THE HISTORIE of Guicciardin, CONTEINING THE VVARRES OF ITALIE AND OTHER PARTES, CONTI­nued for many yeares vnder sundry Kings and Princes, together with the variations and accidents of the same:

And also the Argumentes, vvith a Table at large expressing the principall matters through the vvhole historie.

Reduced into English by GEFFRAY FENTON▪

Mon heur viendra.

Imprinted at London by Thomas Vautroullier dvvelling in the Blackfriers by Ludgate. 1579.

TO THE QVEENES MOST EXCEL­LENT MAIESTIE, OVR MOST REDOVTED, MOST HAPPIE, AND TRVE SOVERAIGNE LADIE ELIZABETH, BY THE grace of God Queene of England, Fraunce, and Ireland, principall defender of the faith, and next vnder God, the onely, absolute, and full supreame head ouer all cau­ses Ecclesiasticall and temporall through her Maiesties dominions: Geffray Fenton prayeth a perpetuall increasing of the spirite of Gods holy feare, and a continuall going on and confirmation of that godly course vvherein vvith so long peace and happines, her Maiestie hath gouer­ned the subiects and peoples of her Realmes and seuerall iurisdictions.

IT is not vvithout reason nor contrarie to example, that I presume to offer vp to the peculiar and graue vievv of your Maiestie, these my compositions and labors: for that the generall argument being historicall, a doctrine vvherein your Maiestie farre aboue all other Princes hath a most singular insight & iudgement, and the particular partes conteining discourse of state and go­uernment, in vvhich God hath expres­sed in the person of your Maiestie a most rare and diuine example to all other Kings of the earth for matter of pollicie and sound administration: All lavv of reason, of equitie, and of other impression vvhat so euer, do chalenge to appropriate the addresse and iustification of this vvorke to your Maiestie only, in vvhom, for your inspired science & spirit to iudge of Monuments and euents of times, and for the felicitie of your gouern­ment in seasons so perillous & conspiring, all Kings, and Kingdomes, and nations rounde about you, rise vp to reuerence in your fourme of go­uerning, that propertie of vvisdome and vertue, vvhich it seemes God hath restrayned to your Maiestie onely, vvithout participation to any of them: And in that regarde they holde you that sacred and fixed Starre, vvhose light God vvill not haue put out, though the deuises of men on [Page] all sides are busie to dravv clovvdes and darke vayles to obscure it.

I am also encoraged to make this oblation to your Maiestie by the example of many notable vvriters, both of the primitiue times and in all ages and posterities succeeding, suche as for the grauitie and fidelitie of their penne and style vvere cherished vvith the greatest Princes of those dayes, and vnder the authoritie and countenance of their names, their vvorks vvere vvith reputation and credite insinuated into many peo­ples, nations, and regiments, The same being an effect due to the vertue and pietie of great Princes, for that as it is God that giueth vvisdome and science to men, So it is authoritie that chiefly shovveth it to the vvorld, euen as the earth norisheth the roote of a tree, but the confor­table Sunne doth much to bring foorth the blossoms. So many are the testimonies and examples of this, and so familiar vvith your Maiestie is the doctrine of histories and information of times, that by so much lesse neede I to stande vpon authorities of antiquitie, or declarations relatiue, by hovv much more is knovven to be happily laied vp in your Maiesties brest, and effectually expressed in the forme of your gouernment and reigne, all that vvhich learning and bookes can set dovvne by rule and precept, your Maiestie being the onely consecrated Lampe from vvhom all other dominions about you do dravv their light, or rather that terre­striall Sunne, vpon vvhose influence God hath appoynted to depend the motions of all the Regions and Climats of the vvhole common vveale of Christendome: A calling and authoritie vvhich all other Potentates do honor in you vvith so much the more merite and reuerence, by hovv­much amid so many occasions and oportunities to ambition, they proue your equitie, pietie, and moderation of minde, to exceede all examples of former Princes and times, and farre surmount all humaine exspecta­tion: for that hauing as it vvere a soueraigne povver ouer them & theirs, you do notvvithstanding dispose of things according to the lavv of mea­sure and right. In regard of vvhich diuine properties, accompanied vvith your Maiesties other vertues vvhich God hath made infinite in you, and your felicitie vvhich is the revvarde and effect of the same, I may vvith good comelinesse resemble the gratious reigne of your Maiestie tou­ching these regions of Christendome, to the happy time & dayes of Cae­sar Augustus Emprour of Rome: vvho, after a long and generall combu­stion and harrying of the vvhole vvorlde vvith blood and vvarres, did so reforme and reduce the Regions confining his Empire, that vvith the Scepter and seate of peace he much more preuayled then euer he could haue done vvith the svvord: By his clemencie he brought to submission [Page] his neighbours that stoode out agaynst him, and by his constancie helde them assured being once reconciled: His vvisdome seemed an Oracle to the Nations about him to dispose of their counsels and svvaigh their enterprises: And touching quarrels and controuersies of state, eyther for his grauitie and iustice, the only arbitration and resolution vvas referred to him, or at least for the avve that vvas had of him, the factions durst not burst out to further limits then he liked of: Lastely, it vvas an approued Monarchie of God, for that Christ the sonne of God amid such an vni­uersall malice of man and mankinde, vvas contented to shevv himselfe in flesh in the dayes of his reigne. Euen so though the singular persons be chaunged, yet the effects and blessings of this time do nothing vary vnder the happy rule of your Maiestie, vvhom God hath raised and esta­blished a soueraigne Empresse ouer seuerall nations and languages, and vvith the frutes of a firme and continued peace, hath plentifully enriched the peoples of your Dominions: restored Religion and the Church of Christ to dvvell a nevv amongst vs: made your authoritie avvefull to all your neighbours and borderers: and lastly hath erected your seate vpon a high hill or sanctuarie, and put into your hands the ballance of povver and iustice, to peaze and counterpeaze at your vvill the actions and counsels of all the Christian kingdomes of your time: VVherin sure ac­cording to the course your Maiestie holdeth, much lesse that eyther for the present or in posterities to come, can be iustly obiected any matter of imputation agaynst you, seeing of the contrarie, most of them that be vvise and true obseruers of your dealings, do daily confesse and publish, that in your Maiestie hath bene orderly fulfilled all lavves and offices of a deuoute Nevvtralitie: For that like as amidde their heauy afflictions vvherein successiuely hath bene offred you no small causes to ambition, your Maiestie hath neuer stopped or cutte from them the refuge of your amitie and mercy: So neuerthelesse your compassion hath principally respected the equitie of the complaynts of such as implored it, esteming it not agreable to the lavv of vertue and account of your conscience, to make your profite vpon the diuisions of your neighbours, though there haue not vvanted reasons and titles to induce your desire.

I forbeare to make declaration to your Maiestie of the life and lear­ning of the first Author of this booke, A matter testified vvith sufficient credit and reputation in the high negociations and employments vvhich he managed long time vnder great Princes, Popes, & common vveales: And I am bolde (contrary to the custome of some vvriters) to leaue to particulate in my Epistle any part of the argument vvhich vvith so great [Page] grauitie he hath digested at large in so great a volume: Onely the man for his integritie and roundnes vvas such one, as vvhose vertues vvere farre from all suspicion of parcialitie, fauour, hatred, loue, revvard, or any other propertie of humaine affection, vvhich might haue force to corrupt or turne from the truth the minde of a vvriter: And for the generall mat­ter of his vvorke, it doth not onely conteine the vvarres and diuerse acci­dentes hapned in Italy and other partes for almost fortie yeres, but also he doth so distinctly set dovvne the causes, the counsells, and the fortunes of euery principall partie introduced into those actions, that by his studie and iudgement, is traced & made easie to the reader, the vvay to all those svvete and plentifull frutes vvhich vvith paynfulnes are sought for in Hi­stories of this nature.

And for mine ovvne part, vvhere in all my dedications heretofore, not my vvill vvhich vvas alvvayes vvarranted by the gracious demonstra­tions of your Maiestie, But my maner of life instituted vpon priuate cu­stomes and exercises, hath holden me from approching the authoritie of this place, affore vvhich nothing ought to be presented vvhich hath not a full perfection of spirite and studie: yet novv, taking my reason of the vvorthines of the vvorke, and obseruing the examples and inducements of others in like oblatiōs, I am bold vnder feare & humilitie to prostrate these my last payns afore that diuine moderation of mind vvhich alvvays hath holden for acceptable all things respecting learning or vertuous labours: Humbly beseeching your right excellent Maiestie, that vvhere the vvorke is novv to appeare in the open vievv of the vvorld, and stande before the vncertaine iudgements of so many sundry & straunge humors of men, you vvill vouchsafe to let it passe vnder the happie name of your Maiestie, and vnder your gracious authoritie to giue it defence and fa­uor agaynst the emulation of such as eyther through malice or ignorance may rise vp to interprete me and my labours sinisterly. The Lorde blesse your Maiestie vvith a long and peaceable life, and confirme in you to the comfort of your people, that course of vvell tempered gouern­ment, by the benefite vvhereof they haue so long time liued vnder the felicitie of your name.

Your Maiesties humble and true subiect, GEFFRAY FENTON.

THE GENERALL CONTENTES OF euery booke through the whole Historie.

LOdovvike Sforce vncle and tutor to Iohn Galeas Duke of Millan, fearing least Ferdinand vvould make vvarre vpon him, breaketh of from the Le [...] that had bene renevved betvveene the sayde Ferdinand, Iohn Galeas, a [...] th [...] Common vveale of Florence, agaynst the Venetians: he procureth the French king Charles the eight to passe into Italy to conquer the kingdome of Naples: Pope Alexander the sixth allieth himselfe vvith the king of Naples: The French king hauing ordred the affayres of his kingdome discendeth into Italy, vvhere he taketh many tovvnes: Diuerse emotions happen in the kingdome of Naples: The Pope is in great per­plexitie and trauell: Pisa rebelleth agaynst the Florentins: The Fr. king entreth into Flo­rence and Rome, and from thence passeth to Naples.
Fol. 1.
The Pisans continue their rebellion agaynst the Florentins: The French king taketh the Castles of Naples: The Pope, Venetians, and other Princes make league agaynst the king, vvho returning into Fraunce is fought vvithall neare the riuer Taro: Ferdinand vvin­neth agayne Naples: Nouaro is besieged by the Confederates: The fr. king maketh peace vvith the duke of Millan, and returneth into Fraunce.
Fol. 72.
Lodovvike Sforce keepeth not the treatie of peace: The Venetians take the tovvne of Pisa into their protection: The fr. king determineth to returne into Italy: The king of Ro­mains besiegeth Liuorna: The Pope makes vvarre vpon the Vrsins: The fr. king dyeth at Amboyse: Freare Ieronimo Sauonarola is hanged at Florence.
Fol. 129.
Lovvis Duke of Orleance succeedeth to the Crovvne of Fraunce: He determineth to recouer his Duchie of Millan: Pisa and Florence make vvarre: Lodovvike Sforce flieth from Millan: The Florentins giue battrie to Pisa, and agree vvith the French king: Pope Alexander aspireth for his sonne to the iurisdiction of Romania: Lodovvike Sforce recouereth Millan, but beeing betrayed by the Svvizzers he is taken and ledde into Fraunce.
Fol. 187.
The vvarre of Pisa continueth: The Duke Valentynois pursueth his enterprise vppon Romania: The kings of Spayne and Fraunce inuade ioyntly the kingdome of Naples: They occupie it and deuide it betvveene them, and aftervvardes make vvarre one vppon an o­ther: The Duke Valentynois putteth to death the Vrsins: The Svvizzers discend into the Duchie of Millan: The Spaniards remayne victors ouer the French at Corignolo, and take Naples.
Fol. 244.
The French king maketh his preparation to passe into Italy: Pope Alexander the sixt is poysoned: His successor Pope Pius the third dyeth vvithin xxvi. dayes: Iulius the se­conde is created Pope: The duke Valentynois is apprehended and made prisoner: The French men are ouerthrovven at Garillan: The Florentins fayle to take the Citie of Pisa: Peace is established betvvene the French king and the king of Spaniards.
Fol. 298.
Many treaties are made: Pope Iulio the seconde taketh the gouernment of Bolognia: The Genovvayes rebell agaynst the French king: The king of Aragon meeteth vvith the French king and communicateth vvith him: The Dyet of Constance: The king of Ro­mains [Page] demaundeth passage of the Venetians to go take the Crovvne at Rome: He inuadeth their lands, and aftervvards maketh truce vvith them.
Fol. 353.
Most of the Princes of Christendome dravv into league at Cambray agaynst the Ve­netians, vvho beeing ouerthrovven by the French king, render the tovvnes of the Church, and make submission to the king of Romains: Pisa returneth to the obedience of Florence: The Venetians recouer the tovvne of Padoa, vvhich is soone after besieged by Caesar: Aftervvards they make vvarre vpon the duke of Ferrara: The Pope giueth them absolution of the Church censures.
Fol. 405.
Pope Iulio the seconde turneth agaynst the French: The frenche king and king of Ro­mains enter league agaynst the Venetians, vvho besiege Verona: The Pope taketh Miran­dola, and maketh vvarre vpon the duke of Ferrara: The famulie of Bentiuoley returnes to Bolognia: A Councell is published at Pisa agaynst the Pope.
Fol. 463.
After the taking of Bolognia, the French armie returneth to the Duchie of Millan: The Councell that vvas to be holden at Pisa agaynst the Pope, is transferred to Millan, vvhere many stirres happen: The Popes armie besiegeth Bolognia: The French men take Bressia: The battell is giuen at Rauenna: The Pope publisheth the Councell at Rome: Af­tervvardes the affayres of the French begin to decline.
Fol. 531.
The Duke of Ferrara is in great trouble: The Medicis returne to Florence: The king of Romanes makes alliance vvith the Pope: Maxymylian Sforce is put in the possession of the Duchie of Myllan: The French king maketh his preparacion to recouer Myllan: Pope Iulio dyeth: Leo the tenth is created Pope: The French men are ouerthrovven neare to Nouaro, and the Venetians neare to Vincensa.
Fol. 602.
The king of England makes vvarre vppon the Fr. king: The Venetians recouer Fryull: The Pope as Arbitrator pronovvnceth peace betvveene them and the king of Romaines: king Lovvys the xij. dyeth: Frauncis the first commeth to the crovvne, and discendeth into Italy to reconquer Myllan.
Fol. 660.
The D. of Vrbyn makes an enterprise to recouer his estate out of the handes of Pope Leo: The Fr. king makes a league vvith the Pope: The conspiracie of Cardinall Petruccio against the Pope is discouered: Charles king of Spayne is chosen Emprour: Martyn Luther vvri­teth against the Pope: The Pope putteth to death Iohn Pavvle Baillon.
Fol. 729.
Pope Leo is the cause that the peace continueth not in Italy: He ioyneth in league vvith th Emprour against the French king: The French king loseth the Duchie of Myllan: Pope Leo dyeth: Adrian the sixt is created Pope: Frauncis Sforce reentreth vppon the Duchie of Myllan: Vvarre is made in Tuskane by Ranso de Cero.
Fol. 777.
Pope Adrian comes to Rome: The Venetians make league vvith th Emprour: The french men beseege Myllan and are constrayned to diuert from it: Cardinall Medicis is created Pope: King Frauncis discendeth into Italy, he taketh Myllan and beseegeth Pauya: Them­prour sendeth out an army to succour Pauya, vvhere a battell is fought and the French king taken prisoner.
Fol. 838.
[Page]The Pope is accorded vvith th Emprour: Many practises are made for the kings deliue­rie: Ierom Moron conspireth against the Emprour: The fr. king is deliuered out of prison & returneth into Fraunce.
Fol. 9004.
The Pope, the french king, Venetians, and Duke of Myllan dravve into league against th Emprour: The Duke of Burbon comes co Myllan: The army of the league breakes vp from before Myllan: The castell of Myllan is rendred to th Imperialls: Many enterprises are dressed against the Pope: The confederats sende their armies by sea to Genes: Rome is sur­prised by the Colonnois: The Pope makes peace vvith th Imperialls vvhich hurteth the de­uises of Lombardye: The D. of Ferrara is confederat vvith the Emprour.
Fol. 967.
The Duke of Burbon yssueth of Myllan: The Viceroy and the Colonnois make vvarre vpon the Pope in the states of the Church: The Marquis of Salussa entreth Bolognia: The Pope maketh vvarre in the kingdom of Naples: The Duke of Burbon leadeth his armie to Rome, taketh the tovvne and sacketh it and is slayne in the action: The Pope being abando­ned of all hope, accordeth vvith the Imperialls: Amutinie in Florence: The king of Eng­land against th Emprour: The confederats doe many enterprises.
Fol. 1034.
Lavvtrech beseegeth Naples: In the meane vvhile Anth. de Leua taketh Pauya and beseegeth Loda: Andre Dore leaueth the pay of the French: Lavvtrech dyeth: The french breake vp from before Naples: Monsr Saint Pol reconquereth Pauya: Andre Dore taketh Genovvay: The Genovvaies take Sauona and put themselues in libertie: Saint Pol is ta­ken by Anth. de Leua: Th Emprour falleth to accord vvith the Pope: Peace is made at Cam­bray betvvene the Emprour and French king: The Emprour passeth into Italy vvhere the vvarre goeth against the Florentyns, and peace is solicited vvith all others.
Fol. 1103.
The Emprour taketh th Imperiall crovvne at Bolognia, and from thence passeth into Ger­many: The famulies of Medicis by the ayde of th Emprours army returne to Florence: Fer­dinand is chosen king of Romaines: The Pope vvill not barken to a counsell: The French king stirreth vp the Turke against th Emprour, & hath conference vvith the Pope at Mar­seilles.
Fol. 1163.
The ende of the contents of the bookes.

LODOWYK SFORCE vncle and tutor to Iohn Galeas Duke of Myllan, fearing least Fer­dinand King of Naples would make warre vpon him, breaketh of from the league that had bene renewed betwene the sayd Ferdinand, Iohn Galeas, and the common weale of Florence, against the Ʋenetians: he procureth the French King Charles the viij. to passe into Italy to conquer the kingdom of Naples: Pope Alexander the vj. allieth himselfe with the King of Naples: The French King, ha­uing ordered th' affayres of the kingdom, descendeth into Italy, where he taketh many townes: Diuerse emotion; happen in the kingdom of Naples: The Pope is in great perplexitie and trauell: Pisa rebelleth against the Florentines: The French King entreth into Florence and Rome, and from thence passeth to Naples.

THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE historie and discoursse of Guicciardin.

HAVING in hand to write the affaires & fortunes of Ita­lie,Intention of the authour. I iudged it cōuenient to drawe into discoursse those par­ticularities that most nearest resemble our time and memo­rie, yea euen since the selfe princes of that country calling in the armies of Fraunce, gaue the first beginning to so great innouations. A matter, for the varietie, greatnes, and nature of suche thinges, verie notable, and well worthie of memorie: and for the heauie accidents, hatefull, blud­die and horrible: for that Italie for many yeres was trauel­led with all those sortes of calamities with the which principalities, countries, and mortall men, are wont to bee afflicted aswell by the iuste wroth and hand of God, as through the impietie and wickednes of other nations. The knowledge of these things so great and diuerse, may minister many wholsome instructions aswell to all men generally, as to euery one in particular, considering that by the trial, consent & demonstration of so many examples, all princes, people, and patrimonies may see (as a sea driuen with diuerse windes) to what inconstancie humane things are or­deined, & how harmefull are the ill measured counsells of princes, many times pre­iudiciall to them selues, but alwayes hurtefull to their people and subiects, special­ly when they are vainelie caried awaye either with their singular errours, or pri­uate couetousnes, without hauing any impression or remembrance of the ordinary chaunges of fortune, whereby turning to the domage and displeasure of others, the power which is giuen them for the safetie, protection, & pollicie of the whole, they make them selues, either by want of discression, or too much ambition, authours of innouations and new troubles.

But the better to make knowen the state and condition of Italie at that time, to­getherThe estate wherein Ita­lie was anno 1490. with the occasions of so many afflictions happening, it is to be considered that their calamities begonne with so much the more displeasure & astonishement in mens mindes, by how muche the vniuersall estate and multitude of things stoode [Page 2] quiet, pleasant, and happie. For, it is true & well assured, that since the Romaine em­pire (weakened chiefly by the chaunge of auncient manners & customes) began a thousand yeares afore to decline from that greatnes whereunto it was raised by a wonderfull vertue and fortune: the principalities of Italy had not tasted of so great and generall prosperitie, nor reioysed in a condition so happy, plawsible and wel go­uerned, as was that wheron it was with great sewertie reapposed the yeare of grace 1490. and certeine yeares afore and after: for that being on all sides reduced intoThe good e­state of Italy afore the troubles. peace and tranquillitie, the hilles and barreine places tilled and made no lesse frute­full, then the valleyes and regions most fertill, and no potentacy or communaltie subiect to other Lordes or rulers then their owne. It was not onely plentifully re­plenished with people, societie, and riches, but also greatly honored with the estates and maiestie of many Princes, goodly aspect of sundry right stately cities, and with the seate and residencie of the throne of Religion: it florished in men rare and ex­cellent in administration of common weales, and infinite in good witts seene and studied in all sciences and artes of excellencie and industrie: lastly bearing also no small praise and glorie for the seruice in warre according to the vse and discipline of that time, it reteyned iustly (by these giftes and blessings) a peculiar merite and repu­tation amongst all other nations. This felicitie being gotten with diuerse occasions, there were many thinges to enterteyne and preserue it, and amongest others, com­mon voyce and consent gaue no small prayse and deseruing to the industrie and ver­tue of Laurence de medicis a Citisen of Florence, in whom was expressed such an ex­cellencieLaurence de medicis. of spirite and authoritie aboue the other Citisens of that regiment, that vpon his counsell was reapposed the gouernment of the affayres of that common weale, which was at that tyme more mightie for th'opportunitie of his situation, for the excellent witts and inuentions of men, and for the ready meanes and mynes of siluer and mettalles, then for the greatnes and circuite of Lordship or dominion: And by reason he was lately ioyned by parentage with Pope Innocent the viij. whom he had brought to reappose almost an absolute faith and credit in his councells, his name was great through all Italy, and his authoritie mightie in the deliberation of common affayres. He knewe well that it would be a thing preiudiciall to the com­mon weale of Florence, and no lesse hurtfull to him selfe, if any of the great Poten­tates of that nation stretched out further their power, and therefore he employed all his deuises, meanes, and directions that the thinges of Italy should be so euenly ballanced, that they shoulde not waigh more on the one side then of the other: A thing which he could not make to succeede, without the preseruation of peace, and a perpetuall care, diligence and watching ouer all accidents yea euen to the least, ba­sest, and most inferior.

In the same inclination to common tranquillitie was also concurrant Ferdinand Ferdinand King of Ara­gon. of Aragon King of Naples, a Prince for his councells deliberate, in his actions re­solute, & touching his affections very moderat, notwithstanding often times before, he had shewed many ambicious thoughts and farre of from all councell to peace. Wherein he was much gouerned in that time by Alphonso Duke of Calabria, his el­dest sonne, who vnwillingly suffered that Iohn Gale as Sforce his sonne in lawe Duke of Myllan, more then twenty yeares of age, but of a iudgement very incapable and vnapt to great affayres & reteyning onely the name of Duke, should be suppressed and as it were kept smothered by Lodovvike Sforce his vncle, who, more then tenne yeares afore by the misgouernment and vnchast life of Madame Bonne, mother to the sayd Galeas, was seazed vpon his minoritie, and by that meanes, had reduced by [Page 3] litle and litle into his power the strong holdes, men of warre, tributes and treasures, and all other the groundes and foundacions of the state of Myllan, perseuering in the gouernment not as tutor and regent, but (except the onely title of Duke) with all de­monstrations and actions of an absolute Prince. Ferdinand, with whom was more fa­miliar the impression of present vtilitie, then his auncient inclination, or tho'indigna­tion of his sonne (how iust so euer it were) desired that nothing should be innouated in Italy, nor the present policie fall into alteration: perhaps he had regard to the ex­perience of the yeres before, wherin (to his great daunger) he had proued the hate of his barons and vniuersall subiectes: & happily he had not forgotten (by the memo­ry of things past) what affection a great part of his people boare to the name of the house of Fraunce: which iust and wise coniectures drewe him to suspect least the dis­cordes of Italy might brede occasion to the french to inuade the kingdome of Na­ples: or perhaps, to make a counter strength agaynst the might of the Venetians, (at that tyme redowted throughout all Italy) he iudged it necessary to ally him selfe with others and chiefly with the estates of Myllan and Florence: Touching Lodo­vvyke Sforce, notwithstanding he was possest with a minde traueling, busie, and ambicious, yet by the necessitie of his condicion, he was driuen to embrace the inclination and purpose to peace, aswell for that they which commaunded at Myl­lan were no lesse threatned then others with the daunger which the residue fea­red touching the greatnes of Venice: as also for that it was more easie for him by the benefite of tranquillitie and peace, to keepe the authoritie he had vsurped, then by the trauells and troubles of warre. And albeit he kept a continuall dreade, ie­lousie and suspicion ouer the thoughtes and deuises of Ferdinand and Alphonso, yet waighing with the disposition of Laurence de medicis to peace, the ielousie he had likewise of their greatnes, and perswading him selfe also that for the diuersitie of affe­ctions and auncient hatredes betwene Ferdinand and the Venetians, it was a thing vaine to feare that betwene them should be contracted an amity firme and wel assu­red: he held for certeine that they of Aragon could not haue the strength, societie, or assistance of others to enterprise against him that, which alone and of their singu­lar power they were not sufficient to obteyne.

Thus Ferdinand, Lodovvyke, and Laurence hauing one equall will and deuotion to peace, partly for the perswasions afore sayd, and somewhat for other inducements &A league for 20 yeares be­twen the king of Naples, Duke of Myl­lan, and the Venetians. considerations: the league and confederation contracted in the name of Ferdinand King of Naples, Iohn Gale as Duke of Myllan, and the common weale of Florence, was easily recontinued: it was begonne many yeares before, and afterward broken by many accidents, and now eftsones renewed in the yeare 1480. for xxv. yeares, be­ing competitors & parties therin almost all the meaner Potentates of Italy in whom was any principall ende and purpose not to suffer the Venetians to become great: The Venetians (for their partes) being in deede more mighty and greater then any particular of the confederates, but farre lesse and inferior to them all togither, helde their councells separate from the common councell of the league, and watching to rayse and encrease their estate by the discord and trauells of others, they had a conti­nuall preparation and readines to take th'opportunitie of all occurrants and tymes which might open vnto them the way to the Empire & Monarchie of al Italy: wher­unto it was clearly seene that they did aspire in diuerse seasons, but chiefly when abu­sing the occasion of the death of Philip Maria Viscoūte Duke of Myllan, they attemp­ted vnder colour to defend the libertie of the people of Myllan, to make them selues Lordes of that state, conspiring in like sort (but of later memory) to bring the Duchie [Page 4] of Ferrara by the way of open warre, to their seruitude and subiection.

This confederation did easily bridle the couetousnes of the senate of Venice, but it could not entierly knit the confederats in a true and faithfull amitie, for that being indifferently replenished with enuie & ielousie, they ceased not to keepe a continuall care, obseruation, & eye ouer the thoughts and behauiours of one an other, breaking mutually all their resolucions and plotts by the which might come to any one of them enlargement of estate or reputacion. A thing which made not the peace lesse stable, but reuiued in them all a generall readines to be carefull to quench all such sparkes and brondes as might be the cause of new fires and burnings.

Such was the estate of the affayres, such were the foundacions of the tranquillitie of Italy, disposed and counterpeised in such sort, that much lesse that there was any dout of present mutacion, seeing the wisedome of man could not easily make conie­cture, by what councells, by what accidents, or with what innouacion or armies, so great a tranquillitie could be troubled, when in the month of Aprill 1492. chaun­ced the death of Laurence de medicis: A death very pitifull for him in respect of hisLaurence de medicis dyeth 1492. age (hauing not yet fortie foure yeares) but more bitrer and intollerable to his con­trey, which, for the wisedome and reputacion of the man togither with the na­turall volubilitie of his witte raysed to all thinges concerning honour and great­nes, flourished plentifully with riches, loue, and ciuilitie, and with all other bene­fitts and felicities, which in thaffayres of the worlde are wont to accompany a long concord and peace. This death hapned also very ill for the residue of Italy, as well for his generall deuises, cares, and actions for the commonsewertie, as al­so for that he was a meane in particular to moderate & bridle the differences, coun­cells, and suspicions, which for diuerse occasions, were often kindled betwene Fer­dinand and Lodovvyk Sforce, Princes equall in ambicion, and nothing inferior in power. Like as when aduersities happen, it is seldom seene that one ill comes alone: So a litle after the death of Laurence (the time preparing euery day occasions to the calamities to come) chaunced the death of the Pope, whose life being in otherPope Innocēt the viij. dieth. thinges vnprofitable to the common weale, was at the least conuenient in this, that leauing sodeinly warre and armes vnhappily raysed in the entry and beginning of his popedom against Ferdinand at the incēsing of many barons of the realme of Naples, he turned soone after all his facultie, affections & spirite to pleasures vaine, dissolute, & idle, not acquainting his thoughts (neither for him selfe nor friendes) with any en­terprise which might trouble the rest, felicitie, & good accord of Italy. To Innocent succeded Roderyk Borgia borne at Valence one of the chiefe cities of Spayne: he was an auncient Cardinal & one of the greatest in all the court of Rome: one meane that rai­sedCreation of Pope Alex­ander 6. him to the seate of the Pope, was the difference betwene the Cardinals Ascanius Sforce, & Iulian S. Petri ad vincla: but the chiefest thing that accomplished his electi­on, was that with a new exāple for that time, he bought by the consent & knowledge of euery one, partly for money, and partly with promises of offices and great digni­ties,Corrupcion of Cardinalls in thelection of the Pope. many voyces of the Cardinals, who reiecting thinstruction of the Gospell, were not ashamed to passe to him by sale, an authoritie and power to make marchandize of the holy treasors, & that with the name of the celestiall authority in the most high and eminent part of the temple. To which abominable negociacion many of them were induced by the Cardinall Ascanius, but that was not more with perswasions and sutes, then with his example: for that being corrupted with the infinite desire of riches, he made the Pope promise him for his hyer and recompence of so great wic­kednes the office of vicechancellorshippe, (the principallest place in the Court of [Page 5] Rome) togither with benefices, castells, and his pallaice of Rome full of mouables of great valour. But the Pope for all this, coulde not auoyde neither for the tyme to come, the iustice and iudgement of God, nor for the present, the infamy and iust hate of men, in whom for this election, was no small impressions of astonishment & hor­ror, not only for that it was entāgled with meanes dishonest but also because the na­tures & condicions of the man chosen, were, (for the greatest part) knowen to many: many sentences & coniectures were made of his successe, & amongest others, Ferdi­nand king of Naples, dissembling openly the griefe he had of that election, signifi­ed to the Queene his wife with teares (which he was wont to forbeare euen in the death of his children) that there was created a Pope who woulde be most hurtfull to Italy and the whole common weale of Christendom. A iudgement not vnwor­thy of the wisedome of such a Prince: for that in Alexander the sixt (for so would this newe Pope be called) was a sutteltie, sharpenes, and expedicion of witte most singular, a councell excellent, a wonderfull efficacie in perswasion, and in all greatPope Alexander the sixt stay [...]d with man, [...]es affayres a iudgement and care incredible. But these vertues were maruelously de­faced by his vices, for, touching his manners and customes, they were very disho­nest, in his administrations he expressed litle sinceritie, in his countenance no shame, in his wordes small trueth, in his hart litle faith, and in his opinion lesse religion. Of the contrary, all his actions were defiled with an insatiable couetousnes, an im­moderate ambicion, a barbarous crueltie, and a burning desire to rayse and make greate (by what meanes so euer) his children, who were many in number, and a­mongest others, one, no lesse detestable then the father, to whose cursed councells he became a wicked instrument. Great was the chaunge in the affayres of the Church by the death of Innocent the eyght, but no lesse reuolucion happened in the common weale of Florence by the taking away of Laurence de medicis, to whose great­nesPeter de me­dicis heire to Laurence. (without contradiction) suceeded Peter the eldest of his three sonnes, who as well for his age being yet younge, as also for his other qualities was not fitte for the gouernment of so heauie a charge, and lesse capable to manage the affayres with that moderacion which his father was wont to vse in busines both forreyn and domesti­call, and knowing discreetely how to temporise betwene Princes confederate, he had whilest he liued augmented greatly the condicions and facultyes both publike and priuate, and at his death, left vnto euery one a firme opinion that the peace of Italy was principally preserued by his meanes.

Peter was no sooner succeeded to thadministracion of the common weale, then with a course directly contrary to the councells of his father, & not communicating with those auncient citisens which were wont to be called to the deliberacion of bu­sines of importance, he ioyned him selfe so straitly with Ferdinand and Alphonso, per­haps by the perswacion of Virginio Vrsin his parent depending wholy vppon them, that Lodovvyk Sforce had iust occasion to feare, that as often as the Aragons wouldLod. Sforce i [...] ielous o [...] the amities betwene [...]. de medicis & the Aragons. annoy him, they should be ayded (by thauthoritie of Peter de medicis) with the forces of the common weale of Florence. This intelligence, seminary, and originall of all the troubles, albeit at the beginning was debated with no lesse iudgement and wisedome, then the resolucion secrete and priuate: yet by certeine obscure con­iectures, it beganne euen in the beginning to be suspected by Lodovvyk, a Prince very watchfull and of right suttle vnderstanding: for, as it hath bene an auncient custome in Christendome to sende Embassadors to congratulate with the newe Pope as Christes vicar on earth, and to offer him obedience: So Lodovvyk Sforce who appropriated to him self this peculiar custome to study to shew him selfe more [Page 6] wise then the rest and of inuentions straunge and vnaduised to others, had giuen counsell that thembassadors of the confederats should all enter Rome in one day, and presenting them selues altogither in the publike consistorie afore the Pope, the oration should be expressed by one of them onely in the name of them all: for that by that forme and order of doing, besides thencrease of their common reputation, it should appeare to all Italy that there was amongest them not onely a good will and confederation, but rather so great a coniunction, that they seemed as one body, one Prince, and one inuested corporation. To this he adioyned, that as touching the vti­litie of this councell, it was not onely expressed with the discourse of reason, but iu­stified with a late and familiar example, for that (as was beleued) the last Pope taking argument of the disunion of the confederates in that at seuerall seasons, and with councells separate, they had done him obedience, he was the more ready to inuade the kingdom of Naples. Ferdinand approued easily the aduise of Lodovvyk: the Flo­rentines allowed it for thauthoritie of the one and other: and Peter de medicis was not against it in open councell, albeit in particular, the deuise was nothing agree­able to him: for that being one of the elect Embassadors for that common weale, & hauing an intention to make his legacion glorious with proud and gorgeous de­monstrations, he feared that if he should make his entry into the citie and the Popes presence amongest the other Embassadors of the confederats, the magnificencie of his trayne would not be seene no more then a litle candle amidd a choyse sort of greater lights. This vanitie of the yong man was confirmed by the ambicious coun­cell of Gentyll Byshop of Arze, the other coembassador for Florence: to him belon­ged the authoritie of the oration in the name of the Florentines, by reason of his di­gnitie and profession in the studies of humanitie: And seeing by this maner no lesse vnlooked for then alwayes vnaccustomed, he saw him selfe depriued of thoccasion to publish his eloquence in an assemblie so honorable and solemne, he complayned as if he had suffered wrong in his perpetuall reputation. For this reason, Peter de me­dicis, pushed on partly by his proper vanitie and lightnes, and partely by the pompe and ambicion of the other, required the king of Naples (albeit with this caution to keepe from Lodovvyk that he did impugne his councell) to consider that that forme of legacion could not be executed in common without great confusion, and there­fore that he would take vpon him to perswade that thexpedicion might be separat, and passe according to the examples passed. The king of Naples desiring to gratifie him in his demaund (but yet not without the displeasure of Lodovvyk) satisfied him in theffect, but not in the maner, plainly declaring to Lodovvyk that he did not dis­condescend from the first plott and resolucion for thembassadors, for other occasi­on then at the instance and solicitation of Peter de medicis: Lodovvyk for this suddein mutacion, declared more perplexitie and trouble of mind, then the nature and im­portance of the thing could deserue, and amydd his complaintes, he impropriated to him selfe this degree of iniurie, that to diminish his reputation, they reuoked the first deuise wherof he was author and already had communicated it with the Pope and the whole court of Rome. But the point wherein he felt his most trouble and trauell of mind was, for that in this litle & vayne accident, he saw tokens, argument, and coniectures, that Peter de medicis had secret intelligence with Ferdinand, which by the euentes that followed he discouered dayly more apparantly. Languilare, Cer­uetre, and other small castells neare to Rome, were in the possession of Francisquin Cibo, a Genoway, bastard sonne to Pope Innocent, and he after the death of his father being gone to dwell at Florence, perhaps vnder the fauour and societie of Peter de [Page 7] medicis, brother to M. his wife: solde immediatly after his comming thether to Vir­ginio Vrsin by the negociation of Peter, those castells for the price of forty thousand duckats. A thing debated chiefly with Ferdinand who lent him most part of the mo­ney, perswading him selfe that it could not but turne to his profite, if the greatnes of Virginio who was his parent and in his pay, should enlarge and stretch farre about the confins of Rome. The king considered that the power of the Popes was an apt instrument to trouble the realme of Naples (an auncient freeholder and chiefe of the church of Rome) both for that it had large borders vpon thecclesiasticall territo­ries, and he had not yet forgotten what differences he and his father had with them: and also he wisely foresaw that there is alwayes some occasion of newe contencions about the iurisdiction of Confins, both for tributes and collacion of benefices, and for regard of entercourse of barons with many other quarrels hapning many tymes amongest estates borderers, and no lesse often betwene the vassall and the Lord Per­amount: for which reasons, he held alwayes for one of the firme foundacions of his securitie, that all or the greater part of the mightiest barons of the territory of Rome, should depend vpon him. A thing which in that time he wrought with so much the more care and diligence, by how much the world iudged that the authoritie of Lo­dovvyk Sforce was like to be great with the Pope by the meane of Cardinall Ascani­us his brother: And as many beleued, he was perhaps not the least pushed forward with feare least in Alexander were concurrant the couetousnes and hatred of his vn­cle Pope Calixtus the third, who, (sauing that death gaue impediment to his coun­cells) had immediatly after the decease of Alphonso father to Ferdinand, taken armes to dispoile him of the kingdome of Naples, (reuerted as he sayd to the Church). He did not remember (so litle force amongest men hath the memorie of benefits recei­ued) how by the meane of Alphonso (in whose kingdoms he was borne, and to whom he had bene a seruant long tyme) he had obteyned other ecclesiastical dignities with a liberal fauour and ayde to aspire to the popedom. ‘But it hath bene alwayes a thing very true that wisemen haue not at all tymes a discretion or iudgement perfect, see­ing it is necessary, that the signes of the weakenes and frailtie of mans vnderstan­ding should many tymes be discouered. The king of Naples, notwithstanding he was recommended for a Prince watchfull, pollitike,’ and foreseeing, yet did he ouer­see to consider how much this deliberation deserued to be reiected, for that contey­ning in no accident or fortune any other hope then of a small vtilitie, it bredde on the other side, many degrees and properties of mischiefes and harmes irreparable, for that in the sale of those small castels was no litle opportunitie to innouate to newe things, the mindes of those to whom it did either apperteyne, or had interest of pro­site to looke to the preseruation of the common peace and concord: for the Pope pretending that by such alienacion made without his knowledge, they were diuol­ued to the sea Apostolike by the disposing of the lawes, seemed not a litle iniuried: & looking withall into the endes and purposes of Ferdinand, filled all Italy with com­plaintes against him, Peter de medicis, and Virginio, whom he assured that so farre as his power would stretch, he would not spare any thing nor let passe any meane to preserue the dignitie and right of the sea of Rome. Lodovvyk Sforce was no lesse mo­ued, to whom were alwaies suspected the actions of Ferdinand, and who, for the false opinion he had that the Pope would be gouerned by the councells of Ascanius and himselfe, estemed it his proper losse, if any thing should be diminished of the great­nes of Alexander: But that which vexed him most, was that he could not but doubt, that betwene the Aragons and P. de medicis was contracted a secret and an assured [Page 8] league, drawing his coniecture from this that in that action they had proceded who­ly, vniformely, and reciprocally: And therefore to raise impediments to those plots & determinations as most daungerous to his affayres, & to make this occasion con­uenientLodo. Sforce insinuateth enuy into the Pope against the Aragons and Medicis. to winne the Pope, he stirred him vp as much as he could to protect his pro­per dignitie: he perswaded with him that there was not so much necessitie to set be­fore his eyes thinges that were done presently, as to consider how much it imported him, to suffer in the first dayes of his pontificacie, to be despised the maiestie of such a degree euen by his proper vassalls: he told him he had not to beleue that the coue­tousnes of Virginio, or the importance of the castells, or other reason of that nature, had moued Ferdinand: But a certeine languishing desire (which he could no longer keepe smoothered) to assay his patience and courage with iniuries bearing litle face and shew at the beginning, but afterwards (if he would ioyne sufferance to those in­ferior wronges) he would not be without boldenes to tempt him euery day with of­fences offarre higher and greater qualitie: he aduised him to beleue, that the ambi­cion of Ferdinand did nothing differ from his auncestors kings of Naples and perpe­tuall enemies to the Church of Rome, who had not forborne to persecute the Popes with warres and armies, and some times had occupied Rome: That the example is fresh & green, that the king now reigning, in the person of his sonne, dispatched two armies at two seueral times against two Popes, & made inuasion euen to the wals of Rome: That he hath bene alwaies exercised in malice, conspiracies, and warres a­gainst his predecessors: And now not onely the example of other kinges, not onely his naturall couetousnes to beare rule, did stirre him vppe against him, but rather an olde infected desire of reuenge nowe burst out by the memorie of iniuries receiued of Calixtus his vncle. Therefore he aduised him with great diligence to looke into those thinges, least by giuing sufferance and patience to these first wronges, he were not the breeder of his proper dishonor and derogacion, making himselfe to be ho­nored with ceremonies and vayne titles, and in effect followed with dispite, derision and contempt of euery one: he told him that in this vnworthy tolleracion was se­cretly many oportunities of courage & boldnes to the party to conspire against him many daungerous enterprises: where, if he would take this to hart and call thinges into correction and iustice, he should with more facilitie preserue the auncient ma­iestie & greatnes with the true reuerence due by all the world to the Popoes of Rome. To these perswasions he ioyned many offices and promises of no small importance, but farre greater in efficacie and effect, for that he lent him readily forty thousand duckatts, and leuyed with him at their common charge three hundreth men at armes, vnder this condicion that they should be employed where it best pleased the Pope. Notwithstanding all this, Lodovvyk, desirous to shunne the necessitie to enter into new troubles, cōmunicated with Ferdinand, & councelled him to dispose Virgi­nio to appease the Pope by some honest meane, lest vpon so slēder beginnings, there arose not displeasures and troubles heauy and slaunderous. But with greater libertie and efficacy, he admonished often times Peter de medicis, that (considering how con­uenient it was for the common peace of Italy that his father Laurence was alwayes as the mediator and indifferent friend of Ferdinand and him) he would rather take the wayes, examples, and directions of his father specially touching a personage of so great valour, then beleuing new councells, to be driuen to giue occasion to an other, to make deliberacions which in the ende woulde proue hurtfull to euery one: he willed him to remember what great reputacion & sewertie the Sforces and Medicis had giuen reciprocally to their houses: and with what wronges and iniuries the fa­milie [Page 9] of Aragon had obtruded vpon his father, his auncestors, and common weale of Florence: and lastly by how many meanes and times Ferdinand and Alphonso his fa­ther had conspired sometimes by armes and open force, and often by traines & sut­telties, to make them selues Lordes of Tuskane.

