular Comforts. There is indeed a Generall Clause in this Commission, vvhere-by His Majestie taketh Power to Him-selfe, to referre there-vnto what-so-ever shall please Him: agaynst the which wee seeme to take this Exception, to say, that this may import a Controlling & Reduction of the Decreets of our Session, (if His Majestie would so:) a Practise thought too too extravagant, and extraor­dinarie: and yet this may be rather Mistaking, than True Iudgement of those who thinke so; vvhich I doe demonstrate in this man­ner.

We say, there hath not beene, neyther ought there to bee, anie Appellation agaynst the Supreame Iudicatorie of our Session, vn­lesse it were ordayned by a Parliament; this is our Exception: but leaving the Hypothesis touching our Session, I will take me in ge­nerall agaynst the Thesis it selfe, to say thus farre, That it is not onlie agaynst Christian Practise and Profession, but agaynst Huma­nitie, to holde, That there should bee no Soveraigne Power aboue all ordinarie Iudges, to soften and mittigate the Rigour of Lawes, Quia summum jus summa injuria: the Rigour of the Law, is a Rigorous Oppression: for Example, A poore Man is found Yeare and Day at the King's Horne, beside his knowledge, & perhaps for a naugh­tie matter, of fiue or sixe Shillings Striveling, where-by his Lyfe-Rent of such things as he hath, falleth into the Hands of the Lord his Superiour, who presentlie getteth before our Session, a Declara­tor there-vpon in his Favours. These Iudges cannot helpe this dis­stressed Partie, because there is a Law standing agaynst him, and they are sworne to the King, who did place them, to admini­strate [Page 72] Iustice, according to the Law. So manie such, yea, and more pittifull Cases, doe daylie occurre before Ordinarie Iudges, vvhere-in Conscience and Iustice stand in contrarie Tearmes, that I need no more to exemplifie it. The Iudges must giue way to Iu­stice, and haue no power to mittigate: yet no Man will deny, that this kynd of Iustice; is a grievous Oppression. Here wee see a ma­nifest Necessitie of Appellation, to some Soveraigne Power, who may dispense with Legall Rigour, in Favours of weake and distressed Parties. None can dispense with a Law, but a Law-Giver: No Sub­ject is a Law-Giver; Ergo, No Subject may dispense with a jot of the Law, except he haue Cōmission from Him who gaue the Law.

The power to moderate Legall Extremitie, or to absolue from Lawes, hath ever bene properlie annexed to that Soveraigne Ma­jestie that gaue the Law, A latter ap­pellat. due to Soveraig­nitie. in anie State, whether that Soveraignitie was Popular or Princelie. Before the Ejection of King Tarquinus, by the Romanes, it was annexed to the Royaltie, as their Histories doe clearlie show. After the Expulsion of their Kings, that Soveraigne Majestie of giving Lawes, vvas transferred to the People, as wee may perceiue by the wordes vsed by the Senate, when they did present anie Law to the People, Quod bonum faustum felix (que) sit vobis & Reipub. velitis, jubeatis: that is, Ye will be pleased, to authorize this Law, which the Gods may grant may bee for the happinesse of your selues, and of the Common-wealth. And therefore vnto the People also (as then the onlie Law-Givers) was transferred the Power, to dispense and absolue from Lawes: and to that effect, a latter Appellation was ordayned to bee, from the Senate it selfe, vnto the People, by the Law VALERIA; which is sayd by Livius, to be the Fundament, & Mayne Strength of the Popular Soveraignitie. The Practise here-of, we reade in the Case of Sergius Galba, the Orator, who being con­vinced of Lese-Majestie, by Cato the Censor, did appeale vnto the People, & had his Absolution from them. Agayne, when this Po­pular State of Rome was reduced in a Principa [...]tie, by Caesar the Dic­tator, the Mittigation of Lawes, or Absolution there-from, did re­turne, and rest into the person of the Prince: as we reade of Cice­ro, pleading for Pardon to Ligarius, at the Hands of Caesar: When I pleade, sayth he, before other Iudges, I speake not of Pardon to my Client, but stand to my Defences, That the Accusator is calumnious, the Cryme forged by Envie, the Witnesses infamous: but beere, sayeth hee, I eraue [Page 73] Grace, Quia poena Legi Gratia Principi debetur. Agayne, we reade in Contareno, vpon the Venetian Governament, that the first Law that was made, for the establishment of that Republicke, was, for a last Appellation, from all Iudges Ordinarie [...] vnto their Great Counsell, into the which the Soveraigne Majestie was placed, that State beeing Aristocraticke: so that this Power, to absolue, or dispense from Lawes, by a last Appellation, hath ever beene incorporate in the Soveraignitie geaue Lawes, as naturallie belonging there-so, and inseparable from the same.

Thus there beeing a Necessitie, which no man can deny, of Appellation from Legall Rigour, to some Soveraigne Power, who may mittigate the same; and that being proper to the Supreame Ma­jestie of the State, (as I haue showed) those haue led me vpon the second Circumstance, touching the Commission of Grievances; that is, to speake of the Authoritie, where-by it may bee establi­shed, and whether or not His Majestie may doe so much by His Prerogatiue Royall, without the Approbation of a Parliament added there-vnto. And that I should not seeme to corrupt the Veritie of so Soveraigne a Point, with Flatterie of the Prince, or for feare of Subjects, for the first, I will confesse, that I am not of the Opinion of Melancton, who helde, that those hard and imperious Practises of Kings, objected by Samuell to the Israelites, when they did de­mand a King to rule over them, were the true and naturall Pri­viledges of the Soveraigne Majestie: But I doe thinke, that they were rather permitted Acts of GOD His Iudgement, against a wicked and rebellious People: for other-wayes Samuell being then their Supreame Prince, him-selfe would not haue justified the vprightnesse of his Governament, by saying, Whose Oxe, or whose Asse haue I taken? If it had beene lawfull for him to take them; as hee doeth there pronounce, that the following Kings should take them: Besides that, the Text of Samuell, in that place, doeth not say, that a King shall haue right. To take their Sonnes, Daughters, and Fieldes, and to employ them to his vse and ser­vice: But onlie, that it shall be the manner and fashion of doing of their Kings. Neither doeth the Hebrew word Mishpat, in that same place signifie a Right to doe, but a Custome and Fashion of doing: and therefore the greater part of the Learned holde it true, which some Hebrewes haue written of Samuell, that the Booke [Page 74] composed by him, a part of the Priviledges and Prerogatiues of the Soveraignitie (mentioned in his Text of the Scripture) was sup­pressed, and destroyed by the succeeding Kings, for their greater Libertie, to exercise the Artes of Tyrannie.

But whylst it is so, yet wee are to vnderstand, that there is nothing more sacred, next vnto GOD, in this World, than So­veraigne Kings: they are the LORD His Anointed, they carrie His Image, they holde the Charter of their Authoritie, immediate­lie of Him, they are like vnto the highest Spheares, receiving the first Influence and Emanation from GOD; they are His Lieue­tenents, to command over all Men, holding them-selues onlie of Him: so respected of GOD, that wee are commanded by the Spirit of GOD, to obey Kings generallie, without restriction, whether they bee Good, or Bad, because they are of GOD: if they bee good, Hee hath ordained them, for the Quyetnesse, and Prosperitie of good People: if they bee Bad, Hee hath ordained them, for the punishment of Wicked, and rebellious People: so farre, that in my judgement, wee can finde no lawfull Warrand, for Subjects to dethrone the Bad, more than the Best: in which Respects, it is most necessarie, that we should rightlie know the Qualities of their Persons, and Dignitie of their high Calling; to the ende, that wee may vnderstand what kynde of Obedience is due vnto them. It is not ydle, nor without great Reason sayd, that So­veraigne Kings are lyke vnto GOD. There are in GOD manie thinges communicable to His Creatures, His Iustice, Mercie, Ve­ritie, Loue, Wisdome, Providence, of all which His Creatures doe in some degree participate. Agayne, there are in GOD thinges mierlie incommunicable to Creatures, and which can never bee spoken of them, but privatiuelie, as His Omnipotencie, Infinitie, Eternitie, and these are the proper Markes of the DEITIE that can never fall in anie Creature what-so-ever. Even so, there bee in Kinges (vvho represent GOD on Earth) diverse and manie thinges communicable to) Subjects, besides Honour and Ritches, vvhich from Princes doe reflect and shyne vpon Subjects. A Sub­ject may resemble his Prince in some Proprieties, both of Bodie & Mynde; but with-all (in that also lyke vnto GOD) they haue some inseparable Marks of Soveraignitie, vvhich cannot be com­municated to Subjects, vvithout the over-throw or Laesion at least [Page 75] of their Majestie. As for the first, to bee Law-givers, the Disputes and Decreets of their Counsels, Sonates, and Parliaments, are but a dead Letter, vnto the tyme that the Royall Word, SCEPTER, Signe, or Seale, doe giue Lyfe and Authoritie there-vnto: Senatus decrevi [...], Rex jussit. If this Point, to giue Lawes, were communicable vnto Subjects, then Subjects also might dispense with Lawes, & so par­ticipate of the Soveraignitie. Another inseparable Marke of Sove­raigne Majestie, is to decreet of Peace and Warre: Counsels and Par­liamentes may agitate, the Prince onelie may resolue. I grant in­deed, that in Christian Kingdomes, vvhich holde more of Aristocra­cie, than of Monarchie, the things of Peace and Warre doe much de­pende vpon the Voyce of the Nobles, but the Seale of Authoritie is onlie from the King. A third Marke inseparable of Soveraignitie, is the Institution, or Deposition of chiefe Magistrates, which by the fore-sayd Law Valeria, was annexed to the Popular State, as due to the Soveraigne Majestie then Popular. And certaynlie here-in lyeth not onlie a conspicuous Marke of Soveraignitie, but also a Mayne Poynt of the Fortitude and Strength of the same. A fourth Marke of Soveraigne Majestie, and which is of it selfe most Soveraigne, & incommunicable, is this latter Appellation of Subjectes to their So­veraignes, in the Cases of Legall Rigour, from what-so-ever Iudge: vvithout the which, the light of Reason doth show to anie Man, that there can bee no true Soveraignitie: lyke as wee see, that the Consent of the World, the Practise of all Ages, & these of our owne Nation, doe giue to Kinges the Royall Priviledge of granting Grace and Remission, from Lawes, even where the LAW of GOD doeth ordayne Punishment by Death. And the most temperate Christian Kings, doe assume and exercise this Priviledge, to pardon Persons Criminall for Slaughter, at their owne pleasure. It beeing so, how much more ought the Royall Soveraignitie to haue this latter Appel­lation annexed vnto it, from all Iudges, and Causes Civill, vvhere Legall Decreets are found to be hard and tyrannous? Or if a King cannot bestowe this Grace vpon a distressed Subject, to repledge him from the tyrannie of Law, how can hee bee sayde to carrie in His Person, a Soveraegne Power?

This Priviledge, of a last Appellation, in difficult Cases, is not onelie proper to Soveraignitie, but lykewyse a thing ever sought and challenged by Subjects, as due vnto them to bee granted by [Page 76] their Kings. Nero and Caligula, Princes givē to private Laescivious­nesse, they did (for their owne Ease, and Freedome from Effaires) ordayne, that no Appellation should be frō the Senate vnto them: but yet the Romanes would never quyte that Benefite of a latter Refuge to their Emperours. And if we shall try thinges well, wee should find, that the present Practise of almost all Christian Prin­ces, hath put Commissioners, or Lieuetennants in their Place, to exer­cise that Poynt of the Soveraigne Majestie, for receiving of latter Appellations, in Causes Compassionable: as the foure Courts of Spayne, to which, as to the Royall Soveraignitie, there are Appeales from all Iudges. Their Syndicators in their Provinces abroad, are instituted to the same end, and that so profitablie, that there is not in any Christian State, a surer Means for mayntaynance of Peace & Iustice amongst People. The Chamber Imperiall in Germanie, vvhere-vnto there are drylie Appellatious from all the Cities, Dutc [...]ies, Counties, Ba­ronies, within the whole Empyre. In England they haue their Court of Conscience, for the same vse and ende. So that I doe thinke, for this Commission for Grievances, here presenting the King His owne person, to receiue these latter Appellations due to the Soveraigni­tie, albeit it seeme to bee a newe Iudicatorie of late Invention, yet it is not so, because it was ever incorporate, and inseparablie in­cluded in the Soveraigne Maiestie. I trust we will all thinke, that nothing is more agreeable with Pietie, & Good Conscience, than the allowing of such Appellations from Legall Rigour and Extremitie: neyther anie thing more becomming the Soveraignitie that GOD hath placed in Christian Kinges, than to receiue and heare them; since Iudges Ordinarie may not doe it in the nature of their Office, being sworne to administrate Iustice in Legall tearmes, & wan­ting power to dispense with Lawes: vnlesse that His Maiestie vvould grant to the Lords of our Session, the same Commission and Power; appoynting some of them for Lawe, and others for Con­science, and so consolidate both the Offices in one. Alwayes, if the King ought or may heare the Grievances of His Subjects, as due vn­to His Soveraignitie: and if he may doe so much in His own per­son, then there is no doubt, but He may doe it by Commissioners; and must doe so, because of Remotenesse of Pla [...]e for our Ease, and because of multitude of Effaires for His owne Ease.

I thinke it not amisse, heere to declare, how our Historiogra­pher, [Page 77] Buchanan, treating of the Originall Election of our Colledge of Iustice vnder King Iames the fift, hee did esteeme it a meere Ty­rannie, if no Appellation should bee there-from; Quando Collegiam Iudicum (sayeth hee, in his fourteenth Booke) Edinburgi consti­tutum fuisset, tamen qui sperabatur eventus non est consecutus, nam cum in Scotianullae pene sint leges praeter conventuum decreta, ea (que), plera (que) non in perpetuum, sed in tempus facta, judices [...]que quod in se est lationem legum impediant, omnium civium bona quindecem hominum arbitrio sunt com­missa quibus & perpetua est potestas, & imperium plane tyrannicum: that is to say, When the Colledge of Iustice was planted and authorized at Edinburgh, there did not follow there-on the good Events which were ex­pected; for there beeing no other Lawes in Scotland, almost, but Actes of Parliament, and Iudges, given, so farre as lyeth in them, to hinder the promulgation of Lawes; the Lands & Goods of all the Subjects were com­mitted to the arbitriment of fifteene Men, to whome was granted a perpe­tuall power and Authoritie, playnlie tyrannous.

Now to proceede touching Ordinarie Magistrates: As Lawes are not perpetuall, so are not Magistrates everie-where, nor at all tymes; neyther is it absolutelie expedient, or necessarie, to be so: albeit we must all confesse, that it is not without great & publicke detriment, that old and faythfull Magistrates should be often changed, yet the Current of States is so fluxable, & subject to so manie casuall Changes, that very good Princes haue changed verie good Magistrates, for verie good Causes. Marc. Aurol, going abroad, through his Provinces, to view and consider the Admini­stration and Order of Iustice, he did displace, & hang even of the best and speciall Magistrates, because that hee vvould suffer no Man to beare Office in the Countrey where hee dwelt, namelie, a Great Man: as if His Majestie should not permit a Noble-man, in­habiting the North of Scotland, to bee heritable Shyreffe, or Lieue­tennant there, and respected there by that Meanes, as a Prince. Which kinde of doing, as I vnderstand, is observed thorow all Spaine, where everie Iudge Ordinarie, is a Stranger there where hee judgeth. And oft-times,Two of one Familie, not to bee of one Session, of Iudges, ap­prooved in France. as wee may reade into their Histories, it hath beene acted by the Parliaments of France, that two of one Familie should not bee of one Session; and most sufficient Magi­strates, to haue beene remooved for that Respect: and briefe, there is no Question, but Princes not onlie may change their Magistrates, [Page 78] but doe often finde it verie good Policie to doe so, being alwayes oblished to place into their Rowmes, Men truelie sufficient for Knowledge and Sinceritie. Plutarch, a rare Man, both for Morall and Statelie VVisdome, saide against those who would establish perpetuall Magistrates, Videmini aut non multi facere Magistratum, aut non multos Magistratu dignos habere.

But I come to speake (which appearinglie is not yet in Head) of another Point of Reformation, into our Seate of Iustice, than the which there is nothing that would breede greater So­lace to the whole Bodie of this Kingdome: [...]efo [...]mation of the Barre, & Advo [...]ats, Low necessa­rie. and would to GOD His Majestie should take it to Heart, and bee truelie enformed of the Importance there-of. And this is of the great numbers of Ad­vocates, who for their Commoditie Particular, doe breed the long­somnesse of Processes, that spoileth so manie good People, and which manie good and great Kings haue endevoured to correct. By this Abuse, the Seate of Iustice is turned to bee a Sinke, that dra­weth into it the greatest part of the Ritches of the Land: and this, aboue all thinges, doeth make so manie vnable to serue their Prince and Countrey. These are the Men (whom Cuiacius who knew them well) did call, Foecem & vomitorium juris, forensia pe­cora, vultures (que) togates, the Dreg and Extrement of Lawes, Confoun­ders of Lawes, Men who spue out their Braines, in subtill Inven­tions, to maske Lawes, and make them of endlesse Dispute: which is the reason, why so manie of them, doe possesse the Pallaces and Castels of their Clients. This is an Abuse, that the greatest of States haue beene by times forced to resent, and goe about to reforme it.Imposts m [...] ­ent [...]e layde vpon Pro­cesses. The Ancients, who were so contrarious to haue anie new sort of Imposts vpon their People, they did (for repressing of the noysome multitude of Advocates, & the wrackfull iniqui­tie of lingering Processes) invent an Impost vpon everie Processe of Law, even to the tenth part of the whole that Parties did pleade for, as we reade in Festus Pompeius, and Varro, in his Bookes De Lingua Latina. Diverse of the French Kinges, namelie, Lewis, called Le Sainct, [...] Sainct, Enemie to Me [...]cena [...]ie Advotation. who went into Africke, against the Saracens, hee did almost vtterlie extinguish this Trade of Advocation, and did appoint as well Disputers as Hearers, and Iudges of Processes, who were not Mercenarie: And hee him-selfe gaue ordinarie Audience to Causes, in Pallaces, and Gardens, at certaine affixed Houres to [Page 79] that vse: so did hee hate the Cavalli [...] (as he did contemptuouslie call them) of Advocates. It was for manie Ages in France, acted and observed, (for stopping of this Streame of Iniquitie, and Spoile that commeth vnder Pretext and Name of Law) that who did lose the Processe, should pay the whole Charges and Expenses made by the Partie Gainer, during the Pley. This indeede seemeth to bee hard and rigorous, and yet (say these who stand for it) that be­ing compared with the other Extreame, (that is to say, with this Insolence and Libertie of Advocates, to make Lawes and Processes to bee endlesse) it is the most easie and tollerable of the two, and ten times more tollerable: for why? it should but restraine this foolish Frequencie of the Lawes, and constraine Parties to more Friendlie Appointments of their Controversies at Home. For Example, if His Maiestie should make a Law by advice of His Parliament, that all Processes vnder the availe of 10000 Marks, should bee re­ferred to so manie Noble-men, or Barrons, with so manie Church­men, dwelling nearest vnto the Parties, and that none should be heard to speake, but the Partie him-selfe, or his best informed Friends, it were a great Reformation of this evill of Lawes. And who doubteth, but the Bodie of the People would gladlie embrace it; for is there anie thing more ordinarie now, than to see Men in the sute of a thousand Pounds, spende as much perhaps, before hee can haue it? Againe, wee reade of another Practise assayed in France, for avoyding of this Inconvenient: they had a kinde of Impost on their Subjects, called Capitation (Census) where-by eve­rie Man payed so much, as for having libertie of a naturall Sub­ject: this they did abrogate, as an Ignominious Exaction, and in place there-of, did erect an Impost vpon Lawyers, Wryters, and Superfluous Prodigalities, as Parthian Furres, Perfumes, Fairding, Cloath of Gold, Indigo, and such as these, thinking that the most honourable and innocent Impost, that could be layd vpon a People.

Wee reade againe,Emanuel [...], King of Por­tugall, Enemie to Mercenarie Advocation. into the lyfe of that famous Emanuel of Portugall, of whom I spake before, that hee was vvonderfullie given to this kinde of Reformation, of the Evils and Abuses of Ad­vocation. Hee sent yearlie Visiters to all the Seats of Iustice, with power, to punish, some vvith remoue all from their Places, some vvith Mults of their Goods, yea, and with Death, if the weighti­nesse of the matter of their Transgressions did merite so much. He [Page 80] went about him-selfe, to giue Personall Audiences. Wee reade againe, that in Rome, vnder Pope Gregorie the tenth, and Iohn the twentie one, and Nicolaus the third, it was intended, and vrged by those Popes, to eradicate and cast out, that multitude of Advo­cates and Notars, who as a noysome Vermine, did gnaw the Bowels of their People: but by reason of the brevitie of their lyues, (which as everie one knoweth doeth intercept manie good in­tended Policies, In what Christi [...]n Countr [...]yes, no Advoca­tion. there) it tooke no Effect. Againe, in Switzer­land, Almanie, and other Northerne Regions, all Processes are decer­ned by deduction of Causes, onelie by the Parties them-selues, without anie Advocate at all.In Venice Ad­vocates haue two Audien­ces, and no more. In Venice their Supreame Seate of Ci­vill Iustice, called Quarantia, consisting of 40, of the Nobilitie of Venice, they doe sende out, at ordinarie times of the Yeare, a sort of Syndicators, vvho goe to all the Iustice Seats through-out their Territories, to censure their Proceedings: and where they finde them to haue exceeded the short Dyet of Tyme appointed for de­cyding of Causes, they doe remoue them: and where they finde matter vvorthie of Appellation, they bring it before the Quarartia, where the Advocates get two severall Audiences, everie of them to an Houre-Glasse, and there is all. Where-as heere, our Advo­cates must haue, not Houres, nor Dayes, nor Moneths, nor Yeares, but vvhole Ages, if they please: neither is there anie possibi­litie of correcting this, but by a Soveraigne and Absolute Mi­sericord of His Majestie: absolute, I say, even to take vpon himselfe [...] by his Regall Authoritie, to breake downe that de­vowring Monster, which they call the Order of their House; consisting of so manie Steps, and Degrees of Processe, that it were better for a Meane Man, to goe through the Fyre of Purgatorie, than through these. If His Majestie would weede foorth the most subtill Advocates, and make them Iudges, banish the most ig­norant, and employ to the Office of Advocation, those of mid­ranke; assigning vnto them so manie Dayes of Pleading, without more. As for Multiplication of Iudges, it is rather profitable than perilous, Quia multum aquae difficilius, quam tantillum corrumpitur: Et melius omnibus, quam singulis creditur: Et nemo omnes neminem unquam omnes fefellerunt. Certaynlie,Multitude of Iudges, pro­fitable. without some Reformation of the Barre, the Reformation of our Session, for the vse of the Subjectes, will bee without much perceiueable good. If Reformation of [Page 81] things should bee by reducing of them to their first Institution, doubtlesse the Foundation of our Session hath bene free from these multitudes of Advocates; and as yet manie People doe liue ver­tuouslie, and happilie, where there be none permitted at all. It were a notable Reformation, if what Subiectes in Scotland doe em­ploy this way, to the mutuall over-throwe one of another, it were saved, and exacted for the service of the Common-wealth.

