Two discourses of Master Frances Guicciardin vvhich are wanting in the thirde and fourth bookes of his Historie, in all the Italian, Latin, and French coppies heretofore imprinted; which for the worthinesse of the matter they containe, were published in those three languages at Basile 1561. And are now for the same cause doone into English. Loci duo. Polyglot Guicciardini, Francesco, 1483-1540. 1595 Approx. 139 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 39 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2011-04 (EEBO-TCP Phase 2). A02334 STC 12462 ESTC S103518 99839270 99839270 3676

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Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 2, no. A02334) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 3676) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 319:04) Two discourses of Master Frances Guicciardin vvhich are wanting in the thirde and fourth bookes of his Historie, in all the Italian, Latin, and French coppies heretofore imprinted; which for the worthinesse of the matter they containe, were published in those three languages at Basile 1561. And are now for the same cause doone into English. Loci duo. Polyglot Guicciardini, Francesco, 1483-1540. Guicciardini, Francesco, 1483-1540. Historia d'Italia. Supplements. Jones, William, fl. 1594-1595. Jones, William, Sir, 1566-1640. Petrarca, Francesco, 1304-1374. [9], 67 p. For William Ponsonbie, Printed at London : 1595. Translation of: Loci duo. Translator's preface signed: W.I., i.e. William Jones, fl. 1594-5; sometimes attributed to Sir William Jones. French, English, Latin, and Italian in parallel columns. "Three sonnets of Petrarch", verso title page. Even page numbers are on rectos. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery.

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eng Catholic Church -- Controversial literature. Popes -- Temporal power -- Early works to 1800. 2020-09-21 Content of 'availability' element changed when EEBO Phase 2 texts came into the public domain 2009-06 Assigned for keying and markup 2009-07 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2010-02 Sampled and proofread 2010-02 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2010-04 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

TWO Diſcourſes of Maſter Frances Guicciardin, vvhich are wanting in the thirde and fourth Bookes of his Hiſtorie, in all the Italian, Latin, and French Coppies heretofore imprinted; Which for the worthineſſe of the matter they containe, were publiſhed in thoſe three Languages at Baſile 1561. And are now for the ſame cauſe doone into Engliſh.

serpent and cross

Printed at London for William Ponſonbie. 1595.

Three Sonnets of Petrarch. Fiamma dal ciel, &c. Son. 106. 1 LEwd whore that from the meaneſt ſtate of life, vnt' others fal and ſpoile waſt beaſtly bred, Whoſe whole delight doth ſtand on hateful ſtrife, Let fire from heauen be poured on thy head. Oh neaſt of ſinne, wherein now hatched is, That euill which through al the world is ſpread, Whilſt Venus playes her maiſters prize amiſſe, with Wine, with eaſe. and bowſie Bacchus eke, Old fooles, yong maids, beſtride thy ſtreetes in blis, Daunſing their roundes with Sathans dam vnmeeke, With bellowes, fire, with glaſſes to behold Their ſhame, that they do ſenceleſſe in thee ſeeke. Simple thy ſource: moſt ſinfull thou, now olde; his vvrath therefore vvill God of heauen vnfolde. L'auard Babilonia, &c. Son. 107. 2 NOw Babilon hath fild her greedy ſacke, With wrath from Heaune, ſact vp with filthy ſin Which rents the ſame, to break at laſt thy backe, That fauor none from Ioue dooft ſeeke to vvin. From Pallas none. To Venus, Bacchus, he (in luſt to ſwim, and ſinke vp to the chinne) Oblations thine, and rights deuoted be. Redreſſe thereof my pined hart doth pray, (That helpe at hand, that golden helpe foreſee) Reſtored Church, fel Idols dire decaie, Recured Faith, al falſhood put to flight; The man of ſinne, to beare no more the ſway, The golden World reſtorde, and euery Wight With fruites of grace, and heauenly dainties dight. Fontana di dolore, &c. Son. 108. 3 THou ſource of griefe, thou den of wrath and ire, Schoole of deceit, old errors hydeous haunt: Earſt Rome, but now fell Babel, ſet on fire With burning brands, ſuch as olde Orchus Aunt With fury flung, the hart of man t'inflame. Thou forge of filth, thou vertues fal, auaunt, Sinke ſhall thy pride, thy ſinne, and thou, with ſhame. How can it be but that thy Chriſt thy king Will beat thee downe with al thy brandes of blame, Abate thy hornes, and thee to meekneſſe bring, Thou, that vvhilome of lovv beginning grew, And wonted was vvith lowlie ſound to ſing; With vertues olde, thy glories old renew, Leaſt Conſtantine returne thy vvrack to revv. FINIS.
To the Reader.

GEntle Reader, hauing gotten the ſighte ſo theſe two diſcourſes by meanes of a good friend that did lend me the ſame in three Lā guages, the Latin, Italian & French, imprinted at Baſil: I thought it a good labor to put them into Engiſh for the matter contained in the ſame, & eſpecially in the larger of them, wherein you ſhall find a notable diſcourſe of anexcellent Author, written long ſince, and ſetting foorth very liuely how the Sea of Rome did enlarge their iuriſdiction and Territories, by diuers ſubtile means, as alſo by the ſuppoſed donation of Conſtantine the great to pope Silueſter. And bicauſe they are left out in al the printed books of Fr. Guicciardin his ſtorye, ſome ſcruple did ſtay me a while to publiſhe the ſame leaſt they might bee ſuppoſed to bee of ſome other authour. Wherein I haue ſithence byn vndoubtedly reſolued, by ſom perſons of honor and good calling, who both haue ſeene the ſame in the Original at Florence written of the authors own hand, & yet in the cuſtody of Laurence Guicciardin, and haue had copies of the ſame from the Guicciardines. So as I dare affirm on my credit, that the ſam were of the authors, and left out of purpoſe, becauſe they diſcouer ſuch matter againſt the popes vſurpation as in the reading of them thou maiſt perceiue. I deſire but thy fauourable acceptance of my labour, wiſhing thee al happineſſe.

At London the 16. of Ianuary, 1595. Thy friend to vſe, W.I.
LECTORI.

INuadendis occupandiſque Jmperijs, iuris ſaepe color initiò quaeri ſolet: ſtabilita verò fundata que ſemel tyrannide, vetera illa initia quantum poteſt obruūtur, lex tantū Regia nudè, & veluti 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 obtenditur, in contemptoris legib. maieſtatis per duellionum que vindicatur. Jta que ſimpliciter magis & ingenuè quàm caute Paulus III. cum de ſumma ipſius poteſtate aliquando inter familiares mentio incideret, ridere illos ſolitus erat vt ſcholaſticos & rerum rudes, qui à Chriſto eam tam anxiè repeterent, cuius ſe poſſeſſionem vel ſolam, optimum et firmiſſimum titulum habere dicebat, quam viribus opibuſ que ſummis, ciuitatibus munitiſſimis, & potentiſſimorum principum ſibi coniurantium auxilio tueri ac defendere poſſet. Prudentius etiam Jtalo rum pars maxima, quae pontificem Rom. non vti Deum aliquem, aut Dei vicariū ob fulmina illa, quibus iam pene totus inermis eſt: ſed vt principem viris, armis, vrbibus, caſtellis, foederibuſ que potentiſſimum reueretur & obſeruat. Nos verò quos ille vt puerulos ſola vanae religionis larua perterret, quibuſ que vt venalitijs mancipijs pro arbitrio abutitur, ſcire aliquando par eſt, quo iure, quáue iniuria tam duro inclementi que domino ſeruiamus: non vt tanquā Spartaci bellum aliquod ſeruile moueamus, ſed vt ingenui nati, & quorum maiores ſeruitutem illam non ſeruierent, vindicibus tandem idoneis vel tertia aſſertione ſemel amiſſam libertatem & ſtrenuè recuperemus & fortiter retineamus conſeruemuſ que . Natales porro noſtros vel ab eiuſdem domini familia aliqua ſaltē ex parte repetere licet, ex qua eſt hoc quidem manſipium, ſed frugi admodum, & manumiſſione digniſſimum cuius etiam hac in refidem herus infideliſsimus per alligatos obruere conatus eſt. Nos tabulas quaſi ex naufragio, aut potius ex rogo viſpellionum manibus extortas omnibus reddimus. Quarum fidem & vindicum ſatis perſpecta integritas, & auctoris ſtylus, & loci ipſius, vnde dolo malo detractae ſunt, vel ſola inſpectio ſic aſſerunt, vt de ea nemo bonus iuſtè dubitare poſſit. Reliquum eſt, vt hoc beneficio prudenter & ſerio vtamur fruamur que ne ſi nos ob pretium participandum iterum quodammodo venire pati amur, non eadem poſthac ſpes libertatis affulgeat et perpetua ſeruitute, dignisſima etiam grauioribus flagris mancipia premamur.

Deux diſcours de M. Francois Guicciardin, leſquels defaillent és III. & IIII. és liures de ſon Hiſtoire en tous les exemplaires tant Italiens, Latins, que Francois, par cy deuant imprimez. Retirez de l'original, & publiez nouuellement pour le merite des choſes y contenues. AV LECTEVR.

S'IL y a artifice en ce monde auquella preud hō mie & fidelité ſo it requiſe, certainement on peut dire que l'impreſsion des liures eſt le premier. Car les grands profits qui en reuiennent, quand elle eſt maniée comme il appartient, ſont contrebalancez de tant d'incommoditez & de dangers qui enſuyuent l'abus d'icelle, que le tout eſtant comme en la main & diſpenſation des hommes, quelques vns ſemblent auoir eu occaſion de reuoquer en doute, s'il euſt eſté meilleur & plus expedient que ceſte inuention ne fuſt iamais venue en vſage. Or ceſte fidelité ne conſiſte pas ſeulement en ce que ceux qui font profeſsion de ceſt art, ne publient liuers inutiles ou mauuais (qui ſont toutefois deux poincts qu'ils doiuent ſongneuſement garder) mais auſsi qu'ayans en main ce qui aura ſemble pouuoir apporter proufit au public par l'aduis de ceux qui en peuuent bien iuger, ils ne facent point trop les ingenieux és labeurs d'autruy, changeants ou retranchans ce qui n'eſt à leur fantaſie & appetit, mais qu'ils repreſentent fidelement & religieuſement leurs exemplaires. Car quant à moy, pour pluſieurs conſiderations que ce lieu ne puet pas porter, ie ſuis de ceſte opinion, & croy que pluſieurs n'en iugeront pas autremēt, qu'il vaudroit mieux ſupprimer du tout vn auteur, qu'en le publiant abuſer ainſi de ſes intentions. Cependant ie ne doute pas que les fautes qui ſe commettent en ceſt endroit, viennent le plus ſouuet de ceux qui ou fourniſſent liberalement de leurs exemplaires, ou bien en font traffique & marchandiſe ordinaire (indigne certes d'un homme de lettres, lequel contre le precepte de meſnage ruſtique de Caton, doit eſtre en ceſt endroict pluſtoſt acheteur que vendeur) tant y a que de quelque coſte que cela vienne, il eſt grandement à blaſmer voire digne de punition publique: meſmement quand tel abus ſe commet en liures plus authentiques & deſquels on employe couſtumierement la foy & l'autorité. Mais pleuſt à Dieu que nous nu eſsions point tāt d'occaſions de nous plaindre de ce malheur, qui n'eſt que par trop frequent & commun aux vns et aux autres. Ie ne veux rien dire de S. Ciprian de Rome & de quelques liures de Tertullien publiez à Paris, deſquels toutesfois pluſieurs gens de bien ſe plaignent: mais ie diray ſeulement que ces fragments de l'Hiſtoire de meſsire Francois Guicciardin nous donnent grande occaſion de nous deffier de beaucoup d'autres. Or qu'ils ne ſoyent vrayement de luy & n'ayant eſté retrāchez par ci deuant de ſon exemplaire, outre l'aſſeurance qu'on peut auoir en la prend'hommie & loyauté de celuy qui les a extraits & communiquez, la phraſe ſcule de l'autheur qui luy eſt preſque particuliere, (argument certain & comme infallible en telle choſe) en fera plaine & entiere foy à ceux qui en voudront iuger ſans paſsion. Outre ce que (comme vne fineſſe malicieuſe ne ſe peut deſguiſer tellement, qu'en fin elle ne ſe deſcouure à la confuſion de ſon ouurier) on n'a peu ſi bien remplir ce qui s'enſuit en l hiſtoire, meſmement pour le regard du premier de ces deux lieux, qu'on nevoye a l'oeil qu'il y a quelque deffaut: le quel ſe trouuera iuſtemēt rempli par ces pieces, qu'on recongnoiſtra incontinent en auoir eſté retirées, ou pluſtoſt deſchirees & deſrobees.

Maintenant les ayants comme rachetees de la main de leurs ennemis, nous les repreſentons en toutes ces lāgues eſquelles le reſte de ceſte hiſtoire a eſté par cy deuant publiée, à fin qu'vn chaſcun puiſſe remplir, ſi bon luy ſemble, ſon exemplaire de ce deffaut: qui eſt de telle conſequence, qu'eſtans les aduis y contenus bien receus, & les moyens contraires bien pratiquez, nous eſperons, auec l'aide de Dieu, qu'en brief il s'en pourra enſuyure en Europe vne paix & tranquilité vniuerſelle.

Dui luoghi dell hiſtoria di M. Franceſco Guicciardini: L'vno de quali è mutato nel terzo libro à carte 91. b. nella ſtampa Venetiana in quarta forma. L'altro del tutto tolto via nel quarto libro à carte 119. di detta ſtampa.

QVanto che l'hiſtoria di M. Franceſco Guicciardini, per teſtimonio d'ogni intelligente è tenuta utile & profitteuole, tanto piu ſon da eſsere biaſmati quelli, & da riprendere la loro infedelta, i quali ſon ſtati ſi arditi & preſuntuoſi che non ſolamente l'hanno corrotta, ma etiamdio ſtracciatone nia queſti dui pezzi: lun de quali è di tanta cō ſequenza & importanza, che non ſolo è expediente il leggerlo, ma è neceſsario à ciaſcheduno l intendere la contenu ta verità in quel diſcorſo marauiglioſamente diſcoperta dal Guicciardino, & particolarmente ſopra tutti li altri ſenza ueruna paſſione narrata. Il che è ſtato cauſa, che hauendo ricouerato queſti duifragmenti quaſi come dal fuoco, da chi o per paura o per maluagità l'haueua naſcoſti & quaſi ſepolti, noi te li diamo in tutte quelle lingue, nelle quali fino a queſt'hora preſente l'hiſtoria del detto auctore è ſtata data alla luce: riportando ci della uerità di queſti luoghi, prima alla conſcienza di quelli, appo i quali ſi ritroua l'originale di detto Guicciardini intero: & appreſſo à tutte le perſone ſcienziate & intendenti, le quali potranno per loro ſteſ ſe riconoſcere in queſti tali luoghi la medeſima lingua & il medeſimo ſtilo del Guicciardino, di che ſi vede compoſta tut ta l'hiſtoria, & nedere quanto ella ne rimanga difettoſaper lo mancamento di queſtapicciola parte. A queſte coſe ag giugeremo anchora la molta fede, che per la ſua ſincerita, & per altre lodeuoli qualità merita che ſe le preſte la perſona, da chi cotali luoghi ci ſono ſtati dati à fine che li communichiamo à tuttigli amatoridel uero, ſe mifoſſe coſi lecito il nominarla, come mi è conueneuole il tenerla celata. Hor per non perder tempo inprouar coſa che per ſe ſteſſa è chiariſsima à chi non ha corrotta la uiſta, in una parola diremo, il noſtro deſiderio eſſere, Lector cariſsimo, che ogn'huono li legga, & ne facci il ſuo profitto ſenza abuſare la propria conſcienza di ſi fatto aduertimento.

Lieu changé au troſie me liure de l'hiſtoire de M. Francois Guicciardin. I.

MAis il ne peut euiter les infortunes domeſtiques, qui troublerent grandement ſa maiſon auec exemples Tragiques, vilenies & cruautez horribles, voire meſmes en toute region tant barbare qu'elle puiſſe eſtre.