These councells or aduertisements brought fourth litle frute according to thex­pectation of the author, for that Ferdinand, esteeming it much to his indignitie to giue place to Lodovvyk and Ascanius, by whose workings he supposed the Pope was setled into those discontentements and indignations which he shewed: gaue secrete councel to Virginio by thincitation of his sonne Alphonso, not to delay to take by ver­tue of his purchase, the possession of the castells, promising to defend him against all displeasures that might happen. And of the other side, gouerning himselfe with his naturall industrie, he communicated with the Pope diuerse meanes of composici­on, secretely incensing Virginio notwithstanding not to consent any but such, as might keepe the castells in his possession, satisfying the Pope with some portion of money: which comfortes set Virginio into such a courage & resolucion of mind, that many times afterwards he refused certein of the condicions, euen such as Ferdinand (not to incense the Pope to much) solicited him instantly to be accepted. By these a­ctions it was plainly perceiued that Peter de medicis perseuered to follow the autho­ritie of the king, & that all that was done to draw him away, was in vaine & without frute: therefore Lodovvyk Sforce deepely reuoluing how much it imported that the citie of Florence should be at the deuocion of his enemies, whose temperature and good gouernment was wont to be the principall foundacion of his securitie, and seming to see in his secret cogitacion many impressions of daungers threatning him on all sides, determined to prouide for his proper safetie, and to those newe perills to appropriate new remedies, specially his conscience interpreting vnto him with what vehement desire the Aragons thirsted to take from him the gouernment of his Ne­phew: which iust ambiciō, albeit Ferdinand (to whom nothing was more familiar thē to dissemble his intentions) had sought to couer in all his actions, yet in Alphonso, of nature more open and liberall, was not so great continencie and moderacion, but that he complayned publikely of thoppression of his sonne in lawe, pronouncing with more great libertie of wordes, then temperance of discression many iniurious speeches tending to manifest threatning. To these coniectures, Lodovvyk added this argument of suspicion: He knew well that Isabell wife to Iohn Galeas, a young Lady of high stomacke would vse a perpetuall diligence to incense her father & grandfather, that if thindignitie which was done to her husband and her would not moue them, at least the consideracion of the perills whereunto their owne liues were exposed, to­gither with the lamentable ruine of their children, might draw them to compassion. But that which chiefly occupied his mind with perplexitie and torment, was, that by the suggestion of his proper conscience, he knew how hatefull his name was to the subiectes of the Duchie of Myllan, as well for the greeuous and vnaccustomed mo­ney tributes which he had imposed vpon them, as also for the compassion that eue­ry one had of Iohn Galeas their rightfull Lord. And although he trauelled by all his best wayes to make them of Aragon suspected of a desire to impatronise them selues of that estate, as though they did assume a title by the auncient rightes of the testa­ment of Philip Maria Viscounte, who had instituted his heire Alphonso father to Fer­dinand, and vnder that pretence ment to wrest from him the gouernment of his Ne­phew: yet, he found himselfe vnable by all these meanes to remoue the hatredes that were conceyued agaynst him, and much lesse so to satisfie the world, but that all [Page 10] men might consider to how many miseries and wickednes the ambicion and wret­ched desire to beare rule, leades mortall men. Therefore after he had made discourse and conference with no small study and trauell of minde of the state of thinges pre­sent, and the daungers likely to happen, casting aside all other thoughts, his deuises at last brought forth this resolution to search newe confederats and new friendes: Touching this resolucion he found a great oportunitie in the Popes disdaine against Ferdinand, and in the desire which he beleued the state of Venice had, that this confe­deracion should chaunge and alter, which of long time had giuen no small impedi­ments to their purposes: he made solicitation to both these to contract in common a new confederacie for the publike benefite.

But the Pope reiecting all passions of anger, and all other affection, had his mindThimpudency of the Pope to iustifie his children. onely possest with an vnbridled couetousnes to rayse and make mighty his sonnes, in whom hauing setled a blind fancie, he was not ashamed contrary to the custome of former Popes (who to cast some cloke ouer their infamie were wont to call them their Nephewes) called them his children, and expressed them to the world for such: And not finding as yet other fitte occasion to giue beginning to his ambicious in­tention: he made instance to marry one of his two sonnes to the bastard daughter of Alphonso demaunding a dowrie of some rich estate in the kingdom of Naples: from which hope so long as he was not excluded, he harkened rather with his eare then his hart to the confederacion offered by Lodovvyk. And if in this desire he had bene satisfied, the peace of Italy had not perhaps falne into so sodein alteracion & trouble.

Ferdinand happily had not his mind much estraunged from that motion: but Al­phonso to whom was hatefull the ambicion and pride of the Pope, denied constantly his consent, and yet keeping his intencions dissembled, they made no open chalenge or dislike to the mariage, but laying all the difficultie vpon the qualitie of the dowrie that was demaunded, they satisfied not Alexander, who rising for this cause into dis­contentement, resolued to embrace the councells of Lodovvyk, his humors being turned all into disdaine and ambicion, and his mind trauelled with feare for that not onely Virginio Vrsin was mercinary to Ferdinand. And for the many fauours he had receiued of him and them of Florence, and being withall of the faction of the Guelffes, was at that time very mighty throughout the whole dominions of the Church. But that which more was, Prosper and Fabricius principall heades of the familie of the Collonnoys, and the Cardinall of S. P. ad vincla, a Cardinall of great reputacion (then retyred to the Castell of Ostie, which he held as Bishop of the place, least the Pope should dresse some ambush against his life:) was now become a great friend to Fer­dinand, to whom before he was a professed enemie, and had many times stirred the Popes Sixtus and Innocent against him. But the Senate of Venice contrary to the opi­nion and expectation of the world made no great shew of readines to this confede­racion, for, albeit they tooke it to happen to their commoditie, and held withall very agreeable the disunion of others, yet they tooke occasion in the infidelitie of the Pope being euery day more and more suspected to euery one, to be slow to harken to the league, the remembrance of the alliances made by them with Sixtus & Innocent the Popes latest predecessors seruing much to their present distrust. This was when the warre was most hoate against the Duke of Ferrara, whereunto after he had pro­uoked them, & intangled them with the quarrell, receiuing of the one great displea­sures without any profit, and for Sixtus, he did not onely chaunge purpose, but also recompensed them with his spirituall curses, and (togither with the residue of all Ita­ly) he proceeded against them with his temporall corrections: But notwithstanding [Page 11] all these, the industrie and diligence of Lodovvyk continually soliciting the Senate, and priuatly working with many in particular, all these difficulties were vanquished, and at last was contracted in the month of Aprill 1493. betwene the Pope, the Se­nateConfederaci­on betwene the Pope, the Venetians & the Duke of Myllan. of Venice, and Iohn Gale as Duke of Myllan (for all expedicions were dispatched in his name). A new confederacion for their common defence and particular pre­seruation of the gouernment of Lodovvyk: one of the condicions was, that the Vene­tians and Duke of Myllan, and euery of them should send immediatly to Rome for the sewertie of the Pope and state ecclesiastick, an hundreth men at armes, as well with those, as with greater forces (if neede required) they should ioyne with him for the recouerie of the castells deteyned by Virginio.

These new councells moued not a litle the mindes of all Italy, for that the Duke of Myllan remayned now deuided from that league, by the which for more then a do­zen yeares, their common securitie was mainteyned, being in it expresly defended that none of the confederats should enter any new alliance without consent of the residue. And therefore seeing that vnitie was broken with vnequall diuision, where­in consisted the equalitie of their generall and common busines, and the mindes of the Princes replenished with suspicions and displeasures, there could be no expecta­cion of other successe then that, to a generall and common hurt, there would resort frutes equall and conformable to such seedes. Nowe, the Duke of Calabria and P. de medicis, iudging it more for the sewertie of their estates to preuent, then to be pre­uented, inclyned easily to Prosper and Fabricius Colonne, who being also secretely in­censed by the Cardinal S. P. ad vincla, offered to surprise the towne of Rome with their companies of men at armes & the ayde of the faction of the Gebelyns, so that the Vr­sins would follow them, and the Duke of Calabria march so neare, that he might re­skew them within three dayes after their entry into Rome.

But Ferdinand, who now desired no more to vexe but to appaise the courage of the Pope, and to correct that which heretofore had bene done by a rash councell & without discression, reiected altogither those councells wherein he iudged was infe­ction of commotion, and caried not intencion and matter to breede securitie, but to rayse and nourish greater troubles and daungers: he determined now, not faynedly but with all his hart to doe all he could to compound and accord the controuersie of the castells, perswading him selfe, that that occasion of so great emotion & chaunge being taken away, Italy would speedely returne with litle or no trauell, to her first e­state. But it hapneth not alwayes, that in taking away thoccasions, ‘theffectes doe cease, hauing had of them their first beginning: for, as it often tymes hapneth that resolucions made by feare, seeme to him that feareth, lesse then the perill: so Lodo­vvyk had no great confidence in that he had found a remedie sufficient for his secu­ritie:’ But dowting, by reason the Pope and the Venetians had intencions and endes other then his, that his foundacion could not long last which he had layd vppon the confederacion lately made with them, and that therefore his affayres by diuerse ac­cidents should be in daunger to be reduced into hard tearmes and many difficulties: he applyed all his thoughts more to cure euen to the roote the originall ill that he sett before his eyes, then to prouide a salue for such accidents as might happen by it, ‘neither remembring how daungerous it is to vse a medicine stronger then the na­ture of the disease or complexion of the patient will suffer, nor that to enter into greater perills can be the onely remedie for daungers present. And to the ende to build his sewertie vppon forreine strength,’ seeing he had no confidence in his owne forces, and lesse expectacion of trust in thitalyan amities, he determined to doe all [Page 12] that he could to stirre vp the French King Charles the viij. to assayle the kingdom of Naples, which he pretended to appertein to him by the auncient rightes & discentes of the house of Aniovv.

The kingdom of Naples, which, in the inuestitures & bulls of the Church of Rome The title of the house of Aniow, to the kingdom of Naples. whereof it is an auncient freehold, is absurdly called the Realme of Sicyle on this side the riuer of Far, and being vniustly vsurped by Manfroy bastard sonne to the Empe­rour Frederyk the second, was giuen in chiefe togither with the yle of Sicyle vnder the title of both Sicyles, the one on this side, and the other beyond Far, by Pope Vrbyn the1264. fourth, to Charles Earle of Prouence and Aniovv, brother to that Levvys king of the french, who, much renowmed for his power & strength, but more recommended for the holines of his life, deserued (according to the vaine affections of the frenchmen) to be translated after his death into the number of Sainctes. This Charles with force of armes, obteyned effectually, that, which by title was giuen to him with thauthori­tie of the Church: after his death, succeeded to the kingdom, Charles his sonne called by the Italyans, (to distinguish him from his father) Charles the second, who left the inheritance of the Realme to Robert his sonne. But because Robert died without issue male, Iohane daughter of Charles Duke of Calabria sonne to Robert, who died in young age before his father, aspired to the kingdom: but her authoritie beganne imme­diately to be deiected, no lesse for thinfamie of her life and condicions, then for the common imbecillitie of that sexe: whereuppon, with thincrease of time, the Realme being throwne into many discordes and warres, not with straungers, but amongest the selfe successors of Charles the first, descending of diuerse children of Charles the seconde: Iohane despayring not to be able to defend her selfe, adop­ted for her sonne, Levvys Duke of Aniovv, brother to the frenche Kinge Charles the fift: he to whome the french men gaue the surname of wise, for that he had ob­teyned many victories without feeling the power of Fortune. This Levvys, after he had passed into Italy with a mighty armie (Iohane being aforehand decessed by vio­lent meanes, and the kingdom transferred to Charles called Durazzo descending like­wise of Charles the first) died of a feuer in Apulia euen when he was almost in possessi­on of the victorie: so that there came no other thing to them of Aniovv by this ado­pcion, then thearldom of Prouence, which had bene alwaies possessed by the yssues of Charles the first. But yet of that rose the original of the colour vnder the which after­wards, both Levvys of Aniovv, sonne to the first Levvys, & at an other tyme a sonnes sonne of the same name both stirred vp by the Popes, being then in variance with the same kinges, to make many inuasions vppon the kingdom of Naples, but with great misfortune and preiudice. Touching Charles Durazzo, Ladislao his sonne suc­ceeded him, who dying without issue in the yeare 1414. the crowne diuolued to hisThe name of Iohane, a name vnhap­py for the kingdom of Naples. sister Iohane the second, A name much accursed for the kingdom of Naples, and no lesse vnhappy to both the one and other of the women, resembling one an other in dissolute gouernment and wanton customes of life: for this Iohane putting the pol­lecie and direction of the Realme into the handes of those persons with whom she communicated vnchastly her body, was immediatly brought into such straites and difficulties, that being tormented with Levvys the third, with the aide of Pope Mar­tyn the v. she was at last constrayned for her last refuge, to make her sonne by adop­cion, Alphonso king of Aragon & Sicyle. But entring soone after into contencion with him, she brake that adopcion vnder colour of ingratitude, & made a new adopcion, calling to her succours, the selfe Levvys, who persecuting her with warre, compel­led her by the necessities of warre, to make the first adopcion: In so much as hauing [Page 13] with force chassed Alphonso wholly out of the kingdom, she enioyed it in peace, all the residue of her life: And dying without yssue, she instituted for her heire (as the brute went) Rene Duke of Aniovv and Earle of Prouence brother to Levvys her sonne adoptyf, who perhaps died the same yeare. But the succession of Rene displeasing much the Barons of the realme (besides a brute running that the testament was for­ged by them of Naples) Alphonso was reuoked by a part of the Barons & people: And from thence kindled the fire of the warres betwene Alphonso & Rene, which by many yeres brought many afflictions to that noble realme, & yet the accidēts & actions of the warre▪ were more by the proper forces of the realme, then by the strength of the parties. In this sort (the wills of men being different and contrary) were kindled the factions not altogither in that time quenched betwene the Aragons and them of An­iovv, their titles and coulers of rightes chaunging with the time, for that the Popes following more their customs of couetousnes, or the propertie of times, then iustice or equitie cōsented diuersly to the inuestitures of them. But touching the warres be­twene Alphonso & Rene, the victory remained to Alphonso, a Prince for his valer, more renowmed, for his power, more mighty, & for his fortune, better fauored: who dying soone after without lawful heires, & without making any mēcion of Iohn his brother & successor to the realme of Sicile & Aragon, bequeathed by testament the kingdom of Naples to Ferdinand his bastard sonne, as a iust reward & testimonie of his proper getting & cōquest, & therfore he iudged it could not appertein to the crowne of A­ragon. This bastard, notwithstanding he was immediatly after the death of his father, inuaded by Iohn the sonne of Rene, & that by the supportacion of the principal barōs of the realme: yet with his fortune & vertue he mainteined not only good defēce, but also so chassed his aduersaries, that neuer after during the life of Rene (suruiuing many yeares his sonne,) he neither had to debate with those of Aniovv, nor yet stoode in feare of their inuacions. In the end Rene died, & hauing no yssue male, he established as heire ouer his whole estates, Charles the sōne of his brother, who dying soone after without childrē, left by his wil his inheritāce to the frēch king Levvys the xj. to whō did not only returne as to his Lord souereigne the Duchie of Aniovv (which suffreth no capacity of succession in the women, for that it is a mēber of the crowne) but also he put him selfe in the possession of Prouence, notwithstanding the Duke of Lorraine descending of one of the daughters of Rene, iustified the inheritance of his estates to appertein vnto him. And the sayd Levvys by iust vertue & prerogatiue of the same testamēt, had good power to pretend that the rightes which those of Aniovv had to the kingdom of Naples, should be appropriated to him. All which inheritāces being passed & cōtinued after his death to the person of Charles the viij. his sōne, Ferdinand king of Naples began to haue a mighty enemy, besides the oportunitie generally of­fring to who soeuer desired to annoy him. For, at that time, this was the state of the realme of Fraunce: it was very populous in multitudes of men, for wealth & riches e­uery particular region most fertill & plētiful, for glory in armes most florishing & re­nowmed: a pollicy wel directed, discipline administred, an authority dreadful, & in o­pinionThe state of the Realme of Fraunce vn­der Charles the viij. & hope most mighty, lastly their generall condiciōs & faculties so wel furni­shed, as phaps it was not more happy in these mortal felicities since the daies of Charlemain. It was newly amplified in euery one of the 3. parts wherein all Gavvle stoode deuided by the aūcients: for, xl. yeares before vnder Charles the vij. (a Prince for his victories obteined with great daūgers called happy) Normādie & the Duchie of Guy­en holden by the english, were reduced to the obediēce of the frēch crowne. And in the last daies of Levvys the xj. the earldō of Prouence, the dukdom of Burgondy, almost [Page 14] all Picardy togither with the Duchie of Britaine, were by a newe mariage inuested in the power of Charles the viij. There was no wāt of inclinaciō in this king to aspire to conquer by warre and armes the kingdom of Naples as iustly apperteyning to him: which continuing from his infancie by a certeine naturall instinct, was enterteyned and nourished by such as were about him, and for the conformetie of humors, very agreeable with him: they raised his thoughts into vaine regions, and made him glo­rious aboue the triumphes of Caesar and Alexander: they told him that with his he­roicall minde, vertues, and disposition, did concurre a present occasion to make him surmount the renowme of his predecessors, for that in the conquest of Naples was a ready way for him to bring vnder his subiection thempire of the Turkes.

These things being knowne to many, brought many hopes to Lodovvyk Sforce to perswade easily the thing he desired, who also reapposed much in the frēdship & fa­miliaritie which the name of Sforce had in the french court▪ for, both in him & in his brother Galeas afore him was continued by many demonstracions & good offices, the amitie begon by Francis Sforce their father, who xxx. yeares before hauing recei­ued in fee of Levvys the xj. (whose mind abhorred alwaies the things of Italy) the ci­ty of Sauōe with the right which he pretēded to haue to Genes possessed aforetime by his father, neuer failed him in his daūgers, neither with coūcel, succors, nor affectiō.

But Lodovvik to solicite in Fraunce with more credit and authoritie, and iudging him selfe vnable alone both for the importance and daunger of the thing: to handle so great an enterprise: sought to communicate & perswade all things with the Pope, in whō he knew had most dominion two stirring humors, ambicion & disdayne: he told him that not by the fauors of the Princes of Italy, and much lesse by the meaneLodo. Sforce seeketh to draw the pope to his purpose of their armies and helpes, he should be reuenged of Ferdinand, nor haue hope to compasse estates worthy and honorable for thaduancement of his sonnes. He found the Pope to beare a vehement and ready wil to the matter, perhaps for a desire to in­nouate and alter thinges, but more likely to constraine the Aragons by feare to come to that which by consent & wil they would not accord to him. After they had com­municated their councells, they dispatched secretly into Fraunce, personages of trust to sound the will of the king & such as gouerned him: who shewing them selues not farre from their intencion, Lodovvyk turning his whole witts to the deuise of this en­terprise: sent in the sight of all the world (but shadowing it with other occasions) one Charles Balbyan Earle of Belioyense, who soliciting the king certeine dayes in priuate audience, & working particularly with sundry of his principal fauorits, was at last in­troduced into open councell, the king present, where in a publike hearing of the Prince, his Lordes and Prelates of the Court, he deliuered this forme of discourse.

‘Most christian king, Thexperiēce of the disposiciō of harts diuersly inclined▪ makesThembas­sador of Myllan perswades the french king to the voyage of Naples. me dowtful, whether vnder a direct & absolute forme, I should begin my discours, or vsing the custome of Orators, bring into question such obiectiōs as may be opposed against the presēt matter: for, in causes of perswasion, the one with the other must or­derly cōcurre, least for want of due office in the speaker, the matter seeming to suffer imperfectiō & error, do not bring forth resolucion & effect according to thexpecta­cion of the parties for whom he solicites. And albeit the vniuersal coniecture & opi­niō of your maiesties many vertues, & the graue aspect & face of your right wise coū cel here assēbled, promise no lesse ready cōsent & liking, thē the matter is iust & inno­cēt▪ yet for your maiesties better inducemēt, & general satisfactiō of your Lordes & Prelats assisting, I wil ioyne my self to the refutaciō of that general dout which in ne­gociaciōs of this nature, are cōmonly obiected, more by custō, thē iust cause arising: [Page 15] If therefore (right Christian king) any man for what occasion so euer, will hold for suspected the integritie of mind and faith, with the which Lodovvik Sforce comes to councel you to beare armes to cōquer the kingdom of Naples: he may easily deliuer his mind of that ill grounded suspicion, if he either loke into the offers, offices, & cō ­dicions wherwith he doth accompany his perswasion & councell, offering you the cōmoditie of his treasors, men, & all other oportunities: or at least wil cal to his me­mory with what deuociō both he, Galeas his brother, & originally Francis his father, did honor the late king Levvys your father, continued with no lesse constancie, faith, & piety to the glorious name of your maiestie. Let him consider also that by this en­terprise, Lodovvyk standes possible to many great daungers with a very naked hope of any profit: yea in this is conteined the only benefit he shall haue, to see a iust re­uenge of the ambushes & wronges done by them of Aragon: where your maiestie by meane of the victory shal happily aspire to a most florishing kingdom, bringing with it a greater glory & oportunitie of farre more high and honorable merite, an action wherunto the thoughts of mighty Princes ought to be fashioned. And of the other part, if it happen that you come not to the end of this enterprise: yet your maiestie loseth no reputacion, nor your greatnes the more diminished: for that onely the for­tunes of Princes are subiect to opiniōs, but not their estate & maiesty impaired. But for Lodovvyk, he is of nothing more sure then to suffer general ill wil & contempt, & of nothing more vnsure then to find remedy in his perils: for that in him would con­curre all the displeasures & slaunders which may concerne his estate, life or reputa­cion. And therfore I see not how should be suspected the councels of him, whose cō ­dicions & fortunes are so vnequal & inferior to yours. But there be reasons stirring you to this honorable expedicion, which for the simplicity, roundnes, & innocency they conteine, will admitte no dowt: for that in them are liberally concurrant all the groundes & foundacions which inconsulting of enterprises, merit chiefest conside­racion: that is to say, the iustice of the cause, the facilitie of the conquest, & the great frut of the victory: it is manifest to all the world, how resolute & apparāt be the rights which the house of Aniovv, to whom you are lawful inheritor hath to the realme of Naples, & how iust is the succession which this crowne pretendes to it by the yssues of Charles, who first of the blood royall of Fraunce, obteyned the same kingdom both with thauthoritie of the Pope, and by his proper valour. And it is no lesse easie to conquer it, then the action is iust: for, who knowes not, howe much the King of Naples is inferior in force, authoritie, and fortune, to the most mightie King of all Christendom. And no nation dowteth with what terrour and renowne the name of the french thundreth throughout the regions of the world, neyther with what a­stonishment the brute of your armies, keepeth other contreys in dread. At no time did the inferior Dukes of Aniovv assaile the kingdom of Naples: that they put it not in great hazard: And it is to late to be forgotten, how Iohn sonne of Rene had in his hand the victorie against Ferdinand now reigning, if Pope Pius had not taken it from him: but much more Francys Sforce, who forbare (as is well knowen) to obey Levvys the xj. your father. If those small forces trained with thē so great fortunes, what may be hoped for of the armies & authoritie of so mighty a king, all oportunities being increased, and the difficulties obiected against Rene and Iohn, diminished, seeing the Princes of those estates which gaue impediments to their victories, haue now vnitie & confederacion with you: & in them be no small meanes to offend the kingdom of Naples: for, the Pope by lād, by reason the territories of the church are frōtiers to Na­ples, & the Duke of Myllan by sea, applying to you the cōmoditie & seruice of Genes: [Page 16] will be furtherers of your victorie with many helpes▪ fauours, and commodities: be­sides these, there is no potentacie or iurisdiction in Italy wil oppose against you: for, it can not be iudged of the Venetians that they will throwe them selues into expenses and daungers, and much lesse depriue their estate of the amitie wherein so long time they haue bene interteyned with the kinges of Fraunce: to preserue or protect Ferdi­nand an auncient enemy to their name & greatnes: for that amongest estates & king­doms the remēbrance of iniuries past kepes mens mindes from reconcilement. And there is no reason to beleue that the Florentyns wil depart from the natural deuocion which they haue borne to the crowne of Fraunce, seing it is but iust, to owe faith, ser­uice & affection, to those who gaue them their first creacion, dignitie, and greatnes. But be it, that, following the common ingratitude of mortall men, they would obiect them selues against you: what are they against so great a power, compounded vpon so warlike a nation, which many tymes, against the wils of all Italy hath passed the Alpes, & with a wonderful glory & happines, haue brought home many victories & triūphes: And in what time hath the realme of Fraunce bene euer more happy, more glorious, or more mighty then at this hower: neither had this crowne at any tyme heretofore so cōueniēt & ready meanes to establish a firme peace with all his neigh­bours. All which oportunities if they had so generally mette togither in the daies of your father, he would perhaps haue bene more ready to this selfe same expedicion: And touching them of Aragon your enemies, the difficulties be no lesse augmented against them, then to you the oportunities be fauoring, because in the same realme both the faction of Aniovv is yet mighty, & no lesse thintelligences of many Princes & gentlemen chassed out vniustly within these few yeares, besides, the iniuries done at all times by Ferdinand to the Barons & people, yea euen to them of the party of A­ragon, haue bene of so bitter tast and toleracion togither with his disloyaltie so great, his couetousnes so insatiable, and thexamples of crueltie in him and his eldest sonne Alphonso so notorious and horrible: that it is certeine that all the realme pushed for­ward with a iust hate against them, will rise into willing commocion at the brute of your cōming (so great authoritie hath as yet the remembrance of the liberalitie, sin­ceritie, humanitie, and iustice which the french kinges haue vsed:) the onely delibe­racion to make the enterprise is sufficient to make you victorious: for, your men at armes shall no sooner passe ouer the mounteynes, nor the armie at sea no sooner be prepared in the hauen of Genes, then Ferdinand and his sonne stricken with the con­science of their wickednes, will take more councell to flie then to fight: so shall you with great happines, recouer for the posteritie of your blood, a kingdom, which albeit can hold no comparison with the large realme of Fraunce, yet, besides his ri­ches, amplitude & fertility, it wel merits accompt & reckoning for the helpes & infi­nite cōmodities which by it may be increased to this your imperial crowne, matters which I would particulat, were it not that the noble mindes of the french reach to greater end, & that the high & excellent thoughts of so valiant and glorious a king, regard not so much profits priuat, or particular, as they behold the vniuersal greatnes of the whole cōmon weale of christendom: wherin touching this, what oportunitie more greater, what more ample occasions, what seate of contrey more proper or cō ­uenient to manage warre against the enemies of our religion? The sea that deuides the kingdom of Naples & Grece, conteines not in some part aboue lxx. miles in large­nes: A prouince so oppressed & torne in peeces with the tyrannies of the Turks, that they desire nothing with more general gladnes, then to see the bāners of Christians and men of warre marching for their deliuerie. There is nothing more easie then to [Page 17] runne euen into thintralls of that nation, and to batter Constantinople, the soueraigne residencie of that Empire. This enterprise, for the maiestie & nature of it, doth most worthely become your person & greatnes, with whose high and aspiring thoughts it seemes to haue a certeine liuely affinitie. And for the reason and necessitie of it, it can not so iustly apperteine to any as to you bearing the surname of Most Christian, a title wherin your predecessors haue flourished with no smal examples of triumph and glory, they yssuing in armed maner out of this realme, some times to deliuer the Church of God from thoppression of tyrannes, some times to inuade the infidels, & recouer the holy sepulcher, haue raised euen to the third heauen their names & ma­iestie of the french kinges: with these councells, with these meanes, with these acti­ons, with these ends, became great & emperour of Rome, that mighty & triumphant Charles, of whom as you beare the name, so nowe the time offereth you occasion to communicate with his glory & titles. But it is a time vainly spent to stand long vpon the recapitulacion of these reasons, as though it were not more conuenient & more agreing with the order of nature, to consider how to keepe, then how to get: for, con­sidering the oportunitie of so many and great occasions calling you, it could not but intangle your greatnes with apparant infamie & dishonor, to suffer any longer Fer­dinand to vsurp vpon you such a kingdom, which for almost ij. hundreth yeares hath had continuall possession in the kings of your blood. And seeing by cleare iustice & all iudiciall course of lawes, it apperteynes vnto you, who dowtes how iustly it agre­eth with your dignitie to recouer it: but specially how much it concernes your piety to deliuer from the cruel tyrannie of those Catelyns, those people which beare deuo­cion to your name, & doe craue by right to beare you the dutie & office of subiects? Thus most high & glorious king is the enterprise proued iust, easie, & necessary, & withall no lesse glorious & holy, as well for itself in particular, as for that it openeth the way to other enterprises worthy of a right christian king of Fraunce: whereunto not only the reasons of mē, but euē the self voice of God, doth call you with great & manifest occasiōs, assuring you afore the beginning, of a most great happines & for­tune, since no greater worldly happines can happen to no Prince, thē to see his deli­beracions & councels, (bringing glory & greatnes) to be accōpanied with such cir­cūstances & consequēces, that they concerne not only the benefit & vniuersal saue­tie, but much more do consider thexaltation of the whole cōmunitie of christēdom.’

This proposicion had no willing passage into the eares or hartes of the great Lordes of Fraunce, but specially of such, who for their nobilitie and opinion of wise­dom held greatest authority: They iudged that such a warre wherof he hath opened the way and entrey, could not but conteyne many difficulties & daungers, both for the conduct of armies into a countrey straunge, & farre remoued from the realme of Fraunce, & also against enemies bearing reputaciō of valour, pollicie, & discipline: for, for wisedō, forecast, & staied discresiō, Ferdinād bare a high recōmēdacion: & for valour, conduct & direction in warre, his sonne Alphonso was no lesse renowmed. Be­sides, they made this coniecture, that Ferdinand hauing raigned xxx. yeres & sacked & cōfisked at sundry times many of the Barōs, had heaped togither no smal treasor: on the behalf of the king, they considered that his capacitie was to green to susteine alone so heauy a burdē, & for the direction of warres & estats, the councel weake, & thexperiēce lesse assured of such as he beleued most in. To these they added the want of mony wherof they estemed to neede a great quātity. They wished that the deceits & suttleties of thitaliās might be depely loked into, assuring them selues that it could not be pleasing, neither to others nor to Lodovvik Sforce him selfe: A man confessed [Page 18] by all the Italians to be of litle faith) that the kingdom of Naples should passe into the power of a king of Fraunce: they iudged it harde to winne, and lesse easie to keepe those thinges that should be wonne: For that reason (sayd they) Levvys father to Charles, (a Prince in all his actions following more the truth then the apparance of thinges) would neuer accept the hopes which were offered him of the matters of I­taly, and much lesse make reckoning of the rightes falne to him in the Realme of Na­ples: No, he saw in his iudgement, that to send armies beyond the mounteynes, was no other thing then to search enemies and daungers with the wast of infinite treasor and blood of the realme of Fraunce: They held it necessary afore all thinges (if this expedicion should proceede) to reunite controuersies with the kinges borderers, for that with Ferdinand king of Spayne, was no want of occasions of quarrells and suspi­cions, and with Maximilyan king of Romaines, and Philip Archduke of Austrich his sonne, not onely many hartburnings and ielousies, but also displeasures and iniuries: whose minds albeit could not be reconciled without condescending to some things hurtfull to the crowne of Fraunce, yet neuertheles such reconcilements would be more by demonstracions then effects: for, say they, if any ill accident happen to the kinges armie in Italy, ‘what accord can be so well assured which will hold them from inuading the realme of Fraunce, seeing this is familiar with Princes to hold for suspe­cted the greatnes and fortunes of their neighbours, and are ouer nothing so watch­full as ouer oportunities and occasions.’ And touching the king of England, Henry the vij. it was not to be dowted that the naturall hate of thenglish toward the french had not more force then the peace made with him two monthes before, for that it is ma­nifest that no one thing brought him more to the composicion, then that the pre­paracions of the king of Romaines aūswered not the promises wherwith he had indu­ced him to lay seege to Bollogne. Of this nature were the reasōs alleaged by the great Lordes, partly debated amongest them selues, and partly disputed in the presence of the king. The chiefest of those that iustified these arguments afore the king, was one Iames Grauille Admiral of Fraunce, whose greatnes albeit was somewhat diminished, yet his authoritie suffered no alteracion for the auncient name and credit of his wis­dom rouing liberally thorow all the realme of Fraunce. But the kinges minde with a wonderful gredines, was wholly inclined to the cōtrary aduise: what with the green­nes of his yeares aspiring nowe to xxij. and by his vnstayed nature, not yet experien­ced in thaffayres of the world, he was caried into a wonderfull ambicion to enlarge his imperie, following an appetite of glorie, founded rather vpon a light will and fu­rie of youth, then vpon maturitie of councel, seeing that either by his proper nature, or rather thexamples and admonishments of his parents, he reapposed litle faith in his Lordes and Nobles of his realme. And since he came forth of the tutorship and iurisdiction of Anne Duchesse of Burbon his sister, he bare no more care to the coun­cells of thadmirall, nor to others that had bene great in the gouernment: But gaue him selfe ouer to the directions of certeine men of base condicion, trained vp almost alwaies in the seruice of his person: of these, such as had most fauour and place with him, perswaded him greatly to embrace the enterprise, being partly corrupted, (for the councells of Princes are often times mercenarie) with the promises and presents of Lodovvykes Embassador by whom was not forgotten any diligence or art to draw the fauours of such as might doe most in this action. They were partly pushed on by certeine hopes, either to be raysed to estates in the kingdom of Naples, or to ob­teyne of the Pope, dignities and pensions in the Church. The principall of all these, was one Stephen de Vers, borne in Languedock, of base place, but bredd vp of long time [Page 19] with the king, in whose chamber he vsed to lye, and by the kings creacion made Se­neshall of Beucaire: with this man did communicate one VVilliam Briconnet, who of a marchaunt created first generall of Fraunce, and after made Bishop of S. Malo, had not onely the charge and administracion of the kings reuenue, (which the french cal superintendant of the finances,) but also hauing confederacie with Stephen, had by his meanes a great entry into all thaffayres of importance, albeit he had no great in­sight in the pollicie and gouernment of matters of estate. To the helpe of this enter­prise were adioyned the perswasions of Autouell of S. Seuerin, Prince of Salerne, and of Vernaedin of the same familie, Prince of Bysignan, togither with many other Barons banished the Realme of Naples, who being withdrawne many yeares before into Fraunce, had continually solicited the king to that enterprise, laying before his eyes the great calamitie or rather generall despaire of the whole kingdom, and the facti­ons and many followers which they promised them selues to haue in the same.

In this diuersitie of perswasions, the deliberacion remained suspended for certein dayes, others being not onely in dowt what to determine, but also the kings will va­uering and vncerteine, for that some times inclining to his ambicion and glory, and some times restrained with feares and daungers, he would often be irresolute, & est­sones turne to the contrary of that which he had afore determined. But in the ende, his first inclinacion togither with the cursed destinie of Italy, being of more force thē any thing that could be sayd to the contrary, the well gouerned and peasible coun­cells of his Nobles were altogither reiected, and communicating onely with the bi­shop of S. Malo and the Seneshall of Beucaire, and partaking nothing with the assent & priuitie of all others, there was a conuencion made with Lodovvyks Embassador, whose condicions albeit were holden secrete for many monthes, yet this is the capi­tulacion and summe of them.

That king Charles either going in person into Italy, or sending thether any armieConfederaci­on betwene the kinge of Fraunce and Lodo. Sforce. for the conquest of Naples, the Duke of Myllan was bound to giue him passage tho­row his iurisdictions. To send thether with his men, fiue hundreth men at armes paied: To suffer him to arme at Genes so many vessells as he will: And to lend him before he departed out of Fraunce, two hundreth thowsand ducketts.

Touching the king, he was bound to the defence and protection of the Duchie of Myllan against all men, with particular mencion to preserue the authoritie of Lo­dovvyk: to enterteine during the warre within the citie of Ast belonging to the Duke of Orleance, two hundreth launces to giue succours to the necessities of that Duchie. Lastly he promised either at that time or soone after, by a writing subsigned with his owne hand, that hauing once conquered the realme of Naples, he should giue to Lo­dovvyk the principalitie of Tarente.

But let vs looke somewhat into the variacion of times and thinges of the worlde: ‘Albeit Francis Sforce, father to Lodovvyk, a Prince of rare wisedom and valour, was a professed enemie to those of Aragon, for the many displeasures he had receiued of Alphonso, Ferdinands father: and an auncient friend to the house of Aniovv: yet this was his moderacion in the actions concerning those two families, that in the yeare 1457. when Iohn sonne of Rene, inuaded the kingdom of Naples, he ministred suc­cours to Ferdinand with such a wonderfull diligence and readines, that the victorie was acknowledged to happen wholly by his helpe: he was stirred to this for no other reason, then that he saw it was to perillous for his Duchie of Myllan, that the french his neare neighbours, should make them selues Lordes ouer so mighty an estate. The same reason induced Philip Maria Viscounte (abandoning them of Aniovv, to whom [Page 20] he had alwaies before borne fauour) to deliuer Alphonso his enemie, who taken of the Geneuoys in a battell at sea neare to Caiette, was brought to him prisoner to Myllan, with all the nobilitie of his realmes: on the other side, Levvys the xj. father to Charles, being often times perswaded by many and not with light occasions, to harken to the thinges of Naples, and being withall with great instance, called by the Geneuoys to be Lord ouer their contreyes, as Charles his father had bene afore him: Did alwayes re­fuse to intangle him selfe with the doings of Italy, as matters full of expenses and dif­ficulties, and in the ende hurtfull to the realme of Fraunce. But now the opinions of men being chaunged, but perhapps not chaunged the reason of thinges, we see how Lodovvyk calls the french ouer the mounteynes, not fearing by so mighty a king (if Naples should fall into his handes) that daunger which his father no lesse valiant in armes then he, would haue feared, if but a litle Earle of Prouence had conquered it. And of the other side, we see Charles now raigning inflamed with a desire to make warre in Italy, preferring the rashnes of men of base place and vnexperienced, afore the councell of his father: A Prince of singular wisedom, temperance, and forecast. ‘It hapneth too often, that new Princes haue newe councells, and of newe councells commonly resort new effectes, euen such as in a ship, when a rawe man is put to the helme, the course must needes alter.’

