The cause wher of I treate beeyng so weightie, the di­scourse so large, & my witte and cun­nyng so small to set it furthe, I might well be discoraged to en­tre so greate a ground: but that loue to my countrey on the one side, and desire of concorde and quietnes on the other side, moue me to speake, hopyng that the honesty of the matter shall sup­plie the rude handelyng, and the plain veritie, to stand in stede of eloquēce and cunnyng. For like as in an euill cause, muche arte and conueyaunce must be vsed, afore it can appere good: euen so in a cause true, honest, and righ­teous, there needeth no subtile [Page]perswasions or finesse of woor­des: but how muche the plainer so muche the better, and how muche y^e more eloquent, somuch the more suspicious. For truthe is sufficient of her selfe, and nee­deth no colours, no more then natural beawty, nedeth of pain­tyng. Taking this for my foun­dacion, I maie the more boldely procede without feare of offence, seeyng my cause is suche, as all good men will further, all wise men fauor, and all Godly men defende, as that whiche beeyng enbraced, shall doo good to ma­ny, and hurt to none, and beyng neglected, shall hurte a multi­tude, and auayle no man, ten­dyng no lesse to the commoditie of the aduersaries, then of the [Page]fauorers. Thus the ground be­yng so true, the occasion so ho­nest, and the querell so righte­ous, there wanteth nothyng but one that could set the same furth accordyngly. And seeyng suche as canne best, liste not, and that ought moste, will not, and that wold faynest, dare not take this vniuersall cause in hande, I be­yng simple vnlearned, and most barayn of all orators arte and perswasiō, yet armed with truth moued with honestie, and pro­uoked by loue, towardes God and my countrey, (as Dauid a­gainst Golias) entre the felde a­gainst the mightie Giauntes, e­nemies of concorde and vnitie, desiryng all my countreymen of Scottande (whose cause I now [Page]specially entreat) to geue me pa­cient hearyng, whilest I suade theim to that, whiche shalbe ac­ceptable to God, commendable to the world, ioyfull to their frē ­des, hatefull to their enemies, profitable to all parties, and to none so muche as to themselfes.

TO groūd my cause vpō truth (as I promised) I will sette my foundacion, vpon the infallible truthe of Gods woorde, takyng this texte for my purpose. Omne regnū in se diuisum desolabitur: that is to saie: euery kyngdō diuided in it self, shal be brought to deso­lacion. If this sentence bee well marked, and the persone of the speaker considered, I shall not nede to bee long in perswadyng you to beleue it. The wordes be [Page]true: for he that spake them, can­not lye, whiche is Christ himself the aucthor of al truth and veri­tie. But though Christ had not spokē them, let vs se whether co­mon reason dooth not affirme theim, and the experience of all realmes and countreis, in al ty­mes and ages, hath not appro­ued theim. And to fet our exam­ples not out of straunge coun­treys, loke well vpon the Chro­nicles of this island of Britain, and consider the estate thereof, from the beginnyng, and com­pare theim, with the histories of other nacions, and you shal not lightly heare or read of any one countrey sithe the worldes crea­cion, more inuaded, wasted, and destroyed, then this I stande, ne [Page]of people more often, ne more curelly spoyled, exiled, or afflic­ted, then the inhabiters thereof, and all by diuision and discord: the sedes wherof, beyng laied in by the deuil as pouder vnder a walle, after it once toke fire, did so terribly shake the foūdaciōs of their common weale, that it riued a sunder their Kyngdome and monarchie, and diuidyng it into partes, broughte the whole at last to ruyne and desolacion, which hath not been fully reco­uered to this daie, nor in my iud gement like to be, so long as the islande is diuided into two par­tes, and knowen by two names, that is to saie, England & Scotlande, and vnder twoo seuerall gouernours. The cause whereof [Page]though it maie chiefly bee ascri­bed to the iuste vengeaunce of God, prouoked with the synnes of the people, as Gildas witnes­seth: yet is it clere that the onely meane thereof, was discord and diuision, emong the Insulanes, wherby it came to passe, whylest euery one striued, all were ouer comen, and made an easy prey to straūge nacions. For althoughe outward enemies, vpon tiranny and conquest, as the Romayns, or els expulsed from their coun­treys, and driuen to seke newe dwellynges as the Pictes, or al­lured with y^e fertilitie of y^e soyle as the Scottes inhabityng, the north partes of Irelande, inua­ded this islande: Yet could those people neuer haue kepte quiete [Page]possession, ne reigne so long as thei did, but through diuision and discord emong the Britay­nes, whiche beeyng stiffe necked against God, and ingrate eche to other (as the said aucthor wri­teth) by their demerites, wer not onely ouercome with outwarde inuasions, but finally lost their name and, Empire, whereby the inhabitauntes beyng mixt with straungers, haue euer sithe been vexed with intestine warres and ciuill discorde to the irremedia­ble ruine and desolacion therof, vntil it shal please Gods good­nesse to haue mercie on the peo­ple, and to reduce the islande to the firste estate, to one Monar­chy, vnder one kyng and gouer­nor, as it was in the Britons [Page]tyme. But if God of his good­nesse, without our desertes hath in these latter daies, prouided that blessed meane and remedy for the glorie of his name, and for our wealth and commoditie: and wee for our parte, either of stubburnesse will not, or of wil­fulnesse liste not, thankefully to receiue his synguler grace and benefite so freely offered, what then maie bee thoughte in vs? Ought not then all good men thynke (as thei dooe in deede) that all the mischiefe, effusion of bloud, hūger and other miseries ensuyng of warre, fall vpon vs morthely and by deserte. Yes ve­rely: And surely in this parte, I must desire you my countrey­men, bothe of pardon and pact­ence, [Page]when I shall disclose the cause of this mischief, and the long continuaunce thereof, to come rather of vs, thē of the cō ­trary parte, whiche iudgemente (God is my witnesse) procedeth neither of adulacion to English men, nor of malice to any estate, but as my conscience moueth me, and as the truthe to al wise­men maie appere.

BVT afore I will stirre that vnsauery sinke of tresō and tre­cherie, as one that intendeth to make a greate lepe, I muste bee forced to ronne backe to fetche my course, wherefore, omittyng the mattiers of the tyme presēt, I muste repete the estate of this island from the beginnyng, and what were the causes of this di­uision [Page]at the firste, and by what waies it hathe continued from tyme to tyme, and how it is yet norished, to the ende that vpon the causes opened, and the per­sones detected, that bee workers therof, the remedies maie be the soner founde, and simple people beware of those, that with fay­ned fables and lies, haue ledde them long blindfold, & so would kepe them, to the perdicion both of their soules and bodies, and then shal we se, whether this sai­yng of Christ afore recited, maie not be wel verefied in vs of Britayne. In the discourse whereof, because the right & title whereby the kynges of Englande claime to be superior Lordes of Scot­land, is incidētly touched: I wil [Page]vse for the more parte the testi­monies either of Scottish chro­nicles, or forein writers, and li­tle of the Englishe, onlesse where bothe Scottishe and Englishe do agre, or where by apparaunt reason, the truthe standeth more on thone side, then on the other: and all to aduoyde the common cauillacion of suche, as say, how the Kynges of Englande, proue their title to Scotlāde, onely by Englishe aucthors.

THE opinion of moste wri­ters, and specially of Latins (at whom, aswell for auncientie, as indifferēcie, I take my ground) is, that this islande of Britayn, whiche cōteineth bothe realmes of Englande and Scotland (as I saied afore) was at the firste, [Page]called Albion, that is to saie the white lande, hauyng that name Ab albis rupibus, that is to saie, of the White Rockes and Cleues, whiche appere vpon the sea co­stes of thesaied islande, euen as we at this daie call the countrey from whence the Brasill wood cōmeth, Brasilia: whiche opinion is more probable then the deuise of a late Welshe Poete, ymagi­nyng how it was called Albion, of one Albina, eldest of the fiftie daughters, of one Dioclesian kyng of Syria, whiche hauyng killed fiftie kynges, beyng their husbandes, wer for the same exi­led. And after long wanderyng in y^e seas, arriued at laste in this Islande, where thei ingendered with spirites, & brought furth .l. [Page]Giaūtes, whiche wer Gog Ma­gog and his felowes, with suche poeticall fables, not onely with­out good foundacion, but also mere cōtrary to all auncient sto­ries, and welnere against al pos­sibilitie of nature. But as the be ginnyng of all nacions for the more part be fabulous and vn­certain, some fetchyng their pe­degre frō the Goddes, and some from the deuils, as the Grekes from Iupiter, the olde Gaules from Pluto God of helle: so the better opinion, aswel of the latre writers, as also of Gildas a Britayn is, that this island was inhabited from the beginnyng, by those that were borne in the­same, & afterward as the world multiplied, grewe vnto a greate [Page]people, and from a people vnto a Kyngdome, and gouerned by Kynges, as by stories is to bee seen, of whom the firste that wee finde, was one Brutus, whiche, whether he came out of Italy or not, is not muche materiall, but certain it is, that suche a one reigned, and was firste Kyng of the whole islande: whiche begin­nyng of the people, dooth make muche more with the honor and glory of this islande, then to be­duce a pedegree, either from an outlaw of Italy, or a tirauntes sister out of Egipt, as Welshe & Scottishe Poetes, haue phan­tastically fayned. For if wee ac­compt nobilitie by auncientie of yeres, & length of tyme (as some vse nowe a daies) what can bee [Page]more auncient, more noble, more high, or honorable, then to haue a beginnyng beyond all memo­ry, and in processe of yeres, from small families, to growe into a greate Monarchie & kyngdom. In whiche poynt, the old latins of whom the Romaynes discen­ded, sette a greate parte of their glory, callyng themselfes Abori­gines, that is to saie: a people from the beginnyng.

