An exhortacion to the Scottes to conforme them selfes to the honorable, expedie[n]t, and godly vnion, betwene the twoo realmes of Englande and Scotlande.

AN EXHORTACION

The cauſe wher of I treate beeyng ſo weightie, the diſcourſe ſo large, & my witte and cunnyng ſo ſmall to ſet it furthe, I might well be diſcoraged to entre ſo greate a ground: but that loue to my countrey on the one ſide, and deſire of concorde and quietnes on the other ſide, moue me to ſpeake, hopyng that the honeſty of the matter ſhall ſupplie the rude handelyng, and the plain veritie, to ſtand in ſtede of eloquēce and cunnyng. For like as in an euill cauſe, muche arte and conueyaunce muſt be vſed, afore it can appere good: euen ſo in a cauſe true, honeſt, and righteous, there needeth no ſubtile perſwaſions or fineſſe of woordes: but how muche the plainer ſo muche the better, and how muche ye more eloquent, ſomuch the more ſuſpicious. For truthe is ſufficient of her ſelfe, and needeth no colours, no more then natural beawty, nedeth of paintyng. Taking this for my foundacion, I maie the more boldely procede without feare of offence, ſeeyng my cauſe is ſuche, as all good men will further, all wiſe men fauor, and all Godly men defende, as that whiche beeyng enbraced, ſhall doo good to many, and hurt to none, and beyng neglected, ſhall hurte a multitude, and auayle no man, tendyng no leſſe to the commoditie of the aduerſaries, then of the fauorers. Thus the ground beyng ſo true, the occaſion ſo honeſt, and the querell ſo righteous, there wanteth nothyng but one that could ſet the ſame furth accordyngly. And ſeeyng ſuche as canne beſt, liſte not, and that ought moſte, will not, and that wold fayneſt, dare not take this vniuerſall cauſe in hande, I beyng ſimple vnlearned, and moſt barayn of all orators arte and perſwaſiō, yet armed with truth moued with honeſtie, and prouoked by loue, towardes God and my countrey, (as Dauid againſt Golias) entre the felde againſt the mightie Giauntes, enemies of concorde and vnitie, deſiryng all my countreymen of Scottande (whoſe cauſe I now ſpecially entreat) to geue me pacient hearyng, whileſt I ſuade theim to that, whiche ſhalbe acceptable to God, commendable to the world, ioyfull to their frē des, hatefull to their enemies, profitable to all parties, and to none ſo muche as to themſelfes.

TO groūd my cauſe vpō truth (as I promiſed) I will ſette my foundacion, vpon the infallible truthe of Gods woorde, takyng this texte for my purpoſe. Omne regnū in ſe diuiſum deſolabitur: that is to ſaie: euery kyngdō diuided in it ſelf, ſhal be brought to deſolacion. If this ſentence bee well marked, and the perſone of the ſpeaker conſidered, I ſhall not nede to bee long in perſwadyng you to beleue it. The wordes be true: for he that ſpake them, cannot lye, whiche is Chriſt himſelf the aucthor of al truth and veritie. But though Chriſt had not ſpokē them, let vs ſe whether comon reaſon dooth not affirme theim, and the experience of all realmes and countreis, in al tymes and ages, hath not approued theim. And to fet our examples not out of ſtraunge countreys, loke well vpon the Chronicles of this iſland of Britain, and conſider the eſtate thereof, from the beginnyng, and compare theim, with the hiſtories of other nacions, and you ſhal not lightly heare or read of any one countrey ſithe the worldes creacion, more inuaded, waſted, and deſtroyed, then this I ſtande, ne of people more often, ne more curelly ſpoyled, exiled, or afflicted, then the inhabiters thereof, and all by diuiſion and diſcord: the ſedes wherof, beyng laied in by the deuil as pouder vnder a walle, after it once toke fire, did ſo terribly ſhake the foūdaciōs of their common weale, that it riued a ſunder their Kyngdome and monarchie, and diuidyng it into partes, broughte the whole at laſt to ruyne and deſolacion, which hath not been fully recouered to this daie, nor in my iud gement like to be, ſo long as the iſlande is diuided into two partes, and knowen by two names, that is to ſaie, England & Scotlande, and vnder twoo ſeuerall gouernours. The cauſe whereof though it maie chiefly bee aſcribed to the iuſte vengeaunce of God, prouoked with the ſynnes of the people, as Gildas witneſſeth: yet is it clere that the onely meane thereof, was diſcord and diuiſion, emong the Inſulanes, wherby it came to paſſe, whyleſt euery one ſtriued, all were ouer comen, and made an eaſy prey to ſtraūge nacions. For althoughe outward enemies, vpon tiranny and conqueſt, as the Romayns, or els expulſed from their countreys, and driuen to ſeke newe dwellynges as the Pictes, or allured with ye fertilitie of ye ſoyle as the Scottes inhabityng, the north partes of Irelande, inuaded this iſlande: Yet could thoſe people neuer haue kepte quiete poſſeſſion, ne reigne ſo long as thei did, but through diuiſion and diſcord emong the Britaynes, whiche beeyng ſtiffe necked againſt God, and ingrate eche to other (as the ſaid aucthor writeth) by their demerites, wer not onely ouercome with outwarde inuaſions, but finally loſt their name and, Empire, whereby the inhabitauntes beyng mixt with ſtraungers, haue euer ſithe been vexed with inteſtine warres and ciuill diſcorde to the irremediable ruine and deſolacion therof, vntil it ſhal pleaſe Gods goodneſſe to haue mercie on the people, and to reduce the iſlande to the firſte eſtate, to one Monarchy, vnder one kyng and gouernor, as it was in the Britons tyme. But if God of his goodneſſe, without our deſertes hath in theſe latter daies, prouided that bleſſed meane and remedy for the glorie of his name, and for our wealth and commoditie: and wee for our parte, either of ſtubburneſſe will not, or of wilfulneſſe liſte not, thankefully to receiue his ſynguler grace and benefite ſo freely offered, what then maie bee thoughte in vs? Ought not then all good men thynke (as thei dooe in deede) that all the miſchiefe, effuſion of bloud, hūger and other miſeries enſuyng of warre, fall vpon vs morthely and by deſerte. Yes verely: And ſurely in this parte, I muſt deſire you my countreymen, bothe of pardon and pactence, when I ſhall diſcloſe the cauſe of this miſchief, and the long continuaunce thereof, to come rather of vs, thē of the cō trary parte, whiche iudgemente (God is my witneſſe) procedeth neither of adulacion to Engliſh men, nor of malice to any eſtate, but as my conſcience moueth me, and as the truthe to al wiſemen maie appere.

BVT afore I will ſtirre that vnſauery ſinke of treſō and trecherie, as one that intendeth to make a greate lepe, I muſte bee forced to ronne backe to fetche my courſe, wherefore, omittyng the mattiers of the tyme preſēt, I muſte repete the eſtate of this iſland from the beginnyng, and what were the cauſes of this diuiſion at the firſte, and by what waies it hathe continued from tyme to tyme, and how it is yet noriſhed, to the ende that vpon the cauſes opened, and the perſones detected, that bee workers therof, the remedies maie be the ſoner founde, and ſimple people beware of thoſe, that with fayned fables and lies, haue ledde them long blindfold, & ſo would kepe them, to the perdicion both of their ſoules and bodies, and then ſhal we ſe, whether this ſaiyng of Chriſt afore recited, maie not be wel verefied in vs of Britayne. In the diſcourſe whereof, becauſe the right & title whereby the kynges of Englande claime to be ſuperior Lordes of Scotland, is incidētly touched: I wil vſe for the more parte the teſtimonies either of Scottiſh chronicles, or forein writers, and litle of the Engliſhe, onleſſe where bothe Scottiſhe and Engliſhe do agre, or where by apparaunt reaſon, the truthe ſtandeth more on thone ſide, then on the other: and all to aduoyde the common cauillacion of ſuche, as ſay, how the Kynges of Englande, proue their title to Scotlāde, onely by Engliſhe aucthors.

THE opinion of moſte writers, and ſpecially of Latins (at whom, aſwell for auncientie, as indifferēcie, I take my ground) is, that this iſlande of Britayn, whiche cōteineth bothe realmes of Englande and Scotland (as I ſaied afore) was at the firſte, called Albion, that is to ſaie the white lande, hauyng that name Ab albis rupibus, that is to ſaie, of the White Rockes and Cleues, whiche appere vpon the ſea coſtes of theſaied iſlande, euen as we at this daie call the countrey from whence the Braſill wood cōmeth, Braſilia: whiche opinion is more probable then the deuiſe of a late Welſhe Poete, ymaginyng how it was called Albion, of one Albina, eldeſt of the fiftie daughters, of one Diocleſian kyng of Syria, whiche hauyng killed fiftie kynges, beyng their huſbandes, wer for the ſame exiled. And after long wanderyng in ye ſeas, arriued at laſte in this Iſlande, where thei ingendered with ſpirites, & brought furth .l. Giaūtes, whiche wer Gog Magog and his felowes, with ſuche poeticall fables, not onely without good foundacion, but alſo mere cōtrary to all auncient ſtories, and welnere againſt al poſſibilitie of nature. But as the be ginnyng of all nacions for the more part be fabulous and vncertain, ſome fetchyng their pedegre frō the Goddes, and ſome from the deuils, as the Grekes from Iupiter, the olde Gaules from Pluto God of helle: ſo the better opinion, aſwel of the latre writers, as alſo of Gildas a Britayn is, that this iſland was inhabited from the beginnyng, by thoſe that were borne in theſame, & afterward as the world multiplied, grewe vnto a greate people, and from a people vnto a Kyngdome, and gouerned by Kynges, as by ſtories is to bee ſeen, of whom the firſte that wee finde, was one Brutus, whiche, whether he came out of Italy or not, is not muche materiall, but certain it is, that ſuche a one reigned, and was firſte Kyng of the whole iſlande: whiche beginnyng of the people, dooth make muche more with the honor and glory of this iſlande, then to beduce a pedegree, either from an outlaw of Italy, or a tirauntes ſiſter out of Egipt, as Welſhe & Scottiſhe Poetes, haue phantaſtically fayned. For if wee accompt nobilitie by auncientie of yeres, & length of tyme (as ſome vſe nowe a daies) what can bee more auncient, more noble, more high, or honorable, then to haue a beginnyng beyond all memory, and in proceſſe of yeres, from ſmall families, to growe into a greate Monarchie & kyngdom. In whiche poynt, the old latins of whom the Romaynes diſcended, ſette a greate parte of their glory, callyng themſelfes Aborigines, that is to ſaie: a people from the beginnyng.