Alwayes,Heritable Magistrates. to proceed for Reformation: We reade in the French Histories, that Lewis the eleventh finding manie Bayliries & Shy­reffships heritable, annexed to the Houses and Successions of Great Men, he did revoke,Bod. in Repub. and annull them; making them not onlie changeable, but Syndicable. Of such wee haue great numbers in Scotland, with verie great necessitie also of Reformation at least, as is well knowne, there beeing nothing more aliene, and averse from Iustice, than the verie Name & Nature of an Heritable Ma­gistrate: nor anie thing more absurd in Policie, than the Admini­stration of Iustice to be perpetuate, and tyed to one House, or Clan, where-in Women, Children, or Fooles, may come, by tyme, to suc­ceede; all which three are vncapable of that kynde of Charge. And if the best of them, who haue the Right Heritable of a Ma­gistate, doe put in the Place some of their ignorant Kins-men, to exercise the same, who can doe nought, but practise Trickes of lewd & base Oppression, these must be comported by the Bodie of the common People, and often times by the better sort: & why? because my Lord is Heritable Shyreffe, & the King cannot remoue him. Is not this to suffer some Subject [...]s, to play the Prince over their Neighbours? Or can anie thing bee more derogatiue to the Royall Soveraignitie? For why? it taketh away one of the proper Marks-there-of, which is inseparablie annexed vnto it: that is, of placing chiefe Magistrates; a thing onelie due to the Prince. States-Men and Counsellers, may nominate, but the free Election belongeth to the King. And in tymes, when Factions are preg­nant, Princes are even to bee jealous of the trustinesse of Primè States-Men in that Poynt: For Ambition is often tymes more cu­rious to fortifie it selfe, than the Common-wealth. Alwayes, if He­ritable Offices haue bene ancientlie granted, for great and speciall Services done to the King, or Common-wealth, by particular Men, from whom such Rights haue descended to their Posteritie; then [Page 82] Conscience, Aequ [...]tie, and Royall Magnanimitie, doe requyre that such Persons bee condignlie satisfied for their Dimissions, according as His Majestie hath alreadie condescended. As on the other part, if such a Subject should be difficill, or intractable with his Prince, in a Poynt of that Qualitie, it should bee thought contrary to the modestie of Mynd and Carriage, which in duetie he ought to his King, and should argue in him, too much Loue of Soveraignitie.

The lyke may certaynlie bee sayde of the la [...]e Lords of Church-Lands: Erected Church Lands. no, we rather call them Petite Princes, so much Power doe they arrogate to them selues, over those who bee within their Lordship, preassing to exercise the same Bastard Domination over their Tennantes, by the tyrannie of their Heritable Courtes, which ancientlie the Pope, and his Abbots, did practise, who did mierlie appropriate to them selues, the Vassallage & Homage of so manie of the King's Subjects, as were within the Purpryze of their Lands: They did so before, and nowe the New-Erected-Lord doeth the same, and much worse: Nec Dominium vitavimus, sed Dominum: We haue changed the Dominator, but are not fred from that Ba­stard Dominion. The olde Abbot, and his Convent, ancientlie follo­wing the Monasticke Lyfe, exempted from publicke Offices, or travelling to Court or Session, or any else-where abroad they were content with the Payment of their Rentall in easiest manner, and often tymes with lesse, & did bestow great part there-of in Hos­pitalitie to the Payers: and albeit their poore Tennants were obli­shed to them, for Service of Harriage and Carriage, yet they did impeach them no more, but once a Yeare to leade in to their Clo­st [...]r, vpon the Cl [...]strall Ch [...]rges, some Fleshes, Fishes, & Fewell: this vvas all. But nowe, vvith the change of the Lord, the Tennant hath changed the Happinesse of his poore Condition. For vvhy? to speake sincerelie, the tyrannie of the Papall Abbots vvas exer­cised most in that Case, against their King, by spoyling from Him the Vassallage of His naturall Subjects: otherwyse, they were most bountifull, and indulgent to their poore Tennantes, vvho nowe by this Change, are brought to as pittifull Slaverie, as the Israe­lites vvere vnder Pharaoh. Their Lord, hee is not a Church-Man, nor of the Clostrall Profession: he hath continuall a-doe vvith Court and Session: he hath daylie occasion of sending Carriages, & brin­ging from abroad: the basest of his Servants must not goe a foot, [Page 83] he must be carried, if it vvere vpon the Necke of his poore Ten­nant: hee must labour his Lord's Vine-yards, and make his Bricke, vvith much Hunger in his Bellie the meane vvhyle. The King cannot helpe him, because his Lord hath the Authoritie of an Heri­table Court, & is absolute over him: he will not lead his Tithes, but still he must haue more than the worth in Bolles: & when it is so, greater Pryces than be ordinarie: if he haue to send thorow the Countrey his Cookes, the poore Man must bring his Horse from the Harrowes, al-be-it the Season were never so faire: and a number of like things, vvhich if they bee not presentlie done, hee taketh Decreets to him-selfe, in his owne Courts, (vvhich no Christian King doeth) and sendeth his Officers, to poynd the poore Crea­ture; vvith such Rigour, that if there vvere no more in his House, but the Pot, vvhere-in his sillie Portion of Meat is preparing, it must be taken from him: that verie sure it is, that Christian People bee not so oppressed vnder the Turke. I vvish that His Majestie vvould deliver His Subjects, from the Yoake of their grievous Ser­vitude, and Oppression, and extinguish the Tyrannie of Heritable Courts: to the ende, that Gentle-men, and others, haue but one Master to looke vnto, and one Sunne, to draw their light from: and this is most necessarie to bee, although His Majestie should suffer them to brooke the Lands.

For vvhether the Domaine of the Crowne (vvhere-from those Lands vvere given) bee alienable,If the Patri­monie of the Crowne bee alienable. or vvhether being devoted to the C [...]urch, they may returne to the Regall Patrimonie, al-be-it I vvill not take on mee to define, yet according to my know­ledge, I shall deliver mine Opinion, vvith Reverence, and Correction. That the Domaine of Republicks is not alienable, it is certaine, and hath beene so maintained, by the chiefest of them, to vvit, Athens and Rome, where two Pryme-men, Themistocles, and Cato the Censor, did take backe, as vvee reade in Plutarch, brevi manu, what-so-ever had beene alienate of the Publicke Domaine, Domaine of Republickes not alie­nable. although manie yeares before, holding that the Prescription of an hundreth yeares: vvhich doeth qualifie and assure all Possessions, cannot take away the Publicke Patrimonie, (because there is no Prescrip­tion, saide they, of Men against GOD, nor of Particulars against the Common-wealth) but vvhether the Royall Soveraignitie going aboue them in manie absolute Points, doeth also goe aboue their [Page 84] in that kinde of Priviledge, one would thinke it some-what in­certaine, because of th [...] diverse Practises of Princes in that behalfe, according to their Humours, to the Condition of the Time, and to the weightinesse of Services done by those, to vvhom they haue beene bountifull. Some Princes haue esteemed the Domaine Pub­licke so sacred, and inviolable, that vvee reade of that Romane Emperour, Pertinax, how hee caused to bee defaced, and put away his Name and Image, that was engraven vpon the publicke Pal­laces, saying, that the Houses belonging to the Common-wealth, ought not to beare anie Markes of Impropriation to him. And of Antonini, called the Pious, that hee did not for the same respect, dwell but vpon his peculiar Heritages, and spend the Rents be­longing to him,How Chri­stian Princes doe accept their Crownes. other-wise, than by the publicke. But the case is so farre altered, that at this Time, and in these latter Dayes, Princes more by an Inspiration of private Favour, or for to exercise the Libertie and vse of their Royall Prerogatiues, than for anie knowne worth, or Merite of Men, haue even made them great, as it were, in imitation of the goodnesse of GOD, who made Man of nothing: Omne bonum sui diffusivum: It is the nature of Goodnesse, to diffuse and communicate it selfe, even as GOD doeth, other-wyse it cannot bee called Goodnesse. The glorie of the Oc­cean, is more for the bountifull spreading of his Branches vpon the Face of the Earth, than for his Greatnesse. The stateliest Tree, maketh the most statelie vmbrage: Noble-men are the Shadowes of Kings: as it is glorious for the Sonne, to bee accompanied and followed with so manie bright Starres, and Planets, whose Bodies doe receiue the Beames of his Light, and there-with doe beautifie the Heaven about him; so are vvaiting Noble-men to Kings, as Diamonds and Rubies planted about their Throne, to re­ceiue and reflect the Splendor of the Royall Majestie.

And yet whyles it is so, we see that Christian Kings, at the Ac­ceptation of their Crownes, Princes like vnto GOD, doe creat Men of no­thing. doe giue their Oathes, for Defence of Re­ligion, of Iustice, and the Common-wealth, and Preservation of that Publicke Dowayne, vvhich the Common-wealth doeth present vnto Her Prince, as a Dote, or Tocher-Good, to be saved for Her Mayn­taynance; and vvhere-of hee hath the onlie Vsu-Fruit, and cannot alienate it, but with her owne Consent, and for some Extraordi­narie service done to her, or to the Prince, vvho is her Head: Ex­traordinarie, [Page 85] I say, because Services Ordinarie in the State, haue an­nexed vnto them, their Ordinarie Fees, and Pensions. Extraordinarie I call some Act of singular Valour for the Countrey, agaynst a Com­mon Enemie; or some Hazard vnder-gone, for safetie of the Prince his Lyfe. Although the Patrimonie of the Crowne bee sacred, yet such Services are to bee esteemed more sacred: and Donations, or Rewards for these, are to stand inviolable: for here are the Ods be­twixt a Republicke, and State Royall, That the [...] hath no Head Particular, who should challenge the Priviledge of such Boun­tifulnesse, or for vvhose sake it should bee granted: for seldom [...] doeth the Death of anie one Man what-so-ever breede any Com­motion, Crosse, or Alteration to a Republicke, Quia non moritur Respu­blica: vvhere-as by the contrarie, the Death of a good Prince, and often tymes of an evill, doeth shake the verie Foundations of a Kingdome: vvhich made Caesar to say, Non tam [...] interest quam Reipub. quam diutissime vivam. This maketh their Lyues to bee so precious and Sacro-sanct, they being the verie Heart, and Head of the Bodie of the Common-wealth. So that to holde absolutely, that no kynd of Services are remunerable, with anie thing belonging to the Crowne, it is not onlie to cast loose the Estates of the Nobi­litie, and Gentri [...], (whose Houses everie where through Christen­dome, haue bene made vp, and erected by the Bountie of Kings for nominate and famous Services done to them, or to their Coun­treyes) but it were also to perill the Personall Securitie of Princes thē-selues; when Men should see that a King could giue noght to one, who should hazard or loose his Lyfe for his Safetie, but that vvhich his Successour may recall, it is to [...]urbe the Royall Soveraig­nitie too farre. And albeit the Extens of His Majestie's late Rev [...] ­cation, did seeme so fearfull to vs at the first, as if it had compre­hended so much; yet wee are still to remember, vnder what a gracious and just Prince wee doe liue, and to take it rather for a Warning & Awaking of our Gratitude in his first Entrie: and there­fore I must here craue Pardon of all, to call to mynd, how often since I haue heard from Wyse and Sincere Men, that a little more of Readinesse to doe him Service in the last Cōvention of our Estates, had bene sufficient to disperse the chiefest Clowds of that Tempest.

I doe acknowledge, that it is not licentiate to me, nor tolle­rable in anie Private Subject, to censure the Reverend and long ap­proved [Page 86] Magistrates of this Kingdome, neyther will I presume to doe so,The last Con­vention of the [...] of Scotland. but onlie to expostulate, and regrate, with manie Good Men, the infortunate Proceedour of that Counsell, whereby neyther Prince nor People did receiue Contentment. Whether wee should lay it vpon Mistakings possible to haue bene amongst the Lordes of those Commissions; or, vpon the Iealousies and Competences ordi­narie to bee betwixt New and Olde States-Men, at the Entrie of a King; Or, vpō the Basenesse of some Countrey-Commissioners, whose Avaryce would not suffer thē to resent the Common Danger of this Yle, as appertayned; Or, vpon a Popular Disgust, & Generall Feare, conceived for Religion, by reason of some Noble-men of contrarie Mynde, employed from the Court about that Businesse; Or, lastlie, vvhether vpon the Backwardnesse of this Tyme, so disposed as it is, to breed Distraction, and Disturbance of the State. Whatsoever was the Cause moving, certaynlie the Debacts of that Convention vvere, as appeareth, Principia malorum, speaking of Effects: For vvas it then a right Tyme, to answere His Majestie's Demaundes thus, That a Convention could not goe higher in taxing the Countrey, than a Parliament had done before? At the last Parliament, King IAMES had a Necessitie to sende Ambassadours abroad, to negotiate Peace: vvhich I confesse, was a Graue and Great Cause for Subsidies: but at this Convention, Peace was given vp, Warres begun, and it stood vpon the Losse of Germanie, and Invasion of Great Britane: vvhere­vpon might haue ensued hastilie greater Damnage, than of ma­nie Taxations. Or, was it then Tyme, to refuse the Mayntaynance, during Warres, of 2000 Men, to keepe the Seas free, and open for our Trafficke? When wee shall reckon our Losses sustayned since by Sea-Traders, & by so manie Mariners wanting Employment at Home, and by losing so faire a Commoditie, as was this last Yeare, for transporting our Corne [...] to profitable Markets, in Neighbour Countreyes, then wee shall decerne the Errour of that Convention. Wee will say, wee haue not beene accustomed to beare so great Charges: a weake Argument. Since it hath pleased GOD, to change the Custome of our Fortune, will wee contemne His Visitations, and as senselesse Men, bee carelesse of our Countrey? Wee will say, that our Countrey hath suffered manie Distresset, by these late bad Yeares, and by Sea-Misfortunes; and I know it to bee so: but must wee not for all that defend our Countrey? And what if wee must [Page 87] not onlie maintaine two thousand Men, but also fight our selues? a thing which wee haue great reason daylie to expect. And I will come to the most pricking Poi [...]t of all: His Majestie's Re­vocation hath discowraged vs. Where-vnto I answere, by asking, what more hath His Majestie done, than anie Earle or Lord in Scotland doeth, who after the death of his Father, chargeth his Vassals and Tennants, and preasseth them by Lawes, that hee may know their Holdinges? yea, and some-times by Manages and Threats, force them to quite their lawfull Ritches, although they were their neare Kins-men. Alwayes, what wise Vassall, or Ten­nant, will not stryue to over-come his Lord, with reverent and humble Carriage, and there-by to moue him to accept the tenth part perhaps of that which he did demand for Entrie? and shall it not bee borne with in a great King, that which is ordinarilie done by his Subjects? Bis duo dena pet as, his duo sena feres. What if a young Prince haue gotten too large Information touching these? or if his Infor [...]ators be mistaken in their judgement there-anent? shall there not bee Patience granted, and time to digest and con­descend? And shall not our Behaviours be in the meane-whyle, correspondent to that Loyaltie, Loue, and Obedience, that Subjectes ought vnto their naturall Prince, and that should procure His Compassion & Kyndnesse towards all the Members of this Kingdome? With GOD'S Blessing let vs be doing so, and let vs expect no­thing, but Christian and Vpright Dealing, from a King, in vvhome there is so great Appearance of Good and Iust Meaning: and let vs haue still in our Mouthes, that Word, which now (prayse to GOD for it) our Noble-men begin liberallie to professe, That let him bee holden accursed, who will not contribute to his verie Shirt, for the safetie of His Majestie, and of the Countrey.

Alwayes, for the Point of Revocation, who doubteth, but three thinges may justlie fall vnder the Consideration of young Princes? First, whether this kynd of Gracious and Divin [...] Bountie, exercised by their Predecessours, giving Extraordinarie Thinges, for Ordinarie Services, or for Private Affection, haue bene too Exorbitant. Second­lie, what may bee the Merit, or Worth, so such as haue pocked them. Lastlie, what is the Exigence of the Tyme, and howe these things may be wanting vnto Princes. But otherwyse, we finde in all Christian Histories, that Crowne-Lands haue bene alienated, & [Page 88] given away by Kings, for one of three Causes, vvhich to this Day haue remayned vnquarrelled by their Successours: One is for Re­ward of those, who haue exposed their Lyues, to manifest Danger, for the Safetie of Their Persons: As for Example, The Landes given by His Majestie, our late Soveraigne, for Services done agaynst the Traytors of Gourie, or for Practises of Discoverie, and Prevention of the Powder Treason at London: another for Valiant and Personall Ser­vices, done for Preservation of the Countrey, agaynst Invasion of For­raigne Enemies, or of the State, from Intestine: as we reade of our braue King Malcolme the second, who seeing the Magnanimitie of the Scottish Gentrie, agaynst the fierce and enraged Danes, by fiue or sixe Bloodie and Desperate Battels, in diverse partes of the Coun­trey, where he him selfe did assist in Person: therfore in a Publicke Parliamēt, he did divide almost the whole Crown-Lands in Baronies, & dispone them to the Gentry, In publico ordinum convent [...] (says my Text) cunctas [...]pes, agros (que) regios, pene omnes meritorū habita rations distri­buit, regno in partes quas Baronias vocāt divisio. In regard wherof, those Barons, as by Compaction, did at that same time, annex to the Crown, the Wardes and Reliefes of their Lands: which together with the other Casualities, and Dues belonging to the Crowne, was esteemed and accepted as a sufficient Mayntaynance then of the Royall Dig­nitie. If either of those two should bee revocable, Kings, Coun­treyes, and Common-wealths, should not bee compted so Sacred, as they ought to bee. Thirdlie, Princes haue mortified their Crowne Patrimonie, to Pietie and Devotion; as King David the first of Scot­land, for Plantation of fifteene Abbayes, & foure Bishoprickes, ri [...]chly Rented: Such are recalled in this latter Age, because of the Nefa [...]tious & Damnable Abuses, wherewith the Possessours of them were commonlie polluted.

And, O how greatlie it were to bee wished! That neyther King David, To be wished, that the Church-Lāds had ever re­mained with the Crowne. nor other Christian Kinges, had beene so prodigall of their Crowne Patrimonies, in Favours of Church-Men: for the World knoweth it nowe, that by so doing, they did [...]urne Religious Priests, into Temporall Princes, and did put into their Hand, that Sword, vvherewith to this Day, they not only doe cut the Throats of Kinges, and their Authoritie, but haue spoyled the Puritie and Pietie of the Church of GOD: and in Place there-of, haue introdu­ced this Pollution, Pryde, Avarice, & Superstition, which shall never [Page 89] haue an ende, so long as they remayne so ritch as they are: De­votio peperit divitias, & filia devoravit matrem: Ritches haue spoyled the Pietie of the Church. Devotion (sayth Gerson) bred Ritches, and the Daughter devoured the Mother. Next, it were to be wished, that when those Lands of the Church, anciently be­longing to the Crowne, vvere agayne dissolved from the Church, and annexed to the Crowne, by our late Soveraigne, of blessed Me­morie, that they had bene suffered to remayne therewith, for the avoyding of so great Discontentment and Confusion, as is lyke to grow thereof, if they should nowe bee taken in to the Crowne, vvithout Restitution to so manie Gentle-Men, and others, as haue employed the best parte of their Meanes, for buying of those things from the Newlie-Erected-Lords, without anie Warrandize at all for their Money. Which, albeit it doe greatlie perplexe the Mynds of manie good Subjects, yet we are vndoubtedlie to hope for Reparation, some way of these, since we liue vnder a Christian Prince, who is alreadie honoured of the World, for the Equitie of his Mynd [...]; and who hath alreadie declared his Iust Intentions there-anent.

There is, beside another Cause, that maketh our Noble-Men and Gentrie, to thinke themselues the sibber to the Church-rents: and this is it; Because their Predecessours did also enjoye them in effect, albeit not Titularlie, as well then, as they doe now. Their Sonnes were presented by the Kings, The Laici [...] did spend the Church-rents in, even in time of Po­pe [...]ie. to the Benefices of the Church. Themselues did often tymes feede at their Tables, and gather vp the Super-plus of the Rent. The Sonnes of Meane Gentle-Men, vvent to the Monasticke Lyfe everie where: If they had manie Daughters, they did sende some of them to the Religious Convents of Women: vvhich was a singular Disburden and Reliefe, both of Greater and Smaller Houses, (speaking civillie, & in Civill Respects:) And this is yet the chiefest Cause, vvhy the Ritches of the Papall Church, are so tollerable by Princes, and People of that Profession: so that whyles numbers of Men and Women, of all sortes, were nowrished anciently by the Church Revenewes in Scotland, it would bee thought strange, to bestow them vpon so few Church-Men as now be, vvho, I confesse, are worthie of Augmentation. But that they should bee made so Ritch, or Great, wee see what a pestilent Gangren [...] that hath beene alreadie.: And it is sure enough, that the same Causes, will ever produce the same Effects. The Worlde [Page 90] is aye lyke to it selfe, and Men are still Men: Et omnia vertuntur in Circulum.