BRVTVS the first Kyng of this whole Islande, by whom it was called Britayne, & the peo­ple thereof Britaynes, reigned the yere after the creacion of the worlde, foure thousande, C C. and, xlii. and as writers affirme had three sonnes, Locrinus, Alba­nactus, and Camber, emong whō [Page]he diuided the whole island, assi­gnyng y^e supreme empire with y^e greatest and moste fruitful part toward the Southe, vnto Locri­nus his eldest sonne, of whom it was called Logres, and now En­gland. To the second sonne, na­med Albanactus, he assigned ano­ther part towardes the Northe, whiche at this day the Scottes possesse: by which Albanactus, the coūtrey was called Albania, and the people, Albanactes, as shalbe shewed hereafter. The .iii. part, liyng West, & towardes the seas of Gaule, whiche nowe is called wales, he gaue to Cāber his yō ­gest sonne, by whō it was called Cambria, & the people, Cambrians, as thei cal thēselfes to this day.

AND though the island was [Page]thus parted, betwene the three brethren, yet the supreme power and kyngdome, remained alwa­yes in the eldest: to whom the o­ther twoo were obedient, as to a superior kyng. The prose wher­of, if any bee so curious to re­quire, I aunswere, that the same histories, whiche speake of this particion, declare in likewise of the subieccion: So that admit­tyng them in the one, thei muste likewise bee admitted in y^e other. For y^e more corroboraciō wher­of, the histories, bothe of Britōs and Romaines agre, that the I­slande was vnder kynges at the beginnyng: whiche as thei were called Kynges of Britayne, so was y^e general name of the peo­ple, Brytons, neither was there [Page]any other state or Kyngdome in the Islande at those daies, but onely of Britons. In so muche, that the Romaines, beyng most diligent reporters of the names of Princes by thē subdued, and countreys conquered, whereas thei make particular menciō of diuerse kynges of the Britaines and of sūdery cities in Britain, yet do thei neuer name any peo­ple called Scottes, ne make mē ­cion of any suche Princes, as is pretended to haue ruled ouer thē whiche, if thei had been so glo­rious, bothe in warre and peace, as thei be set furthe: how should their actes haue been hidden to the Romaines, which contended with all men for glory, for thirst whereof, thei sometymes sought [Page]enemies at y^e worldes ende. And though it maie be said, that Cae­sar and diuerse other neuer came so farre as Scotlāde, by a great distaunce: yet, how could it be, y^e Iulius Agricola, whiche, after the Southe partes of Britain was made a prouince to y^e Romayns inuaded vnto y^e Orcades, which is the farthest part of Scotlād: & after .viii. yeres warres there at the foote of the mounte Gram­pius, now called Grāzebē, fought against Galgacus with ten. M. Britaines, whom he there ouer­threwe: how (I saie) could he bee ignoraunt of the Scottes or of their warres: So that it muste be graunted, that at those daies, either thei wer not in Britayne, or if thei wer in Britayne, their [Page]name and power was nothyng suche, as we pretend. For who so diligently considereth the course of the said stories, shall well se, y^e neither Pictes ne Scottes had any dominion in Britayn, vntil about the declinacion of the Ro­main Empire: and that the Pic­tes entered into Britayn before the Scottes, in the tune of kyng Marius, whiche was aboute the yere of Christe .lxxij. After whi­che tyme, with the helpe of the Irishe Scottes, thei vexed the Britaines with cōtinuall incur­sions. These Pictes wer a peo­ple of Scithia, now called Tar­tarie, & driuen out of their coun­trey, sought herberough emon­ges Irish Scottes, who beyng nothing glad of such gestes, pro­cured [Page]theim to set foote in Bry­tayne as thei did in deede, and ther continued many yers after. This people wer called Pictes, because in stede of garmentes, thei vsed to paint their skynnes with sundery figures of beastes and birdes, hauing collers of y­ron about their neckes, and gir­delles of the same, aboute their wastes, and specially the nobili­tie of theim, whiche estemed the same for a greate poynt of bra­uerie. This doth Herodiā write in the life of Seuerus thempe­cor, whiche came into Britayne, and repaired the walle, begonne afore by Adrian his predecessor, by whiche walle, the Prouince of the Romaynes was diuided, from the residue of Britain, and [Page]was made firste to resist the in­cursions of suche Britaynes as thei accompted, sauage and barbarous. The ruynes of this wal, are to be seen at this preset: wherefore it semeth to me, that afore the time of thesaied Adriā, the name, neither of Pictes ne Scottes, was neuer knowen in Britayne, so that if thei had any possession there afore, thei came to it, rather by stelth then by any open force, or conquest. I speake not this to minishe the honoure and glory of my countrey, nor to deface y^e nobilitie, or the valeaūt actes of the Scottishe kynges, but to shewe that the first inha­bitors of this islād, wer al Bri­taines, more then .vi. C. yeres a­fore Scottes had any Kyngdō [Page]there, and that thei had no suche originall, as some haue phanta­sied, but y^t thei are a people mixt with Britaynes & come of Bri­taynes. In prose whereof, it is saied, that the Armes of Scot­lāde, borne at this date (the trace of the floure deluce except, whi­che was late put in) is the self same armes, that Brute bare: yet wil I not affirme that Scottes be mere Britaynes, or Englishe men mere Britaynes, but that the more parte of bothe people bee discended of Britaynes. For though the Islande hath been often inuaded by sundry naciōs as Romaynes, Pictes, Scottes Saxons, Danes, and lastely by Normaynes: yet doth it not fo­lowe, y^t the whole bloud of Bri­taynes [Page]was so extincte thereby, but that there must great num­bre remain in euery parte of the island, wherby it maie be sated y^t the race of thē is mixte, but not merely fordoen and extirped: for no countrey can bee so inuaded by straungers, y^t the whole race of the olde inhabiters, can bee worne all out, but that the sub­staunce or more parte, shall still remain. As for example, Italie hath been inuaded by Gothes, Vandales, Honnes, and other barbarous nacions, can it ther­fore be saied that the whole Ro­main blod is vtterly extinct? no verely: for of necessitie, y^e stocke dooth still abide, thoughe not wholy, yet in the more part. And likewise of Englāde and Scot­lande, [Page]I doubte not to saie, and am able to proue, that the great parte of bothe realmes, is come of y^e old Britayns. And thoughe me haue been mixed with foreyn nacions, whereby the Britayne tōgue is chaunged & out of vse, pet doth the bloud and genera­cīo remain: and as for the Irish toungue, whiche thei speake in the North partes of Scotland, dooth no more proue them to be mere Irishe, then the Englishe toungue vsed in all the South partes of Scotlande, proueth the people there to be Englishe.