It is not vnlikely that Lodovvyk was drawne to so great a deliberacion by Hercules de Este Duke of Ferrara, his father in law, who, nourishing a vehement appetite to re­couer Polesine de Rouigne, a contrey consining and importing much the sewertie of Ferrara which the Venetians had taken from him in the warres ten yeares past, fore­saw that the onely meane to recouer it was to set all Italy in trouble, and innouate the states with most great emotions. Besides this, many beleued, that albeit in Hercules appeared a disguised apparance and will to wish well to his sonne in law, yet in secret he followed him with an extreme hatred, for that in the same warre all the residue of Italy which had taken armes for him being farre more mighty then the Venetians, Lodovvyk gouerning then the state of Myllan, and regarding his proper respectes & particular interestes, constrayned the others to make peace with condicion that Po­lesine should remayne to the Venetians: And therefore Hercules hauing no meanes to reuenge so great an iniurie by armes and warre, ‘sought to execute his long smothe­red malice by giuing him a daungerous councell: such are the operacions of malice working in mindes mighty, who seldom hold it any breach of iustice to be reuenged of him that offereth the first iniurie.’

But now Italy being possessed with a brute of those thinges which were in practise on the otherside the mounteynes, and whose first authors at the beginning were vn­certeyne, many thoughtes and discourses appeared in the vnderstandings of men: to many, waighing with the power and strength of the french king, and the readines of that nation to new broyles and innouacions, the present diuisions and factions of thitalians, it seemed a busines of great qualitie and importance: others, interpreting the age and greenes of the king, and iudging much of the negligence naturall to that nation, and lastly looking into the great impediments which great enterprises haue, construed all not to a councell well grounded, but to a hotte and vnbridled affection of youth, which after it had a litle throwne out his fume and fire, would easily vanish and dissolue. Ferdinand him selfe (against whom all this busines was conspired) shew­edThe thoughts of Ferdinand King of Na­ples. litle appearance of feare, saying it was an enterprise intangled with many diffi­culties, for that if they made their inuasion by sea, they should find him furnished with a plentifull nauie, armed able to giue him battel in the plaine sea, his portes be­ing [Page 21] furnished, and his fortes well manned and vittelled: neither was there any baron in the realme able to receiue them, as had bene done afore to Iohn of Aniovv, by the Prince of Bossane, and other great ones of the land. And touching their expedicion by land, it was full of incommodities, suspicious to many, and a painefull march farre of, for that their way lying all a long the length of Italy, the residue of the Princes could not be without their particular feares, and perhaps Lodovvyk Sforce more then the others, notwithstanding he made shew of the contrary, seming as though a com­mon perill brought interest to euery particular: for that the proximitie and neigh­bourhood of Myllan with Fraunce, gaue vnto the king a greater oportunitie, (but in true likelyhood) a greater desire to possesse and occupie that Duchie. And seeing the yong and true Duke of Myllan was of neare kinred to the king, Lodovvyk could not other waies assure him self, but that the king caried an intencion to deliuer him from his oppression, hauing not many yeares before protested openly, that he would not endure that Iohn Galeas his cosin should be so vnworthely restrayned and kept vn­der: That the state of them of Aragon, stoode not vpon such tearmes and condici­ons, as the hope of their weaknes might induce the courage of the french to make inuasions vpon them, for that they were plentifully furnished with many numbers of valiant men at armes, great trowpes of horses of seruice, many stoares of munici­ons and artilleries, and all other necessary things for the warre, togither with so rich a mynt of money, that it sufficed against all wantes, prouicions and fortunes: that besides many honorable capteines trayned and experienced, he had for the conduct of his armies, his eldest sonne, Duke of Calabria, a leader of great renowme & no lesse vertue, growen into a mind resolute, a councell stayed and well aduised, and an assu­red experience, by following all the warres in Italy, for many yeares before. To these forces he added the powers of his parents and allies, of whose ready ayde and assi­stance he nothing dowted, hauing speciall expectation to receiue plentifull succors from the king of Spayne his cosin, and brother to his wife, not onely in respect of the double knotte of parentage, but also for that in good pollicie it stoode him vpon to holde for suspected the neighbourhood of the french men to Sicyle.

This was the glorious humor of Ferdinand, bringing forth in publike many bragges touching his owne power and greatnes, and to the contempt and lessening of the forces and meanes of his aduersaries. ‘These be properties often times famili­ar with Princes, to whom there can not be a more sensible and apparant token of their aduersitie or ruine, then when they esteeme them selues more then they are, & make their enemies lesse then they finde them.’

But Ferdinand, as he was a Prince of singular wisedom and well assured experi­ence: so, in him self he found his mind tormēted with many very greuous thoughts beholding with a fresh memorie the troubles he had receiued of the french nation, in the beginning of his raigne: he debated deepely that he should haue to doe with enemies warlike and mighty, for their trowpes of horsemen farre aboue him: in footemen infinite, in ensignes well appoynted, trayned, and disciplined: for prouisi­ons at sea, nothing wanting to an armie royall: for artilleries, plentifull, sundry, and terrible: for money, his mynes and myntings furnished aboue all wantes that could happen: And of men, infinite in multitudes, resolute in mindes, for seruice apt, of faith assured, of wills tractable, for commaundement obedient, and lastly, bearing all one common desire to commit their liues to any daunger for the glory and greatnes of their naturall king. But of the contrary, touching him selfe, all thinges were suspe­cted to him, his realme being full of hatred against the name of the Aragons, or at [Page 22] least of no litle inclinacion to commocion, and the most part of the residue, of an or­dinary desire to haue new kings, wherein fortune may be of more power then faith: his strength was mightier in opinion, then in true forces: his treasor layd vp and re­serued, not sufficient to cary the necessary expenses for his defence, since all thinges by the warre being turned into rebellion and tumults, his reuenewes would conuert to nothing in a moment: he saw that in Italy he had many enemies, and with none any frendship firme or well assured, hauing at some times bene greuous to all, either by armes or other violent meanes. And for Spayne, according to thexamples past, & condicions of the same realme, he had no expectacion of other succours for his pe­rills, then large promises with a great name of operacions, but very slender and slow effectes. Lastly his feares were augmented by the vnfortunat predictions that went of his howse, come to his knowledge at sundry times, partly by auncient writinges found out of new, partly by thinterpretacions and wordes of men for the most parte vncerteine of the present, and yet will referre certeinly to thinges to come: ‘those be thinges that in prosperitie we beleue litle, & in aduersitie too much, specially if there arise any apparance.’

The king of Naples wandring in these consideracions, and his feares being greater without comparison then his hopes, he saw there were no better remedies against so great daungers, then either with all speede possible, to remoue by some agreement, such thoughtes from the french kinges mind, or at least to take from him part of the foundacions which stirred him to the warre.

And therefore hauing sent Embassadors into Fraunce, to treate of a mariage be­twene the king of Scots, and Charlotte daughter of Dom Federyk his second sonne, the disposicion of which mariage was gouerned by the french king: for that the yōg Lady was nourished in his court, and borne of a sister of the mother of king Charles: he dispatched new commissions for the matters present & running: he ioyned with them in deputacion and assistance Camille Pandon, hauing bene vsed in negociacion for him there before, the better to labour priuatly such as were chiefest guiders of the kinges councells, and others bearing inclinacion to profit, promises, and corrupt offers: and if they could not by other meanes appease or remoue the kinges intenci­on to the warre, then to offer him condicions of tribute and other submissions: & so, if it were possible, to obteine peace. Besides this, he applied not only all his thoughts, diligence & authoritie to compose the difference of the castells bought by Virginio (to whose intractabilitie and obstinacie, he referred the chiefe occasion of all these disorders) but also he studied to giue a new life to the practises of parentage, com­moned vpon before betwene the Pope and him. But aboue all others, his deepest care and thought was to appease and assure Lodovvyk Sforce (first author and mouer of all the mischiefe) perswading him selfe that feare, more then other occasion ledde him to so daungerous a councell. And therefore (according to the necessities that followed him) preferring his particular sewertie, afore the naturall respect and inte­rest of his Neece, or the sauetie of the sonne borne of her: he offered by many em­bassages, to referre him selfe wholly to his will touching the things of Iohn Galeas, & the Duchie of Myllan: In which offers more generall then honorable, he had no re­gard to the aduise of his sonne Alphonso, who to amase, confuse, and threaten Lodo­vvyk, iudged it the readiest meane to make him giue ouer those new coūcells: ‘wher­in albeit he might take courage of the naturall fearefulnes of Lodovvyk, yet we often se, that no lesse easily is the timerous man caried by despaire into deliberaciōs head­long and hurtfull, then the rash man, by credulitie, furie, and want of consideracion, [Page 23] runnes into enterprises, that bring forth daunger, dishonor, and shame.’

At last were appeased the controuersies of the castells after many difficulties pro­ceeding more of Virginio then of the Pope, to the conclusion of which composici­on, came Dom Federyk sent to Rome by his father for that effect. The accord runne that they should remaine in the possession and right of Virginio, repaying to the Pope equall proporcion of money which he had giuen at first to Francisquin Cibo: togither with this was knit vp the mariage of the Ladie Sances bastard daughter to Alphonso, with Dom Geffray youngest sonne to the Pope, (both the one & other by rea­son of their greene age vnable to consomat or accomplish the mariage.) These were the condicions: That Dom Geffray should goe to remayne at Naples after a few mo­neths: that he should receiue in dowrie and respect of the mariage, the principalitie of Squillaco valued at tenne thowsand duckats in yearly reuenue, and that Ferdinand should giue to him an estate of an hundreth men at armes. This confirmed thopini­on of many, that all that the Pope solicited in Fraunce, bare no other meaning, then by feare to draw them of Aragon to these conuencions: this was one argument to approue their coniectures, that Ferdinand laboured to make a confederacion with him for their common defence: but the Pope obiected so many difficulties, that there was no other thing obteyned of him, then a very secret promise by writing to defend the kingdom of Naples, so that Ferdinand would equally promise to protect the estate of the Church.

These thinges dispatched, the companies of men at armes which the Venetians & the Duke of Myllan had sent to the Pope for his succors, retired with licence and fa­uour out of the Church dominions: Ferdinand also began now with no lesse hope of happy successe to treate with Lodovvyk Sforce, who with a wonderfull suttletie &The suttleties of Lod. Sforce. arte, shewed him selfe some times ill contented with the inclinacion of the french king to the matters of Italy, and some times excused and iustified him selfe vpon his necessitie, for that by reason of his chiefe for Genes and the auncient confederacion with the house of Fraunce: he was constrayned to tender the desires and requestes made to him (as he sayd) by the same king. But some times he promised to Ferdinand in publike, and some times to the Pope and P. de medicis apart and seuerally, to do all he could to moderate the kinges desire, assaying to lull them a sleepe in this hope, to the ende they conspired or dressed nothing against him, before thaffayres of Fraunce were well proceeded and established: wherein they were the more easie to beleue him, by how much they iudged the resolucion to bring the french king into Italy so ill for his owne sewertie, that in consideracion of his particular perill, and the com­mon inuest of Italy, they supposed he would vtterly disclaime and shake it of. All this sōmer past in this nature of doings, Lodovvyk working vnder such disguised formes and maners, that without giuing any suspicion to the french king, neither Ferdinand, the Pope, nor the Florentyns dispaired of his promises, nor yet altogither trusted him.

But in this meane while, were layed in Fraunce with no small studie, the foundaci­onsPreparacions in Fraunce for the warres of Italy. of the warre and expedicion to come, whereunto (contrary to the councells of most of the greatest) inclined more & more thaffection of the king, who, to be more at libertie, accorded the differēces he had with Ferdinand and Isabell king & Queene of Spayne: Princes in those times of great reapport and name for gouernment and wisedom, both for that they had drawne their Realmes out of great troubles into a setled tranquillitie, & also, had recouered to Christianitie, with a warre of ten yeares continuance, the kingdom of Granado vsurped by the Moares of Affrica for almost viij. hundreth yeares: it was expressed in this capitulacion (solemnly iustified by pub­like [Page 24] oth of both partes in the church) that in Ferdinand nor Isabell (for Spayne was go­uerned vnder their common name) should be no action of ayde to the Aragons dire­ctly nor indirectly: no contract of any new affinitiue or alliance: nor that in no sort they should oppose against king Charles for the defence of the realme of Naples. The king, in counter chaunge and recompence of these, (beginning by a losse certein, for a hope of gaine vncerteine) restored without any repayment of money, Parpignian, with all the earldom of Rossellion, pawned many yeares before to Levvys his father by Iohn king of Aragon and father to Ferdinand. An exchaunge altogither against the will & liking of the whole nation of Fraunce, for that that earldom seated at the foote of the hills Pyrennei, & consequently according to thauncient diuision, part of Gallia, gaue alwayes necessary impediments to them of Aragon for entring into Fraunce on that side.

The king, for the same occasion, made peace with Maximylian king of Romaines, and with his sonne Phillip Archduke of Austrich, in whom was no want of occasion either of olde or newe hatreds against him: but specially for that his father Levvys by the death of Charles, Duke of Burgondie and Earle of Flaunders, with many other contries conioyning, did impatronize him selfe vpon the Duchie of Burgondie, and Earldom of Artoys, with many other places which the sayd Duke possessed: whereof growing no small warres betwene king Levvys, & Marie the onely daughter of Duke Charles, married after the death of her father to Maximilian: there was made at last (Marie being dead and Phillip the common sonne of Maximilian and her succeding to thinheritance of his mother) an accord amongest them, more by the wills of the people of Flaunders, then readines of Maximylian. The better to cōfirme this accord, Margaret the sister of Phillip was married to Charles sonne of Levvys, and (notwith­standing she was very yong,) ledde into Fraunce: where after she had remained manyThe Duchie of Brittain in­uested in the crowne of Fraunce. yeares, Charles refused her, and tooke to wife Anne, to whom by the death of Francis her father leauing no yssue male, the Duchie of Bryttaine was descended. This was a double iniurie to Maximylian, being at one time made frustrate the mariage of his daughter, and his owne, hauing by procuracion afore married the sayd Anne: And yet, for that he was not able of him selfe to susteyne the warre recontinued by occa­sion of this iniurie, and that the people of Flaunders (gouerning them selues by their proper councell and authoritie, by reason of the minoritie of Phillip) would not dwel in warre with the realme of Fraunce. And seeing lastly that the kings of Spayne & Eng­land had dissolued their armies which they had leuyed against the french: he con­sented to the peace, by the which king Charles restored to Phillip, his sister Margaret deteyned in Fraunce till then, togither with the townes of the Earldom of Artoys, re­seruing to him selfe the castells, but vnder bond to render them at foure yeares ende, at what time Phillip being risen to his maioritie might in good validitie confirme the accord past. Those townes when the peace was made by king Levvys, were acknow­ledged by common agreement as the proper right of the sayd Margaret. The gene­rall peace thus established with all the neighbours to the realme of Fraunce, the reso­lucion of the warre against the kingdom of Naples, was confirmed for the yeare fol­lowing: in which time were prepared all prouisions necessary continually solicited by Lodovvyk Sforce: who (the thoughts of men aduauncing from degree to degree) occupied his witts now not onely how to assure the gouernment to him, but lifting vp his mind to higher conceites, he had an intencion to transferre to him selfe the Duchie of Myllan vnder thoccasion of the warre against thArragons, wherein to giue some couler of iustice to so great an iniustice, and with more firme foundacions to [Page 25] assure his affayres against all fortunes that might happen: he married Blanche Mary Mariage of Blanche Ma­ry Sforce with themprour Maximylian. sister to Iohn Gales and his Neece to Maximylian newly aspired to thempire of Rome by the death of Federyk his father: to him he promised in dowrie to be payd within a certeine time iiij. hundreth thowsand duckatts of ready money, with iewells and o­ther ornaments to the value of xl. thowsand duckatts: and of the other parte Maxi­mylian thirsting more after money then affinitie by this mariage, bound him selfe to indue Lodovvyk, (to the preiudice of Iohn Galeas his new brother in law) with thinue­stiture of the Duchie of Myllan, for him, his children, & offpringe, as though that e­state had remained without lawfull Dukes euer since the death of Phillip Maria Vis­count. At the latter payment of the money, he promised to giue him all the priuilead­ges and prerogatiues accomplished in most ample forme.

The Viscounteis, gentlemen of Myllan, during the bluddy factions in Italy, betwene the Gebelyns and Guelffes, and after the Guelffes were suppressed: of principall men of one part of Myllan, became Lordes and absolute maisters of the whole citie, (such frutes for the most are bredd by ciuill discordes.) And in this greatnes after they had continued many yeares, they sought (according to the common aduauncement of tyrannies the better to disguise their vsurpacion with a show of right) to strengthen first with colers lawful, & after to set out their fortune, with most ample titles: there­fore after they had first obteyned of themprours (of whome Italy began to know ra­ther the name then their power) the title of capteines & then vicaires of thempire: In the ende Iohn Galeas (who for that his father in lawe Iohn king of Fraunce had giuen him the earldom of Vertus, called him self Earle of Vertus) obteyned of Vincislao king of Romaines for him & his yssues males, the dignitie of Duke of Myllan, in which suc­ceded him the one after the other Iohn Maria and Phillip Maria his sonnes. But the lyne masculyne being determined by the death of Phillip, albeit, by his testament he had instituted as his heire Alphonso king of Aragon and Naples, partly for the recom­pense of the amitie he shewed at his deliuery, but more, for that the Duchie of Myl­lan defended by so mighty a Prince, should not fall into the subiection of the Veneti­ans aspiring manifestly to it: yet Francis Sforce, at that time a capteine valiant and e­qually seene in affaires of peace and warre, being assisted with many occasions then occurrant, and more esteeming to reigne then to keepe faith: held with armes the sayd Duchie as apperteining to Blanche Maria his wife, the bastard daughter of Phil­lip. And albeit it was supposed that soone after with a small porcion of money, he might haue purchased of themprour Federyk thinuestiture of that state: yet trusting he was able to kepe it by the same meanes wherwith he had wonne it, he made small reckoning of that office in themprour: thus without inuestiture continued Galeaz his sonne, & Iohn Galeaz his later sonne: by reasō whereof Lodovvyk bearing him self wic­kedly at one time against his Nephew liuing, & doing wrong to the memory of his father & brother decessed, mainteined that not one of thē were lawful dukes of Myl­lan, procuring him self, as of an estate diuolued to thempire, to be inuested by Maxi­mylian, & by that reason bare the title not of the 7. but of the 4. Duke of Myllan, which thinges (so long as his Nephew liued) were not suffered to come but to a fewe mens knowledge. Besids, following thexample of Cyrus yonger brother to Artexerses king of Persia, (which also he confirmed with thauthority of many lawyers) he aduowched that he was before his brother not in yeares & age, but for that he was the first borne after their father became Duke of Myllan: This reason togither with the first was be­stowed amongest the imperiall priuileadges, wherin to cloke with a vaine couer the ambicion of Lodovvyk, there was also written in letters separate, that it was not the [Page 26] custom of the holy Empire to consent or passe any estate to any that afore had hol­den it vnder thauthoritie of an other, for which cause Maximylian had kept no rec­koning of the peticions made by Lodovvyk to obteyne thinuestiture for Iohn Galeas, hauing afore acknowledged the same Duchie of the people of Myllan.

In this mariage made by Lodovvyk of his Neece with Maximylian, Ferdinand tooke encrease of hope that Lodovvyk would estraunge him selfe from the amitie of the french king: these were the reasons and arguments of his hope: for that he had knitt him selfe with Maximylian enemie and Corriuall to the french king by ma­ny occasions: the departing with so great a sunme of money might induce the kings suspicion agaynst him: And lastly this newe coniunction ministring occasion of co­rage & hart, he supposed he would not be fearful to diuide him selfe from the french doings: This hope Lodovvyk nourished with great conning, and with the vayle of the same so blinded all others, that at one time he communicated with Ferdinand & the other Potentates in Italy, and withall enterteyned the king of Romaines, and yet kept the french from ielousie: Ferdinand also iudged that it could not but be displea­sing and intollerable to the Senate of Venice (to whom he had sent Embassadors) that a Prince so mightie aboue them should enter the hart of Italy, wherein they had the chiefest place, opinion, and authoritie: besides, he fedd much of the hopes in the king and Queene of Spayne, who had promised him great succors, if neither by per­swasions, offers, nor authoritie, he could not breake the enterprise. On the other side, the french king hauing taken away all impediments, on that side the mountes began to practise to remoue such difficulties as might fall to his hinderance on the other side the hills: In that action he sent Peron de la bache, a man not ignorant in thaffayres of Italy, by thexperience he had there vnder Iohn of Aniovv: who after he had made knowen to the Pope, the Senate of Venice, and the Florentyns, the resoluci­on of his king to recouer the kingdom of Naples, he made peticion to them all to enter societie, fellowshippe, and communitie with him: But he reaped no other frute then frayle hopes and generall aunsweres, for that the warre being not to be executed till the next yeare, euery one refused to discouer so long before, his in­tencion: In like sort, the king required of thembassadors of Florence, (sent to him a litle before by Ferdinands consent to excuse them selues of thimputacion that they inclined to the partie of thAragons) to haue passage and vittells for his armie in their iurisdictions at reasonable rate, and that to accompanie him to the kingdom of Naples, they would furnish him with an hundreth men at armes, which he sayd he required as a signe that the common weale of Florence stoode with him in amitie: Albeit they aunswered him with many reasons and declaracions, that they could not in that sort protest without great perill vntill his armie were past into Italy: And albert they affirmed that he might be well assured that in all accidents and fortunes, that citie should not faile to minister to him, all those conuenient effects, of office, obseruāce, & deuocion, which of long time they had borne to the crown of Fraunce: yet they were constrayned according to the french importunities to promise all those thinges, otherwaies they were threatned to suffer priuacion of that great mart and traffike of marchandize which the Florentyne nation had in that realme: it was knowen after that these compulsions were inforced by Lodovvyk at that time the principall disposer of all the french practises with thItalians.

Peter de medicis labored much to perswade Ferdinand, that those demaunds impor­ted so litle the substance of the warre, that it would be more for his profit if the com­mon weale & he continued amitie with the french king, hauing by that meane good [Page 27] way and oportunitie to make some composicion, then in refusing those small de­maundes, to declare them selues his enemies, and so suffer no possibilitie to doe good to him: he alleadged with all the generall complaynts and hatreds which he should heape vpon him selfe, if the traffike of Florence were restrayned in Fraunce: or that thentercourse there so necessary to thupholding of the citie, should suspende and perhaps come in time to lose his libertie and practise: he told him it was con­uenient in good faith and meaning (the principall ground of consederacions) that euery confederate should suffer patiently some incommoditie, to thende the other ronne not into more greater harmes: But Ferdinand who considered how much of his reputacion and sewertie would diminish if the Florentyns were deuided from him: was not satisfied with these reasons, but complayned greeuously that the faith and constancie of Peter beganne so soone not to aunswer his owne promise & thex­pectacion he had conceiued of him: by reason whereof, Peter resolutly disposed a­boue all thinges to continue in amitie with them of Aragon, vsed many meanes to suspend and deferre the aunswer importunatly demaunded by the french, referring them in the ende to vnderstand the full wills and intencions of the common weale by new Embassadors.

About the ende of this yeare, the alliance made betwene the Pope and Ferdinand, beganne to wauer and shake, either for that the Pope in obiecting newe difficulties, aspyred to obteyne of him greater thinges then he had: or else that he perswaded him selfe to induce him by this meane to bring agayne to his obedience the Cardi­nall S. P. advincula, whom (offering first for his securitie the faith of the colleadge of Cardinalls, of Ferdinand and of the Venetians) he desired much to see returned to Rome: he held his absence much suspected for thimportance of the rocke of Ostia, holding in his handes about Rome, Roncillon and Grotaferare, by the fauors, opinion and authoritie which he had in the court: But chiefly he was ielous ouer him, for that naturally he was desirous of innouacion, and obstinate to hazarde rather all daunger, then to be cut of from one poynt of his councells and purposes. Ferdinand excused him selfe much, that he had no power to apply the Cardinall thereunto, whose suspicion was so great, that all sewertie seemed to him lesse then the perill: he complained to the Pope of his hard fortune, that on him alwayes was layd thimpu­tacion of thinges which in truth proceeded from others: he was sory that the Pope had beleued that by his mocion and by his money, Virginio had bought the castells, being in deede bought without his priuitie or medling▪ In deed he had disposed Vir­ginio to the composicion, & for that effect had furnished him with the money which was giuen in repayment & recompense of the castells: The Pope receiued not these excuses, but with hard and bitter wordes complayned of Ferdinand, & so gaue shew that there could be layed no firme ground of their reconciliacion.

With such a disposicion of mindes and confusion of thinges so apparantly draw­ing to new troubles, began the yeare 1494. (I enterpret the yeare according to the vse of Rome.) A yeare very vnhappy for Italy, and in deede the first of the vnfortunate and miserable yeares, for that in it was made open the way to infinite and horrible calamities, whereof we may well say a great part of the worlde by many accidents, hath tasted euer since. In the beginning of this yeare, King Charles refusing to heare speake of any agreement with Ferdinand, enioyned his Embassadors as messengers of a king enemie, to depart with speede out of the realme of Fraunce: And almost in the same concurrance of time, the sayd Ferdinand dyed suddeinly of an appoplexyDeath of Fer­dinand king of Aragon being more trauelled with cares & perplexities of mind, then loaden with yeares, or [Page 28] weakned with olde age: he was a Prince of singular wisedom and industrie, with the which (accompanied with happy fortune) he kept him selfe in the kingdom newly obteyned by his father against many difficulties appearing euen in the beginning of his reigne, and brought to it much more amplitude and greatnes, then was done vn­der any other king perhaps long before: A good king, if he had continued to reigne, in the same maner he began: But either with the variation of times or chaunge of maners, because he knew not (with most Princes now a dayes) how to resist the furie of dominion and rule, or perhaps according to the iudgement of euery one his na­ture and inclinacion beginning nowe to disclose which he had couered afore with great conning: he was esteemed a man of litle faith, and of such violent and cruell moodes, that euen by his owne followers he was iudged worthy of the name of in­humanitie. The opinion was, that the death of Ferdinand hapned very inconuenient for the common affayres, for that, where he would haue proued all remedies to hin­der the descending of the french men, it was not now to be dowted but it would be more hard to make Lodovvyk assure him selfe of the haughtie & immoderate nature of Alphonso, then it was to dispose him to renew amitie with Ferdinand, in whom was for the most part expressed a ready inclinacion (the better to auoyd all quarrels with the state of Myllan) to yeld and condescend to his will: And amongest other things, it is manifest that when Isabell Alphonsoes daughter was brought to Iohn Galeas her husband, Lodovvyk at the first sight suffred him self to slide into so great affection to­wards her, that he desired her of Alphonso for his wife, and to that ende (according to the vniuersall opinion of Italy) he did so much by magick and enchauntments, that Iohn Galeas for many monethes was made vnable to the actiō of mariage: Ferdinand was not intractable to this mariage, but Alphonso so refused and resisted it, that Lo­dovvyk making no hope of it, tooke an other wife by whom hauing children, he tur­ned all his studies and thoughtes to transferre to them the Duchie of Myllan: some suppose and write, that Ferdinand, being determined (for the auoyding of the present warre) to suffer all indignities and incommodities: had an intencion, as soone as the calmnes of the tyme woulde suffer, to goe by sea to Genes, and from thence by lande to Myllan, to satisfie Lodovvyk in all his desires, and to bring againe to Naples his Neece, hoping that not onely with effectes, but also with this publike confession by the which he acknowledged to holde all his estate and well doing vppon him, he should remoue his mind from the warre, or at least somewhat moderate his conspi­ring intencions, the rather for that it was seene to all men of obseruacion, with what wonderfull ambicion and desire, he aspired to be noted the onely arbitrator and oracle of all Italy: Alphonso immediatly after the death of his father, dispat­cheth foure Embassadors to the Pope, who albeit shewed manifest signes that he was returned to the first inclinacion of amitie with the french, and had at the same tyme by bull subsigned by the colleadge of Cardinalles, promised at the french Kinges request, the estate of Cardinall to the Byshoppe of S. Malo, and retey­ned in common with the Duke of Myllan Prosper Colonne whome the Kinge afore had taken to his pay, togither with other Capteynes and leaders of men of warre: yet he made no greate difficultie to accorde in regarde of the profitable condici­ons offered by Alphonso, who desired much to be assured of him and to bynd him to his protection and defence: They made these open conuencions, that thereConfederaci­on betwene the Pope and Alphonso k▪ of Naples. should be betwene them a confederacion for the defence of their estates, with equal leuyes of men by both: That the Pope shoulde conferre vnto Alphonso the inuesti­ture of the kingdom, with diminucion of tribute obteyned by Ferdinand of other [Page 29] Popes for his life onely: that the Pope should send a legatt to crowne him: That he should create Cardinall Lodovvyk sonne of Henry, bastard brother to Alphonso, who afterwardes was called Cardinall of Aragon: That king Alphonso should pay imme­diatly to the Pope thirtie thowsand duckatts: That he should indue the Duke of Can­dia with estates within the realme of xij. thowsand duckatts reuenue yearly, togither with the first of the seauen principall offices that should be voyd: That he should in­terteyne him so long as the Pope liued in his pay with three hundreth men at armes, with the which he should be bounde to serue the one and the other equally and in­differently: That he should giue to Dom Geffray, (who for the pawne of his fathers fayth was nowe to goe to his father in lawe) the estate of Pronotorye and one of the seuen offices, ouer and besides the promises of the first contracte: That he shoulde bestowe the reuenue of benefices in the Realme vppon Caesar Borgia the Popes sonne, who a litle before was created Cardinall by his father, wherein, to auoyde impediments of being a bastard, to whom it hath not bene accustomed to graunt such dignities) he made proofe by subborned testimonies that he was the sonne lawefull of an other: Besides all this, Virginio Vrsin (who by the Kinges sen­ding for came to this capitulacion) promised that the King shoulde ayde the Pope to recouer the rocke of Ostia, if the Cardinall S. P. ad vincula refused to come to Rome. This promise King Alphonso affirmed without his consent or priuitie, and well saw that in so daungerous seasons, it would bring no litle preiudice to him to be de­priued of the Cardinall whose authoritie was not small ouer the towne of Genes, which he determined to surprise by the setting on of the Cardinall. And because a­midd so great troubles and emotions, there might perhaps be treaties of councells or other matters preiudiciall to the sea apostolike, he did what he could to vnite him with the Pope, who not satisfied with any condicion if the Cardinall returned not to Rome, and the Cardinall being most obstinate to hazard his life vnder the faith of those Catylins as he termed them, the diligence of Alphonso was in vayne, and his desire of no effect: for after the Cardinall with many dissembled and flourishing shewes, had giuen almost assured hope to accept the condicions: he stale away by night from Ostia in a brigantyne well appoynted, and at a time when was least rea­son to dowt any such euasion, leauing the rocke armed with sufficient garrison: And reapposing certeine dayes at Sauone, and spending some litle time at Auignion, (of which citie he was Legatt) he went lastly to Lyons, where king Charles was come a litle before, to prepare with better oportunitie and reputacion the prouisions of the warre which he published he would execute in person: he was receiued of the king with great ioy and honor, and immediatly ioyned him selfe to those that studied to trouble Italy.

In this meane while Alphonso, more by feare then proper inclinacion, forgott not to continue with Lodovvyk Sforce that which had bene begonne by his father, offering him the same satisfactions: But Lodovvyk to whom nothing was more fa­miliar then to dissemble, deuised to enterteyne him with diuerse hopes, but with de­monstracions that he was constrained to proceede in such exact order and conside­racion, least the warre determined against others, tooke not his beginning against him, he left not for all this to solicite and vrge the preparacions in Fraunce, where­in to expresse the deuocion of his minde with better effect, and to resolue all parti­cularities occurrant in that expedicion, and lastly least the execution of all thinges determined shoulde suffer suspence or haue slowe action: he sent thether (coulering it with a brute of the Kinges pleasure) Galeaz of S. Seuerin husband to one of his [Page 30] bastard daughters and in whom he reapposed great confidence and fauors. Accor­ding to the councells of Lodovvyk, king Charles sendes to the Pope foure Embassa­dors, with charge that in passing by Florence, they shoulde make instance for the de­claracionThe french k. sendeth Em­bassadors to the Pope, Flo­rentins and Venice. of that common weale. The Embassadors were Eberard Daubigny a Scot­tish Capteine of nation, the generall of Fraunce, the President of the parliament of Prouence, & the same Peron la Bache, that had bene with them the yeare before. They according to their instructions (set downe chiefly at Myllan,) recounted in both the one and other places the rightes which the french king (as successor to the house of Aniovv, and for want of yssue in Charles the first,) pretended to the realme of Naples, togither with his royall determinacion to passe that yeare into Italy in person, not to intrude into any thing that belonged to an other, but to reobteyne that which iustly was his owne: And to giue his voyage a more pawsible passage in the mindes of men, they sayd his mind and meaninges were not so much fixed vpon the conquest of Naples, as that afterwards he would turne his forces against the Turkes, for the ser­uice of Iesu Christ, & glory of his name. They declared to the Florentynes, how much their king assured him selfe of that citie hauing bene reedified by Charlemain, and fa­uored alwaies of the kinges his predecessors, and lately of king Levvys his father in the warres vniustly managed against them by Pope Sixtus, by Ferdinand last dead, & Alphonso now raigning. They willed them to loke into the great profits comming to their nation by traffike and entercourse in the realme of Fraunce, where they were fauored with familiaritie and offices as if they were naturall of the region itself And with that example they might hope to haue in the kingdom of Naples, (if he became Lord of it) the selfe same libertie of trade, sewertie and benefit, where, of them of A­ragon they neuer receiued other thinges, then domage, daungers, and displeasures. They recommended to their good councells the consideracion of these things, and to protest by some token that they would ioyne with him in this enterprise. But if they were restrayned by some iust impediment, reason or excuse, atleast that they would graunt libertie of passage to his armie thorow their territories, and refreshing and vittells for his money. They debated these thinges with the common weale and generall state, but they recommended particularly to P. de medicis, the respect of ma­ny goodturnes and honors done by Levvys the xj. to his father and auncestors: how he in very ielous and daungerous seasons, had made many demonstracions for the preseruacion of their greatnes, and in signe of amitie, had honored them with the skotchio [...]s and armes proper to the house of Fraunce: where, Ferdinand not satisfi­ed to persecute them with open and violent warre, did also with a minde sworne to their ruine, take parte with the ciuill conspiracies wherein Iulyan his vncle was kil­led, and Lavvrence his father sore hurt. The Embassadors went out of Florence with­out resolucion, & being at Rome, they preferred to the Popes remembrance the aun­cient merits and perpetuall deuocion of the crowne of Fraunce to the sea apostolike, whereof were autentike testimonies, all recordes both auncient and present, and of the contrary, they insinuated the ordinary contumacie and disobedience of them of Aragon, and referred the proofe to the view and construction of their actions past. Then they demaunded that the realme of Naples might be inuested in the person of their king, as iustly apperteyning to him. They allured him with many hopes, and made many offers, so that he woulde be fauorable to thenterprise, which their king had taken vpon him as much by his perswasions and authoritie, as for other occasi­ons. To this demaund the Pope aunswered that thinuestiture of that realme hauing bene graunted by so many his predecessors to three kinges of the house of Aragon [Page 31] successiuely (for in thinuestiture graunted to Ferdinand, Alphonso was comprehended by name) it was not conuenient to giue it to king Charles afore it was declared by forme of iustice that he had good right, whereunto thinuestiture graunted to Al­phonso was not preiudiciall, for that for such consideracion it conteyned expresse mencion, that it was ment without the preiudice of any person: he tolde them that the realme of Naples did directly belong to the sea apostolike, whose authoritie he knew was farre from the kings will to violat, and no lesse contrary to thintencions of his auncestors who had bene alwayes the principall defenders of the same: But if he should doe any violent action vpon Naples, it could not be without manifest in­trusion & transgression of the holy sea, and bring dishonor to the reputacion & me­rits of his elders: it would better become his dignitie and vertues, to seeke to iustifie his pretence of right by course of iustice & moderate equitie, wherein as Lord, Pa­trone, & onely iudge of such a cause he offered him selfe ready to administer to him: And that a Christian king ought not to demaund more of a Pope, whose office was to restraine and forbid, and not to enterteyne and nourish warres betwene Princes christened: And though he should so farre incline to the kings will, yet he shewed many difficulties and daungers both by the neighbourhood of Alphonso and the Flo­rentyns, whose vnitie all Tuskane followed, and also for the consanguinitie & alliance of so many Barons holding of the king of Naples, whose estates stretched euen to the gates of Rome. Notwithstanding all this, he enforced him selfe, not to cut of their hope altogither, albeit he bare priuatly this setled resolucion not to depart from the confederacion made with Alphonso. At Florence thinclinacion was great and gene­rall to the house of Fraunce, for the liberall mart & traffike which that state had with the french: for an olde opinion (but vntrue) that Charlemain was the reedifier of their citie destroyed by Tottila kinge of Gothes: for the auncient coniunction and ami­tie which their auncestors the Guelffes haue had long time with Charles the first, king of Naples, and with many of his lyne protectors of the faction of Guelffes in Italy. And [...]4 [...] lastly for the memorie of the warres, which the olde Alphonso, & after him Ferdinand in the person of his sonne, had areared against that citie. By the reason, recordacion, and memorie of these thinges, the communaltie and multitude cried to consent to free conduct and passage, desiring no lesse the best authorised and wise citisens in that common weale to whom it seemed a great partialitie and ouersight to pull vp­on the countrey of Florence, (for the controuersies of an other) so present and daungerous a warre: they held it no pollicie to oppose them selues against so mighty an armie managed in the personne of A king of Fraunce, descending into Italy with the fauour of the state of Myllan, and no resistance of the gouernment of Venice, though they publish no manifest consent: this councell they confirmed with thauthoritie of Cosmo de medicis (esteemed in his time one of the wisest in Italy) who, in the warres betwene Iohn of Aniovv and Ferdinand, gaue alwayes this councell, that the citie of Florence should not obiect it selfe against Iohn: notwithstanding the Pope & Duke of Myllan were ioyned with Ferdinand. They remembred withall, the example of Lavvrence father to Peter, who was of the same aduise vppon euery brute of the re­turne of them of Aniovv: yea so much was he amased with the power of the french since the same king obteyned Britaine, that he would often times say, that great trou­bles were prepared for all Italians, if the king of Fraunce knew his owne strength. But Peter de medicis who measured thinges more by will then by wisedome, abused him selfe to much with his owne opinion, beleuing that these emocions would rather re­solue into brutes then into effects: wherein being gouerned by some his speciall fa­uorits [Page 32] corrupted perhaps with the presents of Alphonso, determined resolutly to con­tinue in amitie with the Aragons, ‘whereunto in the ende all the residue of the Citi­sens must condescend by reason of his greatnes: Ambicion is an vnquiet humor in man:’ it may be that Peter not content with thauthoritie which his father had got in the common weale (& yet such, by his disposing, that though Magistrats were crea­ted, yet they determined no matters of importāce without his aduise) aspired to a po­wer more absolute euen to the title of Prince: he did not debate with discression the condicions of that citie, who, at that time being populous in multitudes, and migh­ty in riches, and nourished by many ages with an apparance of a common weale, the principall Citisens being accustomed to participate in the gouernment, rather in forme of companions then subiectes, would hardly endure so great and suddein mu­tacion: And therefore, Peter knowing that to the holding vpp of his ambicion must be ioyned foundacions extraordinary: and the better to haue a mighty piller to sup­port his new principallitie: he restrained him selfe immoderatly to thAragons, deter­mining in their course to communicate with their fortunes. Thus perhaps was fur­thered by this accident: not many dayes before thembassadors of the french ariued at Florence, there came to light certeine practises, which Lavvrence and Iohn de me­dicis, yong men rich, and neare in bludd to Peter, and lately become his enemies vp­on certein light occasions of youth, conspired with Lodovvik Sforce and by him with the french king directly against the greatnes of Peter: But being arested by the Ma­gistrates, they were with light punishment returned to their houses in the countrey, for that the temperance of the Magistrates preuailing with Peter not without some difficulties, induced him not to suffer the lawes to execute any extreme action vpon his kinred and bludd: But receiuing warning by this accident that Lodovvyk Sforce thirsted after his ruine, he esteemed it so much the more needefull to remaine still in his first purpose: At last thembassadors were aunswered, but much to their discon­tentment, and more contrary to their desire: in place of the conclusion they hopedThe Floren­tyns aunswere the french Embassadors. for, they were told with wordes reuerent and respectiue, with what naturall deuoci­on the people of Florence, honored the house of Fraunce, togither with their commō desire to satisfie so great a king: on the other side they made declaracion of their im­pediments, as that there could be nothing more vnworthy of Princes and common weales, then not to keepe faith promised, which vnlesse they should apparantly de­file and breake, they could not now satisfie his demaundes, and content the time to­gither: They sayd, as yet was not ended the confederacion which by thauthoritie of king Levvys his father was made with Ferdinand with couenant, that after his death it should stretch to Alphonso: wherein they were bound by special condicion not on­ly to defend the realme of Naples, but also to giue no passage thorow their countries to any that went about to inuade it: Lastly that it brought no small greefe to them, that there was such difference betwene their desires and wills, and that they had no power to make other resolucions then such as must either make the king displeased, or bring great preiudice to their whole estate: Onely they hoped that the king be­ing wise and iust, would interpret them according to their good wills, and referre to those reasonable impediments that which they could not promise.