There is not, of Humane Things, a more Extravagant, and Rare Contemplation, than to consider, how Princes, States, and People of Christendome, The stupidi­tie of Princes and People, not obser­ving the E­vils follo­wing vpon the Ritches of the Church. haue beene so Blinde-folded, or Hood-winked, that they could not perceiue the Fearfull Encrease of the Church Rents, and Ritches, with the Pernicious Evils, bred, and brought in with them; vnto the time, that things were past remedie almost, and that the Church had nearlie devoured the State in everie part. We reade in the Histories, that before the Separation of the Church of Rome, made by LUTHER, tryall being taken, and Explorations by Kings, and States, who began to bee jealous of the Church Rit­ches, it was found, that through all the Christian Countreyes of Europe, the hundreth part of the People, did possesse the tenth part of the Revenewes of all, at least, aboue the Fisque of Testaments, of Lands, and Mooueables, largelie legaced to them. Wee finde againe, in the French Wryters, that the Yeare 1513, the like Search beeing curiouslie made in France, it was proved, that the whole Rents, and Emoluments of that Countrey, being set to twelue parts, the Ecclesiasticall Persons did possesse seaven there-of: there being found, by this Disquisition, with-in the Provinces of France, 12 Arch­bishoprickes, The number of the Eccle­siasticall E­states in [...] 104 Bishopricks, [...]40 Abbayes, 27400 Curies [...] and dan­ger to haue beene hudge manie moe Curies, if Pope Iohn the twen­tie two, had not abolished the Decreet of Pope Nicolaus, who per­mitted, that all Mendicant Religious, should enjoy the Fruits of Lands left to them by Laicke Persons, the propertie of the Land being sayde to belong to the Popes them-selues. An impudent Subtiltie, to cover the Violation of the Mendicant his oath of Pover­tie: seeing as the Law sayeth,How Princes doe remem­ber these Evils. The Proprietie is vnprofitable to one, where the Vsu-fruit is perpetuall to another. So that Kings and States perceiving, that if this kind of Claudestine Purchase of the Church, and the daylie growing of her Ritches, were not interrupted, their People & Territories would by tyme be stollen away. They begā everie-where almost to intercept it. King Edward the first of England, prohibited by a Law, that anie Church-Man should con­quish Lands, or succeed to Legacies. King Henrie the eight, tooke from the Church. King Charles, the fift of Spayne, made the lyke Prohibition to the former, in the Low-Countreyes, agaynst Church-Conquishes, [Page 91] and Legacies. And at this day, the Venetians (besides the Exterminion of the Iesuites) haue done the same; and so haue Florence, and other Princes of Itali [...] done the lyke: Otherwise, it had come to passe, with-in few Yeares, that whole Italie had bene as one Closter. But wee are not to bee jealous of this point here: our Church is plagued with the contrarie Extreame.

Comming now (according to the Order proposed in the be­ginning of this Treatise) to speake of our Conceived Feares, The nature of Tythes. for the Reformation intended of Tythes: first, it is a Question of Theo­logie, and I am no Doctor there: next, it belongeth but per accidens to this Purpose: lastlie, it is a Subject vnplausable to treat of in this Tyme, by anie, who would speake vprightlie. But as Sainct Iohn sayeth, The Trueth shall make thee Free, I shall neede no other Apologie, but to follow the Veritie, in that I meane to write, where-of I shall make no long Discourse, (which were both im­pertinent, and vnnecessarie, in a thing so current, & well vnder­stood alreadie, and so largelie & learnedlie written of, by manie, both Scottish & English) but restraining my selfe, to two or three Circumstances, where-of some haue not beene remarked by anie that I haue yet read vpon this Argument.

The Originall Mention of Tythes in the Scripture, Of Tenthes. by the Practise of Abrahā in Genesis [...] The devoting of thē by GOD'S own Mouth to Moses, in Leviticus: the End & Vse of thē in Deuternomie: And the Execratiō & Cursing of things once devoted & made sacred, by GOD Himselfe, in Numbers, & in Ioshua, are Texts so cleare & indispu­table, that at least, for the tyme of the Law, no Man doth questiō. All that we goe about, who be Opponents to Evangelicall Decimation, The Argu­ments vsed a­gainst Evan­gelicall Tenthes. is, to enforce, that Tenthes were ceremoniall in the Mosaicke, en­ding with Consummatum est, and haue no warrand in the Gospell, where CHRIST in two places only doth speak of Tythes of the Mint and Annise: These ought yee to haue done, and not omit the other. And againe, in Luke, comparing betwixt the Publicane and Pha­risee, who vaunted of the just Payment of his Tenthes, CHRIST did blame onlie his Ostentation, & not his Payment of the Tenthes, To both which Places, wee make this Answere, That at that time the Ceremoniall Law was in full strength, and aye vntill Consumma­tu [...]est. And for that respect, CHRIST did suffer the Payment of Te [...]es: And wee say, Seeing CHRIST hath changed both the [Page 92] Priesthood, and the Law, and supplied their Rowmes, and hath gi­ven no Order for the Church Revenewes of Tenthes, therfore he hath abolished the same. Againe, CHRIST about the sending foorth of His Apostles, and speaking of their Mayntaynance, Matth. 10. Provide neither Silver nor Golde in your Purses, for the Worke-man is wor­thie of his Meat. Here he maketh no Mētion at all of Tenthes, as the Place did require, in Case the Tenthes had bene due to the Church.

Thus wee cast it over to the Apostles, and there wee doe also pretend the same Argument. That where Sainct Paul, 1. Cor. 9. doth pleade at large for Mayntaynance, he keepeth him-selfe vpon Ge­nerall Termes, without anie Mention of Tenthes: who feedeth a Flocke, & doeth not eate of the Milke thereof? If we haue sowne Spirituall things to you, is it a great thing, if we reape your carnall thinges? Thou shalt not muzzell the mouth of the Oxe, that treadeth out the Corne. And so we say, albeit CHRIST and His Apostles, haue allowed Livinges for Preachers, yea, let thē bee never so ample, yet they haue not tyed vs to a nūber, wherevnto the Answeres are made, that Sainct Paul in the same Chapter, hath included the Tenthes, by the Generall, in these wordes, Hee that ministreth about holie thinges, must liue of the Temple; and the Wayters on the Altar, on the thinges thereof. That by the things of the Temple, and the Altar, are signified the Tenthes, albeit hee did not expresse it, in regarde they vvere then in the Hands of the Pharisees, and could not be challenged, nor gotten by Law, by Private and Poore Men, as the Apostles were; but con­trarie should haue increased the Malice of the Iewes agaynst them, in Case they had beene sought.

Farther, we studie to proue, that Tythes were Ceremoniall: First, by reasō of an Absolute & Only Place, whervnto they were broght, to Hierusalem. Why they ar [...] thought Ceremoniall. Secondly, because of the Number, whereby speciallie we contend, to exclude the Moralitie of Tenths, & astrict them to a Ceremonie, seeing Naturall Reasō would as wel alow the Eleventh, as the Tenth Portion, or the Twelft rather, because the Levites were one of the xij Tribes. And lastly, for their Employment at Hierusalē ▪ as we haue it, Deut. 14. If the way be long, that thou art not able to carrie thy Tenthes, where the Lord hath chosen to set His Name, then thou shalt turne them into Money, & goe to the place, & thou shalt bestow the Money for whatsoever thy soule lusteth after, Oxe, Sheepe, wine, or strong Drink [...] & thou shalt eat, & rejoyce before the Lord, thou, & thy Familie: thou shalt [Page 93] not forsake the Levite within thy gates, nor the Strāger, nor the Widow, nor the Fatherlesse. Al which things do smell a Ceremoniall Institution, as we alleadge, & wherevpon there be great & learned Disputes agi­tate by diverse of our Countrey-men: amongst all which, & all that can be said for Tenths, it seemeth to me, that the truest Light is to bee drawne from the Practise of Abraham; by which it appeareth, they were Evangelicall, before they were Mosaicall. If long before the Ceremoniall or Writtē Law, Abraham payed Tythes to Melchisedec, The Priests of Melchisedek. how can we hold Tenths to be Ceremoniall? albeit we had not that cleare Explication therof, by S. Paul, Heb. 7, where in the person of Melchisedec, he proveth the Excellencie of Christ's Priesthood, aboue that of Aaron: He proveth Melchis. to be a Priest frō two things: from the Discharge of his Office, He blessed Abraham: and from that which was annexed to his Office, He tythed Abrahum. If any would object, that Abraham did offer to him those Tenthes, not of bound duetie, but out of his private Charitie, or from a Custome that was vsed before him, or from the Light of Nature only, (wherof I shal speak somewhat herafter) that were to annull the Proofe of Mel­chis▪ his Priesthood, set downe by th'Apostle, yea, it were to change the Text, because the Actiue word, is in the person of Melchis. and not of Abrah. For it is not said, that Abr. tythed himselfe, but that Melchis. ty [...]hed Abrah. Melchis. decimavit Abrah. And the Greeke word, Vers. 6. of that Chap. [...] doeth import no lesse, how-so-ever the English Translation is received.

Next again, that by Melchis. th'Apostle vnderstandeth Christ, it is evident, when he saith of Him, Vers. 8. Here men die, that do receiue Tythes, (meaning the Levi [...]s) but there He receiveth them, of whom it is written, that He liveth: which is vndoubtedly spoken of Christ; for so are the words, Vers▪ 13. & 14. He of whom these things are written, pertayneth to another Tribe, whereof no man serveth at the Altar, for it is evident, that our Lord sprang out of Iudah. Farther, it is plaine, that the Priesthood there spoken of, is an eternall Priesthood, Thou art a Priest for ever, according to the Order of Melchis. Whervpō it must follow, that Tythes being the Due of an Eternal Priesthood, must also them­selues be eternall▪ Abraham saw my day, and did rejoyce, saith CHRIST.

And I put the Case, this Poynt were not so cleare as it is, vvee might find another Ground, wherby we should see our selues tyed to this Burden of Tythes Evangelicallie: and that is by the Devoting [Page 94] of them, done by Christian Princes, People, and States, vvho wee may thinke, before the Church (I suppose) could challenge them by anie Warrand, haue beene moved to giue vnto her a Warrand, by that same Spirit, Tythes devo­ted by posi­tiue Lawes. that moved Abraham, manie Years before the Law was given out for Tenthes. Constantine the Great, and Charle­mayne, did begin this Plantation of the Church Rents, Authoritie, and Priviledges, and others everie-where did follow them. Then we know, vvhat is the Nature of thinges once devoted to GOD, Levit. 27. Vers. 28. No devoted thing, that a Man shall devote to the LORD, both of Man and Beast, and of the Possession of his Fielde, shall bee redeemed: Everie devoted thing, is holie vnto the LORD. And Levit. 5. Vers. 15. If a Soule doe sinne, through Ignorance, in the holie thinges of the LORD, hee shall make a mendes in the holie thing, and shall adde a fift part there-vnto.

The Popes them selues, haue acknowledged their Possession of Tythes, to bee aliene from the Practise or Pleading of the Primitiue Church, and that their Titles therevnto haue flowed from the onlie Devotion and Donation of Christian Kings, as may bee seene in Can. futuram Ecclesiam, & cap. videntes, 12. Q. 1. vvhich Bellarmine doeth stand to, Tom. 1. contra 5. lib. 1. cap. 25. And we may try it to bee so, by the Entrie of the Christian Fayth in Scotland, Anno 203. King Donald the first did procure, by his Ambassadour sent to Pope Victor, the cōming of some Priests into this Kingdome, for receiving of him, his Familie, & Nobilitie, to the Church, by Baptisme: where there is no Mention of anie Title pretended, or anie Sute made by the sayd Pope for Tythes. When Dedi­cation in Scotland. But vvhole foure Ages thereafter, to wit, Anno 578, our King Convallus, vvithout Challenge or Requisition frō the Pope, hee of him selfe did authorize the Terrour and Force of Excommunication, & established to the Church, the Tenthes of Scot­land, Edixit ut decimas omnium terrae nascentium cuncti in Sacerdotū hor­rea deferrent: by vvhich it appeareth, that everie Man then had his owne Tythes. Farther, hee gaue to the Priests, Mansions and Dwelling places, neare to the Churches: Praedium in Templi vicinia ubi secretus à vnlgo habitaret. Withall two thinges are to bee vnder­stood: First, that a great part of those Rentes were employed to the ritch deco [...]ing of Church Fabrickes, Christi Templa valde ornari voluit. Secondlie, that before then, there were multitudes of Re­ligious people in Scotland, (that Age of the Occidentall World being, as [Page 95] it were, an Influence, or Inundation of Pietie, and Zeale to GODS Glorie) for the Historie telleth, that he sent to Yreland, for that re­nowned Abbot, Sanctus Columba; by whose Advyce, Contraxit Mo­nachos spars [...]s ad id tempus, & soliv [...]g [...]s; inunum, inde (que) per Caeno [...]ia quae Convalli pietas struxer at, distribut [...]s [...] & vitanon vulgatae observatio­nis instituit. Where the Author (to let vs see, how the Devoting of Tythes, The Benedi­ [...]ne order fre­quent, and [...]a­mous in Scot­land. and Foundation of Monasticke places, vvent alwayes toge­ther) hee maketh Mention of the Benedictine Order their Frequencie in Scotland before then, & manie Abbayes erected for them: where it is most worthie Observation, his Iudgement of the Revenewes and Ritches of the Church, Plurima inter nostrates celeberrima su [...]t hujus or­dinis Caenobla, hactenus viris pietate clarissimis habitata, virtute fortassis insigniori, majori (que) veneratione apud posteros perseveratura, si ad otium & luxum Regum munificentia, tanta sagina ea non oner asset: that is to say, There were then in Scotland, manie famous Abbayes, of the Benedictine Order, hitherto inhabited by Men of singular Pietie, and wherein the Sin­ceritie of Religious Vertue might haue [...] flowrishing, & recommendable to all Posteritie, if the too great Bountie of Princes did not over-bardē them with the Fatnesse of Ydle-seat and Ri [...]hes.

By this doing of Conva [...], I say, it seemeth, that the Church hath gotten a sufficient Warrand to our Tythes, by Positiu [...] Christian Lawes, albeit vve should repyne at the Warrand [...]s brought out of the Gospell. And even the most Learned of the Protestant syde, doe holde it the surest Title of the two. The greatest part of the Re­formed Churches of France, doe holde it after the Mynd of the lear­ned Calvine, vvho hath left behinde him the same Opinion to the World, in his Treatise vpon Iob, & vpon the 18 of Nu [...]s Vers. 20,Calvin [...], and Perkins, deny Tythes Evan­gelicall. Sed eas à Lai [...]is occupari quo passus fuisset Papa, si jure divino (ut in [...]lse garriunt) sacra fuisseut Cleri hereditas. Which Opinion is thought to haue begun from the old Valdenses, who did inhabite there about: vvho seeing the great Abuse of Tythes vnder the Church of Rome, did hold, that Tythes vveremeere Almes [...] and no vvay belonging to the Church. This also vvas the Mynd of Iohn Hu [...]. And that great Divine Perkins, on Gal. 3. and 25. The Allowance of Tythes, sayth he, standeth not in Force, in this and other Common-wealths, by the Iudiciall Law of GOD to the Iewes, but by Positiue Lawes of Countreys. These Men thinke it no fault to giue Tythes to the Church, but hold it not necessarie from anie Warrand of the Gospell [...] they doe [Page 96] allow of a sufficient Church Mayntaynance, but not the same Que­tum. And when it is objected to them, Why should these Beg­garlie Iewish Rudiments, and that perishing Priesthood of the Law, haue so ritch a Patrimonie, and the Glorious Revelation of the Gospell, a poore and necessitous Ministrie? They doe answere, Because their Ritches and Formes are diverse, and perhaps contrarie; that consisting in Show, and this in Substance; that being altogether Earthlie, and this altogether Spirituall: and being in this Point too much possessed by Puritane Humours, Puritanes op­posed to the Pops Church, even in good things. they doe not admit that Splendor and Decorement of Churches, nor that externall Pompe and Majestie, of Publicke Worship, which in my Mynde is not discom­mendable in the Popes Church. Where-vnto they are in all things opposed, as well in the best Points of Government, and Indifferent Ceremonies, as in the Maine Grounds of Fayth. And farther, it is not to bee doubted of, but that so Profound a Divyne as Cal [...]ne, vn­derstanding so well as hee did, the Arts of the Papall Pryde, hee thought it a good Way, for destroying of Superstition, and Tyran­nie in the Church, to deny her anie Right of Tythes, other than by Donation, and Charitie of Christian Princes, so long as she should remaine free from Heresie, and wicked Abuses, and otherwise might bee taken from her.

Now I come to the Circumstance of the Quotum, to consider if there might haue beene anie matter of Sanctitie, Ceremonie, or Type in the number of 10, why GOD choosed the Tenth Portion, to bee sacred vnto Himselfe, rather than the ninth, eleventh, or twelft; and whether Abraham did light vpon that number, by anie instinct of Nature common to other People. And first, I will tell you, that there was never hitherto anie Nation heard of, so Barbarous, in whose Hearts Nature did not ingraue this Law, to adore the DEITIE by externall Ceremonies of Worship, consi­sting in statelie Temples, costlie Altars, and Images, daylie Oblations of sumptuous Sacrifices, and Mayntaynance of multitudes of Sa­crificators; Tythes vnder­stood by na­turall Light of the Gen­tiles. that it is admirable to beholde, how Ge [...]tiles in exter­nall Zeale, haue gone beyond even true Worshippers, so farre, that manie of them, did allot and dedicate to Religious Service, much more than Tythes. Wee reade in Dionys. Halicarn. that Romulus, the first Found [...]r of Rome, divided the whole Territories there of in three parts; one for the Priests, and Publicke Worship; another [Page 97] for the Domaine of the Common-wealth; the third for the People; there being of People for that time 3000, and 18000 Iugera of Land, where-of were reserved 6000, for the Sacrifices, and Sacri­ficators. And that this Division of Romulus, according to Diadorus, was an Imitation of the Aegyptians, who in like manner, did origi­nallie make a Tripartion of the Revenewes of the Land, where-of the first was for the Priests, and Sacrifices, the second for the King, and Publicke Charges of the State, the third for the Calasyres, who were Souldiours, and Men of Armes. And from the most esteemed Hi­stories of Antiquitie, wee haue numbers of Testimonies, that the Gen­tiles knew by the Light of Nature, that Tythes were Sacred vnto GOD, namelie, of their Spoyles, and Victories; and therefore did offer and sacrifice them vnder the Name of Victimae, quasi vi ictae. Herpocration, Dydymus, and Pausamas, doe witnesse, that the Greeks gaue the Tenth of their Spoyles in VVarre, vnto their Gods. Cyrus the Lesse, gaue the Tenth of his Money taken from Captiues, to Apollo, and Diana, at Ephesus. Agis gaue his at Delphos: Agesilaus in two yeares, aboue 100 Talents of Tythes, to the same place. Plinie re­lateth, that the Sabeans might not sell their Frankincense, vnder the paine of Death, vntill the Priests had their Tythes: The Aethiopians divided with a Staffe, the Bundels of Caunell and Casia, and first gaue GOD His part. Plutarch is Author, that Hercules did sacrifice everie Tenth Bullocke, that hee tooke from Geiron by force. The Tenthes of the Spoyles of the Platean VVarres, were dedicate to the Gods▪ Socrates hath in his Ecclesiasticall Kalendars, that Alcibiades gaue commandement for Tenthes to the Gods, from all those that sai­led from Pontuu: When the Veii were taken Prisoners, and the Ro­manes made Peace with the V [...]lfians, Camillus made the Romanes to pay to Apollo, the Tythes of their Spoyles, and it was allowed of the Senate. Plutarch writeth of Lucullus, that hee became incom­parablie Rich, because hee observed the paying of Tonthes to Her­cules. Xenophon witnesseth, that others payed in the Countreyes about, their Tythes to Apollo. Festus sayeth, Decima quaeque veteres Diis suis offerebant. Which so vniversall a Practise doth show some Evidence to haue proceeded from the True Light of Nature, before the Written Law, and from the dayes of Noa, to haue beene de­ [...]yved to all Nations; otherwise, how was it possible, that such a Religious Due, so a-nearing vnto the Trueth of GOD'S [Page 98] VVorship, could haue beene so generallie followed of the Gentiles?

It beeing so, wee are not to doubt, but that Abraham, with this D [...]ke Light of Nature, common to the Gentiles, where throgh hee did see, as with the Left Eye, his Religious Duetie, concerning Tythes: hee had also the Divyne Light; which as a Right Eye, did demonstrate vnto him the Secret of that Mysterie; wherefore the LORD GOD did choose His owne Portion vnder the Number of 10, as most Holie, and most Perfect in it selfe.

And heere I will borrow (for more clearing of the Nature of Tenthes a little of your Patience, Mystorie of the number [...]0. for a pleasant Intercourse, to set downe, as I haue found it in the Remote and Mysticke Theolo­gie, the Reason of the Number 10, and of the Holie Respect, and Perfection that is into it, and which hath beene naturallie ingra­ven into the Hearts of Men, even amidst the greatest Darknesse of Gentilisme. Created, or Instrumentall Wisdome. We reade in the Scripture, that God in the Creation of the World, did imploy an instrumentall Wisdome, Omnia fecisti Do­mine, in numero, pondero, & mensura, which is called, The created Wisdome of GOD, VVisd. Sa­lom. 7. Where-of it is saide, The LORD created her thorow the holie Ghost, hee hath seene her, numbred her, measured her, and powred her out vpon his Creatures, Eccles. 1. remēbered by Esa [...], Who measured the Waters▪ in the hollow of his Hand, Esai 40. Ch. who met the Heavens with the Span, & weighed the Mountaines in a Ballance. The LORD IESVS CHRIST being the increated, and eternall VVisdome, [...] Se [...] Sermo Patris, that Word, vvhereby all things vvere created, and vvhereof sayth the Gospell, In Him, for Him, and by Him. The nature of Number in generall. Of these three Instrumentes, vvhereby GOD framed Nature, Number hath the Prioritie & Pre­cedence, as having nearest Allyance vnto GOD, by reason of Infi­nitie: GOD is infinite, and so is Number, Non datur numerus quo non possit dari major. No Number is so great, wherevnto Addition may not hee made. Nature of Angels. Agayne, the Angels, who be nearest & lykest vnto GOD, they are onelie capable of Number: they doe not receiue eyther Dimention or Weight, because they are pure Spirits, occupying no Place circūscript [...]uelie, but definitiuelie, Habent suum [...]bi, as I may say, definitiuelie, my Mynd is at London, Paris, or Rome, although it occupie there no Place. The Coelestiall Orbs vnder the Angels, are capable both of Numbers & Dimension: the Extent & Limits of their Place wee doe see, but they admit no Weight: and being Mediant Creatures, betwixt the Angels, and Element arie Corporall things, that [Page 99] doe receiue all three, Numerum, Mensuram, & Pondus. The Orbes haue into them, no Ponderous Matter, Quia omnis materia est capax & appetens novarum formarum: All ponderous matter, is subject to daylie mutation of forme, whereas the forme of the Coelestiall Spheares is perpe­tuallie one, and the same.