BVT to resorte to our purpo­se, how can it stand with reason, that the Pictes and Scottes, two strong naciōs should make great warres, should so often in­fest [Page]and vexe bothe Brytains & Romaines, ye and ouercome thē and at length stablish two king­domes in the Island, and no re­membraunce thereof founde in any story, either of the Britains or Romaines, nor in any other autentique or approued Croni­cle. For Caesar Tacitus, Ptholomeus and Plinius, Romayne aucthors (thoughe we speake of no mo) & on the other syde, Gildas, mooste auncient writer of the Brytai­nes, though euery wher in their histories, they make special mē ­cion of all the people, then dwel­ling in Britayne, yet speake thei nothing of those twoo nacions, whiche if thei were chefe & strō ­gest (as oure writers pretende) how coulde their names be pre­termitted [Page]of so many aucthors, wherby one of these two thinges muste be graunted, that either they were not then come into Britayne, or els (if thei were co­me) they remayned subiectes to the Britaynes, according to the English history. Agaynst which though it may be obiected, that Britayne was not alwayes frō the beginning, vnder one Kyng or one Ruler, but was gouer­ned somwhiles by one, and som­whiles by mo, (as the Romayne stories declare) whereby there should be no suche Monarchie and kyngdome, nor any such or­der prescribed by Brute, as the English stories specifie: yet doth that make nothing to proue, the Scottes not to be come of Bri­taynes, [Page]ne enforceth any title for them, to be no subiectes to Eng­land: for it may stand together, that the estate of Britayne was suche at the beginninge, as the Englishe cronicles mencion: & as in time all thinges chaunge, so by occasiōs ensuyng, the first ordre might be broken, and frō one intier Kyngdome, to be di­uided into partes, as it should seme, that it was about the co­ming of Caesar, who writeth, that at his arryuall in Britayne, the cities by cōmon assente, elected Cassibilanus, to their King, wher­by it maye be gathered, that the Monarchie therof, was thē bro­ken by some faccion within the Islande, which caused it to be a more easy prey to enemies. And [Page]this verefieth my woordes spo­ken afore: that diuision and dis­corde of the people brought this Islande first, into subiection of other nacions. This is confir­med by the Romayn stories, but namely by Cornelius Tacitus, sai­ynge that Britaynes at the first were vnder Kynges, and after­wardes by faccions and sedici­ons of Prynces and great men, were so diuided in thēselfs, that to resist an vniuersal peril, scar­sely twoo or three countreys at the most, would agre together: so fighting in partes, at last the whole was ouercome. And by this meane was Britayne fyrste subdued, & made tributarie to the Romayns, vnder whome it cōtinued in fourme of a prouīce, [Page]vntill the tyme of great Constan­tine the Emperour, by whome it was restored to libertie: yet was it not so broughte in subieccion al this tyme, but that there were for the most part, kinges in Bri­tayne, as our stories testifie, and likewise the Romayne: wherein we reade of Aruiragus, whome Iu uenal writing to Nero, signifi­eth to be a Kyng by these woor­des: Detaemone Britāno, excidet Ar­uiragus, that is to saye: Aruira­gus shall fall frome the stem of Britayne. And after hym, of Lu­cius, y^e first christē King, whō Elu therius bishop of Rome, in one of his epistles, calleth kyng of Britaynes, and so of Coelus with di­uers other. Wherefore admit­ting the state of Britayn to ha­ue [Page]been suche at the beginning, as the English story affirmeth, (which we must admitt, because the contrarye appeareth not) though there happened som in­terrupciō of the Monarchie by the Romayns, or otherwyse: yet when the people atteyned their libertie, and were gouerned by Kynges of their awne: we muste presume, that thei obeied them & their lawes, & the people to hold their landes in like course, as was ordeyned at the first: wher­of it muste folowe, y^t if Scottes were in Britayn at those daies, they knowledged y^e kynges of Britayn for their superiors, ac­cording to the stories. In which point I will not muche stycke, consideringe the name of Scot­tes [Page]was not then knowen, as I said afore. And though our wri­ters dreame diuerse thynges to the contrary, we cannot admitte their bare allegaciōs in disprofe of so many stories, of so graue writers, in whō, as there is lesse suspicion of parcialitie, so was there more certaintie of knowe­ledge, then in the other, whiche were vnborne after theim, by a great numbre of yeres. But ad­mit no suche ordre to haue been prescribed in gouernemēt of the kyngdome, as the Englishe sto­rie alledgeth: and though there had been, yet the interrupcion to be sufficient cause, to breake the same: and admit the Scottes to haue been then in Britayne as thei were not: Let vs se whether [Page]we cannot vnite these people by another waie. It is certain that after the Romayns had reduced the South and West partes of Britayn into a prouince, as mē desirous to enlarge their empire neuer content with part, till thei had the whole, thei inuaded the Northe partes of Britayne, and ceased not, till thei came to the Orcades, and so in fine, brought the whole islande in subieccion: their stories herein bee playne.

AND no lesse plain is it, that Constancius thēperor, who died at Yorke, maried Helene, called saincte Helene, doughter & heire to Coyll kyng of the Britayns, of whom he begatte the greate Constantyne, afterwardes Em­peror, not onely of Britayn, but [Page]also of y^e whole worlde:in whose persone, bothe titles, aswel that, whiche the Romaynes had by conquest, as also that, which his mother Helene had (as heire of Britayn) wer vnited & knit together, and he without al doubt or controuersy, was very Emperor of al Britayn, wherby the island after long seruitude, was at last (as it wer by Gods prouidence) restored to his former libertie & honor, themperor beyng begot­ten in Britayn, sōne of her, that was heire of Britayne, borne in Britayne, and create Emperor in Britayne. Now if Scottes wer then in Britayn (as our wri­ters alledge) then wer thei subiectes to Constantine, because the stories be euident, that he had al [Page]Britayn in possession, wherunto whether he came by Helene his mother, or by Cōstācius his fa­ther forceth not much: for it suffi­seth for our purpose, to proue y^t al Britayn, was vnder one Empe­ror, and beeyng vnder one Em­peror, then was Scotlande and Englande but one Empire. In contirmaciō wherof, besides the testimony of old histories, there be two notable thynges yet ob­serued in Englande, by all the kynges successiuely, euen sithe y^e saied Constantine. The one is y^t thei weare a close crowne Emperiall, in token that the lande is an empire free in it self, & subiett to no superior but GOD. The other is, that in al their warres, thei beare a banner with a red [Page]Crosse, for their ensigne, in me­mory of that Crosse, whiche ap­pered to themperor Constantine gooyng to battaill, when this voyce was heard: Constantine, in hoc signo vinces, that is to saie, with this ensigne thou shalt preuaile. These twoo monumentes of honor & religion in Britayn, wer receiued frō that noble em­peror.

EVTROPIVS witnesseth, that Britayne rested in libertie, duryng the life of Constantyne, who left behind hym .iii. sonnes successors of his Empire, Con­stancius, Constans, and Constā tyne, to whom beeyng youngest, there fell for his porciō, Britain Spayne, Fraunce, and the Or­cades. This Constantyne was [Page]after slayne in Italye, by whose beathe, the Empire of Britayne came to his brother Constācius whiche reigned twenty yeres, in whose bloud, it remained .xxiiij. yeres after, y^t is to saie, vntil the v. yere of the ii. brethren, Gracian and Valentinian, Emperors, what tyme by fauor of the people, Ma­ximus was creat emperor in Britain. This Maximus as Hector Boctius alledgeth, in y^e .vij. boke of his historie, discēded of y^e bloud of greate Constantine, & reigned ouer the whole islāde of Britain and the Orcades, seuētene yeres without interrupciō. And being desirous of more empire, with a greate numbre of Britaines, en­tered into Fraunce, & stewe Gra­cian the Emperor at Lions, and [Page]forced Valentinian the other brother to flee to Constantino­ple, for ayde of the Emperoure ther. Neuertheles (as al world­ly thynges be mutable) hys for­tune was to be slayne in Ita­ly, leuynge behynd hym a sonne named Victor, who was slayne in Fraunce: whereby the state of Britayne, drew euery daye into worse. It were longe to reherse the mutacions of thinges, hap­pening in Britayn, frō the tyme of great Constantine, vnto Valen­tinian the Emperoure, in whose dayes, the Empire of Roome was inuaded with great multi­tudes of Barbarous nations. And in his tyme, did y^e Scottes beinge a nacyon come oute of Irelāde (as Gildas writeth) passe [Page]ouer into Britayne, and finding the lāde destitute of men of war­re, whiche either were all slayne by tyrauntes, or waisted by lōg warres in other countreys, en­tred the Islond & makinge lea­gue with the Pictes, preuayled so at length, y^t they obteyned all y^e North parte of Britayn in possession, callyng y^e coūtrey Scot­lande, and themselfes Scottes. And this was the thrid nacion y^t Inuaded this Island: First co­minge out of Scithia into Ire­lande, and frome Irelande into the North partes of Britayne. The Capitayn and leder of this people (as Beede witnesseth) was one Rewda, albeit the late Scottishe Cronicles fet a muche fur­ther beginnyng, whiche I wyll [Page]touch in his place. But if we be­leue Beede, a man for hys liuing and learning, reconed in the nū ­bre of sainctes, and of ecclcsiasti­call writers, called Venerabilis, the comming of the Scottes in­to Britayne was not vntyll a­bout y^e yere of Christ .cccc. xliij. which was long after the com­ming of the Pictes: to whose opinion, though he was a Saxon, I would soner assent, then to the new fonde fables of our Scot­tishe Poetes, framed vpō phātasie, without auctoritie precedēt.