Car ayant dés lors qu'il fut eſleu Pape, deliberé de tranſporter toute la grandeur temporelle en la per ſonne du duc de Candie ſon fils aiſné, le Cardinal de Valence, qui d'un eſprit to talement eſlong né de la profeſsion eccleſiaſtique, aſpiroit au maniement des armes ne pouuant endurer que ſon frere occupaſt ce lieu ſur luy, & d'abondant portāt fort impatiemment qu'il euſt meilleure part en la bonne grace de madame Lucrece leur ſeur cōmune, pouſſé de rage d'amour & d'ambition (eſguillons & miniſtres puiſſans ſans à toute meſchācete) fit tuer par une nuict le Duc ſon frere, lors qu'il cheuauchoit ſeul par la ville de Romme, & puis ietter ſecretement dans la riuiere du Tybre. Il eſtoit encor bruit ſi telle enormité ſe peult croire) qu'en l'amour demadame Lucrece, ily auoit concurrence, non ſeulement des deux freres, mais du pere meſme lequel ayant dés le commēcement de ſon pontificat retirè ſa fille d'auec ſon premier mary, qu'il eſtimoit eſtre deuenu trop petit compagnō pour ſon degré, & de puis l'ayant mariée a lean Sforze ſigneur de Peſaro, ne pouuant encor ſupporter d'auoir le mary pour compagnon, il rompit ce ſecond mariage ia conſommé, ayant à ceſte fin fait prouuer par faux teſmoignage deuant les iuges que luymeſme auoit deleguez, & puis confermer par ſentence & iugement, que Iean eſtoit de nature froide, & du tout inhabile aux oeuures de mariage, &c.

A place altered in the third Book of his Hiſtory, in the 91. pag, in the ſecond ſide of the pa, after the impreſsion of Venice; the Hiſtorie being imprinted in quarto.

YEt coulde he not auoide the euils which hapned in his own family, which did greatly troble his houſe, with tragical examples, with luſt, and horible crueltie, the like wherof hath not beene ſeene in any barbarous nation: For hauing in his firſt entrance into the Papacie, determined, to tranſport al temporal authoritie, to the perſon of the duke of Candie his eldeſt ſonne, the Cardinall of Valentia, whoe (carrying a mind alienate, & repugnante to Eccleſiaſticall profeſſion and did aſpire to the managing of arms) could not endure that his brother ſhould obtaine that place before him: and moreouer bearing verie impatiently, that hee had better part in the fauour of the Lady Lucretia, ſiſter to them both, pricked forward with the rage of loue, and ambition (forcible miniſters in all kind of miſchiefe) cauſed the Duke his brother to be murthered in a night, as he rid alone through Rome and afterwards to be caſt ſecretlie into the Riuer Tiber.

At the ſame time the report was (if ſo foule an enormitie may be beleeued) that not onlie the twoe brethren did concur in the loue of the Ladye Lucrecia, but the father likewiſe: whoe was no ſooner made Pope, but he tooke his daughter from her firſt huſband (as one farre inferiour to him in degree) and afterwardes married her to Iohn Sforza Lord of Piſaro: but being not able to brooke her huſband for his Corriual, did likewiſe diſſolue this ſecond mariage, already finiſhed: And to the end the ſame might bee done vnder ſome colour, hee ſuborned falſe witneſſes, to make proofe before Iudges, delegate and choſen by himſelfe, that the Lord Iohn was cold by nature, and altogither vnapt for copulation, &c.

Franciſci Guicciardini locus primus re ponendus libro III. folio 121. verſu. 33.

NEC tamen potuit calamitates domeſticas uitare, quae tragicis exemplis, libidineque, atque immanitate plus quàm barbara, eius domum conturbarunt. Nam cum ab uſque ſui pontificatus auſpiciis omnem ciuilem potentiam in Candianum ducem ſuorum liberorū natu maxi mū vertere ſtatuiſſet, & Valentinus cardinalis animo prorſus à ſacris alieno ad rē militarem totus aſpiraret, nec ferre' poſſet hunc locū ſibi à fratre praereptum iri: eundem que in cōmunis ſororis Lucretiae amore preferri, libidine at que ambitione, valentibus ad quoduis ſcelus ſtimulis, incitatus, fratrem noctu Romae inequitantem, necari fecit, & necatum in Tyberim clàm abiici.

Ad hoc fama fuit (ſi tamen tantum nefas fidem meretur) non modò fratres duos, verumetiam patrem ipſum in eiuſdem Lucretiae amores conſpiraſſe: qui ſimulac ad pontificatum aſſumptus eſt, eam à primo marito quaſi tanta dignitate tunc inferiore, abreptam Ioanni Sfortiae Piſaurenſium domino copulauit: ſed ne hunc quidem riualē paſſus, matrimonium iam perfectum diſſoluit: verum vt id aliquo fieret colore, cum coram iudicibus à ſe delectis, Ioannem natura frigidum, atque ad rem veneream prorſus ineptum, per falſos teſtes comprobaſſet, iudicum ſententiis id confirmari voluit, &c.

¶ Luogo mutato nelterzo libro a carte 91. b.

MA non potette gia fuggire gl'infortunij domeſtici, e quali pertutbarano la caſa ſua con eſſempij tragici, & con libidine & crudeltà horribile etiamdio in ogni barbara regione: per che hauendo in fino daprincipio del ſuo pōteficato diſegnato di volgere tutta la grandezza temporale al Du ca di Candia ſuo primo genito, il Cardinale di Valenza il quale di animo totalmente alieno dalla profeſſione ſacerdotale aſpiraua all eſſercitio delle arme, non potendo tolerare che queſto loco gli foſſe cocupato dal fratello: impatiente oltre à queſto, che egli haueſſe piu par te di lui nell'amore di madōna Lucretia ſorella commune, in citato dalia libidine, & dall ambitione, miniſtri potentî ad ogni gran ſceleratezza, lo fece vna notte, che ei caualcaua ſolo per Roma, amazzare, & poi gittare nel fiume del Teuere ſegretamēte. Era medeſima mēte fama, ſe però è degna di crederſi tanta enormità, che nell amore di madōna Lucretia concorreſſino nō ſolamēte i duo fratelli, ma etiamdio il padre medeſimo: il quale hauē dola come fu fatto pontefice, leuata dal primo marito come diuentato inferiore al ſuo gra do, & maritatala a Giouanni Sforza ſignore di Peſaro, non cōpartando d'hauere anco il marito per riuale, diſſoluè il matrimonio gia cōſumato, hauendo fatto innanzia giudici delegati da lui prouare cō falſe teſtimonianze, & di poi confermare per ſentenza che Giouanni era per natura frigido, & impotenteal coito. Affliſſe ſopra modo, &c.

Diſcours retranché, du qua trieſme liure de la meſme hiſtoire. II.

POur la declaration de la quelle choſe & de beaucoup d'autres depuis aduenues, la matiere requiert que ie die quel droict l'Egliſe ha ſur la terre de la Romagne & ſur pluſieurs autres leſquelles elle a poſſedées en diuers temps, ou poſſede encor à preſent: & par quels moyens, eſtant premierement inſtitué & eſtabli pour l'adminiſtration pure & ſimple des choſes ſpirituelles, elle eſt paruenue aux eſtats & principautez mondaines.

Pareillement auſsi, que comme choſe connexe à ce propos, i'expoſe quels debats & contentions ſont ſuruenues en diuers temps pour ceſte occaſion & autres, entre les papes & les empereurs.

Les eueſques de Romme, deſquels ſainct Pierre fut le premier, ayans leur puiſſance & authorité fondée de Ieſus Chriſtés choſes ſpirituelles, eſtans au reſte grands de charité, humilité, patience d'eſprit & de miracles, furent à leur commencement, non ſeulement du tont deſ uez de puiſſance temporelle, mais encor perſecutez d'icelle, & demeurerent par un lon temps peu ou quaſi point cogneus, n'eſtant leur nom par autre choſe plus manifeſte que par ſupplices, leſquels ils euduroient egallement auec ceux qui les enſuiuoiènt.

Car combien que pour la multitude infinie de diuerſes nations & profeſſions qui eſtoientlors à Romme, on print peu garde quelques fois à leur progrez & aduancement, & qu'aucuns des emperenrs ne les perſecutaſſent ſinon entant que leurs actions publiques ſembloient ne ſe pouuoir diſſimuler ou paſſer ſous ſilence: toutes fois aucuns autres on par cruanté, ou pour l'amour & zele qu'ils auoient à leurs dieux exercoient fort rigoureuſe perſecution à l'encontre d'eux, cō me aucteurs de nouelles ſuperſtitions & deſtructeurs de lavraye religion.

En ceſt eſtat ils continuerent eſtants copendant grandement renommez pour leur pauureté uoluntaire, ſaincteté de uie & martires, iuſqu'au temps du pa pe Sylueſtre: ſous lequel eſtant l'Empereur Conſtantin conuerti à la foy Chreſtienne, meu par la bonne uie et par les miracles qui ſe uoioient continuellemēt en eux qui faiſoient profeſsion du nom de Ieſus Chriſt, les Eueſques demeuroient paiſibles & aſſeurez des grands perils eſquels ils s'eſtoient veus par l'eſpace d'enuiron trois cents ans, auec libertè de faire exercice publique de leur religion & ceremonies.

Dont pour la reuerence de leurs couſtumes, pour les ſaincts commandemens que contient en ſoy noſtre religion, & pour la promptitude qui eſt és hommes à ſuiure, ou par ambition le plus ſouuent, ou par crainte, quelq fois a l'exemple de leur prince, la Chreſlienté commenca à s'eſpandre & amplifier par tout merueilleuſement, & par meſme moyen comm enca ausſi à diminuer l'ancienne pauureté des eccleſiaſtiques, d'autant que Conſtantin ayant edifié à Romme les egliſes de ſainct Iean de Latran, ſainct Pierre du Vatican, de S. Paul, & pluſieurs autres en diuers lieux, il les doua non ſeulemeur de riches uaiſſeaux & ornamenns, mais encor, à ſin qu à l'aduenir elles cuſſent de quoy eſtre conſeruées, entretenues & renouuelées, auſsi pour l'entretenement de ceux qui faiſoyent le ſeruice diuin, les enrichit de pluſieurs poſſeſsions & reuenus.

Depuis ce temps, pluſieurs ſe perſuadans qu'auec aumoſnes & legs il leur ſeroit aifé d'ac querir le royaume des cieux, edifierent & douerent quelques autres egliſes, ou à celles qui eſtoyent ia edifiées donnerent partie de leurs richeſſes: voyre meſmes, ou par certaine loy ou par couſtume inueterée, enſuyuant l'exemple du vieil Teſtament, chaſcnn d'eux payoit à l'egliſe la diſme du fruict & reuenu de ſes propres biens.

A quoy faire ils eſtoyent excitez d'autant plus grād ardeur & courage, quils uoioient au commencement que les gens d'egliſe, hors mis ce qu'ils ſe reſeruoyent pour uiure aſſez frugalement & moderement, employans le ſurplus de ces biens partie en la fabrique & paremenr des egliſes, partie en oeuures pitoyables & charitables, n'eſtant encor entré en leurs coeurs l'orguoeil & l'ambition.

L'eueſque de Romme lors eſtoit recongneu par tous les Chreſtiens pour ſuperieur de toutes les egliſes & de toute l'aminiſtration ſpiritnelle, cōme ſcu ceſſeur de l'apoſtre S. Pierre: ioint que ceſte cité pour ſon ancienne dignite & grandeur, retenoit, comme de touts les autres, le nom & la maieſté de l'empire, & que d'icelle la foy Chreſtienne auoit eſté eſpan due en la plus grande partie de l'Europe.

Auſsi que l'empereur Conſtantin aiant eſté baptizé par Sylueſtre, auoit uolontiers recongneu, & comme approuué telle authorité, & preeminence en luy & ſes ſucceſſeurs.

On dit dauantage, que Conſtantin conſtraint pour les affaires des prouinces d'Occident de tranſporter le ſiege de l'Empire en la citó de Byzantium appelléc depuis de ſon nom Conſtantinople, donna au pape la ſeigneurie de Romme et de pluſieurs autres uilles & regions d'Italie: lequel bruit, bien qu il aye eſté entretenu diligemment par les papes qui ſuccederent, & par leur authorité creude pluſieurs, toutefois eſt reprouué par les autheurs plus dignes de foy, & encor plus par l'eſtat des choſes meſmes: d'au tant qu'il eſt treſcertain & manifeſte que lors & long tēps depuis la uille de Romme, enſemble toute l'Italie, fut gouuernée comme ſubiete à l'empire, uoire par officiers & magiſtrats deputez par les empereurs.

Encore y en a'il (tant eſt profonde ſouuentefois l'oſcuritees choſes ſi anciennes) qui reprenent & refutent hardiment tout ce qu'il ſe dit de Conſtantin & de Sylueſtre, affermans qu'ilsont ueſcu en diuers temps

Mais tous font d'accord que le tranſport du ſiege de l'Empire en la uille de Conſtantinoble, fut la ſource & origine de la puiſſance des papes: par ce qu'affoibliſſans auec le temps l'authorité des Empereurs en Italie, pour leur continuelle abſence & pour les grāds affaires qu'ils auoyent en l'Orient, le peuple Romain fe retirant de l'obeiſſance des empereurs & d'autant plus deferant auz papes, commenca à leur preſter, non pas uraye ſubiection, mais vnecertaine obeiſſance volontaire.

Il eſt uray que ces choſes ne ſe manifeſterent ſinon lentement & peu a peu, pour les inuaſions des Gothz, Vandales & autres nations barbares qui ſur uindrent en Italie: par leſquels eſtant la uille de Romme pluſieurs fois prinſe & ſaccagée, le nom du pape demeura pour quelque temps fort obſcur & abiect, & l'authorité des empereurs fort petite en Italie, d'autant qu'auec telle ignominie ils la laiſſoyent en proye aux nations barbares.

Entre leſquelles ayant eſté l'enuahiſſement de toutes les autres comme un torrent, la puiſſance des Gothz, qui eſtoyent une gent de nom & de profeſsion Chreſtienne ſortie de ſa premiere origine des parties de Dace & de Tartarie, ſe continua par l'eſpace de ſoixante & dix ans:

Laquelle en fin eſtant dechaſſée par les armes des empereurs, l'Italie commenca de nouueau à ſe gouuerner par magiſtrats Grecs: entre leſquels celuy qui eſtoit plus grand & ſuperieur à tous les autres, appellé d'ū nom Grec Exarcha, faiſoit ſa reſidence à Rauenne, ville treſancienne & lors moult riche & moult peuplée, pour la fertilité du pays, pource auſsi que depuis le grand accroiſſement qu'elle receut par la puiſſance armée de mer qu'Auguſte Ceſar & les autres Empereurs entretenoient continuellement au port qui eſtoit aſſez proche de la uille, (duquel toutefois il ne reſte auiourd'huy apparence aucune) elle auoit eſté habitee de pluſieurs capitaines & chefs de guerre, & depuis par un long temps de Theodoric roy des Goths & de ſes ſucceſſeurs, leſquels redoutans encor la puiſſance des empereurs, auoyent pluſtoſt esleuceſte ville-la pour aſſiette de leur royaume que Romme, pour la commodité de la mer qui eſt plus prochaine de Conſtantinoble.

Pour la quelle commodité (bien que pour raiſon toute contraire) les Exarches ſ'y eſtans arreſtez, ils deputerent au gouuernement de Romme & des autres citez d'Italie des magiſtrats particuliers ſous le tiltre de ducs.

De la eut ſon origine le nom de l'Exarchat de Rauenne, ſous lequel eſtoyt comprins tout ce qui n'ayant un duc particulier obeiſſoit immediatement à l'Exarche.

En ce temps les papes de Romme priuez de toute puiſſance temporelle, eſtant la reuerence ſpirituelle qu'on leur portoit auprecedent comme abbaſtardie & aneātie par la diſſimulation de leurs bonnes couſtumes qui commencoient deſia à ſe paſſer, eſtoyent comme ſubiects aux Empereurs: ſans la confirmatiō delquels ou de leur Exarche, bien quils fuſſent esleus par le clergé & peuple de Romme, ils n'oſoient accepter ou exercer leur pontificat: aincois, dautant que communement le ſiege de la religion enſuit la puiſſance de l'Empire & des armes, les Eueſques de Conſtantinoble & de Rauenne diſputoyent: ſouuentefois de la ſuperiorité auec l'eueſque de Rome.

Mais peu de temps apres l'eſtat des choſes ſe changea. Carles Lombards (gent fort cruel le) eſtans entrez en Italie, occuperent la Gaule ciſalpine (laquelle de leur empire print le nom de Lombardie) Rauenne auec tout l'Exarchat & pluſieurs autres parties d'Italie, & eſtendirent leurs armes inſqu'a la marque d'Ancoue, Spolete & Beneuent, eſquels deux lieux ils creerent & eſtablirent Ducs particuliers.