BRVTVS the firſt Kyng of this whole Iſlande, by whom it was called Britayne, & the people thereof Britaynes, reigned the yere after the creacion of the worlde, foure thouſande, C C. and, xlii. and as writers affirme had three ſonnes, Locrinus, Albanactus, and Camber, emong whō he diuided the whole iſland, aſſignyng ye ſupreme empire with ye greateſt and moſte fruitful part toward the Southe, vnto Locrinus his eldeſt ſonne, of whom it was called Logres, and now England. To the ſecond ſonne, named Albanactus, he aſſigned another part towardes the Northe, whiche at this day the Scottes poſſeſſe: by which Albanactus, the coūtrey was called Albania, and the people, Albanactes, as ſhalbe ſhewed hereafter. The .iii. part, liyng Weſt, & towardes the ſeas of Gaule, whiche nowe is called wales, he gaue to Cāber his yō geſt ſonne, by whō it was called Cambria, & the people, Cambrians, as thei cal thēſelfes to this day.

AND though the iſland was thus parted, betwene the three brethren, yet the ſupreme power and kyngdome, remained alwayes in the eldeſt: to whom the other twoo were obedient, as to a ſuperior kyng. The proſe wherof, if any bee ſo curious to require, I aunſwere, that the ſame hiſtories, whiche ſpeake of this particion, declare in likewiſe of the ſubieccion: So that admittyng them in the one, thei muſte likewiſe bee admitted in ye other. For ye more corroboraciō wherof, the hiſtories, bothe of Britōs and Romaines agre, that the Iſlande was vnder kynges at the beginnyng: whiche as thei were called Kynges of Britayne, ſo was ye general name of the people, Brytons, neither was there any other ſtate or Kyngdome in the Iſlande at thoſe daies, but onely of Britons. In ſo muche, that the Romaines, beyng moſt diligent reporters of the names of Princes by thē ſubdued, and countreys conquered, whereas thei make particular menciō of diuerſe kynges of the Britaines and of ſūdery cities in Britain, yet do thei neuer name any people called Scottes, ne make mē cion of any ſuche Princes, as is pretended to haue ruled ouer thē whiche, if thei had been ſo glorious, bothe in warre and peace, as thei be ſet furthe: how ſhould their actes haue been hidden to the Romaines, which contended with all men for glory, for thirſt whereof, thei ſometymes ſought enemies at ye worldes ende. And though it maie be ſaid, that Caeſar and diuerſe other neuer came ſo farre as Scotlāde, by a great diſtaunce: yet, how could it be, ye Iulius Agricola, whiche, after the Southe partes of Britain was made a prouince to ye Romayns inuaded vnto ye Orcades, which is the fartheſt part of Scotlād: & after .viii. yeres warres there at the foote of the mounte Grampius, now called Grāzebē, fought againſt Galgacus with ten. M. Britaines, whom he there ouerthrewe: how (I ſaie) could he bee ignoraunt of the Scottes or of their warres: So that it muſte be graunted, that at thoſe daies, either thei wer not in Britayne, or if thei wer in Britayne, their name and power was nothyng ſuche, as we pretend. For who ſo diligently conſidereth the courſe of the ſaid ſtories, ſhall well ſe, ye neither Pictes ne Scottes had any dominion in Britayn, vntil about the declinacion of the Romain Empire: and that the Pictes entered into Britayn before the Scottes, in the tune of kyng Marius, whiche was aboute the yere of Chriſte .lxxij. After whiche tyme, with the helpe of the Iriſhe Scottes, thei vexed the Britaines with cōtinuall incurſions. Theſe Pictes wer a people of Scithia, now called Tartarie, & driuen out of their countrey, ſought herberough emonges Iriſh Scottes, who beyng nothing glad of ſuch geſtes, procured theim to ſet foote in Brytayne as thei did in deede, and ther continued many yers after. This people wer called Pictes, becauſe in ſtede of garmentes, thei vſed to paint their ſkynnes with ſundery figures of beaſtes and birdes, hauing collers of yron about their neckes, and girdelles of the ſame, aboute their waſtes, and ſpecially the nobilitie of theim, whiche eſtemed the ſame for a greate poynt of brauerie. This doth Herodiā write in the life of Seuerus thempecor, whiche came into Britayne, and repaired the walle, begonne afore by Adrian his predeceſſor, by whiche walle, the Prouince of the Romaynes was diuided, from the reſidue of Britain, and was made firſte to reſiſt the incurſions of ſuche Britaynes as thei accompted, ſauage and barbarous. The ruynes of this wal, are to be ſeen at this preſet: wherefore it ſemeth to me, that afore the time of theſaied Adriā, the name, neither of Pictes ne Scottes, was neuer knowen in Britayne, ſo that if thei had any poſſeſſion there afore, thei came to it, rather by ſtelth then by any open force, or conqueſt. I ſpeake not this to miniſhe the honoure and glory of my countrey, nor to deface ye nobilitie, or the valeaūt actes of the Scottiſhe kynges, but to ſhewe that the firſt inhabitors of this iſlād, wer al Britaines, more then .vi. C. yeres afore Scottes had any Kyngdō there, and that thei had no ſuche originall, as ſome haue phantaſied, but yt thei are a people mixt with Britaynes & come of Britaynes. In proſe whereof, it is ſaied, that the Armes of Scotlāde, borne at this date (the trace of the floure deluce except, whiche was late put in) is the ſelf ſame armes, that Brute bare: yet wil I not affirme that Scottes be mere Britaynes, or Engliſhe men mere Britaynes, but that the more parte of bothe people bee diſcended of Britaynes. For though the Iſlande hath been often inuaded by ſundry naciōs as Romaynes, Pictes, Scottes Saxons, Danes, and laſtely by Normaynes: yet doth it not folowe, yt the whole bloud of Britaynes was ſo extincte thereby, but that there muſt great numbre remain in euery parte of the iſland, wherby it maie be ſated yt the race of thē is mixte, but not merely fordoen and extirped: for no countrey can bee ſo inuaded by ſtraungers, yt the whole race of the olde inhabiters, can bee worne all out, but that the ſubſtaunce or more parte, ſhall ſtill remain. As for example, Italie hath been inuaded by Gothes, Vandales, Honnes, and other barbarous nacions, can it therfore be ſaied that the whole Romain blod is vtterly extinct? no verely: for of neceſſitie, ye ſtocke dooth ſtill abide, thoughe not wholy, yet in the more part. And likewiſe of Englāde and Scotlande, I doubte not to ſaie, and am able to proue, that the great parte of bothe realmes, is come of ye old Britayns. And thoughe me haue been mixed with foreyn nacions, whereby the Britayne tōgue is chaunged & out of vſe, pet doth the bloud and generacīo remain: and as for the Iriſh toungue, whiche thei ſpeake in the North partes of Scotland, dooth no more proue them to be mere Iriſhe, then the Engliſhe toungue vſed in all the South partes of Scotlande, proueth the people there to be Engliſhe.