AND for the further profe of this Monarchie, it is reade in the tyme of Lucius, whiche was the firste christen Kynge of the Britaynes, as is said afore: ther were in Britayne .iii. high Pre­stes, [Page]or Bishoppes, Idolaters, of the Heathen religion, called Archiflamines, and .xxviii. other inferiour Bishoppes of the same supersticion, called Flamines: In stede of whom, this godly King, ordeined as many Bishoppes or Christes religion, & thre Ar­chebishoppes, placinge the first at Londō, the second at Yourke, and the thirde in the citie of Le­gions, whiche at this day is cal­led Chester. To the prouince of Yourke, there belonged all the Northe parte of Britayne, now called Scotlande with the or­cades. And notwitstanding all the mutatiōs, happening in processe of yeres, yet al the Bishops of those countreys, came vnto Yorke to becōsecrated of y^e Arch [Page]bishop there, and promised obe­diēce vnto him, as to their Me­tropolitane & hed bishop: albeit by occasion of warres, they were sūmewhiles letted so to do. And of latter dayes, that is to saye, in the tyme of Henry the .ij. Kynge of Englande, which was about the yere of Christ a .M.C. & .lv. the Englishe historie sheweth, that Michaell Bishop of Glas­cow, and after him, Tothadus Bisshop of saincte Andrewes, were cōsecrated by Thomas Ar­chebishop of Yourk. If my coū ­treymen beleue me not in thys point, let them beleue the Bulles of Paschall, Calixte, Honorius, In­nocentius, Eugenius and Adrianus, Bishoppes of Rome, written to the Bishops of Scotlande, so [...] [Page]as any of theym were rebell, or would not acknowledge the Ar­chebishop of Yourke, Primate of Scotland, for their head Bis­shop. This I alledge to shewe, that the two realmes at the first were not onely vnited in one Empire, but also in one Religiō the superioritie wherof, seynge it so longe continued in the En­glish side, proueth in that part a certayn kynde of subieccion in Scottes, whyche I passe ouer. But nowe hauinge sufficiently alleged to proue, that al we were Britaynes at the beginning, co­me of one kynde, and liuinge vnder one Monarchie, brokē by diusion and ciuil discorde, as is shewed before: there restethe to disproue the fayned alligacions [Page]of the cōtrary part, which cōuey you frō Pharao, the tyraunt of Egipt. And as it is to cōiecture, if their willes might take place, thei would bryng you vnder the seruitude of Egypte again. But before I touche y^e argumēt, ac­cording to my promisse at y^e be­ginning, I must in part disclose the aucthors therof, whose vn­trouthes, though I passe ouer, yet will they bewrey it them sel­fes: for it is not vnknowē what persons they be, that take vpon them to write stories and Cro­nicles, both in England & Scotlande: which for the more parte, be Monkes and Fryers, suche as in name professe Religion, beyng in dede the peruerters of all true Religion. These men, is­suyng [Page]from the prince of darke­nesse, brougte vp in darkenes, & maynteined by darkenes, seke nothing so muche as to kepe the worlde in darkenes, & not with­out cause: for if their state shuld come to light, the people should espye howe they are plantes, not planted by the heauenly Father but to be pulled vp by y^e rootes. Which thīg beīg well perceiued by y^e most noble king, of immor­tal memory, Henry the .VIII. of Englande, like a prince no lesse Godly then prudent, cleuyng in that part to Christes worde, we­ded out of his realme, those wic­ked plantes, not onely unprofi­table to his commō wealth, but also enemies to all veritie and true Religion, whose example, if [Page]we of Scotlande, had the grace to folow, I would nothyng dis­paire of an honorable and God­ly concorde, betwene bothe real­mes in shorte time: & that with­out suche warre and effusion of bloud, as this deuillish genera­cion hath procured. But to the purpose, these men (I saie) after sthā was let lose, & had filled y^e whole world full of tumult & se­diciō, ragyng with fire & sworde against the Gospel, (which euen then began to geue light in Britain) as Oules not apperyng in the day, nesteled thēselfes in the nighte, of that ignoraūt worlde, hauyng as mete a tyme to crepe into the consciēces of the simple Britaynes, as euer Saxons or Danes had, to inuade their lād [Page]and countrey. So apperyng to theim with a visor of simplicitie and holines, semyng lābes out­wardly, and neuerthelesse Wol­ues inwardlie, gat credite of vertue and Godlinesse: And seeyng the Coccle, whiche their father Sathan had sowen emong the Corne, so faire commyng vp, be­cause the haruest should be wee­des, watered the yearth, with su­che abundante showers of lyes and fables, that the wedes ouer­growying y^e corne, the cropp was accordyng to the seede, and with suche kynde of breade haue thei fedde the silly people, vtteryng their dreames and muencions, in stede of trouthes & verities. For as Kytes bryng furthe no culuers, no more can the father [Page]of falshed bryng furthe children of truthe, qualis pater talis filius, thei then beyng the impes of so euill a tree, muste of congruence bryng furthe fruite, like to them selfes, whiche was well sene in those dayes: For what through mischiefe & mortalitie, raised by theim on the one side: And what through preaching lies & phan­tasies, on the other side, not only Gods woorde, but also all other knowledge, hath been obscured: whereof ensued vniuersal igno­raūce, who, being ioyned with error, brought furth an vnhappie babe, called contenciō, whō thei haue moste tēderly fostered euer since:not onely ministryng mat­ter thereof, in pulpittes and sto­les, but also in their stories and [Page]chronicles, myngelyng the same with so many sedicious falsho­des, as it is in doubte, whether the lines or lies bee mo in num­ber. And because it were long to reherse al their lesynges and va­nities, beyng to many to be well numbered, and to apparaunt to be hidden (for all bee poudered with like peper) yet in the Scot­tishe story a greate part of their practises is to bee seen, and that euē at the very beginnyng, wher at, if thei stumble, what shall we iudge of the reste. If the matter wer onely Poetical, or upon de­sire to shewe an auncient begin­nyng, it might happely be borne and yet scarse in a storie, the law whereof, is to affirme nothyng that is false, to hyde nothyng [Page]that is true, neither to bee ledde with fauor, ne hatered. But see­yng the thyng is doen of a sette purpose, for norishyng diuision in the twoo Realmes, I cannot ouer passe it with silence.

‘GATHELVS sonne of Ce­crops, kyng of Athens or Argi­ues, beeyng banished oute of Grece, with certain other fugitiues cam into Egipt, in the time of the greate tyraunt Pharao, whiche persecuted the childrē of Israell. In his daies, the Moo­tes entered into Egipt, and had broughte the lande vnto vtter ruine, had not the kyng by gods commaundemēt, committed his armie vnto Moses: But after that Gathelus was come, and had wonne a battail against the [Page]Moores, Moses and his cōpa­ny grewe out of fauor, and were fain to flee out of Egipt into Inde. Then was Gathelus made lieuetenaunt of Pharaos army, and for his valeaūt seruice, ob­teined Scota the Kynges sister in mariage, with all the landes lately taken from the people of Israell. After the deathe of this Pharao, reigned his sonne Bo­choris, whiche oppressed Gods people with more tyranny, then his father did. But after y^e God had sent greate plagues emong the Egipcians, Gathelus vnder standyng by the prophetes, that greater were like to folowe, for­sooke Egipte, & in the yere of the creacion of the world .iii.M.vj. C.xliij: He with Scota his wife [Page]their children & seruauntes, Grekes and Egipcians, came out of the mouthe of Nilus, and pas­syng by the sea, called Mediter­raneum, toke land in Numidie, and after, he arriued into a part of Spayne, then called, Lusita­nia, whiche because of his arri­ual there, had the name of Por­tyngale, as one would saie, the porte of Gathele.’

THIS is a greate stomble at the thressholde of the dore: for it is plain by histories, that Lusi­tania, was not called Portyn­gale, almost by a M. yeres, after this supposed tyme. But for the better triall, let vs examine the circumstaunces of the persone, time and place. And for the per­sone, we will admit Gathelus to [Page]be the kyng of Athens sonne, al­though no suche name is found in the Greke histories, and wee will admitte Pharao to haue a doughter, thoughe no historie, Greke or Egipt, mencion of any suche. But when wee haue ad­mitted the persons, al the doubt is, how we shall couple theim in mariage. For accomptyng the tyme of Pharaos reigne, father of Scota, after y^e Hebrues, then was she in the yere of the creaci­on of the worlde, twoo thousand foure hundred yeres: and by our histories, Gathelus was in the yere of the creacion of the world three thousand sixe hundred for­tie and three: whiche is diffe­rente, twelfe hundred yeres and more.