To returne to the first of these three,GOD is Vni­tie, Veritie, and Bonitie. (Number) the auncient Theologues, did vse three VVords, for expressing of the Nature and Essence of GOD, so nearlie as they could, Deus est Vnitas, Veritas, Bonitas, & haec tria unum sunt: noting by Bonitie, His Goodnesse; by Veritie, His VVisdome; there is VVisdome, but in Veritie; and by Vni­tie, His Power: In Vnione Potestas, as we say, The greater Strength, doth consist in the greater Vnion: Vis unita fortior. Therefore sayeth Plato, Anima est multitudo mobilis, Angelus multitudo immobilis,Definition of Vnitie.Deus immobilis Vnitas. Now (say the Arithmeticians) of Vnitie, that it is Mater Nume­rorum. The Mother of Number: & of Number, Numerus est multipli [...]atio vnitatis: that is, the Multiplication of Vnitie, even as the good­nesse of GOD, is the Mother and Fountaine where-from did flow, all those good Creatures; and they againe are the Number of the Species and Particulars of GOD'S goodnesse, diffused through the World: so that GOD beeing Vnitie Him-selfe, Hee did by dif­fusion of His Goodnesse, in diverse wayes multiplie this Vnitie, both in Number, and thinges to bee numbred. Vnitie in Number, is like the Centre of the Circle: GOD is the Centre of all Things. if yee take a Circle (for Example, a Compasse of two Armes that Artisanes vse) and doe close the Armes thereof in one, it is no more a Circle, but a Centre: doe extende and spreade it foorth againe, and it is a Circle. The Sea of the glorious Godhead, did rest before the Creation, into the Centre of it selfes Contemplation, and thereinto was whole Nature latent, as the Tree into the Seed: there-after by vertue of that Eternall VVord, was blowne vp, and expanded this Circamference of the Vniverse, as so manie Lynes from the Centre, and so manie Numbers from the Vnitie. The Iewish Caballe, doeth celebrate a kinde of Omnipo­tencie of this Vnitie, because it maketh all Numbers, beeing with­out Beginning or Ende it selfe. Before there were varietie of things created, Vnitie was: neither can wee suppo [...]e so great a Number of thinges, where-vnto wee may not adde one more. So that, lyke vnto GOD, it hath neither Beginning nor [...]nde.

[Page 100] Now, if we will holde, that GOD doeth comprize severall things,GOD hath particular re­spects, for particular Numbers. vnder severall Numbers, by guesse, or casuallie, as that He placed sixe Planets in the Heavens, and the seventh to fill them with Light, and but two Eyes in a Man's Head, to receiue that Light. Hee did reveale His VVill towardes His CHVRCH, by His VVord in the Apocalipses, vnder Seaven tymes seaven, and planted but two Eares in our Head, to heare that VVorde. Hee made sixe Laborious Dayes in the Weeke, and the seventh of Rest, and the Worlde as a Weeke of 6000. Toylsome and Travelling Yeares, and the Seaventh Thousand as a Sabbath of Quietitude and Rest: no­ting that way once the Creation and Enduration of the Worlde, and then the visible Light of the Worlde, Great vse of the Number. 7. and the Spirituall Light, vnder this Number of 7: yea, in diverse places shado­wing vnder the same Number, the Worke of our Redemption. The Candlestickes of the Church, were Seaven. GOD tolde to the Prophet, that He had yet 7000, who had not bowed their Knee to Baall. Naman was commanded, to be washed Seaven tymes in Ior­dan. The Fever left the Sonne of the Centurion the Seavēth houre. Da­vid praysed GOD Seaven tymes a day. Eliseus, by Seaven tymes brea­thing, did restore the Sonne of the Sunamitish; vvhich interpreted Captiue, and by the Mysticall Theologie, is sayd to figure the Sonnes of Adam, then lying dead vnder the Law, which was no more able to restore them, than that Rod in the Hand of Giesi, Eliseus Servant, did restore that Chyld, but Eliseus did it himselfe, by Seaven Brea­things, Oscitavit septies. To hold, I say, that GOD doth not see in everie Nūber, & everie nūbred thing, a Reason of Convenience Natu­rall in His Insearchable Wisdome, it were both Ignorance and Impie­tie: VVe cannot deny it, when-so-ever we remember, howe wee wold think that Architector vnworthie his Wages, who could not contryue our House with a competent Number of Lights, accor­ding to the Proportion of R [...]wmes, & cōmoditie of the Sun Beames.

As I haue sayd of Vnitie, that it is so much esteemed, not only resembling GOD, by the Possibilitie of Infinite Multiplication, but implying good thinges in its owne Nature, Simplicitie, Veritie, Strength, which made Aristotle, in one of his Metaphysickes, to say, that the Ancients did so honour this Vnitie in Number, Quod ex ejus materia generarent ipsum ens, that they sayde, Attour the Vni­verse, the Eternall Beeing it selfe, did consist there-of.

[Page 101] So to come to Dualitie, vvee shall finde a Naturall Reason, vvhy a Weaknesse and Evill doe frequentlie followe vpon that Number, Nature of the Dualitie. as if it vvere cursed; because it is the first Number that breaketh the Blessed Vnitie, and maketh Division, vvhich in it selfe is evill, Omne regnum in se divisum, desolabitur. Exemples heere-of, The first Mention that vvee finde of this Dualitie, in the first of Genesis, GOD created Heaven and Earth: and the Earth was barren and emptie. Two Lightes in the Heaven, and one of them is monethlie defectiue. Lucifer parted the Court of Heaven in two. CHRIST is One, Satan Two; HEAVEN. One, Hell Two; MERCIE One, Iustice Two. GOD did sepa­rate the Light from the Darknesse: that vvas One, and this Two. So did GOD in the Creation in a sort execrate this Number, as the Enemie of Vnitie, and a proper Number of Evill, or of thinges defe­ctiue: for so it is frequentlie found in the Scripture, Two Testimo­nies agaynst Christ, Two Debters vnable, Two blynd Beggars, Two trayte­rous Eunuches, Two Larrouns hanged with CHRIST, Two insatiable Lee­ches, Two doubting Disciples, going to Emmaus: And, as saith Eccles. Looke throgh all the Works of the MOST HIGH, and ye shall ever find, Vnum contra duo, One agaynst two. A Man hath two Feete, two Handes, two Eyes, but one of them is backward. Man and Woman are a joyned Dualitie, but one of them is impotent: there bee two Testamentes in the Booke of GOD, but one of them is full of Terrour and Damnation. The Scripture sayeth, Cor duas vias ingre­diens non inveniet requiem: An heart that vseth double wayes, shall finde no rest. And by a common word, wee doe call a Man, Double, vvho is knowne to bee false, and deceitfull.

Of the other severall Proprieties given by GOD to se­verall Numbers, I could indeede dilate a long Discourse, but im­pertinent heere, and tedious: I make haste to that I haue to doe with at this tyme, the Number Ten. As the Vnitie is lyke vnto GOD, So is the Novemarie, or Nyne, Nature of the Novenarie, or Number 9. lyke vnto his Works in this Fabricke of the Vniverse: as the Worlde comprehendeth all things in it, and cannot be comprehended it selfe, but of GOD, vvithout whome it should remayne imperfect, wanting Head and Lyfe; so doth the Number 9 contayne into it all the Numbers, and parts of Number, vvhyles it selfe cannot bee closed, nor made Perfect, but by One, which is not a Number, but the Mother of Num­ber: [Page 102] vvithout the Addition whereof, to make vp Ten, which is the Fulnesse & Perfection of Number, this 9 seemeth Vnhappie, VVeake, Necessitous, and Indigent, albeit it contayne all the Species of Num­ber: For of Paritie, it hath Two, & Foure; and of Imparitie, Three & Fyue. The Perfection of 10 is seene by Sensible Trueth; for when we once arriue at 10, there is no more Numbring, but by Iteration of 10, or the parts thereof; as everie Man knoweth, it is the Fulnesse of Number: For the Cabbalists, to showe the VVant and Indigence of 9, for lacke of this Vnitie, they put vp on a Board, 999, saying the nakednesse thereof is publicklie seene by anie Eye that looketh vpon it. See Plato, 234.

Next againe, it is to bee vnderstood of 10, as it is a full and perfect Number, so it is the Quotient and Continent of Nature, com­prehending the whole severall Species of GOD'S Creatures: first, will wee consider those that are Intellectuall, Ten, is the Quotient, or fulnesse of Nature. and Invisible, all the Divynes agree, that there bee nine Hierarchies of Angels, that CHRIST Him-selfe is the tenth: Hee is that great Angell, of the Testament promised to come to the Church, Statim veniet ad Tem­plum Angelus Testamenti quem vos expectatis. Hee is that Angell, sent before Moses, of whom GOD saide vnto him, Bee aware of Him, and offend Him not, because My Name is into Him. The full Name of GOD can bee into none, but in CHRIST, of whom sayeth the GOSPELL, In quo habitat omnis plenitudo Deitatis. Will wee againe consider the visible VVorks, wee shall finde them for Species, com­prysed within the Quotient of Ten. The Spheares, the Intelligences, or Spirits that moue them, the Lights into them, the three Elements, the Minerall Creatures, the Vegitable, the Sensible, and Man, who was made to the perfect Image of GOD, super-added for the Tenth, without the which Tenth, the other Nyne (as anie Man may see) were so naked and indigent, that in a sort they did serue to no vse: but the whole VVorld, before the Creation of Man, did looke as a Glorious Pallace, of Magnificke Artifice and Furniture, in all things, inhabited with Myse and Rats, who could make no vse there-of, nor yet honour or admire the Builder. Onelie this accomplished Tenth Creature, Man, Man, was the first Tythe. did serue to rule those others; to explore and contemplate their Nature, to make vse of them, and there-vpon to found and sound the Prayses and VVorship of their Maker: yea, (as the Platonicks say, and which I [Page 103] thinke cannot be disproved) after the Change of Nature, and Con­summation of Tyme, the Specificke kindes of all those 9, are conser­ved eternallie, by the Eternitie of Man, whose Constitution doeth participate, and is contryved of all their kynds, as we know: for vvith the Minerals, He hath Being; with the Plants, Hee is [...]egita­ble; with Beastes, Sensible; with the Heavens, moueable; and with the Angels, Intellectuall.

And when Adam by his Fall having tossed this Tenth Perfectiō and Dignitie, vvas casten from Paradise, & whole Nature accursed, and made defectiue for his Cause; CHRIST was the se­cond Tythe. Then the LORD GOD did send His Eternall Sonne, in the fulnesse of Tyme, to vndertake the Person of Man, for Restitution of that Pittifull Decadence of Nature, and to be that Sacred Tenth, vvhich should agayne renew and ac­complish her Fulnesse and Glorie in that Perfect Number, figured in this Mysticall Theologie, by that New Song of David. DEVS cantabo Tibi Canticum novum, in Psalterio decacordo Psallam Tibi: My GOD, Psal. 144. I shall sing vnto Thee a new Song, & shall play before Thee vpon a Psal­terie of ten Cords. The VVorks of Nature are sayd to be a Musicke & Harmonie, and thereof Theologues ancientlie haue written vvhole Books. Next agayne, we know, that in Scripture Sinne is signified by the Olde Man, or the Olde Garment, and wee are bidden put on the New Man, IESVS, the New Adam, the New Tythe, typicallie expressed by this Propheticall Newe Song of David, vpon these Ten Cords of Nature foresayde, by His Incarnation then refreshed, and made new. Agayne, they holde this Mysterie of Ten, to be figured by that Signe which was given by GOD, of the Restitution of E­zechias, vvhen the Sunne came backe Ten Degrees, or Lynes, vpon the Horologe of Achaz, Reverti faciam umbram linearum, per quas des­cenderat in horologio Achaz in Sole, retrorsum decem lineis. CHRIST is the Sunne of the VVorld, called by the Prophet Es. Sol Oriens ex al­to, and by the Gospell, Lux illuminans omnem hominem. There is no true Restitution of Lyfe, nor Salvation, but in Him: Hee descended by these Ten Orders or Species of GOD'S Creatures, rehearsed by me, even to the Helles, and returned by the same, Reversus est Sol per gmdus per quos descenderat. Farther, that the same is figured by that Tenth piece of Silver in the Gospel, for the which when it was lost, by that VVoman in Luke, she neglected the Nyne, to goe and seeke it: and by the 99 Sheepe, which also were neglected, vntill [Page 104] that One was found, that made even Ten tymes ten.

VVith this kynd of Theologie, they conjoyne a naturall Reason, thus, The Figure of the VVorld is Rotund and Circular: more, it is Li­mited, and not Infinite, both which are manifest. Next,CHRIST be­gan, and clo­zed th [...] Cir­cle of Na­ture. say they, a Circle is never perfectlie ended, vnto the time that the Lyne of the Circumference goe about to cloze at the Point where-at it did begin: this also is sensible true. The beginning of Things, was the Incarnate Word, as sayeth Sainct Iohn, In principi [...] erat verbum: not the beginning Mosaicke (which was but Principium principia­tum, the beginning of Tyme) but Principium principiaus, the be­ginnining that did begin all things, Ex quo, iu quo, & per quam omnia. So CHRIST being the Beginning, and as we know, Man the last created of all things, and hindmost made of GOD, the Circular Lyne of Nature could never bee concluded, vntill the First Point was joyned with the Last, that the Beginning should be the Ende, and the Ende the Beginning, one Point, both Alpha and Ome­ga: the Sonne of GOD, who was the First, conjoyned with Man, who was the Last: GOD becomming Man, and Man becom­ming GOD, did in the fulnesse of Tyme cloze this Circle, in bee­ing the Holie and Perfect second Tenth, of all th [...] Creatures now re­newed, and by descending and returning through these Ten De­grees, which made Rabb. Mos. Hardasan, in mysterious Words to say of CHRIST,A Speach of Robo [...] Mes. Hardas. wor­thie observa­tion. whilst hee wryteth vpon Genesis, and citeth this Text of David, Psal. 50, Ostendam tibi salutare DEI. This is a Scripture (sayeth hee) of great weight and importance, that the Sal­vation of Israel, is the Salvation of GOD: that is to say, The preservation and perfection of His Works, for GOD Himselfe shall bee the pryce and payment of His owne Redemption. Vt qui non nihil frumenti ex se [...]onda decima reliquum habet, & id redemit: as hee who had resting some Corne of his second Tythe, hee did redeeme it. This First and Second Tythe, are even as that beginning Mosaicke, and that of Sainct Iohn, Princi­pians & principiatum. CHRIST being the First Tythe predestinate in the Eternall Counsell of GOD, and Man the second, began with the beginning of Tyme, where-of (CHRIST issuing of Man, ac­cording to His Humanitie) is sayde by him, to bee that Rest of that Second Tythe, reserved by GOD, for the Perfection and Glo­rification of whole Nature, by the Pryce of his Precious Blood. By those it seemeth that GOD, who as the Scripture sayeth, Omnia [Page 105] suaviter disponit: Hee disposeth all things sweethe. And as another sayeth, Et mirabilite [...] disponit adeo ut aliquid semper nisit humano captu majus: Hee also disposeth them miraculouslie, that still there is somewhat beyonde the Horiz [...]n of humane sight. It seemeth, I say, that GOD hath chozen that Portion of ou [...] Goods due to His Worship and Ser­vice, to bee of that Perfect Number, of the Perfect and Consummated Sacrifice of CHRIST, into the full Quotient and Continent of Na­ture; and that withall Hee hath respected the Number of People, who were to liue vpon the Tenthes, as Bellarmine doeth reason, to prooue Tythes not Ceremoniall, but Iudiciall, De Clericis, Lib. 1. Cap. 25. Nam non ordinantur immediate ad colendum DEVM, sed ad aequitatem inter homines: Hee sayeth, That Tythes were commanded to bee payed to Levie, because hee was about the tenth part of the People, that there might bee a Proportion betweene his Estate and the rest.

Thus haue I broght in a [...]iversitie of Opinions, cōcerning Tythes; some holding thē onlie Iudiciall, to the Iewes; others, that they be­long to GOD, by way of Alms, but not to the Church; Others, that they appertaine to the Church, but by Positiue Lawes of Princes; o­thers, that they are so by the Law of Nature; & finallie, (some in­clined to follow this Remote & Naturall Theologie) affirme, that by all these Titles, they are to the Church, as Franciscus Iunius, The Opinion of Iunius, con­cerning Tythes. [...] omni jure post omnem hominum memoriam DEO fuerunt sacrae. For what lesse can omni jure, import, than a Law, as well stamped naturallie in the Consciences of Men, as approoved by Positiue Lawes of Prin­ces, and warranded by the Written Word of GOD: But hitherto can I finde none to say, that Tythes are Temporall, or Civill Goods; scarcelie wee who doe possesse them: for why? wee holde, that whatsoever wee bestow to Mendicant poore People, to necessi­tous Friends, or Neighbours, for Mayutaynance of the Ministrie, or Schooles of Learning, all that hath allowance for Tythes in the sight of GOD: neither are wee oblished, nor can bee, to sustaine the Poore, by anie Law, other than by that of Tenthes: this I doe hold, albeit Ambitious Men, to abuse the World with faire Colours, will perhaps holde the contrarie. But I doe not doubt, but this New Reason, which I doe put in from the Mysterie of the Number, will bee thought of manie a [...]aprit [...]h, or Raveri [...] of a Phantasticke Braine. In the meane time, if wee would possesse them still, wee haue neede of some New Doctrine vnheard of, for to qualifie [Page 106] our Possession, and purge it from the Sacriledge; seeing our owne Teachers, whose other Opinions in everie thing, numbers of vs do superstitiouslie follow and adore, they doe affirme vs to bee Sa­crilegious in this Point: I meane, Puritane Preachers, and their Sectators.

It is of notable Observation, to consider, howe throughout this whole Yle, Two sorts of Puritane op­ponents, to Episcopall Governamēt, and Rentes, discordant a­mongst them­selues. there haue ever beene Opponents to Episcopall Go­vernament and Rents: two sorts, I may say, of Factious Men; The Clergie factious, and the Laicie factious: The Clergie Factious haue striven for it, That all the Church Patrimonie appertayneth vnto them, their Presbyteries, and Disposition. And this Ground they haue so hardlie mayntayned, that in a Supplication given in, to a Parliament in England, in Name of the Commonnalitie, Anno 1585, they set it downe, for an Article of Doctrine, That all Abbay Lands, once dedicated for sacred vses, should by the Word of GOD remayne in that Condition for ever, and may not bee taken backe. Their Disciples agayne, the Laycie Factious, say, That their Preachers ought to conforme themselues to the Mayntaynance of the Apostles, who had no Silver, nor Gold [...], nor Posses­sions, nor Tythes, nor Rents. Wherevnto their Teachers doe aun­swere, That that is as much, as who would say to the base popular, That Noble-men haue more than their part in the World, which they spend vpon Horses, Halks, Dogs, Ryot of Lyfe, whiles their T [...]nnands doe sterue for Famine. That in the Apostles tymes, Men had all things in com­mon, Moneyes and Meanes were layde at their Feet, and equallie distributed by them; and that such Insolence, and Wealth of No­ble-men, vvill but spoyle Pietie and Zeale, if they be not reformed according to the Apostolicke tymes, no Man can deny: But this Proposition is as resonable as the other, albeit both should bee but an Anabaptisticall Practise. Alwayes, out of a Treatise written by English Arch-Puritanes, of Discipline Ecclesiasticke, these haue I extracted, ad verbum, Whyles they (meaning their owne Disciples) beare vs speake agaynst Bishops, and Cathedrall Churches, it tickleth their Ears; looking for the lyke Prey, as they had before of Monasteries: yea, they haue alreadie devoured the Church Inheritance: they care not for Re­ligion: they would crucifie CHRIST, to haue His Garmentes: they are Cormorants, and wicked Dionysians: they doe yearne after the Prey, and would there-by, to their vtter confusion, purchase a Fielde of Blood: they consume their Goods, with Sacrilegious Impudence, & Boldnesse, in Court­lie [Page 107] Braverie. Herein any Man may see, how the one sort of them doe vrge vs with the Church Policie, which (say they) was vnder the Apostles, Presbyterian; but they would haue the Livings of our latter tymes. The other sort concurre with them in Policie, but vpon Condition, That for Mayntaynance, they will embrace the A­postolicke Povertie, to the ende, that they may enjoye the Church Patrimonie themselues. Therefore, may it not be justlie sayd, to the Laycie Factious, That they oght eyther to denude themselues of Ecclesiasticke Goods, or provide themselues of other Teachers, than such as daylie condemn thē to their Fact? & that they shold not be so shamelesse, as to vtter one worde, agaynst the present Governament of the Church, or the Repetitiō of Tythes to the Church, vntill they haue done eyther the one, or the other; lest other­wyse they bee despysed, as Men vvho make some little show of Religion, but haue none at all.

Now, if anie Man doe hold sincerelie, that Tythes are not due to GOD, I am sure, that he will yet grant, that a Competent Portion vnder some other Number, must be for the Worship of GOD, and Works of Pietie. And if the Retention of Tythes be Sacriledge, there is a fearful Curse pronounced against it, Malach. 3. A Curse of the Devourer; Because (sayth the LORD) yee haue robbed my Tythes; and left no Meat in my Store-house. And is this the only Meat of Priests, that is robbed heere? No, but this is also the Store-house of the People, Non ex solo pane vivit homo, sayeth the Spirit of GOD, Man doeth not onely liue vpon Bread, but on everie Word that doeth proceed from the Mouth of GOD. There must be into the House of GOD, store of the Bread of Lyfe, of that Heavenlie Manna, which feedeth our Soules: and this cannot be, without sufficient Provision of Tempo­rall Bread, to the Preachers of the Word, Labia Sacerdotis custod [...]n [...] legam DEI, & in pectore ejus conduntur or acula divina. Certaynlie, the Pover [...]ie of the Church, doeth make a scarce & vnlearned Mi­nisterie. Amongst the Persecutions of the Christian Religion; recor­ded in Histories, there are two most remarkable; one vnder Dio­ [...]lesian,Persecution of Iulian, worse than of Dioclesian. another vnder Iulian, called the Apostate. The first of them did slay the Priests: not the lesse wherof, the Christian Fayth did so greatlie flowrish, as it was thence forth sayd; Sanguis Marty [...], [...] Ecclesiae: The Blood of the Martyrs, was the Semmarie of the Church. But the second did supplant Religion, in a more pitthie and per­nicious [Page 108] sort, albeit it was not bloodie: he robbed the Church Re­venewes, where-thorow both Preaching, and Christian Schooles, did decay, Occidere Presbyteros parum erat: To slay the Priests, it was a small thing, (which Dioclesian did) compared with the insidious Oppo­sition of Iulian, Ipse enim occidit Presbyterium, He cutted the Throat of the Presbyt [...]riall Possession. Wherethorow great Ignorance did short­lie after ensue: for, as Theodore [...] wryteth, Who would go to spend their Youth, in the Studie of Theologie, to haue no Mayntaynance in their Age?

