WHen finished was this Tragedy, which se­med not vnfyt for the persons touched in y^• same. Another which in the meane tyme had stayde vppon syr Roger Mortimer Earle of March, and heyre apparaunt of Englande, whose miserable end (as it should appeare) was somwhat before the others: sayd as foloweth. Although it be not greatlye appertinent to our purposed matter, yet in my iudgement, I thincke it would do wel to obserue the tymes of these great infortunes, and as they be more auncient in tyme, so to place their se­uerall plaintes: For I fynde that before these (of whō maister Ferrers here hath spoken) there were two earles of y^e name of Mortimer, the one in the tyme of king Edward the third out of our date: another in Richard the secondes time, slayne in Ire­land, a yeare before the fal of these Iustices: whose hystorie syth it is notable, and thexample fruitful, it were not good to ouerpasse. And therfore by your lycence and fauours, I wyl take vpon me the per­sonage of the earle Mortimer called Roger, who full of bloudye woundes mangled, with a pale countenaunce, and grieslye looke, may make his moane to Bald­win, in this wise.

AFter this Tragedye ended, Mays [...]er Fer­rers sayde, seeinge it is beste to place eche person in his order, Baldwin take you the Chronicles & marke them as they come: for there are many worthye to bee noted, thoughe not treated of. First the Lorde Murrey a Scot­tish man, who tooke his deathes wound through a stroake lent him by the Earle of Notingham, whom he chalenged at the Tylt: But to omit him and also the fatte Pryor of Typtre, pressed to death [Page] with thronge of People vppon London Bridge at the Queenes entrye, I wyll come to the Duke of Glocester the kinges vncle, a man mynding the common wealth, and yet at length miserably made away, in whose person if ye wil geeue eare, ye shal heare what I thinke meete to be sayd.

WHen maister Ferrers had ended this fruictfull Tragedye, because no mā was readye with an other, hauing perused the storie which came next, sayde: because you shall not saye (my maysters) but that I will somewhat doe my parte. I wyll vnder your correction, declare the tragedye of Thomas Mowbrey, Duke of North­folke, the chiefe worker of the Duke of Glocesters destruction: who to admonish all counsaylours to b [...]ware of Flattring Princes or falsely enuying or accusing their Peregalles, may lamēt his vyces in maner folowinge.

THis tragical example was of al the company wel liked, howbeit a doubt was foūd therin, & that by means of the diuersity of y^e Chroni­cles [Page 16] for whereas Hall (whose Chronicle in this woorke was chiefelye folowed) maketh Mow­br [...]y appellant, and Bolenbroke defendant. Fabian reporteth the matter quite contrarye, and that by recorde of the Parliament rolle, wherein it is plain that Bolenbroke was appellant & Morobrey de­fendant wherfore whatsoeuer shalbe sayde in the persō of Mowbrey (who being a most noble prince had to much wrong to be so causeles defamed after his death) imagine the same to be spoken agaynste his accuser. Which matter syth it is more harde to decide, than nedefull to our yurpose, which mynde only to disswade frō vices & exalt vertue, we refer to such as may come by the Recordes of the Parli­ament, contented in the meane while with May­ster Halles iudgement, which maketh best for our foreshewed purpose.

This doubt thus let passe. I would sayd M, Fer­rers, saye somwhat for K. Rich. the 2. after whose depriuing, his brother & diuers other made a maske mynding by K. Henries destructiō to haue restored him, which maskers matter so runneth in this y^t I doubt which ought to goe before, but seeing no mā is ready to say ought in their behalfe, I wyll geue (who so listeth) leasure to think thereon, & in y^e me­ane time to further your enrerprise. I will in K. Ri­chards behalfe recount such part of his storye, as I thinke most necessary. And therfore imagin Baldwin y^• you see y^• corps of this Prince al to be māgled, w^t bloudy woundes, lyinge pale and wanne, naked [Page] vpon a Beere in Paules Church, the People stan­ding round about him, and making his complaint in maner as foloweth.