THIS beinge true, here were a very vnfitte mariage betwene these twoo persones, the Bride­grome beinge elder then y^e Bride, by .xii.C. and .xl. yeres. But some wiseman will saye, y^e folke liued lōg in those daies, yet can thei not denye, but she was to olde a mayde for so yonge a ba­chelar, whereby I can worse be­leue, that they had any childrē, she beinge of suche yeares. So that to make this mariage fra­me, either Gathelus was elder then his father, or she was yon­ger then her brother by a thou­sande yeares at the leaste. And syns the tyme of Abraham, men by course of nature, haue not cō monlie lyued much aboue a .C. yeares. And this is ouer plaine [Page]to be excused, as a faulte of the writer, seing the whole course of our historie, dependeth vpon y^e tyme. If she then coulde be dou­ghter to none of the Pharaoes, no more coulde he be sonne to any of the kynges of Athens. And in the tyme that Gathelus liued, which is alledged to be in the yeare of the worlde .iii.M.vi.C.xliii. there were no kinges in Athens, but it was gouerned by certayne Rulers, as a free estate. If this then be false in the originall, we muste iudge in the sequele, which is of their cō ­ming into Spaine, and of their sonne Hyber afterwardes into Irelande, of whome it is called Hybernia, with all the processe of the historie, no lesse vnlikelie. [Page]For if either the Spāyardes in­habitinge Galicia, or the Irishe men that now be, had comme of Grekes or Egyptians, then of likelyhode, some parte of their speache or language, should re­main there. The vocables & soū des of which tōgues, be asmuch differente in sounde, as the voi­ces of men, and the noise of dog­ges. But seinge this priuiledge hath been geuē vnto antiquitie, that to make their fame moore highe and honorable, they my­ghte referre their beginninge to the Goddes: and thoughe the same were more like Poetes fab­leis then syncere histories, yet to be taken for true: Soo woulde not I trauaile so muche in dis­profe of these trifles, but because [Page]I se, that as thei were at the first inuented for diuision by new diuersitie of names, so thei be con­tinued at this daie for like pur­poses. Suche practises haue bene vsed in Italie, betweene Guelfes and Gibilines, and in Hollande betwene Hukeis and Cabellawes, and other where by newe founde names, inuēted by the chyldren of perdicion, to set vs at diuision, euen as they, by diuersitie of sectes & names are diuided from the vnitie of Chri­stes religiō. I nede not to name them, for those cōpaniōs, be wel enough knowne by their coates and hodes, whome as I do not reproue of hatered to their per­sones, no moore do I impugne their histories for enuy at oure [Page]nacion, whose honor if I should not earnestly seke, I mought be compted moste vnnaturall, but that I se what sedicion is sowen by ouer much credite vnto their fables and inuencions, which I suppose hath been a greate lette to the cōcorde, y^t all good mē de­sire. For seinge the beginninges of people cannot be certainely knowen, but onely vnto God, whiche was afore al beginning, it shalbe better to admitte some thinges for true, the contrarye wherof cannot be proued, then to labor in vayne, where y^e truth cannot be tried. But this thing which is apparauntelye false, repugnaunte to reason, and not onely against al other histories, but also contrary in it self, yea & [Page]againste the scripture, founded vpō falsehode, mainteined vpō malice, and sette forthe to the di­uision of two Realmes: I thou­ghte it no vnprofitable labor, to impugne, lamentinge, that in a Chronicle so exactelic written, & so eloquentelie set furthe, there shoulde wante veritie, the cheife grounde of al historie: whishing vnto the aucthor, asmuch wante of malice & affeccion, as he hath plentie of witte and learninge. An other argumēt I gather out of the same historie, where it is confessed, y^t after the Britaynes inhabiting Scotlande were ex­pulsed by the Pictes, thei with their wifes & childrē, fledde into Ireland, where thei continewed xlv. yeares together. Duringe [Page]which time, by reason of biynge and sellīg, marriyng, and other trauffique with the Irishe peo­ple, their name & toūgue was a great part altered & lost. Yet, as our histories shew, the posteritie of those people, comming after­wardes vnto y^e possessiō of their countrey, to kepe in memorie of what kinde thei were come, cal­led them selfes Realbines, y^e is to saye: Albines again, for a know­ledge (as it should seme) aswel of their kindered, as of their resti­tutiō & cōming againe: which is a better profe to shew vs discē ­ded of Albanactus, (according to y^e English historie) then to saie, y^e Realbines, is vnderstāded, kin­ges of Albion (as the trāslator of Boetius historie interpretethe. [Page]As though it werlike, that those fewe, whiche had put foote, but in the smallest and most barrain porcion of the Isle, should call thēselfes kinges of Albion, when thei neither came in by conquest ne reigned ouer any people, but occupied a wast part of the land not beynge inhabited, as in the thirde Chapiter of his Chroni­cle appereth. But how standeth that with reason, that Britayne beyng inhabited by the space of vi.C. yeres afore their comyng, suche a countrey shoulde lie de­sert, and especially vpon the sea costes: Whiche liyng open to o­ther landes, and sonest sene by theim that saile, muste of likely­hode haue inhabiters, before the inner parte of the countrey. I [Page]saie no more, but, Mendacem opor­tet esse memorem: He that should tell a lye, had nede to haue good memory, least his matter appere like a Meremaide, beginnyng with a woman, and ending with a Fishe, as when the ende of the tale is repugnaūt to the begin­nyng, and the middes agreable to neither of bothe. And doubte­les it is no smal masterie to hide a lie: for apparrell hym neuer so faire, his ragges will appeare, packe him neuer so close, the bū ­dell will breake, write hym or speake hym, and his aucthor is bewraied, as a Ratte, is by sque­kyng: And though he bee allo­wed for a ceason yet at the ende, tyme will trie hym, whereof en­sueth greate preiudice to the au­thor: [Page]For though he sa [...]e after­wardes true, none will beleue hym.

IF I shoulde here entre into declaracion of the righte & title, wherby the kynges of England claime to be superior lordes of Scotland, I should of some be noted, rather a confoūder of our liberties and fredomes, then a conseruator, (which name I had late). But for somuche as the same is so exactelie set furthe in an Englishe boke put in Printe in the yere of oure Lorde .1542. at the beginninge of these war­res, called: A DECLARATI­ON, conteynyng the iust causes and consideracions, of this pre­sente warre with the Scottes, wherin alsoo appereth the true [Page]and right title, that the kynges most royall maiestie hath to the souerayntie of Scotlande: as nothynge can be sayde more in so fewe woordes, I will referre all indifferent readers to the sa­me booke, thinkinge it nedelesse to spēde any more time, in a matter so well proued: Neuerthe­lesse I will somewhat touche a point or two, to geue occasion to all suche my contreymē, as min­de the honor and quiet of Scot­lande, to conferre my saiynges, with our histories, and to iudge the matter without affeccion. Whereof settinge a parte the or­der deuised by Brutus at the first concerning the diuision of Bry­tayne, betwene his sonnes, with the Superioritie supposed in y^e [Page]eldest, and subiectiō of the other two, pretermitting also the con­quest of the whoole Islande by Romaines, and the title deriued frome the greate Constantine: let­ting passe also the sundry homa­ges and recognicions of subiec­cion, made to Arthur, and other kynges of the Britaynes, and after him to Osbright, and the Saxon Kynges successiuely, whiche be at large expressed in the Englishe and Briton histo­ries, and affirmed also by Maria­nus, our countryman, whose au­rthoritie is not light, if all these were of no credite, (as they must nedes be of great, howe soeuer we esteme them) yet in my iud­gemēt our awn writers, wherin they labor most to impugne the [Page]cause of England, do moste ad­uaunce it: and therfore in thys parte, I will grounde me vpon them. They agre al vpon .xviii. homages & knowledges of sub­ieccion and allegiaūce, made by the kynges of Scotland succes­siuely, vnto the kinges of Eng­lande, and many of them within late memorie. Which homages, though some of them, either fo­lowing their phantaseis, or fea­ring to offende our kynges, al­ledge to haue been done, some­whiles for Cumberland, & some­whiles for the Erledome of Hū ­tingdon: Yet the time cōsidered, they declare, that such actes we­re doone by oure kynges, afore any of the sayde Erledomes we­re in their possessiō, wherby they [Page]must be vnderstande absolutely done, for the realme of Scot­lande, and in that pointe I re­ferre you vnto the readinge of Marianus: And of latter dayes, synce that those Erledomes we­re taken from vs by Englishmē emong other, kynge Iames the first, did homage, to kyng Hēry the fourthe of Englande. The woordes and fourme of whose homage, who so liste to peruse, shall well perceiue the same to haue been made, neither for any of those Erledomes, neither yet for any other holde, but merely, for the crowne of Scotlande, whiche aswel he as other, know­ledged to hold of y^e king of Englande, as superior lorde. The recordes remaine, the seales & sub­scriptions [Page]be so many, so aunci­ent, and so faire, as cannot ligh­telie be counterfaicte. But some peraduēture will say, that many of those homages were done by force and compulsion: I aun­swere, thoughe it might be, that some of theim were soo done, yet all could not be. For our Croni­cles specifie y^t those .xviii. kīges, were in Englande, which no mā can iudge to haue come all thi­ther by force, and all those dyd homage there, and those homa­ges, well nere all, appere to ha­ue been made for the croune of Scotlande, if we beleue the re­cordes of Englande. And if any saye, that they be counterfeited, I thinke it soner said, then pro­ued. And touching the compul­sion [Page]and force, I saye, thoughe some of our kynges might be cō pelled by feare, yet howe coulde all be: or coulde an whole Par­liament be compelled? Is it not manifest, that when question a­rose, vpon the title of the croune of Scotlande, betwene Balliol. Brus, and Hastynges, was it not decided by Edward the fyrst, king of Englande, as competent iud­ge in that case? But here it is sayde agayn, that he was iudge in that case, not of righte, but by consente of the parties. Then loke well to the woordes of the compromisse, which nameth him superior lord of Scotland. And this was done in Parliamente, by consente of the thre estates, which of likelyhoode could not [Page]be all compelled. In which cau­se, I am partely ashamed, of the impudēt vanitie of our writers, whiche raile without reason a­gaynst the iudgemēt of Edward in that plea, as corrupte. & false. This I saie, that if the Iudge­ment were to be geuen agayne, neither Mynos, Lycurgus, nor Salo mon, (whose iudgementes in hi­stories be so celebrate) dyd euer geue a more true, a more perfect or a more rightfull sentence, ei­ther by the ciuile lawes, or by y^e practise and custome of Scot­lande, or any other reasonable lawe, and take the case, euen as they propone it. But then we haue an other euasion, which is to alledge prescripcion, because those homages haue not been [Page]done within memorie. To that I aunswere, that thoughe pre­scripcion serued in that case, (as it doth not) yet the warres made from tyme to tyme, counteruaile a possession thereof: In whiche pointe lette vs be well aduised, what we saye, leaste by fleynge the smoke, we fall into the fyre. For once admittinge hym supe­riour kynge, no prescripcion wil serue agaynst hym. The texte is common, and no more common, then allowed, almoste in all la­wes. Nullum tempus occurrit Regi: Time cannot preiudice a Kyng.