And here vpon this faire Occasion, I must remember the Neg­lect of that moste Royall and Necessarie Policie, of Plantation of a Sufficient Ministerie, Schooles of Learning, and Burgall Societies, in our Northerne Yles,Plantation of the North Yl [...]s of Scot­land, of what Importance. and Hie-Landes of Scotland, for Exterminion of Berbaritie, and Incorporation of that People, to the Bodie of this King­dome, vvho for the present haue no Markes to bee Natiue Mem­bers there-of, neyther by their Manners, their Habite, nor their Language, the three speciall Evidences of Naturall Vnion: For, as for RELIGION, that doeth moste vnite of anie thing, I thinke they know none. The Necessitie, and Mayne Importance of this Policie, is verie soone seene: For in the Assurednesse and Strength of Borders, doeth chiefelie consist the Suretie of a great State. Agayne, everie one knoweth, howe there is not a better Meanes, to reduce a People, naturallie fierce and rebel­lions, to Obedience, than by infusing into the Heartes of them, the Loue of Knowledge, and of Civill Carriage: vvhere-of vvee haue a most proper Example, and most pertinent heere, of the Romanes, vvho by that kynde of Artes, did goe about to breake and ad­douce the Bellicose Cowrage of our owne Predecessours in BRI­TANE, as wee reade of AGRICOLA, vvho vvas Gene­rall heere of the Romane Legions, vnder the Emperour DOMITIAN, sayeth Taci [...]us, I am vero Principum filios liberalibus artibus erudire, & ingenia BRITANNORUM studiis GALLORUM anteferre, ut qui modo lingaam Roman. abnuebaent eloquentiam concupiscerent, [...]ude etiam h [...]bitus nostri honor & frequens tog [...], pa [...]latimque discessum, ad deli­nimenta [...] vitiorum, porticus, balnea, & conviviorum elegantiam, idqu [...] apud imperit [...]s huma [...]itas vocabatur, cum pars servitutis esset. The luchantment, in some, of the Romane Schooles, then made the Bri­tans [...] despyse, piece and piece, their owne Manners, and rough­nesse of their owne Language, and brought them to Admiration of [Page 109] the Romane Tongue, and loue of their Apparrell, and, at length, to Softnesse and Delicacie of Lyfe; by which thinges, they did for the tyme, greatlie effeminate their Myndes.

That our Yles, and Hie-Landes, haue nowe great neede to bee tamed, by the lyke Artes, beeing a Dangerous, Rebellious, and Vncivill People, it is verie easilie proved; for our Scottish Historie is full of it, That those Yles, and Northerne partes, haue not onelie beene Portes, and Receptacles of Forraigne Armies, invading our Countrey, and a Sanctuarie for Domesticke Rebelles: but the Lordes of the Yles, haue manie tymes threatned the Crowne of SCOTLAND, and haue foughten Bloodie and Desperate Battels for it. VVe reade in our Historie, that our King, Findocus, after hee had bene afflic­ted with the mightie Rebellions of Donaldus, vvho styled himselfe, King of the Yles, hee was in ende murdered by his Insidi [...]tion: and the King succeeding to him, (called also Donaldus,) vvas slayne by the same Man, in open Battell: after the vvhich, he did vsurpe the Crowne of SCOTLAND, and exercised most bloodie Tyran­nies, for the Extinction of the greatest part of the Nobilitie. Againe, vnder King Eth [...]inus, another Donaldus of the Yles, did so boldlie revolt, that hee came vvith displayed. Banners to the Countrie of GALLOWAY, and all-to-gether spoyled it. The thirde Donaldus of the Yles, in the tyme of KING IAMES the first his beeing in ENGLAND, hee did oppresse and subdue our vvhole Northerne partes, yea, even to the Honourable Citie of ABERDENE, vvhich hee intended to destroy, if he had not bene diverted, and drawne to that famous Battell of HAR [...]-LAW,Battell of Hare-Law. vvhere so manie Barones, Knights, Honourable Gentle-Men, and Burgesses of best sort did lose their Lyues.

These serue for sufficient Documents, to after-comming Prin­ces: for there is nought that hath beene, vvhich may not come to passe agayne, Tyme it selfe beeing but a Circulation of the same things. These Examples did moue the valiant & wyse King, Ro­bert Bruce, in his Testamentall Counsels, to his private Friends, it being the Minoritie of his Sonne, to leaue this Direction, Tanquam arranum imperii, vel domus Augusti: That there shold never be a Lord, nor great Man in the Yles, but they shold remaine perpetuallie impropriate to the Crown: Ea-enim oportunitate (saith the Writer) sitae sunt, ea (que) incolarū mobilitas ut levissimam [...] causam ad rebellionem impelluntur, nec deficientes facile redu­cantur.

[Page 110] As much I say of our Hie-Landes, That in all Ages by-gone haue beene the Strong Refuge of Bloodie Traytors, and those vvho haue violated the Sacred Ly [...]es of our Kinges; for the which Cause we reade very neare to the beginnings of this Kingdome, that Eve­nus the second, who was but the fourteenth King from the first, having with much Businesse, repressed the Tyrannie of Gillus, who pretended to be King: and trusted himselfe to the Rebellious Hie-lands and Yles. Thereafter, for the better assuring of that Barbarous People, and reducing of them to Civill Knowledge and Carriage, hee builded two Cities, in two severall Countreyes, Ennernesse, which is to this day a flowrishing Towne, in the Northerne partes, and En­nerlochtie, vpon Loch-Tay. And in our owne tymes we haue seene amongst them, such Proude and Incorrigible Oppressions of Neigh­bour People, such Cruelties, and Nefarious Perpetrations, as if they did not feare eyther GOD, or the Devill. Whyles the Romanes were so politicke in Britane, is it not much more easie for His Majestie, who now governeth here, to reforme that [...], by frequent Plantation of GOD'S VVord, which of all thinges is the greatest Dau [...]ter of the Mynd? Certaynlie, it is more easie, & by twentie to one more necessarie for His Majestie to performe, than it was for the Romanes then. The Perfect Plantation chiefely of these Yles, with Burgall Cities, Civill People, and Christian Clergie, were a most Glorious and Emperiall VVorke: For besides the clozing of that Backe-Doore, to the Suretie of the Crowne, and Quietitude of the Kingdome, it should be the Meanes, to erect the Fishing of our Scottish Seas, a Ritch Trade, esteemed sufficient for the Employment of 50000 Persons, a thing of great Consequence for our Countrey, wherein there be even Swarmes of Indigent & Necessitous People, and a thing of greater Importance to the yearlie Finances of the Crowne, than anie that hath bene excogitate in tymes by-gone.

The Discourse of the Nature of Tythes, hath carried mee too farre,Abuses, and Oppressions, by way of Tythes. from the Poynt thereof which is most proper for this Trea­tise: that is, Of what Discontentment may justlie aryse to vs, by reason of the Reformation intended by His Majestie, of Tythe-A­buses, or Oppressions done by Tythe-Masters, vvhere-in I neede not to insist much to debate it: for if Oppression bee a Crying Sinne, it will speake for it selfe. I haue onelie two Words, If the Noble-man can put a Bridle in a Gentlemans Month, by any Right [Page 111] to his Tenthes, although hee were his Nearest Kinsman, hee can (as everie Man seeth) command him, as his Horse. Hee causeth the Poore Labourers of the Ground, to leade his Tythes to a Milne, perhaps to his Barne-Yard too: and whereas they vvere illuded, in the beginning of Reformation of Religion in Scotland, and made to belieue, that they should pay but the Fifteenth Sheaffe, now it is so rigorouslie exacted, that if there bee a Stucke ruffled with the Weather, or with the Beasts, that the Tenth-master will not haue: hee must haue the best. And in place to shaue the Poore Man's Haire gentlie, by a Violent Pull, hee bringeth with him a Portion of his Hyde. If Reformation of these bee intended, it is no Matter of Discontentment, but of Common Ioye: yea, even to Noble-men, it should bee so, that the Wayes of Oppression bee stopped, for stop­ping the Current of GOD'S Wrath against them, or their Posteri­tie. I doe reverence the Iudgements of GOD, and will not take on mee definitiuelie to pronounce, wherefore Hee doeth inflict them: a Case oftentymes hidden from the Eyes of Men: But sure­lie, it is great Pittie to see the Desolation of so manie Honourable Houses, as haue beene overthrowne in this Land, since the first casting downe of Churches, and Religious Houses, and turning of Tythes into Temporall Goods.

And if Noble-men were to brooke them still, they shall doe well to agree to the Reformation of Abuses, or (which were better, in my Opinion, for them, and all others) to submit our selues to GOD, and to the goodnesse of our Prince, who hath alreadie by publicke Declaration, manifested the Benignitie of his Meaning to­wards these things: that all Rights of his Subjects lawfullie pur­chased, shall bee confirmed, everie Man shall haue his Tythes vp­on easie Conditions, (which seemeth agreeable to their first In­stitution by GOD, where the Payer and his Familie, were admit­ted to the Participation of Tythes) and that all Men shall bee fred from Servitude, and forced Dependances. And since Tythes are Bona Eceles. Bona Pauperum, Bona Reip. there is no doubt, but a Christian King, who is Father of the Church, of the Poore, & of the Common-wealth, may dispense and dispose of them, and of Ecclesiasticke Ef­fayrs, as David did, and Salomon, and the Christian Emperours, in the Primitiue Church; which is the Reason, why in their Coronation they were anoynted with the Oyle of the Priesthood, & why the Kinges [Page 112] of England were at their Inauguration cloathed Stola sacerdo tall, to testifie their Ecclesiasticke Power. The CHURCH is sacred, and so is the Common-wealth; the CHURCH being served, and the Poore, who be Members of the CHURCH, and Schooles provided for, the Prince may employ the Superplus, as they shall please, for the Com­mon-wealth.

But now, because the speciall Scope of this Treatise, is to show as well the Necessitie of makeing Warre, as the Meanes to doe the same,Discourse of the Nature, and Courie, of Moneyes. therefore I must speake of one thing, vvhich ap­peareth to bring a notable Inconvenient and Di [...]tresse to this Tyme, if it bee not prevented: and that is the great Scarcitie that shall bee of readie Money in this Countrey, before it bee long; by rea­son, that the greatest part of our best Coyne is either exported by Merchands, or looked vp in their Hands; and by reason of the ex­orbitant Summes that His Majestie must of necessitie daylie sende beyond Seas, for mayntaynance of the Warres: where-anent, be­fore I set downe my Opinion touching the Stabilitie, or Iustabilitie, of Money-Pryces in Scotland, I will say some-what of the Nature thereof in generall; for Disquisition vvhereof, I vvill goe no far­ther backe in Antiquitie, than to the Romanes, vvho before their first Punicke Warres, to vvit, Anno 490, of their State, had no other Coyne, but of the Asse in Brasse, because the Septentrion Regions wher­in there be Mines of Silver, but not of Golde; & the Indees, where there bee both of Silver and Golde, were vnknowne to them at that time: some yeares before they had Gold, but neither in Coyne, nor in Quantitie. Camillus, beeing Dictator, when Rome was taken by the Gaules, Anno 364, could not finde amongst them all, aboue 1000 pound weight of Golde, to make Redemption of the Towne, there being in the meane tyme (as their Subsidie Books did veri­fie) 152580 free Citizens in Rome: an Argument, that Golde was then verie rare. But as their Empyre did extend it selfe to Africke, and Asia, not onelie Golde and Silver were brought to them, in g [...]eat Plentie, but there-with also the perfect Science of those Mettals.

Plinius, and all the Naturalists, holde, that no Golde is found without a Mixture of Silver; Gold cannot be employed, without a [...]ixtion of [...]ilver. nor Silver, without commixtion of worse than it selfe: and certaine it is, that Golde cannot bee em­ployed to anie Worke, nor reduced in Coyne, without a Mixture of [Page 113] Silver, to the 35 part at least, which wee doe now call of 35 Car­ret fine: and this is the best and most vpright Golde, Obrizum, of fyrie reddish Colour. Againe, the most base is of pale and why­ish Colour, having a fift part of Silver in it, called Electrum. Vpon he Degrees betwixt these two of fift part, and 35, doth run the fynnesse of Gold through the World; & of Silver, betwixt 13 Pen­nie, and 9 Penuie fine, as wee call it: that is to say, having into it so much of Copper, everie Nation following their owne Pleasure there-anent, and manie striving to haue more base Coyne than their Neighbours, and heighting Forraigne Money, which is better than their owne, that they may brooke it within their Countrey; and if they please, mixe it with their owne, suffering Merchands, by Subtilties of their Trafficke, to wait the Commodities of Exporta­tion, or Importation: that sometimes doth benefit the State in com­mon, some other tymes only the Merchand himselfe:Fraude of Gold-smiths, and of Coy­ners. the ground of all vvhich Abuses, is the fraudulent Commixtion of Golde, Silver, and Copper, by Coyners, and Gold-smiths, vnder and below that Fynnesse vvhich is authorized by Princes & States. Wee reade, that in the dayes of Francis the first, the saids Artizans being ordained by Law, to vvorke the Golde of 24 Carret; Tryall beeing taken, all vvas found to bee but of 19: so that in everie 24 Marks of Golde, there vvere 5 Marks of Silver, vvhich did vvonderfullie damnifie the Subjects, and vvas punished by Death and Confiscation. And albeit amongst the Romanes, vvhen they began to haue store of Coyne, it had Course of 32 Carret Fynnesse, wherof there are diverse Pieces extant to this day, vnder the Stampe of Vespasian, yet the best Fynnesse, now current in Europe, is about 23, and of Silver, betwixt 11, and 12 Pennie: the most base againe, in diverse places; is little better Golde, than the Electrum of 7, or 8 Carrets, and Silver of 8, or 9 Pennie. So that it is the great Negligence, and Over-sight of State-Masters, in manie Nations, who doe not duelie collation the Worth of Countrey Coine, with that, vvhich is Forraigne, there­by to know vvith vvhom the advantage doeth rest.

And as it vvere a good Meane, for Mayntaynance of Humane Societie, that all People should professe one Fayth, What the heighting of Money doth impo [...]t. for our Vnion in Religion, which is the surest Band of Loue, and that all should ac­knowledge the same Civill Lawes, for Concordance of our Actions, in the Rules of Iustice; so it vvere the onlie Way, to conserue Vp­rightnesse, [Page 114] and Equitie in commerce of Merchandize amongst di­verse Nations, that there should be a stable Pryce, and stable Fyn­nesse of Coyne common over all. But that as the other two are rather wished, than expected, amidst the great Diversitie of the Myndes and Manners of Men; where-vpon the often Alteration [...] of Money, speciallie by heighting of Pryce, and basing of Fyne­nesse, haue bene frequentlie practised. And, albeit it seeme to be vnjust in it selfe, and to import manifest Wrong, to particular Members of the Cōmon-wealth; as when he who advanceth Money in prest to his Neighbour, must by those Means receiue in Payment lesse than the same Weight & Fynnesse which he gaue vnto him: Or, vvhen he who hath no State, but of Silver Rents, & the poore Artizans, vvho get noght for their Work, but Money, are constray­ned, by the heighting there-of, to buy everie thing at a double Rate perhaps than of before, because it is true, that the Pryces of all thinges doe followe the Pryce of Money: Yet not the lesse of these, I will reason thus, with such as doe stand for the Stabilitie of Money at this time amongst vs: First, I say, there are no things of Men, which are not subject to Vicissitude: vvee see no Stabilitie of Governaments, either in Church or State. Is there any thing more ordinarie, yea, more necessarie, than the Change of Positiue Lawes, according to the Occurrent Behooffulnesse of the Tyme? Second [...]ie, I say, the Alterations of Money-pryces, are naturallie & reasonably as incident as of other thinges. If aboundance of Landes, put to open selling, great store of Bestiall, hudge increase of Cornes doe make the Pryce of those more low and easie: If Scarcitie agayne, of the same doe rayse their Pryce, why not in lyke manner, the greater Plentie of Money, the lower Pryce, and the greater Penuri­tie there-of, the higher Pryce? So that I say, vvhen Cornes are scant, yee cannot choose, but there must bee Dearth: Lykewyse, vvhen Money is much scarce, yee are not able to keepe it at the old Pryce, vnlesse yee will marre all, or else that we had nought to doe with Money. Thirdlie, I say, it is not a good Argument, Be­cause a thing doeth prejudge this or that particular Man: Ergo, it is no Common Good: Omnis magna lex habet aliquid iniquit at is: what Law hath ever bene made, which is not of that kynd, and hurt­full to some in particular? Nature it selfe is contented to be vio­lated in a Member, for the Preservation and Prosperitie of a Whole. [Page 115] We Will snead and cutte the Branches, that the Bodie of the Tree [...]ay shoote vp more stronglie. Albeit the Spirit of our Lyfe bee [...]nto our Blood, yet we will take some Ounces there-of, to prevent [...] remoue Mortall Diseases. Fourthlie, I say, that [...]he Bodie of our [...]eople, yea, all of thē (except some Ydle Men, who liue onlie on Sil­ver Rents) are in best Condition, when our Cornes are at reasonable grosse Pryces: provyding there bee no Scarcitie, everie Mank no­weth it to be so. But this cannot be, except the Pryces of Money bee haughted, or that ye find other Means to put aboundance there-of in the Countrey. Yee will say to mee, Yee shall provyde howe the Merchandes with tyme may import store of Silver and Golde, as they did the yeare by-gone. And I answere to you, That is not at all tymes in the Option of the Merchand, but then when he doth fore-see his owne Advantage, and all was Forraigne Money that he brought, but none of our own Coyne which goeth abroad at an higher Rate than here: so that I knowe not a better Way, than by haughting the Pryce there-of, to let them see a se­cond Gayne, by Importation of the same.

Will yee aske mee, what shall bee the benefit of the Com­mon-wealth? or what Well-governed State hath practised such things? I answere to you, That it is never done, but vpon Ne­cessitie, and in that Case, hath beene done by the Strongest and most Politicke. A great heighting of Moneyes a­mongst the Romanes, in their Punicke Warres. The Romanes, ten yeares before their first Warres against Carthage, vvere begun to haue Silver Coine, called Denarius, and the parts thereof Quinarius, and Sestertius; the Deniere beeing worth ten Asses, and the Asse beeing a Pound of Brasse, in Coine, at 12 Ounces the Pownd. But the Citie being exhausted, and endebted by that Warre, vnable to defray the Charges, they raised the worth of the Brazen Money, by diminishing the Weight; ordayning the Asse, to bee onelie two Ounces: where-by the Exchecquer of the State, did gayne fiue partes of sixe, and so vvas soone made free from Debt. Here was indeed an Exorbitant Heighting: the Neces­sitie was great, the Common-wealth in danger, & the Practise vpon Brasse. Ye will say to me, that Heighting of our Money, will more prejudge, than profit the King, for Mayntaynance of Warres. For Example, If everie twentie Marks of Money, were by Authoritie cal­led in, to the Coyning-house and put foorth vnder the same Weight and Fynnesse, for twentie one Markes; by this Meanes His Majestie [Page 116] should presentlie get the 21 parte of all the Coyne in Scotland: but there-after, in yearlie Payment made of His Rentes, Impostes, and Casualities pertayning to His Treasurie, and Taxation of everie 21 Marks, hee should want one, that now is made, according to the present Pryce: and it cannot bee denyed. But for Helpe of that, and Safetie of the Subjects, from Inconvenientes, and Wronges of that kynd, our Money may be heighted, vpō that Reasonable Con­dition, as we find it to haue bene done vnder King Iames the third: to wit, That all Bands, Contracts, Obligations, Infeftments for Annuall Rents, Few-Mails, Sums of Money, Tackes of Lands, or of Impostes for Money, made of before that Heighting, shold be payed of the same Pryce and Eynnesse, which was current, when the Sureties were made, and that the Newlie-Heighted-Pryce should onelie stryke vpon Future Trafficke and Commerce: vvhich seemeth to haue bene a verie reasonable Middle, for Multiplication of Money, and Ray­sing of Victuall, vnto Discret and Competent Pryces, for the Common Good of the greatest part of People.

I confesse, that such thinges are to bee done seldome, and then fore-sightf [...]llie. Philip Le Bell of France, did once base his Coyne, so farre, by Mixtion of Copper, and Brasse, that the Italian Poët, Dantes, did call him, Falsificatore di moneta: vvhich hee did excuse, from the Necessitie of the Tyme, and did there-after re­pent it much, because it was followed with great Harme, & Mu­tinie of his Subjects. Alwyse, I trust none will deny, that it is more profitablie done, to height Money, than to base i [...]: and it is well knowne, what notable Losse did ensue to this Countrey, by the last crying downe of our Coyne.