A quoy cependant les empereurs ne donnant aucun ordre, partie pour leut couardiſe & nonchal lance, partie pour les difficultés & empeſchemens qui'ls auoient lors du coſtéd A ſie, la uille de Romme eſtant de ſtituée de leur ſecours n'y ayant plus en Italie de magiſtrat des Exarches, commenca à ſe gouuerner par le conſeil & authorité des papes: leſquels depuis vn ſi long temps eſtans auec les Romaines oppreſſez par les Lombards, eurent finalement recours à l'aide de Pepin roy de France, lequel eſtant paſſé en Italie auec vne puiſſant'armée dechaſſade ceſt Empire vne partie des Lombards qui y auoientia dominé plus de deux cens ans, & donna au pape & à l'Egliſe de Romme, comme choſes deuenues ſiennes par droict de guerre, non ſeulement Vrbino, Fano, Eugupio & pluſieurs terres pro chaines de Romme, mais auſſi Rauenne auec ſon Exarchat, ſous lequel on dit qu'eſt comprins tout ce qui eſt depuis les confins de Plaiſance, contiguz au territoire de Pauie iuſques à Arimini, entre le fleuue du Pau & l'Apennin, les eſtangs, ou pluſtoſt marets & palus des Venetiens & la mer Adriatque & depuis Arimini iuſqu'au fleuue de la Toglia, lequel lors on appeloit Iſaurum.

Mais apres la mort de Pepin, eſtant aduenu que les Lō bards troubloient de nouueau le pape & ce qui luy auoit eſté donné, Charles fils de Pepin (apres que pour ſes grandes proueſſes & victoires, il fut à bon droict appellé Le grand) aiant deſtruit entierement leur empire, conferma la donation faicte parſon pere à l'egliſe de Rome, & approuua ce, que pendant qu'il guerroioit les Lombards la marque d'Ancone & la duché de Spolete (laquelle comprenoit la cité d'Aquila & vne partie de la Brutie) s eſtoient volonterement données au pape. On afferme ce que ie i'ay dit pour tout certain.

A quoy aucuns eſcriuains eccleſiaſtiques adiouſtent encor que Charles donna à l'egliſe le Ligurie iuſqu'au fleuue de Varo, dernier confin d Italie, Mantoue, & tout ce que les Lombards poſſedoient en Friuoli & en'Hiſtrie.

Quelqu'un auſsi eſcrit le meſme de I'Ile de Corſe & de tout le territoire qui eſt contenu entre les villes de Luna & de Parme.

Pour lequel bienfaict les rois de France celebrez & eſleuez parles papes, acquirent le tiltre de Rois Treschreſtiens. Depuis & enuiron l'an de grace huict cens, le pape Leon & le peuple de Romme (le Pape, di-ie, ſans autre puiſſance ou authorité que de chef de ce peuple) eſleurent ce meſme Charles pour Empereur de Romme, ſeparans meſmes pat ce nom ceſte partie de l'Empire de ceux qui habitoient à Conſtantinoble: comme ſi Romme & les prouinces de l'Occident n'eſtans deffendues par eux, euſſenteu beſoin d'eſtre deffendues & gardées par vn prince qui leur fuſt comme propre, & particulier.

Par la quelle diuiſion les Empereurs de Conſtantinoble nefurent encor priuez de la Sicile, ne de la partie d'Italie, laquel le tirant deuers Naples à Manfredoni, eſt bornée de la mer, d'autant qu'elles eſtoyent demourées continuellement ſous la puiſſance de leurs Empereurs.

Cependant par tout cela ne fut derogué à la couſtume, ſuiuant laquelle l'election du pape ſe confermoit par l'Empereur Romain, ſous le nom duquel ſe gouuernoit la ville de Romme: ains les papes meſmes par leurs bulles, priuileges & conceſsions, quottoient le temps parces paroles expreſſes & formel les: IMPERANTE CAROLO IMP. DOMINO NOSTRO. En laquelle ſubiection ou recognoiſſance ils continuerent iuſques à ce, non pas que le ſuccez des affaires leur donnaſt courage de ſe gouerner par ſoymeſmes, mais qu'aiant la puiſſance de ces Empereurs commencé de s'affoibler premierement par les contentions qui ſuruindrent entre les ſucceſſeurs meſmes de Charle maigne, pendant que la dignité imperiale demoura entre leurs mains, puis par eſtre tranſportée à des princes Allemans, leſquels n'eſtoient ſi puiſſans que ceux de la lignée de Charlemaigne, pour la grandeur du roiaume de France, & le pape & le peuple de Romme & le magiſtrat, par lequella uille, bien que tumultueuſement, commenca d'eſtre gouuernée, en de rogeant entierement en tout ce qui leur eſtoit posſible à la iuriſdiction des empereurs, ordonerent par un decret & loy ſollennelle, que des lors en auaut l'election du pape n'auroit que faire d'eſtre confermée par l'empereur.

Ce qui s'obſerua diuerſemēt par un long temps, ſelon que la puiſſance des empereurs ſe le uoit ou s'abaiſſoit par diuers ſuccez des affaires: laquelle eſtant grandement accreue depuis que l'Empire fut uenu entre les mains des Othons de Saxe, le pape eſleu par la faueur d'Otho le tiers lors preſent, meu d'affection & amour particulier enuers ſa propre nation, & irrité du mauuais traictement qu'il auoit reeeu du peuple Rommain, tranſporta par ſon ordonnance aux Allemans la puiſſance d'elire, l'empereur de Romme en la forme & maniere qui s'obſerue encor de noſtre temps: deffendant toutefois à ceux qui ſeroient eſleus (pour reſeruer touſiours aux Papes quelque preeminence) de n'uſer du tiltre d'Empereur ou Auguſte ſinon que premierement ils euſſent receu la couronne de l'Empire.

Dont eſt procedée la couſtume de venir à Romme pour ſe faire couronner, & de ne s'at tribuer auparauant autre tiltre que de Roy des Rommains & de Ceſar.

Mais eſtans depuis les Othons deffaillis & la puiſſance des em pereurs amoindrie, d'autant que l'Empire ne ſe continuoit hereditairement en rois grands & puiſſants, la ville de Romme ſe retira ouuertement de leur obeiſſance, & ſe rebellerent pluſieurs citez au temps de l'Emhereur Conrad de Sueue, pen dant que les Papes, entendans touſiours à ſ'aggrandir de plus en plus, ſeigneurioient preſque entierement la ville de Rome, combien que ſouuentes fois par l'inſolence & diſcorde du peuple ils euſſent bcaucoup d'affaires.

Pour auſquels obuier, ils auoyent ia par la faueur de l'Empereur Henri ſecond, qui lors eſtoit à Romme, tranſporté aux cardinaux ſeuls, par loy & ordonance ſolennelle, la puiſſance & authorité d'eſlire & creer le Pape. Auquel lors encor ſe preſenta vn nouueau moien de s'aggrandir.

Carenuiron ce temps ayant les Northmans (deſquels le premier fut Guillaume ſurnomme Brasdeſer) vſurpé ſur l'Empire de Conſtantinoble l'Apouille & la Calabre, Robert Guiſchard l'un d'eux, ou pour ſe preualoir dauātage auec ceſte couleur & apparence de quelque droict, ou pour ſe rendre plus puiſſant à ſe deffendre contre les Empereurs, ou pour autre occaſion, rendit Beneuent au Pape, comme eſtant des appartenances de l'Egliſe Romaine, & reprint d'el le en fief le duché del Apouille & de Calabre. Le quel exemple fut enſuiui par Roger l un de ſes ſucceſſeurs, lequel ayant dechaſsé de la Pouille & de la Calabre Guillaume de la meſme famille, & depuis occupé la Sicile, euuirō l'an mil cent trente, recongneut ces meſmes pays comme mouuans en fief de l'Egliſe, en qualite de roy des deux Siciles, l'une delà, l'autre decà le Far: le Pape cependant ne refuſaut pas de fauoriſer, pour ſon ambition & prouffit particulier, l'uſurpation & la violence de ceſtuy cy.

Auec tous ces moyens les papes croiſſants touſiours de plus en plus en puiſſance & authorite (comme iamais la conuoitiſe des hommes ne s'aſſouuit) ils commencerent de priuer de ces royaumes les Roys qui n'obeiſſoient à leurs commandemens, & les tranſporter & conferer à autres: iuſques à ce qu'ils paruindrent à Hedry fils de Frederic Barberouſſe, & de Henry à Frideric ſecond ſon fils, tous trois ſucceſſiuement Empereurs.

Mais eſtant Frideric deuenu grand perſecuteur de l'Egliſe, & s'eſtant de ſon temps eſleuees les factions des Guelpes & des Gibellins, (de l'une deſquelles les Papes eſtoit chef, & de l'antre l'Empereur) apres la mort de Frideric, le Pape confera l'inueſtiture de ces roy aumes à Charles Conte d'Aniou, & de Prouence, duquel à eſté faicte mention cy deſſus, à la charge de ſix mil onces d'or de cens par chaſcun an, & que aucuns de ces rois ne peuſſent à l'aduenir eſtre Empereurs de Romme: Laquelle condition à touſiours depuis eſté ſpecifiée ences inueſtitures.

Et pour ceſte occaſion le roy aume de l'iſle de Sicile ſe retira peu apres de l'obeiſance de l'Egliſe, quant au cens & á la recongnoiſſance feudale. Encor le bruit commun a gaigné ce poinct (bien qu'il ne ſoit du tout ſi certain que ce que nous auōs ia dit cy deſſus) que long tēps au parauant la Conteſſe Mahaut, princeſſe tres puiſſante en Italie, donna à l'Egliſe ceſte partie de la Toſcane, laquelle bornée du torrent de Peſera du chaſteau de S. Quirico & de la riuicre du Tybre, s'appelle au iour d'huy le Parrimoine de ſainct Pierre. Et adiouſtent encor aucuns que la cite de Ferrare fut paraillement donnée à l'Egliſe par ceſte meſme conteſſe. Ces dernieres choſes ne ſont bien aſſeurees, mais encor eſt plus douteux ce qui a eſte eſcrit par aucuns, qu' Arithpert roy des Lombards, lors que leur regne floriſſoit, luy donna les Alpes appellees Cotties, eſquelles on dit auſsi que Gennes eſt enclos enſemble tout ce qui eſt conte nu depuis Gennes iuſqu'aux confins de la Prouence: Et que Linthprandus, auſsi roy de la meſme nation, luy donna la Sabine, pais proche de Romme, Narni, Ancone, auec certaines autres terres.

Ainſi ſelon la varieté de l'eſtat des Empereurs varierent auſsi les affaires des papes auec eux.

Car aiants au commencement eſté longuement perſecutez par ces Empereurs, & depuis deliurez de ceſte crainte par la conuerſion de Conſtantin, ils ſe repoſerent auſsi longuement ſous l'ombre de leurs ailes, s'emploiants ſeulement aux choſes ſpirituelles veſquirent et par vne longue eſpace de temps en bas eſtat, ſeparez totalement du commerce des empereurs pour la puiſſance des Lombards en Italie.

Mais depuis eſtās paruenus parle benefice du roy de France, aux principautez et ſeigneuries temporelles, ils demourerent grandement vnis auec les empereurs, dependans fort volontiers de leur authorité cependant que la dignité d'empereur ſe continua en la lignee de Charlmaigne, tant pour la ſouuenance des biē-faicts reciproquement receus & donnez, que pour le reſpect de la grandeur Imperialle: laquelle depuis venāt á decliner, s'eſtants du tout ſeparez de leur amitié, ils commencerent à faire profeſsion & maintenir que c'eſtoit pluſtoſt au Pape de donner la loy à l'empereur que de la receuoir de luy.

Ainſi ayants en horreur ſur toutes choſes de retourner en leur ancienne ſubiection, & à ce que les Empereurs n'entreprinſſent de recognoiſtre à Rome & ailleurs les anciens droicts de l'Empire (comme aucuus d'eux eſtans ou plus puiſſans, ou d'un eſprit plus haut & courageux s'efforcoient de faire) ils s'oppoſoient à deſcouuert auec armes à leur puiſſāce accompagnez de ces tyrās, leſquels ſous un nom de prince, & des citez qui s'eſtoient aff anchies & miſes en liberté, ne recongnoiſſoient plus l'authorité de l Empire.

De là vint que les Papes, s'attribuants dauantage de iour à autre, & conuertiſſans la terreur des armes ſpirituelles aux choſes temporelles, (faiſans ceſte interpretation que comme vicaires de Chriſt en terre ils eſtoient ſuperieurs à l'Empereur, & qu'a eux en pluſieurs cas appartenoit le ſoin de l'eſtat de ce monde) priuoient quelques fois les Empereurs de leur dignité imperiale, ſuſcitants les electeurs à en eſlire d'autres au lieu dez excommuniez, & de autre coſté les Empereurs ou eſliſoient eux meſmes ou procuroient l'election de nouueaux papes.

De ces contentions aduint qu'eſtant l'eſtat de l'Egliſe fort affoibli tant par la demeure de la court de Romme par l'eſpace de ſoixante & dix ans en la ville d'Auignon, que par le ſchiſme qui ſucceda au retour du Pape en Italie, qu'és villes ſubiettes à l'Egliſe, & principal lemēt en celles de la Romaigne pluſieuis puiſſans citadins occuperent la tyranny en leur propre pais, leſquels depuis les papes dechaſſerent, ou n'eſtans aſſez puiſſans pour les debuter, accorderent ces ſeigneuries en fief ou à ceuxmeſmes qui les auoient occupées, ou à autres chefs qu'ils ſubſtituoient contre eux. Ainſi commencerent les villes de la Romaigne à auoir ſeigneurs particuliers la plus part ſous tiltre des vicaires del Egliſe.

Ainſi Ferrare bailée au commencement en gouuernement à Azo d'Aeſt, luy fut depuis cō cedée en tiltre de vicariat, & auec le temps fut ceſte famille eſleuée en tiltres plus grands & illuſtres.

Ainſi Boloigne occupée par Iean Viſconte archeueſque de Millan, luy fut depuis ac cordee en Vicariat par le pape: & pour les meſmes occaſions en pluſieurs terres de la marque d'Ancone, du Patrimoine S. Pierre & de l'Vmbrie (qu'on appelle maintenant la Duché de Spolete) s'eſleuerent pluſieurs ſeigneurs particuliers, ou contre la volonté du pape, ou de ſon conſentement forcé.

Leſquels changemens eſtās ſemblablement ſuruenus en la Lombardie és citez de l'Empire, il aduint telles fois, ſelon la varieté des affaires, que les Vicaires de la Romaigne & des autres terres eccleſiaſtiques ſe retirans ouuertement du nom de l'Egliſe, recognoiſſoient ces citez en fief de l'Empereur: comme au contraire, ceux qui occupoient en Lombardie Millan, Mantoue, & autres terres imperiales, les recongnoiſſoient en fief du pape.

En ce temps, bien que la ville de Romme retint le nom & la ſeigneury de l'egliſe, touie fois elle ſe gouuernoit ſoy meſmes, Et ores qu'au commencement que les papes retourne rent d'Auignon, ils fuſſent obeis comme ſeigneurs, ceneāt moins peu apres les Rōmains aians creé le magiſtrat de Banderez, retournerent à leur ancienne contumace.

Parquoy n'eſtant demou é aux papes que bien peu de puiſſance, ils commencerent à ſe retirer de ceſte ville, & n'y firēt plus de demourance, iuſqu'a ce que les Romains appauuris, eſtans auſsi tombez en treſgrād deſordre pour l'abſence de la court, voiant que l'anee mil quatre cens eſtoit proche, en la quelle ils eſperoient que le pape eſtant en la ville de Romme il y auroit grande affluence de gens de toutes parts de la Chreſtienté pour raiſon du Iubile, ils ſupplierent treshumblement Boniface qu'il luy pleuſt y retourner, offrans de caſſer incontinent leurs Banderez, & de ſe ſousmettre entierement à ſon obeiſſance.

Sous leſquelles conditions eſtant le Pape retourné à Romme, pendant que les citoyens s'amuſoient entierement au gain de ceſte annce, il print abſoluement la ſeigneurie de la ville, fortifia & mit gardes au chaſtel ſainct Ange, tellement que ſes ſucceſſeurs iuſqu'au pape Eugene, bien qu'ils euſſent ſouuentefois beaucoup de difficultez, aiant ce neantmoins eſtabli en fin leur puiſſance, les ſeigneurierent depuis ſans aucune contradiction.

Auec ces fondemens & moiens eſtans eleuez en grande puiſſance terrienne, delaiſſās peu à peu la memoire du ſalut des ames & des commandemens de Dieu, ayants tourné toutes leurs penſees à la grandeur dece monde, n'uſants plus de l'authorité ſpirituelle ſi non pour ū inſtrument & miniſtere de la temporelle, ils commencerent à ſembler pluſtoſt princes ſeculiers que papes ou eueſques.