MOREOVER, I note this, that the Kynges of Englande would neuer make peace with vs perpetually, neither as law­full enemies, but admitted a [Page]truce, or an intermission of warr for a tyme, alwaies exceptyng, Lorne and Lundie, and with a caution to saue their title and right. Our awne Recordes and registers approue this: howbeit let no man iudge, that myne en­tent is herin to pleade the cause of Englande, (for that I neither can doo, ne professe to doo) but onely to geue light to suche, as liste to seke, that the matter is not so cleare on our side, as oure writers would haue it seme, and therfore, I would y^t men should weigh the querell indifferently, and without affecciō, and not to leane more on the one side, then on the other. For the title, which I alledge, is neither deuised v­pon phantasie, worne out with [Page]age, introduced by conquest, ne enforced with fe [...]re or compul­sion: but grounded vpon truth, dooen within memory, wrought by consente, and agreyng to all iustice, equitie, lawe, pacte, and promise, not doen in priuate, but openly, and not by a [...]ew, but by a multitude, vpon a greate deli­beracion, and that in parliamēt: whiche title enduceth no ferui­tude, but fredome, libertie, con­cord and quietnesse, and serueth aswell for Scotlande, as En­glande, makyng equalitie with­out supertoritie.

AT the parliament holden at Edinbrough (immediatly after the death of our last kyng) wher al the lordes, thother states and orders of our realme wer assem­bled [Page](sauing the Erle of Arguyle that appered there by his proc­tor, sir Ihou Cāmell): The ma­riage betwene our Princes, and the kynges maiestie of Englād, kyng Edward the .VI. (then be­yng prince) was fully concluded by aucthoritie of the same Par­liament, al thassentes of the said states and Orders, concurryng therunto. The whiche, for more faithe & testimony of the thyng, was also confirmed by writing, vnder the greate seale of Scot­lande. Maie there be any thyng of greater aucthoritie, force, or euidence, any title more righte­ous, then this? graunted, not by our auncestors, but by our sel­fes, and to a prince now liuyng, not in tyme oute of mynde, but [Page]now these so fewe yers fre­shely paste, not rashely, or soda­inly, but by greate and delibe­rate aduisemēt, and the same not of a fewe, but of all the states of the realme, assēbled not at al ad­uentures, but solēpnely in paramēt: a thing no doubt, instilled from the almightie, and the same our moste merciful god, into the mindes of y^e workers thereof, to haue set an end to al the discord of bothe realmes, by that vnion and knot of mariage. And what madnes or deuill (O moste dere coūtreimē) hath so moued, or ra­ther distracte our myndes, eftso­nes to take weapō in hand, and the same against oure promises, fidelities, honoures, and othes, hauyng on oure side, no good [Page]grounde, honestie, reason, ne any iuste respecte, but onely of the prouocacion of the deuil, the pope, and his rable of religious men (as thei would seme to be) & specially those, whom we cal our auncient frendes, where their are in deede our auncient enemies, y^e Frenchemen. And when we shall haue well cōsidered, this attone­ment with Englande, & compa­red the same, with the league of Fraūce, and well weighed then­tentes & endes of bothe, we shall perceiue y^e the one, calleth vs to an euerlasting peace & quietnes, and the other hath, and will kepe vs (if wee forsake it not in tyme) in cōtinual miserie and warres. And that maie we easily iudge, in repeting from the beginnyng [Page]the causes of the one, and of the other. The Frenchmen, fearyng more and more y^e power of En­glande, whiche had so many ty­mes dooen theim so notable dis­pleasures, as not onely to haue wonne of them sundry battailes (wherof for briefnes sake, I re­porte me to the stories) but also, for that the Englishemen, haue (as ye knowe) these many ye­res, kepte foote and possession of ground in Fraunce, did besides and emōg many other thynges, deuise this one, as a chief staye for theim, to make vs of their faccion against Englande, thin­kyng therby at all tymes, when either for iust causes, Englande should haue to do with theim, or thei with Englande, wee should [Page]set on the backes of the English men, or otherwise anoye theim, either to force thē to withdrawe their armie out of Fraunce, or els bee constreined for resistēce, or inuasions, to diuide their po­wer, and so to be the weaker: euē as it hath come to passe, that the Englishemen, haue so been for­ced to doo, when neuerthelesse, it hath redounded to no lesse dis­comfiture of our nacion, then of the Frenchemen, their princi­pall enemies. An euident proife and triall whereof, (partely be­cause thynges of farther tyme and memorie, hauyng been so many and so oftē nede not ther­in in to be narowly sought for, and partly because this example, be­yng freashest in mynd, maie, if it [Page]please God, worke moste best ef­fect) did right well appere, in the first voyage of Kyng Henry the VIII. a Prince of mooste wor­thy & famous memorie, against Fraunce, when we inuaded En­gland, to haue hyndered his en­terprise, and doen there some di­spleasure, if wee had might, sup­posyng to haue founde at home, but shepherdes, priestes and women. At one time we lost the feld and our kyng, (beyng otherwise a noble Prince and a valeaunte Knight) besides an infinite nū ­bre of our countreimen, few of y^e Englishe part wantyng, & kyng Henry, at the very self same time wonne the battaill in Fraunce, at the iorney of the spurres: and besides that, wōne also by plain [Page]conquest, Turwayn and Tur­ney. Now, when wee shall haue bothe cōsidered our league with the Frenchemen, and all the suc­cesses, that haue chaunced to vs syns the conclusion of the same, we cānot recken how to aduaūt vs of any one thyng wee haue wōne, but of infinite losses, mis­fortunes, slaughters, spoyles, and vtter ruyne, come thereby to vs and our countrey vniuersal. The honor and profite, if any be, cōmeth onely to the Frenche­men, whiche serue theimselfes of vs for their money: for thinordi­nate gain wherof, we do alwaies hazard, our honoures, lifes, and countrey, and haue lost our frendes, naye, rather beeyng a mem­bre of the selfe body with En­glande, haue suffered our self to [Page]be diuorced & torne frō the same, and haue so far passed our awne reason, that we haue in y^t behalf, attēpted to do hurte to a part of our awnselfes, if Gods goodnes towardes Englande, had not so prouided, that our power could not bee hable to aunswer, to our misaduised willes: And so farre did we estraunge our selfes, that wee could finde in our hartes to become seruile, and to bee as cō ­mon hirelynges, to a forrein na­ciō. For what other thing do we but serue theim for their money, to our awne vtter destruccions, to y^e spillyng of our awne bloud to the burnyng of oure tounes, and to the waste and spoyle of our whole natiue countrey? And at this, do the Frenchmen laugh thei take pleasure, sittyng at [Page]home in securitie, excepte perad­uenture thei sende a few of their cast souldiors, of whō thei make lesse accoumptes or estimacion, then of so many shepe or hog­ges: Howbeit, to bring vs in be­lefe, that we bee in some parte of estimaciō with theim, thei make of our nacion, certain chief pre­sioentes in Fraunce, & the kyng hath of vs, a certain numbre in his garde, for the defence of his persone, in whom, howe litle he trusteth, God knoweth, and dai­ly experiēce teacheth. By this he maketh vs silly soules beleue, that he hath vs in singuler trust when in deede, it is but a golden and glisteryng bayte, alluryng our simplicitie and credulitie, to that Irō hoke, that hath caught and killed afore now, the moste [Page]part of our auncestors, & now of late, no fewer of oure fathers, of our childrē, and of our kinsfolke while the Frenche, lose not a mā, but a fewe golden crounes. And yet our presidētes, for al the ho­nor & aucthoritie, that thei be set in, doo serue but as Cyphers in Algorisme, to fill the place, and in stede of Iupiters blocke, sent to rule the Frogges, whereupon thei treade and leape, withoute feare & daunger. And our coun­treymen of the gard after many yeres, worne in Fraunce, haue this onely rewarde at length, to bee called of all the worlde, in mockery, Iehan de Escoce. Yet is there one thyng wherein wee re­pose a certain honor, and yet in deede, is the same one of the most dishonors, that euer we receiued [Page]whiche was, when at thentre of a league, with Charles y^e greate Kyng of Fraunce, wee receiued for an encrease of the Armes of our realme, a trace of flour delu­ces, not considering how shame­full and dishonorable it was to vs, being so noble pleople, to de­face our aunciēt Armes, and re­ceiue the note and token of no­bilitie and worthines, of straun­gers: On thother part, how ho­norable a thyng, this attonemēt with Englande, were for vs, the blynd man maie se. For beeyng then (as algates we must be vn­der some one) bothe vnder one kyng, the more large and ample the Empire wer: the more hono­rable and glorious: the kyng of greater dominion, gouernaunce power, and fame: and the subiec­tes [Page]more renoumed, more happy and more quiet: the realme more sure, and formidable to the ene­mies: and thei lesse eshuned and feared.