BVT to reſorte to our purpoſe, how can it ſtand with reaſon, that the Pictes and Scottes, two ſtrong naciōs ſhould make great warres, ſhould ſo often infeſt and vexe bothe Brytains & Romaines, ye and ouercome thē and at length ſtabliſh two kingdomes in the Iſland, and no remembraunce thereof founde in any ſtory, either of the Britains or Romaines, nor in any other autentique or approued Cronicle. For Caeſar Tacitus, Ptholomeus and Plinius, Romayne aucthors (thoughe we ſpeake of no mo) & on the other ſyde, Gildas, mooſte auncient writer of the Brytaines, though euery wher in their hiſtories, they make ſpecial mē cion of all the people, then dwelling in Britayne, yet ſpeake thei nothing of thoſe twoo nacions, whiche if thei were chefe & ſtrō geſt (as oure writers pretende) how coulde their names be pretermitted of ſo many aucthors, wherby one of theſe two thinges muſte be graunted, that either they were not then come into Britayne, or els (if thei were come) they remayned ſubiectes to the Britaynes, according to the Engliſh hiſtory. Agaynſt which though it may be obiected, that Britayne was not alwayes frō the beginning, vnder one Kyng or one Ruler, but was gouerned ſomwhiles by one, and ſomwhiles by mo, (as the Romayne ſtories declare) whereby there ſhould be no ſuche Monarchie and kyngdome, nor any ſuch order preſcribed by Brute, as the Engliſh ſtories ſpecifie: yet doth that make nothing to proue, the Scottes not to be come of Britaynes, ne enforceth any title for them, to be no ſubiectes to England: for it may ſtand together, that the eſtate of Britayne was ſuche at the beginninge, as the Engliſhe cronicles mencion: & as in time all thinges chaunge, ſo by occaſiōs enſuyng, the firſt ordre might be broken, and frō one intier Kyngdome, to be diuided into partes, as it ſhould ſeme, that it was about the coming of Caeſar, who writeth, that at his arryuall in Britayne, the cities by cōmon aſſente, elected Caſſibilanus, to their King, wherby it maye be gathered, that the Monarchie therof, was thē broken by ſome faccion within the Iſlande, which cauſed it to be a more eaſy prey to enemies. And this verefieth my woordes ſpoken afore: that diuiſion and diſcorde of the people brought this Iſlande firſt, into ſubiection of other nacions. This is confirmed by the Romayn ſtories, but namely by Cornelius Tacitus, ſaiynge that Britaynes at the firſt were vnder Kynges, and afterwardes by faccions and ſedicions of Prynces and great men, were ſo diuided in thēſelfs, that to reſiſt an vniuerſal peril, ſcarſely twoo or three countreys at the moſt, would agre together: ſo fighting in partes, at laſt the whole was ouercome. And by this meane was Britayne fyrſte ſubdued, & made tributarie to the Romayns, vnder whome it cōtinued in fourme of a prouīce, vntill the tyme of great Conſtantine the Emperour, by whome it was reſtored to libertie: yet was it not ſo broughte in ſubieccion al this tyme, but that there were for the moſt part, kinges in Britayne, as our ſtories teſtifie, and likewiſe the Romayne: wherein we reade of Aruiragus, whome Iu uenal writing to Nero, ſignifieth to be a Kyng by theſe woordes: Detaemone Britāno, excidet Aruiragus, that is to ſaye: Aruiragus ſhall fall frome the ſtem of Britayne. And after hym, of Lucius, ye firſt chriſtē King, whō Elu therius biſhop of Rome, in one of his epiſtles, calleth kyng of Britaynes, and ſo of Coelus with diuers other. Wherefore admitting the ſtate of Britayn to haue been ſuche at the beginning, as the Engliſh ſtory affirmeth, (which we muſt admitt, becauſe the contrarye appeareth not) though there happened ſom interrupciō of the Monarchie by the Romayns, or otherwyſe: yet when the people atteyned their libertie, and were gouerned by Kynges of their awne: we muſte preſume, that thei obeied them & their lawes, & the people to hold their landes in like courſe, as was ordeyned at the firſt: wherof it muſte folowe, yt if Scottes were in Britayn at thoſe daies, they knowledged ye kynges of Britayn for their ſuperiors, according to the ſtories. In which point I will not muche ſtycke, conſideringe the name of Scottes was not then knowen, as I ſaid afore. And though our writers dreame diuerſe thynges to the contrary, we cannot admitte their bare allegaciōs in diſprofe of ſo many ſtories, of ſo graue writers, in whō, as there is leſſe ſuſpicion of parcialitie, ſo was there more certaintie of knoweledge, then in the other, whiche were vnborne after theim, by a great numbre of yeres. But admit no ſuche ordre to haue been preſcribed in gouernemēt of the kyngdome, as the Engliſhe ſtorie alledgeth: and though there had been, yet the interrupcion to be ſufficient cauſe, to breake the ſame: and admit the Scottes to haue been then in Britayne as thei were not: Let vs ſe whether we cannot vnite theſe people by another waie. It is certain that after the Romayns had reduced the South and Weſt partes of Britayn into a prouince, as mē deſirous to enlarge their empire neuer content with part, till thei had the whole, thei inuaded the Northe partes of Britayne, and ceaſed not, till thei came to the Orcades, and ſo in fine, brought the whole iſlande in ſubieccion: their ſtories herein bee playne.

AND no leſſe plain is it, that Conſtancius thēperor, who died at Yorke, maried Helene, called ſaincte Helene, doughter & heire to Coyll kyng of the Britayns, of whom he begatte the greate Conſtantyne, afterwardes Emperor, not onely of Britayn, but alſo of ye whole worlde:in whoſe perſone, bothe titles, aſwel that, whiche the Romaynes had by conqueſt, as alſo that, which his mother Helene had (as heire of Britayn) wer vnited & knit together, and he without al doubt or controuerſy, was very Emperor of al Britayn, wherby the iſland after long ſeruitude, was at laſt (as it wer by Gods prouidence) reſtored to his former libertie & honor, themperor beyng begotten in Britayn, ſōne of her, that was heire of Britayne, borne in Britayne, and create Emperor in Britayne. Now if Scottes wer then in Britayn (as our writers alledge) then wer thei ſubiectes to Conſtantine, becauſe the ſtories be euident, that he had al Britayn in poſſeſſion, wherunto whether he came by Helene his mother, or by Cōſtācius his father forceth not much: for it ſuffiſeth for our purpoſe, to proue yt al Britayn, was vnder one Emperor, and beeyng vnder one Emperor, then was Scotlande and Englande but one Empire. In contirmaciō wherof, beſides the teſtimony of old hiſtories, there be two notable thynges yet obſerued in Englande, by all the kynges ſucceſſiuely, euen ſithe ye ſaied Conſtantine. The one is yt thei weare a cloſe crowne Emperiall, in token that the lande is an empire free in it ſelf, & ſubiett to no ſuperior but GOD. The other is, that in al their warres, thei beare a banner with a red Croſſe, for their enſigne, in memory of that Croſſe, whiche appered to themperor Conſtantine gooyng to battaill, when this voyce was heard: Conſtantine, in hoc ſigno vinces, that is to ſaie, with this enſigne thou ſhalt preuaile. Theſe twoo monumentes of honor & religion in Britayn, wer receiued frō that noble emperor.

EVTROPIVS witneſſeth, that Britayne reſted in libertie, duryng the life of Conſtantyne, who left behind hym .iii. ſonnes ſucceſſors of his Empire, Conſtancius, Conſtans, and Conſtā tyne, to whom beeyng youngeſt, there fell for his porciō, Britain Spayne, Fraunce, and the Orcades. This Conſtantyne was after ſlayne in Italye, by whoſe beathe, the Empire of Britayne came to his brother Conſtācius whiche reigned twenty yeres, in whoſe bloud, it remained .xxiiij. yeres after, yt is to ſaie, vntil the v. yere of the ii. brethren, Gracian and Valentinian, Emperors, what tyme by fauor of the people, Maximus was creat emperor in Britain. This Maximus as Hector Boctius alledgeth, in ye .vij. boke of his hiſtorie, diſcēded of ye bloud of greate Conſtantine, & reigned ouer the whole iſlāde of Britain and the Orcades, ſeuētene yeres without interrupciō. And being deſirous of more empire, with a greate numbre of Britaines, entered into Fraunce, & ſtewe Gracian the Emperor at Lions, and forced Valentinian the other brother to flee to Conſtantinople, for ayde of the Emperoure ther. Neuertheles (as al worldly thynges be mutable) hys fortune was to be ſlayne in Italy, leuynge behynd hym a ſonne named Victor, who was ſlayne in Fraunce: whereby the ſtate of Britayne, drew euery daye into worſe. It were longe to reherſe the mutacions of thinges, happening in Britayn, frō the tyme of great Conſtantine, vnto Valentinian the Emperoure, in whoſe dayes, the Empire of Roome was inuaded with great multitudes of Barbarous nations. And in his tyme, did ye Scottes beinge a nacyon come oute of Irelāde (as Gildas writeth) paſſe ouer into Britayne, and finding the lāde deſtitute of men of warre, whiche either were all ſlayne by tyrauntes, or waiſted by lōg warres in other countreys, entred the Iſlond & makinge league with the Pictes, preuayled ſo at length, yt they obteyned all ye North parte of Britayn in poſſeſſion, callyng ye coūtrey Scotlande, and themſelfes Scottes. And this was the thrid nacion yt Inuaded this Iſland: Firſt cominge out of Scithia into Irelande, and frome Irelande into the North partes of Britayne. The Capitayn and leder of this people (as Beede witneſſeth) was one Rewda, albeit the late Scottiſhe Cronicles fet a muche further beginnyng, whiche I wyll touch in his place. But if we beleue Beede, a man for hys liuing and learning, reconed in the nū bre of ſainctes, and of ecclcſiaſticall writers, called Venerabilis, the comming of the Scottes into Britayne was not vntyll about ye yere of Chriſt .cccc. xliij. which was long after the comming of the Pictes: to whoſe opinion, though he was a Saxon, I would ſoner aſſent, then to the new fonde fables of our Scottiſhe Poetes, framed vpō phātaſie, without auctoritie precedēt.