WHen Maister Ferrers had ended this so woful a Tragedye, and to all Princes a right worthy instruction: hauing passed through a miseable time full of piteous Tragedies, we paused a while. And seeing y^e reign of Henry the fowerth ensued, a Prince more ware and Prosperous in his doinges, although not vn­troubled with warres, both of outfoorth and in­ward enemies: we began to search what Peer [...]s were fallen therein, where of the nomber was not small. And yet because their examples were not much to be noted for our purpose, we passed ouer all the Maske [...]s of whom king Richardes brother was chiefe: which were al slaine and put to Death for their trayterous attempt. And fynding Owen [Page 19] Glendour, a great Prince in Wales, next in succes­ion of ill Fortune with the stout Percies his con­federates, I thought it not meete to ouerpasse, so great persons with silence, and therefore sayd thus to the sylent company: What my maisters is euery man at once in a browne study? hath no mā affec­tiō to any of these stories? you minde so much some other belike, that these do not moue you: and to say the truth, there is no special cause why they should. Howe be it Owen Glendour, because he was one of Fortunes owne darlingrs, and affected to bee Monark of Wales, although to his owne mischiefe and destruction, rather then he should be forgottē, I wil pray Maister Phaer who of late hath placed hymselfe in that country, & haply hath met with his ghost in the forest of Kylgarran that he wil say som­what in his person: which Owen comming out of the wylde Mountaines of Wales like the image of Death in al pointes (his harte onely excepted) as a ghost forpined with extreame famine, cold and hun­ger, may lamente his great misfortune in sutch maner as you maister Phaer are able most aptly to vtter and set forth.

WHan mayster Phaer had ended the Tra­gedy of thys hunger staruen Prynce of Wales, it was well liked of all the compa­ny that a Saxō would speake so mutch for a B [...]yt­ton, then sodenly one found a doubt worth the mo­uinge and y^t cōcerning this title, Thearle of March: for as it appereth, there were three men of three di­uers nations together in one time entituled by that honour: first sir Edmund Mortimer, whom Owē kept in Prison, an Englishman: the second y^• Lord George of Dunbar a valiaunt Scot, banished out of his countrey, & well esteemed of Henry the .iiij: the third Lord Iames of Bourbon a Frenchman, sent by the French king to helpe Owen Glendour. These three men had this title all at once, which caused him to aske how it was true that euery one of these coulde be Earle of Marche: whereto was aunswered, that euery countrey hath Marches be­longing vnto them, & those so large, that they were Earldomes, & the Lords thereof intituled thereby: so y^e lord Edmūd Mortimer was Earle of Marche in England, lorde Iames of Burbō of y^• Marches of Fraunce, and Lord George of Dunbar Earle of the Marches in Scotland. For otherwise neyther could haue interest in others title. This dout thus dissolued, maister Ferrers sayd: if no mā haue affec­tion to the Percies, let vs passe the times both of Henry the fourth, and the fift, and come to Henry y^e [Page] sixt, in whose time Fortune (as she doth in the my­nority of Princes) bare a great stroke among y^e no­bles. And yet in Henry the fourths time are exam­ples which I would wish Baldwin y^t you shoulde not forget, as the conspiracy made by the Byshop of Yorcke, and the Lord Mowbray, sonne of him whom you late treated of: pricked forward by the Earle of Northumberland, father to sir Henry Hot­spur, who fled himselfe, but his partners were ap­prehended & put to death, with Baynton and Blin­kinsops, which could not se their duty to their king but tooke parte wyth Percy that banished Rebell. As he was proceedinge, hee was desired to stay by one which had pondered the story of the Percies, who briefly sayde. To the ende Baldwin that you may knowe what to saye of the Percies, whose story is not all out of memory (and it is an notable story) I wyll take vpon me the person of the Lord Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland, father of Syr Henry Hotspur, in whose be­halfe this may be sayde as followeth. *⁎*

BY that this was ended, I had found oute the storye of Richard Earle of Cambridge: [...]because it conteyned matter in it, though not very notable, yet for the better vnder­standinge of the rest, I thought it meete to touche it, and therfore sayd as foloweth: You haue sayde wel of the Percies and fauourablye, for in deede as it should appeare, the chiefe cause of their conspira­cye against K. Henry, was for Edmund Mortimer their consins sake, whom the king very maliciouslye proclaymed to haue yelded himselfe to Owen cou­lourably, when as in deede hee was taken forciblye against his wyl, and very cruelly ordered in Prison And seeing we are in hand with Mortimers mat­ter, I will take vppon me the person of Rycharde Plantagenet earle of Cambridge, who for his sake lykewise dyed. And therefore I let passe Edmōd Holland Earle of Kent, whom Henry the fowerth [Page 28] made Admiral to skowre the Seas, because y^t Bri­taines were abrode: which Earle (as many things happen in warre) was slayne with an arrow at y^t Assaulte of Briack: shortly after whose death this king dyed, and his sonne Henrye the fyft of that name succeeded in his place. In the begin­ning of this Henry the fyftes raigne dyed this Rychard, and with him Hēry the L. Scrope & other, in whose be­halfe, this maye be sayde.