The king made angrie with this aunswere, commaunded immediatly thembassa­dorsThe french king angry with the Flo­rentyns aun­swere. of Florence to depart out of Fraunce, and following the councell of Lodovvyk Sforce, he banished out of Lyons, not the generall marchauntes, but onely the factors and bankers of P. de medicis, to the ende that they might iudge at Florence, that he ac­knowledged this iniurie particularly vpon Peter, and not vpon the body of the state.

[Page 33]The other Potentats of Italy being diuided amongest them selues, some bearing fauor to the french, and some fearing calamities and extreme fortunes, the Venetians onely determined to remaine newters, and with an idle eye to behold the yssue of all thinges, perhaps they were not much troubled that Italy should fall into garboyle, hoping that the long warres of others would giue them oportunitie to enlarge their estate: or perhaps the opinion of their greatnes would not suffer them to be dowt­full of perills: And therefore not fearing that the victors could haue any fortune o­uer them, they iudged it a folly to make proper to them, the warres of others, & had no apparant necessitie. And yet Ferdinand ceassed not to solicite them continually,The french king prayeth amitie of the Venetians. and the french king the yeare before, and euen then had sent to them Embassadors who forgat not to declare that betwene the house of Fraunce & that common weale, was alwayes amitie and good will, and as occasion offered mutuall effectes and offi­ces expressed. The which disposicion, the king seeking to augment and ratifie, he de­sired of that wise Senate councell and fauor in his enterprise, whereunto they aun­sweredThe aunswer of the Vene­tians. with this moderacion and breuitie: that the king for him selfe was so wise & foreseeing, & enuironed with a councel so graue and ripe, that it could not be with­out too much presuming to ioyne to him their opinions and councells. They would be alwayes glad of his prosperities & good fortunes for the obseruances which they had alwaies borne to the crowne of Fraunce: They were not a litle greeued, that they could not accompany the readines of their mindes with those effectes they desired, for that by the suspicion wherein the Turke kept them continually wanting neither desire nor oportunities to vexe them: Necessitie compelled them to keepe alwayes with great charges many yles and coast townes fronting vppon him, the same being the cause that they could not make them selues parties to the warre of an other But the preparacions which were made on all sides as well by lande as sea, were of farre greater importance then eyther the orations of thembassadors, or the aunsweres made to them: for, king Charles had sent Peter d'Vrfe his great Esquier, to Genes (o­uer which citie the duke of Myllan commaunded by the ayde of the faction of Ador­ne and I. L. de fiesco signo) to rigge vp a mighty armie of shippes and gallies, causing also to be armed other vessells in the portes of Ville Franche and Marselles. This was the cause of the brute in his court, that he determined to enter the kingdom of Na­ples by sea, as had done afore time Iohn sonne of Rene against Ferdinand: In Fraunce albeit many beleued, that what for the youth of the king, and the base condicion & slender conduct of such as stirred him to this expedicion, togither with the want & necessitie of money, these preparacions in them would dissolue & vanish into smoke: yet, to satisfie the desire of the king who by the aduise of his fauorits had newly taken vpon him the title of king of Ierusalem and both Cycylyes (then the title of the kinges of Naples:) There was generall and diligent order giuen on all partes for the prouisi­ons of the warre: as making of musters, gathering of money, remouing of men, with other industries due to such expedicions: And no councell had but with Galeas de S. Seuerin, who held inclosed in his mind all the secrets & purposes of Lodovvyk Sforce: Of the other side Alphonso in whom had wanted no pollicie or diligence to fortifie him selfe by sea and by land (iudging now there was no more time to suffer him selfe to be mocked with the hopes of Lodovvyk Sforce, and that it serued better for him to amaze and vexe him, then to trauell to assure or appaise him) commaunded them­bassador of Myllan to retyre out of Naples, and reuoked his that was resident at Myl­lan: he sequestred also and tooke into his possession the reuenues of the Duchie of Bary, which Lodovvyk had enioyed many yeares by the gift of Ferdinand. And not [Page 34] content with these thinges, which were rather demonstracions of open hatred, then wronges or offences, he disposed all his witts, to turne from the Duke of Myllan, the citie of Genes, A matter of right great importance for the present affayres, for that by the reuolt and chaunge of that citie, would happen many meanes to trouble Lodo­vvyk in his gouernment of Myllan, and from the french king should be taken away all oportunities to molest the realme of Naples by sea: Therefore hauing made secrete pact with Cardinall Pavvle Fregose, afore times Duke of Genes, & still followed with many of the same familie: and with Obietto de fiesquo, two principal men both for the towne and sea, togither with some particulars of the Adorneys, all banished out of Ge­nes for diuerse occasions: he determined to assaie with a strong armie at sea, to sett them all in the towne againe (following that he was wont to say, that warres are o­uercomen either in preuenting thennemie, or diuerting him: he determined in like sort to goe him selfe into Romagnia with a mighty armie, and to make suddeine inua­sion vpon the landes of Parma, where publishing the name of Iohn Galeas, and display­ing his banners, he hoped that the peoples of the Duchie of Myllan would rise a­gainst Lodovvik: And be it that in this were found many difficulties, yet he iudged it profitable that the warre should beginne farre from his realme: he esteemed it also to great importance for the substance of the warre, that the french men should be surprised with the winter in Lombardye: wherein hauing greate experience in the warres of Italy, (whose armies attending the riping of grasse and forrage for the fee­ding of horses, were not wont to take the fielde afore the ende of Aprill:) he iudged that to eschew the sharpnes of winter, they would be constrayned to stay in a coun­trey of their frendes till spring time: In which intermission and respi [...]e of time he ho­ped that some occasion for his benefit might happen. Besides, he sent Embassadors to Constantinople, to demaund succors as in a common daunger of B. Ottoman Prince of the Turkes, for that it was resolued in the french kinges intencion to passe into Greece after he had wonne Naples, which daunger he knew wel the Turke would not despise, for that by the memory of the warres made in times past against the Infidels in Asia by the french nation, the feare which the Turkes had of their armes was not litle.

Whilest these thinges were thus solicited on all partes, the Pope sent his men to Ostia vnder the gouernment of Nicholas Vrsin Counte of Petillane, to whom Alphonso sent strength and succors both by sea and land: he tooke the towne without difficul­tie, and then beganne to batter the castell, which (by the meane of Fabrice Colonne, and consent of Iohn de la Rouere prefect of Rome, and brother to Cardinall S. P. ad vin­cula) was easily rendred to him by the castell keeper, with this condicion, that the Pope neither with censures of the Church, nor temporall armes, should pursue the Cardinall nor the prefect, if they gaue him no new occasions: And it was suffered to Fabrice, in whose handes the Cardinall had left Grotta Ferrara, to continue the pos­session of the same with the same rights, paying to the Pope ten thowsand duckatts. But Lodovvyk Sforce (to whom the Cardinall when he passed by Sauonne, had made knowen that which Alphonso by his meanes and councells negociated secretly with the exiles of Genes) declared to king Charles what a great impediment that would giue to his enterprise, & therfore induced him to send to Genes two thowsand Svvis­sers, & dispatch into Italy with speede three hundreth launces to be ready vnder the gouernment of Mons. d'aubigny, (who returning from Rome, stayed by the kings com­maundement at Myllan) both to assure Lombardye, and to passe further according to occasions and necessities: To these should be ioyned fiue hundreth men at armes, I­talians [Page 35] enterteyned at that time in the Kinges pay vnder Iohn fr. de S. Seuerin Counte of Gaiazze, Galeot Pico Counte of Myrandola, and Radolphe of Gonsague, togither with fiue hundreth which the Duke of Myllan was bound to furnish: who not leauing his oldeshiftes and suttleties, continued to confirme in the Pope and Peter de medicis his inclinacion to the peace & sewertie of Italy, nourishing them with varietie of hopes which were not without their apparant demonstracions.

It can not almost be, but that which men make great sewertie of, ‘ingendreth some dowte, euen in the mindes of such as haue determined to beleue the contrary: for albeit there was no great faith giuen to the promises of Lodovvyk: yet it hapned not for all that, that their determined enterprises suffered in any sort slowe successe or proceedings: And the Pope & P. de medicis could haue bene well content that then­terprise had bene proued to surprise Genes: But because in the action they should di­rectly offend thestate of Myllan, the Pope, (Alphonso requiring his gallies & to ioyne his men with him in Romagnia,) consented to the seruice of his men for the common defence in Romagnia, but not to passe further: And touching the gallies, he made dif­ficultie, saying it was not yet time to put Lodovvyk so much in despaire. The Floren­tyns being required to receiue Alphonsoes armie by sea in the port of Lyuorne, and to refresh them, remained in suspence vpon the matter, for that making excuses to the demaundes of the french king, and being acquited vnder the pretence of the confe­deracion passed with Ferdinand, they were very vnwillingly disposed to doe more without necessitie, then they were bound vnto by that confederacion.

Matters being now not able to suffer any longer delay, the armie by sea of Alphon­so The king of Naples sen­deth out his forces. departed at last from Naples vnder the charge of thAdmirall Dom Federyk: & Al­phonso in person assembled his armie in Abruzze to passe into Romania: But afore a­ny further action was done, he thought it necessary to communicat with the Pope, who had the same desire, the better to establish all thinges that were to be done for their common safetie.

The Pope and Alphonso met togither the xiij of Iuly at Vicouare, a place appertei­ning to Virginio Vrsin, where after they had spent three dayes, they returned well a­greed: In this meeting and consultacion it was determined by the councell of the Pope, that the person of the king of Naples should passe no further: his armie contei­ned litle lesse then a hundreth squadrons of men at armes, accompting xx. men to a squadron: And very neare three thowsand crosboweshott and light horsemen: Of this armie it was agreed that one part should stay with him vpon the frontyers of A­bruzze for his safetie and sewertie of the state ecclesiastike: And that Virginio should remeine in the town of Rome to make head against the Collonoys: for dread of whom, also it was agreed that two hundreth of the men at armes of the Pope and a part of the light horsemen of the king should not stirre out of Rome: That thexpedicion in­to Romania should be performed in the person of Ferdinand Duke of Calabria, (that was the title of the eldest sonne to the king of Naples) A yong Prince of great hope: leading with him lxx. squadrons with the residue of the light horsemen, and most part of the Popes companies such as he erected for defence: There were ioyned with him (as moderators of his youth) Iohn Iacques Triuulso gouerner of the souldiers of the king of Naples, and the Counte Petillane, who from the Popes pay was become mercynary to the king of Naples, both Capteynes of great experience and reputaci­on: Seeing they ment to leade an armie into Lombardye, it was thought good that it should passe in the person of Ferdinand, for the societie of blud and duble parentage which he had with Iohn Galeas husband to Isabell his sister, and sonne of Iohn Galeas, [Page 36] brother to Hipollita who was mother to Ferdinand: But touching the actions of this parliament betwene the Pope and Alphonso, that of most importance, was, concer­ning the Collonois, for that it was discerned by manifest signes that they aspired to new intelligences: seeing that Prosper and Fabricius hauing serued in the pay of the late king of Naples, and by him recompensed with estates and honorable places: Prosper (the king being dead) after many promises made to Alphonso to reenter into his pay, was by the working of Cardinall Ascanius, entred into the common pay of the Pope and the Duke of Myllan, refusing afterwards to take the Popes pay being much soli­cited: And Fabricius, who had continued in the seruice of Alphonso hauing regard to the disdayne of the Pope and the king of Naples against Prosper: made difficultie to goe with the Duke of Calabria into Romania, if first by some conuenient meanes were not reestablished and assured the affayres of Prasper and all the familie of Colonne: This was the cooler of their difficulties: But secretly they both were become merce­nary to the french king, (partly drawne by the great amitie they had with Cardinall Ascanius, who forsaking Rome a few dayes afore for suspicion of the Pope, was retired to their landes) and partly for hope of larger payes, but much more moued with displeasure that Virginio Vrsin chiefe of the contrary faction bare greatest rule with Alphonso, and participated more then they in his prosperities: But to keepe this thing conceiled vntill they might with sewertie declare them selues his souldiers, they trea­ted continually with the Pope and Alphonso, by whom was made great instance, that Prosper taking pay of them, would leaue the wages of the Duke of Myllan, for that o­therwayes they could not be assured of him: The Collonoys made show of desire to accord with them, but to thende to determine nothing, they moued one tyme one difficultie and sometimes an other, vpon the condicions that were offered.

In that practise, there was diuersitie of wills betwene Alexander and Alphonso, for that Alexander desiring to dispoyle them of the places they held about Rome, cheri­shed the occasion to assayle them: and Alphonso who had no other intencion then to assure them, was not inclined to the warre but for a last remedie: but he durst not oppose against the couetousnes of the Pope. At last they determined to constrayne them by armes, and appointed forces and orders howe it should be done, assaying notwithstanding afore, if within few dayes their controuersies might be accorded.

These things, with many others, were debated on all partes, mens witts wandringThe beginning of the warre. and their mindes vnresolute, their feares generall, but their hopes full of suspicions and incerteinties, in their wills no consent or vnitie, and all their coniectures and iudgements full of error, no, none that could moderat their expectacion, and much lesse iudge what woulde be the ende of those tragicall preparacions: but at last the warre of Italy tooke beginning by the going of Dom Federyk to the enterprise of Ge­nes The king of Naples sen­deth out an armie to take the citie of Genes. leading an armie no dowt of greater proporcion and better prouision, then had bene seene of long time before ronne ouer the streames and sea of Tyrrennum: it con­teyned xxxv. light or suttle galleyes, eighteene shippes, with many other lesser ves­sells, great quantitie of artillerie, and three thowsand footemen to put on lande: By reason of which great equipage, and leading with them the exiles, the armie depar­ted out of Naples with great hope of the victorie: But their lingring and slow depar­ting, caused by those difficulties which commonly follow great enterprises, & partly abused by the conning hopes which Lodovvyk gaue them, and partly for that they stayed in the portes of Sienna to leuye to the number of v. thowsand footemen, made hard and daungerous, that, which being assayed one moneth afore, would haue ben easie and without perill: for, the enemies (by their slow proceedings) had leasure to [Page 37] dresse a stronge prouision, putting within Genes the baylif of Dyon, with two thow­sand Svvyzzers leuyed and payed by the french, and already ordered and rigged a great part of the shippes and galleyes which were armed in that port, and one parte of the vessells furnished at Marseilles, being there arriued also: Besides, Lodovvyk for his part spared for no expēses, but dispatched thether Gasper de S. Seuerin, called Fra­casse, with Anthonie Maria his brother, with many footemen: And because he would compound his strength no lesse vpon the good wills & hartes of Genes, then of for­reine forces, he confirmed with giftes, pensions, and promises of many recompenses the courage and intencion of Iohn Loys de Fiesquo, brother to Obietto, the Adornes, and many other gentlemen and populars much importing to keepe that citie in his de­uocion: he had also called to Myllan many factions of the banished men aswell of the towne as riuers of Genes: To these prouicions mighty enough of them selues, did giue great reputacion and sewertie the person and presence of Lovvys Duke ofLowys Duke of Orleans entreth Genes, and preserues it. Orleance, who about the same tymes that the Aragons flete was discouered in the sea of Genes, entred that citie by commission of the french king, hauing first communi­cated in Alexandria vpon the common affayres with Lodovvyk Sforce, who (as the doings of mortall men are full of thicke darknes) had receiued him with great glad­nes and honor, but as a companion, not knowing howe soone his whole estate and life would fall into his power.

These accidentes were the causes why the Aragons (determined before to present their fleete afore the port of Genes, vnder hope that the parties and confe­derates with thexiles would draw into some insurrection) chaunging now councell with the occasion, resolued to assayle the riuer: And after some diuersitie of opini­ons, whether in the riuer of Leuant or the West, were best to beginne: the aduise of Obietto preuayled, who promising him selfe much vppon them of the waters of Leuant, they adressed them selues to the towne of Portouenere, to the which they gaue assault for many howers in vayne, for that it was refurnished from Genes with fowre hundreth footemen, and the courages of thinhabitants well resolute and confirmed by Iohn Lovvys de Fyesquo lately come thither: Being out of hope to carie the towne by assault, they retyred to the porte of Lyuorne, to reuittell their shippes, and refurnish their companies of footemen: for, when they vnderstood that the townes and peeces vppon the riuer were in good condicion of defence and prouicion, they iudged that to that action was necessary a greater supply of force: At Lyuorna, Federyk being aduertised that the french armie inferior to his in gal­lyes, but mightier in shippes was in preparacion to fall out of the port of Genes: sent backe agayne to Naples his shippes to be able with more readines by the swift­nes of his galleyes to keepe aloof from thennemie, if with their shippes and gallyes togither they shoulde sett on him, hoping notwithstanding to vanquish them, if their gallyes were separate from their shippes, eyther by aduenture, or by will.

In the selfe same seasons, the Duke of Calabria marched towardes Romania, withThe Duke of Calabria mar­cheth towards Calabria. the armie by lande, with intencion to passe afterwardes into Lombardye, according to the first resolucions: But to haue his passage more free and easie, and to leaue no impediments or perills behind his backe, it was needefull to ioyne to him the state of Bologne, and the cities of Gmola and Furly: for Cesene a citie immediatly sub­iect to the Pope and the citie of Faense, belonging to Astor de Manfreddi, a young gentleman, pensionary and gouerned vnder the protection of the Florentyns, were to giue willingly all commodities to the Aragons armie. Octauyan sonne to Ieronimo de Riare, was Lord of Furly and Gmola, with a title of vicaire of the Church, but in mi­noritie [Page 38] & vnder gouernment of Katthern Sforce his mother, with whom many mo­nethes before, the Pope and Alphonso had practised to enterteyne Octauyan in their common pay, with condicion to defend his estates: but the matter remeyned im­perfect, partly by the difficulties she alleaged, to the ende to get better condicions: And partly for that the Florentyns dwelling still in their former purpose not to ex­ceede the bondes they had with Alphonso to the preiudice of the french king, could not be resolued to be concurrant in this practise, to the which their consent was ne­cessary, because the Pope & the king would not alone susteyne the charge: but much more for that Kattherne would not put in daunger that citie, onles with the others, the Florentyns would be bound to the gard and defense of the estates of her sonne: These difficulties were taken away by the meting and speaking togither, which Fer­dinand, (drawing his armie by the way of Marrechia into Romania) had with Peter de medicis in the village of S. Sepulcher: where he offered him in the name of his fa­ther king Alphonso, franke power to dispose of him and his armie in all the seruices which he had intencion to execute for the affayres of Florence, Siena, & Faensa: these offers giuing a newe life to the auncient courage of Peter, as soone as he was retur­ned to Florence, he ordeyned (notwithstanding the disswasions of the wisest Citi­sens) that thaccord should be subsigned, for that Ferdinand had instātly desired him. This being dispatched at the common charges of the Pope, Alphonso, and the Flo­rentyns, not many dayes after, they had the citie of Bolognia at their deuocion, enter­teyning Iohn Bentyuole (vnder whose authoritie and direction the citie was gouer­ned) in the same maner the Pope promised, hauing withall the faith of king Alphon­so and P. de medicis, to create Cardinall Anthonie Galeas his sonne, then pronotorye of the sea.

These thinges gaue to the armie of Ferdinand a great reputacion, which yet had bene more great, if with those successes he had sooner entred into Romania: But by his slow speede to march out of the kingdom, and the diligent care and watching of Lodovvyk Sforce, Ferdinand was no soner arriued at Cesena, then Monsr. D'aubygny, and the Count Caiazze, gouernor ouer the companies of Sforce, togither with a great part of the armie appoynted to make heade against the Aragons, being passed with­out let by Bolognia, entred the countrey of Ymola: by meanes whereof, Ferdinand ha­uing lost his first hopes to passe into Lombardie, was compelled to setle the warre in Romania, where (other cities following the partie of thAragons) Rauenna and Ceruia, cities of the Venetian iurisdiction, barefauor to neither side. This litle countrey stret­ching along the riuer of Pavv, & in the possession of the Duke of Ferrara, spared no one cōmoditie to the companies of the french & Sforce. Touching P. de medicis, nei­ther the difficulties hapning in thenterprise of Genes, nor thimpediments occurring in Romania, could bridle his rashnes: for, being bownd by a secret cōuencion without the knowledge of the common weale, made with the Pope and Alphonso to oppose him self openly against the french king: he had not only cōsented that the Neapolytan armie at sea should be receiued & refreshed in the hauē of Lyuorne, with power to le­uye footemē through the whole territory of Florence: but also restraining his rashnes to no limit, he wrought so, that Anniball Bētiuole, sonne of Iohn, mercenary to the Flo­rentyns, wēt with his charge, & the cōpanies of Astor de Manfreddi, & ioyned with the campp of Ferdinand, as soone as he entred into the contrey of Furly, & sent besides, to the sayd Bentyuole, a thowsand footemen with artilleries. Such a like disposicion was alwaies diserned in the Pope, who, besides the prouisions of warre, not contented to haue exhorted by writing the yeare before, king Charles not to passe into Italy, but to [Page 39] proceede by way of iustice and not armes, reinioyned him eftsoones by an other sig­neture,The [...]. the selfe same thinges vppon payne of the Church censures: And by the bi­shop of Calagorre his Nuncio at Venice, (whether for the same effect were gone thē ­bassadors of Alphonso, & they of Florence, who notwithstanding made not such open demaundes) he perswaded much that Senate, that for the common benefite of Italy, they would protest publike resistance against the french purposes, or at least to giue Lodovvyk roundly to vnderstand, that he was much discontented with this innoua­cion: But the Senate aunswered by the Duke, that it was farre from the office of aThe Vereti­ans [...]rs. wise Prince, to pull the warre vpon his owne howse, and take it from an other, nor to consent to doe either by demonstracions or effects, any thing that may displease ei­ther of the parties: And because the king of Spaine, solicited instantly by the Pope & Alphonso, promised (for the succors of Naples) to send into Scycile an armie by sea well furnished, and at last made excuse that it could not be so soone ready for want of money: the Pope gaue consent (besides a certeine porcion which Alphonso sent him) & power, that he might conuert into that vse, the moneyes gathered in Spaine by the Apostolike authoritie vnder coler of the Croysade, which ought not to be em­ployed against others then thennemies to the faith Christian: Alphonso also, besides those he had already sent to the great Turke, dispatched of new Camylla Pandon, with whom was sēt secretly by the Pope George Bucciardo a Genovvay, whose seruice Pope Innocent had vsed there afore, who being receiued with great honor of Baiazet, & di­spatched with no lesse expedicion, brought home large promises of succors: which albeit was confirmed a litle after by an Embassador sent by the Turke to Naples, yet either for the distance of places, or for the distrust he had of the Christians, those promises brought forth no effect: In this time, Alphonso & P. de medicis seing their ar­mies succeeded not happily by land nor sea, they labored to beguile L. Sforce, vsing his owne craftes & connings, but their industrie brought forth no betteryssue, then theirforces. It was thopinion of many, that Lodovvyk, for the consideracion of hisConiectures against the suttelties of Lodowyk Sforce. proper daunger, was not content that the french king should conquere Naples: but his plot was, that assoone as he was made Duke of Myllan, and that the french armie had passed into Tuscane, to worke some accorde, by the which Alphonso should ac­knowledge him selfe tributarie to the crowne of Fraunce, with assurance to the king of office and obseruancie, and so the king (the places which the Florentyns helde in Lunigiane, reuerting perhaps out of their hands) to returne into Fraunce: So that the Florentynes by this meane should remeyne battered, the king of Naples diminished of force and authoritie, and he become Duke of Myllan, should haue got for his sew­ertie so much as was sufficient, without feare to fall into the daungers which might happen by the victorie of the french: he had hope also that the winter comming on, the king would suffer such difficulties as would let the course of his victorie: Lastly he iudged that waighing with thimpacience of the french, the kinges slender proui­cion of money, and the wills of many of his people estranged from thenterprise, there would not want meanes to worke composicion.

‘This was a grosse error in his pollecie, to breede the storme, and leaue the de­fence to possibilities dowtefull: it is too daungerous to broach a vessell of poyson, and haue the vertue of the antydote vncerteyne: fier suffered to ronne, burnes with­out lymitt, euen to the consuming of such as first kyndled it. But whatsoeuer was his secret intencion,’ it is certeyne that albeit at the beginning Lodovvyk studied to separate Pe. de medicis from thAragons, yet after he perswaded him secretly to per­seuere in his opinion, promising him so to worke that the french Kinge shoulde [Page 40] not march at all, or at least if he did passe, he should with the same speede returne afore he did any action on that side the mountes: this he did often reiterate by his Embassador resident at Florence, eyther for that such was his iust intencion, or else hauing determined to ruinate Peter, he desired that he might bring him to doe so much agaynst the kinge, as there might be no meane to reconcyle them. But Peter determining by the consent of Alphonso to make these behauiours knowen to the french king, called one day into his howse, thembassador of Myllan, vnder couler of being ill disposed of his person: afore he came, he caused to hyde secret­ly the french Embassador resident at Florence, in a place where he might easily heare their communication. There Peter repeated to thembassador plainly, distinct­ly, and at large, the perswasions and promises of Lodovvyk, and that for his autho­ritie he was vnwilling to consent to the demaundes of the french king: taking oc­casion to complayne greeuously, for that with so diligent instance he solicited the king to passe: he concluded, that seeing theffectes aunswered not his wordes, he was constrayned to ioyne him selfe to thenterprise, to auoyd his proper and present perill: The Myllanoys Embassador aunswered, that he ought not to dowte of the faith of Lodovvyk, if for no other reason, at least for this, that in comparison and consideracion of thinges, it was no lesse daungerous to Lodovvyk then to any o­ther, that the french should enioy Naples▪ And therefore with all the councell, courage, and reasons that he could, he perswaded him to perseuere in his first o­pinion, least by such hurtfull alteracion of his minde, he were not the cause to bring him selfe and all Italy into perpetuall seruitude: This discourse with all his a­ctions and circumstances, the french Embassador with present speede communi­cated with the kinge his maister, assuring him that he was betrayed by Lodovvyk, whose deuise tended all to his particular purposse and profite, and all his intencions dissembled and disguised.

This pollicie and priuate manner of Peter bredd not the effect which Peter and Alphonso hoped for, but, of the contrary, the matter and manner being reuea­led to Lodovvyk, euen by the french them selues, the disdayne and hate conceaued afore against Peter, redobled and tooke a stronger qualitie, and Lodovvyk with a new diligence and quicknes, solicited the french king to consume no more time vn­profitably.

But now not onely the preparacions that were made in so great plenty both byForeshowes of the calamities of Italy. sea and lande, but also the consent of the heauens and of men, pronounced to Ita­ly their calamities to come: for that such as made profession, to haue iudgement eyther by science or diuine inspiracion in the thinges to come, assured with one voyce that there were in preparing, both more great mutacions and more straunge & horrible accidents, then for many worldes before, had bene discerned in any part or circuit of the earth. There were seene in the night in Pouylle three sunnes in the middest of the firmament, but many clowdes about them, with ryght fearefull thunders and lightninges: In the territorie of Aretze, were visibly seene passing in the ayre, infinite numbers of armed men vpon myghtie horses, with a terrible noise of drommes and trumpettes: The Images and figures of Sainctes did manifestly sweate in many partes of Italy: In euery place were brought forth many monsters of men and other creatures, with many other thinges against the order of nature concurring all at one time, but in diuerse places: by meanes wherof the people were caried into incredible feares, being already amased with the brute of the french po­wers & fury of that nation, with the which according to the testimonie of histories, [Page 41] they had aforetyme ronne ouer all Italy, sackt and made desolate with fire and sword the citie of Rome, and subdued in Asia many prouinces, and generally no part of the world which had not felt the vertue of their armes: But albeit these iudgements are often tymes fallible, and rather coniectures vncerteyne, then effectes hapning, yet the accidents that drew on, brought to them, in the spirites of frayle men, an ab­solute fayth, credit, and religion: for, king Charles, holding his first purpose, was now come to Viena in D'auphine, and would not suffer him selfe to be stayed from his per­sonall expedicion into Italy, neither by the iust and generall peticions of his whole realme, nor with the consideracion of his vniuersall wants of money, which were such as he had no meane to furnish the necessities present, but by pawning for a great summe of money, certeine iewells lent him by the Duke of Sauoye, the Marquiss of Mountferat, and other great Lordes of the Court: of the summes he had gathe­red before of the reuenues of Fraunce, and such as were lent to him by Lodovvyk, he had employed a great quantitie vppon the armies at sea, wherein at the begin­ning was reapposed a great hope of the victorie: and of the residue, he had made many indiscreete liberalities to diuerse persons before he went from Lyons: And his Princes and noble men hauing at that tyme not so ready wayes to exact money vp­on their peoples, as their immoderat couetousnes hath brought them since, with­out regard to God or men, it was not easie for him to leuye new tributes: so slender were the prouisions and groundes of so great a warre, furie and rashnes guiding the king more, then wisedom and councell.

But as it often hapneth in thexecucion of things new, great, and difficult, that al­beit all thinges are ordeyned and foreseene: yet the reasons that may be considered in the contrary come then to appeare in thunderstanding of men, when thenterprise is toward his action and beginning: So, the king being vppon the poynt to depart, yea his soldiers marching towardes the mountes, there arose a great murmure tho­roughout the court: some brought into consideracion the difficulties ordinarie in so great an enterprise, and some disputed of the generall daungers and infidelitie of th Italians, but specially there was an vniuersall ielowsie of Lodovvyk Sforce, both for thaduertisement lately come from Florence, and also certeyne money expected from him, remeyned yet behind: So that not onely such as had alwayes reproued this en­terprise, rose vp eftsoones to resist it with more audacitie (as hapneth in those cases when councell is confirmed by the euent of thinges) but euen those that had bene the principall workers, as chiefly the Bishop of S. Mallo, beganne so to shake, thatThe [...] king [...]full to g [...] with th [...] ­pri [...] Na­ples. the brute comming to the eares of the king and the whole Court inclyning to mur­mure and confusion of opinions, caused such an inclynacion in the king to passe no further, that suddeinly commaundement was giuen to make staye of all the bandes and companies of souldiers: by meane whereof many that were already on their way, returned with willing speede to the Court, following a reaport pub­lished, that it was a resolucion sette downe, that the camppe shoulde not passe into Italy: it was then beleeued that all had turned into alteracion and chaunge, if the Cardinall of S. P. ad vincla, (the fatall instrument both at that tyme, before, and after, of all the miseries of Italy) had not with his authoritie and vehemencie gi­uen a newe life to thexpedicion, recomforted the heartes of the noble men, andCardinal S. P. ad [...]la, giues a new life to th [...] pedicion. brought agayne the spirite of the king to his first determinacion: ‘he layed before him not onely the reasons that had first styrred him vppe to so glorious an enter­pryse, but also with a sharppe and quicke eloquence, willed him to looke into thin­famie which myght ronne throughout all the worlde for so lyght a mutacion of so [Page 42] noble a councell: he asked his maiestie for what occasion, in restoring the places in the countie of Artoys, he had weakened on that side, the frontyers of his realme: why had he with so great displeasing of his nobilitie and populars, made open to the king of Spayne one of the portes of Fraunce, in giuing him the countie of Rus [...]illon: o­ther kinges his predecessors, had not wont to consent to those thinges, but either to be deliuered from great and imminent perills, or at least, in counter chaunge of pro­fitts more importing: he made not those restitutions by any necessitie, his perills were but reasonable, And for frute or recompense, there was no other expectation, then that with a great price, he had bought a present losse, which would perpetually nourish greefe, dishonour, and infamie: what newe accidents haue appeared, (sayth he) or what straunge daungers and difficulties are disclosed since thenterprise hath bene published throughout all the world? No, rather the hope of the victorie is en­creased, the foundacions being shaken wherupon the enemie had built all the hopes of his defense, for that if both the armie at sea of thAragons shamefully retyred to the port of Liuorne after they had giuen a vaine assault to Portouenere, was able to at­tempt no further action against Genes so well defended with souldiours and a nauie more mightie then theirs, And also in their armie by lande stayed in Romania by the resistance of small numbers of the french, was left no courage to passe further: what would be their seares, when they heard by all the countreyes in Italy, that the king was to passe the mountes with an armie royall: townes would fall into tumultes, men would draw into mutinie, hauing their mindes amased, how could they be stayed or conteined? The Pope would not be a litle amazed when he should see from his pro­per pallaice, the armes of the Collonoys at the gates of Rome: No lesse would be tha­stonishment of P. de medicis, who hath for his enemies his owne blud, knoweth what affection the towne of Florence beareth to the name of the french, & is not ignorant how desirous it is to recouer the libertie which he holdes opprest: That there was no impediment, no difficultie, no daunger to stay the furious descending of the king vpon the confins of Naples, which he should no sooner approch, then he should find all things disposed to flight or to rebellion: he told him the feare was vayne to dowt want of money, for that his artillerie should be no sooner hard thunder, then thItali­ans with a swift liberalitie, would supply him from all partes: And if he should finde any resistance or defense, the spoiles, the booties, the riches of the vanquished would suffice to nourish his armie, for that Italy for many yeares, hauing bene more ac­customed to apparances of warre, then trayned in the true experience of warres, there was no strength, foundacion, nor power to susteyne the furie of the french. In a matter debated with so long councell, and prepared so neare to his action▪ in an enterprise so possible▪ and bringing so many profits: in an expedicion so hawtie and glorious, and giuen ouer, so vile and infamous: he aduised him to be firme and reso­lute, & for feares, suspicions, and ielowsies, he willed him to thinke them as dreames rising vpon some superfluous humor, or as shadowes to whome can be assigned no bodies: he tolde him it became iustely his name and greatnes to march on with the same magnanimitie and courage, wherewith not iiij. dayes since, he vaunted to be able to vanquish Italy being vnited all togither: he sayd, he had to consider that his councells were now no more in his owne power, and that thinges had gott to great forwardnes by reason of the alienacion he had made of many landes and territories, for thembassadors he had heard, sent, and banished, for the great charges he had su­steyned, for so many and mighty prouisions, and lastly for the renowne that ronne thorow the world, and his person being brought almost to the toppe of the Alpes: [Page 43] And finally saith he, albeit the enterprise were neuer so perillous, yet necessitie con­strayned him to follow it, seeing betwene glory and infamie, betwene dishonour and triumph, betwene thopinion to be estemed a king, and a man vile, priuat, and abiect, there remeyned no meane. These speches in substance deliuered by the Cardinall, but according to his nature, in more graue & vehement gesture, kindled such a new life and courage in the king, that without hearing any, then such as perswaded him to the warre, he departed the same day from Vyena accompanied with all the barons and capteynes of the realme,’ except the Duke of Burbon, to whom in his absence, he left thadministracion of the kingdom, & the Admirall, with certeine others appoin­ted to the gouernment and gard of prouinces most importing: Him self with the ar­mie passing into Italy by the mount Geneura, which yeldes a farre more easie passage then the mount Ceuis, and by the which (but with incredible difficulties) Hannibal ofThe french king in Ast. Carthage made his way into Italy: entred into the towne of Ast the ix. of September, a thowsand fowre hundreth lxxx. and fowreteene, leading with him into Italy the seedes of innumerable calamities, & most horrible accidents, with a chaunge almost and innouacion of all thinges: for, of his passage did not onely take beginning muta­cion of estates, subuersion of realmes, desolacion of countreys, destruction of cities, and murders ciuill and most cruell: but also he brought with him newe fashions of habytes, new customes, new and bluddy maners of making warres, and diseases till those tymes vnknowen, yea he did so disorder thinstruments of peace and concord in Italy, that being neuer able since to reorder & reduce them, other nations straunge & barbarous, haue had good meane to oppresse them miserably: And for thincrea­sing of thinfelicitie (because their shame and dishonour shoulde not be diminished by the valour and vertues of the victor) he whose comming brought all those cala­mities, (albeit he lackt nothing of the liberalities & fauours of fortune,) was voydeThe french king discri­bed. almost of all the giftes of nature & the mind: for, it is most certeine that king Charles from his infancie was of complexion very delicat, and of body vnsownde and disea­sed, of small stature, and of face (if thaspect and dignitie of his eyes had bene taken away) fowle and deformed, his other members bearing such equall proporcion, that he seemed more a monster then a man: he was not onely without all knowledge of good sciences, but skarcely he knew the distinct carecters of letters: his mind desi­rous to commaund, but more proper to any other thing, for that being enuironed alwayes with his familiars & fauorits, he reteyned with them no maiestie or autho­ritie: he reiected all affayres and busines▪ and yet if he did debate and consider in a­ny, he shewed a weake discression and iudgement: And if he had any thing in him that caried apparance of merit or praise, yet, being thorowly waighed and sounded, it was found further of from vertue then from vice: he had an inclinacion to glory, but it was tempered more with rashnes and furie then with moderacion and coun­cell: his liberalities were without discression, measure, or distinction: immouable often tymes in his purposes, but that was rather an ill grounded obstinacie then constancie, and that which many call bowntie, deserued more reasonably in him the name of coldnes and slacknes of spirite.

The same day the king arriued in the towne of Ast, the fauours of fortune began to appeare to him with a ioyfull token or prediction: for, there came from Genes glad newes, that Dom Federyk (who after his retyre from Portouenere to the hauen of Lyuorne, and that he had refreshed his armie by sea, and leuyed new companies of landmen, was eftsoones returned into the same riuer) had put on land Obietto de Fi­esquo, with iij. thowsand footemen, who without difficultie had made him selfe Lord [Page 44] of the towne of Rapalle which is xx. miles from Genes, and then sent companies to espie and spoyle the countrey there about: That such a beginning being of no litle importance, for that touching the affayres of the towne of Genes, all emotions howe litle so euer they were, would be daungerous considering the contagiousnes & mul­titude of parties and factions, those within the towne esteemed it not good that the enemies should haue further aduantage: And therefore, leauing part of their com­panies to the gard of Genes, the ij. brethern S. Seuerins and Iohn Adorne brother to Augustyn gouerner of the towne, with thItalian footemen, putte them selues on the way to goe to Rapalle, the Duke of Orleance with a thowsand Svvizzers leading thi­ther tharmy by sea, which contained xviij. galleyes, vj. gallions, and ix. great shipps. And being all ioyned nere to Rapalle: they furiously gaue vpon the enemies that made head against the bridge which was betwene the suburbes of Rapalle and a litle straite plaine that stretched to the sea: That besides, the proper forces of thAragons, the seate of the place fought with aduantage for them, by whose steepenes & sharpnes more thē other municion or art, the places of that riuer are wel fortified: the beginning of the skirmish semed prosperous to thēnemie, the Svvizzers being in a place very vn­proper to bestow their ordenāce, beginning almost to retyre: but by the cōtinual cō ­curse & flocking of the peasants ronning after the faction of the Adornes, for their a­gilitie & experience in those stonie & mountenous places, men of speciall merit in seruice, and the Aragons beaten in flanck with the artilleries of the gallies of Fraunce which were brought as nere the banks as could be: they begā very hardly to susteine the charge: And that lastly, as they were beaten from the bridge, Obietto was aduer­tised (in whose fauour his pertakers did not yet stirre) that Iohn Lovvys de fiesquo was at hand with a great trowpe of footemen, And therefore fearing to be charged on the backe, they fledd to the mounteynes, Obietto being the first according to the cu­stom of rebells: That there was slayne of them in this encounter partly by fighting, and partly by fleeing, more then a hundreth bodies: A slaughter not litle, conside­ring the maner of the warre in Italy in those tymes: with these aduertisements came accompanied the reapport of the prisoners taken, amongest whom was Iulius Vrsin, who with xl. men at armes and certeine crosbow shott on horsbacke, had followed the sea armie of Alphonso, in whose pay he was: Fregosin sonne to the Cardinall Fre­gose and Orlandin of the same familie, remeyned also prisoners. This victorie assured altogither thaffayres of Genes, for that Dom Federyk (who as soone as he had put his footemen on land, spred him selfe vpon the mayne sea, as not to be constrayned to fight with thennemie in the gulphe of Rapalle) despairing to doe any profitable ser­uice at that time, retyred his armie once againe to the port of Liuorne: where albeit he refurnished his numbers with new souldiers, & had many plots to assayle the ri­uers in some other place: yet (by infortunate beginnings of enterprises often tymes men lose both courage & councells) he attempted no other action of consequence, leauing a iust occasion to Lodovvyk to vaunt, that with his industrie and his coun­cells, he had giuen the baye to his aduersaries, seeing there was no other thing that saued the state of Genes, but their too slow speede to depart, whereof Lodovvyk was the cause by his conning and vayne hopes breeding their deceitfull securitie.

At this time went Lodovvyk Sforce to visit the king at Ast, whether he caried withLodo. Sforce goeth to visit the french king in Ast. him Beatrix his wife, followed with great pomp and a trayne of the most honorable and singular fayre Ladies within all the Duchie of Myllan: he was also accompanied with Hercules, Duke of Ferrara. There they debated of their common affayres, and by generall councell it was resolued that the armie should march with as much speede [Page 45] as was possible▪ wherein for the more diligence and expedicion of things, Lodovvyk who had not a litle feare, that the hard season of the yeare hapning, they would so­iorne all the winter in the territories of his Duchie, lent eftsones to the king a great quantitie of money, wherof he had not a litle necessitie and want: Notwithstanding, the king falling into the disease which we call the small pockes, he remeyned about a moneth within the towne of Ast, the armie being dispersed into quarters and pla­ces thereabowts: Touching the numbers of his armie, (as may be truely gathered out of so many diuersities) it conteined, (besides the two hundreth gentlemen for his gard, and reckoning the Svvyzers gone before to Genes, and the companies in­terteyningThe number of the [...]h kings armie. the warre in Romania, vnder Monsr D'aubygny) xvj. hundred men at armes, allowing to euery of them according to the custom of Fraunce, two Archers, so that vnder euery launce (for so they call their men at armes) are comprehended vj. hor­ses: of the Svvyzzers vj. thowsand footemen, and vj. thowsand of the realme of Fraunce: whereof the one halfe were Gascoine souldiers, for their furniture gallant and well appoynted, and for their naturall aptnes to the warres, a people aboue all others, soonest traynd to seruice. And to ioyne to this armie, there was caried to Ge­nes by sea, a huge proporcion of artilleries of sundry natures, both for batterie and seruice of the field, but of such sortes as Italy neuer saw the like.