AND for the further profe of this Monarchie, it is reade in the tyme of Lucius, whiche was the firſte chriſten Kynge of the Britaynes, as is ſaid afore: ther were in Britayne .iii. high Preſtes, or Biſhoppes, Idolaters, of the Heathen religion, called Archiflamines, and .xxviii. other inferiour Biſhoppes of the ſame ſuperſticion, called Flamines: In ſtede of whom, this godly King, ordeined as many Biſhoppes or Chriſtes religion, & thre Archebiſhoppes, placinge the firſt at Londō, the ſecond at Yourke, and the thirde in the citie of Legions, whiche at this day is called Cheſter. To the prouince of Yourke, there belonged all the Northe parte of Britayne, now called Scotlande with the orcades. And notwitſtanding all the mutatiōs, happening in proceſſe of yeres, yet al the Biſhops of thoſe countreys, came vnto Yorke to becōſecrated of ye Arch biſhop there, and promiſed obediēce vnto him, as to their Metropolitane & hed biſhop: albeit by occaſion of warres, they were ſūmewhiles letted ſo to do. And of latter dayes, that is to ſaye, in the tyme of Henry the .ij. Kynge of Englande, which was about the yere of Chriſt a .M.C. & .lv. the Engliſhe hiſtorie ſheweth, that Michaell Biſhop of Glaſcow, and after him, Tothadus Biſſhop of ſaincte Andrewes, were cōſecrated by Thomas Archebiſhop of Yourk. If my coū treymen beleue me not in thys point, let them beleue the Bulles of Paſchall, Calixte, Honorius, Innocentius, Eugenius and Adrianus, Biſhoppes of Rome, written to the Biſhops of Scotlande, ſo 〈1 page missing〉 as any of theym were rebell, or would not acknowledge the Archebiſhop of Yourke, Primate of Scotland, for their head Biſſhop. This I alledge to ſhewe, that the two realmes at the firſt were not onely vnited in one Empire, but alſo in one Religiō the ſuperioritie wherof, ſeynge it ſo longe continued in the Engliſh ſide, proueth in that part a certayn kynde of ſubieccion in Scottes, whyche I paſſe ouer. But nowe hauinge ſufficiently alleged to proue, that al we were Britaynes at the beginning, come of one kynde, and liuinge vnder one Monarchie, brokē by diuſion and ciuil diſcorde, as is ſhewed before: there reſtethe to diſproue the fayned alligacions of the cōtrary part, which cōuey you frō Pharao, the tyraunt of Egipt. And as it is to cōiecture, if their willes might take place, thei would bryng you vnder the ſeruitude of Egypte again. But before I touche ye argumēt, according to my promiſſe at ye beginning, I muſt in part diſcloſe the aucthors therof, whoſe vntrouthes, though I paſſe ouer, yet will they bewrey it them ſelfes: for it is not vnknowē what perſons they be, that take vpon them to write ſtories and Cronicles, both in England & Scotlande: which for the more parte, be Monkes and Fryers, ſuche as in name profeſſe Religion, beyng in dede the peruerters of all true Religion. Theſe men, iſſuyng from the prince of darkeneſſe, brougte vp in darkenes, & maynteined by darkenes, ſeke nothing ſo muche as to kepe the worlde in darkenes, & not without cauſe: for if their ſtate ſhuld come to light, the people ſhould eſpye howe they are plantes, not planted by the heauenly Father but to be pulled vp by ye rootes. Which thīg beīg well perceiued by ye moſt noble king, of immortal memory, Henry the .VIII. of Englande, like a prince no leſſe Godly then prudent, cleuyng in that part to Chriſtes worde, weded out of his realme, thoſe wicked plantes, not onely unprofitable to his commō wealth, but alſo enemies to all veritie and true Religion, whoſe example, if we of Scotlande, had the grace to folow, I would nothyng diſpaire of an honorable and Godly concorde, betwene bothe realmes in ſhorte time: & that without ſuche warre and effuſion of bloud, as this deuilliſh generacion hath procured. But to the purpoſe, theſe men (I ſaie) after ſthā was let loſe, & had filled ye whole world full of tumult & ſediciō, ragyng with fire & ſworde againſt the Goſpel, (which euen then began to geue light in Britain) as Oules not apperyng in the day, neſteled thēſelfes in the nighte, of that ignoraūt worlde, hauyng as mete a tyme to crepe into the conſciēces of the ſimple Britaynes, as euer Saxons or Danes had, to inuade their lād and countrey. So apperyng to theim with a viſor of ſimplicitie and holines, ſemyng lābes outwardly, and neuertheleſſe Wolues inwardlie, gat credite of vertue and Godlineſſe: And ſeeyng the Coccle, whiche their father Sathan had ſowen emong the Corne, ſo faire commyng vp, becauſe the harueſt ſhould be weedes, watered the yearth, with ſuche abundante ſhowers of lyes and fables, that the wedes ouergrowying ye corne, the cropp was accordyng to the ſeede, and with ſuche kynde of breade haue thei fedde the ſilly people, vtteryng their dreames and muencions, in ſtede of trouthes & verities. For as Kytes bryng furthe no culuers, no more can the father of falſhed bryng furthe children of truthe, qualis pater talis filius, thei then beyng the impes of ſo euill a tree, muſte of congruence bryng furthe fruite, like to them ſelfes, whiche was well ſene in thoſe dayes: For what through miſchiefe & mortalitie, raiſed by theim on the one ſide: And what through preaching lies & phantaſies, on the other ſide, not only Gods woorde, but alſo all other knowledge, hath been obſcured: whereof enſued vniuerſal ignoraūce, who, being ioyned with error, brought furth an vnhappie babe, called contenciō, whō thei haue moſte tēderly foſtered euer ſince:not onely miniſtryng matter thereof, in pulpittes and ſtoles, but alſo in their ſtories and chronicles, myngelyng the ſame with ſo many ſedicious falſhodes, as it is in doubte, whether the lines or lies bee mo in number. And becauſe it were long to reherſe al their leſynges and vanities, beyng to many to be well numbered, and to apparaunt to be hidden (for all bee poudered with like peper) yet in the Scottiſhe ſtory a greate part of their practiſes is to bee ſeen, and that euē at the very beginnyng, wher at, if thei ſtumble, what ſhall we iudge of the reſte. If the matter wer onely Poetical, or upon deſire to ſhewe an auncient beginnyng, it might happely be borne and yet ſcarſe in a ſtorie, the law whereof, is to affirme nothyng that is falſe, to hyde nothyng that is true, neither to bee ledde with fauor, ne hatered. But ſeeyng the thyng is doen of a ſette purpoſe, for noriſhyng diuiſion in the twoo Realmes, I cannot ouer paſſe it with ſilence.

GATHELVS ſonne of Cecrops, kyng of Athens or Argiues, beeyng baniſhed oute of Grece, with certain other fugitiues cam into Egipt, in the time of the greate tyraunt Pharao, whiche perſecuted the childrē of Iſraell. In his daies, the Mootes entered into Egipt, and had broughte the lande vnto vtter ruine, had not the kyng by gods commaundemēt, committed his armie vnto Moſes: But after that Gathelus was come, and had wonne a battail againſt the Moores, Moſes and his cōpany grewe out of fauor, and were fain to flee out of Egipt into Inde. Then was Gathelus made lieuetenaunt of Pharaos army, and for his valeaūt ſeruice, obteined Scota the Kynges ſiſter in mariage, with all the landes lately taken from the people of Iſraell. After the deathe of this Pharao, reigned his ſonne Bochoris, whiche oppreſſed Gods people with more tyranny, then his father did. But after ye God had ſent greate plagues emong the Egipcians, Gathelus vnder ſtandyng by the prophetes, that greater were like to folowe, forſooke Egipte, & in the yere of the creacion of the world .iii.M.vj. C.xliij: He with Scota his wife their children & ſeruauntes, Grekes and Egipcians, came out of the mouthe of Nilus, and paſſyng by the ſea, called Mediterraneum, toke land in Numidie, and after, he arriued into a part of Spayne, then called, Luſitania, whiche becauſe of his arriual there, had the name of Portyngale, as one would ſaie, the porte of Gathele.

THIS is a greate ſtomble at the threſſholde of the dore: for it is plain by hiſtories, that Luſitania, was not called Portyngale, almoſt by a M. yeres, after this ſuppoſed tyme. But for the better triall, let vs examine the circumſtaunces of the perſone, time and place. And for the perſone, we will admit Gathelus to be the kyng of Athens ſonne, although no ſuche name is found in the Greke hiſtories, and wee will admitte Pharao to haue a doughter, thoughe no hiſtorie, Greke or Egipt, mencion of any ſuche. But when wee haue admitted the perſons, al the doubt is, how we ſhall couple theim in mariage. For accomptyng the tyme of Pharaos reigne, father of Scota, after ye Hebrues, then was ſhe in the yere of the creacion of the worlde, twoo thouſand foure hundred yeres: and by our hiſtories, Gathelus was in the yere of the creacion of the world three thouſand ſixe hundred fortie and three: whiche is differente, twelfe hundred yeres and more.