WHan stout Richarde had stoutly sayde his mynde, belike sayd one, this Rychard was but a little man, or els little fauoured of writers, for our Chronicles speake very litle of him But seeing we become now to king Henries voy­age into Fraunce, we cannot lacke valiaunte men to speake of, for among so many as were led & sent by the king out of this Realme thither, it cannot be chosen but some, & that a great somme, were slaine among them: wherfore to speake of thē al, I thinke not needeful. And therefore to let passe Edwarde Duke of Yorke, and the Earle of Suffolke, slayne both at the Battayle of Agincourte, as were also many other. Let vs end the tyme of Henry the fift, and come to his sonne Henry the syxte: whose No­nage broughte Fraunce and Normandye [...]oute of Bondage, and was the cause that so few of our no­ble men dyed aged.

[Page 30] Of whom to let passe the number, I wil take vpō mee the Personne of Thomas Montague Earle of Salisburie, whose name was not so good at home (and yet he was called the good Earle) as it was dreadful abroade: who exclaminge vppon the mutability of Fortune, may iustlye say in maner as folqweth.

THis straunge aduenture of the good earle draue vs al into a dumpe, inwardly lamē ­ting his woful destenye, out of which wee were awaked after this sort.

To what ende (said one) muse wee so much on the matter. This Earle is neither the fyrste nor laste whom fortune hath foundred in the height of their prosperity. For al through the raigne of this vnfor­tunate kinge Henrye, wee shal fynde many which haue been likewise serued, whose chances sith they be martial, & therfore honorable, may the better bee omitted. And therefore we will let go the Lordes Molines, and Poyninges, slayne both at the siege of Orleaunce, shortly after the death of this Earle. Also the valiaunt Earle of Arundel destroied with a bowlet at the assault of Gerborye, whose stories neuerthelesse are worth the hearing. And to quickē [Page 36] vp your spirites, I wil take vpon me a tragical per­son in deede, I meane kinge Iamy slayne by his ser­uauntes in his priuy Chamber: who although he be a Scot, yet seeing he was brought vp in England, where hee learned the language, his example also so notable, it were not meete it should be forgotten. And therefore marke Baldwyn what I thinke hee may say. *⁎*

WHen this was sayde (quod one of the companye) let passe these Scottish matters, and returne we to our English storyes whiche minister matter enoughe of tragedy, without seking or tra­uaylinge to forreine countryes. Therfore returne we to the rest of y^e Tragical tro­bles and broyles which hapned in this realm? du­ring the minority of king Henry the vi. & the sundry falls and ouerthrowes of great princes & other no­ble persōs happening therby. Wel sayd (ꝙ M. Fer.) and as it happeneth. I haue here ready penned ii. notable tragedies, the one of Hamfrey Duke of Glocestre, the other of the Duches Elienor his wife which as (me semeth) be two of y^e most memorable matters fortuning in y^• time But whether of thē is fyrst to be placed in the order of our boke, I some­what stande in doute. For albeit the sayde Dukes death happened before the deceasse of the Duches, yet was her fall first, which fynally was cause of ouerthrow to both▪ why shoulde you doubte then (quod the rest of y^e company) for seyng y^e cause doth alwaies go before theffect and sequel of any thing: it is good reason you should begin w^t her first. And therfore we pray you lette vs heare fyrst what she hath to say, for al thys whyle we haue not hard the complaint of any Lady or other woman.