But seeing that Land (which is Bonum immobile) is subject to daylie change of Prices, to holde that Golde (beeing in the Ac­count of Bona mobilia) is not in the same Condition, Soveraigne Vertues of the Golde. as a thing more Sacred in it selfe, it is a Scorne, vnlesse wee would draw our Argu­mentes from the great Vertues and Excellencies, which no doubt are latent there [...]nto, albeit mystious, and vnknowne to vs, and whereof we make no Vse of that Aurum potabile, so soveraigne for removing of Diseases, and Corroboration of Man's Health; whereof the Aleamistes make Moses to bee the first Inventer, by reducing of the Golden Calfe, into Powder potable. And that the Specificke [Page 117] Spirit of the Golde, doeth (as they say) transforme other Mettalls into Golde, and is sufficient to mayntayne Perpetuitie of Youthhead: Affirming their Elixer to bee that same, wherevnto Sainct Iohn, Apocal. 21, did compare the Holie Citie, It was of pure Golde, lyke Glasse: saying, that the Spirit of GOD doeth not vse to compa­rison, but thinges which are indeede In rerum natura: and citing for this their chiefe Patron, Paracels. in the 9 of his Metaph. Nostra tinctura rubea est in se astra auri continens, translucida instar Crystalli, fragilis ut vitrum. And in diverse Places of his Minerall Treatises, giving the Cause, in most admirable Termes, why GOD▪ shall conceale from the World, Elias Artista. that Secret vnto the comming of Elias Artista, within the seaventh thousand yeares, which is presu­med by the remote Theologie, to bee the Finall Iubilie of the World, and the Triumph, both of Naturall, and Metaphysicall Operations. And albeit that Suidas doth alleadge, that this Science of the Mul­tiplication of the Golde, did rest amongst the Aegyptians, even to the Reigne of Dioclesian; who (as Augurellus wryteth) did much feare them, by reason of their Chymicall Skill; Not the lesse, I say, wee know how these Disquisitions haue hitherto, but exhausted the Braines, and Treasures of manie great Princes, who haue gone about them, so that wee are not to make Estimation of Golde, for such subtill Theorems, but even as of other temporarie things.

Next, I know yee will pretend,Of Moneyes kept vp by Merchands. that there is no Penuritie of Money in Scotland, but that, that is kept vp in the Hands of Ritch Merchands, and that yee will finde in some Burgh, more Silver and Golde, with two or three, than is in the whole Towne beside, and the whole Shyreffdome about; but that they refuse to vent it, and if that Case were cured, wee should haue great Plentie of Coyne: so, for the more cleare Discussion of this Businesse, I will heere sup­pose my selfe, having Commission to dispute this Question with the Merchand who doeth thus.

Commissioner. I come to show you Merchand, that His Maje­stie and Counsell, are highlie commoved against you, because in this time of so great Scarcitie of Silver, and of so maine a Necessi­tie, to haue it current through the Countrie, yee doe locke it vp in your Coffers, not onelie to the Common Prejudice and Perill of the who [...]e State, but also to your owne hurt in particular: [Page 118] for your Father was accustomed to say, That a laying Henne, was better, than a lying Crowne. Merchand. I doe praise GOD, for that I haue alreadie gained sufficientlie by the Merchand Trade: the VVorld is evill, both at Home, and Abroad, and my Money is sure in mine owne Possession, Commissionar. Doe yee not consider the great Wrongs in the meane time, by the Detention there-of? Merchand. What are those VVrongs? for why? I doe retaine no Man's Goods, but mine owne.Decay of Ships, and the [...] why. Commissionar. First, yee are vnthankfull to GOD, and to your Countrey, who having acquired so great Aboundance, doe deny the Profitable and Necessarie vse of your things, with­out your owne Hurt, to your Prince, and Common-wealth, who both are in Paine, for want of Money: farther, yee doe vvhat yee can, to over-throw the Citie, where-in yee dwell, and vvhere-of yee, are a Member incorporate: In the which Citie, a great number, and of the ablest Men, haue no other Meanes of their Lyfe, but by Maritine Trade, whilst yee, and such as yee, haue weakned and deboshed the Shipping of that Towne, so farre, that there is not a­mongst them all, so manie Ordinance, or Sea-Munition of Gunnes, as I haue seene in my time, to bee in one of your Shippes: by the which doing, the poore Ma [...]iners are now in this Dangerous Time, brought to this Desperate Case, that they dare not adventure to Sea; partlie for want of Employment, and partlie for want of Mu­nition and Equipage. Merch. I did follow the Trafficke so long as I could gaine anie thing for my Paines; now there is nought to be had: for why? His Majesties Imposts are so great, that by three Voyages to Bourdeaux, I haue found, that in name of Impost, His Majestie hath gotten all my whole Stocke. Commiss. That is an Am­biguous Speach; for I thinke yee would say, that His Majestie hath gottē as much as your Stocke, so that your Gaine is not so great as it was wont to bee, when at one Voyage, yee did double, or triple your Stocke. And I aske you, If that bee not a most Laudable Vertue, whē sitting in your House at Home, ye cā by employing of 3 Voyages, Avance to His Majesties Coffers, the Aequivalent of your Stocke, when yee can mayntayne the Means of their Living to numbers, vvho serue in your Ships, & keepe your Stocke vvith reasonable Gayne, although it vvere but small, rather than to roust your Moneys in your Cabinet? How vvould ye liue in Holland, vvhere there is not a Loafe of Bread, nor a Pot of Biere, vvhich doeth not pay more of [Page 119] Impost, than it is vvorth, before it come to anie Man's Table? and yet none doeth complayne, or finde Harme by it: But contrarie, that Common Intercourse of Money, vvith the Dexteritie vvhere-by they rule it, hath bene the onlie thing to sustayne their Longsome Warres: And is not Money appoynted for such Vses? Merch. Our Condition is not alyke to theirs: their Traffique is great, and que­stuous: they doe cōmand the Seas, we haue no such doing here.

Commiss. What if His Majestie, and His Counsell, Meanes to re­store Ship­ping, in Ma­ritine Town [...]. should make a Law, (not so much respecting the Importance of His Impostes, as for the Common-wealth, & Standing of Maritine Towns) that everie rich Burgesse inhabiting the same, should employ at least the two part of his State to the Sea Trade; doe yee not thinke, it were a Princelie Policie, for the Conservation of them, & Good of the whole Countrey? Merch. But who thē should buy the Gentle-man's Land, vvhen he is not able to brooke his Estate? Commiss. His Creditors behoved to accept them, in Payment; and it should teach vs to liue more frugallie, in tymes comming, vvhen wee should see such Difficultie, to turne Lands into Money. Alwayes, because we must haue your Silver to come foorth, to serue this Tyme, I vvill insist farther with you, to aske, why ye doe not bestow it vpon Lands, and Annuall Rents, since yee haue with-drawne it from the Sea Trade, that the Countrey may haue the Necessarie Vse there-of. Merch. Landes are not so readie at hand, as they haue beene some years by-gone: almost all who needed, haue sold: that Market is nearlie past: besides that, the Tyme is dangerous, & great appea­rance of Warres, and of a Broken State. Commiss. Then it were ra­ther to vent your Money for eight or seaven of the hundreth, to trustie Debtors, who could assure you against all your Fears. Merc. Before wee doe that, wee will keepe it in our Coffers: a Man may vse his owne proper Goods, after his owne Mynde, if it vvere to consume them, by Ryot and Drunkennesse. Commiss. That is a bad and Intollerable Speach: as if wee Countrey Gentle-men should say, It is lawfull for vs, to vse our Landes as wee please,Prodigall Perso [...]s inter­dy [...]d by [...]aw. and to cast barren and vnlaboured the best part, that wee may plague you Burgall People, with Scarsitie and Famine. Howsoever it is ne­glected heere, yet in the most Politicke States, which haue beene, that Libertie was not permitted to Men to doe as they would, even with their owne Goods or Lands. Wee reade in the Lawes [Page 120] of the 12 Tables, amongst the Romanes this Caveat, That hee who was a Prodigall Debosher, should bee intradicted as a Foole, Situ [...]o­na patria, avita [...]que vel tua, nimia nequitia disperdere liberos [...]que tuos ad egestatem perducere volueris, tunc hoc commercio tibi interdicendum est. And by the Lawes of Solon, and of the Areopagits, such Persones, (called Patrimoniorum de Coctores) Devourers of their Patrimonies, were with Infamie, debarred from Honourable Assemblies, accused as Criminall Persons, cast into Prison, and derobbed of farther Com­merce amongst Men. And heere I must tell you, it had bene hap­pie, that such Lawes had beene amongst vs in this Countrey these thirtie yeares by-gone, where-in manie vertuous Men vnder­going Cautionriēs, for their Profused and Prodigall Friendes, haue bene naufraged by you Merchands, who will not persue the Prin­cipall Debtor, nor comprize his Lands, but doe still attake you to the Cautioner. Now to the Purpose: if the Common-wealth should bee dearer to vs, than our Children, because shee doeth nowrish vs both; then if Lawes may interdict vs, for the sake of our Children, much more it must bee so for the sake of our Mother, the Com­mon-wealth: from the Safetie where-of, doth depend the Vniver­sall Good of all her Members. So that when Question is of the Weale of the State, neither must yee bee so absolute Master of your Mo­neyes, nor I of my Lands, as ye doe imagine. Alwayes, I suppose, that I know certaine Meanes, No private Man is abso­lute Lord of his Lands, or Goods. where-by your Silver may bee ex­posed to Publicke Trafficke, without your Losse, or Discontentment: but because it toucheth a secret of Policie, I will forbeare anie Mention of it heere, and take mee to propone another thing, for Increase of Money, where-of (it being common to others, as well as to you) I will speake in Common, and make an ende of my Conference with you Merchands in particular.

Amongst other thinges that haue made so great Scarcitie of Coyne amongst vs,Against the Prodigalitie of [...] Plate, and guilding with Golde. there is one, which with great Reason ought, and with great Advantage may bee reformed: and this is the A­boundance of Silver Plate, Chaines, Girdles, Bracelets, and such as haue crept into Scotland, since our Vnion with England. It is acknowled­ged in Histories, that the pryde of Emperours, in guilding with Golde, spacious Pallaces, Temples, and Towne-Houses, was the first thing that did scarce the Golde, and haught the Pryce there-of; as that large Fabricke builded in Rome, by Nero, all beguilded, [Page 121] where-in there were diverse Galleries of 1000 spaces: and as the Capitoll, to the beguilding where-of Vespasian did employ seaven Millions, and two hundreth thousand Crownes, of finest Golde: And the Temple Pant [...]eon, (which wee see yet extant) beguilded by Agrippa, for saving the Copper and Brasse from Roust. There-af­ter they became so Prodigall, to beguilde also the Yron and Silver, that it should not bee subject to Roust. Wee reade in the French Histories, that so great hath beene the Prodigalitie of that Nation, for the vse of Clinkarts, Lace, and Cloath of Golde and Silver, that Lawes haue beene set downe, to bring those thinges from Mer­chands, to the Coyning-house, with strict Penall Statutes, against any more of that kynde for Apparell. Which things when I consider, they giue mee Boldnesse to say, That His Majestie, our Soveraigne, should doe well, to ordaine all the vncoyned Golde and Silver in Scotland, to bee brought in, and stamped in Current Money. It is in the Hands of Noble-men, Barons, and Burgesses, who can lose nothing by it, but by the Contrarie, gaine: for even they them-selues in the meane time, doe more delight to bee served in Glasse, which of it selfe is as Civill, and more Pure, for that Vse.

And lest our Noble-men should thinke it Dishonourable to bee emptied of Ritch Cup-boards, Ritches of Scip. Asri [...]. I will show how this sort of Thirst hath beene followed by great Personages, without Indignitie. Sci­pio Afric. when hee died, did leaue no more Silver Plate, and Coyne both, to his Heire, than amounted to 32 pound weight: and yet when hee roade in Triumph, for the Subjugation of Carthage, he did ostent publicklie, and placed in the Exchecquer of the State, an incredible Summe, that hee obtained of the Conquered, Quater mil­lies, quadringena, septuagena millia pondo, sayeth Plinius, foure thou­sand, foure hundreth, and seaventie pound weight, a thousand times counted. About the same time (as the same Author wry­teth) their best and most ancient Captaines were degraded, for having fyne pound weight of Silver Plate to serue them at Table. King Ferdinandus of Spaine, Ferdinandus Magn. did sel his Silver Plate, and Iewels. called Magno, having wholly exhausted both his Treasures, & his Credite, in making lōgsome Wars against the Infidels in Valenza & Toledo, & for want of readie Meanes, in dā ­ger to be oppressed by those Barbarians, his Wyfe (a Ladie of an ex­cellēt Spirit) did put to Port Sale, not onlie al her Gold & Silver Plate, and precious Iewels, but also all her best Furniture of her Palaces, [Page 122] yea, and the richest Pieces of her bodilie Apparrell: vvhereby she did furnish her Husband in such sort, that he prevayled mightily over his Enemies, and conquered their Cities, with large Treasures and Commodities therein.Charles the ninth of France, did coyne his Sil­ver Plate. The French Storie showeth, that King Charles the ninth, did reduce, vpon vrgent Necessitie, his whole Golde and Silver Plate into Coyne. I need not here object agaynst our selues, the Simplicitie of Manners of our Antecessours, and their Ignorance of such Prodigalities: but lest wee should thinke it base and ignominious to follow them, I will tell you how Plinius in his tyme did wryte thus; Before our Grand-fathers, no Senator did weare Gold Rings; Lib. 33. and in the remembrance of our Grand-fathers, those who had the Office of the Pretorship, in their olde age did weare Rings of Yron. Of his owne tyme agayne, (sayd hee) all thinges that the Worlde by, Land or Sea could produce, were become so familiar, & sought for at Rome, that everie yeare it did cost the State, to furnish a Voyag [...] into India, fiftie Millions of Sesterses: for which the Indians did send backe their Merchandize, which were solde at Rome, for an hundreth tymes as much as they were bought for. So bent are People, to precipitate swiftlie, and in short tyme, to Corruption and Insolence, vvhere they once find themselues in the Way that leadeth into it.

Nowe, supposing there were aboundance of Money in the Countrey, Prescription for Dyet, and Apparell. there can bee nothing more pertinent to a Treatise of this kynd, than (for saving thereof to Publicke, Necessarie, and Ver­tuous Vses) to propound a thing, whereof wee haue great neede, and which hath bene frequentlie practized by the best & grea­test Common-wealths, in the tyme of Exige [...]ice and Distresse for want of Coyne, to preserybe Moderation, both of Dyet and Apparrell, often tymes done by the Romanes, and frequentlie since by the French and Venetians, and by tymes everie-where. It is well knowne, howe farre wee haue deboarded in this sort, since our Conjunction with England: and I finde in our Historie, that the lyke Abuses did creepe in amongst our Predecessours, from the same Countrey, to the manifest Danger of the Common-wealth then, and that it was at two severall tymes grievouslie and p [...]hilie resented by the Counsel of Scotland, to their Princes, and Reformation vrged, first vnder K. Mal­colme the third,Hector Bo [...], Lib. 12. whose Queene, Margaret, being English, was atten­ded with numbers of their Gentrie, and much Introduction of For­raigne [Page 123] Manners: Secondlie, at the comming home of King Iames the first, after manie yeares being in England, by a notable Oration publicklie delivered to that ende, by the Arch-Bishop of Sainct Andrewes for the time: to which two Places, I doe referre them, who are curious to know, how manie Wayes, and how soone, Prodigalitie and Ryot doe leade a State vnto Ruine. And if wee would esteeme such Reformations to bee disagreeable with Noble and Generose Mynds, it were to show the Povertie and Ignorance of our owne Mynde; because in the Simplicitie of Manners, and Mo­deration of Lyfe, doeth consist all the Actiue Vertue of the Mightiest States; there-vpon were Republicks founded, Cities builded, Lawes established, Empyres extended, the World conquered: sayeth the same Author, Plinius, there was not a Baker knowne at Rome, 580 yeares after her Plantation, nor no Bread, other than that which was driven out by Womens Hands, lyke vnot the Cakes which are vsuall amongst our Commoners: where-as in the ende, that most puissant and invincible Empyre, whome all the Nations of the Earth could not daunt, was overthrowne by excessiue Prodigali­tie of Lyfe, as the Poet sayeth,

Nunc patimur longae pacis mala, sevior armis
Luxuria incubuit victum [...]que ulc [...]scitur orbem.

Finallie, I will turne my Speach to You,Speach to the King's Ma­jestie. O Mightie King! O­rient Monarch of the Northerne World! Successour of that Wise Salomon of Great Britane, whose Heart so emptie of Ambition and Avarice, The LORD His GOD did fill with the True Wisdome of Governa­ment, and did exalt Him as a new Pole-starre, or Lanterne of Light, to bee beheld a-farre, and sought to, by those who sayle into the Naufragious Seas of Southerne Darknesse. The LORD indeede did employ Him as a Salomō, to the like Function of Building His Tēple: for vnder Him was Poperie, & the Altars of Idolatrie casten down, The Gospell planted in this Kingdome, and the Church restored to the ancient Primitiue Governament; That like vnto that solide Con­junction of the Tribes of Israel, vnder Salomō, the Bodie of this whole Yle standeth firme and vnited: and therefore would not GOD suffer Him to bee a Man of Warre, nor those Hands to touch the Sword of Blood, which he had concluded to vse to the Sacred worke of His Temple. But, Sir, Your Majestie, Hee hath chosen, to be that David, who should over-come and breake the mightie Enemies of [Page 124] his People: I should be sorie to trouble Your Royall Eares, with te­dious Discourse, (yea, if my shallow Wits could choose) with one ydle Word: I will but briefelie bring before Your Majestie, some few of the Practises of Augustus Caesar, whom all the Politicke Wry­ters, and Histories, since his Dayes, haue set vp for a Perfect Examplar of Imitation, to all the Actiue Princes of following Ages.

The first whereof, and first in the Actions of his Lyfe, was his incredible Diligence, Diligence of Augastus, a­gainst his E­nemies. in the Oppressing & Extinction of Intestine Ene­mies: For finding that the Clemencie of his Predecessor, Iul. Caes. in pardoning his Capitall Foes, in Dismission of his Personall Guards, his Carelesse Carriage, and Contempt of diverse Advertisements, given him from his Friends, of Treasons complotted agaynst his Lyfe, having nothing more frequent in Mouth, than this, Non tam mea interest, quam Rep. ut quam diuttssime vivam: I say, that Augustus finding that by these Errours, his Predecessor had prepared an easie Way of his own Destruction, he did with all Expedition, make away the whole Enemies of Caesar, without Mercy: not so much out of Splene & Vin­dication, as for Establishment of th [...] State, & Safetie of his own Lyfe. He kept 40 Legions, vpon his B [...]de [...]ing Provinces, vnder the Cōman­dement of his most trustie Friends, & strong Guards about himself.

I know the Ods are great betwixt Your Majestie & him, be­cause that was a New Conquest, & a Change of a Repub. into a Mo­narchie, where the Doer could not be secure without Violence, and Severitie of Governament. But withall, everie one doeth remember of the dangerous Stratagems, and pernicious Attempts, against the Sacred Person of Your Majestie's Father, often tymes intercepted. We know, that there be within the Bowels of Your Majestie's Do­minions, Enemies to Your Governament: even of Men, who I thinke doe tender Your Lyfe as their owne: I meane, of Papists and Puri­tanes, whereof the first is avowedlie opposed to Your Majestie's Lawes: and that the seconde is a perillous Enemie to Monarchall Governament; yea, most perillous it is knowne to all the Worlde, by the Recordes of the Geneva Discipline, vented over all,Who be Ene­mies to the present Go­vernament of this King­dome. manie yeares agoe; and by our owne Histories of the Church of SCOT­LAND, written by our Proto-Reformtors, and by our Iure Regni apud Scotos, of Master George Buchanan: and most clearlie of all, by a certayne Treatise, printed in LONDON, Anno 1593, intituled, Dangerous Positions, published and practized within the Yle of BRI­TANE, [Page 125] vnder Pretence of Reformation, and for Presbyteriall Disci­pline: Which I am perswaded, if Your Majestie should take lea­sure to cast over, yee would thinke it expedient, to haue it cur­rent and publicke, to the View of all Your Good Subjectes, for the better Information of manie, who bee ignorantlie affected there­vnto. Neyther doe I heere suggest anie thing, that may irritate your Majestie to Rigour agaynst such. And if it were asked me, What then doe I meane? This is it, Sir; Wee vnderstand, that your Majestie hath many and mortall Enemies, even of your Lyfe and Crowne: and those of the greatest Potentates abroad, and their insidious Instrumentes, vvho lye in wayte, to slyde into your Ma­jestie's Kingdomes vnperceiveablie, vvhen they shall finde the Waters troubled. In which Case, the Vnanimitie of Subiectes, espe­ciallie in Matters of Religion, and Ecclesiasticke Governament, is the onelie Bād of our Securitie: For even where Subiectes are natu­rallie loyall to their Princes, destracted Myndes in such Poyntes are moste perillous. And as wh [...]n a great Disease, or Evill, doeth enter vpon the Bodie, it invadeth first that parte or Member, vvhich had anie Weaknesse, or Contusion of before: Even so, vvhen Forraigne Treacheries, or Intestine Seditions, come to bee practized in a State, they doe first assault those of vnstayed and divyded Myndes: and namelie, from the Pryde of Puritanisme, haue sprung the Seedes of the most badde and bolde things that haue bene committed agaynst our Princes in these last Ages. And I must say it, out of the Sinceritie and Simplicitie of a most humble Affection, to the Stabilitie of your Maiestie's Reigne, there is not a more malignant Gangrena latent within your Bowels, than that, nor more able to quarrell the Credite of Royall Authoritie, if thinges were never so little turned loose.

Your Majestie hath neede againe, to set over the Ports of your Kingdome, the Eyes of Argos, to see that no Enemie doe enter. The Iesuit is a Proteus, vvho can transforme himselfe in anie Shape. Hee can passe by your Majestie, vnder Covert and Silence. Hee is lyke to the Skeilling Goose, vvho when shee flyeth alongst the Mount Taurus, carrieth a Stone in her Bill, to stoppe her Crye, that shee should not be heard of the Eagles, vvhich continuallie doe keepe the Toppe there-of. Chiefelie, your Majestie hath neede to be [...]urious of your owne Court: For as never Heresie did [Page 126] come into the Church, vvhich began not amongst the Clergie; Even so, seldome are Treasons contryved agaynst Princes, vvherevnto some of their Court are not conscious. When Augustus had caused great numbers to die, and thought himselfe free from Domesticke Fears, he found Cinna, a lurking Serpent in his Bosome: therefore we say, that Kings should bee vigilant, lyke to the Lyon, who is King of Beasts, and sayd to be of such Sollicitude, that he sleepeth vvith open Eyes. And if Your Majestie should at any time discover Dis­loyall Practises, then indeede the Example of Augustus were well to bee followed, to punish such Persons, vvithout anie Mercie at all. As for Puritanes, this I holde, that Your Majesties doe admit none to Episcopall Governament, vvho hunteth after it, for loue of Ritches or Preferment, and then doth nothing differ from the Puritane in all his Carriage thereafter:Vigilance over the Ad­mission of Bishops, and Ministers. and that no Bishop be bold, to ordayne a Preacher, vvho doeth not in his owne person obey, and make his Flocke obey the present Discipline, and authorized Ordinances of the Church. Your Majestie of Clemencie may suffer to expyre in peace, such olde Puritanes, as had Tollerance and Conni [...]ence vnder Your Father, provyded they be modest and reserved: but that eyther Poperie should be endured, or in anie Corner of the Countrey an Arch-Puritane to bring foorth Seminaries of his Sect, for the Mi­nisterie; certaynlie, that were to keep a Backe-Doore open, for Anar­chie and Confusion, sometyme to re-enter both into Church and State. For the present, Your Majestie hath Watch-men over our Church approved enough, by Your Blessed Father, vvho did pre­ferre them.