This hell or torment of artillerie being deuised many yeares since in Iermanie, wasHow & when great shot came first into Italy. brought first into Italy by the Venetians, hauing warre about the yeare 1380. with the Genovvaies: wherin the Venetians vanquished by sea, and much afflicted by the losse of Chioze, were ready to receiue such cōdicions as it pleased the victors, if in so good an occasion, there had not bene want of moderate councell: The greatest sort was called bombardes, which, after the inuencion was spred thorow Italy, were employ­ed to the battering of townes: some of them were of yron, and some of brasse, but conteyning such grosse and huge proporcion, that for their waight and ignorance of men, and instruments vnapt, they were caried slowly, and with great difficultie: And being with intollerable trauels planted afore townes, yet there was so much re­spitt betwene one shott and an other, that in comparison of their vse at this day, they gaue litle frute or successe to the seruice, but left to the defenders leasure and opor­tunity at wil, to reenforce their rampiers and fortifications: And yet, by the violence of the saltpeter, with the which their powder had his mixture, the bulletts flew into the ayre with such horrible noyse and furie, that that instrument (yea afore he had his perfection) put to skorne and silence all those engynes and deuises, wherewith the auncients were wont to pull downe townes, to the great fame of Archymedes, & other notable enginistes: But the frenchmen fordging peeces of farre greater faci­litie, and of no worse mettall then brasse, which they called cannons, vsing bulletts of yron, in place of those of stone of the first inuencion, vsed to drawe them vppon wheeles, not with oxen (as was the custom in Italy) but with horses, and with such agilitie of men & instruments appointed to that seruice, that they almost kept march with the armie: And being brought afore townes or walls, they were braked and planted with an incredible diligence, and with a very small intermission betwene the shotts, they battered with such violent furie, that▪ what before was wont to be done in Italy in many daies, they dispatched it in few howers: These deuillish instruments they vsed also in the field, making some times the cannon seruiceable there, & some­times peeces of lesser fordge, haled according to their proporcion, with the self same speede and nymblenes. Those artilleries were the cause, that all Italy stoode in great feare of the kinges armie, which was also holden more redowted and dreadfull, not [Page 46] by the numbers, but for the valour of the souldiers: for, the men at armes, being al­most all of the kings subiectes, gentlemen and not of the popular sort, were not sim­ply vnder the direction and discipline of capteynes, nor payed by them, but by the kinges officers: by which meane, companies and bandes had not onely their com­pleate numbers, but they were men of choyce, and in good point for horse and ar­mor, (being well able to make their owne furnitures) and contended in seruice, as­well for the desire of honor (which naturally is nourished in the hartes of men of noble race) as also that by their actions in armes and fight, they might aspire to re­compense aswell out of warre as the warre during, and by degrees, rise worthely to the name and places of capteyns: The same respectes pushed forward the capteines Barons, and great Lordes, or at least such as did communicat in honorable discent and bludd, for the most part subiectes of the crowne of Fraunce, who hauing their numbers set & limited, (for according to the warres of that realme, there is no com­panie aboue a hundreth launces) had no other intencion, then by seruice to meritt well of their king: So that there was not amongest them any humor of inconstan­cie, either by ambicion or couerousnes to chaunge their Lord, or for enuie to ex­ceede other Capteynes in numbers of men at armes: customs meare contrary to the ordering of the men at armes in Italy: where many of the men at armes, are either peasantes, or populars, subiectes of an other Prince, and depending wholy of their Capteines, with whom they contract fot their pay, and serue vnder their arbitraci­on: they haue neither by nature nor by accident, any extraordinary spur or prouo­cacion to serue well: The Capteines are very rarely vassalls of him that enterteynes them: they haue for the most part diuerse interests, purposes, and endes: full of enuy and hatreds: And being bound to no tearme fixed for their payes, & absolute com­maūders ouer their companies, they oftentimes beguile the seruice with lesse num­bers then they are payed for: And sometimes not contented with honest condici­ons, they put their patrons vpon euery occasion to raunsom: At their pleasures they will passe from the seruice of one, and enter into the pay of an other, ambicion, co­uetousnes, or other particular interests, making them not onely inconstant, but also vnfaithfull: There was also seene no lesse difference betwene the footemen of Italy, and those that serued vnder king Charles, for that thItalians fought not in squadrons set and ordered, but in trowpes, and dispersed in the field, and oftentimes retyring to the aduauntages of hills and ditches: But the Svvyzzers, a nation warlike, and by the long vse of warre and many victories, had renewed their auncient glorie and hardi­nes, vsed to feight with bandes ordered, and distinct in numbers certeine: And neuer forsaking their rankes, they vsed to stand against their enemies as a wall, firme, and al­most inuincible, so farre forth as they fought in a plaine or place large to stretch out their battell: euen with the same discipline and orders, but not with the like courage and vertue, did fight the footemen of the french and Gascoynes.

Whilest the king by reason of his sicknes, soiorned in the citie of Ast, there hap­nedThe Colōnoys for the french king. a new tumult about the borders of Rome: for, the Colonnoys (notwithstanding Alphonso had accorded to all their immoderat demaundes) as soone as Monsr D'au­bygny was entred Romania, declared them selues for the french king without more dissembling, & tooke the rocke of Ostia by intelligences they had with certeine spa­nish footemen left there in garrison. This raised the Pope into passion, & made him bitterly complaine to all Princes in Christendom, of the iniuries done to him by the french: he addressed his complaintes chiefly to the king of Spayne, and Senate of Ve­nice, of whom (but in vaine) he prayed ayde and succors according to the contract [Page 47] of confederacion made betwene them the last yeare before: And turning alltogi­ther his witts, authoritie and courage, to the prouisions of the warres, after he had cited Prosper and Fabricius, (whose houses he caused to be rased in Rome,) and assem­bled his companies with part of those of Alphonso, vnder Virginio, at the riuer of Ty­uerone, neare Tyuoly: he sent them all vpon the landes of the Collonnoys, whose strength was no greater then two hundreth men at armes, and a thowsand footemen: But af­terwards the Pope dowting least the french armie at sea supposed to come from Ge­nes to the succors of Ostia, should be receiued into the port of Neptune, belonging to the Collonnoys: Alphonso after he had gathered at Terracina all the companies that the Pope and he had in those quarters, established his campe there, hoping to haue it ea­sily. Notwithstanding the Collonnoys defending it with great franknes of courage, & being also passed into their contreyes without impediments, with the companies of Camylla Vitelli, of the citie of Castello, and the bandes of their brethern which the french king had newly taken into his pay: The Pope reuoked to Rome, part of his people which were in Romania with Ferdinand, whose affaires continued not with that felicitie and fortune which they seemed to show in the beginning: for, as he was arriued at Villefranche, betwene Furly and Faenze, and from thence was entred into the highway of Ymola: the armie of thennemie encamped neare to Villefranche, see­ing their forces inferior, retyred betwene the forrest of Lugo and Columuare, neare the forde of Geniuola: A place very strong by nature, and apperteining to Hecules d'Este, out of whose contreyes they were vittelled: So that Ferdinand, seeing that by the strength and situacion of the place, he could not charge them, but with manifest & generall perill, issued out of Ymola, and went to incampein Tos kanella, neare the vil­lage of S. Peter in the contreyes of Bolonia: for, being desirous to fight, by the showe he made to goe towards Bolonia, he sought to put thennemies (to whom he would not leaue libertie to passe further) in necessitie to incampe in places not so stronge: But they, approching certeine dayes after neare Ymola, pitched their campe vppon the riuer of Santerne, betwene Lugo and S. Agathe, the place being well fortified, and had for their backe, the riuer of Pavv: The same day Ferdinand incamped six miles from them vpon the same riuer neare Mordane and Bubane, presenting his armie the day after in battell ringed within a mile of them: where, after he had looked for them in vaine for certeine howers, the place ministring all commodities to fight, by rea­son of his skope, largenes, and plainnes, and seeing he could not set vpon them in their trenches without absolute daunger, went to incampe at Balbiana, not holding any more the way of the mounteyne as he had done till then, but accoasting the en­nemie, he marched alwayes with this intencion, to constraine them, if he could, to forsake their trenches so full of aduantage and strength.

It hath seemed till now that thaffaires of the Duke of Calabria caried good estate and fortune, and a gouernment with reputacion, seeing the ennemies had apparant­ly refused to fight, defending them selues more with the strength and situacion of their trenches, then with actions of armes, and in all encounters of the light horse­men, thAragons caried away alwayes the best: but the campe of the french & Sforce, receiuing continuall strength by supplies of companies, which at the beginning re­meyned behind, the estate of the warre began to chaunge: for that, the Duke, whose heate and forwardnes was moderated by the councell of those capteynes that fol­lowed him, to thende he would not commit all to fortune without aduantage: re­tyred to S. Agathe, a towne of the Duke of Ferrara, where, finding diminucion of his footemen, and of that part of the horsemen of the Church, which the Pope had cal­led [Page 48] backe, and lastly in the middest of the contreyes of the Duke of Ferrara, began to looke to fortefie him selfe: But after he had remeyned there certeine dayes, he vn­derstoode by espiall that there was expectacion in the ennemies campe, of two hun­dred launces, and a thowsand Svvyzzer footemen, which the french king had cau­sed to march as soone as he entred into Ast: And therefore he retyred to the wast of Faenza, a place betwene the walls of the same towne, and a ditch which reculeth a­bout a thowsand passes from the towne, and inuyroning it round about, makes that situacion very strong. And by reason of his retraite, thennemie came to S. Agatha, which he had abandoned. Sewerly both these armies showed great tokens of cou­rage, when they saw their ennemie inferior: but when things were brought to an e­quallitie, the place apt, their forces indifferent, & all other oportunities consenting, either one eschewed to assay the fortune of battell, and in them both was approued that which very rarely hapneth, that one councell was pleasing to two armies, be­ing ennemies: For, the french thought they shoulde accomplish their intencion, for the which they were come out of Lombardie, if they hindred thAragons for pas­sing further: And Alphonso iudged it greatly to his benefit, if he could amuse & hold thennemies bridle vntill winter: And therefore gaue expresse charge to his sonne, and Ioh Iacques Tryuulso, with the Count de Petillane, that without great occasion, they should not put in the power of fortune, the realme of Naples, which was vtterly lost, if that armie were defeated: But these remedies sufficed not for his sauetie, for that king Charles, whose forwardnes could not berestrained, neither by the season of the time, nor any other difficulties, marched into the field with his armie as soone as he had recouered his health: And because Iohn Galeas Duke of Myllan, & his cosin ier­mayne, (for the king & he discended of two sisters, daughters to Lovvys the second, Duke of Sauoye) lay sore sicke in the castell of Pauya, he went with great humanitie toThe french king visites Iohn Galeas; duke of Myl­lan. visit him, making his way by the towne, & lodging in the same castell: The speches he vsed to him were generall for the presence of Lodovvyk, onely expressing howe much greeued he was for his sicknes, and perswaded him to take hope and courage to recouer his health: But touching the effect of the minde, the king with all those that were with him, had great compassion of him, euery one iudging for certeyne, that the yong gentleman, by the wickednes of his Vncle, had not long to liue. This compassion was much encreased by the presence of Isabell his wife, who not onely full of many sorrowes for thinfirmitie of her husband, and estate of her litle sonne borne by him, but also much afflicted for the perill of her father and his adherents, she fell with great humilitie, in the publike presence, at the feete of the king, recom­mending to him with pitifull teares, her father, and his howse of Aragon: towardes whom, albeit the king, for her age▪ for her bewtie, and her present fortune, expressed an apparant inclinacion to pitie, yet, being not able to staye the course of so great a matter, for so light occasion, he aunswered her with signes of will to doe that he could not, saying, thenterprise being so farre aduaunced, he was constrayned to pro­secute and continue it.

From Pauya the king marched to Plaisance, and during the aboade he made there, newes came of the death of Iohn Galeas, by which occasion Lodovvyk, that had fol­lowedThe death of Iohn Galeas. him thether, returned in no small diligence to Myllan, where by the principals of the councell, which the Duke had subborned, it was propownded, that in regarde of the greatnes of that estate, and the daungerous times that prepared now for Italy, The manifest aspiring of Lo dowrk Sforce, to the duke dō. it would be a thing preiudiciall, that the sonne of Iohn Galeas, (hauing not v. yeares in age) should succeede his father: And therefore, aswell to keepe the liberties of [Page 49] the state in protection, as to be able to meete with thinconueniences which the time threatneth: they thought it iust and necessary (derogating somewhat, for the publike benefite, and for the necessitie present, the disposicion of the lawes, as the lawes them selues doe suffer) to constraine Lodovvyk, for the better stay of the com­mon weale, to suffer that into him might be transported the title & dignitie of Duke, a burden very waighty in so conspiring a season: with the which couler, honestie giuing place to ambicion, the morning following (vsing some forme of resistance)Lodo. Sforce Duke of Myl [...]an by v­surpacion. he tooke vpon him the name and armes of the Duchie of Myllan, hauing secretly protested before, that he receiued them as apperteining to him, by thinuestiture of the king of Romaines: It was published that the death of Galeas hapned by immode­rat cohabitacion, but the vniuersall iudgement of Italy was, that he dyed not of infir­mities naturall, nor by incontinencie, but by poyson and violent compulsion, wher­of Theodor de Pauya, one of the Phisicions, assisting when the king visited him, assured the king to see most apparant & manifest signes: And if he were dispatched by poy­son, there was none that dowted that his Vncle was innocent either directly or in­directly, as he, who not content with an absolute power to be gouerner of the state, but aspiring according to the common desires of great men, to make them selues glorious with titles & honors, and specially he iudged that both for his proper sew­ertie, and the succession of his children, the death of the lawfull Prince was necessa­ry, and therfore sought to establish in him selfe the power and name of Duke, wher­in ambicion and couetousnes preuailed aboue conscience and law of nature, & the ielous desire of dominion, enforced his disposicion, (otherwayes abhorring bludd) to that vile action: It was beleued of many wisemen, that he hath had that intenci­on euer since he began to solicite the french kinges iorney into Italy, iudging thoc­casion and the time would well concurre to aduaunce theffect, for that the french houering vppon the borders of that state with a mayne armie, it would alter mens coniectures and humors, and cary their witts from remembrance of an act so wic­ked: But some hauing opinions more particular, supposed both for the suddainnes of his death, & diligent transferring the imperie to the other, that it hapned by a new thought proceeding of feare, least the king (the councells of the french are suddain) would turne him self with a contrary course to deliuer his cosin Galeas from so great a subiection, being induced thereunto, either for respect of parentage and compas­sion of his age, or that he might thinke it was a thing more sure for him selfe, that the Duchie of Myllan were in the power of his cosin, rather then commaunded by Lo­dovvyk whose fidelitie many of his great Lordes laboured continually to make sus­pected with him: But because Lodovvyk had gott the yeare before thinuestiture of the Duchie of Myllan, and a litle before the death of his nephew, had dispatched with diligence thimperiall priui eadges, it makes a congruent construction, that it was a deliberacion voluntary and foredeuised, and not suddeine, nor in respect of the present daunger: The king stayed certeine dayes at Plaisance, not without inclina­cionThe french king in mind to returne in­to Fraunce. to returne into France, for that aswel the want of money, which being the more generall, was so much more intollerable, as not seeing any new thing in Italy disco­uer in his fauour, he had many dowtes of his successe, hauing withall no litle suspici­on of the new Duke of Myllan, who notwithstanding when he parted, sayd he would returne, yet the iudgement was, that he would not come againe at all: it is not out of all likelihood, that being vnknowen to the nations on thother side the mountes that wicked custom to poyson men, which is a practise very common and familiar in all partes of Italy: but that the king and all his court, besides the suspicion they [Page 50] had conceyued against the faith of Lodovvyk, had his name in honor, yea the king esteemed it an iniurie done to his owne honor and greatnes, that he had solicited his comming into Italy, to be the better able without daunger to execute an act so abo­minable: yet in the ende, the resolucion was to march on, Lodovvyk continually la­boring him thereunto, with promise to returne and visit the king within few dayes, for that both the kinges aboade in Lombardie, & his hastie returne into Fraunce, were wholly contrary to his intencions.

The same day the king departed from Plaisance, Lavvrence and Iohn de medicis Laurence and Iohn de me­dicis with the french king. came to him, who being secretly fledd from their howses in the contrey, made great instance that his maiestie would come neare Florence, promising him much of the affections and goodwill of the people towardes the howse of Fraunce, and no lesse of the hate against P. de medicis, against whom the king was aggrauated by occasions new and greene: for, the king sent from Ast an Embassador to Florence, to propound many offers, if they would graunt him passage, and absteyne hereafter from ayding of Alphonso: and of the other side to pronounce threatnings to them, if they perseue­red in their former councell: wherein to astonish them the more, he gaue expresse charge to his Embassador to returne immediatly, if they would not giue speedy re­solucion: he was aunswered with excuses to deferre and expect, for that the chiefest Citisens of the gouernment being withdrawne to their howses of solace in the con­trey▪ according to the custom of the Florentyns in that season, they could not with such speede giue him an aunswere certeine, but would with all diligence aduertise the king of their intencion by a particular Embassador: it is most certeine, that it was agreed in the kinges councell without contradiction, that the armie should ra­therThe way that the french armie tooke to Naples. take the way that leades thorow Tuskane, and the territories of Rome directly to Naples, then that, which, lying along Romania, & la marque, passing the riuer of Troute, entreth into Abruzze, not for that they did distrust to giue the chase to the bandes of thAragons, which with difficultie resisted Monsr D'Aubygny: But for that it seemed a thing vnworthy of the greatnes of such a king, and no lesse infamous to the glorie of his armies, (the Pope and Florentyns being declared against him) to giue occasion to men to thinke that he eschewed the way for distrust, that he was not able to force them: But much more because they esteemed it daungerous to make warre in the realme of Naples, and leaue as ennemies at their backes, the state ecclesiastike and Tuskane: And therefore the armie turning to the way of Tuskane, it was determi­ned to passe rather the Appenyn, by the mountaine of Parme, then to march the direct way to Bolonia: This was Lodovvyks direction, when he was at Ast, for that he had a desire to make him selfe Lord of Pysa.

So that the vauntgard, ouer whom was gouerner and leader, Gilbert de Montpen­sier, M. Montpen­sier leader of the vaūtgard. of the house of Burbon, and Prince of the bludd: And the king following, with the residue of the armie, passed to Pontreme, a towne of the Duchie of Myllan, sett at the foote of thAppenyn, vpon the riuer of Magre, which diuides the contrey of Genes, (aū ­ciently called Liguria) from Tuskane: from Pontreme M. Montpensier entred the con­trey of Lunigiana, a part of which obeyd the Florentyns, certeyne castells belonged to the Genovvays, and the residue were subiect to the Marquis of Malespine, who main­teyned their small estates vnder the protection sometimes of the Duke of Myllan, sometimes of the Florentyns, and sometimes of the Genovvays. About those quarters ioyned with M. Mountpensier, the Svvyzzers, which had ben at the defence of Geno­vvay, togither with thartillerie which was come by sea to Spetia: And being come neare the towne of Finizana, belonging at that time to the Florentyns, whether they [Page 51] were guided by Gabriell Malespina, Marquiss of Fodisnoue, who was recommended to them, they tooke it by force, and sackt it, making slaughter of al the souldiers straun­gers that were within, and many of thinhabitants: A maner of making warre very newe, and so much the more terrible to all Italy accustomed for many yeares past to warres, rather flourishing in pompes and fine furniture like to warres showed by maskers in a stage playes, then to skirmishes bluddy and daungerous: The Florentyns were determined to make their principall resistance at Serezana, which they had greatly fortified, but not with strength sufficient and necessary to resist so mighty an ennemie, because they had not furnished it with any Capteine of warre, that had au­thoritie to minister discipline, nor yet souldiers, neither resolute nor seruiceable, o­ther then such as lost hart at the first voyce of thapproch of the french armie: yet they of Florence were of opinion that it coulde not be easiely taken, specially the castell, and much lesse the rocke Serazana, both wel furnished, and bearing his situa­cion vpon the hil aboue the towne: Besides, it was not possible that tharmie should remeyne long time in those places, the contrey being barreine and straite, & being inclosed betwene the sea and the mountaynes, was not sufficient to nourish so great a multitude, and their vittells comming farre of, could not obserue such iust tyme & oportunitie, as to serue their present necessities: by reason whereof it seemed the kinges affayres began to fall vpon hard tearmes, and that his armie stoode possible to many daungers & distresses: for, albeit he could not with conuenient impediments be let from assayling Pysa, leauing behind him the towne and castell of Serazana, and the rocke, nor kept by the contrey of Lucques, (which citie, by the working of the Duke of Myllan, had secretly determined to receiue them) that he entred not an o­ther part of the territorie of Florence: yet he could hardly be brought to that delibe­racion, and much lesse condescend to it, because he had a perswacion in his secrete fancie, that if he wonne not the first towne that resisted him, it would diminish much his reputacion, and leaue a daungerous example to others to vse insolencie against him.

But so it was ordeyned, that eyther by the grace and blessing of fortune, or by an ordenance of more high power, (if at the least thindiscressions and faults of men de­serue such excuses) to such an impediment hapned a suddeine remedie: seeing that neither the courage nor constancie of P. de medicis, were greater in his aduersities, then had bene his modestie and discression in his prosperities: By this must be vn­derstanded that the displeasures which the citie of Florence had receiued from the beginning, for thimpediments which were giuen to the king, were continually mul­tiplied, both for a new chase and banishment of their marchauntes, out of all partes of the realme of Fraunce, and also for feare of the power of the french, which did so much the more grow rising in the harts of men, by how much they heard that thar­my had begon to passe thAppenyn mountes: but specially they fell all into dread and feare, by the crueltie showed at the taking of Finizana: for these causes euery one did publikly detest the rashnes of P. de medicis, who, without necessitie, beleuing more in his owne weening, & the councels of certeine rash ministers, men arrogant in times of peace, and vnprofitable, and cowardes in times of warre: then following the di­rections of those Citisens that were friends to his father, and had alwayes instructed him with no lesse graue councells: had so indiscreetely prouoked the armes of so mightie a king, assisted with the Duke of Myllan: seeing withall, he was ignorant in thaffayres of warre, leauing the citie, and other places of their obedience not forte­fied, but ill furnished with souldiours and municions necessary to make defense a­gainst [Page 52] so great a force: Besides that, there had as yet appeared none of those Ara­gons, for whom they had exposed themselues to so great daunger: So that their cō ­trey abandoned of euery one, remained in the deepe hatred of so mighty a king, and was ready to fall as a manifest pray to him, who with so great instance, had sought not to fall into occasion and necessitie to hurt it.

This disposicion which was almost in all those of the towne, was further kindled by many noble Citisens, much displeased with the present gouernment, & that one onely familie had risen so much in presuming, as to appropriat to him selfe the rule of the whole common weale: in so much as one increasing the feares of an other, and all laboring in one common dreade, and ministring stomacke and courage to such as desired new thinges, they had so stirred the braynes & spirites of the people, that there was generall feare of some tumult in the towne, whereunto the multitude was the rather prouoked by the pride & immoderat behauiors of Peter, who, in ma­ny thinges forsaking the ciuil customs and modestie of his auncestors, had bene fol­lowed from his infancie with a perpetuall hatred and ill wil, by the generalitie of the Citisens: his father seemed to haue a great speculacion in his vices and vile condi­cions, for that he would often say to his secret friendes, that thindiscression and ar­rogancie of his sonne, would one day be the cause of the ruine of his house. ‘It is a good propertie of wisedom in fathers, to find out the disposicions of their children, but it is a principall effect of their iudgementes, to cutte of with discipline all course of humors, that feede and minister to their naturall corrupcions, which is an office no lesse iust in parents, then it belongeth to the art of the Phisicion, first to seeke out the humor that offendes, and then to apply the remedie proper to cure, and not to leaue the body to a setled infection.’

Peter being now amased with the peril, which with rashnes he contemned afore, and seeing he fayled of the succors and aydes which were promised by the Pope & Alphonso, who as well for the losse of Ostia, seege of the port Neptune, as for feare of the french armie by sea, had euen their handes and heades full: determined with a councell suddeine and particular, to goe search of thennemie that safetie, which he hoped no more to finde in his friendes, following therein thexample of his father, who, in the yeare 1479. being brought to desperat tearmes of daunger, by a warre which Pope Sixtus and Ferdinand king of Naples, managed against the Florentyns, went to seeke Ferdinand in the towne of Naples, ‘from whom he brought to Florence publike peace and priuat sewertie. But it is a thing very daungerous for men to go­uerne them selues by examples, if there be not a concurrance of the selfe reasons, not onely in generall, but euen in all particularities: and if thinges be not ruled with the same wisedom: And if lastly, ouer and besides all other foundacions, the selfe same fortune haue not her part.’ Being parted from Florence in this deliberacion, & not farre of his way, he had aduertisement that the horsemen of Pavvle Vrsin, and 3. hundreth footemen sent by the Florentyns to enter Serezana, were broken by certein companies of the french, which were come skowring euen on this side the riuer of Magre, the most of them either slaine or made prisoners. This made him tary for the kinges safe conduct at S. Peters, whether went for his conduct and sewertie the Bi­shop of S. Mallo, with certeine Lordes of the Court, in whose companie he ariued at the campe the same day that the king, with the residue of his strength ioyned him selfe to the vauntgard, which incamping before Serazanella, battred that rocke, but not with such successe as there was hope to cary it: After he was presented to theP. de medicis comes to the french king. king, who enterteyned him with good countenance, but more in apparance, then in [Page 53] affection: he appaised immediatly all his displeasures, in consenting to his whole demaundes, which were great and immoderat: namely, that the forteresses and ca­stells of S. Peter, Serezana and Serezanella, which were (as it were) the keyes of the dominions of Florence on that side: and the fortresses of Pysa, and the port of Lyuorne (members principall of their estate) should be all putte into the handes of the king, who, for his part, should bind him selfe by promise and by his proper signiture, to re­deliuerPeter de me­d [...] accorde [...] with the f [...]ch king. them, as soone as he had conquered the kingdom of Naples: That Peter should do so much, that the Florentyns should lende to the king two hundreth thow­sand duckats, and that then he would receiue them into his alliance and protection: Touching the ratificacion of which promises, made with simple wordes, it was sayd there should be letters dispatched to Florence, by the which the king ment to passe: but the consignacion of the castells and fortresses was not deferred: for, Peter ioy­ning meaning to his wordes, caused to be deliuered without tarying, to the king, those peeces Serezana, S. Peter, and Serezanella, and not many dayes after, according to the agreement, the like was done of the peeces of Pysa, and port of Lyuorne.

The french men wondred, that Peter with so great facilitie accorded to thinges of so great importance, for that there was no dowt but the king would haue bene contented with farre meaner condicions: I will not let passe in this place without reapport, that which was suttelly aunswered to P. de medicis, by Lodovvyk Sforce, arri­uing the day following at the campe: As Peter in going to meete him to doe him honour, excused him selfe that he had miscaried, for that Lodovvyk, was some what gone out of the way: he aunswered very properly: That the one of them two went out of the way, but perhaps (sayth he) it light vpon your selfe, as reproching vnto him that he was falne into so great difficulties & daungers, for not giuing faith to his councells: But the euents of thinges falling out afterwardes, did well declare, that they both had gone out of the right way, but it was with a greater infamie and calamitie to him, who raysed into greater degree, made profession with his wise­dom, to be the guide of all others.

This resolucion and accord of P. de medicis, did not onely assure the king of the things of Tuskane, but it tooke out of his way all blockes and obstacles in Romagnia, where the Aragons beganne now much to declyne: for, as it is a thing very hard to him that skarcely defendes him selfe from daungers imminent, to prouide in one season for the perills of an other: So, whilest Ferdinand remeyned in sewertie within the strong fort of Faenza, thennemie returned to the contrey of Ymola, where, after they had with a part of tharmie assailed the borow of Bubane, but in vaine, because by his litle circuite a small strength sufficed to defend it, and for his base situacion, the contrey ronne ouer with waters: They tooke by force the towne of Mordane, not­withstanding it was very strong, and plentifully furnished with souldiers to defend it: But such was the furie of thartillerie, and such the desperat hardines of the french in thassalt, (many being drowned as they passed ouer the waterie ditches) that there was no abilitie of resistance by those that were within, against whom the victors ac­companied their fortune with such bluddy crueltie, without regard to age or sex, that they filled all Romania with generall feares and astonishments: By reason of this accident, Kathern Sforce despairing of succors, accorded with the frenchmē, to avoid the perill present, and promised to their armie all commodities of the estates subiect to her sonne: the same being the cause that Ferdinand (now dowting of the wills of them of Faenza, yea & held it so much the more daungerous, to remeyne in the mid­dest of Ymola and Furly, by how much he was wel aduertised of the going of P. de me­dicis [Page 54] to Serazana) retyred neare to the walls of Cesena, showing so great a feare, that because he would not passe neare to Furly, he led his armie by the hills, (a way more long and combersom) neare to Castrocare, a borow of the Florentyns. And within few dayes after, hearing of the conuencion which Peter had made with the french, for which cause the bandes of the Florentyns forsooke him, he tooke the way to Rome: Like as also Dom Federyk being parted from the port of Lyuorne, retyred with his ar­mie towards the kingdom of Naples, where begonne to be necessary for Alphonso, those armies which he had sent abroad with so great hopes to inuade the estates of others: for, his affayres were ful of many aduersities on his side, seeing that the seege of the port of Neptune not succeeding, he had ledd backe his armie to Terracina. And the armie by sea for the french, whereof were leaders the Prince of Salerne, and M. de Serenon, were discouered aboue Ostia, but yet giuing it out that they would not of­fend the states of the Church, they put no men on lande, nor showed any token of displeasure to the Pope, notwithstanding their king many dayes before had refused to heare Frauncis Piccolhomini, Cardinall of Siena, Legat, sent by the Pope to his ma­iestie.

But to returne to P. de medicis, after the Florentyns were aduertised of the conuen­tionsThe [...]l [...]ren­ [...]ns discon­tented with P. de medicis. he had made, so greatly to the diminucion of their territories, & with so slaun­derous and dangerous a wound and gall to the common weale, there was no litle displeasure and discontentement through out all the citie: besides their great losses, their hartes were moued against him, for that with a newe forme and order of dea­ling, and contrary to thexamples of his predecessors, he had alyened without the councell of his citie, and solemne decree of the Magistrates, so great a parte of the state of Florence: in so much, that to the bitter complaintes made against him, were ioyned the murmures and secret grudgings of the people, incensing one an other to rise and recouer their libertie, without that any of those that in their hartes bare fauors to the doings of Peter, durst either with force, or perswacion, set them selues against so great an inclinacion: Albeit the Florentyns hauing no strength to defend Pysa and Lyuorne, had also no hope to turne the kinges will from hauing them: yet because they would separate the councells of the common weale, from the coun­cels of Peter, or at least that that should not be attributed to one in particular, which apperteyned to them all in publike, they addressed to him many Embassadors of those families, which were ill contented with the Medicis: But Peter knowing that that was a beginning of a mutacion of estate, to thende to prouide for his affayres afore greater disorders hapned, applyed his deliberacions to the time, & tooke leaue of the king, vnder couler to giue perfection to that he had promised: At this tyme also the king parted from Serazana, to goe to Pysa, and Lodovvyk Sforce returned to Myllan, hauing obteyned for money that thinuestiture of Genes, graunted by the king a few yeres before to Iohn Galeas for him and his yssue, should be transferred to him and his posteritie: he went away very much discontented, for that the king woulde not leaue in his keeping (as he sayd he had promised) S. Peter and Serazane, which places seruing him as a ladder to rayse him to the citie of Pysa, he demaunded as vn­iustly taken from the Genovvays, a fewey eres before by the Florentyns. But when Pe­ter was returned to Florence, he found the citie estraunged from him, and the minds of his chiefe friendes in suspence, for that against their councell, and against thopor­tunitie of the time, he had vndiscreetly gouerned all thinges: The communaltie al­so was drawne into such an vprore & mutinie, that as the next day after his returne, he would haue entred into the pallace, wherein rested the authoritie and great ma­gistracie [Page 55] of the common weale, it was forbidden him by certeine Magistrats whichA [...]umul [...] in Florence. kept the gate armed, of whom the chiefest was Iacques de Nerly, a yong man of equal nobilitie and riches: This being spred abroad thorow the citie, the people ronne with swift tumult to armes, being the more moued to this vproare, for that Pavvle Vrsin, whom Peter had sent for, was at hand with his band of armed men: The aspect and consideracion of these daungers, caused Peter (eftsoones returned to his house) and hauing lost both courage and councell, and whilest the state declared him re­bell,P. de medicis fleeth out of Florence. to flee in great hast out of Florence, following him Iohn Cardinal of the Church of Rome, and Iulyan his brethren, vppon whom in like sort were imposed the paynes ordeyned against Rebells: he went directly to Bolognia, where Iohn Bentyuole, desiring in an other that constancie and resolucion of courage, which he could not showe since in his owne aduersities, reproued him bitterly at the beginning, for that not onely to his owne preiudice, but also to the ill example of all that oppressed the li­bertie of their contreyes, he had so cowardly without the death of one man, aban­doned such a greatnes. In this sort, by the rashnes of one yong man, did at that time fall the house of Medicis from that rule and power, which, vnder the name and ap­parance almost of a ciuill administracion, it had obteyned in Florence lx. yeares: it began in Cosmo his great grandfather, a citisen of singular wisedom, & infinit wealth, and for those regardes very notable through all the parts of Europe: But much more was he recommended, for that with a wonderful magnificencie and hart truely roy­all, regarding more theternitie of his name, then the profit of his posteritie: he em­ployed more then fowre hundreth thowsand duckats, in building of Churches, e­recting of Monasteries, with other buildings of sumptuous costes, not onely in his owne countrey, but also in many partes of the world: And his sonnes sonne Lavv­rence, a man for vnderstanding and iudgement, excellent, in councell graue and singular, in liberalitie equall with his grandfather, and for greatnes of hart, nothing inferior, for ministracion in the common weale, of authoritie more absolute, but for wealth, of lesse abilitie, and of life farre more short: gat generall reputacion through out Italy, & with many straūg Princes, which after his death, was turned into a cleare monument and memorie, for that it hath semed euer since, that the concord and fe­licitie of Italy ended with his life.

The same day the state of Florence fell into chaunge, the french king being in theThe Pysan [...] offer to reuolt. citie of Pysa, the townesmen in popular trowpes with cryes and showtinges, ronne to him and demaunded libertie, complayning greeuously of the oppressions and wrongs which they sayd they had receiued vnder the gouernment of the Florentyns: certeyne of the kinges councell assisting, assured him that their demaund was iust, for that the Florentyns held them in to hard seruitude. The king not seing into thim­portance of their request, nor how farre it was contrary to the contract of Serazane, told them, they should haue libertie: with the which aunswere the Pysans ronne to armes, and throwing downe to the earth all the enseignes and armories of the Flo­rentyns, they put them selues into an absolute libertie so long desired: Notwithstan­ding, the king, contrary to him selfe, and no lesse ignorant in the thinges he had ac­corded, would that the Florentyn officers should still administer their accustomed iurisdictions, and of the other part, left the olde citadell in the handes of the Pysans, and kept to him selfe the new, of farre more importance: In these accidents of Pysa and Florence, may be wel discerned a true experience of the olde saying, or common prouerbe as we call it: That men when their aduersities approche, ‘lose chiefly that wisedom, with the which they might haue hindred or auoyded the ills that happen: [Page 56] And this is common to men and kingdoms, that draw towardes their destinies, that when their ill fortune comes, it blyndes their eyes that they can not discerne it, and bynds their hands, that they can not help it, making them instruments against them selues in thexecucion of their mishaps:’ for, both the Florentyns, who in all tymes haue held the fidelitie of the Pysans suspected, seeing so daungerous a warre at their gates, forgat to reuoke to Florence the principall Citisens of Pysa, as for their better sewertie they had wont to call home a great number of them, vppon neuer so light occasions, or litle accidents: And P. de medicis, seing a concurrance of so many great difficulties togither, was to much ouerseene, that he did not arme the place & pub­like pallaice with such strength of straungers, as he had often tymes done before in farre lesser suspicions: That foresight had kept him stil in his estate and rule, & such prouisions had much hindred those great mutacions: But touching the affayres of Pysa, it is manifest, that that which gaue them greatest incouragement to make this commocion, (naturally hating the name of the Florentyns) was thauthoritie of Lo­dovvyk Sforce, who to that ende had interteyned certeyne intelligences and practi­ses with some Citisens of the place banished for priuat offences: And the day pre­sent of the reuolt, Galeas de S. Seueryn, whom he had left to be alwayes about the king, incensed the people to the tumult, by which meane Lodovvyk perswaded him selfe, that the dominion of Pysa would fall speedely into his handes, not knowing that a litle after in such a matter, was wrought the cause of all his miseries: But it is also manifest, that certeyne of the Citisens communicating the night before with the Cardinall S. P. ad vincla, what they had desire and resolucion to doe: The Cardinall, who, perhaps till that day had neuer bene author of peasible councells, admonishedCardinal S. P. ad vincla, per swades the Pysans not to reuolt. them with wordes graue and well instructing, that they should not consider onely the superficiall and beginning of thinges, but see deepely that which with time, and in tyme may happen: he told them libertie was a thing precious, and of very vehe­ment desire, well meriting that men should oppose them selues to all daungers, ‘ha­uing a true & sensible hope to be able to defend it on all sides: But as touching their citie, naked of peoples, and mearely drayned of wealth and substance, he sawe very weake possibilities to iustefie it against the power of the Florentyns: and to promise to them selues that thauthoritie of the french king should be turned to their prote­ction, were hopes deceitfull, and an expectacion too full of incerteynties & dowtes: for that albeit the moneyes and treasors of Florence should doe litle with him, (as it is like they may preuayle a great deale, specially looking into the contract of Seraza­na) yet his armies would not be alwaies in Italy, according to thexperience & iudge­ment of examples past: Besides, it were too great an indiscression to bind them selues to a perpetuall perill, vnder foundacions frayle, and not perpetuall: And for most vncerteyne hopes, to leuye against ennemies farre more mighty then they, a warre certeyne and absolute, wherein they could promise them selues no succors, seeing they depended vpon the will of an other, and that which more is, of very diuerse ac­cidents: yea, be it they should obteyne succors, much lesse were that to auoyde or shake of, but rather to redouble and make greater, the calamities of the warre, being vexed at one tyme by the inuasions and souldiers of thennemie, and tormented with thoppressions & insolencies of the men of warre that come to their succors: Which miseries (he sayd) would be so much the more greeuous to them to beare, by how much in the ende they would come to see and know that it was not for their proper liberty, they tooke armes, but for thimperie of a straunger, chaunging one seruitude for an other: for that this is proper to all Princes, not to enter into the trauells and [Page 57] expenses of a warre, but to raigne ouer those for whom they fight: And yet your warre (sayth he) seeing the great wealth and neighbourhedd of the Florentyns, (by whom you shall find many and perpetuall vexacions) you can not be able to sustein, but with very great difficulties.’