SVerly (sayd one of the companye) thys Lady hath don much to moue the hearers to pitye her, & hath very wel knyt vp the ende of her tragedy according to y^• beginning but I meruayle much where she learned al this Poetry touched in her tale, for in her dayes, learninge was not common, but a rare thinge, namely in women, yes (quod Maister Ferrers) that might she very wel learn of y^e Duke her Husbande, who was a Prince so exellen­tly learned, as the like of his degree was no where to be founde, And not onelye so, but was also a Patron to Poetes & orators muche ly­ke as Mecenas was in the tyme of Augustus Cesar This Duke was foundor of the Diuinite Schole in Oxforde, whereas he caused Aristoles workes to be translated out of Greeke into Latin, and caused many other things to be done for aduauncemēt of lernīg, hauīg alwaies lerned mē near about him no meruaile therfore though y^e Duchesse broughte som pece away. Me thīk (quod another (she passeth bounds of a Ladies modesty, to inuey so cruelly a­gaynst the Cardinall Beaufort. Not a whit (quod another) hauing such cause as she had, & somewhat ye must beare with womens passions. Therefore leaue we her to eternall rest, & letre vs heare what Maister Ferrers wil say for the Duke her husband [Page] whose case was the more lamentable, in that hee suffered without cause. And surely thoughe the Cardinal against nature was the Dukes mortall Foe, yet the chiefe causers of his confusyon, was y^e Quene, and William Delapoole E [...]le of Suffolke and afterwards Duke, whose counsel was chefe­ly followed in the contryuing of this noble mans destruction, She through ambicion to haue soue­raynty and rule and he through, flattery to pur­chace honour and promotion, which as he in shorte time obtayned: so in as short tyme he lost agayne, & his life withal by the iust iudgement of God, recei­uing such measure as he before mette to this good Prince. This drift of his turned to the vtter euer­throw of the king himselfe, the Quene his wife, & Edward their son a most goodly prince, & to the subuersion of the hole house Of Lancaster, as you may see at large in the Chronicles: but now let vs heare what the Duke will saye.

THe good Duke hauing ended his wof [...]ll tragedye, after much talke had concerning discention among these that be magistra­tes, good Lord (quoth one) what mischief and destruction doth priuye grudge and mallice, rayse among all sortes of people, both hye and low? but especiallye among Magistrat [...]s b [...]ng y^e head and guyde of the Common wealth: for what mis­chiefe did the discention betweene these two per­sons [Page] (being both of high estate) bring afterward to both the realmes: yea and the vtter ruine of most part of them that were the chiefe workers of this Dukes death, you saye troth (quoth I) and now for that, it I may craue your pacience awhile, you shal heare what I haue noted in y^• Duke of Suf­folkes doinges, one of the chiefe procurours of Duke Humfreyes destruction, who by the proui­dence of God came shortly after in such hatred of y^e people, that the king himselfe could not saue him frō a straunge and notable death. For beeing banisht the realme for the terme of fyue yeares, to apprase the continual rumours and inward grudges, that not onely the commons, but most part of the nobi­litie of England, bare towardes him for the death of the sayde Duke, he saylinge towardes Fraunce was met with a shippe of Deuonshire, and be­headed forthwith the fyrst day of Maye, Anno 1450. And the dead corps thro­wen vp at Douer vpon the sandes, which may lament his death after this maner.

VVHan this was sayd: euery man reiosed to heare of a wicked person so righteously pu­nished: for though fortune in many points be iniurious to Princes, yet in this & sutch lyk [...] shee is most righteous: and only deserueth the name of [Page] a goddesse, whan she prouideth meanes to punish & destroy tyrantes. And when we had a while consi­dered the driftes of the Kinge & Queene to haue sa­ued this duke: & yet they could not: It is worth y^e labour (sayd one) to way the workes, & iudgemēts of God: which seinge they are knowen most eui­dently by comparing contraries, I will touch the story of Iacke Cade in order next following.

Whom Kinge Henry with all his puissaunce was no more able for a while to destroy (yet was he hys rebellious enemy) thā he was to preserue the Duke of Suffolke his derest frend: by which two exam­ples doth appeare how notably God disposeth all thinges, and that no force stretcheth father, than it pleaseth him to suffer. For this Cade beinge an Irisheman, but of meane parentage, of no ability, & lesse power, accompanied with a fewe naked Ken­tish mē, caused the king with his army at al points appointed, to leaue the fielde, and suffer him to doe whatsoeuer he lusted for a tyme, but in the ende he was slaine at Hothfield in Suffer, and caried thēce to London in a Cart, & there quartered. In whose behalfe, seeinge hee is one of Fortunes Whelpes, I will trouble you a while to heare the processe of his enterprise, which hee may de­clare in maner follow­inge.