The second, SIR, notablie remarked in the Gubernatiue Wisdome of Augustus, Honour done by Augustus, to the Sena­tors. vvas the great Honour done by him to the Senators of his Counsell, and his Confidence in them. The principall thing that did comfort those Conspirators agaynst the Lyfe of his Predecessour, being his Misregards to the Senate, that he would not deigne himselfe to ryse from his Chayre, when they came in, and that by the Perswasion and Flattery of Cornelius Balbus, puissing him too much, to vndertake Emperial Dignitie: Augustus by the contra­rie, did dispatch no matter of Importance, but by the Advyce of the Senators, vvhome hee did so greattie respect, that after a perfect Setling of all his Difficulties, hee did beare in his owne person, the Office of a Consull, another tyme of the Censor, which both he did [Page 127] discharge faythfullie, and paynfullie, beyond anie that had exer­cised those Functions before him. Your Majestie knoweth howe there haue not bene better Princes, than Titus, & Trajan, vvhome the Histories doe call the S [...]aviters and Delightes of Men, and none so much as they did honour the Senate: none againe more badde than Nero and Domisian, who most of anie did vilipend the same. We reade howe greatlie it was to the prayse of the French King, Charles the fift, called Le Sage, vvho having received some Appel­lations and Complayntes from those of Guyen, The Modellie of [...]aries the fift of France. beeing for the tyme Subjects to the King of England: vvhich when he remembered to bee done agaynst the Articles of Peace betwixt him and the sayde King, hee conveaned his Parliament, to bee judged of them, for that which had escaped him. And agayne, for the Danger that is in the meere Absolutenesse of Princes, Your Majestie hath that Fa­mous Testimonie, given by Lewis the eleventh of Fran [...]e, a moste subtill King, most jealous of Soveraigne Pointes, and in his Counsels most absolute of anie: who acknowledging, that by such kynde of doing, hee had almost ruinated himselfe: therefore hee would not suffer, that his Sonne, Charls the eyght, should be taught more than three wordes of Latine: Lewis the ele­venth of France, would not suffer his Son to learne the Latine Tongue. to the ende, that want of Learning (which is commonlie accompanied with Presumption of Wi [...], a perilous Poynt in Princes) should constrayne him the more to go­verne his things, by Advyce of his Counsell. Some joyne herevnto, that he thought, (as all Politickes doe) too much, Curiositie of Lear­ning, not fitting for Kings: the Opinion being generallie helde, that Delight of Letters doeth (as I haue sayd before) in a sort emascu­late the Cowrage to Action, in all Men, and draweth them away to Contemplation, Kings being appoynted for the actiue Lyfe,

Tu regere Imperio populos Romane memento
Hae tibi erunt artes pacique imponere morem
Parcere Subjectis & debellare superbes.

Alwayes, SIR, to returne to Augustius: he did not onlie ho­nour the Senate, but did also fore-see, that none were of that Or­der, but Men most worthie of Honour: When a Place did vake, hee would haue the Entrant, olde in years, and olde in Experience, of knowne Vertue, & vnspotted Fame, The Condi [...] ­on of Sena­tors chosen by Augustus. able to vnder-lye the Sentence of a Censor; and then, of honourable Meanes, valiant at least of 40000 Crownes, whereof what was wanting, hee did himselfe [Page 128] supplie: neither durst any Man bring in Question the Name and Credite of a Senator, other than the Censor, who was indeed a fear­full & penetrant Explorator of their Manners: where-of our Iudges for Grievances, newlie erected, seeme to bee an Image. That Li­bertie for anie to accuse Counsellers, did creepe in vnder the Insidious Reigne of Tyberius; and those were called, Delatores & Instrumenta Imperij: and such doings haue ever since beene sayde to bee Ar­tes Tyberianae.

O, SIR! how much it were to bee wished, that Youthhead could know the Wisdome of Age! or that young Princes might vnderstand the Precious Worth of Aged Counsellers, who bee fayth­full! Darius, who was the Father of Xerxes, and an excellent King, having by manie Experiences proved the Loyaltie, Loue, and Actiue Services done to him by Zopyrus, and having at length also taken in the Towne of Babylon, Great Affec­tion of King Darius, to Zopyrus. by the VVit & Industrie of the same Zopy­rus, who whylst he went about that Businesse, did sustaine deadly Wounds, and Mutilation of his Person. And when his Master did possesse the Towne peaccablie, hee saide, that he rather did wish to haue Zopyrus restored to the integritie of his Bodie, than to haue an hundreth Babylons. SIR, I doe most humblie craue Your Ma­jesties Pardon, to say thus much; That if Your Majestie should be pleased to cast over the Stories of Scotland and England, & to consi­der there, vvhat bad Carriage hath beene in both, betwixt Prin­ces and their People, what Tyrannie, vvhat Revolts, vvhat Intestine Blood, and Crueltie vnnaturall, vvhat fearfull Perpetrations, Your Majestie should finde Reason to thinke, that it vvere good at all times, to multiplie your Senators, vvith the most Choyse and Pri­vie Men, for Goodnesse and Sufficiencie, that bee in either Kingdome. As for Examples of the Perillous Evils vvhich doe infalliblie en­sue, vvhen young Princes doe attake themselues to young Coun­sellers, that one of Rheboboam may serue for a thousand: from the lyke to vvhich, I doubt not, but GOD (vvho hath chosen your Majestie to great Actions) vvill deliver you. I doe confesse vvith­all, that the best Counsellers, are no vvo [...]se to bee super-intended, and looked to, seeing Men are but Men, and there is none who cannot erre, Vnlesse it bee the Pope: in the vvhich Case, your Majestie may vse, in your owne Person, the Office of the Censor, as Augustus did, and at your owne pleasure, examine their Carriage.

[Page 129] The third thing, SIR, vvhich is greatlie commended to Princes, in the Policie of Augustus, Diligence Mechanicke of Augustus, to know the Re­venewes, and Debursments ordinarie of the Empyre. vvas his particular Painfulnesse in all the Effaires of that great State, vvhose Example hath beene vvell followed by the Bravest of Emperours, and Kings that haue beene since, Tyberius, Vespasian, Trajan, Adrian, and the Antonines, vvho lived all to great Age, and were Masters of Civill Governament. After Augustus had attained 74 yeares, whereof hee reigned a­boue 50 (counting from the Death of Iulius Caesar) hee left be­hinde him three Bookes, vvritten vvith his owne Hand, one con­tained The severall Actions of his publicke Governament: The second, The order of his Testament: The third, (which is the Point I doe recommend to your Majestie) did beare A Register, of the whole Estate of that vast Empyre, the Finances and Rents over all, the number of the Provinces, the Legions mayntayned there-into, the Armes, the Mu­nitions, the Fortresses, the Shipping, the Colonies, the Allyes and Confede­rates, with speciall Records of the Debursments, Dues, and Charges, ne­cessarie for everie of them, Donatiues ordinarie to Friends, Expenses of Publicke and Theatriall Showes for the People, Pensions to Captaines, Nobles, and other Serviceable Men, and that monethlie hee knew what Proportion was betwixt those Debursments and their present Moneyes. Such indefatigable Paines of this kynde did hee vndergoe; that being mooved, at the Request of the Senate, after his Victorie over Antoni [...]us to accept in his Person, the Office of the Censor, and made Prefe [...]us morum, hee did three severall tymes make Numeration of the whole Romanes, as well resident at Rome, as dispersed a­broad, and of the Subjectes of the whole Provinces, with severall Estimation and Reckonings of everie Man's Goods in particular. The Persian Empyre, Vigilance of the Persian Kings, over their Finan­ces. was yet greater than that of Augustus, having vn­der it 27 Provinces: and the Stories doe tell vs, that their Kinges haue ordinarlie lying on a Table before them, a Register like vnto this of Augustus. Your Majestie may reade in the Sacred Historie of Hester, that when Artaxerxes had escaped the Treason of the Eunuches, by the Meanes of Mordechay, there-after hee did him­selfe enroll Mordechay to the Condition of his Reward. And tho Histories make Mention, that this same was the Practise of the late Kings of Spayne; vvhether it bee so for the present, your Maje­stie doeth better know. This, SIR, is a Diligence worthie the greatest Monarches, this doeth let them see, the right [Page 130] Addresses of their Effaires, this doeth import a necessarie O­ver-watching of their Treasures, and Receivers, vvhich maketh them Frugallie and Thriftilie to conferre their Necessarie Deburse­ments, with their Present Means, and to make Tymous Provision for what is wanting: it teacheth them, wherefore Pensions and Dona­tiues are bestowed, and to measure them according to the Propor­tion of Mens Services; that some haue not too much, whylst others get nothing. Your Maiestie may reade of Philip of Valoys, that he did revoke all Pensions, which did not beare Speciall Mention of the Service done for them, to him, or his Predecessors. And of Charls the eight, who did annull all Pensions, exceeding a very smal sum, wherof I do not in particular remember. This kynd of Diligence will teach your Maiestie to avoyde Great and Greedie Numbers of the Receivers of your Rents, who doe devour so much of them, be­fore they can come to your Maiesties Coffers, even as burnt and sandie Groundes drinke in the Waters that passe through them. To Charls the fift of France, were presented Complaints in Publicke Par­liamēt, by the whole Estates, because he had fiue Treasurers, wheras before there were but two; and a World of Receivers, whereas be­fore there was but one resident in Paris. And by Francis the first, it was ordayned, that there should be foure Keyes of the Treasure House; whereof the King should haue one himselfe, without the which, no other should enter, nor no Summes given foorth, but in his Personall Presence.

The fourth and last thing, Sir, which I finde most speciallie observed in the Politicke Wisdome of Augustus, was his Indulgence towardes that People, Diligence of Augustus, to ease the Peo­ple, immatters of Law Pro­cesses. and his Fatherlie Care of them, in procuring Dispatch of their Actions, without Longsome Processes of Law; the Censurall Inquisition over the Magistrates, his Personall Audidnce of their Causes, and Frequent Going Abroad for that Effects; the Exemplar Practize of his Personall Equitie, wherinto he did so much delight, that having once, by sound of Trūpet, made Offer of 25000 Crowns, to any who would bring to him Crocatas, a Captayne of certayne Voleurs in Spayne, who did greatlie molest that Countrey: whereof Crocatas being advertized, he came willinglie, & presented him­selfe before the Emperour, demaunding Payment of the Crownes, which hee caused to bee given him, in Argeht Content, together with his Pardon, lest hee should bee thought to take his Lyfe, [Page 131] for the sake of the Money. These, Sir, made him to bee loved as a Father, and feared as a Prince, whilst hee lived, and adored as a God, after hee died.

In ende of all, Sir, I will conclude with a most Humble Suppli­cation to your Majestie, in Favours of vs,Supplication, in Favou [...]s of the S. [...] of Scotland. who bee your Subjects of Scotland; where-vnto I am the more encowraged, because this Paraneticall Discourse, hath beene intended by mee, for no other vse, but to comfort them, to your M. Service and Obedience in everie thing: which I haue preassed to doe, by the pitthiest Per­swasions, that I could bring from the best Wits of the best Wryters. Wee reade, Sir, of Alexander the Great, that when hee was readie to lift his Armie from Macedone, to goe into the Levant, his Ma­ster, Aristotle, did counsell him,Plutare. de Fortuna aut virtute, Alex­andri. to rule over the Greekes, as a Fa­ther, but over the Nations whom hee should happen to conquer, as a Lord, and Emperoar. Where-vnto hee answered, That not so, but that hee would bee over all People, who should bee his, in common as a Father, because it was his Purpose, to reduce the whole World, vnto the Vnitie of one Citie, as Plutarch doeth report his Speach, Vnaut sit vita, perinde ut mundus unus, veluti unius Armenti, compascuo in agro, compascentis. Sir, we are not onlie no new Conquest of your Ms, but we are your First & most Natiue Subjects. There is no thing which is Vnnaturall or Extravagant in Nature, that doth long endure; & therfore, amongst States & Kingdomes, that which is most Ancient, must be most Naturall: that is the Reason, why we are your Ms most Naturall People. Here are to be seene vpon the Ports of your Ms Towns, & vpon the Frontespieces of your Pallaces, that Scepter & Crowne, where-of your Blessed Father said, Nobis haec invicta miserunt centum sex Proavi. The like to which, no King that we know vnder Heaven, may brag of. Here standeth that Noble Order of the Thistle, whose Honour hath hitherto remained Vnvio­lable, and Vnstained with Disgrace, witnessed by that Cowragious Su­perscription, Nemo me impune lacess [...]i. Here standeth that Generous red Lyon, whō the Mightie & Bellicose Romans were never sufficient to daunt. Here were founded the Sober Beginninges of that Crowne, which hath by Progresse of so many Ages, risen into this Height of a Monarchicall Diademe. Here is the Ground, wherin was sown that small Seed, that hath shot vp to this Strong & Staselie Tree, whose Boughes doe over-shadowthis whole Yle; whose Branches extend [Page 132] themselues beyond Seas, & whervnto Forraigne Nations haue Re­course, in time of Tempests, to be refreshed vnder the Vmbrage ther­of. Here, Sir, is the Ground, which your Majestie should haue in a Sacred Account, that doeth conserue the Royall-Bodies of so many of your Predecessours, and keepeth about them, the Ashes of so manie thousands of Noble Gentle-men, as haue frō the beginning of your M. Race, so valourouslie laid down their Lyues, in fierce Battels, & presence of their Kings, for Propagation of the same. And here, Sir, is your Mother Ground, which gaue to your M. the first Light, and did nowrish your tender Infancie. The Fowls of the Aire, & Fishes of the Seas, by a Naturall Instinct, do affect the Places wherin they were hatched; so farre, that some of them wil come frō the most Longin (que) Regions, to make yearlie Visits of their Natiue Soyle.

Therefore, Sir, although we be most remote from the Seat of your M. Court, yet let it please your M. that we enjoy our Privi­ledges, to be your M. most naturall Subjects, and to haue your M. our King, not by Conquest, but by Nature, Remember, Sir, how wel it was sayde, by him who spake so, that The Kingdome was happie, where the Subjects did obey the Law of the Prince, and the Prince obey the Law of Nature. If your M. will looke vpon the Historie of your Predecessors, ye will find, that it is Naturall to vs, most of anie Na­tion, to sacrifice our Lyues & Goods, for the Preservation of our Prince and Countrie, when there is Necessitie to doe so. Consider, Sir, a lit­tle, our Decayes, since the Transportation of the Royall Court, to Lon­don: partlie by Introduction of Prodigalitie, and Forraigne Manners, vvhich commonlie doeth accompanie the Dilation of Empyre: partlie by too much reparing of our Countrey-men, of best sorte, there, and spending of Moneyes in England, vvhich were wont to entertain our Merchand Traffick at Home, (now, by that Means, so farre decayed) & partlie by the great Malheure of these last bad and vnfruitfull Years. And when your M. hath pondered these, then doe lay vpon vs, Sir, such Burdens as your M. findeth vs able to beare: And that your M. be pleased, not to discover our Nakednesse too much, nor make vs to answere, as the Adrians did to Themistocles, when hee came to charge them with an Impost, farre aboue that which they were able to perform, he told them, that he had brought two Puissant Gods, to assist him in that Busi­nesse, to wit, Loue and Force. They answered, that they were to [Page 133] oppose him, by two more puissant, Povertie, and Impossibilitie. I confesse indeede, that your M. hath to doe with great summes of Money, and must haue it: but yet, Sir, doe not suffer that to de­rogate a jot to your M. Royall Bountie & Magnanimitie. And here I cannot forbeare, to bring before your M. that Glorious, and Su­perlatiue Prayse, given by Plutarch, to Alexander the Great; who altho in his Youthhead, immediately after his Father's death, he did per­ceiue the Towns of Greece, conquered by him, inclyning to Rebel­lion, Vniversa Grecia-post Philippica demum bella veluti ab animi deliquio palpit abunda subsaltabat, The notable Magnanimi­tie of Alexan­der, whilst he wanted Mo­ney. ad haec exhaustis Philippi Thesauris foenusetiam accesserat ducentorum talentorum, in tanta ille rerum inopia, tam turbulentis temporibus Adolescens, vixdum adeo puerili aetate exacta, Babylonem ausus est Susa (que) illa sperare, Babylonem Susa (que) dico, immo vero gentium omnium imperium spondere ipse sibitriginta peditum millium quatuor equitum nu­mero fretus.

Although, SIR, that Your Majestie doe not at once, and together, compasse all Your Desires, that is to teach Your Maje­stie, that great thinges are not performed,GOD ma­keth althings in Nature, with Tyme and Patience. but with great Pa­tience, and great length of Tyme: vvherein, Sir, yee are to imi­tate the Working of that GREAT GOD into Nature: vvhere­of, albeit Hee bringeth foorth no Creature, but slowlie, and in­sensiblie, yet Hee dryveth them on, vnto their Perfection. The [...]ll, and robust Oake of the Forrest, springeth from a verie small Graine, and yet it groweth vnperceivablie with tyme, to that Strongnesse, that greatest Tempestes cannot over-throwe it: Even so, If Your Majestie can conjoyne this Patience vvith Tyme, there is no doubt, but yee may make of vs what your Majestie will.

Doe consider, SIR, that it is the fayre Aurora, vvhich giveth vs hope of the vvhole Dayes Serenitie; and that the Orient of the Pleasant Morning, is farre more sweete and delectable in our Eyes, than even the verie Meridian of the brightest Dayes. And, as the persons of Men are more amiable to bee looked vpon, in their Youthhead, The Youth­head of every thing in Na­ture, most ob­served and looked to. than anie tyme there-after, though they were never so comelie: Even so, vvhen the first Actions of Youth, are Douce and Temperate, they doe purchase more tender Loue & Admiration, than their Greatest Things can do therafter: and on them wee doe found the Prognostickes of Happie and Vertuous [Page 134] Progresses: So if your M. doe gentlie leade vs, to our first Yokes of your Obedience, it will make vs to remoue our Fears & Doubts, and to fill our Hearts with Ioyfulnesse, & Expectation of your M. Good­nesse. Your M. is already most Famous over all, for the Opinion that the World hath conceived of the Equitie and Iustice of your Mynd.

And therefore, Sir, let your Maiestie's Royall Cares be exten­ded, to repare the Decadence of our Countrey: deliver vs from longsome Lawes, and from Prodigality of Manners: stop the Resort to your Maiestie's Court, of such as doe nought, but molest your Maiestie, and spoyle their private Estates: Erect amongst vs such Publicke Industries, and Libertie of Sea Trafficke, as doe enritch our Neighbour Countreyes. Philip de Valoys of France, The Monopole [...] the Salt, in France. was not ashamed, to settle in his owne Person, a Monopolie of the Salt, which doeth im­port to his Coffers the Annuitie of great Moneyes. If your Majestie would erect the Trade of Fishing in your Northerne Seas, so que­stuous to Strangers, and so greatly to our Ignominie and Losse; And if your Maiestie would bring vs vnder Militarie Discipline, pro­vyde for store of Armes, Munition, and Shipping, employ numbers of People, to fortifie your Coasts: These, Sir, are the true Meanes, to make of vs a Mightie Nation, and formidable to our Enemies. The Strength of a Countrey doeth mayntayne Vertue within it, and ma­keth it Traffickable without. Vertue and Trafficke doe breede Rit­ches: and these two the sure Groundes of Yearlie Increase to you [...] Maiestie's Finances: and all three together shall make your Maie­stie able for the Prosecution of the great Actions, which GOD hath appointed you for. THAT GOD, vvho sayd vnto Ioshua. Bee thou strong, and cowragious; neyther doe feare thyne Enemies, who shall not stand before thee, because I will be with thee, and shall not fayle thee, as I was with Moses: THAT GOD, Who was with your Blessed Father, in the building of the Temple, bee still with your Maiestie, to grant you Victorie over all your Enemies: that having esta­blished the Peace and Tranquillitie of your Kingdomes, your Maiestie may haue Leasure and Delight, to attende those Cares vvhich are necessarie for this COM­MON-WEALTH: A MEN.


AN HEROICKE SONG, In Prayses of the Light, most fitting for the Nightes Meditation. BY THE SAME AVTHOR.