‘In this generall confusion of thinges, the king departeth from Pysa towardes Flo­rence, The french king drawe [...] toward Flo­rence. and is not resolued what forme he would giue to thaffayres of the Pysans, he stayed in a place called Signa, vij. myles from Florence, to be aduertised, afore he en­tred the citie: whether the tumult of the people were in any sort reappaysed, who had not discontinued their vproares, since the day that P. de medicis was chassed out of the citie: he had withall this intencion to giue tyme to M. D'aubygny, whome he had sent for, (to thende his entrey might so much the more astonish the Florentyns) with direction to leaue thartillerieat Castrocare, and giue leaue to the fiue hundred men at armes Italians, which were with him in Romagnia, togither with the men at armes of the Duke of Myllan, except the Count Caiazze, which followed M. D aubyg­ny with three hundreth light horsemen: it was supposed by many tokens and conie­ctures, that thintēcion of the king was, to draw the Florentyns by feare of his power, to yeld vnto him the dominion absolute of the citie: A thing which him selfe could not dissemble with their Embassadors, hauing often recourse to Signa, to make per­fect thaccord that was contracted: it was without dowt, that the king bare a minde inflamed against them, and nourished many ill disposed meanings against their citie, for that they sought to hinder him in his enterprise: And albeit it was manifest, that that resistance proceeded not of the will of the common weale, which in reasonable sort had iustefied them selues: yet he could not so easily forget & dissolue thimpres­sion of the offence, being (as it was supposed) much induced to their disfauors, by many of his councell and Lordes: who, iudging it not meete to let passe thoppor­tunitie to make him selfe Lord ouer the citie, or perhaps pushed forward with their proper ambicion & couetousnes, were loth to lose thoccasion to sacke a citie, aboū ­ding in such treasors & wealth: in so much as there ronne a brute thorow the camp, that the citie had deserued to be punished, to serue as an example to others, being the first towne in Italy that had presumed to oppose against the power and armie of Fraunce: There were also of the chiefest of his councell, that solicited him to restore P. de medicis to his former degree: for whom with a peculiar diligence aboue all the residue, did labor Phillip Lord of Bresse, brother to the Duke of Sauoye, being induced to that office by the priuat friendshipps & promises that had passed betwene them: in so much, that eyther by the perswasions of them that could doe most, (notwith­standing the Bishop of S. Mallo councelled the contrary) or by a hope to make the Florentyns more inclyned to his will by this feare, or lastly to haue occasion to take vpon the suddeine what parte or way he would: the king wrote to Peter, causing al­so the L. Phillip to doe the like, and aduised him to come neare to Florence, for that for the auncient friendship that had bene betwene their howses, & for his owne par­ticular readines and good will showed in the consignacion of the fortresses: he was determined to readdresse him, and restore him to his first authoritie: But these let­ters found him not at Bolonia, according to the kinges weening, for that what by the rough wordes of Iohn Bentyuole, & dowte he should be pursued by the Duke of Myl­lan, and happly also by the french king, he was for his misfortunes retyred to Venice, whether they were sent to him by his brother, the Cardinall remayning then at Bo­lonia. At Florence they dowted much of the kinges will: & yet, not seeing with what force, or with what hopes they might resist him, they agreed as a councell least daū ­gerous, [Page 58] to receiue him into their citie, hoping there would some meane arise to ap­pease him. And yet making the best of their perills, and because they would be pro­uided for all fortunes, they ordeyned that the houses of most of the Citisens should be secretely replenished with men naturall of the dominion of Florence, and that the Capteynes which were in the pay of the common weale, (dissembling notwith­standing thoccasion) should enter the citie with many of their bandes and souldiers, and that euery one within the towne and places about it, should stand vpon ready garde to take armes at the alarme of the great bell of the publike pallaice. After this the king marched to Florence with his armie, wherein was expressed no litle pompe, aswel by the glorie & magnificencie of those of his Court, as by them of the towne:The french king entreth Florence. he entred in signe of victorie, armed him selfe and his horse, with his launce vppon his thigh, and immediatly began to speake of composicion, but that was not with­out many difficulties: for, besides the immoderat fauors which some of the french Court bare to P. de medicis, and the demaundes of money intollerable made by the king, he demaunded openly the imperie of Florence, alleaging that according to the orders of warre in the realme of Fraunce, he had lawfully wonne it, seeing his entrey was armed according to the customs of Conquerors: from which demaund, albeit he went in the ende, yet sought he to leaue at Florence certeyne men of the longe coate, (so are called in Fraunce lawyers, doctors, and men of iustice) as his Embas­sadors, with such authoritie, that according to thinstitucions of Fraunce, he might pretende to be giuen to him for euer no litle iurisdiction: But of the contrary, the Florentyns were obstinat to preserue their full libertie, hapning what perills so euer, in so much that communicating togither with such a contrarietie of wills, albeit the mindes of both partes were continually kept in hoat and angry moodes, yet neither faction shewed readines to determine the difference by armes: for, the people of Florence giuen of long to the following of marchaundize, and not to thexercise of warre, suffered no smal feares, hauing within their owne walls one so mightie a king with his armie full of nations vnknowen and furious: And to the french men was no litle amaze the consideracion of the great multitude of peoples, who, since the dayes that the gouernment changed, had gathered boldenes and audacitie aboue expectacion: They were astonished besides at the common brute, that at the alarme of the great bell, there would flocke infinite trowpes of people from all the partes confining: In which common feare on both sides, at the noyse of euery false alarme that was heard, eyther part for his proper sewertie, tooke armes, but not one did as­sayle or prouoke an other. The foundacion which the king sought to worke by P. de medicis, was supplanted, for that Peter wauering betwene the hope that was promi­sed him, and the feare that he should be giuen vp as a pray to his aduersaries, ‘asked councell of the Senat of Venice, touching the kinges letters: Truely there is nothing more necessary in great deliberacions, and on the otherside nothing more daunge­rous, then to demaund councell: And albeit councell is lesse necessary to men dis­creete, then to such as are not tempered, yet no dowt the profits are not fewe which wise men reape by councells, seeing no man hath that perfect wisedom to consider alwayes and know all thinges of him selfe, and in reasons contrary or different, is a­ble alwayes to discerne the better part. But what assurance hath he that asketh coū ­cell, to receiue councell according to the faith he reapposeth: seeing if there be no equall fidelitie nor affection, but regard to particular interests, as profit, reuenge, or some other mocion: he that giueth the councell, dresseth it to that ende which best aunswereth his purpose: So that those endes being for the most part vnknowen to [Page 59] him that comes to aske councell, he perceiueth not (if he be not wise) the treason and infidelitie of the councell: Thexperience was seene in the condicion of P. de me­dicis: for, the Venetians iudging, that if he returned into his countrey, it would be a cause to giue the king a greater facilitie to his demaundes and desires of the Floren­tyns, (A thing preiudiciall to them, and contrary to the course of their affayres) per­swaded him by many liuely reasons, (councelling rather for them selues then for him) that he should not put him selfe in the power of a king of Fraunce, holding him selfe iniuried by him: Wherein the better to encourage him to thymitacion of their councell, they offered him to embrace his affayres, and as time and necessitie requi­red, to minister to him all meanes and fauors conuenient for his restitucion, where­in the better to be assured that he should not then depart Venice, they set vpon him, (if the common brute be true) very secrete espiall and guard. But now for Florence, in this meane while mens hartes were inflamed on all partes, and almost caried into manifest contencion: the king would nothing abate of his later demaundes, nor the Florentyns be bownd to summes of money so intollerable, and much lesse consent to any iurisdiction or preeminence in their estate: All which difficulties not being a­ble almost to be dissolued without armes, were euen presently decided by the vertue of Peter Capponi, one of the fowre deputed to treate with the king: This Capponi was a man of spirite and great courage, and of speciall reputacion in Florence, aswell for his partes and qualities, as for that he was of an honorable familie, and discended of personages, who had borne great rule in the common weale. As he and his compa­nions were one day in the presence and audience of the king, & that one of the kingsA resolut part of a Coi [...]er Secretories redde the vnreasonable capitulacions offered by the king, at the last, he, in a great furie snatched the articles out of the Secretories hands, and tare them be­fore the eyes of the king, saying with a hart resolute, and a voyce framed, seeing you demaund of vs thinges so dishonest, sound you vp your trompets, and we will ringe our bells, let all thinges be ruled by the sentence of the sworde, and in the same heate flinges with great suddeines out of the chamber, being followed with his compani­ons: The wordes of this Citisen whom the king and his court had already knowen, for that a fewe monthes before he had bene in Fraunce in legacion for them of Flo­rence, astonished them all in such sort, specially for that they could not beleue that such a boldnes was without occasion: that they called him backe againe, and with­out speaking more of demaundes, whereunto the Florentyns had no will to condis­cend: the king and the citie fell to composicion in this sort: That all quarrells and iniuries forgotten and cancelled, the citie of Florence should be friend, confederate,Capitulacion betwene the french king and the [...] rentynes. and in the perpetuall protection of the crowne of Fraunce: That for the sewertie of the king, the citie of Pysa and towne of Lyuorne, with all their castels, should remeine in his hands: And that he should be bownd to restore them to the Florentyns, without any expēses or charges, as sone as he had brought to end his enterprise of the king­dom of Naples, the which should be cōstrued to be at an end whensoeuer he shoulde haue cōquered the citie of Naples, or accorded the warre by meane of peace or truce for lesse then two yeares, or that for any other occasiō his person should be gone out of Italy: That those that had the keeping of the sayd castells, should be sworne from the present to render them in the cases aforesayd: That in the meane while the im­perie, the iurisdiction, the gouernmēt, & the reuenue of the townes should be in the administraciō of the Florētyns, as they were accustomed: That the like should be of S. Peter, Serezane, & Serezanelle: But (for that the Genovvays pretēded right to them) the king should procure either by cōposiciō or iustice some reasōable end betwene thē, & if within the time afore said he could not determine the titles, that then he should [Page 60] restore them to the Florentyns: That the king might leaue at Florence two Embas­sadors, and that during his expedicion for Naples, there should be nothing debated concerning that action, without their priuitie and calling them to it: And that du­ring the sayd tyme, they should not chuse a capteine generall ouer their companies, without communicating with the sayd Embassadors: That all the other peeces ta­ken away or reuolted from the Florentyns, should be immediatly rēdred, & that they might be suffred to recouer them by armes, where deniall was made: That, to ayde the king in his enterprise, they shoulde giue him fiftie thowsand duckats within fif­teene dayes, forty thowsand in the month of March, & thirty thowsand in Iune next comming: That the Florentyns should pardon the Pysans their rebellions, and all o­ther faults committed during their reuolt: That they should deliuer Peter de medicis and his brethern from condemnacion and confiskacion, with this condicion not­withstanding, that Peter should not come by an hundred miles neare the confines of the dominion of Florence, (that was because he should not remaine at Rome) nor his brethern nearer then a hundred myles of the citie of Florence: These were tharticles of most importance in the capitulacion made betwene the king and the Florentyns, which, after they were lawfully passed & contracted, were, in great ceremonie pub­lished in the great Church at diuine seruice, where the king in person (at whosere­quest this was done) & the Magistrates of the citie, promised by solemne othe vpon the high altar, in the presence of the Court and the whole face of Florence, to ob­serue the contents of the same. Within two dayes after, the king left Florence, and went to Siena, which citie being confederat with the king of Naples, & with the Flo­rentyns, had followed their authoritie, vntil the going of Peter de medicis to Serezana warned them to looke to their proper safetie.

Siena, citie well peopled and planted in a region very fertill, and which (of anti­quitie)The french king at Siena. had bene the most renowmed & mighty towne of Tuskane next to Florence, was gouerned by a peculiar pollecie proper & particular to it selfe, but so, as it knew rather the name of libertie then theffects: for that being diuided into many factions or members of Citisens, which they cal orders, it obeyde that part which according to the accidents of tymes, and fauors of forreyne Potentates, was more stronge then the others: At that tyme helde most rule and authoritie the order of Mont None: After the king had taried a very fewe dayes at Siena, he planted a garrison there, (for that hauing bene alwaies at the deuocion of thempire, he held it suspected) & tooke his way to Rome, rising euery day more insolent then other, for his successe and for­tunes, which were alwayes greater then euer were his hopes: And being also fauo­red with the ayre, and wether more then the natural temperature of that season had wont to show, he determined to put diligence to his fortune, and vse those prospe­rities, not as terrible to his enemies manifest and professed, but euen to those that were conioyned with him, or at least had not prouoked him in any thing: therefore, the Senat of Venice, and the Duke of Myllan, no lesse astonished with these successes, then dowtfull that the kinges thoughtes would not be at rest by the conquest of Na­ples, (specially seing him possest of the fortresses of the Florentyns, and to leaue a gar­rison at Stena) began for a remedie of their common daunger, to common to make a new confederacion, whereunto, they had with more speede and ease giuen perfe­ction, if there had bene made that resistance to the king at Rome that was hoped for, the intencion of the Duke of Calabria (with whom were ioyned in one strength the bandes of the Pope, and Virginio Vrsin, with the residue of thAragons armie) being to incampe at Vicerba, to giue impediment to the king for passing further: To this he [Page 61] was drawne, besides many occasions by thopportunitie of the place inuironed with townes of the Church, and neare the states of the Vrsins: But all the circumference and contreyes about Rome, drawing into tumult by thincursions which the Colonnoys made beyond the riuer of Tyber, and for thimpediments of the vittells (by meane of Ostia) which should come to Rome by sea, he durst not abide there: he dowted with all, of thintencion of the Pope, for that since he vnderstoode that P. de medicis was turned, he had begonne to open his eares to the demaundes of the french, for the which, and the reasons of them, Cardinall Askanius went to him, after, in pledge of his sewertie, the Cardinall of Valence was come to Marina, a towne of the Colonnoys: And albeit Askanius was gone without resolucion certeine, for that Alexander di­strusted much thintencion of the king, and of the other side was in great feare of his forces, which bredd no small torment and conflict in his hart: yet after the king was parted from Florence, they returned eftsoones to common of thaccord: wherein for the more diligent accomplishment of thinges, the Pople dispatched to the king the Bishops of Concorde, and Terny, and M. Gratian his confessor, with commission that they should compownd aswell for the affayres of Alphonso, as for his owne: But the king was of a contrary meaning, hauing setled his resolucion to accord onely and particularly with the Pope: And for that cause he sent to him the L. de la Trimouille, and the President of Ganuy being there also for the same occasion: the Cardinal As­kanius and Prosper Collonne, who were no sooner come to Rome, then the Pope (for what cause I know not) chaunging aduise, bestowed the Duke of Calabria within Rome, with all his armie: he caused to be arested Askanius and Prosper, & restrayning them within the tower of Adrian, of olde called the castell of Crescence, and now na­med the castell S. Ange, he demaunded of them restitucion of Ostia: In this tumulte also the frenche Embassadors were made prisoners by the Aragons: But the Pope caused them with a present speede to be redeliuered, and within a few dayes after, restored to libertie Askanius and Prosper, constrayning them notwithstanding to de­part suddenly out of Rome: After this, he sent to the french king, lying then at Nepi Cardinall Federyk of S. Seuerin, beginning to treate onely of his proper affayres, andThe Pope is ielous of his [...] yet in great dowt and declyning of mind, for that some times he determined to stand to the defence of Rome, and therefore gaue sufferance to Ferdinand & the capteines to looke to fortefie it in the partes most weake: and earste againe, he iudged greate hardnes and impossibilitie to defend it, for thimpediments of vittells restrayned by those of Ostia: In which respectes, waighing also with the infinit numbers of straun­gers, being of mindes and of wills different, the diuersitie of factions euen amongest the Romaines, he began to thinke to goe from Rome, requiring in the colleage that e­uery Cardinal would promise by a writing subsigned, to follow him: And euen stan­ding amased with the daungers and difficulties imminent, vpon euery one of his de­liberacions he turned his mind to accorde: But whilest his minde wauered in these ambiguities, the french men forbare not to ouerronne the whole contrey on this side Tyber, making them selues Lordes of one towne after an other, no place offe­ring resistance to their incursiōs, No, not one peece or fort which gaue not place to their importunāt furie, according to thexample of the others, no, not such as had good occasion to oppose them selues against them, as Virginio Vrsin, drawne by so many bondes of faith, office, and honor to the house of Aragon, Capteine generall of tharmie of Alphonso, grand Constable of the realme of Naples, and very neare pa­rent to Alphonso, for that Iohn Iordan his sonne had maried a bastard daughter to the late king Ferdinand. But he turning all these thinges into forgetfulnes, & as vnthank­full [Page 62] for the states and fauors he had receiued in the kingdom of Naples, as vnmind­full that the calamities of the Aragons were first kindled for his occasions, and nou­rished chiefly in his particular interestes: consented that his person continuing still in the pay of the king of Naples, his children should compownd with the french, and be bound to giue them passage and libertie of vittells and othet friendships, through all the estates which he held of the dominions of the Churche, leauing the french men not a litle amased with his example and forme of dealing, being not acquain­ted with these sutle and vnaccustomed distinctions of the souldiers of Italy: he suffe­red withall that Campagnane, and certeine other places were put in deputacion into the handes of the Cardinall of Gurcy, who promised to restore them so soone as the armie was out of the territories of Rome: This forme of agreement was vsed also by the Count de Petillane, with all the residue of the familie of the Vrsins: immediatly vp­on these accordes, king Charles went from Nepi to Bracciane, a chiefe towne of Virgi­nio, and sent to Ostia Lovvys the L. of Ligny, and Yues L. of Alegre, with fiue hundred launces, & two thowsand Svvyzzers: to thende that passing Tyber, and ioyning with the Collonnoys, they might make a strength to enter Rome, and that so much the bet­ter, by how much the Collonnoys, by the meane of their factions and partakers within Rome, had a resolute hope to make their entrey in what sort so euer it were, notwith­standing by the season of the tyme being rough and stormie, the difficulties were much increased. By this tyme Ciuitaueche Cornette, and in the ende almost all the ter­ritorie of Rome were brought to the deuocion of the frēch, when a man might haue seene all the Court amased, all the Cardinalls dowtfull, and all the communaltie of the citie full of feares & emocion, demaunding vehemently peace: in so much that the Pope driuen to daungerous tearmes, seeing the foundacions which he had layd for his defence, shaken on all sides, was not reteyned with any other thing, then with the remembrance that he was one of the first that stirred the french king to thenter­prise of Naples: And had since without occasion giuen, obstinatly resisted him with authoritie, with councells, and with force, the same making him iustly dowt, that the faith which he should receiue of the king, should be like to that the king had recei­ued of him: To these feares he felte an other torment nothing inferior, vnderstan­ding the Cardinall S. P. ad vincla was very gracious in the kinges sight, with many other Cardinalls, his ennemies bearing no litle authoritie and rule in the kinges do­ings: By the perswasions of whom, and for the regard of the title of right Christian which the kinges of Fraunce beare, and for the auncient name which that nacion hath to be very religious, and lastly for that in ill men the conscience giltie and infe­cted, suspecteth not onely the worst, but also their mindes caried in shadowes, they expect and dread great thinges of those that are knowne to them, but by name one­ly: he feared least the king would turne his witts (according to a vayne brute) to re­forme the gouernment of the Church: the same being a right trembling thought & coniecture to him, when he remēbred with what infamie he was come to the Pope­dom, performing his ministracion with maners of life & meanes not differing from so fowle and vile a beginning: But he was cleared immediatly of these suspicions, by the diligence and promises of the king, full of efficacie and desire to aduaunce a­boue all things his going to the realme of Naples: And for that cause letting nothing passe that might take out of his way the blockes and impediments of the Pope, sent to him eftsoones as Embassadors the Seneschall of Beucaire, the Mareshall of Gie, & the sayd President of Gannay: they labored to perswade the Pope that the kinges in­tencion was not to medle with any thing that apperteined to thauthoritie of Popes, [Page 63] and that his demaundes stretched not but to thinges reasonable and necessary for the sewertie of his passage: They required him instantly to agree with good will to the kinges entrey into Rome, assuring him that it was a holy and peculiar desire in his maiestie: Not that it was not in his power to make his entrey by armes, but because he would not be constrayned to forbeare to vse those actions of reuerence, which had bene alwayes done by his elders to the Popes of Rome: They assured him that assoone as his maiesties person were possessed of the presence of the Pope within Rome, all those quarells that had bene raysed betwene them, would be conuerted into reconcilement, vnitie, and coniunction: It seemed to the Pope a hard compulsion, to despoyle him selfe afore all thinges of the ayde of his friendes, and committing his estate and life into the power of an ennemie, to receiue him within the walles of Rome, afore he had compownded or assured his affayres: Notwithstanding, making election of the daunger that was of least qualitie, he consented to all their demaūds, and caused to depart out of Rome the Duke of Calabria, for whom albeit he obteyned of the french king a safe conduit for his safe passage through all the dominions of the Church, yet the Duke, accompting it a diminucion of his reputacion and cou­rage, refused it, and issued out of Rome by the gate S. Sebastian, the last day of the yeare 1494. at the same hower, that at the gate de S. Maria de Popolo entred with the armieThe french king entreth Rome. 1494. of Fraunce, the french king armed, with his launce vppon his thigh as he entred Florence: At the same tyme the Pope full of incredible feares and perplexities, was withdrawne to the castell S. Ange, and not accompanied with other Cardinalls then Baptista Vrsin, and Oliuer Caraffe a Neapolitan: But now began the Cardinalls ad vin­cla, Perswasions of some Car­dinalls to the french king to depose the Pope. Askanius, Collonne, and Sauelle, with many others, to solicite the king with vehe­ment instance, that taking from the sea a Pope ful of vices, and abominable to all the world, he would create and set vp an other: they told him it would be no lesse ver­tuous in him to deliuer the church of God from the tyrannie of a wicked Pope, then it was great glorie to Pepin & Charlemain his predecessors, to take the Popes of ho­ly life out of the persecucions of those that did vniustly oppresse them: that the acti­on was no lesse necessary for his securitie, then greatly concurring for his glorie: for, there was no expectacion of faith or trust in the promises of the Pope, being a man naturally full of fraude, insatiable in ambicion, shameles in all his doings, and accor­ding to the testimonie of experience, extremely hating the french, with whom the reconciliacion that now he made, was more by necessitie and feare, then of inclina­cion or good will: partly by these perswacions, and partly for that the Pope in the condicions that were debated, refused to let the king haue the castell of S. Ange, for the sewertie of those thinges he promised him: thartilleries were drawne twise from the pallaice of S. Marke where the king was lodged, to be planted before the castell: But the king bearing no inclinacion to offend the Pope and the presentes, and pro­misesCapitulacions betwene the Pope and the french king. of Alexander working much with some of those that gouerned most the kings councells: they fell to accord in this sort: That the Pope should giue to the king, to hold for his sewertie till he had conquered the kingdom of Naples, the Cytadells of Ciuitauechia, Terrachine, and Spolete, and yet this last was not put into his hands: That the Pope should keepe no remembrance of any offence or iniurie of the Cardinalls or any Barons subiectes to the church that had followed the kinges partie: That the Pope should inuest him in the kingdom of Naples: That he should giue to the king Gemyn Ottoman brother to Baiazet, who, after the death of their father, had bene per­secuted by the sayd Baiazet, according to the barbarous customes of the Ottomans, seeking to establish their succession in the Empire, with the bludd of their brethren [Page 64] their nearest kinne, and competytors: In which perill for safetie of his life, he was fledd to Rodes, from whence he was brought into Fraunce, & lastly past ouer into the power and custodie of Pope Innocent: By which occasion Baiazet, seruing his turne of the couetousnes of the Vicaires of Christ as instrumentes to holde in peace the Empire ennemie to the Christian faith, payed euery yeare (vnder the name of al­lowance towardes his norriture and keeping) forty thowsand duckats to the Popes, to thende they should be lesse ready to deliuer him into the handes of other Princes to serue their turnes against him: The king was so much the more desirous to haue him, by how much he supposed to turne him to many vses & oportunities for thad­uauncing of his pretended enterprise against the Turkes, (being greatly caried into glorie by the vayne flatteries of many of his fauorits) which he ment to beginne as soone as he had accomplished the conquest of thAragons: And because the last xl. thowsand duckats sent by the Turke, were taken at Sinigalle by the Prefect of Rome, he required that the Pope would remitte both the punishment and restitucion: ToCardinall Valence the Popes sonne. these capitulacions were added that the Cardinall of Valence should follow the king three monthes as Legat apostolike, but in meaning it was to stande as ostage for the promises of his father: The accord thus made and past, the Pope returned to the Vatican, where is his pallaice pontificall: And after, with pompes and ceremonies accustomed at the receiuing of great kinges, he receiued the king in the Church of S. Peter, and there (according to the maner) hauing kissed his feete kneeling, was af­terwardsThe french king kisseth the Popes feete. receiued to kisse his cheeke: An other day he assisted in presence the Popes masse, where he had his place the first after the first Bishop Cardinal, and according to the auncient custom, gaue water to the Pope celebrating masse: which offices, humilities & ceremonies, the Pope, to continue the memorie to all posterities, cau­sed to be curiously drawn in a table purtraied, & honge vp in a gallerie of the castell S. Ange: In this action, the Pope to gratifie the king, created & published Cardinalls the Bishop of S Mallo, & the Bishop of Maus, of the nation of Luxumburg, forgetting nothing that might expresse how sincerely and vnfaynedly he was reconciled.

The king remeyning in Rome about a month, forgat not to send bandes & trowpsThe king par­teth from Rome, and draweth to­wards Naples of souldiers euen vppon the confins of the kingdom of Naples: where was already such generall commotion, that Aquila, and almost all Abruzza, displayed enseignes afore he parted from Rome, as also Fabricius Collonne occupied the quarters of Albe & Taille cosse: The whole residue of the kingdom was almost in no more peasible e­state, for that as soone as Ferdinand was parted from Rome, the frutes of the hatredesThe kingdom of Naples be­ginneth to conspire. which the people had long borne to Alphonso, began to appeare, helping much the remembrance of many rigors which his father Ferdinand had vsed against them: vp­on these they raysed ready occasions to complayne vehemently of the iniquities of the gouernments passed, togither with the cruelties and pride of Alphonso, expressing in these humors apparant desire that the french might come, and that in such sort, as the contemplacion of the auncient relykes and monuments of such as held with the house of Aniovv, albeit they were ioyned to the memorie of so many Barons as had bene chassed and emprisoned at sundry tymes by Ferdinand, (thinges of themselues of great consideracion and of no litle power to worke a chaunge) did litle in this tyme in regarde of the other occasions: so vehemently were the hartes of all the kingdom inflamed against Alphonso who for his part, as soone as he vnderstood that his sonne was gon out of Rome, entred into such present feares & astonishmēts, that, turning all memorie or regard to the great renowme and glorie which with so long experience he had got in many warres in Italy, into a present despaire not to be [Page 65] able to resist this fatall storme, determined to abandon the kingdom, and leaue to Ferdinand the name and authoritie royall: In this deuise perhaps he had hope that taking away with him selfe the generall hatred, and leauing to the people for their king a yong Prince of great expectacion, not yet hauing offended any of them, but gracious and plawsible to the vniuersall multitude, he should make lesse in his sub­iectes their desire to haue the french: which councell if it had bene sooner taken, would happily haue wrought to better purpose, but being differred, till things were not onely in motion and shaking, but euen beginning to fall, it was not able to stay so great a ruine: It was sayd also (if it be lawfull not to despise such thinges altogi­ther) that the spirite of Ferdinand appeared three tymes in sundry nightes to Iames chiefe Surgeon of the Court, charging him first with soft and mild words, and after with many threatnings, to warne Alphonso from him not to hope to be able to resist the french king, because it was a resolucion in destinie that his race trauelled with infinit aduentures and fortunes, and depriued at last of so large a kingdom, shoulde now ende and determine: he sayd their enormities began now to appeare in iustice, and the many tyrannies by them committed were the causes, but aboue all others that, which by his perswasion he had done in the church of S. Leonard in Caiaia neare Naples comming from Pozzolo: for that he expressed them no more particularly, men supposed that Alphonso had in that place perswaded Ferdinand to put to death secretly many Barons, whom he held prisoners long time before: But of what nature so euer was thoccasion, it is most certeine, that Alphonso vexed with his proper con­science, liued day and night in a discontented spirite, for that in his sleepes the sha­dowes and Ghostes of those dead Lordes were liuely afore him, and on the dayes he beheld the people prepard greatly to insurrections, for reuenge of his rigorous dea­linges: In which perplexitie of mind applying his councells to his fortunes, he com­municated onely his intencion with the Queene his mother in law, keeping it from his brother or his sonne, and departed from Naples accompanied with fowre light gallies loaden with implements rich and precious: he was so afflicted with dread & confusion, that at the earnest instance of his mother he would not stay two or three daies (a time to ende the whole yeare of his reigne) And at his departing expressing such tymerous disposicion of mind as if he had bene enuironed with the french mē: he sayled to a towne in Sicile called Mazare, which Ferdinand the king of Spayne had giuen him the yeare before: but his feares left not to followe him no more then his fortunes, showing at euery brute or small noyse no lesse perplexitie and terror, then if the heauens and elements had conspired against him.

As the french king departed out of Rome, he receiued aduertisement of the fleing of Alphonso: And assoone as he was arriued at Vellitre the Cardinall of Valence fledd secretly from him: with the which albeit the Pope showed him selfe much discon­tented, offering to giue the king such assurance as it pleased him: yet wise men be­leued that it was not without his practise and commaundement, as one that sought to haue in his power to obserue or not obserue the conuencions he had made with his maiestie: an action agreeing with his ambicion, which most gouerned him, but farre from the office of his profession which he least esteemed, making nothing vn­lawfull, for that he challenged to him self to haue power to dispense with all things: from Vellitre the vauntgarde marcheth to Montfortyn, a towne of the Church sea­ted in la Campagnia, and subiect to Iacques a gentleman Romayne, who had at first fol­lowed the pay of the french king, But since (the hate he bare to the Collōnoys preuai­ling more with him then his proper honor) he was become mercenarie to Alphonso: [Page 66] The place being well shaken with the great artillerie, was taken (notwithstanding his strong situacion) within few howres by the french, who executed by the sworde all that were found within it, except his three sonnes, and certeine others that rety­red into the castell, but made prisoners assoone as they saw thartillerie planted: from thence tharmie marched to Mont S. Iohn, a towne of the Marquiss of Piscaire, seated in the sayd Campagnia, vpon the confins of the kingdom: this towne, besides it was strong by nature and industrie of men, yet it was well furnished with souldiors to de­fende it, hauing in it three hundred footemen straungers, and fiue hundred of thin­habitants well appoynted for all daungers: In so much as it was not thought preg­nable but by a hard and long seege: But after the french men had somewhat sear­ched the walls with their cannons, they gaue in the presence of the king then come from Veruue, so hoat and violent assault, that vanquishing all difficulties, they tooke it by force the same day, And following their naturall furie, as also to warne others by this example not to be so obstinate to resist, they made lamentable slaughters, wherein sparing no sort of barbarous crueltie, they followed the desolacion of the place with setting fire on houses: A maner of making warre not vsed in Italy in ma­ny ages before, and therefore filled the whole realme with more generall feares and terrors: for, in Italy in all victories obteyned in what order so euer, the most extreme and last action wherein the Victor would stretch out his crueltie, was to disarme & spoyle the souldiors, and so let them goe vanquished: and for townes taken by force, to put them to sacke and pillage, and thinhabitants to raunsom, pardoning alwayes the life of men not slayne in the heate and furie of the fight.

This was all the resistance, the payne, and impedimentes which the french king had to conquere so large, so rich, and so populous a kingdom, for the defence wher­of, there was not showed in any sort any vertue, any courage, any councel, any force, any faith, nor any desire of honor: for, after the Duke of Calabria, (after his going out of Rome, retyred to the borders of the kingdom, and from thence called to Naples, by the flying of his father) had taken vpon him thautoritie and title of king, (but more with solemnities, then with pompe and ioyes accustomed) and that he had assem­bled his armie contayning fiftie squadorons of horsemen, and six thowsand foote­men of choysse, and ledd by the best reputed Capteynes in Italy: he incamped him selfe at S. Germayn, to stoppe thennemie for passing further, being drawne thither by thoportunitie of the place, inuyroned on the one side with high and rough moun­taynes, and of the other with a contrey full of mareshes and waters, and had in the front the riuer of Garillan, which the Auncients called Liri, albeit it was not so deepe in that place but at sometymes it was passible at a forde, by reason whereof, and that the passage is very narrow and straite, they say with good reason that S. Germayn is one of the keyes of the kingdom of Naples: he sent also bandes and trowpes to the next mounteynes to keepe the way of Cancella: But all was in vayne, and in these doinges he did no other thing then keepe his minde in languishing, like as the Sur­geon torments his patient by applying varietie of medicines to a wound that resistes all cures and remedies: for, his armie already stricken with a generall terror with the onely name of the french men, declared apparant tokens of pusillanimitie and faint­nes: And the Capteynes and leaders, partly tendring the safetie of them selues and their owne estates, distrusting already of the defense of the kingdom, and partly desi­ring innouacions and new thinges, began to wauer no lesse in faith then in courage: Lastly, all the kingdom being in insurrection, it was not without feare, that at their backes should happen some perillous disorder: Therefore councell giuing place to [Page 67] cowardnes, and frayle feares ouerruling resolucion and constancie of minde, vnder­standing after the taking of Mount S. Iohn that the Mareshal de Gie was at hand with three hundred launces, and two thowsand footemen, they discamped with shame from S. Germain, and retyred to Capua with such confusion and feare, that they lefte by the way viij. great peeces of artillerie without garde, giuing thennemie a meane to helpe forwarde their destruction with their owne weapons. This citie, the newe king, reapposing much in the amitie of the towne towards the house of Aragon, and in the strong seate of the place, he hoped to defend and to keepe also Naples and Ca­ietta, not making distribucion of his forces to other places: The french men went after, but dispersed and out of order, marching more after the manner of trauellers, then like men of warre, and without all regard either to keepe vnder their enseignes, or to be ruled by the direction of their Capteynes, they tooke libertie to goe where so euer they thought to find pillage: And so neare was the encounter of these two armies, that one part of them most often lodged the nightes in places where the A­ragons were dislodged in the mornings: Neither in Capua was any greater demon­stracion of vertue or fortune, for that after Ferdinand had there bestowed his armie, much diminished in numbers since the retraict from S. Germain, he was sent for by letters from the Queene, expressing that since the losse of S. Germain, there were such murmures and mutinies within Naples, as without his presence, there was manifest daunger of a generall tumult: for which cause he went thither with a smal company, by his presence to giue impediment to the perill present, promising to returne eft­soones to Capua the day following. Iohn Iacques Triuulce to whome he had left theIohn Iacques Triuulce go­eth to the french king. garde of the citie, had secretly sent to the french king for a Heralde, to come vnder sewertie to speake with him, which being graunted, Triuulce with certeine gentle­men of Capua, went to Calui where the same day the king was entred: This did Tri­uulce notwithstanding that many others of the citie wel disposed to keepe their faith to Ferdinand, did speake against it with many braue and hawtie wordes: But being presented to the king all armed as he came in, he tolde him in the name of the Cap­uans and souldiers, That they seeing their forces, defence, and strength, to fayle in Ferdinand, whom they had faithfully serued whilest there remayned any apparance of hope: were now come to make offer of their seruices to him, bringing mindes to follow his fortunes where so euer he will employ them vnder honest condicions, ad­ding withall, that he dowted not to bring him Ferdinand him selfe, so that he would enterteyne and acknowledge him as apperteyned: The king made him this graci­ous aunswere, that he accepted the offers of the Capuans and the souldiers, as also the comming of Ferdinand should be no lesse welcome: onely that he should retein no porcion of the kingdom of Naples how litle so euer it were, but that he would in­due him with estates and honors in the realme of Fraunce.

It may be dowted with what maner of inducements this Triuulce, a capteyne va­liant and particular in the profession of honor, was drawne to reuolte and leaue his king: Touching him selfe, he affirmed, that he went by the wil and direction of Fer­dinand to solicit some composicion with the french, And being altogither excluded from all hopes, and the iudgement manifest that the kingdom of Naples could be no longer defended by armes, he thought it not onely lawful, but also allowable to pro­uide at one tyme for the safetie of the Capuans, and securitie of the souldiers: But the common opinion of men made an other construction, referring his reuolt to a de­sire he had that the french king might be Victor, for that he hoped when he had made a conquest of Naples, he would looke into the meanes by the which he might [Page 68] in like sort make him selfe maister of Myllan: In which citie, he being borne of a most noble familie, and because for the priuie fauors which the house of S. Seuerin had with Lodovvyk Sforce & with other occasions, he had not place according to his ver­tues and merits: he was wholly estranged from Lodovvyk: for those occasions ma­ny wise men iudged, that he had councelled Ferdinand to proceede in the actions & seruice of Romania, more temperatly then perhaps thoccasions required: But in Ca­pua, afore the returne of Triuulce, all began to declyne to reuolt, the souldiers had sac­ked the pallaice, armories, and stables of Ferdinand, the men at armes made diuisi­ons of them selues, and were bestowed in sundry quarters: And Virginio and the Count Petillane were retyred with their companies to the citie of Nola, belonging to the sayd Count by the donation of the Aragons, sending first to the french king to de­maund safeconduct for them and their people: Ferdinand returned according to his word and promise, hauing somewhat appeased according to the tyme the hu­mors of the Neapolytaines, by giuing them hope of the defense of Capua: he was come within two myles of the citie all ignorant of the chaunge that hapned since his departure: But the towne hearing of his returne and so neare approach, and the people wholly exclayming against his reentrey, drew into armes, and by a common voyce and councell sent forth to meete him certeyne of the nobilitie, to aduertise him to passe no further, for that the citie seeing he had left it abandoned, that Tri­uulce gouerner of the men of warre was gone to the french, his owne souldiers had made a spoyle of his pallaice, and Virginio and the Count Petillane left them to their fortunes, and that almost all his armie was broken: they were constrayned for their proper safetie to giue place to the conqueror: with these newes no lesse heauy thē troublesom, Ferdinand (after he had made vayne instance euen with teares to be re­ceiued) returnes to Naples, being wel assured that the example of Capua would draw the residue of the kingdom to reuolt, as the citie of Auerse seated betwene Capua and Naples, drawne into emotion dispatched present Embassadors to offer them selues to the french king: And the Neapolytans consulting also manifestly to doe the like, the infortunat king determined not to resist so obstinat a will of fortune, and there­fore assembling vpon the place of the new castell many of the nobilitie and people, he deliuered to them this last and lamentable speech.