BY saint Mary (said one) if Iacke were as wel learned, as you haue made hys oration, whatsoeuer hee was by byrth, I warrante him a Gentilman by his learning. How notablye & philosopher like hath he described fortune, & the causes of worldlye cumbraunce? how lyke a diuine hath he deter­mined the office both of Magistrates and subiects For in deede Magistrates be Gods deputies, and it is Gods office which they beare: and it is hee whi­che ordeyneth thereto such as himselfe listeth, good whan he fauoureth the People, and euil when hee wyl punish them. And therfore whosoeuer rebelleth against any ruler, eyther good or bad, rebelleth a­gaynst God, and shal neuer see good end of hys at­tempt: for God cannot but mainteyn his deputie. Yet this I note by the way concerning rebelles & rebellions. Although the deuil rayse them, yet God alwayes vseth them to his glorye, as a part of hys iustice. For whan kinges & chiefe rulers, suffer their [Page] vnder officers to misuse their subiects, and wil not heare nor remedy their peoples wrongs (whā they complayne) then suffereth God the Rebell to rage, and to execute that parte of his Iustice, which the parcial prince would not.

For the Lord Saye a very corrupt officer, and one whome notwithstanding the kinge always mayn­teyned. was destroyed by this Iacke, as was also the Bishop of Salisburye (a proud and couetous Prelate) by other of the Rebelles. And therefore whatsoeuer prince desireth to lyue quietly without rebellion must doe his subiectes right in al thinges and punish suche Officers as oppresse, his People: thus shal they be sure from all Rebellion. And for y^e clerer opening hereof, it were wel done to set forth this Lord Sayes tragedye. What neede that (said another) seeing y^e like example is seene in the Duke of Suffolke, whose doings are declared sufficient­lye alreadye. Nay let vs goe forward for we haue a great many behinde that may not be omitted, & the tyme as you see passeth away. As for this lord Saye, whome Cade so cruellye killed, and spite­fullye vsed after his Death (I dare saye) shalbee knowen thereby he was to all that reade or heare this storye. For God would neuer haue suf­fered hym to haue beene so vsed, except he had first deserued it.

[Page 71] Therefore let him go and wyth him the Bishop, and all other slayne in that rebellion which was raysed by some sly drift of the Duke of Yorke, who shortly after by opē War, manifested his title to y^e crowne, and therefore gathered an army in Wales, & mar­ched towardes London: And preuentinge y^e kinge, goinge northward to prepare an army, in the waye at Sayncte Albanes: Who for want of a sufficient power to take the field, was forced with sutch smal power as he had about him, to defend the Lanes, & backsydes of the towne, and to send out the Duke of Buckingham for a treaty, which the Duke of Yorke beinge head of the contrary faction, woulde not allow without fyrst hauinge the Duke of So­merset and other at his will, duringe which treaty Richard Neuill Earle of Warwike, the stout main­tayner of yorckes title entred the Towne by force, fought a Battayle in the high streat, where of the Kinges part were slayne the sayd Duke of Somer­set called Edmond Beauford, Henry Percy the se­cond of that surname, Earle of Northumberlande, Humfrey, Earle of Stafford, Sonne and Heyre to Humfrey Duke of Buckingham, Ihon Lord Clif­ford, Babthorp the Kinges attorney, and his Son and heyre, besides a great number of Knightes, Es­quiers, Gentlemen, & yeomen of y^e kinges houshold & of other Lordes seruauntes, on whō al the slaugh­ter, [Page] and bochery fell, beinge all for the more part vn­armed. But because the Duke of Somerset was the chiefe of the Kinges parte pas­singe ouer the rest, let vs on­ly heare him speake for all.

AFter this Tragedy ended, one sayd seeinge this Duke hath so vehemently exclaymed agaynst the Duke of Yorkes practises, it were well done to heare what hee can say for him­selfe. For after y^e first battayle at S. Albanes when he toke K Henry prisoner, he was made protector, which so mutch greeued Queene Margaret, & her complices, y^• priuy grutches, & open dissembling ne­uer ceased til y^e Duke, & his allyes were fayne to sly both field, & Realme, he into Ireiand, & they to Ca­laies. Whence they came agayne with an Army, whereof Richard Neuill Earle of Salisbury was leader, & marched towarde Couentry (where the [Page 78] Kynge was, and had gathered an army to subdue them, & encountred them at Northampton on y^e. 10. day of Iuly in y^t yeare of grace. 1460. sought with them, lost the field, and was taken himselfe, and ma­ny of his freendes slayne, as Humfrey Stafforde Duke of Buckingham, Ihon Talbot the second of that name Earle of Shrewesbury, Ihon Vicounte Beaumont, Thomas Lord Egremont, Syr Wil­liam Lucy, and diuers other. But ouerpassinge all these and many mo because they were honourably slayne in the field, let vs come to him who was the chiefe cause thereof, that is to say, Richard Planta­genet Duke of York slayne in the battel at Wake­field on Christmas euē, and Edmond Earle of Ruf­lande his yong sonne, who was there murthered by the Lorde Clifforde as he woulde haue fled into the towne to haue saued himselfe.