Leur ſoin & leur affaires commencerent lors d'eſtre, nō plus l'aduancement de la religion, non plus lezele & la charité enuers leprochain, mais les armes, mais les guerres contre contre les Chreſtiens: & cependant de manier auec leurs penſees & mains ſanguinaires les ſacrifices, amaſſer des threſors: nouelles loix, noueaux artifices, nouuelles trahiſons, nouueaux pieges pour atraper deniers de tous coſtez: employer à ceſte fin ſans aucun reſpect les armes ſpirituelles, vendre ſans honte & vergongne les choſes ſacrees & prophanes.

Depuis les richeſſes eſtans eſpandues en toute leur court s'en enſuyuirent les pompes & desbordemens, les facons de faire deshoneſtes, les voluptez & plaiſirs abominables: nul ſoin de leurs predeceſſeurs, nulle penſee de la maieſté perpetuelle de leur pontificat: mais aulieu de cela, des deſirs ambitieux & peſtiferez d'eſleuer, non ſeulement à richeſſes exorbitā tes, mais à roiaumes & principautez leurs fils, leurs nepueux & leurs parens: ne diſtribuans plus les dignitez ny les prouffits & reuenus aux hommes dignes & vertueux, mais preſque touſiours les vendans aux plus offrans, ou les diſsipans en perſonnes propres à leur ambition, auarice, ou à leurs plaiſirs vilains & deteſtables.

Pour raiſon deſquels actes eſtant la reuerence qu'on leur portoit du tout perdue au coeur des hommes, toutefois leur authorité ſe ſouſtient encor en partie pour le nom et la maieſté tant puiſſante de la religion, eſtant cependant grandement aidee des moiens qu'ils ont de gratifier aux grands princes & à ceux qui onr quel que puiſſance autour d'eux, par le moien des dignitez et autres concesſions eccleſiaſtiques.

De la aduient que congnoiſ ſans bien qui'ls ſont en grand reſpect enuers les hommes, et que celuy qui prent les armes contre eux ne peut attendre qu'une grieue infamie auec linimitié des autres princes qui s'oppoſent ſouuentefois à telles enterprinſes, et qu'en tout euenement il en recoit bien peu de gain: qu'eſtans vainecurs ils exercent leur victoire à leur diſcretion, vaincus, ils en eſchappent à telles conditions que bon leur ſemble: eſtans ain ſi pouſſez & eguillonnez d'un deſir et cupidité d'eſleuer leurs parents de bas lieu aux principautez, ils ont de long temps eſté par pluſieurs fois les inſtruments de guerres, & feux nouueaux en Italie.

Mais retournant à mon principal propos, duquel la treſ-iuſte douleur du dommaige public m'a plus ardemment tranporté que la loy de l'hiſtoire ne me permettoit, &c.

FIN.
A whole diſcourſe cleane left out of the fourth booke; beginning at the 119. pa. accor- to the ſaid impreſsion.

FOr the declaration whereof, and of manye other thinges which happened afterwards, the matter requireth that I now make mention, what right the church hath ouer the territorie of Romagna, and many other places, which it hath hadde poſſeſſiō of in diuers times, and holdeth yet at this preſent: And by what meanes the biſhops of Rome, being appointed, and eſtabliſhed only for the pure, and ſimple adminiſtration of ſpirituall matters are nowe come to the managing of worldlie ſtates, and principalities: And likewiſe that I declare (as a matter conioyned heer vnto) what ſtrife and contention hath hapned diuers times, thorow theſe, & other occaſions, betweene the popes and the Emperors.

The Biſhops of Rome (of whome S. Peter was the firſt) their power and authoritie in ſpirituall matters beeing grounded on Ieſus Chriſt, being men renowned for their Charitie, humility, patience, vnderſtanding, & miracles, were at their beginning, not onely void of al temporal authoritie and power, but perſecuted by the ſame, and for a long time remained obſcure, and as it were men vnknowne, theyr name beeing for the moſte part manifeſt to the worlde, onelye by the tortures and afflictions they ſuffered, which they endured equally with them that ſucceeded them. For albeit that thorough the great concourſe of people, and the diuerſitie of Nations and profeſſions which were then at Rome, ſmall regard was taken to their proceedinges, and many Emperors did not at all, mooue any force, or trouble againſt them, but when they were of opinion, that it was not meet to diſſemble theyr publike actions, or pas them ouer with ſilence: howbeit other Emperors, whether it were thorow crueltie, or for the loue they did beare to their perticular gods, did perſecute them with all rigor, as the authors of newe ſuperſtitions, and the ſubuerters of true religion.

In this eſtate they continued, beeing highlie renowmed for their voluntarie pouertie, holineſſe of life, and martirdome, vntill the time of pope Silueſter: in whoſe life the Emperor Conſtantine, being conuerted to the Chriſtian faith, and mooued by the holy conuerſation & miracles, which were dailie manifeſted in thoſe, whoe made profeſſion of the name of Chriſt, the Biſhops were freed from the perſecution which they had endured the ſpace of three hundred years (or thereabout) and had liberty granted them, publikelie to exerciſe Chriſtian religion, and Ceremonies.

Wherevpon through the reuerence to their holy life, & the diuine precepts which our religion containeth: and through the readines which is ingrafted in men, to followe the example of their prince; whether it were (as it often falleth out) through ambicion, or fear: the name of Chriſtians, began woonderfully to encreaſe & ſpread it ſelfe euerye where, and withall the pouertie of Eccleſiaſticall perſons, to decreaſe: For Conſtantine hauing builte at Rome, the Churches of S. Iohn in Laterano, of S. Peter in Vaticano, and of ſaint Paule, & manie others in diuers places, he did not only furniſh them with rich veſſels and Ornaments, but moreouer enriched them, with great poſſeſſions and reuenues, that they might in time to come be maintained, and renewed, and that they which exerciſed diuine ſeruice might liue thereby: Afterwardes by ſucceſſion, many perſwading themſelues, that by almes, and guiftes to the church, they ſhoulde eaſilie purchaſe the kingdome of heauen, they either builte new churches, which they endowed with poſſeſſions, or bequeathed part of their riches, to thoſe which were alreadie founded and erected: yea whether it were by a law, or by an auncient cuſtome, following the example of the olde Teſtament, euerye one paide the tenth part of his fruites, and the reuenues of his own goods to the church: wherevnto they were ſtirred vppe and animated, wt great feruencie, becauſe at the firſt the Eccleſiaſtical perſons beſide that which ſerued for their moderate maintenance, did employ the reſt of their goods, in building and bewtifieng of the churches; Otherwhiles in pittifull and charitable deeds, pride, and ambition, being not yet entred into their harts, reſeruing for themſelues onelie that which ſuffiſed to entertaine themſelues frugality, and with temperance.

The biſhop of Rome, was then acknowledged generally of al Chriſtians, ſuperior of the church and of all ſpirituall gouernment, as ſucceſſor of the Apoſtle Peter, both becauſe that cittie, for the dignitie and greatneſſe thereof, did as chiefe heade of others retaine the name and maieſtie of the Empire, as alſo that from thence the chriſtian faith was diſperſed thrugh the greater part of Europe: And further for that Conſtantine, beeing baptiſed by Silueſter, did freely yeelde that authoritye to him, and his ſucceſſors.

Moreouer, the report is, that Conſtantine beeing conſtrained by the affaires of the Prouinces of the Eaſte partes, to remooue the ſeat of his Empire to Bizantium, which afterward hee called by his owne name Conſtantinople, gaue to the Biſhop the gouernement of Rome, and of many other citties, and countreys of Italie: The which reporte albeit that with great aduiſe it was entertained by the Popes which did ſucceede, and by their aucthoritie beleeued of manie, notwithſtanding the ſame is reprooued by moſte approoued aucthors, and altogether refuted by the eſtate of matters themſelues: For it is moſte certaine, that at that time, and longe after, Rome and all Italie, was gouerned as ſubiect to the Empire, and that by Magiſtrates deputed by the Emperors. Moreouer there are many (matters of great antiquitie, are oftentimes ſo obſcured wt darkenes) whoe doe flatlie deny, all that is reported of Conſtantine and Sylueſter, affyrming that they liued in dyuers ages. But all doe agree, that the chaunging of the ſeate of the Empire to the cittye of Conſtantinople, was the firſt beginninge of the authority of the Popes: For the power of the emperors growing weake in Italie, through their continuall abſence, and vrgent affaires which withhelde them in the eaſt partes, the people of Rome withdrawing themſelues from the obedience of the Emperors, and ſo much the more leauing vnto the Popes, they began to yeelde vnto them, not anie ſubiection indeed, but a certain kinde of voluntarie obedience.

Albeit that theſe thinges were not broughte to light but by tract of time, and verie ſlowlie, by reaſon of the inuaſion of the Gothes, Vandals, and other Barbarous Nations, which came into Italie: by whome the cittye of Rome beeing taken and ſacked, manie times the names of the popes concerning temporall matters, did remaine verye obſcure and baſe, and the authoritie of the Emperors very ſmal, forſomuch as they did with great diſhonor, leaue Italie, in pray to barbarous people: Amongſt whom the fury of other Nations hauing been as the courſe of a mightie riuer, the power of the Gothes continued the ſpace of ſeuentie yeares:

Theſe were chriſtians by name and profeſſion, and tooke their firſte beginning from the partes of Dacia, and Tartaria; who neuertheleſſe in the end beeing driuen from Italie, by the armye of the Emperours, the countries began againe to be gouerned by Magiſtrates of Greece: of the which he which hadde ſoueraigne authoritie ouer the reſte, beeing by a Greeke worde called Hexarche, did make his ordinarie reſidence in Rauenna a moſte auncient citty, and at that time very rich and populus: both in reſpect of the fertilitye of the countrey, as alſo by reaſon of the great concourſe thither, from the mightie armie at Sea, which Auguſtus Caeſar and other Emperors did continuallie entertaine, in the hauen neer vnto the town (wherof at this day there remaineth not ſcarſe anie remembrance) it was inhabited by manye capitaines, and afterwards a long time by Theodoric K. of the Gothes, and his ſucceſſors, who yet ſtanding in dreade of the power of the Emperors, did rather make choice of this town for the ſeate of their kingdome then Rome, in regard of the conueniencie of the Sea, beeing nearer to Conſtantinople.

In conſideration wherof (albeit for a contrarie reaſon) the Hexarches being eſtabliſhed in Rauenna did depute or appoint, particular. Magiſtrates for the gouernment of Rome and other citties of Italie, vnder the title of Dukes. From hence the name of Hexarchie of Rauenna, did grow, vnder which title al that was comprehended, which hauing no particular Duke, did immediatlie obey the Hexarchie.

In this time the biſhop of Rome, exerciſing no ciuill authoritie, and the reuerence in ſpirituall matters, which before men did bear vnto them, in reſpect of their holineſſe of life (which now they made no ſhew of) declining and decreaſing, they liued as ſubiect to the Emperours: without whoſe approbation, or the conſent of their Hexarches, albeit choice were made by the Clergie and people of Rome, yet durſt they not accept of or exerciſe the place of biſhop. Moreouer, the Biſhops of Conſtantinople & Rauenna (as commonly the ſeate of Religion, doth follow the power of the Empire, and force of armes) did often diſpute with the Biſhoppes of Rome for ſuperioritie.

But not long after, the ſtate of matters didde change: for the Lombards (a verie cruell people) being entred into Italie, did poſſeſſe that part of Gaul, which is called Ciſalpina (which from their gouernment tooke the name of Lombardy) Rauenna, with the whole Hexarchie, and many other towns of Italie, and extended their armie to the Marque of Ancona, Spoleto, and Beneuento, in which twoe places they did eſtabliſh particular Dukes.

In the mean ſeaſon the Emperours not looking to theſe matters, partlie thorow their cowardiſe & negligence, and partly thorowe the lets and broiles they had in the coaſt of Aſia, the cittie of Rome being deſtitute of their ſuccour, and the gouernment of the Hexarches beeing worne out of Italie, beeganne to bee ruled by the counſell and authoritie of the Biſhops: who hauing a longe time (together with the Romaines) been oppreſſed by the Lōbardes, in the ende had recourſe vnto Pepin king of France for ſuccour, whoe paſſing into Italie with a mightie army, draue the greateſt parte of the Lombardes (who had ruled more than two hundred years) from their gouernement, and gaue vnto the pope and to the church of Rome, (as thinges fallen vnto him by right of Armes) not onlie Vrbino, Fano, Agobbo, and many other territories neere vnto Rome, but likewiſe Rauenna, with the Hexarchie thereof, vnder which title (they ſaye) is included, al that which is contained from the Confines of Placentia, ioyning to the Territorie of Pauia vnto Arimini, betweene the riuer Po, the mounte Apenine, the lake or mariſh of Venice, & the Adriatique ſea: and from Armini, vnto the riuer of Toglia, which at that time was called Iſaurum.

But after the death of Pepin, the Lombardes renewing newe broiles againſt the Pope, and thoſe poſſeſſions which were giuen him, Charles the ſonne of Pepin (who afterward for his worthy proweſſe, and many victories, was by right honoured with the name of Great) hauing vtterlie ſubuerted and brought their kingdom to ruine, did confirm the guift made by his Father to the Church of Rome, and did giue conſent and allowe of, that thoſe of the Marque of Ancona, and the Duchie of Spoleto (which comprehendeth the cittie of Aquila, and a part of Brutia) did voluntarilie yeelde vnto the pope, whileſt he made wars with the Lombards.

Theſe things they doe affirme as moſt certaine, to the which moreouer ſome Eccleſiaſticall Writers doe add, that Charles gaue to the church Liguria which extendeth to the riuer Varo (the furtheſt lymits of Italie) Mantua, and all that the Lombardes did poſſeſſe in Friuoli, and in Hiſtria. A certaine author writeth as muche of the Iſle of Corſica, and all the Territories which is contained, between the towns of Luna and Parma. For which ſo great benefites, the kinges of France beeing renowmed and honoured by the Popes, did purchaſe to themſelues the title of Moſt chriſtian kinges:

And afterward in the yeer of Grace eight hundred, Pope Leo, together with the people of Rome (the Pope I ſay without anye other authoritie, as head of that people) didde chooſe Charles Emperor of the Romaines, diſtinguiſhing by that name, that parte of the Empire, from them which inhabited Conſtantinople, as if Rome and the Weſt prouinces for want of ſuccour, were conſtrayned to bee defended by a prince proper, and peculiar to themſelues.

Howbeit notwithſtanding this deuiſion of the Empire, the emperours of Conſtantinople, were not diſpoſſeſſed, neyther of the Iſle of Sicilie, nor of that part of Italie, which running from Naples to Manfredon, is encloſed with the Sea, the ſame beeing continuallie vnder theyr gouernement.

Notwithſtanding, for all theſe accidents, the cuſtome was not abrogated but that the election of the pope muſt be allowed off, and confirmed by the Romaine Emperors, vnder whoſe name the Cittye of Rome was gouerned: nay further in their Buls and Charters, they did expres with theſe formal words, the time of the writing of them Imperante Carolo Imp. Domino noſtro. In which ſubiection or acknoledgement they continued vntill the ſucceſſe of the affaires did giue them encouragement, to gouerne by themſelues.

For when the power of the Emperours began to waxe weake, firſt thorowe the diſſention amongſt the ſucceſſours of Charles the Great, whileſt the maieſtie of the empire remained in their handes: and afterwardes by the change and remouing of the Empire, to the princes of Germany, whoe were not of like power to the ſucceſſours of Charles the Great, in regarde of the mightines of the houſe of France, both the Pope and the people of Rome, and the Magiſtrates by whom the citty beganne to bee gouerned (though very diſorderlie) derogating wholy aſmuch as in them laye, from the iuriſdiction of the Emperours, they did ordaine by a ſolemne lawe and decree, that from thence forward the election of the pope, ſhoulde not depende of the authoritie of the emperour: which yet was diuerſlye obſerued a longe while after, according as the greatneſſe of the Emperours by the ſucceſſe of matters did eyther riſe, or fall: And their power being greatly increaſed after that the Empire came into the handes of the Othos of Saxony, Gregorye the fifth, by birth a Germaine beeing made pope, through the fauour of Otho the thirde, whoe then was in Rome, partly moued with the loue of his owne Nation, and partlie prouoked by the iniuryes he receaued of the people of Rome, by his decree, tranſported the right and authority of chooſinge the Emperours, in the ſame forme they doe yet obſerue it at this day, to the Germaines, and to the ende the Biſhoppes might alwaies reſerue ſome preheminence to themſelues, he did forbidde in his decree, that they which were to bee choſen Emperours, might not vſe the title of emperor or Auguſtus, nor any other name, then king of the Romains, and Caeſar, before they had receiued the Crowne of the empire from the pope, whence the cuſtome is growne that they come to Rome to bee crowned.