THVS beyng bothe our peo­ple and forces ioyned in one, we should be the more puyssaunt to inuade, more strōg to resist and defende. And our power beeyng suche & so great, should be an oc­casion (for I wil not now speake of all thynges) to make vs fre & sure frō outward inuasicēr wher­of (peace beyng first betwene vs and Englande) should folowe peace with al others: In sort, as the laboryng man might safely tille his grounde, and as safely gather in the profites and frui­tes therof: the marchaunt might withoute feare goo abrode, and [Page]bryng in forreine commodities, into the realme: the gouernours beeyng in tranquillitie, and not hauyng their thought and cure diuided into many sundery par­tes, should, with lesse careful­nesse and anxietie of mynde, see to the good ordre of the commō wealth, whiche neuer so truely florisheth, as in peace: In fine, all murders, robberies, spoyles, slaughters, and desolacions, be­yng the sequele, and as it wer, y^e children of warre, yea, and warr it self, the Parente of the same, should cease: in whose places should succede, peace, wealthe, quiet ordre, and all other gra­ces and good happes. But if we be so blynd, that we will not see, and deafe, that we will not har­ken to these holsome admonici­ons, [Page]when without the feare of God, and without regard of the commō weale, we shall rush still hedlong, into the fury of warre, lette vs recken with our selfes, (whose cause is moste iniust and wrongfull) what is to bee loked for, towardes vs, at the conque­rors handes, seing, that we haue refused so honorable, so equall, and so easie, yea, and frendly cō ­dicions of peace: specially being called, not into subiecciō or ser­uitude, but into one societie and feloweship with Englishemen, and y^t, by so honorable a meane, as the mariage of our Princes, with the kinges maiestie of En­glande, a Prince of so greate to­wardnes, honor, and expectaciō, bothe for y^t he is descēded of such parētes, and also, for y^t those ver­tues [Page]bee all ready in hym, as the like were perchaunce, in no one prince afore: So as we may su­rely hope and promise to our selfes, more at his maiesties hand, then peraduenture were lawfull to looke for, of a mortall man. Then, what should wee feare at the handes of such a Prince, ha­uing maried our natural quene but all grace, clemencie, and be­nignitie, aswell for her graces sake, whō he shall haue maried, as also for those vertues, which be to his Maiestie naturall and propre. Moreouer, what other thyng is to be loked for at y^e hā ­des of the succession of thē both, which shall take aswell parte of her grace, as of his Maiestie, then al gentle and louing treat­ment and prerogatyue, seyng frō [Page]the same we shal no more be strā ­gers vnto that nacion, but asnye and as dere, as the self English­men. And so muche the rather, when those hatefull termes of Scottes & Englishemen, shalbe abolisshed and blotted oute for euer, and that we shal al agre in the onely title and name of Bri­tons (as verely we ought to do) and the selfe realme, beeyng eft­sones reduced into the fourme of one sole Monarchie, shal bee called Britayn: Then the which forme, there is none other better nor no commō weale so well go­uerned as y^e same is, that is ru­led by one kyng. The experience wherof we haue seen, euen from the beginning of the worlde, cō ­tinually to our time. For who so shall well consider the states of [Page]all commone weales, that haue been gouerned by mo then one, shal perceiue that the same hath been y^e cause of their finall ruine & exterminion. For gouernaunce maye in no wyse suffer an equal companyon, ne any more be di­uided into the rule of twoo sun­drie administers, then one bo­dye maye beare two heades, or the worlde endure to haue twoo sunnes to geue lighte at once. And that same appereth in all other creatures, emonge whom, there is any societie, or body po­litique, wherby it may easily be gathered, to be the primatiue de­cre, and the due ordre of nature. Whiche, like as in many other thynges, so doth it specially ap­pere in the swarme of Bees: for thei beyng ledde with the onely [Page]and mere instinct of nature, will neither bee without one Kyng and gouernor, ne yet admit any mo Kynges, then one at once. And by the same nature, bee wee taught, to repute and reckē that body to be mōstreous, that hath twoo heddes, and no lesse is the realme, that hath twoo kynges. Then if in all thinges we shuld (as nigh as might be) approche to the likenesse of heauen, aswell in our lifes and actes, as in all our fashions, wee should not al­lowe the regiment of many, for that the heauenly thynges, haue but one gouernor, whiche thyng Homere (though he were but an Heathē poete) semeth to expresse in these verses.

To haue mani gouernors is not good But let there bee one ruler of Kynges [Page]and one Kyng.