I may call God to witnesse and the consciences of all those men, that heretoforeThe yong king Ferdi­nand speakes in great so­row to the multitude. haue had any informacion of my thoughtes and conceites, that no desire made me more to aspire to the crowne, then to expresse to the world with what greefe I mis­liked the rigorous gouernments of my father and grandfather, and with a recom­pense more iust & plawsible to reclayme by moderacion and benefits those hartes and affections which they had lost by their hard dealing and crueltie: But the infe­licitie of our house would neuer suffer that I shoulde receiue this frute, which I e­steeme more excellent and honorable then the kingdom itselfe: seeing that to be a king, is a thing that often tymes dependes vpon fortune, but to be such a king as to turne all his cares and endes to the welfare and felicitie of his peoples, that depends onely of him selfe and his proper vertue. These be hard tearmes in nature to detect my parentes, and chalenge their abuses to those to whom nothing is more welcome then thoccasion of reuenge, nor any thing further of, then hartes and affections to forgiue or forget. I could say enough to iustifie my selfe, for that it is easie for inno­cents to finde wordes to speake, but seeing there is so litle comparison betwene their offences past, and the merit of my innocencie present, it were but in vayne to vrge a hatefull remembrance of them, and yet nothing the more acquite you of the cala­mities [Page 69] that approach: ‘No, in cases of aduersitie it is a better temperance to prouide for the ill that is comming, then to amuse the tyme in complaintes against the Au­thors supposed, leauing the consideracion of the cause to God, with whom no mor­tall creature hath familiaritie in the vnderstanding and ordering of his iustice: I see our affayres suffer hard fortunes, and thextremitie wherein they are falne is of that nature, that we may complayne more to haue lost the kingdom by thinfidelitie and feares of our armies and Capteynes, then our ennemies can vaunt to haue wonne it by their proper vertue: And yet our fortune leaueth vs not altogither without hope, if we susteyne yet a litle tyme, for that both by the king of Spayne, and all the Princes of Italy, is preparing a mighty succor, their eyes being now opened that afore could not consider, that the fire which burnes our realme must in like sorte (without pro­uidence) cast his flames into their seuerall estates: And for me, at the least, courage shoulde not want to determine to gether the kingdom and my life, both with that glorie which becomes a yong king descēded by so long succession of so many kings, and also aunswering thexpectacion which hetherunto you haue had of my meritts and vertues: But because thinges can not be put to triall, without committing the common patrimonie to desperat perill, I am determined rather to giue place to for­tune and keepe hidd my vertue, then in striuing to lose the kingdom, to be the cau­ser of effectes contrary to those endes for the which I haue alwayes desired to be king: Therefore with teares I giue you this councell, that standing no more against the furie of the time, you send with speed to make your accord with the french king: And to thend you may be in better power, to do it without stayne to your honors, I absolue you willingly of the homage and othe which you made to me a few dayes past: wherein I exhort you according to the necessitie of your fortune, not to de­ferre your obedience, humilitie, and readines to receiue him, as by that meanes to stay the course of your proper aduersities, and helpe to moderat the naturall pride of that nation: If at any tyme their barbarous customs and manners cause you to hate their rule and imperie, and desire my returne, I will remeyne in place apt to minister ayde to your will, and be ready to offer vp my life for the redresse of your oppressi­ons and harmes: But if their gouernment content you, this realme shall neuer re­ceiue vexacion or trauell by me, your well doing and benefit seruing as a perpetuall consolacion to my miseries: and that so much the rather, if I may knowe that there remayne in you any memorie, that neither in the person of an eldest sonne to a king, nor in the power of a king, I haue done no wronge to any creature: My thoughtes were neuer subiect to mocions of ambicion, my mind neuer defiled with inclinaci­on to crueltie, myne owne sinnes bring me not this affliction, but by a diuine iustice I suffer for the wickednes of my parentes: I am determined not to be the cause that, either to preserue the realme, or to recouer it, any subiect of the same be oppressed: No, it is more sorow to me to lose the meane to make amendes for the transgressions of my parentes; then to forgoe the royall dignitie and kingdom it selfe: for, albeit I shall be estranged from you, and banished from my patrimonie, yet I will not holde my selfe altogither wretched, if to the memorie of these thinges, you ioyne a sted­fast beleefe, that I would haue bene king rather like to old Alphonso my great grand­father, then to Ferdinand, or the last Alphonso: It can not be that these wordes were deliuered without great compassion: But albeit they wrought many sorowfull im­pressions in the hartes of the hearers: yet, it did nothing to the stay of the tumult, so hatefull was the name of the two last kinges to the people,’ and so sweete the desire of the french gouernment to the nobilitie: he was no sooner retyred into the castel, [Page 70] then the multitude began to sacke his pauilions and hales then pitched in the place: which being an indignitie farre vnworthy his meritts and more then he could en­dure, he returned with great courage to the place to driue them from the spoyle, the maiestie and presence of a king being yet of such authoritie in a citie rebelled, that the souldiers restrayning their furie, euery one absteyned from pillage: But assoone as he was returned to the castell, and had set on fire and sonke most of the shippes in the hauen (hauing no other way to depriue the ennemie of thē) he began by tokens certeyne to dowt that the Lansknightes which were the gard of the castell contay­ning in number fiue hundred, conspyred to take him prisoner: And therefore the daunger being present, he vsed this suddeine councell, to giue them his wardropps, goods, and furnitures that were within the castell, and whilest they were busie to de­uide and share them, he slipt out of the castell by the gate of succors, deliuering first out of prison all those Barons that had bene restrayned by the crueltie of his father: he mounted vppon the light gallies that attended him in the hauen accompanied with Dom Federyk and the olde Queene wife to his grand father, who caried with her Iane her daughter: And being followed with very fewe of his people, he sayled into the yle of Yschia, called by the auncients Enaria, distant thirty myles from Naples: On his way, so long as his eyes were sedd with the prospect and sight of the kingdom, he made many repeticions with a pitifull voyce of this verse of the Psalme, that they vvatch in vayne vvhich keepe the citie, if it be not kept by the Lord: But finding now no more comfort of fortune, then when he was amydd the daungers of Naples, it fell to him to make tryall of his vertue in Yschia, togither with an experience of thingrati­tude and infidelitie of such as rise vp against those wretched persons that are perse­cuted with fortune: for the castell keeper of the place refusing to receiue him but with one man onely, he fell vpon him with such furie, that what by his agilitie and valour, and the impression of a king and maiestie royall, ‘he brought immediately vn­der his power both the castell and the keeper: This aduersitie albeit was much in­ferior to the losse and priuacion of his kingdom, yet it afflicted him no lesse, then if the action had bene of higher moment, for that in all miseries nothing more mity­gates the perturbacions of the minde, then to remember that the greatest mishapps are past, as in sorowes, it is a speciall comfort to know the vttermost: But fortune is infinit in her afflictions, and leaues no expectacion of remedie where a ruine is de­termined, the same making good thexperience of the olde saying, that to the man vnfortunat one ill neuer hapneth alone, but when they begin to fall they thunder all at once:’ After Ferdinand was gon out of Naples, euery one gaue way (as to a violent landflood) to the onely name and renowme of the victors, and that with such co­wardnes, that two hundred horsemen of M. Lignies went to Nole, whether Virginio and the Count Petillane were retyred with fowre hundred men at armes, and tooke them prisoners without resistance: either they had confidence in the safe conduict that was graunted them, or else their feares were no lesse then the others, seing with out triall or show of valour, they suffered them selues to be ledd captiues to the rock of Mondragon, and all their companies to suffer pillage and spoyle: In this meane while, thEmbassadors whom the Neapolitanes had sent to present to the french king the keyes of the citie, found him at Auerse, from whence after he had accorded to them with great liberalities, many priuileadges and exemptions, he went to Naples, and made his entrey the xxj. of February: he was receiued with generall reioysingThe french king entreth Naples. on all sortes, neither person, kinde, age, condicion, quallitie, nor faction of men, spa­ring to ronne to behold him, as if he had bene their patrone and first founder of the [Page 71] citie: yea, there was a plentifull and willing presence of those, who either in them selues, or in their auncestors, had bene raysed to honors and estates by the house of Aragon: with this affluence and concurse of people, after he had visited the great Church, he was ledd (because new castell was yet to thennemies) to be lodged in the castell Capua the auncient resort and residence of the kinges of Fraunce, hauing with a wonderfull course of felicitie farre aboue the example of Iulius Caesar, rather vanquished then seene his enemie, and that with so ready fortune and facilitie: that during the whole expedicion, he neuer had neede to display one pauilion or tent, & much lesse to breake a launce: And touching helpes and prouisions, he had so great plenty and superfluitie, that his armie at sea prepared with so great expenses, being caried by violence of wether into the yle of Corse, was so long in approching the shoares of the kingdom, that the king had accomplished his conquest afore there was necessitie of their seruice.

Thus by ciuill discordes which so long hath blinded the Princes of Italy, to the great dishonor and skorne of the men of warre of that nation, and common daun­ger and ignominie of euery region of the same, was transferred one of the most goodly and mighty partes of Italy, and of the Empire of Italy, to an Empire and go­uernment of a nation beyond the mountes: for, albeit olde Ferdinand was borne in Spaine, yet, for that from his youth he had his trayning in Italy, either king or the sonne of a king, and holding no other principallitie in any region else, where togither that his sonnes and sonnes sonnes were bredd vppe in Naples: I may with good right ap­propper them to the contrey, and call them Italyans.

The ende of the first booke.

THE Pysans continue their rebellion against the Florentyns: The french king takes the castells of Naples: The Pope, the Venettans and other Princes make league against the king, who re­turning into Fraunce is fought withall neare the riuer Taro: Ferdmand wynnes agayne Na­ples: Nouarre is beseeged by the confederats: The king makes peace with the Duke of Myllan, and returnes into Fraunce.

THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE historie and discoursse of Guicciardin.

IN the booke before haue bene sett downe the foundacions of the french warres in Italy, both out of what founteyne they spronge, and with what course and mocions they had their proceedings euen to an action of conquest farre aboue the memorie and examples of all tymes and ages before. But as in all powers and causes naturall, this is a propertie infallible to haue their reuolucion by the same swift and vio­lent returne where with they did rise to their exaltacion and fulnes: So, the french king, rising with his felicitie, into hu­mors of securitie, saw the declinacion of his fortune and great triumphes, in the like measure and proporcion of tyme by the which he aspired to them, And suffering togither the priuacion of the kingdom, with the honor of his new cōquest, he shew­ed him selfe more happy to get glorie, then able to keepe it: Then whilest thinges went in this course at Rome and the kingdom of Naples, there kindled in an other parte of Italy, sparkes of a litle fier, wherein was nourished a smothering heate or­deynedBeginning of the warres of Pysa. to burst out to a great burning, to the hurt of many, but specially to the ru­yne of him, who, by too great a desire of dominion and rule, first kindled it and set it on slames, for, albeit the king was bownd by the contract of Florence, that Pysa remei­ning in his handes till he had conquered the realme of Naples, the iurisdiction & re­uenues should be administred by the Florentyns: yet, at his departure, he had sett no order for thexecucion of his word and promise: In so much that the Pysans, presu­ming much of the Capteynes and souldiers left by the king for the gard of the citie, did determine no more to returne to the obedience of Florence: And therefore ex­pulsing some of their officers and others that solicited there for the citie, they made the residue prisonners, with confiskacion of all their goods, and confirmed wholly their rebellion, both by demonstracions and actions: In this reuolte, to be the better able to continue it, they dispatched not onely Embassadors to the king to pray him of defence and protection to their doings, but also, for their stay and strength more assured, they recommended their cause vnder many argumentes of compassion to the cities of Syena and Lucques, who, being auncient ennemies to the name of Flo­rence, could heare of nothing more to their liking and gladnes, then of the reuolt of [Page 73] the Pysans, to whom in common they sent forthwith a proporcion of money, and Syenna a part furnished them with an ayde of horsemen: In like sort the Pysans sent Embassadors to Venice, to sownde the wills of that Senat, of whom albeit they were graciously receiued, yet they brought away nothing but hopes dowtfull and incer­teyne: But they reapposed their chiefest confidence and soundacion in the Duke of Myllan, for that as he was the first breeder of their rebellion, so they hoped he would not fayle to support them with succors, countenance and councell: The Duke, al­beit he made other showes and demonstracions to the Florentyns, yet he solicited secretly the confirmacion of this reuolt, and breathing courage into them with ma­ny offers, perswacions & promises, he communicated presently with the Genovvays to furnish the Pysans with armor and municions, and to sende to them a commissio­ner, with three hundred footemen: There hath bene auncient quarell betwene the [...] and [...] Florentyns and Genovvays, rising at first by the conquest of Pysa, and continued by many degrees of displeasures, both for buying the port of Lyuorne of their Duke To­masin Fregosa which they possessed, and also the taking away of Pietra Santa and Se­razena: The memorie of these, ioyned to thoccasion offered, was sufficient to arme them with a wonderfull readines to doe all thinges that might annoy the Florentyns: occupying euen already many of their places in the contrey of Lunigiane, and were become Lords of the borders of Pietra Santa, vnder cooller of a letter obteined from the french king for the restitucion of certein goods confisked: The Florentyns, com­playning of these actions at Myllan, were aunswered by the Duke, that according to the contract and capitulacions which he had with them of Genes, he could not well doe any thing to the restraint and impediment of them: And laboring to content them with wordes and diuersitie of hopes, he forbare not with a studie more secret and sutle, to practise and execute the contrary, as one that nourished an ambicious expectacion to draw Pysa to his obedience, if the Florentyns did not eftsoones reco­uer it, a thing much desired by him no lesse for the qualitie of the citie, then oportu­nitie of the scituacion: Neither was this desire new, but had bene nourished in him euer since he was expulsed Myllan, a litle after the death of Galeas his brother for aThe preten­ded [...]a [...] of the Duke of Myllan [...] Pysa. ielowsie which the Ladye Bonne, mother and tutur to the litle Duke had of him, at what time soiorning many monthes vpon the borders of Pysa, he cast many plotts & deuises to get the rule and imperie of it: wherein, as touching the title, he was hol­pen with a recorde and memorie, that Pysa, afore it came into the iurisdiction of the Florentyns, had bene possessed by Iohn Galeas Viscounte, first Duke of Myllan: By rea­son whereof, he thought it would be an increase of his glorie, to recouer that which had beene possessed by his elders, and seemed that he might pretende a cooller of right, in not making lawfull, that Iohn Galeas might leaue by testament (to the pre­iudice of the Dukes of Myllan his successors) to Gabriell Maria his bastard sonne, the state of Pysa, which he had gotten, (albeit with the treasors & armies of the Duchie of Myllan: The Pysans, not content to haue drawne their citie from the obedience of the Florentyns, sought to obtrude vppon all the places and peeces of the generall de Mayne, all which for the most part (in a generall sturre examples may doe muche) following the authoritie of the citie, receiued their commissioners euen in the first dayes of the rebellion, the Florentyns making no resistance in the beginning, for that they were otherwise busied in affaires of greater importance, not hauing as yet com­posed with the french king, and did perhaps expect that he would apply remedie to those harmes according to his bonde protested by publike and solemne othe: But finding his order too slow and lingring, & happly aūswering the care he made, they [Page 74] sent thether bandes and companies, who eftsoones recouered partly by force, and partly by composicion, all that was occupied except Casine, Buti, and Vicopisan, into which places the Pysans (being not strong enough to make resistance against the whole) had withdrawne their forces: Touching the king, the doinges of the Pysans did nothing displease him, and much lesse was the maner of their proceedings disa­greeing from the estate of his endes and purposes: Their cause was apparantly fa­uored of many of his court, induced perhaps by a compassion that they had bene straitely gouerned by the Florentyns, the same notwithstanding being more in opini­on then in truth: But some of the chiefest both in his councells and of his court, vn­der thoccasion to pitie the Pysans, obiected them selues against the Cardinall of S. Mallo being wholly for the Florentyns: of these was principall the Seneshall of Beau­caire, with whom the money of the Pysans had much preuailed, but much more the discontentment he had of the greatnes of the Cardinall, from whom (according to the variations of Court) he beganne to be estranged & separate, being moued with the selfe same ambicion to embase him, with the which he had raysed him in the be­ginning: These men not hauing respect to that which concerned the honor & pro­mised faith of so great a king, perswaded that it agreed best with the profit and estate of his other enterprises, to keepe the Florentyns in this necessitie, and not to moderat the doings of the Pysans, at the least til he had made perfect his expedicion vpon the realme of Naples: The king caried with these perswasions, framed him selfe to en­terteyne both the one and other partie with seuerall hopes, And therefore whilest he remeyned yet at Rome, he called for thembassadors of Florence to heare in his pre­sence the complaints made to him by the Pysans, for whom spake Burgundio Loli Ci­tisen of Pysa, and aduocate of the consistorie in the Court of Rome: he complaynedThe com­plaintes of the Pysans afore the french king. bitterly that the Pysans had bene holden foureskore yeares in such an vniust and cru­ell seruitude, that that citie, which with many honorable victories heretofore had stretched out her iurisdiction euen to the partes of Leuant, ‘& had bene alwayes one of the most mighty and glorious members of all Italy, was now by the seueritie and couetousnes of the Florentyns come to her last desolacion: That the towne of Pysa was almost made naked of inhabitants, for that the most parte of the naturall and free borne Citisens, not able to beare so heauy yokes, had willingly abandoned the place of their patrimonie, possessions, and delites, whose councell hath bene proued wise by the miseries of others, whom the loue of their contrey hath made to abyde to serue as a wretched spectacle to all eyes of pitie, conscience, or humanitie: That they, for the great exactions of the Magistrates, and insolent robberies of persons priuate, were dispoyled almost of all their substance, and yet in no libertie nor way to nourish their liues, for that with a tyrannie and iniustice straunge and barbarous, they were forbidden to manage trades of marchandise, or to exercise any art except of the hande: They had no accesse or function in any office of qualitie, nor in the administracion of the gouernment of Florence, no not in thinges which were trans­ferred to persons straunge and forreine: That the Florentyns by many arguments exercised all sortes of crueltie against the health and benefite of their liues, And to haue a more ready way to their generall destruction, they haue of late yeares shaked of an auncient and necessary care to preserue the bankes and cawsseyes of the con­trey of Pysa, menteyned alwayes from age to age by the Lordes of that contrey with no small studie, for that otherwayes it was impossible, (seeing the shallownes of the contrey subiect to inundacions and water fludds) that they should not be euery yere stricken with diuersitie of diseases: That by this decay, were made ruinat euen flat [Page 75] with the earth, churches, pallaices, with many honorable buildings both publike & priuate erected by their predecessors with no litle expense and charge: That it was no shame to particular cities or townes, if, after the raigne and course of many worldes they fell into seruitude, for that all mortall and earthly thinges beare their proper destinie and subiection to corruption: But the memorie of their nobilitie & greatnes, alwaies disposed into the maiestie of a gouernment and common weale ought to breede in the spirites of conquerors more compassion then rigor, chiefly euery one hauing to consider thatit is not onely in the power of time, but also inci­dent to the iust course and destinie of earthly thinges, to bring vppon them the selfe same ende which is ordeyned to happen to all other cities and Empires: That in the Pysans there rested no more, wherein the inhumanitie and insatiable couetous­nes of the Florentyns coulde be exercised with further skoape: And therefore the yoke of those burdens bearing a waight aboue their strength, & the varietie of their miseries so infinit and intollerable, they had with one minde determined, rather to abandon their contrey, to giue vp their liues, and to forbeare the vse, societie, and de­lite of their goods, friendes, and kinred, then to returne eftsoones vnder so vniust, so tyrannous, and so vile a gouernment: beseching lastly the king with teares (which he besought him to imagine to be the plentifull teares of the whole people of Pysa miserably prostrate at his feete) to remember that, with the same pietie, with the same iustice, and with the same religion and conscience, he had restored them to that libertie, of the which they had bene so vniustly despoyled: he would eftsoones as a Prince resolut and constant, defend and keepe them in the same benefit, seeing the election was more honorable, more godly, more worthie his name & greatnes, to beare the name of the father and deliuerer of this citie so auncient and innocent, then in redeliuering it vp into a seruitude so wretched, to become the infamous mi­nister of the robberies, oppressions, and tyrannies of the prowd Florentyns. To theseThEmbassa­dor of Florëce confuteth those com­plaintes. accusements aunswered, with no lesse vehemencie, Frauncis Soderyn Bishop of Vol­terre, afterwards made Cardinall, and at that time one of the Embassadors for Flo­rence: He showed that the title of his common weale was iuste, for that they had bought Pysa in the yeare 1404. of Gabriel Maria Viscounte the lawfull Lord, by whom they were no sooner put in possession of their purchasse, then the Pysans redeliuered them selues by force: By which occasion they were driuen to seeke to reconquer it by a long warre, whose ende was no lesse prosperous, then the occasion was iust, and no lesse praise worthy the humanitie of the Florentyns, then the victorie glorious: for that hauing in their discressions to perish all the people of Pysa (languishing already with hunger) when they entred with their armie into the citie, they brought with them a greater quantitie of vittells then of weapons: And so in place to take away their liues by iust law of conquest and victorie, they breathed new liues with their refreshing and vittells, into bodies miserable and not worthy of life: That the citie of Pysa at no time had obteyned any greatnes in the firme lande, and much lesse had bene able in power to winne forreine and straunge peeces, seeing they could neuer make them selues Lordes ouer Lucques, A citie communicating with them in neare neighbourhed and borders: but they stoode alwayes restrayned and inclosed in a strait territorie, not seeking to make their fortune greater then was their vertue: And for their power at sea, neither hath it bene so mighty as there is left any monument of it, nor of such continuance as it hath any prescription of time: for that, by the iust iudgement of God, whom they had prouoked by many actes of prophane im­pietie, and for a skourge of the longe ciuill discordes amongest them selues, it was [Page 76] long time before the purchasse of the Florentyns, falne from all estate and greatnes, drayned of all wealth and habitants, and at last reduced to such a naked weakenes, that one Iacques d'Appian a simple notarie of the contrey, was of power to make him selfe Lord ouer them, leauing the citie and territorie as a succession to his children: That the land and contrey of Pysa was of litle importance to the Florentyns, except for thopportunitie of the scituacion, and conueniencie of the sea, seeing the reue­nues that were drawne from thence were of litle consideracion, the exactions be­ing so easie and light, that they exceeded very litle the necessary expenses, & yet the most parte were leuyed vpon marchant straungers, and by the meane of the port of Lyuorne: That touching trade of marchandise, artes, and offices, the Pysans were not bownde with other lawes, then did regulat all other cities subiect to the Florentyns, who, acknowledging to liue vnder a moderate and easie pollicie, had no desire to chaunge Lordes, not hauing in deede that obstinacie and pride of minde which is naturall in the Pysans, nor yet infected with a disloyaltie so notorius, as it is made ge­nerall and famous by the auncient prouerbe of all Tuskane: And albeit, since the Flo­rentyns had gouernment in Pysa, sundry of the Citisens tooke a willing banishment: yet it cōcludes nothing against the Florentyns, but detectes iustly their owne prowde stomackes and impacience, bearing no mindes to accommodat them selues to their owne forces nor fortune: And much lesse that vnder the gouernment of the Flo­rentyns, Pysa is diminished either in treasor or inhabitants, seeing of the contrary they haue at a great charge recouered the hauen of Lyuorne, without the which their citie would be no lesse vnprofitable then inconuenient: They haue also intro­duced the publike studie of all sciences, together with many other benefits, & lastly, diligently continued the reparacions of the bankes, the better to replenishe them with inhabitants: The truth of which thinges did shine with too cleare a light, then that the clowdes of false complaintes were able to ouershadow and darken it: he sayd it was suffered to euery one to desire to aspire to a better fortune, but withall it was an office iust in all inferior degrees to beare without grudging the ordenance & sentence of their lott: otherwise there woulde be confusion of all empires and go­uernments, if it were suffered to euery one that is subiect, to aspire to libertie: Lastly he told the king that to the Florentyns, it was neither necessary nor any way apper­teyning to their office, to perswade Charles a Christian king of Fraunce what he had to doe, for that being a Prince wise and iuste, they dowted not that he would suffer him selfe to be caried by so vaine complaintes and slaunders: that of him selfe he would remember him selfe of his promise made afore his armie was receiued into Pysa, togither with his word and oth of a king published solemnly at Florence, for that by how much a king is mighty and great, by so much is it more meritorious & glo­rious to him to vse his power & greatnes for the preseruacion of his faith & iustice:’ The king hearing the differences thus disclosed by both thembassadors, bare an in­clinacion partiall to the Pysans, and wished that during the warre of Naples, there might be a surceassing of armes betwene the two parties, or at least that the Floren­tyns would consent that he might hold the whole contrey, assuring them that assone as the conquest of Naples were accomplished, he would make perfect all his promi­ses giuen at Florence: This the Florentyns refused, holding euen now for suspected all the kinges wordes, and yet they forbare not with great constancie to presse him to keepe his promise: wherein, to make showe that he would satisfie them (his inten­cion in deede being to haue of them before the time the lxx. thowsande duckatts which they had promised him) he dispatched at the same instant he departed from [Page 77] Rome, the Cardinall of S. Mallo as Embassador to Florence, making as though he sent him thether to satisfie their demaundes: But in secret he charged him that, nouri­shing them with hopes till they had made payment of the money, he should leaue thinges in the same estate: of which shifte of time, albeit the Florentyns made suffici­ent dowt, yet they aduaunced xl. thowsand duckats afore the tearme, which assoone as the Cardinall had receiued, he went to Pysa, promising to recontinue the posses­sion of the estate to the Florentyns: But he made a speedy returne without any effect of his promise, and lesse aunswering thexpectacion of them of Florence, afore whom he excused him self by the obstinacie of the Pysans, & that being not able of him self to dispose them, his authoritie was lesse sufficient to constrayne them, hauing no ex­presse commission from the king: Lastly it was not conuenient for him being of ho­ly profession, to take or followe any councell whereon might arise effusion of Chri­stian bludd: yet he bestowed a new garrison within the new Citadell, and had done the like in the olde castell, if he could haue got the consent of the Pysans, who grewe daily more and more in courage and forces by the secret helping of the Duke of Myllan, who iudging it necessary, that there should be within Pysa a greater strength and a leader of experience & vallour, had sent to them (couering him selfe notwith­standing as he was wont with the name of the Genovvays) Luke Mavvezze, with newe bandes and companies: And letting passe no occasion that might keepe the Florentyns in busines the better to holde them from offending the Pysans, he inter­teyned into pay in common with the Siennoys, Iacques d'Appian Lord of Plombyn, and Iohn Sauelle, the rather to encourage the sayd people of Sienna to defend Montpulci­an, a place newly reuolted from the Florentyns, & accepted by them of Stenna, with­out hauing regarde to the confederacion which they had together: At the same time also the Florentyns were in no lesse care and trauell for suddeine busines newly hapned within the citie: for immediatly after the king was departed from Florence, the better to reestablish their gouernment, they had in their parliament (which in their custom is a congregacion assembled of all the citisens in the place before the townehouse, who deliberat with free voyce vpon matters propownded by the great Magistrat) instituted a kind of pollicie, which, vnder the name of a gouernment po­pular tended in many thinges, more to the power of a fewe, then of euery one in ge­nerall: The which being greeuous to many, who fashioned in their mindes a grea­ter libertie, and hauing the priuat ambicion of some one of the principall Citisens concurring, there was necessitie to dispute vpon a new forme of gouernment, wher­in as it was commoned vpon one day amongest the principall Magistrates and per­sons of greatest reputacion, Pavvle Anthony Soderyn, a Citisen, wise and much respe­cted, deliuered his opinion in this sort.

Albeit the estate popular is lesse esteemed then that wherein thinges are referredP. Anth. So­derin reaso­neth touching a forme of go­uernment for Florence. to one alone, or gouerned by the directions of graue men: yet, for that the desire of libertie is a desire auncient and almost naturall in this citie, and the condicions and estate of our Citisens are equally proporcioned, which is a necessary ground of po­pular gouernments: I might mainteyne by easie and reasonable discourse, ‘that it ought to be preferred before all other, were it not that the disputacion would be su­perfluous, seeing in all our assemblies since the parliament, it hath bene alwayes de­termined by a consent vniuersall, that the citie should be gouerned in the name and with thauthoritie of the people: But the diuersitie of opinions is risen vppon this, that certeine particulars, in things ordeyned in the parliament, seeke to come neare and resemble that forme of common weale, vnder the which the citie was gouerned [Page 78] before our libertie was oppressed by the familie of the Medicis and others, (of which nomber I confesse I am) supposing that the gouernment so established, bare in ma­ny thinges rather the name then theffects of a pollicie popular, and fearing thacci­dents which often happen by like gouernments, desire a forme more perfect and more regarding the preseruacion and protection of the concord and sewertie of the citisens: A thing which neither by reason, nor experience of times passed, can be hoped for in this citie, but vnder a gouernment depending alltogether vppon the power of the people so that it be well and duely ordeyned and regulated, which thing consistes principally in two foundacions: The first is, that all ministracions and offices aswell in the citie as thorow the whole demeane, be giuen (for a certeine time) by a councell vniuersall, which according to our lawes may participat in the gouernment, without the approbacion of which councell, new lawes can not be e­stablished: By this meane, not being in the power of citisens priuate, nor of any par­ticular faction or intelligence to distribute dignities & authorities, No man shall be excluded by passion or partialitie of others, but offices shall be bestowed according to the vertues and merits of men: And vertue bearing this propertie to transferre dignities to those persons to whom her selfe is conioyned, it will be a meane & en­couragement to eueryone to striue by his vertues and good partes, with the ayde publike and priuate, to open his way to honors and reputacion: it shall be necessary that euery one absteyne from vices, and forbeare to hurt one an other, and finally es­chew both the study & action of all hateful thinges in a citie welinstituted. And it can not be in the power of one or a fewe to introduce with newe lawes, or with au­thoritie of a Magistrate, an other gouernment, this being not to be chaunged, but by the will and priuitie of the councell vniuersall. The second ground is, that the de­liberacions and councells of importance, such as apperteyne to peace and warre, to the construing and examinacion of newe lawes, and generally to all thinges neces­sary for thadmmistracion of such a citie or empire, be managed by Magistrates par­ticularly appoynted to that charge, and by a councell more priuate compownded of wise and experienced citisens to be deputed and ordeined by the councell popu­lar: for that the knowledge and iudgement of such affayres, falling not familiarly in­to thunderstanding of euery one, it is necessary they be gouerned by such as are ca­pable to them, And requiring oftentymes diligence and secrecie, they are not to be consulted or communicated with the multitude, as not being necessary for the pre­seruacion of the publike libertie, that such thinges be handled in too great audience and companie, seeing the libertie is assured as often as the distribucion of Magistra­cies, and deliberacion of new lawes, depende of the vniuersall consent: These two foundacions thus layed, you haue a true popular gouernment ordeyned, the libertie of the citie grounded, and a perpetuall and commendable forme of common weale confirmed. There be many other thinges which tende to make this gouernment more perfect, but they are referred more conueniently to an other tyme, to thende not to confound in this beginning the mindes of men, which both suspicious by the memorie of tyrannies past, and not accustomed to manage gouernments free, can not wholly knowe all things necessary to be ordeyned for preseruacion of the liber­tie: and there be thinges, which for their litle importance and consideracion, may without daunger be differred vntill a tyme more apt and better occasion. No dowte, the citisens will embrace more and more this forme of commonweale, and being by experience, made daily more capable of the truth, they can not but desire that their gouernment be pollished and brought to his full perfection: Neither can it [Page 79] but be susteyned and holden vp by these two foundacions, which, how easie it is to lay and establish, and what frute they bring, is not to be proued onely by many rea­sons, but also appeares plainely by examples: for, albeit the gouernment of the Ve­netians standes properly vpon gentlemen, those gentlemen yet are no other then ci­tisens priuat, and what for their numbers, so many, and for their condicions so di­uerse, it can not be denied that it doth not much participat with a gouernment po­pular, although in many thinges it can not be imitated of vs: and yet it is principal­ly founded vpon these two pillers and bases, by the which hauing bene continued by many ages, together with a libertie, vnitie, and concord ciuil, it is risen to the glo­ry and greatnes which the world seeth: The vnitie & strength of the Venetians hath not growen as many suppose, by their scituacion, for that in the same may be and haue bene many discordes and sedicions: But it hath proceeded for that they had a forme of pollicie so wel sorted & proporcioned to it selfe, that necessarily it brought forth precious and wonderfull effectes, agreeable to the firme and sownd foundaci­ons. Our owne examples ought to moue vs no lesse then straungers, if we consider in the contrary, that because our city had neuer a forme of gouernment like vnto this, it was the cause that our estate and affayres haue bene so subiect to ordinary muta­cions, sometimes troden vnder feete by the violence of tyrantes, & sometymes rent and dismembred by the ambicious and couetous discordes of certeme particulars, and sometimes confounded by the vnbridled libertie of the cōmunaltie: Insomuch that where cities were built for the rest and happy life of thinhabitantes, our tran­quilletie, our felicities, and our ioyes haue bene the confiskacion of our goods, with banishment and execucion of our miserable Citisens: The gouernment brought into the parliament, differeth not from the pollicies heretofore ordeyned in this citie, which being all infected with discordes and calamities, after infinit trauels both publike and priuat, they finally ingendred tyrannies, like as in the time of our aunce­stors for none other then these occasions, the Duke of Athens oppressed the libertie and in the times succeeding, Cosmo de medicis followed his example, whereof it is not to be maruelled: for, when the distribucion of Magistracies, and deliberacion of the lawes, haue not communitie with the common consent, but depend vpon tharbitra­cion of the lesser number: then the Citisens not carefull of the publike benefit, but seeking their profits and endes priuate, rise into sectes and conspiracies particular, whereunto are ioyned the diuisions of the whole citie, a plague most certeine to all common weales and Empires: So that it can not but be a greater discression to es­chew those formes of gouernment which by reasons and examples in our selues we finde to be hurtfull, and draw neare to those pollicies which with the reasons and examples of others we discerne to be wholsom and happy. And thus much I take boldnes to auouch (the truth and sinceritie of the matter much enforcing me) that the pollicie of our citie ronning alwayes in that order that a fewe Citisens shal haue an vnmeasured authoritie, will proue to be a gouernment of a fewe tyrants, who wil be so much more daungerous then one tyrant alone, by how much the ill is great, & hurtes more, by how much it is multiplied: And if there should be none other ill or mischiefe at all, yet at leastwise, what for the diuersitie of opinions, and for thambici­on and different couetousnes of men, there could be no expectacion of longe con­corde: And discorde, as it is hurtfull in all seasons, so it would be most daungerous at this time, wherein you haue sent into exile one so mightie a Citisen, and wherein you stand depriued of one of the principallest partes of your estate: And lastly, Italy hauing euen in her harte and intralls forreine armies, standes on all sides inuironed [Page 80] with manifest perill:’ Albeit very seldom or possible, neuer it hath bene absolutely in the power of all the citie to put order to it selfe according to our owne liking, yet seeing by the goodnes of God you haue that power, lose not thoccasion to institute a free gouernment and so well erected, that not onely you shall be made happy by it whilest you liue: but also may promise the same to your posteritie, and leaue as an inheritance to your children such a treasure and felicitie, as your auncestors neuer had nor knewe.

To the contrary of this, did reason Guid▪anthony Vespucci, a lawer notable for hisAgainst this opinion reaso­neth Guido Anth. Ve­spucci. iudgment, and no lesse singular for his facilitie and sharpnes of witt: if the gouern­ment (sayth he) instituted in the forme of Pavvle Antonyne Soderyn, would as easily bring forth the frutes that are desired, as he hath liberally recounted them: ‘sewer we should show great corrupcion in iudgement, reason, and discression, if we would wishe to our contrey any other sort of pollicie, & right vnworthy should we seeme of the reputacion and benefits of good Citisens, if we would not embrace a forme of a commonweale wherin the vertues, merits, and valours of men, should be aboue all other thinges honored and recompenced: But I can not see how it may be ho­ped that a gouernment put wholly in the power of the people, can bring forth so many benefits: seeing no man dowtes but it is a lesson in reason, a trial in experience, and an authoritie confirmed by great men, that in so great a multitude can not be found that discression, that experience nor that order, as may be promised that they will preferre the wise afore the ignorant, the good afore the ill, and the experienced afore such as neuer knew what it was to manage affayres: for, like as of a iudge in­capable and ignorant can be no expectacion of iudgements righteous and iust: So, in a people full of confusion and vanitie, is no hope (but at aduenture) of election or deliberacion wise or reasonable: That which in publike gouernments wise men & such as follow the studie of no other affayres, can hardly discerne, let vs neuer beleue that a multitude vnexperienced, ignorant, compounded of so great diuersitie of spi­rits, of condicions and customs, and wholly giuen to thinges that concerne them particularly, can distinguish and know it: Besides, the immoderat perswacion that euery one will haue of him selfe, will kindle in euery one a couetousnes of honors, not sufficing to men in popular gouernment to enioy the honest frutes of libertie, but they will aspire all to the degrees principall, and seeke to haue place in the coun­cells of things of most importance and hardnes, for that lesse in vs then in any other citie, raigneth the modestie to giue place to such as knowe most, and deserue best: And so nourishing our selues with perswasion that of right we ought to be all equall in all thinges (the power resting in the multitude) places of vertue, valour, and me­rit will be confounded, and this couetousnes stretched out into the greatest parte, will bring to passe that such may doe most as know least and merit lesse, for that be­ing most in number, they wil haue most power, opinions being rather compted then considered. These thinges well waighed, what assurance is there, that contenting with the forme which now you would bring in, they would not immediatly fall to disorder, and confound with inuentions new and lawes vndiscreete which wise men could not resist, the wayes to gouerne a common weale which had bene wisely deli­berated and established: which thinges being daungerous at all times in such a sort of commonweale, would bring farre more peril at this present, seeing it is the nature of men when they come out of one extremitie wherein they haue bene holden by force, to ronne with a swift course to an other extremitie without staying in the middest: euen so, men drawne out of a tyrannie, if they be not restrayned, ronne [Page 81] headlong into an vnbridled libertie, which iustly may be called a tyrannie: Because in these actions a people and multitude is like to a tyrant when he giueth where is no cause of meritt, and taketh from him that hath well deserued, confounding the degrees and distinctions of persons, yea happly their tyrannie is so much the more hurtfull, by how much their ignorance (conteyning neither waight, measure, nor lawe) is greater then the malignitie, which yet perhapps is gouerned by some rule, with some bridle, or subiect to some limit: We ought not much to be moued with the example of the Venetians, for that in their behalfe the scituacion makes some thing, and the forme of gouernment receiued of long time may doe much, togither with the order and disposicion of thinges ruled in such sort that the councells of importance rest more in the power of a fewe then of many, and their spirits happely not being by nature so suttle as ours, they are more easie to be kept quiet and con­tented: Besides, the pollicie of the Venetians standes not onely vpon the two foun­dacions that haue bene considered, but for their perfection and firmenes it imports much that they haue a Duke perpetual, with many other ordenaunces, which who would introduce into this commonweale, should seeme to bring in innouacions & find many resistances, seeing our citie takes not nowe her being, nor at this present the first time of her institucion: And therefore auncient customs impugning often times common profit, and men suspecting that vnder cooler of preseruacion of the libertie there would be raised a new tyrannie, wholsom councels wil be of litle force, euen as in a body infected & replenished with ill humors, medicines are not of that seruice, as in a body purged: for which reasons, & for the nature of humane things which commonly goe impairing, it is more to be feared that that which in this be­ginning shall be imperfectly ordeyned, will be wholly disordered with time, then to hope that by time and with occasions, it may be reduced to perfection: we haue ex­amples of our owne and neede not the iustificacion of authorities and experiences of others: for, at what time hath the people gouerned absolutely this citie, that it hath not bene full of discordes, that it hath not suffered deformitie & dismembring, and lastly that the state hath not immediatly chaunged: And if we stande so much vpon the examples of others, why do we not remember, that the gouernmēt wholly popular, bredd in Rome so many tumultes, that had it not bene for the science, dili­gence, and discipline of warre, the life of that commonweale had bene short: Let vs remember that Athens a most florishing and mighty citie, lost not for other occasi­on her Empire and so sell into seruitude of the Citisens and straungers, then for that they did dispose of great affayres with the deliberacions and councells of the com­munaltie: But I see not for what occasion it may be sayd, that in the forme introdu­ced in the parliament the libertie is not there wholly founde, seeing all thinges are referred to the disposicion of Magistrates, and they not perpetuall, but chaunging, are not elected of few, but approued of many, & ought according to thauncient cu­stom of the citie to be referred to tharbytrement of the lott: then they can not be di­stributed by factions, or by the appetite of citisens particular: we shall haue a farre greater assurance when the affaires of most importance shall passe by thexaminaci­on and direction of the most wise, the most practised, and most graue men, who are to manage and gouerne them with an other order, an other secrecie, and an other iudgement, then would be expressed in a multitude or communaltie incapable of such thinges,’ some times when is least neede prodigall in expenses, and eftsoones in busines great and waighty, so sparing and restrained, that often times for sauing a very litle, they fall into great expenses and daungers, ‘euen as men that leaping ouer [Page 82] a great blocke, stumble vpon a litle strawe: In deede as P. Anthoyne hath sayd, thin­firmity of Italy, and particularly of our contrey, is great and of no litle consideracion, euen so the folly is so much the greater, when hauing neede of Phisicions experien­ced and wise, we will put our bodies into the handes of such as haue least skill and discression: Lastly, you haue to consider that you shall mainteyne your people in greater rest, and leade them most easily to councells wholsom both for them selues, and to the benefit of euery one, in giuing them in the common weale a moderate part and authoritie, seeing if you referre all thinges to their arbitracion, there will be daunger that they will become insolent and wholly disagreeing from the councells of your wise,’ carefull, and affectioned citisens.