But the houſe of the Othos being cleane extinguiſhed, and the power of the Emperors growne weak, by reaſon that the inheritance thereof, did not continue in the ſtocke of mightie and puiſſant kings, the citty of Rome did openlie withdrawe it ſelfe, from their obedience, and many other citties did rebell, in the reigne of the emperor Conrad of Sueuia: whileſt that the Biſhops ſtill bending all their care by litle and litle, to aduance their owne greatneſſe, didde in a manner abſolutelie commande, and gouerne the Citty of Rome, albeit that oftentimes, by the inſolency & diſſention of the people, they had theyr handes full of buſineſſe: which that they might the better withſtand, thorowe the fauour of Henry the ſecond being then at Rome; they obtained by a ſolemn lawe and decree, that the power and authority to elect and create the Pope, ſhould remaine wholie in the cardinals.

And to helpe this matter, a new meanes to further their greatneſſe offered it ſelfe: For about that time the Northmans (of whom the firſt leader was William ſurnamed Iron-arme) hauing vſurped ouer the empire of Conſtantinople, Puglia, and Calabria: Robert Guicciard, one of the Northmans, whether it were that he might get the more aduantage, vnder a colour and pretence of right, or to arme himſelfe with greater force againſte the power of the emperors, or whether any other cauſe did leade him therevnto, he yeelded Beneuent vnto the Pope, as appertaining to the churche of Rome, and helde of the ſaide church as in fee, the Dutchie of Apoullia, and Callabria.

The which example Roger (one of his ſucceſſors) did followe, whoe hauing driuen William (diſcended of the ſame line) from Apoullia and Callabria, and afterwards occupied Cicilia, about the yeare 1130. he helde likewiſe the ſaide countries, as in Fee of the church of Rome, vnder the title of the K. of both Sicilias, the one, on the one ſide, the other on the other ſide the Far: the popes conſenting thorow their own ambition and particular profit, to nouriſh the violence and vſurpation of others.

By all theſe means, the power and aucthoritie of the pope daily encreaſing (as the couetouſneſſe of men is neuer ſatiſfied) they did begin to depriue ſuch kinges of their kingdomes, who were not obedient to their commandements, and to beſtowe the ſame vpon others: vntill the time that thoſe dominions fel into the houſe of Henry the ſonn of Frederic Barbarouſſa, and from Henry to Frederic the ſeconde his ſonne, al three of them beeing Emperours ſucceſſiuelie the one after the other.

But Frederic being become a great perſecutour of the church, and in his time the faction of the Guelphes and Gibellins being growne (the Pope being head of the one, & the Emperour of the other) after the death of Frederic the pope inueſted Charles Earle of Aniou and Prouence (of whome mention hath beene made heeretofore) to thoſe kingdomes, vppon conditions to paye 6000. ounces of golde for tribute euery yeare, and that no king of thoſe Dominions might hereafter take vpon him the title of the Emperour of Rome: which condition hath euer ſince beene ſpecified, in the Charters of the kinge of Naples, which was the cauſe, that the kingdome of the Iſle of Sicilia, being poſſeſſed by the king of Arragon, did withdraw it ſelf from the yearly tribute, & from the acknoledgement to hold in fee of the church of Rome.

Moreouer, report hath gotten thus muche (although it be not ſo certain as thoſe thinges we haue diſcourſed of before) that long agoe the Counteſſe Mahaulte, a moſte mightie princeſſe in Italie, gaue to ye church that part of Toſcane, which on the one ſide is limitted with the riuer Peſcia, and the caſtle of S. Querico in the earldom of Siena, & on the other ſide with the lower ſea and the riuer Tiber, and is at this day called the patrimonie of S. Peter: Others adde that the ſaide counteſſe, gaue vnto the churche the citty of Ferrara. Theſe latter thinges are not verie certaine, but farre more doutfull are thoſe matters which are written by a certain author, that Arithpert king of the Lombards, when their kingdome did floriſh, did giue vnto them the Alpes called Cocciae, wherein the cittie of Genoua ſtandeth, and all whatſoeuer is contained, from Genoua vnto the borders of Prouence: And that Linthprandus likewiſe (K. of the ſame Nation) gaue vnto them Sabina, a country neere vnto Rome, Narni, and Ancona, with diuers other territories.

Thus according to the change and alteration of the Emperors, the affairs of the popes chaunged with them. For they hauing at the beginning byn many yeares perſecuted by the Emperors, and afterwards freed from that feare, by the conuerſion of Conſtantine to chriſtianitie, they did a long while reſt in quyet, vnder the ſhadowe of their winges, and giuing themſelues wholie to ſpirituall matters, did liue in baſe eſtate, ſeparating themſelues altogether, from the entercourſe they had with the Emperors, by reaſon of the power of the Lombards in Italie.

But afterwards by the fauour of the K. of France being ſtepped vppe to temporall authority, they remayned for a long ſpace, in league and amitye with the Emperors, depending verie willingly of their authoritie, ſo long as the maieſtie of the empire continued in the ſtocke of Charls ye great, aſwell in acknowledgement of many benefites, giuen and receiued on both partes, as in regarde of the greatneſſe of the emperors which afterwardes comming to decline, the popes withdrawing themſelues wholye from their friendſhip, began to hold and maintaine that it belonged rather to them to giue lawes to the emperors, then to receiue lawes from them.

Thus they diſdaining to enter into their former ſubiection, and to the ende that the emperors might not enterpriſe the recouering of the auncient right belonging to the empire, both at Rome and other places (as ſome of them being either of greater power, or more witte and courage then the reſt, endeuored) they didde openlie by force of arms oppoſe themſelues to their might, beeing aſſiſted by theſe Tyrants whoe (vnder the tytle, and name of princes, & of thoſe Citties, which did enfranchiſe, and ſet themſelues at libertie, they did no longer acknowledge & ſubmit themſelues, to the authoritie of the emperors.

Herevpon it came to pas that the popes taking daily more and more vppon them, and conuerting the terror of ſpirituall matters, to things temporall and enterpreting that as Chriſt his vicars on earth they hadde the preheminence and place ouer emperors, and that to them in certaine cauſes appertained the care of the eſtate of this worlde, they did manye times depriue the emperors of their Imperiall dignitie, moouing the electors to chuſe others in the place of thoſe whom they had excommunicated, and on the other ſide, the emperors did eyther themſelues make choiſe of, or procure others to create new popes.

By reaſon of theſe broils it hapned, that the eſtate of the church being greatly weakened, aſwell in regarde that the Courte of Rome remained by the ſpace of 70. yeares in the citty of Auignon, as alſo thorow the ſchiſme which followed immediatlie after the pope his returne into Italy: and likewiſe, that in the citties which were ſubiect to the church and principallie in thoſe of Romagna, many cittizens who were of the greateſt power, did in their owne countrey vſurpe a tyrannicall gouernement whoe were eyther afterwards, forced from thence by the popes, or elſe (where they were not of power to ſuppreſſe them) they did yeeld the territories vnto them that poſſeſſed them to bee holden in fee of the church, or didde geue authoritie to others to ſubdue them, & rule in their place.

In this maner the moſt part of the citties of Romagna, began to be gouerned by particular lordes, the moſt part of them, vnder the title of Vicars of ye church. By this means Ferrara, giuen firſte in gouernment to Azzo of Eſté, was afterwards granted vnto him in title of a vicar ſhip, and in tract of time that familie was exalted to higher titles and dignitie. Likewiſe Bologna occupied by Iohn Viſconte Archbiſhop of Millan, was afterwards giuen him as a vicarſhip, by the pope: & for the ſame reaſons many other territories in the Marque of Ancona, in the patrimony of ſaint Peter, and in Vmbria (which wee call now the dutchy of Spoleto) many priuate Lords did riſe, being driuen thervnto, ſome againſt the wil of the pope, others by his conſent. The which alterations being likwiſe happened in Lombardie, in the citties belonging to the Empire, it chaunced ſome times, as the ſtate of matters did change, that the Vicars of Romagna, and of other Eccleſiaſtical places did openly withdrawe themſelues from the nam of the church, and did acknowledge thoſe citties in fee of the Empire: as contrarily, they which did occupie Millan, Mantua, and other imperiall poſſeſſiōs in Lombardy, didde holde them in fee of the pope.

In the meane while, albeit the citty of Rome did retaine the name and lord ſhip of the church, notwt ſtanding it was gouerned by their owne cittizens. And although at the beginning when the popes did returne from Auignon they were obeied as lords, notwithſtanding a lyttle while after, the Romaines hauing created a newe kind of magiſtrate which they called Banderez, they returned to their ancient ſtubborneſſe: whervppon the Popes hauing verye ſmal authoritie left them, they withdrew themſelus from Rome, vntill ſuche time that the Romaines beeing growne very poore, and great diſorders ſprunge amongſt them thorow the abſence of the courte conſidering that the yeare 1400. drew neer, in the which they hoped, that by the pope his reſidence there, there would be a great concourſe of people from all partes of Chriſtendome by reaſonne of the Iubile, they humbly beſought the pope Boniface, that hee would vouchſafe to returne thither againe, offering immediatly vpon his comming to aboliſh their Banderez, & to ſubmit themſelues wholy to his obedience. Vnder which conditions the pope returning to Rome, whileſt the cittizens did altogither buſy themſelues, to the gain & profite they receiued that yeare, he tooke the abſolute gouernement of the cittye vpon him, fortified the caſtle Saint Angelo, and placed a guard of Soldiors therein: ſo that his ſucceſſors vntill the time of Eugenius, though with muche trouble oftentimes, did notwithſtanding thorowly eſtabliſh their authoritie, and gouerned the citty afterwardes without any contradiction.

Theſe foundations being laid, and by theſe meanes, the popes being exalted to temporall authority, forgetting by little and little the ſaluation of ſoules, and the commandementes of God, turning al their thoughtes to become great in this world, vſing ſpirituall iuriſdiction, but as an inſtrument and miniſter to attain to temporall gouernement, they began rather to ſeeme ſecular princes, then Biſhops. They employed all their care, and buſied themſelues, not for the aduauncement of religion, not in zeal, and Charity towards their neighbors, but to raiſ arms and to make warre againſt Chriſtians, touching holye ſacrifices with their bloodie thoughts and handes: yea their whole ſtudy was to heape vp treaſure togither, to inuent new lawes, newe guiles, new ſleights to get mony on euery ſide, & without any regard or reſpect to vſe ſpirituall weapons, to this end onely, & to ſel without ſhame, both ſacred and prophane things. Riches being ſpred ouer all their court, there followed pompe, riot, & vnhoneſt cuſtoms, luſtes, and abhominable pleaſures: hauing no care of their predeceſſors, no thoght of ye cōtinuance of the maieſty, belonging to ſo ſacred a function; but in ſteade therof ambitious & peſtilent deſires to aduance themſelus their ſons, their nephewes & kinſfolk, not onely to immoderate welth and riches, but to kingdoms and principalities: making diſtribution of dignities and offices of profit, not to worthy and vertuous men, but commonlye either ſelling them to thoſe that wold giue moſt largly for them: or elſe beſtowing them vpon ſuch perſons, as either for their ambition, couetouſnes, or other villanous & deteſtable pleſures, did iump and agree wt them. Thorowe which deedes of theirs, the reuerence which was wont to be born them, being altogither fled frō ye heart of men, neuertheleſſe their authority is ſtill vphelde, partly through the mighty name & powreful maieſty of religion, being likewiſe greatly ayded thorow the means they haue to gratifie great princes, and thoſe which bear any authority about them, wt Eccleſiaſtical liuings & dignities. Whervpon it commeth to paſſ, that they knowing right well, in what great regarde they are amongeſt men, and that they which take armes againſte them, are to expect the blot of reprochful infamie, and often times ye hatred of other princes, which doe oppoſe themſelues to thoſe enterpriſes, & that whatſoeuer happeneth, ſmall aduauntage ariſeth to their enimies, that they being Conquerors, and getting the vpper hand, they vſe the victory at their diſcretion, beeing ouercome they eſcape vppon ſuch conditions as they liſt: & further ſtirred vp, and pricked forward, with a couetous deſire to aduance their kindred, from priuate callinges, vnto princely eſtates, they haue a long while byn often the Inſtruments of wars and newe fire in Italy.

But returning to my principal purpoſe, from the which the moſt iuſt grief of ye publike loſſe & ouerthrowe hath with more vehemency drawne me, then ye lawe of a hiſtory dooth wel permit. I ſay that the cittie of Romagna, &c.

Alius locus libro IIII. fol. 156. verſu. 44. poſt Conceſsit.

AD cuius rei & multarum aliarum ſequentibus temporibus geſtarum clariorem notitiā, res ipſa poſcit, vti quid iuris in Flāinia, quae nunc Romagna dicitur, oppidis aliiſque compluribus quae vel nunc poſſident, vel antea variis temporibus poſſederunt, Romani pontifices habeant, dicatur: quo que pacto ab initio rerum ſacrarū adminiſtrationi duntaxat praefecti, ad regna & imperia peruenerint: ad hoc vt id etiam tanquam his annex um & coniunctum, quae ob has atque alias cauſas contentiones diuerſis tē poribus inter Pontifices at que Imperatores extite rint, commemoretur.