THIS beinge true, here were a very vnfitte mariage betwene theſe twoo perſones, the Bridegrome beinge elder then ye Bride, by .xii.C. and .xl. yeres. But ſome wiſeman will ſaye, ye folke liued lōg in thoſe daies, yet can thei not denye, but ſhe was to olde a mayde for ſo yonge a bachelar, whereby I can worſe beleue, that they had any childrē, ſhe beinge of ſuche yeares. So that to make this mariage frame, either Gathelus was elder then his father, or ſhe was yonger then her brother by a thouſande yeares at the leaſte. And ſyns the tyme of Abraham, men by courſe of nature, haue not cō monlie lyued much aboue a .C. yeares. And this is ouer plaine to be excuſed, as a faulte of the writer, ſeing the whole courſe of our hiſtorie, dependeth vpon ye tyme. If ſhe then coulde be doughter to none of the Pharaoes, no more coulde he be ſonne to any of the kynges of Athens. And in the tyme that Gathelus liued, which is alledged to be in the yeare of the worlde .iii.M.vi.C.xliii. there were no kinges in Athens, but it was gouerned by certayne Rulers, as a free eſtate. If this then be falſe in the originall, we muſte iudge in the ſequele, which is of their cō ming into Spaine, and of their ſonne Hyber afterwardes into Irelande, of whome it is called Hybernia, with all the proceſſe of the hiſtorie, no leſſe vnlikelie. For if either the Spāyardes inhabitinge Galicia, or the Iriſhe men that now be, had comme of Grekes or Egyptians, then of likelyhode, ſome parte of their ſpeache or language, ſhould remain there. The vocables & ſoū des of which tōgues, be aſmuch differente in ſounde, as the voices of men, and the noiſe of dogges. But ſeinge this priuiledge hath been geuē vnto antiquitie, that to make their fame moore highe and honorable, they myghte referre their beginninge to the Goddes: and thoughe the ſame were more like Poetes fableis then ſyncere hiſtories, yet to be taken for true: Soo woulde not I trauaile ſo muche in diſprofe of theſe trifles, but becauſe I ſe, that as thei were at the firſt inuented for diuiſion by new diuerſitie of names, ſo thei be continued at this daie for like purpoſes. Suche practiſes haue bene vſed in Italie, betweene Guelfes and Gibilines, and in Hollande betwene Hukeis and Cabellawes, and other where by newe founde names, inuēted by the chyldren of perdicion, to ſet vs at diuiſion, euen as they, by diuerſitie of ſectes & names are diuided from the vnitie of Chriſtes religiō. I nede not to name them, for thoſe cōpaniōs, be wel enough knowne by their coates and hodes, whome as I do not reproue of hatered to their perſones, no moore do I impugne their hiſtories for enuy at oure nacion, whoſe honor if I ſhould not earneſtly ſeke, I mought be compted moſte vnnaturall, but that I ſe what ſedicion is ſowen by ouer much credite vnto their fables and inuencions, which I ſuppoſe hath been a greate lette to the cōcorde, yt all good mē deſire. For ſeinge the beginninges of people cannot be certainely knowen, but onely vnto God, whiche was afore al beginning, it ſhalbe better to admitte ſome thinges for true, the contrarye wherof cannot be proued, then to labor in vayne, where ye truth cannot be tried. But this thing which is apparauntelye falſe, repugnaunte to reaſon, and not onely againſt al other hiſtories, but alſo contrary in it ſelf, yea & againſte the ſcripture, founded vpō falſehode, mainteined vpō malice, and ſette forthe to the diuiſion of two Realmes: I thoughte it no vnprofitable labor, to impugne, lamentinge, that in a Chronicle ſo exactelic written, & ſo eloquentelie ſet furthe, there ſhoulde wante veritie, the cheife grounde of al hiſtorie: whiſhing vnto the aucthor, aſmuch wante of malice & affeccion, as he hath plentie of witte and learninge. An other argumēt I gather out of the ſame hiſtorie, where it is confeſſed, yt after the Britaynes inhabiting Scotlande were expulſed by the Pictes, thei with their wifes & childrē, fledde into Ireland, where thei continewed xlv. yeares together. Duringe which time, by reaſon of biynge and ſellīg, marriyng, and other trauffique with the Iriſhe people, their name & toūgue was a great part altered & loſt. Yet, as our hiſtories ſhew, the poſteritie of thoſe people, comming afterwardes vnto ye poſſeſſiō of their countrey, to kepe in memorie of what kinde thei were come, called them ſelfes Realbines, ye is to ſaye: Albines again, for a knowledge (as it ſhould ſeme) aſwel of their kindered, as of their reſtitutiō & cōming againe: which is a better profe to ſhew vs diſcē ded of Albanactus, (according to ye Engliſh hiſtorie) then to ſaie, ye Realbines, is vnderſtāded, kinges of Albion (as the trāſlator of Boetius hiſtorie interpretethe. As though it werlike, that thoſe fewe, whiche had put foote, but in the ſmalleſt and moſt barrain porcion of the Iſle, ſhould call thēſelfes kinges of Albion, when thei neither came in by conqueſt ne reigned ouer any people, but occupied a waſt part of the land not beynge inhabited, as in the thirde Chapiter of his Chronicle appereth. But how ſtandeth that with reaſon, that Britayne beyng inhabited by the ſpace of vi.C. yeres afore their comyng, ſuche a countrey ſhoulde lie deſert, and eſpecially vpon the ſea coſtes: Whiche liyng open to other landes, and ſoneſt ſene by theim that ſaile, muſte of likelyhode haue inhabiters, before the inner parte of the countrey. I ſaie no more, but, Mendacem oportet eſſe memorem: He that ſhould tell a lye, had nede to haue good memory, leaſt his matter appere like a Meremaide, beginnyng with a woman, and ending with a Fiſhe, as when the ende of the tale is repugnaūt to the beginnyng, and the middes agreable to neither of bothe. And doubteles it is no ſmal maſterie to hide a lie: for apparrell hym neuer ſo faire, his ragges will appeare, packe him neuer ſo cloſe, the bū dell will breake, write hym or ſpeake hym, and his aucthor is bewraied, as a Ratte, is by ſquekyng: And though he bee allowed for a ceaſon yet at the ende, tyme will trie hym, whereof enſueth greate preiudice to the author: For though he ſa • e afterwardes true, none will beleue hym.

IF I ſhoulde here entre into declaracion of the righte & title, wherby the kynges of England claime to be ſuperior lordes of Scotland, I ſhould of ſome be noted, rather a confoūder of our liberties and fredomes, then a conſeruator, (which name I had late). But for ſomuche as the ſame is ſo exactelie ſet furthe in an Engliſhe boke put in Printe in the yere of oure Lorde .1542. at the beginninge of theſe warres, called: A DECLARATION, conteynyng the iuſt cauſes and conſideracions, of this preſente warre with the Scottes, wherin alſoo appereth the true and right title, that the kynges moſt royall maieſtie hath to the ſouerayntie of Scotlande: as nothynge can be ſayde more in ſo fewe woordes, I will referre all indifferent readers to the ſame booke, thinkinge it nedeleſſe to ſpēde any more time, in a matter ſo well proued: Neuertheleſſe I will ſomewhat touche a point or two, to geue occaſion to all ſuche my contreymē, as minde the honor and quiet of Scotlande, to conferre my ſaiynges, with our hiſtories, and to iudge the matter without affeccion. Whereof ſettinge a parte the order deuiſed by Brutus at the firſt concerning the diuiſion of Brytayne, betwene his ſonnes, with the Superioritie ſuppoſed in ye eldeſt, and ſubiectiō of the other two, pretermitting alſo the conqueſt of the whoole Iſlande by Romaines, and the title deriued frome the greate Conſtantine: letting paſſe alſo the ſundry homages and recognicions of ſubieccion, made to Arthur, and other kynges of the Britaynes, and after him to Oſbright, and the Saxon Kynges ſucceſſiuely, whiche be at large expreſſed in the Engliſhe and Briton hiſtories, and affirmed alſo by Marianus, our countryman, whoſe aurthoritie is not light, if all theſe were of no credite, (as they muſt nedes be of great, howe ſoeuer we eſteme them) yet in my iudgemēt our awn writers, wherin they labor moſt to impugne the cauſe of England, do moſte aduaunce it: and therfore in thys parte, I will grounde me vpon them. They agre al vpon .xviii. homages & knowledges of ſubieccion and allegiaūce, made by the kynges of Scotland ſucceſſiuely, vnto the kinges of Englande, and many of them within late memorie. Which homages, though ſome of them, either folowing their phantaſeis, or fearing to offende our kynges, alledge to haue been done, ſomewhiles for Cumberland, & ſomewhiles for the Erledome of Hū tingdon: Yet the time cōſidered, they declare, that ſuch actes were doone by oure kynges, afore any of the ſayde Erledomes were in their poſſeſſiō, wherby they muſt be vnderſtande abſolutely done, for the realme of Scotlande, and in that pointe I referre you vnto the readinge of Marianus: And of latter dayes, ſynce that thoſe Erledomes were taken from vs by Engliſhmē emong other, kynge Iames the firſt, did homage, to kyng Hēry the fourthe of Englande. The woordes and fourme of whoſe homage, who ſo liſte to peruſe, ſhall well perceiue the ſame to haue been made, neither for any of thoſe Erledomes, neither yet for any other holde, but merely, for the crowne of Scotlande, whiche aſwel he as other, knowledged to hold of ye king of Englande, as ſuperior lorde. The recordes remaine, the ſeales & ſubſcriptions be ſo many, ſo auncient, and ſo faire, as cannot lightelie be counterfaicte. But ſome peraduēture will ſay, that many of thoſe homages were done by force and compulſion: I aunſwere, thoughe it might be, that ſome of theim were ſoo done, yet all could not be. For our Cronicles ſpecifie yt thoſe .xviii. kīges, were in Englande, which no mā can iudge to haue come all thither by force, and all thoſe dyd homage there, and thoſe homages, well nere all, appere to haue been made for the croune of Scotlande, if we beleue the recordes of Englande. And if any ſaye, that they be counterfeited, I thinke it ſoner ſaid, then proued. And touching the compulſion and force, I ſaye, thoughe ſome of our kynges might be cō pelled by feare, yet howe coulde all be: or coulde an whole Parliament be compelled? Is it not manifeſt, that when queſtion aroſe, vpon the title of the croune of Scotlande, betwene Balliol. Brus, and Haſtynges, was it not decided by Edward the fyrſt, king of Englande, as competent iudge in that caſe? But here it is ſayde agayn, that he was iudge in that caſe, not of righte, but by conſente of the parties. Then loke well to the woordes of the compromiſſe, which nameth him ſuperior lord of Scotland. And this was done in Parliamente, by conſente of the thre eſtates, which of likelyhoode could not be all compelled. In which cauſe, I am partely aſhamed, of the impudēt vanitie of our writers, whiche raile without reaſon agaynſt the iudgemēt of Edward in that plea, as corrupte. & falſe. This I ſaie, that if the Iudgement were to be geuen agayne, neither Mynos, Lycurgus, nor Salo mon, (whoſe iudgementes in hiſtories be ſo celebrate) dyd euer geue a more true, a more perfect or a more rightfull ſentence, either by the ciuile lawes, or by ye practiſe and cuſtome of Scotlande, or any other reaſonable lawe, and take the caſe, euen as they propone it. But then we haue an other euaſion, which is to alledge preſcripcion, becauſe thoſe homages haue not been done within memorie. To that I aunſwere, that thoughe preſcripcion ſerued in that caſe, (as it doth not) yet the warres made from tyme to tyme, counteruaile a poſſeſſion thereof: In whiche pointe lette vs be well aduiſed, what we ſaye, leaſte by fleynge the ſmoke, we fall into the fyre. For once admittinge hym ſuperiour kynge, no preſcripcion wil ſerue agaynſt hym. The texte is common, and no more common, then allowed, almoſte in all lawes. Nullum tempus occurrit Regi: Time cannot preiudice a Kyng.