NOw downe is gone the statelie Globe of Light,
Which Thou, great GOD, create [...]st for the Day:
And wee are wrapt into the Glowds of Night,
When Sprites of Darknesse come abroad, to prey.
Our Bodie's from its Functions releast,
Our Senses are surpryzed vnto Sleepe:
To guard our Soules, Lord Iesus Christ, make haste,
Desarted thus, into a fearfull Deepe.
Keepe Light into the Lanterne of our Mynde,
For to direct our Watching Sprite aright:
That though our Foes were all in one combynde,
They may not yet attrap vs by their Slight.
Light was the First-borne Daughter of the LORD,
Who with her Beams did buske and beautifie
That Vaste Chaos, before of GOD abhord,
And made her Members lonelie, as wee see.
Yet is this Light nought but a Shallow Streame,
Of that Aboue, in Glorie Infinite:
And so hut of HIS Shadow hath the Name,
Who did into that Narrow Globe confyne it.
The Bodie of the Sunne if wee compare,
Vnto the Spheare, that rolleth Him about;
That shall His Smallnesse vnto vs declare,
Beside that Light which Rounds the Heaven without.
The Ambient Circle of the Divine Fyre,
Th'Eternall Dwelling of the DEITIE;
Which to Descrybe, is none that dare aspyre,
Who hath not tasted Immortalitie:
For if the Sphears were of Transparent Kynde,
Then suddenlie that Glorie should Confound
Those Caducke Thinges within the Poles confynde,
And all this Frame, that Nature hath Compound.
The prowdest Sprites durst never yet presume,
To thinke where-of these Orbs contryved bee:
It is aboue the Low Flight of our Plume,
Alwayes they close that Glorie from our Eye.
That Infinite Circumference of Light,
For Centre, hath this Vniverse of Thinges:
There GOD is seene by single Angelicke Sight,
And heere this Ball, but as a Mirrour hings:
Where-in but Showes of Reall Things wee see,
And Vmbers, which are from that Light let fall:
Where they doe liue, vnto Eternitie;
Heere are no True Things, nor True Light at all.
As Princelie Portracts close in Cabines plac'd,
Where Phoebus findes no Hole to enter at:
By Torch or Candles are set out and grac'd,
This clozed House of Nature's lyke to that.
With-in her Walles are manie Pictures bright,
Yet may no Eyes of Mortall Man sustaine,
To view them through the Beames of Divine Light
As by a Torch, they by the Sunne are seene.
Not as a Torch, but as a sillie-Sparke,
Confer'd with Light of Infinite Extension;
To shadow which, whole Nature is too darke,
To thinke of which, doeth spoyle th'Apprehension.
Things vnto hourlie Changes made subject,
And daylie Death doe not truelie subsist:
So that our Bodies fatall to defect
But for a space, as Vmbers doe exist.
Light, Lyfe, and Trueth, these three things are but one,
Whose Tyme and Place, and Power doe exceede,
[Page 137] The Search of Thought, and Number, two alone,
Esteem'd to match Infinitie indeede.
O Sacred Light! whose subtill Rayes doe pier [...]e
The Center, as the Sunnie Beames doe show:
Which Grace the Golde, and Gemmes, that are so scarce,
Of the (pure Light) vncleane Sprites stand in awe.
Light that appear'd to Moses in the Field,
And on his Front, the Hornes of Splendor planted:
Vnto that Light, let all things Honour yeelde,
The Power of Darknesse by the same is daunted.
The Orient Sunne of our Salvation,
Who from the Fountaine of this Light came out,
Approach vnto this Habitation,
With saving Light to compasse me about.
Who of that Light, so pompous Pauelons made,
For those Prophets, into Mount Tabors Glore:
Now whilst my Sense lyes in my Body dead,
Grant that my Sprite may to that Mountaine so are.
That Light that shyn'd into Sainct Peter's Prison,
O Sacred Flame! vouchsafe t'illuminate,
This darke House, with some Sparkes of Divine Reason,
Where-in my Soule so long is carcerate.
The Light that did th' Apostle Paul convert,
And Persecuter in a Preacher turne,
If it but once doe glaunce vpon nine Heart,
No Darknesse then shall make mee for to mourne.
That Light it did it selfe to Steven reveale,
Amidst the Tortures of his Martyredome;
Transporting him, that hee no Paines did feele,
And from the Earth, shew CHRIST in His Kingdome.
That to the Prophet's Servant did point out,
The fyrie Charrets, and Forces of the LORD,
When hee was sore confused, and in doubt,
And feare of Death almost had him devourd.
That Light where-by the Divyne Angell, Iohn,
Was wrapt, and to the Holie Citie brought:
So farre aboue the Flight of Phaëton,
Of all those sacred Lights what shall bee thought?
And of that Majestie of Light displayde,
Betwixt the Cherubs, there to bee ador'd:
Haue they not of the Godhead this bewrayde,
That with the Light it's cloathed and decor'd?
That Light is GOD, and GOD alone is Light;
His Creatures, a Reflexe of His Beames:
This World, a Mirrour, or a Table tight,
Where Light's but shadow'd vnder diverse Names.
Vpon that Light, great Moses durst not looke:
The Sight of GOD no sinfull Eye may byde;
Th'Eternall Flames, no Mortall thing may brooke,
Therefore the Hand of GOD his Face did hyde.
Into the Bosome of that Light was hatcht,
The Trueth and Substance of all thinges that bee:
Till perfectlie, th' Ideas were dispatcht,
Of Creatures, whose Shadowes wee but see.
There, in that Light th' Exemplars still exist,
But heere the Image quicklie doeth decay:
Of sillie Points of Tyme wee doe consist,
But what is There, it doeth endure for aye.
The Veritie is firme, and permanent,
And Falsehoods are subject to Nullitie:
Whylst Shadowes bee but Cases remeante,
Therefore they perish daylie, as wee see.
As Vmbers are, and then they disappeare,
So Persons are, and then they turne in Dust:
That if wee will this Mysterie Disquire,
Our Parallele shall bee with Shadowes just.
Yet when a Man is dead, w [...]e doe retaine,
His Shape and Feature, sealed in our Mynde:
[Page 139] And everie thing that in him wee haue seene,
As if those were not vnto Death confin'd.
If our weake Sight, thus paint our Memorie,
The Light of that Eternall Intellect,
Can it not keepe vnto Eternitie,
Those Ideas which HEE did HIM-SELFE perfect?
Or if wee holde Ideas to bee vaine,
Wee must deny Things Intellectuall;
And vnto Shadowes take our selues againe,
Scorning that Light, which is Angelicall.
Light, as it is a thing Incorporall,
Our Sight also, that doeth the same beholde,
And als, the Objectes are Spirituall,
As wee may prooue, by Reasons manifolde.
Else, could the Shape of all this Hemispheare,
Enter the narrow Port of Humane Eyes?
And leaue his Portract full imprinted there?
Hence followes then, that Men but Spirites sees;
Or things abstract, and Mathematicall,
As Numbers, Figures, and Dimensions;
And Colours, which vnder the Light doe fall,
Although they haue most ample their Extensions.
For surelie Man is nothing but a Sprite,
His fluide Bodie, a Vapour of the Grasse;
Or Picture, that's presented in the Streete,
With Sprites, wee finde, his Senses doe converse.
The Sprite of Light, is object to the Eye,
The Trueth of Light, doeth enter by the Eare,
T'informe the Soule, these two ordained bee,
Wee haue, wee heare, wee see Light, and no more.
The Eye, it is the Globe of all our Glore,
The Port whereat the Soule goeth in and out;
By it wee see HIS Works, VVhom wee adore,
And get knowledge of Things disperst about.
The Eare, the Subtile Nerue, that doeth admit
His Word, to bee the Lanterne of our Lyfe:
Our Hopes of Heaven, and Fayth come in by it,
To serue the Bodie, other Senses stryue.
Our Gust, wee know, and Smelling, are but grosse;
They smell no Light, nor taste of Veritie:
Compar'd with those, their Function's in Drosse,
And most part doe suggest to Luxurie.
As for the Thinges subjected to our Touch,
They're pieces of the Olde Deformed Masse:
Their Light once spent, returning to bee such,
Into that Chaos daylie they doe passe.
And finallie, when Tyme shall take an Ende,
And when the World Her Glasses haue run out:
When Ayre no longer shall it selfe extende,
Nor shall the Seas embrace the Earth about:
Nor yet the Spheares distinguish Day from Night,
When Fyre shall fill the Vniversall Globe:
The Efficacie, Almightie of this Light,
Shall force Great Nature for to change Her Robe.
Her Mortall partes, those Flames shall purifie,
No Bodies, but Transparent, shall subsist:
Renewed Heavens, lyke Glassie Golde shall bee,
And all Grosse Earth from Beeing shall desist.
That Mightie Flame, shall eare the Ocean;
The Earth to her Virginitie shall bring:
The Ayre from Vapours shall bee cleansed then:
In summe, It shall make Light of everie thing.
The Saincts of GOD shall wasted bee with Light,
And Ponderous Bodies they shall feele no more:
Their Walkes shall swifter bee than anie Flight,
For with their LORD they shall bee chang'd in Glore.
Looke-what is then Incompatible with Light,
(As Excrementes into a Sinke let fall)
[Page 141] It will the way vnto the Center right,
A Den of Darknesse, without Light at all.
Before that Change, no true Light can bee heere,
And then no more of Changes shall wee see:
The Light in everie Corner shall appeare,
No place for Shadowes thence-foorth shall there bee.
GOD shall triumph, at that Great Iubilie
Of Nature, in her full Perfection:
Where Hee His Works shall whollie Glorifie,
And Darknesse throw into Confusion.
Since true Light, and true Things are so remote,
And clozed inaccessiblie with GOD,
Take heede (my Soule) no Paintrie thee besot,
Which thou beholdest, on this Worldlie Brod.
But contrarie, delight thee in the Night,
There are no Pictures, to distract thee then:
Flie to the Citie of the Divyne Light,
That is aboue the Sight of Mortall Men.
Expatiate into the Sacred Fieldes,
Of the expanded faire Infinitie:
Which Millions moe, than Earthlie Beautie yeeldes,
The Pallace of the Blessed Trinitie.
Though narrow be our Myndes to comprehend
One Point of GOD, where each is Infinite;
Yet to that Search, our Spirites may ascend,
By Visions, which are to our Weaknesse fit.
There thou shalt see, how GOD Hee is a Light,
With-in the which all Things subsisting bee:
Whole Nature's Birth, thou shalt see at one Sight,
The Pleasant Object of the DEITIE.
Hee much delighteth in that Architype,
The Glasse, where-in Hee on His Goodnesse [...]:
The Boxe that d [...]eth the Seedes of Nature keepe,
And all His Workes recorded, as in Bookes.
As Cunning Paynters gaze vpon that Face,
Which they pretende by Portract to present;
And Iakob's Sheepe lookt in that Watrie Glasse,
That Hee did for their Fruitfulnesse invent:
So doeth the Sprite of Nature thinges beget,
By looking in that Architype of All:
And there-from doeth these Images canceit,
That wee see set and spred through Natures Hall.
And there thou shalt comparatiuelie thinke,
Our Clearest Dayes, to bee no thing but Night:
And that of Heaven, this World is the Sinke,
Repleat with Sorrow, Sinfull Care, and Plight.
Or lyke a Caue, polluted with the Smoake,
Of Chymicke Forges, and Deadlie Mercurie:
Where Worke-men as Anatomies doe looke,
Who haue consum'd Themselues in Sophistrie.
O that thou mightst not Heere agayne returne,
But still shouldst liue into that Lights Fruition!
For on this Earth thou canst doe nought but Mourne,
Where Toyles, Teares, and Fears, must bee thy Portion.
There thou shalt see CHRIST setled in HIS Throne,
As Golden Phoebus, in His Silver Sphaero,
Amongst nyne Chores of Angels, LORD alone;
Lyke Planets plac'd about HIS Royall Chayre.
Where Troups of Saincts, lyke Starres doe moue astray,
As Skalie Squadrons sporte into the Deepe:
So in that Lightsome Ocean they play,
And still an Heavenlie Harmonie doe keepe,
Of Musicke, that can never bee exprest:
Yet by a Sensible Similitude,
Wee may imagine, that it is addrest,
By foure Chiefe Partes of Men, so vnderstood.
And th [...] by severall Alternatiues,
A Mutuall and Mightie Melodie,
[Page 143] One Theatre t'another aye deryues,
Sounding the Glore of that GREAT MAIESTIE.
The Alto Angels sing, as I suppose,
Of stablisht Ranke, the Foremost Stage They fill:
To Celebrate HIS Providence, They choose,
And Divine Names, belonging there-vntill.
The Tenor by the Voyce of Saincts, resounds
The Prayses, of HIS Sanctitie they sing:
And this Echo from Stage to Stage rebounds,
HOLIE, HOLIE, Is Our Almightie KING.
The Basse is tun'd by Harmon of the Sphaeres,
The Sweet Consent, that wee see them among,
The True Characters of HIS Wisdome beares,
And Learned holde them vocall in their Song.
The Hallelu of the Church Militant,
Mounts vp, to make the Counter-basse perfyte:
With Loftie Straynes of Musicke resonant,
HIS Goodnesse, and HIS Mercie, they endyte.
The Subtill Alchymist can separate
The Quintessence, and make it to ascende:
So [...]are the Church Prayers Alembicate,
By that Great SPRITE, who doth Her still defende.
My Soule, bee ravisht with these Visions,
And They shall make thy Nights more Splendescent,
By True Light, and not by Illusions,
Than are Estivall Dayes most Relucent.
High ESSENCE of the Inaccessible Light,
Whose Sacred WORD the Darknesse did command:
To cloathe Her selfe into this Beautie bright,
So dayntilie Portrayde by Natures Band.
Say, LORD, vnto the Dungeon of myne Heart,
Let there bee Light, and strayght it shall bee so:
Blynde Ignorance and Pryde shall then depart,
And in the Light securelie shall I goe.
Possesse (Sweet Light) the Temple of my Breast,
Thy Lampes may feede of Multiplyed Oyle,
Which (since, my GOD, Thou hast made mee a Priest)
Still on the Altar of myne Heart may boyle.
Those Starrie Vaults, that Round our Night about,
As Curtayns full of Flaming Eyes, where-by
Thyne Holie Angels constantlie looke out,
And all our Dangers surelie doe espy.
Grant mee, O LORD, to trust to Thy Reliefe,
That whylst the Organes of my Soule doe sleepe,
It may bee fred from the N [...]ctur [...]all Thiefe,
That no Vncleannesse in my Bosome creepe.
Enioye, my Soule, the Beautie of True Light,
Count not of Paynted Shadowes that are heere:
Those are the Clowds that keepe thee from that Sight,
Which vanish then, when wee holde Them most Deare.
So when thy Stage is finallie concluded,
As Floods returne vnto their Ocean,
Thou of this Bodie fullilie denuded,
Shalt bee reduced to thy Light agayne.
Though for a Wish, possesse a World thou might,
Yet to the Ende doe wish nothing but LIGHT.

Index of the chiefe Things contained in this Treatise.

  • THE Preamble, meerelit Metaphy­sicall pag. 1. 2.
  • The death of the late King of blessed memorie 3.
  • The occasion and order of the Treatise. 4.
  • The Pope and King of Spaine, troublers of Christian States 5.
  • The Ambition of the ancient Kings of Spaine and Portugall, vertuous, and heroicke: with particular narration of the most nominate and famous amongst them 6.
  • Charles the fift, Emperour, the first projecter and founder of the Spanish Ambition ov [...] Eu­rope 10.
  • Contrapoyse & jealousie of Christian Prin­ces, war [...]anded by Nature 12.
  • The Spanish Inquisition, and practises of Philip [...] the second, against neighbour States 14.
  • Hee did negotiate intelligence with the Pro­testants of France, being of head of their ene­mies, the holie league 16.
  • The Voyage of the English Navie vnder Queen Elizabeth to Portugall, in favours of Dan Anto­nio 17.
  • Antonio Peres doeth wrong the English, in his narration of that Voyage ibid.
  • Strict limitation of Generals in Warre 19.
  • The greatnesse and swift progresse of the Spa­nish Empire ibid.
  • The large extent of the Spanish Ambition 21.
  • The insidiation of Spaine, by claudestine, and fearfull arts of murthering 22.
  • Patricidie practisedin Spaine, as amongst the Turkes; by a religious tradition 25.
  • The stabilitie of the Spanish Counsell never intercepted, by the death of a King, doth as­sure the stabilitie of their Empyre 26.
  • What weaknesse in the Spanish Empyre, by reason of dis-joyned Provinces 27
  • Dis-vnited conquestes vnprofitable, and ex­amples there-of. ibid.
  • Traffickable Countreyes, and Ve [...]tuous peo­ple, the onelie true treasure of Princes. The evils resulting of the being of great Treasures, in the hands of Princes 28.
  • Kinges haue manie necessarie occasions of profitable debursments, nor knowne, nor to bee enquired, of Subjects 31.
  • It is a Weaknesse of the Spanish Empyre, to bee feared of all, and hated of the greatest part 32.
  • The Pope and Catholicke States of Germanie, against Charles the fift 33.
  • Cardinall Baronio, against Philip the se­cond ibidem.
  • Why the Nobilitie of Spaine doe hate their King 34.
  • A Weaknesse supposed in Spayne, for want of Armes, and why it is so. 36.
  • Their naturall Pryde, a Weaknesse ibid.
  • Description of the Spanish nature 37.
  • Spayne to bee opposed by making Warre with-in their owne Dominions 38.
  • Plantation of Nova Scotia 39.
  • When a Kingdome is perfect, and natural­lie compacted in it selfe, then to bee slow to Warres 41.
  • The definition of a just Warre, and our Warres against Spayne, proved to bee just 42.
  • Emulation of the Romanes, and Carthagenians, for vniversall Empyre. 43.
  • Agesilaus being but a poore King, did invade the Persian Empyre ibidem.
  • First confederacie of the Scots with the French sought by Charles Mayne. 44.
  • How the Spaniard is proved to bee our ene­mie ibid.
  • How Scotland is furnished of Men for Warre 46.
  • Nature of leagues, with examples auncient and moderne 47.
  • Confederates against Spayne 48.
  • Whether small or grosse Armies to bee sent to Enemie-Countreyes, shewed by contempla­tion of the Turkish Warres 49.
  • The Palati [...]te the most honourable seat for Warres against Spayne. 51.
  • King Alexander, Hannibell, and Iulius Caesar, did leade their Armies to more remote Coun­treyes ibid.
  • Going of His Majestie in person to Spaine 52.
  • [Page] The English auncientlie victorious in Spai [...]e 53.
  • The VVest Indees in the possession of a great Monarch, proved to bee an infallible meanes of vniversall Empyre, by length of tyme 55.
  • Money the Nerue of Warre, and grea­test Monarches, and States, much distressed for want thereof 56.
  • The hudge Moneyes gotten by Charles the fift, in Peru 57.
  • The naturall humours of the French Na­tion ibid.
  • Speculation of Neighbour Calamities, du­ring our Peace, in this Age going, and of our Predecessours troubles many Ages by-gone 58.
  • More of Money, and of Men, in Scotland now, than in the dayes of our Antecessours, and the proofe thereof. 61.
  • A wicked People, doe make a wicked King 63.
  • A Bridge of Golde to bee made, for E­nemies to passe out vpon ibid.
  • Great Ransome payed by our Predecessors, for King David Bruce 64.
  • The Palatinate, detained to make a Way, for the conquest of Germanie, and Eng­land 65.
  • A remarkable Conference of Coronell Sem­ple with the Author of this Treatise ibid.
  • Iohn Knoxe against the Regiment of Wo­men 67,
  • The going of His Majesties Navie, to Portugall, and what a great point is Secre­cie in great Enterpryses, and the Examples thereof ibid.
  • The Reformation, or Innovation of Ma­gistrates, and the Commodities, or Incon­venients following thereon. 68.
  • Plato holdeth, That after the current of that great Yeare, GOD shall reforme the whole worke of Nature, and reduce it to the first puritie ibid.
  • Vtilitie of the Censor amongst the Ro­manes 70.
  • Commission for Grievances ibid.
  • Great Men not to beare Offices where they dwell 76.
  • Two of one Familie, not to bee of one Session of Iudges 77.
  • Reformation of Advocates, most necessa­rie of anie thing, with the Examples of Kings, and States, Enemies to the Trade of Advocation. 78.
  • Lewis the eleventh of France, did revo [...]ke and annull Heritable Shyre [...]ships 81.
  • Abuses of late erected Lordships of Church Land [...]s, necessarie to bee refor­med 82.
  • If the Domaine of Regall Crownes, or of Republickes bee allienable 83.
  • Noble Men, are the Shadowes, and Re­flects of Kings 84.
  • Why the Lyues of Kinges are so preci­ous 85.
  • The last Convention of the Estates of Scotland, and His Majesties Revocation 86.
  • The first Donation of the Crown Lands, and division of them in Baronies ibid.
  • Ritches did spoyle the Pietie of the Church 89.
  • Before the separation of the Church of Rome, made by Luther, the hundreth part of Christian People, did possesse more than the tenth part of the Revenewes 90.
  • The number of Ecclesiasticall Prelasies, Benefices, Churches, Curies of France ibid.
  • The nature of. Tenthes 91.
  • The first Dedication of Tenthes in Scot­land 94.
  • Puritanes, foolishlie opposed to the Pope's Church, in good things 96.
  • Mysterie of Number. 98.
  • The Vnitie doeth represent GOD 99.
  • The Number. 7, is proper to the Crea­tion, Induration, and finall Glorification of the World 100.
  • The Novenarie doeth comprehende the whole Species of Nature, Man excep­ted 101.
  • Ten, is the Quotient, or fulnesse of Na­ture 102.
  • Man was the first Tenth. ibid.
  • CHRIST was the second, and perfect Tenth 103
  • Two sort of Puritanes, opponents to E­piscopall Rents, and Governament, discor­dant amongst themselues 106.
  • Persecution of Iulian, worse than of Dio­ [...]l [...]sian 107.
  • Plantation of our Northerne Yles, and Hielards, a most Royall, and most necessa­rie Policie. 108.
  • Battell of Hare-law. 109.
  • Abuses, and Oppressions by way of Tenthes to bee reformed 110.
  • Discourse, of the Nature and Course of Moneyes 112.
  • What Benefite, or Inconvenient, vpon the heighting of Money 113.
  • What Order to bee taken with Moneys, kept vp in the Hands of Merchands 117.
  • [Page] Decay of our Shipping, how to bee re­stored 118.
  • Prodigall Persons, ancientlie interdicted, and punished by Lawes 119.
  • Against the vse of Silver Plate, and guil­ding 120.
  • Ferdinandus Magn [...]s of Spayne, Charles the ninth of France, and manie great Princes, did sell their Silver Plate, or reduce it in Coyne 121.
  • Prescription, for Dyet, and Apparell, practised by great States, in time of pub­licke Distresses 122.
  • Speach to the King's Majestie 123.
  • Wisdome of Augustus, in making away of his Enemies 124.
  • Who are Enemies to His Majesties Per­son, or to his Governament ibid.
  • Vigilance, necessarie over the admission of Bishops, and Ministers, in the Church 126.
  • Honour done by Augustus, to the Romane Senate ibid.
  • Condition of Senaters, chosen by Augu­stus 127.
  • Great Affection of King Darius, to an olde faythfull Counseller 128.
  • Mechanicke Vertues, and Diligence of Augustus 129.
  • Watchfulnesse of the Parsian Monarches, over their Finances ibid.
  • Supplication, in Favours of the Subjects of Scotland 132.
  • The admirable Magnanimitie of Alexan­der the Great, whilst he wanted Moneys 133.
Finis Tabulae.

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.