Pontifices Romani, quo rū primus Petrus apoſtolus fuit, accepta ab Ieſu Chriſto in rebus ſacris ac diuinis auctoritate, charitate, ſubmiſſione, patienti a, ſpiritu ſacro & prodigiis magni, per illorum initia, non modò potentia ciuili & mundana penitus nudati, uerumetiā ab illa uexati, diu obſcuri ac ferè ignorati fuere: eorū nomine nulla re magis quàm ſuppliciis & cruciatibus perferēdis innoteſcente: quae unà cum iis qui eos ſe quebantur, ſuſtinebāt. Nā etſi cum propter infinitam multitudinem diuerſarum nationū & ſectarum quae in vrbem Romā confluxerant, parum Chriſtianorū progreſſus & actiones animaduerterentur, eſſent que ab quorundā imperatorū ui & vexationibus immunes, niſi ſi quādo illorū publiciritus ſilentio praeteri riri non poſſent: nihilominus tamen aliqui alii ſiue innata feritate, ſiue deorū ſuorū inſano quodā amore perculſi, eos tanquā nouarum ſuperſtitionū auctores, & ſuae religionis euerſores, atrociter perſequebātur. Hoc in ſtatu tū volūtaria paupertate, tum vitae reliquae ſanctimonia, tum ſuppliciorum acerbitatibus clariſsimi, ad Silueſtri pōtificatum perſtiterunt. Cuius temporibus quum ad Chriſtianā religionē Conſtātinus moribus ſanctiſsimis Chriſtianorū, & prodigiis ac miraculis, quae frequentiſsima in iis qui Chriſti veſtigia ſequebantur, elucebant, per motus, animum appuliſſet, Pō tifices à periculis in quibus annos circiter trecentos uerſati fuerant, tuti, liberius cultum diuinum exercere, rituſque Chriſtianos palam profiteri. Quamobrem factum eſt, vt partim morū & vitae admiratione, partim praeceptorum quae noſtra religione continētur, ſanctitate, partim quo que facilitate quadam mortaliū, qua plerun que vel ambitione, vel metu, principis ſui exemplum imitā tur, nomē Chriſtianū mirificè omnib. in locis propagari, paupertas uerò illa ſacerdotum beata, diminui coepere. Nam Conſtantinus templo in Laterano diuo Ioanni, in Vaticano Petro apoſt. item que Paulo, aliis que diuerſis in locis aedificatis, ea non modo precioſis uaſis ornamentiſ que ditauit, uerumetiā, vt ſarta tecta tueri, ac renouare quae extructa erāt, ſe que quirebus ſacris operā darent, ſuſtentare poſſent, praedis at que aliis vectigalibus donauit: alii praeterea multi poſt ſecuti, rati beneficiis huiuſmodi faciliorem aditum incoeleſte regnum ſibi patefieri, aut noua extruebant fana, ea que donis cumulabant: autiam extructis ſuorū bonorū portionem aliquā attribuebant, quinetiam ſiue lege quapiam inueterata, ſiue conſuetudine, ad legis Moſeae exemplum, quiſ que de ſuorū bonorum fructib. decimā partem locis religioſis pendebat: ad quod quidem efficiendum, magno cū ardore excitabantur: quod viderent ab initio ſacerdotes, eo excepto, quod ad parciſſimū victū ſibi reſeruabant, quicquid reliquum erat, partim in aedificia religioſa, eorum que ſupellectilem, partim in egenos alioſ que pios vſus impendere: cū que nondum ſuperbia & ambitio in eorum pectorib. inſediſſet, ab vniuerſis qui vbique erant, Chriſtianis omnium omniū eccleſiarum ſupremus cuſtos, & tanquā Petri apoſt. ſucceſſor epiſc. Romanus agnoſcebatur: primū quod ea ciuitas obſuam antiquam dignitatē, tanquam reliquarū caput & princeps, Imperii nomen maieſtatem que retinebat: de inde quod illinc in bonā Europae partem religio chriſtiana diffuſa erat: poſtremo qui a cōſtantin. à Silueſtro ritu chriſtiano aquis initiatus, eiuſmodi auctoritatem in eo at que in eius ſucceſſorib. libenter agnouerat. Fama quoque eſt, Conſtantinū Orientis prouinciarum motib. Imperii ſedem Byzātiū, poſt de ſuo nomine Conſtantinopolim appellatā, tranſferre compulſum, pontifici Romanae vrbis, aliarum que & vrbium & regionū in Italia, Imperium donaſſe. Quae fama quāuis à ſequen tib. pontificib. dil igenter fuerit enutrita & ſuſtentata, eorum que auctoritate à multis credita, eſt nihilominus cùm ab ſcriptorib. grauiſſimis, tum vero reb. ipſis refutata. Illud autem certo conſtat, & tunc & longo poſt tempore, vrbem Romā, Italiam que omnem tanquā imperio Caeſarū obnoxiam, ab imperatorum miniſtris ac praefectis fuiſſe gubernatam: nec deſunt qui, quicquid de Conſtantino & Silueſtro dicitur (vſque adeo ſaepe profūdis in tenebris res vetuſtae demerſae latent) redarguant, oſtendant que eos longè diuerſis temporib. extitiſſe: nemo tamen negat, imperii Conſtantinopolim tranſlatione ad pō tificum potentiā, viam eſſe patefactā, ex ea que originem habuiſſe. Nam indies magis & magis imperatorum auctoritate, tum ex illorum continua abſentia, tū quòd grauiſſimis in Oriente bellis diſtinerentur, in Italia debilitata, populus Romanus ab imperatorū obedientia paulatim deſciſcens, at que ob eam tem tāto magis pōtifices praeſentes reſpiciens, eis coepit non obedientiā quidem, ſed voluntariū quoddā obſequium exhibere. Quanquā ne haec quidem niſi lentè ſeſe oſtenderunt, ob Gothorū & Vandalorum aliarum que barbararū nationum in Italiam effuſiones: à quibus capta ſaepe ac direpta Roma, & pontificum nomen, quod ad ciuiles attinet res, in obſcuro penè cōtemptū iacebat, & imperatorum in Italia auctoritas euaneſoebat: quandoquidem eā tanta cum ignominia praedae barbaris expoſitam deſerebant. Aliarum nationū impetus cum torrentis inſtar erupiſſet, Gothorū per annos ſeptuaginta potentia permanſit. Erant hi nomine & profeſſione Chriſtiani, genere à prima origine Scythae & Dacae: quibus tā dē Caeſarū armis Italia pulſis per Graecos iterū magiſt. tus coepit Italia gubernari: quorum qui caeteris imperabat, Graeca voce Hexarchus appellabatur, ſedē que Ranēnae in vrbe veſtuſtiſsima, eiſ que temporibus opulentiſsima, at que ob agribonitatem frequentiſ. habebat. Nam poſt magnum incrementum ex Caeſaris Auguſti at que aliorū imperatorum claſſe validiſs. ſuſceptum, quam in eius portu vr bi penè coniuncto, cuius nunc vix vllum extat veſtigium, continenter tenue runt, à multis belli ducib. deinde ab Theodorico Gothorū rege, eiuſ que ſucceſſo ribus fuerat habitata: qui quod imperatorū potentiā ſuſpectā haberent, eam potius quàm Romā, regni ſui ſedem maris opportunitate Byzantio propioris ducti delegerunt: quū opportunitatē Hexarchi, & ſi contraria ratione ſecuti, cūibi conſediſſent, Romanae vrbi, aliiſ que Italiae ciuitatibus proprios imponebāt praefectos, quos Duces appellabant. Hinc Rauennatis Hexarchatus nomen: quo nomine omnia cōprehendebantur, quae proprios Duces non habebant, ſed vni Hexarcho obtempera bant. Qua tempeſtate pontifices Romani ciuilis poteſtatis penitus expertes, at que in mortaliū animis admiratione & obſeruantia morib. ipſorum ab illa priſtina puritate iam fatiſcentibus, obſoleſcente, tanquā imperatorib. ſubiecti, aetatem agebant: ſine quorū, & eorum quos Hexarchos diximus appellatos, auctoritate, quamuis ſacerdotū populi que Romani ſuffragiis renunciati, ne que ſe propontificib. gerere. ne que pōtificatum capere audebāt: quinetiā epiſcopi Conſtantino politanus & Rauēnas, quo niā religionis ſedes imperii at que armorū potentiam ſequi conſueuit, cū Romano epiſcopo ſaepenumero de principatu diſputabāt. Caeterum haud multo poſt rerum mutatio conſecuta. Nam Longobardi, gens ferociſsima, in Italiam ingreſſi, Galliam ciſalpinam occuparunt: ab quorum imperio, Longobardia eſt appellata. Adiecerunt etiam Rauennam cum Hexarchatu vniuerſo: alias praeterea multas Italiae partes, armis Picenum vſ que & Spoletum & Beneuentum prolatis: quibus in locis Duces à ſedictos imperare iuſſerunt, at que haec omnia dum imperatores partimignauia, partim Afiaticis bellis detenti rebus parū proſpiciunt. Horum igitur auxiliis Roma deſtituta, cum nec iam Hexarchorū magiſtratus eſſent in Italia, conſiliis at que auctoritate pontificum gubernari coepit: qui cum aliquot annis pòſt vnà cū Romanis ab Longobard. opprimerentur, ad Pipini Francorū regis auxilia tā dem ſe receperunt. Qui valido in Italiā exercitu, vbi Longobardi annos vltra ducentos dominatum tenuerant, ducto, eos inde pepulit: partem que ipſorū imperii, quaſi belli iure parti, pontifici & ecleſiae Romanae condonauit: in quibus non modo Vrbinū, Fanum Fortunae, Eugubbium (Igninum olim) multa que alia Romae vicina oppida, verumetiā Rauen nā cum Hexarchatu ſuo: quo contineri aiunt quicquid à Placentiae & Papiae finib. Ariminum vſque Padum inter & Appeninum, ſtagna ſiue paludes Venetorum, & Adriaticum ſinum clauditur: ad haec ipſum Ariminum ad Toglā flumen, tunc Iſaurum appellatum. Pipino autem mortuo, cum denuò pontificibus Longobardi eſſent infeſti, & quae ipſis donata erant inuaderent, Carolus eius filius (qui poſt ob maximas victorias Magni cognomentum merito eſt adeptus) eorū imperio funditus euerſo à patre eccleſiae Romanae donata comprobauit: & nominatim Picenum & Spoleti Ducatum, quo Aquila oppidum, Brutiorum que pars continetur, pontifici tum cùm Longobardis bellum gereret attributa. Haec ſic habere certo affirmant, quib. pontificii quidam ſcriptores addunt, cundem Carolū eccleſiae donaſſe Liguriā ad Varum amnem, Italiae terminum: Mantuā item & quicquid Longobardi in Foro Iulii, atque in Hiſtria poſſidebāt. Idē quo que aliquis ſcribit de Corſica inſula, toto que illo tractu qui Lunā inter & Parmam intereſt: ob quae beneficia regis Galliae celebrati, & bonorib. à pontificib. affecti, Chriſtianiſſimi appellationem ſunt conſecuti. Poſt etiā anno Salutis octingenteſimo, Leo pōtifex vna cum populo Romano (verū pontifex, haud alia auctoritate, quam vt eius populi caput) eundēmet Carolum Romanorū imperatorum nominarunt, nomine quo que ipſo hanc imperii partem ab imperatorib. Conſtantinopoli agentibus ſeiungentes, tanquam Roma prouinciae que Occidentis ab illis deſertae in periculis: proprioru principum tutela opus haberent. Hac imperii diſtractione, tranſmarini imperatores, nec Siciliae inſula, nec ea Italiae parte, quae ab vrbe ipſa Neapoli, Mā fredoniam vſ que pertingens mari terminatur (quoniā ſemper illorum imperium agnouerant) excluſi fuere: nec ob id de conſuetu dine qua pontifices imperatorum, quorum nomine Roma gubernabatur, auctoritate confirmarentur, derogatum eſt: quinetiā in ſuis diplomatib. ſcripturae tempus his verbis conſignabant: IMPERANTE CAROLO DOMINO NOSTRO. In qua minime graui vel ſubmiſſione, vel obſeruantia perſtitere, dū rerum euentus animos addidere, vt ſuo ſe nutu regerunt: quippe cū imperatorum potentia de bilitari coepiſſet, primum diſſidiis inter Caroli magni poſteros, dū penes eos imperii ad principes Germanos tranſlatione, potē tia Caroli magni ſucceſſoribus minime pares, pontifices populuſ que Ramanus, cuius magiſtratib. Roma coepit, quāuis perturbate & confuſe gubernari: Imperatorum auctoritati qui buſcun que modis derogantes, lege ſanxerunt, ne deinceps pontificum lectio, imperatorum auctoritate niteretur: quod quidē per annos plures variè ſeruatum eſt, prout rerum viciſſitudine imperatorum potentia aut ſurgebat, aut in clinabat. Quae poſteaquā ad Othones Saxonas imperium peruenit, aucta: Gregorius Quintus Othonis tertii ſauore, qui tum Romae erat, ad ponrificatum aſſumptus, hinc ſuae gentis amore, illinc Romanorū quibuſdā iniuriis, impulſus, ſuo decreto legendi imperatoris ius & auctoritatem, ea forma quae ad haec vſ que tempora perducta ſeruatur, in Germanorum nationem tranſtulit: at que vt pontificib. in imperatores, auctoritatem aliquā retineret, eiſ que vicem redderet, inter dixit ne quis imperatoris Auguſtiúe appellatione, alióue nomine quā regis Romanorum & Caeſaris vteretur, ni prius imperii coronā à pontifice (vnde mos inoleuit, vt ad capiendam coronam Romā vaniant) accipiant. Caeterùm Othonib. extinctis, & potentia imperatorū quòd ad magnos reges haereditario iure Imperium non veniret, Roma palàm ab illorum obedientia defecit: multae que vrbes Conrado Sueuo imperante, rebellarunt: & pontifices ſuae amplificandae auctoritati intenti, Rō. ciuitatis dominatu prope modum obtinebāt: ſaepe tamen propter populi in ſolentiā & diſcordias, multis difficultatib. laborabāt quem vt in officio continerent, Henrici ſecundi fauore, qui tū Romae erat, pontificis creandi ius in cardinales ſolos tranſtulerant. Pontificū magnitudini noua acceſſio facta eſt. Nam cum Normanni, quorum primus Gulielmus Fera brachius eſt appellatus, ab imperio Conſtantino politano Apulia & Calabria ſubtracta, Robertus Guicciardus ex illa gente vnus, ſiue vt colore iuris aliquo ſeſe muniret: ſiue quo aduerſus eos imperatores potentia ſe armaret ſiue alia de cauſſa, Beneuento pontifici, quaſi pontificii iuris eſſet, reſtituto, Apuliae Calabriae que principatū, quaſi eccleſiae Romanae fundum recognouit: cuius exēplum Rogerius eius ſucceſſorum vnus ſecutus, inde pulſo, Guilelmo eadē familia orto, poſt etiā Sicilia occupata, ferè anno Salutis M.C.XXX. harū prouinciarum ius à pontifice accepit: eſt que rex vtriuſ que Siciliae, quarū vna vltra, altera cis fretum ſita eſt, appellatus. Ne que enim pontifices ambitione & propria vtilitate adducti, alienā cupiditatem & vim fouere recuſarūt. Hac iuris ſpecie freti, vlterius pō tifices progreſsi (vt cupido humana gradū ſiſtere nequit) quoſdam reges illis regnis quaſi contumaces priuare coeperunt in alioſ que transferre: quo more ad Henricum Federici Barbaruſſae filiū, ab hoc ad Federicu ſecund. eius filium, quitres ordine Romani imperatores fuerunt, caregna peruenere. Verum cū Federicus pontificem bello perſequeretur, eſſēt que illo tempore Guelforū & Gibellinorū factiones excitatae, quarum alterius caput erat pontifex, alteri us imperator: pontifex, mortuo Federico, Carolū Andiouinorum & Prouinciae comitem (cuius antea facta mentio eſt) vtriuſ que Siciliae regem appellauit: hac lege vt quotānis, auri vnciarum ſena milia tributi nomine penderet: ac ne quis corum regum in poſterum imperatoris Romani appellationem poſſet admittere: quae exceptio ſemper ab eo tempore in regni Neapolitani diplomate expreſſa fuit. nā Siciliae regnum pòſt à Tarraconenſib regib. occupatum, à pontificum obedientia ſeſe ſubduxit, at que à tributo pēſitādo vindicauit. Ad hoc obtinuit fama (etſi haud ita certa, quàm ea quae hactenusdicta ſūt) Mathildam principem in Italia praepotentem, eccleſiae eam partem Etruriae donaſſe, quae Peſcia torrē te & Quirici caſtello in Senenſium finibus ab vna parte, ab altera mari in fero & Tyberi amne, quae hodie Patrimonium Petri vulgo nominatur: & addūt alii, ab eadem Ferrari am eccleſiae donatā. Haec poſtrema dubia fide retulimus, caeterùm multo magis dubia quae ab aliquo ſcripta ſūt, videlicet, Auth pertum Longobardorum regem, florēte ipſorū regno, eidem eccleſiae alpes Coccias, in quib. Genua, & quicquid ab ea in Prouinciā vſ que Romanorum patet: & Luithprandum eiuſdē gentis regem, Sabinam Romae propinquam regionem, Narniā & Anconem, cum aliis quibuſdam oppidis attribuiſſe. In hunc igitur modū rerū ſtatu variante, variae pariter pontificum at que imperatorum res fuere. Nam à primis imperatoribus per multa annorum curricula vexati, poſt Conſtantini ad Chriſtum conuerſione ab eo terrore liberati, reb. ſacris tātum operam dantes, in reliquis imperatorum auctoritati ferè ſubiecti, ſub eorum vmbra quie uerunt. In hoc humili ſtatu diutiſſime poſt vitā egerunt, ab imperatorum cō mercio, propter magnam in Italia Longobardorum potentiam ſeiuncti. Poſt autem Galliae regum beneficio opib. & potentia aucti, cum imperatoribus coniunctiſ. ſtetere, ab illorū auctoritate, dum imperatoria maieſtas in Caroli magni poſteris māſit, alacri animo pendentes, quod quidem fiebat, tum propter beneficia, viciſſim data, & accepta, tumetiā ob imperatorū potē tiam: quae vbi pòſt coepit inclinare, & quaſi flacceſſere, illorum amicitia pror ſus reiecta, ita ſe gerere coeperunt, quaſi pontifici ae dignitatis eſſet leges potius imperatorib. dare' que accipere. Cum que à veteri illo quo ſubiecti imperatorib. ſtatu penitus abhorrerent, veriti que ne illi Romae at que alibi antiqua imperii iura recuperare, vt quidā illorum aut potentia maiore, aut animo erectiore efficere conabātur, tentarent, armata vi ſeſe imperatorū potentiae, ab illis tyrannis qui ſe principes appellabant, & ab illis vrbib. quae ſeſe in libertatem vindicauerant, nec iā imperii auctoritatem agnoſcebant, adiuti, opponebant. Hinc factum eſt, vt pontifices ſibi indies plura maiora que arrogantes, terrorem que armorū coeleſtium in res terrenas caducas vertentes, ius ſibi at que auctoritatem in imperatores, quaſi Chriſti in terris vices gerentes, aſſumpſerunt: affirmātes ad ſe multis in reb. regnorum atque imperiorum procurationem pertinere. Qua perſuaſione freti, imperatorib. interdum imperii dignitatem abrogabant, Septemuiros Auguſtales, vt alios in eorum locum ſurrogarent, incitabāt. Viciſſim quoque imperatores, aut ipſi creabant nouos pontifices, aut vt crearentur procurabant. Ex his controuerſiis, at que etiam quod pontifices per ānos ſeptuaginta Auenione ſedem habuiſſent, nec non ex illo eccleſiae diſſidio, quod in Italia pontifice Romā reuertente, eſt exortum, cū eccleſiae ſtatus admodū concuſſus ac debilitatùs eſſet, factum eſt, vt in oppidis eccleſiae ſubiectis, praecipuè vero in ea Italiae parte, quae olim Gallia togata dicta eſt, complures in eis ciues potentia caeteris ſuperiores, in ſua, quiſ que patria tyrannidē occuparēt: quos pontifices aut perſequebātur, aut, ſi ad eos opprimēdos impares eſſent, quaſi eccleſiae beneficio regnare iubebant, aut aliis in eos excitatis, regnādi ius attribuebant. In hūo igitur modum Galliae togatae oppida, proprios dominos acpleroſ que quaſi eccleſiae vicarios habere coeperunt. Eodem modo Ferraria Actio Ateſtino à pontifice gubernanda tradita, eidem eſt poſt beneficii nomine attributa: ex quo de inde ea familia illuſriorib. honorū titulis eſt exornata. Sic Bononia ab Ioanne Vicecomite Mediolanenſium archiepiſcopo occupata, eidem pari iure conceſſa fuit. Iiſdē quo que de cauſis in multis Piceni oppidis, diui Petri Patrimonio, & Vmbria, quae nūc Ducatus appellatur, plures reguli, pars inuito, pars ad conſentiendū adacto pōtifice, ſunt exorti: nec Longobardia, in imperii praeſertim oppidis, ab huiuſmodi mutationib. immunis fuit: ſicut qui in Flaminia at que aliis pontificiis locis dominabantur à pontificum obedientia deficientes, ad imperatorū auctoritatē confugerent: & viciſſim qui Mediolanū, Mantuā, & alia imperii oppida tenebant, à pontificibus regnandi ius obtinerent. Roma verò quanquā nomē eccleſiae temporib. illis prae ſe ferret, magiſtratib. tamen regebatur propriis & ſuis: & quāuis initio cū Auenione in Italiā poſt liminio reuertiſſ. tanquā domini agnoſcerentur, paulo tamen poſt Romani creato magiſtratu, quod Bāderenſiū appellabant, in veterem contumaciā recidere: vn de cum pontificū auctori tas apud eos eſſet perexigua, & ipſi alio tranſlata ſede, Romā reliquere, do nec Romani ad paupertatem redacti, at que in magnā propter eius abſentiā confuſionē delapſi, cum annus milleſimus quadrin genteſimus appropinqua ret: in quo anno ſi pontifex in Vrbe eſſet, ſperabāt ingentē fore propter annū ſecularem, quem Iubileum vocāt, mortaliū concurſū, precib. quā demiſsiſſimis Bonifacium pontificem orarunt, Romā rediret: id ſi faceret, Bāderenſium magiſtratū abrogaturos, ſe que ei obſequentis in omnib. futuros. His conditionib. in Vrbem reuerſus dum Romani illius anni quaeſtum vnum attendūt, pontifex occupato omni Vrbis imperio, Angelicā arcem communiuit, ei que praeſidium impoſuit: cuius ſucceſſores ad Eugenium vſ que etſi nō paucis difficultatib. conflictati, nihil ominus dominatu poſt plenè ſtabilito, inſecuti pontifices citra vllam controuerſiam, Romae ſunt pro ſua libidine dominati. His igitur fundamentis & modis ad terrenam potentiā elati, ac ſenſim animarum ſalutis, diuinorum que praeceptorum obliti, at que ad mundana imperia omni cogitatione conuerſi, nec diuina auctoritate alio, quàm quaſi, telo & inſtrumento rerū fragilium abutentes, principes potius gentiū, quàm rerum ſacrarū pontifices videri coeperūt. Horum curae & negocia, non iā vitae ſanctimonia, nō religionis incrementa, non erga Deū & homines charitas, ſed exercitus, ſed bella in Chriſtianos, cogitatione & manib. ſanguine reſperſis ſacra tractātes: ſed pecuniae immēſa cupido, nouae leges, nouae artes, uouae inſidiae ad pecuniā vndi que cogendā, in hunc finē audaſiſſimè arma coeleſtia vibrare, profanarū ſacrarum que rerum nundinationē impudentiſ. exercere: hinc opes in immenſū adauctae, & in totam ipſorum aulam effuſae: ex quibus faſtus, luxus, mores turpis. libidines, voluptateſ que nefandae: nulla ſucceſſoribus, nulla maieſtatis perpetuae pontificatus ſolli citudo: ſed horum loco cupido anxia & peſtifera, filios, nepotes, item alios ſibi coniunctos & neceſſarios non modò ad opes immoderatas, verumetiam ad regna & imperia euehendi: nō iam honores & emolumenta in merentes & bonos conferendo, ſed plerunque auctionando, aut in homines ambitione, auaritia, & pudendis voluptatibus perditos effūdendo. His moribus effectum eſt, vt excuſſa penitus ex animis hominū illa vetere erga pontifices reuerētia: tamē ex parte, eorū auctoritas religionis, qua nihil in terris ad homines vel impellēdos, vel retinendos, potētius inuenitur, nomine & maieſtate, facultate qua pollent, principibus at que iis qui apud illos maximè poſſunt, ſacris beneficiis & honoribus conferendis, gratificandi adiuta ſuſtente tur. Qui cum ſciant magna ſe in admiratione mortaliū eſſe: & qui aduerſus eos arma ſumunt, eos grauis infamiae notam, & ſaepenumero aliorum principū odia ſubire: ac quomodocun que res cadat, perexiguum emolumentum ad eos à quib. op pugnantur, redundare: & victores ex ſuo arbitrio victoria vſuros: victos, quib. velint conditionib. pacem habituros: ad haec ſuos propinquos ex priuata cōditione ad principatus attollendi cupidine inflammati, iam per multos annos bellorum auctores, nouorū que incendiorum faces in Italia extite runt. Sed vt ad id à quo iuſtiſſimus publici damni dolor me longius acriuſque quàm leges hiſtoriae forſitā permittant, abduxit, reuertamur. Aomili e Flamin. &c.