MOREOVER, I note this, that the Kynges of Englande would neuer make peace with vs perpetually, neither as lawfull enemies, but admitted a truce, or an intermiſſion of warr for a tyme, alwaies exceptyng, Lorne and Lundie, and with a caution to ſaue their title and right. Our awne Recordes and regiſters approue this: howbeit let no man iudge, that myne entent is herin to pleade the cauſe of Englande, (for that I neither can doo, ne profeſſe to doo) but onely to geue light to ſuche, as liſte to ſeke, that the matter is not ſo cleare on our ſide, as oure writers would haue it ſeme, and therfore, I would yt men ſhould weigh the querell indifferently, and without affecciō, and not to leane more on the one ſide, then on the other. For the title, which I alledge, is neither deuiſed vpon phantaſie, worne out with age, introduced by conqueſt, ne enforced with fe •• re or compulſion: but grounded vpon truth, dooen within memory, wrought by conſente, and agreyng to all iuſtice, equitie, lawe, pacte, and promiſe, not doen in priuate, but openly, and not by a • ew, but by a multitude, vpon a greate deliberacion, and that in parliamēt: whiche title enduceth no feruitude, but fredome, libertie, concord and quietneſſe, and ſerueth aſwell for Scotlande, as Englande, makyng equalitie without ſupertoritie.

AT the parliament holden at Edinbrough (immediatly after the death of our laſt kyng) wher al the lordes, thother ſtates and orders of our realme wer aſſembled (ſauing the Erle of Arguyle that appered there by his proctor, ſir Ihou Cāmell): The mariage betwene our Princes, and the kynges maieſtie of Englād, kyng Edward the .VI. (then beyng prince) was fully concluded by aucthoritie of the ſame Parliament, al thaſſentes of the ſaid ſtates and Orders, concurryng therunto. The whiche, for more faithe & teſtimony of the thyng, was alſo confirmed by writing, vnder the greate ſeale of Scotlande. Maie there be any thyng of greater aucthoritie, force, or euidence, any title more righteous, then this? graunted, not by our aunceſtors, but by our ſelfes, and to a prince now liuyng, not in tyme oute of mynde, but now theſe ſo fewe yers freſhely paſte, not raſhely, or ſodainly, but by greate and deliberate aduiſemēt, and the ſame not of a fewe, but of all the ſtates of the realme, aſſēbled not at al aduentures, but ſolēpnely in paramēt: a thing no doubt, inſtilled from the almightie, and the ſame our moſte merciful god, into the mindes of ye workers thereof, to haue ſet an end to al the diſcord of bothe realmes, by that vnion and knot of mariage. And what madnes or deuill (O moſte dere coūtreimē) hath ſo moued, or rather diſtracte our myndes, eftſones to take weapō in hand, and the ſame againſt oure promiſes, fidelities, honoures, and othes, hauyng on oure ſide, no good grounde, honeſtie, reaſon, ne any iuſte reſpecte, but onely of the prouocacion of the deuil, the pope, and his rable of religious men (as thei would ſeme to be) & ſpecially thoſe, whom we cal our auncient frendes, where their are in deede our auncient enemies, ye Frenchemen. And when we ſhall haue well cōſidered, this attonement with Englande, & compared the ſame, with the league of Fraūce, and well weighed thententes & endes of bothe, we ſhall perceiue ye the one, calleth vs to an euerlaſting peace & quietnes, and the other hath, and will kepe vs (if wee forſake it not in tyme) in cōtinual miſerie and warres. And that maie we eaſily iudge, in repeting from the beginnyng the cauſes of the one, and of the other. The Frenchmen, fearyng more and more ye power of Englande, whiche had ſo many tymes dooen theim ſo notable diſpleaſures, as not onely to haue wonne of them ſundry battailes (wherof for briefnes ſake, I reporte me to the ſtories) but alſo, for that the Engliſhemen, haue (as ye knowe) theſe many yeres, kepte foote and poſſeſſion of ground in Fraunce, did beſides and emōg many other thynges, deuiſe this one, as a chief ſtaye for theim, to make vs of their faccion againſt Englande, thinkyng therby at all tymes, when either for iuſt cauſes, Englande ſhould haue to do with theim, or thei with Englande, wee ſhould ſet on the backes of the Engliſh men, or otherwiſe anoye theim, either to force thē to withdrawe their armie out of Fraunce, or els bee conſtreined for reſiſtēce, or inuaſions, to diuide their power, and ſo to be the weaker: euē as it hath come to paſſe, that the Engliſhemen, haue ſo been forced to doo, when neuertheleſſe, it hath redounded to no leſſe diſcomfiture of our nacion, then of the Frenchemen, their principall enemies. An euident proife and triall whereof, (partely becauſe thynges of farther tyme and memorie, hauyng been ſo many and ſo oftē nede not therin in to be narowly ſought for, and partly becauſe this example, beyng freaſheſt in mynd, maie, if it pleaſe God, worke moſte beſt effect) did right well appere, in the firſt voyage of Kyng Henry the VIII. a Prince of mooſte worthy & famous memorie, againſt Fraunce, when we inuaded England, to haue hyndered his enterpriſe, and doen there ſome diſpleaſure, if wee had might, ſuppoſyng to haue founde at home, but ſhepherdes, prieſtes and women. At one time we loſt the feld and our kyng, (beyng otherwiſe a noble Prince and a valeaunte Knight) beſides an infinite nū bre of our countreimen, few of ye Engliſhe part wantyng, & kyng Henry, at the very ſelf ſame time wonne the battaill in Fraunce, at the iorney of the ſpurres: and beſides that, wōne alſo by plain conqueſt, Turwayn and Turney. Now, when wee ſhall haue bothe cōſidered our league with the Frenchemen, and all the ſucceſſes, that haue chaunced to vs ſyns the concluſion of the ſame, we cānot recken how to aduaūt vs of any one thyng wee haue wōne, but of infinite loſſes, miſfortunes, ſlaughters, ſpoyles, and vtter ruyne, come thereby to vs and our countrey vniuerſal. The honor and profite, if any be, cōmeth onely to the Frenchemen, whiche ſerue theimſelfes of vs for their money: for thinordinate gain wherof, we do alwaies hazard, our honoures, lifes, and countrey, and haue loſt our frendes, naye, rather beeyng a membre of the ſelfe body with Englande, haue ſuffered our ſelf to be diuorced & torne frō the ſame, and haue ſo far paſſed our awne reaſon, that we haue in yt behalf, attēpted to do hurte to a part of our awnſelfes, if Gods goodnes towardes Englande, had not ſo prouided, that our power could not bee hable to aunſwer, to our miſaduiſed willes: And ſo farre did we eſtraunge our ſelfes, that wee could finde in our hartes to become ſeruile, and to bee as cō mon hirelynges, to a forrein naciō. For what other thing do we but ſerue theim for their money, to our awne vtter deſtruccions, to ye ſpillyng of our awne bloud to the burnyng of oure tounes, and to the waſte and ſpoyle of our whole natiue countrey? And at this, do the Frenchmen laugh thei take pleaſure, ſittyng at home in ſecuritie, excepte peraduenture thei ſende a few of their caſt ſouldiors, of whō thei make leſſe accoumptes or eſtimacion, then of ſo many ſhepe or hogges: Howbeit, to bring vs in belefe, that we bee in ſome parte of eſtimaciō with theim, thei make of our nacion, certain chief preſioentes in Fraunce, & the kyng hath of vs, a certain numbre in his garde, for the defence of his perſone, in whom, howe litle he truſteth, God knoweth, and daily experiēce teacheth. By this he maketh vs ſilly ſoules beleue, that he hath vs in ſinguler truſt when in deede, it is but a golden and gliſteryng bayte, alluryng our ſimplicitie and credulitie, to that Irō hoke, that hath caught and killed afore now, the moſte part of our aunceſtors, & now of late, no fewer of oure fathers, of our childrē, and of our kinſfolke while the Frenche, loſe not a mā, but a fewe golden crounes. And yet our preſidētes, for al the honor & aucthoritie, that thei be ſet in, doo ſerue but as Cyphers in Algoriſme, to fill the place, and in ſtede of Iupiters blocke, ſent to rule the Frogges, whereupon thei treade and leape, withoute feare & daunger. And our countreymen of the gard after many yeres, worne in Fraunce, haue this onely rewarde at length, to bee called of all the worlde, in mockery, Iehan de Eſcoce. Yet is there one thyng wherein wee repoſe a certain honor, and yet in deede, is the ſame one of the moſt diſhonors, that euer we receiued whiche was, when at thentre of a league, with Charles ye greate Kyng of Fraunce, wee receiued for an encreaſe of the Armes of our realme, a trace of flour deluces, not conſidering how ſhamefull and diſhonorable it was to vs, being ſo noble pleople, to deface our aunciēt Armes, and receiue the note and token of nobilitie and worthines, of ſtraungers: On thother part, how honorable a thyng, this attonemēt with Englande, were for vs, the blynd man maie ſe. For beeyng then (as algates we muſt be vnder ſome one) bothe vnder one kyng, the more large and ample the Empire wer: the more honorable and glorious: the kyng of greater dominion, gouernaunce power, and fame: and the ſubiectes more renoumed, more happy and more quiet: the realme more ſure, and formidable to the enemies: and thei leſſe eſhuned and feared.