SVRELY, the aunswer of Cerbane Lydyane, wherof Serinus maketh mencion in his commē ­taries, was of no small grauitie & importaunce. For when Craesus would haue ioyned his brother with hym in the kyngdome: the sonne (saied he) is aucthor of all good thynges in the yearth, but if there should bee twoo sonnes, it wer perill least their two hea­tes, should burne vp al the arth: Euen so, as one kyng is necessa­rie, so mo then one, is hurtfull. The experience wherof, (to sette examples no farther of) was wel felt in Englande, so long as the seuen Kynges reigned, as maie well appere to theim that reade the story. Herefore dare I bold­ly saie, if these twoo realmes wer [Page]brought vnder one Empire and gouernaunce, wee should see an ende of al strief and warre, whi­che will neuer come otherwise to passe: And then should wee haue this common weale of ours, be­yng now out of all ordre, and in moste miserable state & condiciō to bee moste happie and mooste florishing. The whiche thyng to attein, it lieth onely in you (O moste dere countreymen): yours is the faulte, you must make the amendes. And other condicions of recompense, then your selfes haue agreed vnto, wil vndoub­tedly, none bee allowed. For what other condicions should Englāde receiue of vs, (hauing had so often experience of oure breaches of peace, of truce, and of our promises, which yet vnto [Page]this daie, we haue neuer truely kept towardes thē, as thei maye in no reason truste vs,) but in suche sorte, as they maie be assu­red to fynde vs constaunt, firme and stedfaste in oure promisse. Wherfore, if there remayn with you (O dere countreymen) any remorce or pitie of our torne and woful coūtrey, or of your selfes, staye betymes, while you haue tyme to do well. Recken, y^t thou­gh ye haue offended, it is better betymes to refourme the thyng, whiche, by reason of sinistre and euill counsaill, hath been euill doen, then to stande obstinately in your most wicked and deue­lish enterprise, beyng vtterly cō ­trary to your faithefull promise, to your honors, & also to righte and duety: that if your awn particular [Page]respectes, doo not moue you, yet haue mercy vpon youre commune countrey, youre man­gled countrey, youre countrey weepinge to you with bloody teares, which your selfes do ex­presse, and wring out of her, and enforce her to shed. And surely in this part, I would wyshe as­much eloquēce, as I haue good will to set out this woofull tra­gedy in her perfect colours: but seynge the same doeth not serue to my wyshe, I muste vtter such matter, as the dolor of my hart, and natural pitte, may minister vnto my penne, which if it could as liuely depaynt the greatnes of this euill, as myne harte doth Imagine and conceiue the same the multitude of teares, shoulde set mens iyes from readyng and [Page]extremitie of affecciōs, disturbe their myndes from conceinyng. Imagine you (I praye you) if Britayne coulde speake, mighte she not well saye thus: Hath not the almighty prouidēce seuered me from the reste of the worlde, with a large sea, to make me one I slande? hath not natures ordi­naūce furnisshed me with asma­ny thinges necessary, as any one ground bringeth furth? hath not mans pollicie at the beginninge subdued me to one gouernoure? And hath not the grace of Christ illumined me ouer all, with one faith: and finally the workes of all these foure, tēded to make me one? Why thē wil you diuide me in two? What foly, yea, or rather what contempt of God is this, y^t ye still teare me, pull me, & ryue [Page]me in peces? were their euer children so vnnaturall (if they were not of the vipers nature) to rend their mothers wombe? yea, were there euer beastes so saluage, or cruel, to deuour the dam? If bit des, beastes, and all thinges na­turall haue this reason, not to destroy their kynde, how chaun­ceth it then, that you veyng men endewed with reason, bredde in one lande, ioyned in one faithe, should thus vnkindly, vnnatu­rally, and vnchristenly, bathe youre swoordes in eche others blode? May not the example of other landes teache you to be­ware of diuision, to hate all dis­corde, to abhorre intestine war­re? May not the ruine of y^e Gre­kes, the falle of the Romaynes, and the subuersion of soo many [Page]countreis, common weales, and states in the worlde, suffyce for pour ensample? yea, may not the present sighte of my ruyne and decay, teache you to take heede? If the counsailes of wyse men, experience of other countreys, nor y^e pytie of me your mother, your nutryce, and your bringer vp, do not moue you: Yet at the least, haue and vse some mercye towardes your selfes. Haue you not shedd enough of your awne blodde? what folye, or rather what fury is this, thus to ruy­nate your selfes, and to deuoure one an other, to the discomforte of me, and pleasure of your ene­myes? If ye woulde set before your eyes, the exceding quanti­tie of blodd, that hath been shed betwene you my ingrate & moste [Page]vnnatural children: you would iudge it sufficiente, & more then enoughe, not onely to conquere Europe, but euē y^e whole world. And to what vtilitie hathe all thys been spent? surely to none other, then to the mischief & de­struccion of eche other, emonge youre selfes. Oh incomparable losse for so litle game. I was ne­uer yet inuaded by forreine ene­myes, but some of my chyldren, were the chief ayders, and onely causers therof: nor no mischiefe procured agaīst me at this day, but by their cōsent and coūsail. Oh I an vnhappy mother of suche children: how longe shall these furies leade you? how lōge will you that my wyde fyeldes lye wasted, that my townes be desert and vnpeopled, that my [Page]fayre houses and castels be spoi­led and burnt, & my people fa­mished? I cānot accuse Romay­nes, Pictes, ne yet Normais, but myne awne rebellious, discordāt and graceles children. O hate­ful discord, no where doest thou begyn, but all goeth to wrecke, ere thou makest an end. O priuy poyson, O familiar foo, O dis­sembling traitor, O couerte pe­stilence: what coulde Caesar haue preuailed agaynst me, if Mandru batius a Britayne, had not bene diuided frō Cassibolan my king? Wil this fire neuer be quēched? this malice neuer cease, nor your furye neuer ende? If it be geuen you of natur [...] if you sucke it w^t your mothe [...]s mylke, if it growe in you with yeares, to hungre strife & watre: here this my coū ­sail: [Page]Afore you make warre at home, seke your enemies abrode Pursue their lifes, shedde their bloode, be wroken upon thē, kyl them, & ouercome them, & when thei be all killed, ouercome and subdned, then turne the swoor­des point agaīst eche other, but not afore: and then shall you ne­uer soo doo, for you neuer yet to this daie, haue wanted enemies. But to returne to you again my countremē, whom, for y^e natural loue, I beare to you, I cannot leaue to blame for your folyes, or rather madnes, & exhorte you to this moste honorable, moste godly and profitable attonemēt with Englande, who wynkynge at our transgressions, bearynge with our peruerse waiwardenes & pardoning our to much ingratitude [Page]hitherto, doth to her vtter moste strēgth & power, seke w^t al possible gentlenes, to recōcile vs & with all her endeuoure conti­nuallye laboureth, to make vs partakers of her concorde and vnitie, her trāquilite & quiet, her wealth & luckey fortune, her cō ­questes & triūphes: & finallie of all her incōparable ioyes & feli­cities. I shal lastely beseche and exthorte, and (as farre as the mo­thers aucthoritie ouer y^e chylorē may) adiure you by God y^e very aucthor of all peace Loue, Cha­ritie, & cōcorde, to returne into y^e right waie, out of the whiche, ye haue so long gone a straigh. Re­mēber (I besech you, o most dere coūtremē) how that by this cal­ling of vs into this vnitie, pro­ceding plainly frō god him selfe [Page]he woulde also vnite & ioyne vs in one religiō. For howe godly were it, y^t as these two Realmes should grow into one, so should thei also agre in the concorde & vnite of one religiō, & the same y^e pure, syncere & incorrupt reli­gion of Christ, setting a part all fonde supersticions, sophistica­cions, & other thousandes of de­uilries brought in by the bishop of Rome & his creatures, wher­by to geue glosse to their thīges & darknes to Gods true worde, for y^e onely purpose, to aduaūce their glory, & treade Gods word vnder fote, to vtter their fylthye merchaūdise, & to sclāder y^e pre­cious ware & Iewels of y^e scrip­ture: & emōges y^e rest, to destroye Gods peace, & ringe their awne alarmes, against his moste glo­rious [Page]victory on y^e Crosse, throu­out the worlde. And I wote not whether firme cōcorde be other­wise more sureli mortized in mēs hartes, then whē it procedeth of y^e true knowlege of Gods word, which doth in so many passages repete vnto vs, peace, peace: lo­ue, loue: charitie, charitie: & re­proueth warre, hatred, & discord, seedes doubtelesse scatered by y^e deuil, through those monsters of men, that professe preposterous religion, to stirre aswell all o­thers, as also most specially, you my coūtrymē most of all, to this diuisiō & roare, wherin thei (fea­ringe the worthy fall wherwith God threateneth thē, which they now perceiue by others exāples to hāg ouer their heades) deuise by hooke & by croke to kepe you [Page]stil occupied in mistrust of your best frendes, casting before your eyes, mystes, shadowes, & colors (suche as Iuglers vse to doo) to thende, lest if you should once se the clearnes of Gods worde, you should then encline to y^t of your selfes, and most easly, wherunto I do now with so much a do ex­horte you. I perceyue that the loue to my country and nacion, hath made me vnawares to ha­ue wandred furder, then at the first I purposed: wherfore I wil make an ende, if fyrst I shall re­pete that I haue already proued vnto you, that these twoo Real­mes were first a Monarchie vn­der Brutus, and soo lefte by hys order to his sonnes, by the supe­rioritie geuē to the eldest, which forme of gouernaunce, was also [Page]vnder Constātyne. I haue alsoo proued, y^t these two realmes ou­ght to come vnder y^t fourme, & y^e kinges Maiestie y^t now is, to be Monarch of the same: aswel for the superiorite, which was in his aūcestors proued by y^e homages & other thinges afore alleged, y^e claim wherof did yet neuer cease as also specially by force of your awn late act of parliamēt, wher­by he ought of right to mary our Prīcesse, thīheritrice of y^e crown of Scotlāde: by occasiō wherof we shalbe receiued, not into ser­uitude, but īto y^e same felowship w^e Englishmē, y^e names of both subiectes & realmes ceassing, & to be chāged into y^e name of Britaī & Britons, as it was first, & yet stil ought to be. And how neces­sary y^t same fourme of the gouernaūce [Page]of one Monarche or kin­ge is, you se to be more clere then the sonne, & the same to be a rea­dy & easy meane, how both tap­pease al discord, which otherwise wil neuer stint, & also testablish vs in euerlasting peace, quiete & trāquillite: vnto whiche effectes there is verely none other mea­ne. And y^e thing selfe (though I should holde my peace) doth suf­ficiētly speake & avouche y^e same to be awaye vnto both Realmes most honorable, because not on­ly the Empire shal by y^e occasion be y^e more large & strōg in it self, & the King y^e more puissant & fa­mous: profitable, for y^t discorde shal ceasse, & cōcord come in pla­ce, & thereby the people & cōmon weale florish & prospere: & godly for y^e we shal agre all in one, & y^e [Page]same the true & christen religiō.

IT remaineth now to say vn­to you, that the right high mightie and excellēt prince Edward, duke of Somerset, erle of Hert­forde, Viscount Beauchāp, lord Seymour, gouernor of the per­sone of the Kynges Maiestie of Englande, & protector of all his realmes, dominions, & subiectes his lieuetenasit general of al his armies, bothe by lande and by sea, Treasorer & Erle Marshal of England, gouernor of y^e isles of Gernsey and Iersey, & knight of the moste noble ordre of the garter: A man for his actes and worthinesse, well knowen to the world, & you, of whom you haue had late experience to your per­nes, & his dolour, for that, as the louyng mother, in beafyng her [Page]childe weepeth, so in punishyng you, he did it lothely, and to his grief, because he pitied your case The said lord protector is com­myng towardes you, with a pu­issaūt & inuincible army, hauing on his side God, & the iust cause, and an intēt, to receiue to mercy grace & fauor, so many of you, as for y^t furthering of this mariage & his other Godly purposes, wil come in to him. And cōtrarily, to punish & correct y^e rest, y^t shal re­main in their stubburn & wilful disobediēce. Wherfor (o coūtry­men) cōsidering y^e on oure part, we haue nothing but the wrōg & iniust cause, violaciō of our promises & othes, geuē to England w^t cōceiued words, after mature & iuste deliberaciō, callyng God & his angels, vnto witnes ther­of, [Page]who knoweth our infidelitie, & will not leaue the iniury doen to hym & them, vnreuenged. For the regard of God, for your awn sakes, & for the tendre respecte of our coūtrey, cast wisely doune y^t armour & weapōs, y^t you haue so fondely put on & takē in hand: & submit your selfes hūbly, to the mercy & clemencie of so noble & benigne a Prince: who is rather come thither, louīgly toembrace & receiue you, yea, & as your protector, to defēd & assist you: then to punish you according to your desertes. But if you shal despice my coūsail & abuse his humani­tie & good offers, how gētle & clement soeuer he be of his awn nature, thinke you for sure, y^t God, who wil not suffre infidelite, tes­cape lōg īchastised, wil stirre vp [Page]his corage to do vengeāce vpō you for your insolēcie and faith brokē: y^e which I writ, not with­out sorow & teares: Praiīg God for his pitie & goodnesse, to geue you his grace & better mynde, so as you may forsake the errors y^e now lead you hedlong, and maie folow these good & holsome coū ­sailes, of your most natural, and most tendre louyng countreimā: wherby, you maie accord (as by your promises and dueties, ye ought to do) to so godly, so honorable, and so profitable condiciōs, as are now gē ­telly offered you.