FINIS.
Diſcorſo leuato del tutto via dell'hiſtoria nel quarto libro a carte 119.

PEr la dichiaratione della qual coſa, et di molt' altre ſuccedute ne tempi ſeguenti, ricerca la materia che ſi faccia mentione, che ragioni habhia la Chieſa ſopra le terre di Romagna & ſopra molte altre, le quali, o ha in varij tempi poſſedute, o hora poſſiede: e in che modo iuſtituita da principio meramente per l'amminiſtratione ſpirituale, ſia peruenuta alli ſtati, & alli imperij mondani: & ſimil mente, che ſi narri come coſa connexa, quali contentioni ſianno ſtate per queſte & altre cagioni in diuerſi tempi, tra e pontifici et gl'Imperadori.

E pontefici Romani de quali il primo fu l'Apoſtolo Piero, fondata da Gieſu Chriſto l'autorità loro nelle coſe ſpirituali, grandi dî charitā, d humiltà, di patientia, di ſpirito & di miracoli, furo no ne loro principii non ſolo al tutto ſpogliati di potentia temporale ma perſeguitati da quella ſtettono per molti anni oſcuri & quaſi incogniti, non ſi manifeſtando il no me loro per alcuna coſa piu che ne ſuplicij, e quali inſieme con quelli che gli ſeguita uono quaſi ſoſteneuano: per che ſe bene per la moltitudine innumerabile, & per le diuerſe nationi, & proſeſſioni che erano in Roma, fuſſino qualche volta poco atteſie progreſſi loro, & alcuni delli Imperadori non gli perſeguitaſſino ſe nō quanto pareua che le attioni loro publiche non poteſſino eſſere con ſilentio trapaſſata, non dimeno alcuni altri, o per crudeltà, o per l amore alli dij proprij, gli perſeguitarono atrocemē te come induttori di nuoue ſuperſtitioni, & deſtruttori della vera religione.

Nel qual ſtato chiariſſimi per la voluntaria pouertà, per la ſantità della vita, e per e martyrij, continuarono inſino à Silueſtro pontifice: a tempo del quale eſſendo venuto alla fede Chriſtiana Cō ſtantino Jmperadore, moſſa da coſtumi ſantisſimi, & da miracoli che in quelli che il nome di Chriſto ſeguitauano continuamente ſi vedeuano, rimaſono e pontifici ſicuri da pericoli, ne quali erano ſtati circa a trecento anni, & liberi d'eſſercitare publicamente il culto diuino & riti Chriſtiani.

Onde per la riuerenza de costumi loro, per e precetti ſanti, che contìene in ſe la noſtra religione, & per la prontezza che è negl'huommi à ſeguitare, o per ambiti one il piu delie volte, o per ti more, l'eſempio del ſuo prencipe, cominciò a ampliarſi per tutto marauiglioſamente el nome Christiano, & inſieme a diminuire la pouertà de cherici. per che Conſtanti no hauendo edificata a Roma la chieſa di ſan Giouāni in Laterano, la chieſa di ſan Pietro in Vaticano, quella di ſan Paulo, & molte altre in diuerſi luoghi, le dotò non ſolo di ricchi vaſi & ornamenti, ma anchora, perche ſi poteſſino conſeruare & rinouare, & per le fabriche, & ſo ſtentatione di quelli che vi eſſercitauano il culto diuino, di poſſeſſioni & d'altre entrate: & ſucceſſiuamente molti ne tempi che ſeguitaro no, perſuadendoſi con l'elemo ſine e con legati alle chieſe, farſi facile l'acquiſto del regno celeſte, o fabricauano, dotauano altre chieſe, o alle gia edificate diſpenſauano parte delle ricchezze loro: anzi o per legge, o per inuetterata conſuetudine ſeguitando l'eſ ſempio del teſtamento vecchi o, ciaſcuno, de frutti de beni proprij pagaua alle chieſe la decima parte, excitandoſi a queſte coſe gl'huomini con grande ardore, per che da principio e cherici, da quello infuora che era neceſſario per il moderatiſſimo vitto loro, tutto il rimamente parte nelle fabriche & paramenti delle chieſe, parte in opere piatoſe & charitatiue diſtri buiuano:

Ne eſſendo anchora entrata ne petti loro la ſuperbia & l'ambitione, era ricodoſciuto viuerſalmente da Chriſti ani per ſuperiore di tutte le chieſe, & di tutta l'aminiſtratione ſpirituale el veſcouo di Roma come ſucceſſore dell'apoſtolo Piero: & per che quella citta per la ſua anticha degnita & grandezza riteneua come capo delle altre el nome & la maieſtà del imperio, & perche da quella ſiera diffuſa la fede Chriſtia na nella maggior parte dell'Europa, & perche Conſtantino battezzato da Silueſtro, tale autorità volentieri in lui & ne ſuoi ſucceſſori hauea riconoſciuta.

E fama oltre a queſte coſe, che Coſtantino coſtretto dalli accidenti delle prouincie Orientali a transferire la ſedia dell'imperio nella città di Bizantio chiamata del ſuo nome Conſtantinopoli, donò a pontefici el domino di Roma, & di molt' altre città & regioni d'Italia: la qual fama, benche diligentemente nutricata da pontefici che ſuccederono, & per l'autorità loro creduta da molti, e dagl'autori piu probabili riprouata, & molto piu dalle coſe ſteſſe: per che è manifeſtiſſimo, che all hora & longo tempo di poi, fu ammi niſtrata Roma & tutta l'Italia ſuddita all imperio, da e magiſtrati deputati dag im peradore. Ne manca chi redarguiſca (ſi profunda è ſpeſſo nelle coſe tanto antiche loſcurita) tutto quello che ſi dice di Coſtantino & di Silueſtro, affermando eſſi eſſere ſtati in diuerſi tempi: maniu no nega che la traſlatione della ſed ia dell imperio a Coſtantinopoli, fu la prima origine della potentia de ponte fici, indebolendo in progreſſo di tempo l'autorita de gl'Jmperadori in Jtalia per la continua abſentia loro, & per le difficulta che hebbononell Oriente, el populo Romano diſcoſtandoſi da gli Jmperadori, & però tanta piu deferendo a pontefici, cominciò a preſtar loro non ſub iettione, ma ſpontaneamen te vn certo obſequio.

Benche qucſte coſe non ſi demonſtrorono ſe non lentàmente per le inundationi de Gothi, de Vandali, & d'altre barbare nationi che ſoprauennono in Jtalia: dalle qua li preſa & ſaccheggiata piu volte Roma, era quanto alle coſe temporali obſcuro & ab ietto el nome de pontefici, & piccoliſſima in Italia l'autorità de gl'Imperadori, poi che con tanta ignominia la laſciauano in preda de barbari.

Trale quali nationi, eſſendo ſtato l'impeto delle altre quaſi come vn torrente, continuò per ſettanta anni la potentia de Gothe, gente di nome & di profeſſione Chriſtiana, & vſcita dalla prima origine ſua delle parti di Dacia & di Tartaria: la quale eſſendo finalmēte ſtata cacciata d'Italia dalle arme dell'Jmperadori, cominciò di nuoua Jtalia a gouernarſi per magiſtrati Greci, de quali, quello cheera ſuperiore a tutti, det to con Greco vocabulo Exarcho, riſedeua a Rauenna città antichiſſima, & all'hora molto ricca & molto frequente per la fertilità del paeſe, & perche dopo l'augmento grande che hebbe per l'armata potente tenuta continuamente da Ceſare Auguſto & da altri Imperadori nel porto quaſi congiuntoli & che hora non appariſce, eraſtata habitata da molti capitani, & poi per longo tē po da Theodorica Re de Gothi et da e ſuoi ſucceſſori: quali hauendo a ſuſpetto la potentia de gl Imp. haueua no eletta quella piu toſto che Roma, per ſedia del regno loro, per l'oportunità del ſuo mare piu propinquo a Coſtantinopoli, la quale oportunita, benche per contraria ragione, ſeguitando li Exarchi, fermati quiui, deputaua no al gouerno di Roma & dell'altre città d'Italia Magiſtrati particolari, ſotto titolo di Duchi. Da queſto hebbe origine el nome del Exarcato di Rauenna: ſotto el qual nome, ſi comprendeua tutto quollo che non hauendo Duchi particolari, vbidiua immediatamente all'Exco.

Nel qual tempo e pontefici Romani, priuati in tutto di potentia temporale, & allentata per la diſſimulatione de coſtumi loro, gia cominciati a tranſcorrere, la reuerentia ſpirituale, ſtauano quaſi come ſubiecti all Jmperadori, ſenza la confermatione de quali, o de loro Exarchi, benche eletti dal clero & populo Romano, non ardiuano di exercitare, o di accettare el ponteficato: anzigli epiſcopi Coſtantinopolitano & Rauennate (per che communemente la ſedia del la religione ſeguita la potentia dell Imperio & dell arme) diſputauano ſpeſſo del la ſuperiorità con l'Epiſcopo Romana. Ma ſi mutò non molto poi lo ſtato delle coſe: perche e Longobardi, gente ferociſſima, entrati in Italia occuparono la Gallia Ciſalpina, la quale dall imperio loro preſe il nome di Lombardia, Rauenna con tutto l'Exarcato, & molte altre parti d'Jtalia: & ſi diſteſe ſeno l'arme loro inſino nella Marca Anconitana, & a Spuleto, & a Beneuento: ne quali due luoghi creorono Duchi particolari, non prouedendo a queſte coſe parte per la iguauia loro, parte per le difficulta che haueuano in Aſiagli Jmperadori: da gl'a iuti de quali Roma abandonata, ne eſſendo piu il magiſtrato delli Exarchi in Jtalia, cominciò a regnerſi eo, conſigli & con l'autorità de pontifici: e quali, dopo molto tempo eſſendo inſieme co' Romani oppreſſati da Longobardi, ricorſeno finalmente alli aiuti di Pipeno re di Francia: el qual paſſato conpotente eſſercito in Italia, hauendoui e Longobardi do minato gia piu di ducēto anni, cacciatigli d'vna parte del loro imperio, donò (come diuentate ſue per ragione di guerra) al pontifice & alla chieſa Romana non ſolo Vrbino, Fano, Agobbo & molte terre vicine a Roma, ma eti amdio Rauenna col ſuo Exercato, ſotto el quale dicono includeruiſi tutto quello che ſi contiene da confini di Piacenza contigui al territorio di Pauia in fino a Arimini, tra el fiume del Po, el monte Apenino, gli ſtagni o vero paludo de venetiani, & el mare Adriatico: & di piu Arimini infino al fiume della Toglia, detto all hora Iſauro.