Therefore imagine that you see a tall mans body full of fresh woundes but lacking a head, holdinge by the hande a goodly childe, whose breast was so wounded that his heart might bee seene, hys louely face and eyes disfigured with droppinge teares, his Hayre through horor standinge vpright, his mercy crauinge handes, al to be mangled, and all his body embrued with his owne blould, out of the Wesand pipe of which headles body came a shreking voyce say­inge as followeth.

WIth that maister Ferrers shoke me by the sleeue saying: why how now man do you forget your selfe? belike you mynde oure matters very much. So I do in deede (said I) for I dreame of them. And whan I had rehearsed my dreame, we had long talke concerning the nature of dreames, which to stint, and to bringe vs to oure matter agayne, thus sayde one of them: I am glad it was your chaunce to dreame of Duke Richarde for it had bene pitty to haue ouerpassed him.

And as concerning this Lorde Clifforde which so cruelly killed his sonne, I purpose to geeue you no­tes: Who (as he wel deserued) came shortlye after to a sodaine death, and yet too good for a cruell ty­raunt. For on Palmesonday next folowing, being the 29. Daye of March, in the yeare of Christe, a Thousand foure hundreth threescore and one, this Lord Clifford with Henry Percy the thirde Earle of Northumberlande, the Earle of Westmerlande, [Page 80] the Lorde Dacres, the Lorde Welles & other were slayne at Towton in Yorkeshyre. Wherfore as you thought you sawe & heard the headlesse Duke speake thorowe his necke, so nowe suppose you see this Lord Clifford al armed saue his head, with his Breast plate all gore bloud running from his throate, wherein an headlesse Arrowe sticketh, through which wound, he ratleth out this Rhime.

THis Typtoftes Tragedye was not so sone [...]inished, but one of the company had proui­ded for another, of a notable person Lorde Tiptoftes chiefe Enemie, concerning whom hee said: Lord God what trust is there in worldly chaū ces? what stay in any prosperity? for see the Earle of Warwicke which caused the earle of Worcester to be apprehended, attainted, and put to death, tri­umphing with his old imprisoned & new vnprison­ned Prince K. Hēry, was by & by after & his brother with him, slayne at Barnet field by king Edward whom he had before time damaged diuers wayes. [Page 85] As first by his frendes at Banbury fielde, where to reuēge the death of his cosin Henry Neuil sir Iohn Coniers, and Iohn Clappā his seruaūtes slew 5. thousande welshmē and beheaded their captaynes, the Earle of Pembroke, & sir Richarde Harbert his brother after they were yelded prisoners, of whom sir Richard Harbert was the tallest gentlemā both of his person & hands that euer I read or hearde of. At which time also, Robin of Ridsdale, a rebell of therle of Warwicks raysing, toke the earle Riuers K. Edwards wiues father, and his sonne Iohn, at his mannour of Grafton, & caryed them to North­hampton, and there without cause or proces behea­ded them: Whiche spites to requite, king Edwarde caused the Lorde Stafford of Southwike, one of Warwickes chiefe [...]indes, to be taken at Brente march, and headed at Bridgewater.

This caused y^t Earle shortlye to rayse his power, to encounter the kinge which came against him with an armye, beside Warwicke at Wol [...]ey, where he wan the field, toke the king prisoner, and kept him a while in Yorkeshyre in Middleham castle: whence (as som say) he released him again, but other think he corrupted his kepers & so escaped. Then throughe the Lords y^e matter was taken vp betweene them & they broughte to talke together, but because they could not agre, y^• earle araised a new army, wherof he made Captaine the Lord Welles sonne, whyche broile king Edward minding to appease by pollicy [Page] fouly distained his honour committing periury for he sente for the Lorde Welles and his brother Syr Thomas Dymocke, vndersafe conduite promising them vpon his fayth to keepe them harmelesse: But after, because y^t Lord Welles sonne would not dis­solue his army, beheaded theim both & went w^t hys power into Lincolnshyre & there fought with Sir Robert Welles, and slew ten thousand of his soul­diers (yet ran they a way so fast, that casting of their clothes for y^t more speede, caused it to be called Lose coate fielde (and toke sir Robert and other, and put them to death in the same place.