THVS beyng bothe our people and forces ioyned in one, we ſhould be the more puyſſaunt to inuade, more ſtrōg to reſiſt and defende. And our power beeyng ſuche & ſo great, ſhould be an occaſion (for I wil not now ſpeake of all thynges) to make vs fre & ſure frō outward inuaſicēr wherof (peace beyng firſt betwene vs and Englande) ſhould folowe peace with al others: In ſort, as the laboryng man might ſafely tille his grounde, and as ſafely gather in the profites and fruites therof: the marchaunt might withoute feare goo abrode, and bryng in forreine commodities, into the realme: the gouernours beeyng in tranquillitie, and not hauyng their thought and cure diuided into many ſundery partes, ſhould, with leſſe carefulneſſe and anxietie of mynde, ſee to the good ordre of the commō wealth, whiche neuer ſo truely floriſheth, as in peace: In fine, all murders, robberies, ſpoyles, ſlaughters, and deſolacions, beyng the ſequele, and as it wer, ye children of warre, yea, and warr it ſelf, the Parente of the ſame, ſhould ceaſe: in whoſe places ſhould ſuccede, peace, wealthe, quiet ordre, and all other graces and good happes. But if we be ſo blynd, that we will not ſee, and deafe, that we will not harken to theſe holſome admonicions, when without the feare of God, and without regard of the commō weale, we ſhall ruſh ſtill hedlong, into the fury of warre, lette vs recken with our ſelfes, (whoſe cauſe is moſte iniuſt and wrongfull) what is to bee loked for, towardes vs, at the conquerors handes, ſeing, that we haue refuſed ſo honorable, ſo equall, and ſo eaſie, yea, and frendly cō dicions of peace: ſpecially being called, not into ſubiecciō or ſeruitude, but into one ſocietie and feloweſhip with Engliſhemen, and yt, by ſo honorable a meane, as the mariage of our Princes, with the kinges maieſtie of Englande, a Prince of ſo greate towardnes, honor, and expectaciō, bothe for yt he is deſcēded of ſuch parētes, and alſo, for yt thoſe vertues bee all ready in hym, as the like were perchaunce, in no one prince afore: So as we may ſurely hope and promiſe to our ſelfes, more at his maieſties hand, then peraduenture were lawfull to looke for, of a mortall man. Then, what ſhould wee feare at the handes of ſuch a Prince, hauing maried our natural quene but all grace, clemencie, and benignitie, aſwell for her graces ſake, whō he ſhall haue maried, as alſo for thoſe vertues, which be to his Maieſtie naturall and propre. Moreouer, what other thyng is to be loked for at ye hā des of the ſucceſſion of thē both, which ſhall take aſwell parte of her grace, as of his Maieſtie, then al gentle and louing treatment and prerogatyue, ſeyng frō the ſame we ſhal no more be ſtrā gers vnto that nacion, but aſnye and as dere, as the ſelf Engliſhmen. And ſo muche the rather, when thoſe hatefull termes of Scottes & Engliſhemen, ſhalbe aboliſſhed and blotted oute for euer, and that we ſhal al agre in the onely title and name of Britons (as verely we ought to do) and the ſelfe realme, beeyng eftſones reduced into the fourme of one ſole Monarchie, ſhal bee called Britayn: Then the which forme, there is none other better nor no commō weale ſo well gouerned as ye ſame is, that is ruled by one kyng. The experience wherof we haue ſeen, euen from the beginning of the worlde, cō tinually to our time. For who ſo ſhall well conſider the ſtates of all commone weales, that haue been gouerned by mo then one, ſhal perceiue that the ſame hath been ye cauſe of their finall ruine & exterminion. For gouernaunce maye in no wyſe ſuffer an equal companyon, ne any more be diuided into the rule of twoo ſundrie adminiſters, then one bodye maye beare two heades, or the worlde endure to haue twoo ſunnes to geue lighte at once. And that ſame appereth in all other creatures, emonge whom, there is any ſocietie, or body politique, wherby it may eaſily be gathered, to be the primatiue decre, and the due ordre of nature. Whiche, like as in many other thynges, ſo doth it ſpecially appere in the ſwarme of Bees: for thei beyng ledde with the onely and mere inſtinct of nature, will neither bee without one Kyng and gouernor, ne yet admit any mo Kynges, then one at once. And by the ſame nature, bee wee taught, to repute and reckē that body to be mōſtreous, that hath twoo heddes, and no leſſe is the realme, that hath twoo kynges. Then if in all thinges we ſhuld (as nigh as might be) approche to the likeneſſe of heauen, aſwell in our lifes and actes, as in all our faſhions, wee ſhould not allowe the regiment of many, for that the heauenly thynges, haue but one gouernor, whiche thyng Homere (though he were but an Heathē poete) ſemeth to expreſſe in theſe verſes.

To haue mani gouernors is not good But let there bee one ruler of Kynges and one Kyng.