Ma dopo la morte di Pipino, moleſtando di nuouo; Longobardi e pontefici, et quello che era ſtato donato loro, Carlo ſuo figliuolo (quando che poi per le vittorie grā diſſime che hebbe, fu merita mente cognominato Magno) diſtrutto del tutto l'imperio loro, confermò la donatione fatta alla chieſa Romana dal padre, & approuò l eſſerſi, mentre che guerriggiaua co' Longobardi, date al Pontifice la Marca d'Ancona & el Ducato di Spoleto, el quale comprendeua lacittà dell'Aquila, & vna parte dell'Abruzzi. Affer manſi queſte coſe per certe, alle quali aggiung ono alcuni ſcrittori Eceleſiaſtici, Carlo hauer donato alla Chieſa la Liguria infino al fiume del Varo vltimo confine d'Italia, Mantoua & tutto quel lo che e Longobardi poſſedeuano nel Friuoli & in Hiſtria: & el medeſimo ſcriue alcuno altro de l'Iſola di Corſica, & di tutto el territorio che ſi contiene tra la città di Luni & di Parma. Per e qua li meriti e re di Francia celebrati & exaltati da pontifici, conſeguirono el titolo di Re Chriſtianiſſimi: & di poi l'anno ottocenteſimo della noſtra ſalute, Leone pontifice inſieme col populo Romano, non con altra autorita, che del pontef. come capo di quel popolo, eleſſeno el medeſimo Carlo per Imperadore Romano, ſepar ando etiādio nel nome queſta parte dell imperio da gl Jmperadori che habitauano a Coſtantinopoli: come ſe Roma e le prouincie Occidentali non difeſe da pro loro, haueſſino biſogno d'eſſere difeſa da proprio prencipe. Per la quale diuiſione, non furono priuati gl Jmperadori Coſtantinopolitani, ne dell'Iſola di Sicilia, ne di quella parte d Italia, la qua le diſcorrendo da Napoli a Manfredonia è terminata dal mare, perche erano ſtate continuamente ſotto quell'Jmperadori. Ne ſi derogò per queſte coſe alla conſuetudine, che la elettione de ponteficifuſſi confirmata da gl'Imperadori Romani, in nome de quali ſi gouernana la città di Roma: anzi e pontifici nelle bolle, ne priuilegij & nelle conceſſioni loro, exprimeuano con queſte parole formali el tempo della ſcrittura, Jmperante il tale imperadore ſignore noſtro.

Nella quale non graue o ſoggezzione, o dependenza continuorono in fino a tanto che e ſucceſſi delle coſe nō det tono loro animo a reggerſi per ſe ſteſſi. Maeſſendo cominciata a indebolire la potentia de gl'Imperadori, prima per le diſcordie nate tra e deſcendenti mediſimi di Carlo Magno, mentre che in loro riſedeua la degnità Imperiale, & di eſſere ſtata trāſportatane prencipi Thedeſchi non potenti come erano ſtati per la grandezza del regno di Francia e ſucceſſori di Carlo, e pontefici & el popolo Romano, da magiſtrati del quale cominciò Roma, benche tumultuoſamen te, a gouernirſi, derogando in tutte le coſe quanto poteua no alla iuriſdittione dell'Jmperadori ſtatuirono per legge, che non piu la elezzione de pontifici haueſſe a eſſere confermata da loro: il che ſi oſſeruo diuerſamente ſecō do che per la variatione del le coſe ſurgeua o declinaua piu la potentia Jmperiale. La quale eſſendo accreſciuta poi che l'Imperio peruēne negli Otthoni di Saxonia, Gregorio quinto di natione Thedeſco, eletto pontifice per fauore d'Otthone Terzo che era preſente, moſso dell amore della propria natiōe, & ſdegnato per le perſecutioni riceuute da Romani, tranferi per ſuo decreto nella natione Germanica la facultà di eleggere glimperadori Romani, in quella forma, che infino all et à noſtra ſi oſſerua, vie tādo agli eletti (per riſeruare a pontefici qualche preminentia) di non vſare eltito lo d'imperadori, o di Auguſti, ſe prima nō riceueuano la corono dell'imperio (donde è introdotto il venire à Roma a incoronarſi) & di nō vſar prima altro titolo che di Rede Romani & di Caeſare. Mamancati poi gli Otthoni & diminuita la potentia de gli Jmperadori, perche l imperio nō ſi cōtinuaua herédi tario in Re grādi, Roma apertamēte ſi ſutraſſe dalla obedienza loro: & molte città, qnādo imperaua Curado Sueuo ſi rebellorono: & e pō tefici attēdēdo ad ampliare la propria autorità, domina uano quaſi Roma, benche ſpeſſo per la inſolentia & per le diſcordie del popolo vi haueſſino molte difficulta: el quale per reprimere, haueua no gia per fauore di Henrico ſecondo Jmperadore che era a Romo, trasferita per leggene Cardinali ſoli l'autorità di creare el pontefice. Alla grandezza de quali ſuccedet te nuouo augmento, perche hauēdo e Normanni, de qua li il primo fu Gulielmo cog nominuto Ferrabraccio, vſurpata all'imperio Coſtātinopolitano la Puglia & la Calabria, Roberto Guicciar do vno di eſſi o per fortificar ſi con queſto colore di ragio ne, o per eſſer piu potente a difenderſi cōtro a quegli Jmperadori, o, per altra cagiōe reſtituito Beneuēto come di ragione eccleſiaſtica, riconob be el Ducato di Puglia di Calabria in feudo dalla Chieſa Romana, il cui eſſempio ſeguitādo Ruggieri vno de ſuoi ſucceſſori, & hauēdo ſcacciato del ducato di puglia, & di Calauria Guiglielmo del la medeſima famiglia, & occupata poi la Sicilia, riconob be circa l'anno mille cēto trē ta queſte prouincie in feudo dalla Chieſa ſotto titolo di Re di ambidue le Sicilie, l'una di la, baltra di qua dal Faro, non recuſādo e pontefici di ſomētare per l'ambitione & vtilità propria, l'altrui vſurpatione & violentia: cō le quali ragioni potēdo ſempre piu oltre, come nō mai ſi ferma la cupidita humana cominciorono e pōtifici a priuare di quelli regni alcuno de Re contumaci à loro comādamenti, & a concedergli ad altri, nel qualmodo peruē neno in Hērico figliuolo di Federigo Barbaroſſa, & da Henrico in Federigo ſecōdo ſuo figliuolo tuttatre ſucceſſiuamēte Imperadori Romani Maeſsēdo Federigo diuētato acerrimo perſecutore della Chieſa, & ſuſcitate a tempi ſuoi le fattioni Guelfa & Ghibellina, dell'vna delle qualiera capo el pontefici, dell'altra lo Jmperadore, morto Federigo cō cedette la inueſtitura di queſti regni a Carlo conte d'Angio & di Prouenza, del quale di ſopra eſtata fatta mentione, cō cenſo di vncie ſemilia d'oro per ciaſcuno anno, & cō conditione, che alcuno per l'auenire di quelli Renō poteſse accettare lo imperio Romano: la quale conditione è ſtata poi ſempre ſpecificata nelle inueſtiture del regno di Napoli: per che el regno dell'Iſoſola di Sicilia occupato dae Re d'Aragonia, ſi ſeparò dopo pochi anni nel cenſo & nelle recognitioni del feis do dalla vbidienza della chie ſa. Ha anco ottenuto la fama, benche nō tanto certa quāto ſono le coſe precedēti che molto prima la Conteſſa Mathelda prencipeſſa in Italia molto potente, donò alla Chieſa quella parte della Toſcana, la quale terminata dal torrente di Peſcia, & dal caſtello di ſan Quirico nel contado di Siena da vna parte, & dall'altra dal mare di ſotto, & dal fiume del Teuere, hoggi detta il Patrimonio di ſan Piero: Et aggiungono altri che dalla medeſima Conteſſa fu donata alla Chiſa la città di Ferrara. Non ſono certe queſte vl time coſe: ma è anchora piu dubbio quello che è ſtato ſcritto da qualcuno, che Authperto Re de Longobardi, ſiorendo el regno loro, gli do nòl Alpe Coccie, nelle quali dicono includerſi Genoua, & tutto quello che ſi contiene da Genoua infino a confini della Prouenza: & che Luithprando Re della medeſima natione gli donò la Sabina, paeſe propinquo a Roma, Narni & Ancona, cō certe altre terre. Coſi variando lo ſtato delle coſe, furono ſimilmente varie le coſe de Pontefici con gl'imperadori. Perche eſſendo ſtati perſeguitati per molte età ne principij da gl'imperadori, & di poi liberati per la couuerſione di Coſtantino da queſto terrore ſi ripoſorono: ma attendēdo ſolamente alle coſe ſpirituali & poco meno che interamē te ſudditi, per molti anni ſot to l'ombra loro, viſſono di poi lunghiſſimo tempo in baſſo ſtato, et ſeparati totalmente dal commertio loro per la grandezza de Longobardi in Jtalia: ma poi peruenuti per beneficio de Re di Francia a potētia temporale, ſtet tono congiuntiſſimi con gl'imperadori, & dependendo con allegro animo dalla auto rità loro, mētre che la dignita Imperiale ſi continuò ne deſcendenti di Carlo Magno: & per la memoria de beneficij dati & riceuuti, & per riſpetto della grādezza imperiale: la quale poi declinādo, ſeparatiſi in tutto dalla amicita loro, cominciorono a fare profeſſione, che la dignità ponteficale, haueſſe piu toſto che a riceuere, a dare le leggi alla imperiale: & per cio hauendo ſopra tutte l'altre coſe in horrore el ritornare nell antica ſubiezzi one, et che eſſi nō tētaſsino di riconoſcere in Roma, et al troue l'antiche ragioni dell imperio, come alcuni di loro o di maggior potentia, o di ſpirito piu eleuato ſi Sforſa no di fare, ſi opponeuano ſco pertamēte cō le arme alla potentia loro, accompagnati da quelli Tiranni, che ſotto nome de prencipi, & da quel le cittàche vendicateſi in libertà, non ricognoſceuano piu l'autorità dell imperio. Daqueſto nacque che e pontifici attribuendoſi ogni di piu, & cōuertēdo el terrore delle arme ſpirituali alle coſe temporali, et interpretando che come vtcarij di Chriſto in terra, erano ſuperiori all'Jmper. et che a loro in molti coſi apparteneua la cura dello ſtato terreno, priuauano alcuna volta gl'imper. della dignità imperiale, ſuſcitando gli Elettori a eleggere de gl'altri in luogo de priuati: & dall'altra parte gl'Imper. o eleggeuano, o procurauano che ſi eleggeſſino nuoui pontefici: Da queſte controuerſie nacque, eſſendo in debolito molto lo ſtato della Chieſa, ne meno per la dimora della corte Romana perſettanta anni nella città d' Auignone & per lo ſchiſma che al ritorno de pontifici ſuccedette in Italia, che nel le città ſottopoſte alla Chieſa, & ſpecialmente in quelle di Romagna, molti cittadini potenti, occuparono nelle patrie proprie la tyrannide: è qualie pontifici o perſegui tauono, o non eſſēdo potenti a opprimergli le concedeua no in feudo a quelli medeſimi, o ſuſcitādo altri capi gl'inueſtiuano. Coſi cominciarono le citta di Romagna ad hauere ſignori particolari, ſotto titolo, la maggior parte, di vicarij eccleſiaſtici. Coſi Ferrara data dal pō tefice in gouerno ad Azzo da Eſti, fu conceduta poi in titolo di vicariato, & exaltata in progreſſo di tempo quella famiglia a titoli piu illuſtri. Coſi Bologna occupata da Giouāni Viſconte arciueſcouo di Milano, gli fu poi conceduta in vicariato dal pontefice: et per le medeſime cagioni in molte terre della Marca d'Ancona, del Patrimonio di ſan Piero, & dell'Vmbria hora detto el Ducato dì Spoleto, ſurſono, o contro alla volontà, o con conſentimento quaſi sforza to de Pontefici, molti ſignori particolari. le quali variationi, eſſendo ſimilmente ſopra venute in Lombardia alle citta dello imperio, acca dè tal volta che ſecondo la varieta delle coſe, e vicarij di Romagna, & di altre terre eccleſiaſtice, allont anateſi apertamente dal nome della Chieſa recognoſceuano in feudo quelle citta da gl'Jmperadori, come qual che volta recognoſceuano in feudo da pontifici quelliche occupauāo in Lombardia Milano, Mātoua, et altre terre imperiali. Et in queſti tempi Roma, bēche ritenendo in nome el domi nio della Chieſa, ſi reggeua per ſe ſteſſa: & anchora che nel principio che e pontefici ritornorono d'Auignone in Jtalia fuſſino vbiditi come ſignori, nondimeno poco poi e Romani creato el magiſtrato de Bandereſi, ricaddo no nell'antica contumacia, dōde retenēdoui e pontefici piccoliſſima autorità, cominciorono a non vi habitare in fino a tāto che e Romani impoueriti, & caduti: in grauiſſimi diſordini per l'abſentia della corte, & approſſimandoſi l'anno del mille quattro cēto, nel quale ſperauano, ſi à Roma fuſſe el pontefice, douerui eſſere pel Giubelio, grā diſſimo cōcorſo di tutta la Chriſtianità, ſupplicarono con humiliſſimi preghi à Bonifacio pontefice che vi ritornaſſe, offerendo di leuarvia el magiſtrato de Bandereſi, & di ſottometterſi in tutto alla obedientia ſua. Con le quali conditioni tornato à Roma, intenti e Romani a guadagni di quello anno, preſo aſſolutamente lo imperio della citta, fortificò & meſſe la guardia in caſtel ſant Angelo. e ſucceſſori del quale fino a Eugenio, benche vi haueſſeno ſpeſſo molte difficulta, non dimeno fermato poi pienamente el dominio loro, e pontefici ſeguenti hanno ſenza alcuna cōtrouerſia ſignoreggiata a arbitrio ſuo quella citta. Con queſti fondamenti & con queſti mezzi exaltati alla potentia terrena, depoſta apoco a poco la memoria della ſalute delle anime, & de precetti diuini, & voltati tuttie penſieri loro alla grandezza mondana, ne vſando piu l'autorita ſpirituale ſe non per inſtrumē to & miniſterio della temporale, cominciarono a parere piu toſto prencipi ſecolari, che pontefici: cominciarono a eſſere le cure & i negotij loro non piu la ſantita della vita, non piu l'augmento della religione, nou piuel zelo & la carita verſo el proximo, ma exerciti, maguerre contra a Chriſtiani, trattando copenſieri & con le mani ſanguinoſe e ſacrificij, ma accumulare di teſoro nuouo leggi, nuouo arti, nuoue inſidie per raccorre da ogni parte danari, vſare à queſto fine ſenza riſpetto l'arme ſpirituali, vendere a queſto fine ſenza vergogna le coſe ſacra et le profane:

Le richezze diffuſe in loro et in tutta la corte ſeguitarano le pompe, el luxo & i coſtumi inhoneſti, le libidinì & i piaceri abomineuoli: neſſuna cura a ſucceſſori, neſsū penſiero della maieſta perpetua del pontificato: ma in luogo di queſto deſiderio ambitioſo & pestifero, di eſaltare non ſloamente a richezze immoderate, ma à principati, à regni e figliuoli e nepoti & congiunti loro, non diſtribuendo piu le dignita & gl'emolumenti ne gl'huomi ni benemeriti et virtuoſi, ma quaſi ſempre o venden doſi al prezzo maggiore, o diſſipandoſi in perſone oportune al'ambitione, all'auaritia, o alle vergognoſe volupta. Per le quali' operationi perduta del tutto ne cuori del gl'huomini la reuerentia pontificale, ſi ſoſtenta nō dimeno in parte l'autorita per el nome & per la maieſta tā to potente & efficace della religione, & aiutata molto dalla facultà che hanno di gratificare a prencipi grandi, & a quelli che ſono potenti appreſſo a loro per mezzo delle degnita, & dell'altre conceſſioni eccleſiaſtiche. Donde congnoſcendoſi d'eſſere in ſommo riſpetto de gl'huomini, & che a chi piglia l'arme contro à loro riſulta graue infamia, & ſpeſſe oppoſitioni d'altri prencipi, & in ogni euento picciolo guad agno, et che vincitori eſſerci tano la vittoria a arbitrio loro, vinti conſeguiſcono che conditione vogliono, & ſtimulandoli la cupidita di ſol leuare e congiunti ſuoi di gradi priuati à principati, ſono ſtatida molto tempo in qua ſpeſſiſſime volte lo inſtrumento di ſuſcitare guerre & incēdij nuoui in Jtalia. Maritornādo al principale propoſito noſtro, dal quale el dolore giuſtisſimo del danno publico m'hauena piu arden temente che non conuiene alla legge dell Hiſtoria traportato, diciamo che, Le citta di Romagna veſſate, &c

FINIS.