This misfortune forced the Earle of Warwicke to sayle into Fraunce where he was entertayned of y^• kinge a while, and at last with such pore helpe as he procured there of Duke Rainer, and other, he came into England agayne, and encreased sutch a power in kinge Henries name, that as the Lorde Tiptofte sayd in his tragedy, kinge Edward vnable to abide him, was fayne to flie ouer the washes in Lincoln­shyre to get a ship to sayle out of his kingdom to his brother in lawe the Duke of Burgoine: So was king Henry restored againe to y^t kingdome. Al these despites, and troubles the Earle wroughte agaynst kinge Edward. But Hēry was so infortunate that ere halfe a yeare was expyred, kinge Edward came backe agayne, and emprisoned him, & gaue y^e Earle a fielde, wherein he slewe both him, and his brother. I haue recounted thus much before hand for y^e bet­ter [Page 86] opening of the story, which if it should haue bin spoken in his Tragedy would rather haue made a volume than a Pamphlete. For I entend onely to say in y^e Tragedy, what I haue noted in the Earle of Warwickes person, wishinge that these other noble men, whō I haue by the way touched, should not be forgotten.

And therefore imagin that you see this Earle ly­inge w^t his brother in Poules Church in his Coate armure, with sutch a Face, and Countenaunce as hee beareth in Portrayture ouer y^e dore in Poules at the goinge downe to Iesus Chapple from the South end of the Quier stayres, and sayinge as fol­loweth.

AS soone as y^• Earle had ended this admo­nition, sure (said one) I thinke the Earle of Warwick although hee were a glorious man hath sayde no more of himselfe than what is true. For if hee had not had notable good [Page 89] vertues, or vertuous qualities, and vsed lawdable meanes in his trade of life, the people would neuer haue loued him, as they did: But God be w^t him, & send his soule rest, for sure his body neuer had any. And although he dyed, yet ciuill warres ceased not. For immediatly after his deth came Queene Mar­garet with a power out of Fraunce, bringing with her, her yongue sone Prince Edward: & with sutch frendes as she founde here, gaue Kinge Edward a battell at Thewkesbury, where both shee, and her sonne were taken prysoners, with Edmond Duke of Somerset her chief captayne: whose sonne Lord Ihon, and the Earle of Deuonshire were slayne in fight, and the Duke himselfe with diuers other im­mediatly beheaded. Whose infortunes are worthy to be remembred, chiefly Prince Edwards, whom the King for speaking truth, cruelly stroke with his Gaunt [...]et, & his Brethren cruelly murthered. But seeinge y^t time so farre spent, I will passe them ouer, and with them Fawconbridge that ioly Rou [...]r be­headed at Southampton: whose commotiō made in Kent, was cause of sely Henries destruction. And seing king Henry himself was cause of the destruc­tion of many noble princes, beinge of all other most vnfortunate hymselfe, I will declare what I haue noted in hys vnlucky lyfe: Who wounded in Pryson with a Dagger, may lament his wretchednesse in manner followinge. *⁎*

THis tragedy ended, another sayd: either you or Kinge Henry are a good Philosopher so narrowly to argue y^e causes of misfortunes? but there is nothinge to experience which taught, or might teach the kinge this lesson.

But to proceede in our matter: I fynde mention here shortly after y^e death of this king, of a Duke of Excester founde deade in the sea betwene Douer & Calais, but what hee was, or by what aduenture he died, maister Fabian hath not shewed, and mai­ster Hall hath ouerskipped him: so that excepte we be frendlier vnto him, he is like to be double drow­ned, both in sea, and in the gulfe of forgetfulnes. A­bout this matter was much talke, but because one tooke vpon him to seeke out that story, that charge was committed to him.

And to be occupied in y^e meane while I haue foūde the story of one drowned likewise, and that so no­table, though priuily, that all the world knew of it wherefore I sayd: because night approcheth, and y^• we will loose no time, yee shall heare what I haue noted concerning the Duke of Clarence, king Edwards brother, who al to be washed in Wyne, may bewayle his infor­tune after this maner. *⁎*

BY that this tragedye was ended, nighte was so nere come that we could not con­ueniētly tary together any longer, & ther­fore sayd mayster Ferrers: It is best my maisters to stay here. For we be now come to y^e end of Edward the fourths raygne. For the last whō we fynde vnfortunate therin, was y^e Duke of Clarence: in whose behalfe I commende mutche that which hath bene noted.