SVRELY, the aunſwer of Cerbane Lydyane, wherof Serinus maketh mencion in his commē taries, was of no ſmall grauitie & importaunce. For when Craeſus would haue ioyned his brother with hym in the kyngdome: the ſonne (ſaied he) is aucthor of all good thynges in the yearth, but if there ſhould bee twoo ſonnes, it wer perill leaſt their two heates, ſhould burne vp al the arth: Euen ſo, as one kyng is neceſſarie, ſo mo then one, is hurtfull. The experience wherof, (to ſette examples no farther of) was wel felt in Englande, ſo long as the ſeuen Kynges reigned, as maie well appere to theim that reade the ſtory. Herefore dare I boldly ſaie, if theſe twoo realmes wer brought vnder one Empire and gouernaunce, wee ſhould ſee an ende of al ſtrief and warre, whiche will neuer come otherwiſe to paſſe: And then ſhould wee haue this common weale of ours, beyng now out of all ordre, and in moſte miſerable ſtate & condiciō to bee moſte happie and mooſte floriſhing. The whiche thyng to attein, it lieth onely in you (O moſte dere countreymen): yours is the faulte, you muſt make the amendes. And other condicions of recompenſe, then your ſelfes haue agreed vnto, wil vndoubtedly, none bee allowed. For what other condicions ſhould Englāde receiue of vs, (hauing had ſo often experience of oure breaches of peace, of truce, and of our promiſes, which yet vnto this daie, we haue neuer truely kept towardes thē, as thei maye in no reaſon truſte vs,) but in ſuche ſorte, as they maie be aſſured to fynde vs conſtaunt, firme and ſtedfaſte in oure promiſſe. Wherfore, if there remayn with you (O dere countreymen) any remorce or pitie of our torne and woful coūtrey, or of your ſelfes, ſtaye betymes, while you haue tyme to do well. Recken, yt though ye haue offended, it is better betymes to refourme the thyng, whiche, by reaſon of ſiniſtre and euill counſaill, hath been euill doen, then to ſtande obſtinately in your moſt wicked and deueliſh enterpriſe, beyng vtterly cō trary to your faithefull promiſe, to your honors, & alſo to righte and duety: that if your awn particular reſpectes, doo not moue you, yet haue mercy vpon youre commune countrey, youre mangled countrey, youre countrey weepinge to you with bloody teares, which your ſelfes do expreſſe, and wring out of her, and enforce her to ſhed. And ſurely in this part, I would wyſhe aſmuch eloquēce, as I haue good will to ſet out this woofull tragedy in her perfect colours: but ſeynge the ſame doeth not ſerue to my wyſhe, I muſte vtter ſuch matter, as the dolor of my hart, and natural pitte, may miniſter vnto my penne, which if it could as liuely depaynt the greatnes of this euill, as myne harte doth Imagine and conceiue the ſame the multitude of teares, ſhoulde ſet mens iyes from readyng and extremitie of affecciōs, diſturbe their myndes from conceinyng. Imagine you (I praye you) if Britayne coulde ſpeake, mighte ſhe not well ſaye thus: Hath not the almighty prouidēce ſeuered me from the reſte of the worlde, with a large ſea, to make me one I ſlande? hath not natures ordinaūce furniſſhed me with aſmany thinges neceſſary, as any one ground bringeth furth? hath not mans pollicie at the beginninge ſubdued me to one gouernoure? And hath not the grace of Chriſt illumined me ouer all, with one faith: and finally the workes of all theſe foure, tēded to make me one? Why thē wil you diuide me in two? What foly, yea, or rather what contempt of God is this, yt ye ſtill teare me, pull me, & ryue me in peces? were their euer children ſo vnnaturall (if they were not of the vipers nature) to rend their mothers wombe? yea, were there euer beaſtes ſo ſaluage, or cruel, to deuour the dam? If bit des, beaſtes, and all thinges naturall haue this reaſon, not to deſtroy their kynde, how chaunceth it then, that you veyng men endewed with reaſon, bredde in one lande, ioyned in one faithe, ſhould thus vnkindly, vnnaturally, and vnchriſtenly, bathe youre ſwoordes in eche others blode? May not the example of other landes teache you to beware of diuiſion, to hate all diſcorde, to abhorre inteſtine warre? May not the ruine of ye Grekes, the falle of the Romaynes, and the ſubuerſion of ſoo many countreis, common weales, and ſtates in the worlde, ſuffyce for pour enſample? yea, may not the preſent ſighte of my ruyne and decay, teache you to take heede? If the counſailes of wyſe men, experience of other countreys, nor ye pytie of me your mother, your nutryce, and your bringer vp, do not moue you: Yet at the leaſt, haue and vſe ſome mercye towardes your ſelfes. Haue you not ſhedd enough of your awne blodde? what folye, or rather what fury is this, thus to ruynate your ſelfes, and to deuoure one an other, to the diſcomforte of me, and pleaſure of your enemyes? If ye woulde ſet before your eyes, the exceding quantitie of blodd, that hath been ſhed betwene you my ingrate & moſte vnnatural children: you would iudge it ſufficiente, & more then enoughe, not onely to conquere Europe, but euē ye whole world. And to what vtilitie hathe all thys been ſpent? ſurely to none other, then to the miſchief & deſtruccion of eche other, emonge youre ſelfes. Oh incomparable loſſe for ſo litle game. I was neuer yet inuaded by forreine enemyes, but ſome of my chyldren, were the chief ayders, and onely cauſers therof: nor no miſchiefe procured agaīſt me at this day, but by their cōſent and coūſail. Oh I an vnhappy mother of ſuche children: how longe ſhall theſe furies leade you? how lōge will you that my wyde fyeldes lye waſted, that my townes be deſert and vnpeopled, that my fayre houſes and caſtels be ſpoiled and burnt, & my people famiſhed? I cānot accuſe Romaynes, Pictes, ne yet Normais, but myne awne rebellious, diſcordāt and graceles children. O hateful diſcord, no where doeſt thou begyn, but all goeth to wrecke, ere thou makeſt an end. O priuy poyſon, O familiar foo, O diſſembling traitor, O couerte peſtilence: what coulde Caeſar haue preuailed agaynſt me, if Mandru batius a Britayne, had not bene diuided frō Caſſibolan my king? Wil this fire neuer be quēched? this malice neuer ceaſe, nor your furye neuer ende? If it be geuen you of natur • if you ſucke it wt your mothe • s mylke, if it growe in you with yeares, to hungre ſtrife & watre: here this my coū ſail: Afore you make warre at home, ſeke your enemies abrode Purſue their lifes, ſhedde their bloode, be wroken upon thē, kyl them, & ouercome them, & when thei be all killed, ouercome and ſubdned, then turne the ſwoordes point agaīſt eche other, but not afore: and then ſhall you neuer ſoo doo, for you neuer yet to this daie, haue wanted enemies. But to returne to you again my countremē, whom, for ye natural loue, I beare to you, I cannot leaue to blame for your folyes, or rather madnes, & exhorte you to this moſte honorable, moſte godly and profitable attonemēt with Englande, who wynkynge at our tranſgreſſions, bearynge with our peruerſe waiwardenes & pardoning our to much ingratitude hitherto, doth to her vtter moſte ſtrēgth & power, ſeke wt al poſſible gentlenes, to recōcile vs & with all her endeuoure continuallye laboureth, to make vs partakers of her concorde and vnitie, her trāquilite & quiet, her wealth & luckey fortune, her cō queſtes & triūphes: & finallie of all her incōparable ioyes & felicities. I ſhal laſtely beſeche and exthorte, and (as farre as the mothers aucthoritie ouer ye chylorē may) adiure you by God ye very aucthor of all peace Loue, Charitie, & cōcorde, to returne into ye right waie, out of the whiche, ye haue ſo long gone a ſtraigh. Remēber (I beſech you, o moſt dere coūtremē) how that by this calling of vs into this vnitie, proceding plainly frō god him ſelfe he woulde alſo vnite & ioyne vs in one religiō. For howe godly were it, yt as theſe two Realmes ſhould grow into one, ſo ſhould thei alſo agre in the concorde & vnite of one religiō, & the ſame ye pure, ſyncere & incorrupt religion of Chriſt, ſetting a part all fonde ſuperſticions, ſophiſticacions, & other thouſandes of deuilries brought in by the biſhop of Rome & his creatures, wherby to geue gloſſe to their thīges & darknes to Gods true worde, for ye onely purpoſe, to aduaūce their glory, & treade Gods word vnder fote, to vtter their fylthye merchaūdiſe, & to ſclāder ye precious ware & Iewels of ye ſcripture: & emōges ye reſt, to deſtroye Gods peace, & ringe their awne alarmes, againſt his moſte glorious victory on ye Croſſe, throuout the worlde. And I wote not whether firme cōcorde be otherwise more ſureli mortized in mēs hartes, then whē it procedeth of ye true knowlege of Gods word, which doth in ſo many paſſages repete vnto vs, peace, peace: loue, loue: charitie, charitie: & reproueth warre, hatred, & diſcord, ſeedes doubteleſſe ſcatered by ye deuil, through thoſe monſters of men, that profeſſe prepoſterous religion, to ſtirre aſwell all others, as alſo moſt ſpecially, you my coūtrymē moſt of all, to this diuiſiō & roare, wherin thei (fearinge the worthy fall wherwith God threateneth thē, which they now perceiue by others exāples to hāg ouer their heades) deuiſe by hooke & by croke to kepe you ſtil occupied in miſtruſt of your beſt frendes, caſting before your eyes, myſtes, ſhadowes, & colors (ſuche as Iuglers vſe to doo) to thende, leſt if you ſhould once ſe the clearnes of Gods worde, you ſhould then encline to yt of your ſelfes, and moſt eaſly, wherunto I do now with ſo much a do exhorte you. I perceyue that the loue to my country and nacion, hath made me vnawares to haue wandred furder, then at the firſt I purpoſed: wherfore I wil make an ende, if fyrſt I ſhall repete that I haue already proued vnto you, that theſe twoo Realmes were firſt a Monarchie vnder Brutus, and ſoo lefte by hys order to his ſonnes, by the ſuperioritie geuē to the eldeſt, which forme of gouernaunce, was alſo vnder Conſtātyne. I haue alſoo proued, yt theſe two realmes ought to come vnder yt fourme, & ye kinges Maieſtie yt now is, to be Monarch of the ſame: aſwel for the ſuperiorite, which was in his aūceſtors proued by ye homages & other thinges afore alleged, ye claim wherof did yet neuer ceaſe as alſo ſpecially by force of your awn late act of parliamēt, wherby he ought of right to mary our Prīceſſe, thīheritrice of ye crown of Scotlāde: by occaſiō wherof we ſhalbe receiued, not into ſeruitude, but īto ye ſame felowſhip we Engliſhmē, ye names of both ſubiectes & realmes ceaſſing, & to be chāged into ye name of Britaī & Britons, as it was firſt, & yet ſtil ought to be. And how neceſſary yt ſame fourme of the gouernaūce of one Monarche or kinge is, you ſe to be more clere then the ſonne, & the ſame to be a ready & eaſy meane, how both tappeaſe al diſcord, which otherwiſe wil neuer ſtint, & alſo teſtabliſh vs in euerlaſting peace, quiete & trāquillite: vnto whiche effectes there is verely none other meane. And ye thing ſelfe (though I ſhould holde my peace) doth ſufficiētly ſpeake & avouche ye ſame to be awaye vnto both Realmes moſt honorable, becauſe not only the Empire ſhal by ye occaſion be ye more large & ſtrōg in it ſelf, & the King ye more puiſſant & famous: profitable, for yt diſcorde ſhal ceaſſe, & cōcord come in place, & thereby the people & cōmon weale floriſh & proſpere: & godly for ye we ſhal agre all in one, & ye ſame the true & chriſten religiō.

IT remaineth now to ſay vnto you, that the right high mightie and excellēt prince Edward, duke of Somerſet, erle of Hertforde, Viſcount Beauchāp, lord Seymour, gouernor of the perſone of the Kynges Maieſtie of Englande, & protector of all his realmes, dominions, & ſubiectes his lieuetenaſit general of al his armies, bothe by lande and by ſea, Treaſorer & Erle Marſhal of England, gouernor of ye iſles of Gernſey and Ierſey, & knight of the moſte noble ordre of the garter: A man for his actes and worthineſſe, well knowen to the world, & you, of whom you haue had late experience to your pernes, & his dolour, for that, as the louyng mother, in beafyng her childe weepeth, ſo in puniſhyng you, he did it lothely, and to his grief, becauſe he pitied your caſe The ſaid lord protector is commyng towardes you, with a puiſſaūt & inuincible army, hauing on his ſide God, & the iuſt cauſe, and an intēt, to receiue to mercy grace & fauor, ſo many of you, as for yt furthering of this mariage & his other Godly purpoſes, wil come in to him. And cōtrarily, to puniſh & correct ye reſt, yt ſhal remain in their ſtubburn & wilful diſobediēce. Wherfor (o coūtrymen) cōſidering ye on oure part, we haue nothing but the wrōg & iniuſt cauſe, violaciō of our promiſes & othes, geuē to England wt cōceiued words, after mature & iuſte deliberaciō, callyng God & his angels, vnto witnes therof, who knoweth our infidelitie, & will not leaue the iniury doen to hym & them, vnreuenged. For the regard of God, for your awn ſakes, & for the tendre reſpecte of our coūtrey, caſt wiſely doune yt armour & weapōs, yt you haue ſo fondely put on & takē in hand: & ſubmit your ſelfes hūbly, to the mercy & clemencie of ſo noble & benigne a Prince: who is rather come thither, louīgly toembrace & receiue you, yea, & as your protector, to defēd & aſſiſt you: then to puniſh you according to your deſertes. But if you ſhal deſpice my coūſail & abuſe his humanitie & good offers, how gētle & clement ſoeuer he be of his awn nature, thinke you for ſure, yt God, who wil not ſuffre infidelite, teſcape lōg īchaſtiſed, wil ſtirre vp his corage to do vengeāce vpō you for your inſolēcie and faith brokē: ye which I writ, not without ſorow & teares: Praiīg God for his pitie & goodneſſe, to geue you his grace & better mynde, ſo as you may forſake the errors ye now lead you hedlong, and maie folow theſe good & holſome coū ſailes, of your moſt natural, and moſt tendre louyng countreimā: wherby, you maie accord (as by your promiſes and dueties, ye ought to do) to ſo godly, ſo honorable, and ſo profitable condiciōs, as are now gē telly offered you.