Let vs therfore for this tyme leaue with him, and some other day when your leasure will beste serue let vs mete here altogether agayne, And you shall see that in the meane season I wil not onlye deuyse vppon this my selfe, but cause diuers other of my acquaintaunce whiche can do verye well to helpe vs forwarde with the rest. To this euery manne gladly agreed, how beit (sayd another) seyng wee shal end at Edwardes the fourth end, let him selfe make an end of onr days labour with the same oration which maister Skel­ton made in his name, the true co­py wherof as hee wrote the sa­me I haue here readye to be red

WHan this was red euery man for the time tooke his leaue of other, and departed (for then it waxed darke) appoyntinge a newe day of metīg which being com we met altogether agayn. And when we hadde saluted one an other, then one toke the booke and began to reade the story of kyng Edward the fyft (for there we left) and when he came to the apprehending of the Lord Ri­uers: stay there I pray you (sayd I) for here is his complaynt. For the better vnderstanding wherof you must ymagine that he was accōpanied with the Lord Richard Gray, Hawt, and Clapham, whose infortunes he be waileth after this maner.

WHā I had read this, they liked it very wel, one wished y^t the combat which hee fought with the Bastard of Burgoyne, and the Honour which he wan w^t both speare & Axe should not be forgotten. Another moued a question about a great matter, and y^t is the variaunce of the Chro­nicles about the Lord Thomas Graye Marquise Dorcet: whō Fabian euery wher calleth y^e queenes brother: sir Thomas Moore and Hal, call him the Queenes sonne as hee was in very deede. Fabian saith he was gouernour of y^t Prince, and had y^e con­ueiaunce of him frō Ludlo towards Londō. The other (whom we follow) say he was than at Lon­don w^t the Queene prouiding for the kinges coronation, and toke Sanctuary with her as sone as hee heard of the apprehending of his vncle. This disa­greing of wryters is a great hindraunce of y^e truth, and no smal combraunce to such as be diligent rea­ders, besides the harme that may happen in succes­sion of heritages. It were therefore a worthye and good deede for the nobility, to cause all the recordes to be sought, and a true and perfect Chronicle there out to be written Vnto which we refer y^e deciding of this & of all other like controuersies, geuinge this to vnderstand in the meane time, that no man shall thincke his title eyther better or worse by any thing that is written in any part of this treatise. For the onely thing which is purposed herein, is by example of others miseries, to disswade al men frō al sinnes [Page] and vices. If by the way we touch any thinge con­cerninge titles, we follow therein Halles Chronicle. And were wee seeme to swarue from hys reasons and causes of diuers doinges, there wee gather vp­pon cōiecture sutch things as seeme most probable, or at the least most conuenient for the furderaunce of our purpose. Whan the reader would haue pro­ceeded in the Chronicle which straighte intreateth of the villanous destruction of the Lord Hastings, I willed him to surceas, because I had there hys Tragedy very learnedly penned. For the better vn­derstandinge whereof, you must imagine y^t you see him newly crept out of his graue, and speakinge to mee as followeth.

WHen I had read this, one sayd the admo­nition geuen in the history was profitable for the auoyding of the vices conteyned in y^e sayde historie, and for the imitating of the vertues in the same mentioned and commended. Then sayd the reader: The next here whome I fynde misera­ble, are king Edwardes two sonnes, cruelly mur­dred in the Tower of London: Haue you theyr tra­gedy? No surely (saide I) The Lord Vaulx vnderto­ke to penne it, but what hee hath done therein I am not certayne, & therfore I let it passe, til I knowe further.

I haue heare the Duke of Buckingham, kinge Ri­chards chiefe instrument, written by maister Tho­mas Sackuile. Reade it we praye you, sayde they: with a good wil (quoth I) But first you shal heare his preface or induction. Hath hee made a preface (saide one) what meaneth he therby, seing none o­ther hath vsed the like order? I wil tel you the cause thereof (saide I) which is this: After that hee vn­derstoode that some of the counsail would not suf­fer the booke to be printed in suche order as we had agreed and determined, he purposed to haue gotten at my hands, all the tragedies that were before the Duke of Buckinghams, which he would haue pre­serued in one volume. And from y^• time backwarde euen to the time of William the Conquerour, hee determined to continue and perfecte all the storye [Page] himselfe, in such order as Lydgate (folowing Bo­chas had already vsed. And therefore to make a meete Induction into the matter, hee deuised this po [...]sie: which in my iudgement is so well penned, that I woulde not haue anye Verse thereof, left out of our volume. Nowe that you knowe the cause and meaning of his doing, you shall heare also what hee hath done His Induction beginneth thus.