In this councell, whereunto was not admitted the great number of citisens, the aduise then tended to a forme of gouernment not so large and popular, had caried it, if amongest the deliberacions of men, there had not bene mixed authoritie diuine pronounced by the mouth of Ieronimo Sauonarola a religious man of thorder of fre­arIero. Sauona­rola esteemed for a prophet in Florence. preachers. This man hauing bene continually exercised for many yeares in the publike preaching of Gods word at Florence, and hauing ioyned to his singular do­ctrine, a generall brute of holines of life, had gotten in the opinion of most part of the people, the name and authoritie of a Prophet: for that at times wherein in Italy was no other apparance in mans reason, then of common tranquillitie, he would in his sermons prophecie of the comming of forreine armies, with so great astonish­ment of men that neither walls nor camps were able to resist them: which thinges with many others of other nature, he would assure that he did not foretell by dis­course humane, or knowledge of the Scriptures, but simply did foresee them by re­uelacion diuine: In these wonders & warnings he would sometimes touch the mu­tacion of the state of Florence: At that time he detested publikely the forme of go­uernment agreed vpon in the parliament, affirming that it was the will and pleasure of God that they did erect a pollicy mearely popular, in sort that there should not be power in a few citisens to alter nether the sewertie nor the libertie of the residue: inso much that for the reuerēce of one so great a name, ioined to the desire of many, such as were of thother opinion, should not be able to resist so great an inclinacion: Ther­fore this matter being many times propounded and debated, it was lastly determi­ned, that there should be made a councel of all the citisens, wherein should haue no accesse (so it was spredd in many places in Italy) the dreggs of the people, but onely such as by the auncient lawes of the citie might participate in the gouernment. In this councell should not be hādled nor they should not dispose of other things then of the election of all the Magistrates for the city & for the demeane, & of the confir­macion of prouisions of money, together with all the lawes ordeyned before by the Magistrates and other councells more priuat and straite: And to thende that thoc­casions of ciuill discordes shoulde be taken away, and the spiritts of euery one the more assured, it was prohibited by decree publike according to thexample of thaue­niens, not to remember the errors and transgressions committed in the tymes past in thaffayres of estate: vpon which foundacions, might perhapps haue bene consti­tuted a gouernment well regulated and established, if at the same time they had in­troduced all the ordenances which then came into the consideracion of wise men. But such thinges being not able to be deliberated without the consent of many who for the memorie of thinges past were full of suspicions: it was iudged and determi­ned that for the present, the grand councell shoulde be established as a ground and foundacion of the newe libertie, referring to accomplish that which wanted vntill a [Page 38] better oportunitie of time, and vntill (by the meane of experience) the publike vti­litie should be knowne of such as had no capacitie to knowe it by reason and iudge­ment: This was the course & condicion of thaffayres of Tuskane. But in this meane while, the french king, after he had with a ready fortune conquered the citie of Na­ples, to giue a full perfection to his victorie, he had principally to looke to remoue two impediments: The one how he might get new castel, and the castell of the egge, which are two fortresses of Naples, holding good yet for Ferdinand, but for the towne of S. Vincent, builded for the garde of the hauen, he had it without much resistance: his other consideracion was how he might reduce the whole kingdom to his obe­dience: In which two thinges fortune still followed him with a full sayle of her fa­uors, for, new castel, the habitacion of the kinges builded vpon the banke or shoares of the sea, by the couetousnes and cowardise of fiue hundred launceknightes hol­ding garrison there, was rendred with condicion that they might departe in safetie with all the goods and moueables they were able to cary: In this castell was founde great quantities of vittells, whereof the king without consideracion to that might happen, made prodigall liberalities to certeyne of his owne people: And touching the castell called the egge, built within the sea vpon a rocke, afore tymes parcell of the firme lande, but now deuided from it by the operacion of Lucullus, was ioyned with a narrow bridge to the next brinkes or shoares of Naples: they within the rocke, seeing them selues battered without ceasing with a perpetuall furie of thartillerie, which might well shake the walls, but nothing moue the naturall rocke, agreed to yeld vp the place, if within viij. dayes they were not succored: The Barons also and gouernors of communalties, would goe many dayes iorneyes to meete the french capteines and companies of souldiers sent into sundry partes of the realme: whose example in yelding, and the humanitie and inclinacion of the french in receiuing them, bredd such a generall minde of reuolt in cities, fortes, and peeces particular, that almost all the places of strength were rendred by those that kept them, either with no resistance at all, or at least without perill or difficultie: yea the rocke of Ca­ietta notwithstanding it was made stronge with men, vittells, municion, and other thinges necessary for defence, yet after a few light assaults, it yelded to the discression of the victors: This selicitie of the king followed with so full streame, that within▪ very few dayes, and with a wonderfull facilitie, all the kingdom was brought into his obedience, except the yle of Yschia, the castells of Brondusia and Galipoly in Povvylla, and in Calabria the rocke of Regge, scituate in the poynt of Italy right ouer against Sicile, the citie holding for the king: and except also Turpia and Mantia, who in the beginning displayed the banners of Fraunce, but refusing to liue vnder the subiecti­on of others then the king, who had already disposed them to certeyne of his fauo­rits, they chaunged councell, and returned to their first Lorde: The like was done within a litle tyme after by the citie of Brondusa, to the which the french king hauing sent no men, but vsing negligence where was necessitie of care and councell, did skarcely heare their Magistrates sent to him to Naples to capitulat: by which occa­sion ioyning with thoportunitie offered, those that kept the castells in the name of Ferdinand, had good meane by perswasions to draw agayne the citie to the deuoci­on of the Aragons: by which example also, the citie of Otrante lately declared for the french, & no creature sent thether to receiue them, continued not long in their affection: All the Lordes and Barons of the realme (except Alphonso Daualo Mar­quiss of Pisouire, who left within new castell by Ferdinand, was gone to him when he perceiued the inclinacion of the launceknightes to yeld: and except two others, who [Page 84] for that the french king had giuen away their estates, were fled into Sicile) came to doe homage to the new king: who, desiring to assure wholly so great a conquest by the way of concorde, called afore him vnder safe conduit afore he had wonne the rocke of the egge, Dom Federyk, who, aswell for that he had remeyned many yeares in the court of Fraunce in the tyme of the kinges father, as also for that he touched his maiestie in parentage, was much fauored of all the Lordes of Fraunce. The kingThe french king makes offers to Dom Federyk. told him, he would indue Ferdinand (leauing all that was his in the realme of Na­ples) with estates and large reuenues in Fraunce: And touching him, to recompense him liberally with all that he possessed there: But Federyk, well knowing that his ne­phew was determined to accept no condicion, except he might haue Calabria, aun­sweredDom Federyk aunswereth the king. with a countenance of humilitie and reuerence, and wordes graue and wise: That seeing God, fortune, and the good wills of men haue concurred in his present felicities to giue him the kingdom of Naples, Ferdinand was not determined to make resistance against so fatall a disposicion: but, rather esteeming it no shame to giue place to a king so happy and mighty, he would no lesse then others, remeyne in his obedience and deuocion, so that his maiestie would contribute to him some parte of the kingdome (touching Calabria by a secret meaning) to thende that dwelling therein not as king, but in the condicion of one of his Barons, he might honor the clemencie and magnanimitie of the french king, in whose seruice he hoped to haue once occasion to showe that vertue which his malicious fortune would not suffer him to expresse in the action of his owne safetie: That, nothing could turne more to the glorie of king Charles then that councell, bearing resemblance and affinitie with the councells of those kinges whom antiquitie doth so much recommend vn­to vs, who, by such operacions had raysed their names to immortalitie, and establi­shed amongest peoples and nations, diuine honors: That, it was a councell no lesse for his sewertie then for his glorie, for that Ferdinand brought to his deuocion, the realme would be so assured to him, ‘that he should not hereafter feare the chaunge of fortune, who had this common propertie: that as often as victories were not assu­red with moderacion and discression, she would defile by some accident vnlooked for,’ the vertue and reputacion of the glory gotten. But the king dowting that if he communicated any parte of the kingdome with his competitor, he shoulde open a waye to manifest perill for the residue, Dom Federyk parted from him without any thing doing: Ferdinand, vnderstanding of the rendring of the castells, sayled into Si­cile with xiiij. light gallyes slenderly appoynted, wherein he passed from Naples: This he did to be ready vpon all occasions, leauing the gard of the rocke of Yschia to Ianick Daualo brother to Alphonso, both men of great vallour, and of singular faith to­wards their Lord: But the french king, to take from thennemie that receptacle ve­ry conuenient to trouble the realme, sent thether his armie by sea, which arriued at length in the port of Naples, and finding the towne abandoned, they forbare to as­saile the rocke, wherein, for his inuincible strength by scituacion, they discerned ma­nyThe french king sendes an armie to inuade Ys­chia. impossibilities to preuayle: And therefore, to giue a greater helpe to their ver­tue, the king determined to assemble all the vessells of Prouence and of Genes, to take Yschia, and assure the sea which Ferdinand vexed some tymes: But their councel and diligence were not equall to their fortune, seeing, according to thinfirmitie of all their doings, all thinges had a slow proceeding, and were guided in most great neg­ligence and confusion: for, the french king turning the prosperitie of his affayres to serue his vanities, his companies in like sort, by so great felicitie became more inso­lent then of custom, and let goe at aduenture thaffayres of importance, not recey­uing [Page 85] into their thoughts any other impression then of feasting and pleasures: And such as were great in the councells and fauors of the king, cared not but for their owne particular, and to draw of the victory all the profit they could, without respe­cting the dignitie or vtilitie of their Prince.

About this tyme dyed at Naples Gemyn Otto to the great displeasure of the king,The death of Ge. Ott [...]a Tinke, and kept in refuge by the Pope. who layed vp in him many foundacions and oportunities for the warre he deter­mined to make against the Empire of the Turkes: It was beleued his death was bru­ed in a cup of poyson which the Pope had giuen him to worke his ende in a certein tyme: or that hauing deliuered him against his wil, and so depriued of the xl. thow­sand duckats which his brother payed him yearely, he tooke for consolacion that he that had taken him away, should receiue by him no commoditie or profit: or at least for entry he bare to the glory of the french king: or lastly for feare, that thinges succeeding happily with him against the Infidells, he would not afterwards turne his thoughtes to reforme the abuses of the Church, which being wholly alyened from the auncient deuocion, customs, & pietie, made euery day of lesse authoritie the re­ligion of Christ, euery one withall hauing an assured expectacion that they would further decline before the ende of his raigne, which being gotten by wicked meanes, was happly neuer in the memorie of men administred with worse orders: And there were that beleued (for the corrupt nature of the Pope made credible in him all wic­kednes) that Baiazet after he vnderstoode that the french king prepared to passe in­to Italy, practised with him by the meane of George Bucciardin corrupted with mo­ney, to oppresse the life of Gemyn: And yet the king (nourishing still his inclinacion to the warres of the Turkes, more vppon a greene humor of youth and volubilitie of minde, then by maturitie of councell) ceased not for his death to send into Greece tharbishop of Duraz of the nation of Albania, who put the king in hopes by the meanes of certeine factions of the banished and other vayne intelligences, to stirre vp some commocion in that prouince: But new accidents constrained him to turne his spirits to new thoughtes.

It hath bene set downe before, how the desire to vsurpe the Duchie of Myllan, ioy­nedLodo. Sforce beginneth too late to feare the greatnes of the french. to a feare that Lodovvyk Sforce had of the Aragons and Peter de medicis, induced him to procure the french king to passe into Italy, by whose comming after he had obteined his ambicious pretence, and that the Aragons were brought into those ne­cessities, that there was no abilitie remeyning to defend their propper safetie: A se­cond feare both more great and reasonable then the first, beganne to occupie his thoughtes, his eyes, and all his senses: that was the seruitude and thraldom houe­ring ouer him, ouer him, and all thItalians, if the kingdom of Naples were ioyned to the power of the crowne of Fraunce, desiring for that cause (as hath bene noted) that by the Flo­rentyns should be obiected many difficulties and impediments against the resoluci­on of his enterprise. But when he saw his maiestie was easily ioyned with that com­mon weale, & with the same facilitie had ouercome all thimpediments of the Pope, and lastly without resistance had preuayled ouer the realme of Naples, the daunger semed euery day so much the greater to him, by how much the course of the french victories aduaunced more and more with facilitie, fortune and felicitie: A like feare also began to stirre in the mindes of the Senat of Venice, who in all their councells hetherunto had cōstantly perseuered in newtralitie, gouerning their abstinence with so great discression no lesse in action then in demōstracion, that there was no meane to suspect their inclinacion more to one partie then to an other: They had for Em­bassadors with the king Anthony Loredan and Dominick Treuisan, albeit they lingered [Page 86] so long to send them, that the king was not onely passed the mountes, but arriued at Florence afore they were presented to him: But now looking with iudgement and studie into the violent course of so great felicities, his armies ronning like a thunder, without resistance thorow all Italy, they beganne to esteeme as their owne, the do­mage of their neighbours, and to feare that in the ruine of others, their destruction were not conspired, But chiefly the king hauing made him selfe Lorde of Pysa and other fortresses of the Florentyns, leauing garrison in Sienna, and almost wonne the like imperie in the state of the Church: they construed all to arguments absolute, that the ambicion of his thoughtes was not limited within the realme and rule of Naples: for these causes the Senat gaue willing eare to the perswasions of Lodovvyk Sforce, who assoone as the Florentyns had yelded to the king, had begonne to solicite them to ioyne with him in a common remedie against common daungers: where­in it was beleued that if the french king had met with any impedimentes eyther at Rome, or at his entrye into the realme of Naples, they had together taken armes a­gainst him: But the kinges fortune preuented their councells, and in his victorie was more suddeinnes & expedicion, then in all thimpediments that could be obie­cted. The king also, dowting of the practises and factions of Lodovvyk, had reteyned in his pay since the conquest of Naples, Iohn Iacques Triuulce with an hundred laun­ces vnder a pension worthy and honorable, and ioyned vnto him with many promi­ses the Cardinall Fregosa and Obietto de Fiesque: the one for that they were mighty instruments to trouble and rayse emotions in the towne of Genes: and the other, for that being a chiefe leader of the Guelffes faction at Myllan, caried a minde much de­uided from Lodovvyk: To whom as yet the king refused to giue the principallitie of Tarenta, saying his bonde had no force till he had reduced into his power all the realme of Naples: These thinges being bitterly displeasing to Lodovvyk, he restray­ned twelue gallyes which were armed for the king at Genes, and denownced the ap­poynting of any more vessells there for the french seruice, which the king complay­ned to be the cause that he did not eftsoones reassayle with a new supply the rocke of Yschia.

Thus suspicions and disdaynes growing on all partes, and the suddeine conquest of Naples representing to the Venetians and the Duke of Myllan the present perill of their estates: they were constrayned to ioyne vertue to their councells, and deferre no longer to put their thoughtes in execucion: wherein, for the furthering of their resolucion & courage, they had the consideracion of the mighty companies of con­federats: for that to this the Pope was no lesse ready (to whom the greatnes of the french was fearefull and suspicious) then Maximylian king of Romaines wholly dis­posed, to whome aboue all other for many occasions of hatred to the crowne of France, and for the many iniuries receiued by the king raygning, the prosperities of France were hatefull: But the chiefe groundes and foundacions whereuppon the Venetians and Lodovvyk wrought, were the King and Queene of Spayne, who being a litle before bownd to the french king (not for other respect then to draw from him the earledom of Rossillion) not to hinder him in the conquest of Naples, had conning­ly reserued to them selues till that tyme a free power to doe the contrary: for, (if their brutes be true) there was a clause annexed to the capitulacions made for the restitucion of the Earledom of Rossillion, which bare that they should not be bownd to any thing that touched the preiudice of the Church: of which exception they inferred, that if the Pope, for thinterest of his chiefe, desired them to succor the realme of Naples, they had good right to doe so, without breaking their [...]aith, or cor­rupting [Page 87] their promises: To this they added afterwards, that by the same capitula­cions they were forbidden to oppose them selues against king Charles, in case it ap­peared that the same kingdom did iudicially apperteyne vnto him: But what diffe­rence so euer was betwene the truth and their constructions of thinges, it is cer­teyne, that hauing got that they desired, they beganne not onely to giue hope to the succors of them of Aragon, and secretly to solicite the Pope not to abandon their cause, but also, as they had in the beginning exhorted the french king with wordes moderat as louers of his glory and zealous to religion, to conuert his armies rather against Infidells then the Christian nations: So they continued eftsoones that course, but with so much more efficacie and wordes suspected, by howe much the victorie of the king aduaunced and flourished: And to thende they might couer their doinges with more authoritie, and to nourish in greater hopes the Pope and thAragons, (and of the other parte giuing out a brute that they had regard onely to the gard of Sicily) they were ready to sende thether an armie by sea, which arriued there after the losse of Naples, but yet with an equipage and furniture more in de­monstracions then in effectes, for that it conteyned not aboue eight hundred horse­men mounted vpon iennets, and a thowsand footemen Spanyards: They vsed their apparances vntill the taking of Ostia by the Collonnoys, and the threates of the french against the Pope gaue them a more honest occasion to aduaunce that which they had fashioned and resolued in their mindes: And following their deuise to an action and beginning, they protested openly to the king whilest he was at Florence by their Embassadors, that according to the office of Princes Christian, they would take the defence & protection of the Pope, and the realme of Naples (A chief of the church of Rome) wherein hauing already begonne (assoone as they vnderstoode of the flee­ing of the Aragons) to negociat with the Venetians and the Duke of Myllan for con­federacion, they eftsoones solicited them with a new instance, to communicat with them for their common sewertie against the french men.

So that, aswell by the solicitacion of the king of Spayne, as occasions of the tyme present, threatning indifferent perills to all the principalities in Italy: there was at length in the month of Aprill and in the citie of Venice where were thEmbassadorsA confederat league against the french king. of all those Princes, contracted a confederacion betwene the Pope, the king of Ro­maines, the king of Spayne, the Venetians and the Duke of Myllan. The title and publi­cacion of this league was onely for the defence of the states of one an other, reser­uing places to whosoeuer would enter it with condicions reasonable: But they all being of opinion that it was necessary so to temper thinges as the french king might not holde Naples, it was agreed in capitulacions more secrete, that the bandes of Spanyardes arriued in Sicily should be a succor for the recouering of that kingdom to Ferdinand of Aragon, who with a great hope in the wills of the people, labored to en­ter into Calabria: That the Venetians at the same tyme with their armie by sea, should assayle the sea coastes of the sayd kingdom: That the Duke of Myllan (to hinder suc­cors that might come out of Fraunce) should doe what he could to get the citie of Ast wherein was the Duke of Orleans with a very small strength: That to the kings of Romaines and Spayne shoulde be contributed by the other confederats a certeine quantitie of money, to thende that either of them shoulde make warre vppon the realme of Fraunce with a puissant armie: The confederats withall desiring that all Italy would be vnited in the same concorde of will, made instance to the Florentyns and Duke of Ferrara to participat with this league: But the Duke being delt withall afore the league was published, refused to take armes against the french king, and [Page 88] yet, with an Italian suttlety he consented that Dom Alphonso his eldest sonne should take pay of the Duke of Myllan for cl [...]men at armes with title of Liefetenant ouer all his companies.

But the cause of the Florentyns was otherwise, hauing no lesse iust occasion to leaue the french king, then allured to the confederacion with many great offers: for that immediatly after the publicacion of the league, Lodovvyk offered them in the name of all the confederats (so that they would communicat in the league) all their forces to resist the king, if, in his returne from Naples, he would vexe them, and to ioyne with them assoone as might be for the recouering of Pysa and Lyuorne: And on thother side, they sawe the kinge neither make reckoning of the promises he had giuen at Florence, and much lesse had in the beginning restored them to the posses­sion of their townes, nor since the conquest of Naples redeliuered the castells of the same: They sawe him make his fayth and othe inferior to the councells of those, who, fauoring the cause of the Pysans, perswaded him that the Florentyns, assoone as they were restored would vnite with the other Italians: They saw also that notwith­standing the great summes of money & other corrupcions which they had bestow­ed vpon the Cardinall S. Mallovv, yet he resisted coldly such as incensed the king a­gainst them, as one that would not for the loue of the Florentyns come to contenci­on with the greatones of the kinges court: Aswell in these causes general as in mat­ters more particular, they found in the king by demonstracions manifest, that to the violacion of his faith, he had ioyned a careles estimacion of them, their merits, and amities, in so much that one day their Embassadors complayning of the rebellion of Montpulcian, and summoning him according to his bonde to compell them of Si­enna to render it: he aunswered in skorne what he had to doe if their subiectes re­belled, because they were ill gouerned. But all these notwithstanding the Florentyns, framing their councells according to the termes and necessities of their affayres, would not suffer disdayne to cary them against their propper profit, esteeming it to agree best with their present fortune, not to beare inclinacion to the requestes of the confederats: aswell not to prouoke against them of new the armie of Fraunce in the kinges returne, as for that they woulde yet expect and temporise and hope to haue restitucion of their places by such as kept them: and lastly, for that they reap­posed litle in those promises, knowing that they were hated of the Venetians, for thimpediments which at sundry tymes they had giuē to their enterprises, & know­ing manifestly that Lodovvyk aspired to the imperie of Pysa.

‘But nowe, as all thinges earthly are subiect to their seasons of reuolucion, and in mortall felicities can be no assurance nor perpetuitie:’ So, about these tymes the reputacion of the french began to diminish in the kingdom of Naples, for that ma­king their prosperities serue to their pleasures, and gouerning thinges at aduenture, they looked not to chase the ennemie out of these fewe places yet holden by them, ‘which they might easily haue done, if they had followed their fortune: They litle considered that armes doe litle aduaunce, where pollicie is not concurrant, and vi­ctory bringes a very short glorye,’ where the gouernment is vnperfect: But much more began they to decline in opinion, affection, and friendship: for, albeit the kingThe french king vseth negligence in ordering the thinges of Naples. expressed many honorable aspects and liberalities towards the people in graunting thorow out the realme so many priuileages and exempcions as they amounted to more then two hundreth thowsand duckatts by yeare: yet other thinges were not redressed nor gouerned with that order and discression that apperteyned: for that the king, holding it an action inferior to his authoritie & greatnes to heare the com­plaintes [Page 89] and sutes of men, referred ouer the whole charge of thaffayres to such as gouerned him selfe, and they partly by incapacitie, and partly by particular coue­tousnes confounded all thinges: for, the nobilitie were not embrased with that hu­manitie they looked for, and much lesse had recompenses equall to their merits, yea they founde many difficulties to enter into the chambers and audience of the king: There was made no distinction of persons: the merits and seruises of men were not considered but at aduenture: The mindes of such as naturally were estraunged from the house of Aragon were not confirmed: many delayes and difficulties were sub­borned touching the restitucion of the states and goods of those that were of the fa­ction of Aniovv, and of the other Barons that had bene banished by the olde Ferdi­nand: fauors and graces were imparted to such as procured them by corrupcion & meanes extraordinary: from many they tooke without iustice or reason, and to ma­ny they gaue without occasion or deseruing: Almost all offices and dignities were transferred to the french, in whom were also inuested (to the great greefe of the na­turall Lordes) all the townes of the demayne (such they call those that are wont to obey immediatly the king) thinges so much the more greeuous, by how much the king had promised there should be no alteracion of nature, estate, or possession of those gouernments. The discontentment of these things was much increased by the insolencie and naturall arrogancie of the french aggrauated much by the facilitie of the victorie, which caried them into those opinions and weenings, that they este­med nothing of the whole Monarchie of Italy, attributing that to their proper ver­tue and vallour which chaunced by their fortune and felicitie: And these publike & generall insolencies were made more intollerable by many priuat and inferior abu­ses, as the armie being furried in many partes of the realme, and the bandes disper­sed more at aduenture then by discression, liued in such vnbrideled incontinencie, that those wiues and daughters that had escaped their dissolucion in the tyme of ho­stilitie, were violently dishonored bearing the name of their hostes and friendes: In so much as these doinges drawing with them a suspicion of a perpetuall seruitude, that loue, that desire, that affection where with they honored them before, had now taken contrary qualitie, and not onely turned into hatred, conspiracie, & accursings against them, but also in place of the malice they bare to the Aragons, there was new insynuacion of compassion to Ferdinand, no lesse for the generall expectacion of his vertue, then for the memorie of the gracious speech which with so great sweetenes and constancie he deliuered to the Neapolytans the day of his departure: The same so working that that citie and almost all the kingdom expected with no lesse desire, an occasion to reappeale the Aragons, then a few monethes before, they had desired their destruction. Nowe began to be agreeable to them the name so hatefull of Al­phonso, calling iust seueritie, that which they had wont to note in him for crueltie: & interpreting to true sinceritie of mind, that which wrongfully they had wont to cō ­ster pride and fiercenes: such is the nature of communalties and peoples inclined to hope more then they ought, and endure lesse then is necessary, alwayes thirsting af­ter innouacions, and neuer contented with the tyme present. This infection chiefly goeth thorow thin habitants of Naples, who, of all the regions in Italy are most noted of inconstancie and desire of new thinges.

Before this new league was made, the french king had determined to returne in­to Fraunce with speede, moued more with a lightfancie, and a vehement desire of his court, then with consideracions discreete or well tempered: seeing that in the kingdom of Naples remeyned vndecided many and great affayres of Princes and e­states, [Page 90] and the partes of the realme being not fully conquered, his victory had not yet her iust perfection: But after he knew that so many Princes were drawne intoThe french king taketh councell of his Lordes a hat to d [...]e against the league of Consederat [...]. league against him, he was much moued in his minde, and fell to deuise with his Lordes what he were best to doe in so great an accident, specially euery one assu­ring him that it was long since those Princes had consented in conspiracie against him: Those of his councell were of aduise, that he should dispatche his departure, dowting that by how long he taried, by so much should he giue oportunitie to the difficulties to increase, seeing the Confederats woulde winne time to make greater prouisions, the brute ronning already that a great leuie of Almaines should passe in­to Italy, and that men beganne to speake much of the person of thEmprour: They perswaded that the king would prouide that there might passe with diligence out of Fraunce, new bandes of souldiers to the towne of Ast, both to garde that citie, and to keepe the Duke of Myllan in necessitie to defende his owne contrey, and withall to be in readines to passe further according to the occasions and necessities of his ma­iesties seruices: it was also determined in the same councell to labor with all dili­gence and corrupcion of offers, to separate the Pope from the other confederats, & to dispose him to transferre to the kinges person the inuestiture of the realme of Na­ples, which (notwithstanding he promised absolutely at Rome,) yet he had denied it til that day, and with declaracion that that graunt or concession should not beare pre­iudice to the title & rightes of an other. In a deliberacion so graue, and amongest so many thoughtes of such importance, was not lost the memorie of thaffayres of Py­sa: for, the king, desiring for many regardes, that in him might remeyne power to dispose of that estate, and dowting least by the ayde of the confederats the people of Pysa woulde not bereaue him of the citadell, he sent thether by sea together with thEmbassadors of the towne which were with him, six himdreth french footemen, who being arriued there, conceiued the same affection which others that had bene left there, had: for being gouerned with desire to spoyle and pray, after they had re­ceiued money of the Pysans, they went with their companies to encampe afore the towne of Libra frate, where the Pysans (whose Capteine was Luke Maluozze) had ben in campe certeyne dayes afore vpon an aduertisement that the Florentyns had sent part of their bandes to Montpulcian, and hearing of the approch of their enemies, were raysed and gone the day before: But returning thether eftsoones with the sup­ply of the french men, they tooke it in fewe dayes, for that the Florentyne armie sent to succor it, could not passe the riuer of Serele for the violence of waters, neyther durst they take the other way by the walls of Lucques, for the ill disposicion of that people who were much moued, and fauored greatly the libertie of the Pysans: These bandes with those of the french that remeyned of the conquest of Libra fratte, ronne ouer the whole contrey of Pysa as enemies manifest to the Florentyns, who, when they complained, the king gaue no other aunswere, then assoone as he should come into Tuskane, he would redeliuer all those places he had promised, desiring them to beare with patience that litle respit.

But the meanes of departure were not so easie to the king, as was ready his desire: for that his armie was not so great, as, being deuided into two partes, it was able to bring him into Ast without daunger, and to suffice both to auoyd thimpediments of the confederats, and defend the kingdom of Naples against so many exactions as are in preparing. In which difficulties he was constrayned (to thende the realme should not be naked of defence) to diminishe the prouicions reserued for his owne safetie, and yet to keepe his person from manifest perill, his necessities enforced him not to [Page 91] leaue in the kingdom so strong an armie as was needeful: so he determined to leaue there halfe of his Svvyzzers, and a parte of the frenche footemen, eyght hundreth launcemen of Fraunce, and about fiue hundreth men at armes of thItalians which were in his pay, deuided vnder the enseignes of the Prefect of Rome, the Collonnoys & Anthony Sauelle, Capteines who had tasted plentifully of his liberalities, in the distri­bucion of the townes and estates of the kingdom, but specially the Collonnoys: for that to Fabricius he had giuen the contrey of Alba and Taille cusse possessed before by Virginio Vrsin: and Prospero, he had indued with the Duchie of Tracette, and the citie of Fondi, with many castels which belonged to the familie of Caetane and Mont­fortin, together with many other peeces adioyning taken from the house of the Comtes: To these forces, he made reckoning that in all necessities, he shoulde vnite the forces of those Barons, who for their owne sewertie, were constrayned to desire his greatnes: but specially he reapposed much in the powers of the Prince of Saler­ne whom he had restored to thoffice of Admirall, and of the Prince of Bisignian: heGil. Burbon D [...]s Mont­pensier the kinges Lief­tenant in Naples. created as Lieftenant generall ouer all the realme, Gilbert de Burbon Duke of Mont­pensier, a Capteine more esteemed for his greatnes of his house, and that he did par­ticipat in the bludd royall, then for his proper vertue: he assigned other Capteines in many partes of the realme, on whom he had bestowed estates and reuenues: of these the chief was M. D'aubygny, whom he had made great Constable of the realme for Calabria: In Caiette, the Seneshall of Beaucaire whom he had raysed to thoffice of highe Chamberlaine: And in Abruzze Gracian a valiant Capteine and of great re­putacion: promising them all in one generall faith and worde of a Prince to sende them speedy reskew of money and men: But in the meane while to enterteyne the warre, he left them no other prouicion, thē the assignacion of those moneyes which should be dayly gathered of the reuenues of the realme, which beganne already toThe realme of Naples be­ginneth to re­clayme the name of thA­ragons. wauer and shake, for that the name of thAragons beganne to reuiue in many places: For, at the same tyme that the king would departe from Naples, Ferdinand accom­panied with the spanish armie that came by sea into the yle of Sicile, was discended into Calabria, to whom slocked with a swift readines many trowpes of the contrey­men, the citie of Regge rendring it selfe to him, whose castell had bene alwayes kept in his name: At the same tyme was discouered about the shoares of Pouylla the Ve­netian armie by sea, ouer whom was Capteine Anthony Grymany, a man in that com­mon weale of great authoritie: But neither for these, nor many other signes of chaū ­ges towardes the king, did not forbeare, no not once suspende or linger his delibe­racion to goe his way: for, besides that happly they were driuen by necessitie, the de­sire was incredible in the king and all his court to returne into Fraunce, ‘as though fortune that was sufficient to make them get so great a victorie, had bene still so able to preserue it for them: he did not remember that the getting of a victorie is refer­red to fortune, but the losse of a kingdom is imputed to the king, who standes then in most necessitie of councell and discression, when fortune makes him beleue he is in most securitie: it is familiar with fortune to doe more harme in one day, then she doth good in many yeares, vsing for her delite to rayse vp vayne men for her glory, and suffer them eftsoones to fall with the waight of their propper vanitie and want of gouernment: In this tyme also held good for Ferdinand, the yles of Yschia and of Lipara, which albeit were neare to Sicile, yet they are members of the kingdom of Naples: he held Reggi which he had newly recouered, and euen in Calabria, he com­maunded Villenenfue with the castell,’ and places about Brondusa where Federyk was retyred, also Galipoli, la Mantia, and Turpia.

[Page 92]Before the king parted from Naples, many thinges were innegociacion betwene him and the Pope: not without great hope of concorde: In which actions was sent from the Pope to the king, and after returned to Rome the Cardinall S. Denys, and for the french king, M. Franci: The king desired greatly thinuestiture of Naples, and that the Pope, if he would not ioyne with him, at the least that he would not be for his e­nemies & that he would receiue him into Rome as a friende: To which demaundes, albeit at the beginning the Pope bare some inclinaciō, yet, distrusting much in him selfe of the king, and esteeming that to separate him selfe from the confederats, and consent to thinuestiture, would be supposed a meane sufficient to make a faithfull re­conciliacion with him: he obiected many difficulties to thother demaundes, and to that of thinuestiture, (albeit the king would condiscende to take it vnder this con­dicion not to be preiudiciall to the rightes of an other) he aunswered, that he wished the lawes might be looked into afore, to see to whom the right apperteyned: And of the other side, seeking to giue impediment by force to the kinges entrye into Rome, he sent to the state of Venice and to the Duke of Myllan to refurnishe him with succors and strength of souldiers, who, immediatly sent him a thowsand light horse­men, and two thowsand footemen with promise of an ayde of a thowsande men at armes: with which bandes ioyned to his owne forces he hoped to be able to make resistance: But the Venetians and Duke of Myllan considering afterwards, that it was a thinge too daungerous to sende their strength and companies so farre from their owne estates, seeing that neither the whole armie agreed vpon was yet in order, and parte of their puoples occupied in thenterprise of Ast, and ioyning withall to these dowtes thinfidelitie of the Pope, remembred in a late experience when king Charles past that way, he called Ferdinand into Rome with his armie, & suddeinly with a coū ­cell chaunged, made him yssue forth againe: They began to perswade him to with­drawe to some place of sewertie rather then to aduenture his person to so great a daunger in striuing to defende Rome. These thinges increased the [...]nges hopes to come to composicion with the Pope.

The french king departed from Naples the xx. day of May: But for that he had not taken in the beginning with the ceremonies accustomed, the titles & enseignes regall of the kingdom: A fewe dayes afore his departure, he receiued solemnlie inThe french king crowned king of Na­ples. the cathedrall Church with great pompe and celebracions the royall ornaments, the honors, othes and homages, accustomed to be done to new kinges: At this co­ronacion, the oracion was pronounced in the name of the people of Naples by Iohn Iouian Pontan, to whose prayses very cleare and shining for thexcellencie of his do­ctrine, his life, and ciuilitie of maners, this action brought no smal stayne and a slaun­der for that, as he had bene of long a principal Secretorie to the kinges of Aragon, & of very priuate and familiar authoritie, and the teacher and maister of Alphonso: So, whether it were to obserue iustly the partes proper to orators, or to show his affecti­on to the french, ‘he tooke too great a libertie to speake in the disprayses and dero­gacion of the kinges by whom he had bene so much aduaunced. So hard it is some­tymes for a man to keepe in him selfe that moderacion and those rules, which he following with so great doctrine, had taught to others writing of morall vertues, & by his wit and knowledge had made him selfe wonderfull to the world in all kindes of philosophie and learning:’ The king ledd with him viij. hundreth french launces, two hundred gentlemen for his garde, a hundreth launces vnder the Lord Triuulce, three thowsand Svvyzzers footemen, a thowsand frenchmen, and a thowsand Gas­coyns, hauing ordeyned that in Tuskane Camylla Vitelli and his brother should ioyne [Page 93] with him with two hundreth and fiftie men at armes, & that the armie by sea should draw towards Lyuorne. Virginio Vrsin and the Count Petillane followed the king with­outVirginio Vr­sin and the Count Petil­lane being the kings pri­soners, show reasons to be redeliuered. other garde or sewertie then their faith not to goe away without leaue: Their cause, for that they reasoned that they were not iustly made prisoners, had bene dis­puted in the kinges councell, afore whome they alleaged, that at the tyme they yel­ded them selues, the king had not onely graunted to those that they sent, but also set downe in writing vnder his owne signature their safe conduit, whereof being ad­uertised by their solicitors which attended the dispatch of the Secretories, they had vnder that trust at the sommonce of the first Herald that went to Nola, erected and displayed the enseignes of the king, and giuen the keyes to the first Capteine hauing with him but a few horsemen, notwithstanding their strength being foure hundreth men at armes, they might easily haue made resistance: They preferred besides, the auncient deuocion of the familie of Vrsins, who taking part alwayes with the facti­on of the Guelffes, had alwayes borne both in them selues and in all the predecessors of that house, perpetuall impressions of honor, reuerence, and seruice, to the crowne of Fraunce: And as from those regardes had proceeded, that with so great a readi­nes they had receiued the kinges Maiestie into their estates bordering vpon Rome: So therefore, it was neither conuenient nor iust, both hauing regard to the faith gi­uen by the king, and the merit of their operacions and actions, that they should be holden prisoners: But they were aunswered with no lesse roundnes by M. de Lygny, Their reasons are disproued by Monsr, de Ligny. whose souldiers tooke them within Nola: that the safe conduit, albeit it was deter­mined and subsigned by the king, yet it is to be vnderstand, that it was not perfectly giuen, but when it was confirmed with the kinges seale and with the seale of the Se­cretorie, and so deliuered to the partie: That in all grauntes and letters pattents such was thauncient custom in all courtes, to thende that if any thing were inconsiderat­ly passed the mouth of the Prince by reason of many thoughtes and affayres, or for not sufficient informacion of thinges, it might be moderated and goe forth with his due perfection: he alleaged that the confidence of that moued them not to yeld to so small a companie of souldiers, but they did communicat in the generall necessity and feare, for that there remayned no meane either to defende or to flee, the whole contrey about them swarming with the armies of the victors: That what they had alleaged of their merits was false, which if it should be affirmed by an other, them selues ought to deny it for their honor: for that it was manifest to all the world, that not of will or free consent, but to auoyde daunger (leauing in aduersitie the Aragons, of whom in prosperitie they had receiued great benefits) they agreed to giue the king passage thorow their landes: Therefore seeing they were in the pay of thenne­mie, and bare mindes estraunged from the name of the french, & that they had per­fectly no safe conduit or sewertie, they were made prisoners by good law and right of armes: These reasons thus aduouched against the Vrsins, and susteyned by the power of M. de Ligny, and authoritie of the Collonnoys, who aswell for auncient en­uies, as for the diuersitie of the factions, quarrelled them openly: there was no reso­lucion nor sentence, onely they were commaunded to follow the king, leauing them naked hopes to be deliuered when his maiestie was come to Ast.

But albeit the Pope, (the confederats hauing councelled him to goe his way) was not without inclinacion to be reconciled with the king, with whom he negociated continually: yet, suspicion and ielowsie being strong in him, he nourished the king with hopes that he woulde attende him: And yet after he had bestowed a sufficient garrison within the castell S. Ange, two dayes before the king should enter Rome, he [Page 94] went to Oruiette accompanied with the colleage of Cardinalls, and two hundred men at armes, a thowsand light horsemen, and three thowsand footemen: he left behinde him as Legat the Cardinall of S. Anastasio to receiue and honor the king, who entred by that quarter on the farre side of Tyber, to thende to auoyd the castell S. Ange: And refusing the lodging that was offered him by the Popes commission in the pallaice of the Mount Vatican, he went and lodged in the suburbes: And when the Pope vnderstoode that the king came neare to Viterbe, notwithstanding he in­terteyned him with newe hopes to compound with him in some place conuenient betwene Viterbe and Oruiette, he left Oruiette and went to Perouse, with intencion (if the king tooke that way) to goe to Ancona, the better to haue meane, by the commo­ditie of the sea, to retyre to some place absolutely assured: All this notwithstanding the king, being not a litle discontented with his vniust feares and ielousies, rendred the castells of Ciuitauechia and Terracina, reseruing Ostia, which when he came out of Italy, he gaue vp to the power of the Cardinall of S. P. ad vincla, who was bishop thereof: he passed in like sort by the contreyes of the Church, as thorow the domi­nions of a friend, sauing that they of Tuskanella refusing to receiue into their towne his vauntgarde, the souldiers tooke it by force, and sackt it, not without murder and slaughter of many.

After this, the king remeyned without any occasion at Siena six dayes, not con­sidering (neither of him selfe nor by the straite aduertisements of the Cardinall de S. P. ad vincla, and by Tryuulce) how hurtfull it was to giue time to his enemies to make their prouisions and vnite their forces: neither did he recompense the losse of the time, with the profit of councells or deliberacions: for there was debated at Sienna the restitucion of the fortresses of the Florentyns promised by the king at his depar­ture from Naples, & confirmed by many voluntary grauntes on the way: And there­fore, the Florentyns, besides that they were ready to pay the thirty thowsand duckats remeyning of the summe agreed at Florence, offered to lende lxx. thowsande more, and to sende with him till he were arriued at Ast, Francisco Secco their Capteyne with three hundreth men at armes and two thowsande footemen: The necessitie which the king had of money, the oportunitie to augment his armie, ioyned to the consideracion of his faith and othe, induced almost all those of his councell to per­swade effectually the restitucion of the castells and peeces of strength reseruing Pe­tra Santa and Serezana, as conuenient instruments to draw more easily to his deuo­cion the hartes of the Genovvays: But it was a resolucion in destinie that the matter of new calamities shoulde remeyne kindled in Italy: for, M. de Ligny, a man for his youth more ready to enterprise, then rype in councell, and whose experience had not yet wrought in him a perfection of iudgement, being borne of one of the kinges sisters, and of no small fauors with him, made his lightnes togither with the disdane he bare to the Florentyns, for that in all their sutes they addressed their meanes to the Cardinall of S. Mallovv, the onely impediment to this deliberacion, alleaging no o­ther reason then the pietie and compassion of the Pysans: And touching the offer of the forces which the Florentyns made, he despised them, vaunting that the armie of Fraunce was able to fight with all the men of warre in Italy knit in one strength: M. de Pienes was a supporter of his opinion, for that he thought the king would bestow vppon him the iurisdiction of Pysa and Lyuorne: There was debating also at Siena of the gouernment of that citie, for that many of the orders of the people and of the reformers (to plucke downe the brotherhood of the order of Montenoue,) made in­stance, that erecting a newe forme of gouernment, the garde which they of Monte­noue [Page 95] kept at the publike pallaice might be taken away, and the place supplyed by a garde of french men vnder the leading of M. de Ligny: And albeit this councell was reiected in the councell of the king, as a thing of litle continuance and impert [...]ent to the time present: yet M. de Ligny who had layed a vayne plott to make him selfe Lorde of it, obteyned that the king woulde take into his protection that citie vnder certeine condicions, binding him self to the defense of it and all the circumstances except Montpulcian, which he sayd he would not intangle him selfe withall, neyther for the Florentyns nor for the Sienoys: The communaltie of Siena (albeit no menci­on was made in the capitulacion) chused by the consent of the king M. de Ligny for their Capteine, promising him twenty thowsand duckats by yeare vpon condicion, that he would keepe there a Lieftenant with three hundreth footemen for the gard of the place, which strength he left there coolled out of such as were of the frenche armie: The vanitie of which deliberacions appeared immediatly, for that the order of Montnoue hauing eftsoones reconquered with armes their authoritie accusto­med, chassed out of Siena the garde, and gaue leaue to M. de Lysle whome the king had left there for his Embassador.

But there were now great stirres and emocions in Lombardye: for the Venetians, and Lodovvyk Sforce (who had euen then receiued from thEmprour with much so­lemnitie the priuileages of inuestiture of the Duchie of Myllan, and made publikeThe Veneti­ans and [...] prepare the french [...] Fraunce. homage and oth of fidelitie to thEmbassadors that brought them) raysed great pre­paracions to stoppe the king that he should not returne into Fraunce, or at least to assure the Duchie of Myllan, to come to the which he must passe ouer so great a cir­cuit and space of contreyes: To these endes, euery of them readdressed their forces, and leauied of new partely in common, and partly at expenses separat, many men at armes, obteyning after many difficulties that Iohn Bentyuole whome they had taken into their common pay, should sticke to the league with the citie of Bolognia: Lodo­vvyk armed at Genes for the garde of the same citie, tenne gallyes at his owne char­ges, and foure great shippes at the common expenses of the Pope, the Venetians and him selfe: And being at the poynt to execute that whereunto he was bownd by the couenants of the confederacion touching the towne of Ast, he sent into Iermany to leauy two thowsande footemen, and conuerted to that enterprise Galeas S. Seuerin with seuen hundred men at armes, and three thowsand footemen: in so much as as­suring him of the taking of that towne and to achieue all thinges to his honor, (he [...] was naturally very insolent in his prosperities) he sent this message to the Duke of Orleāce the more to terrifie him: That hereafter he should for beare to vsurpe the title of Duke of Myllan, which title Charles his father had taken since the death of Philipp Maria Visconte: That he suffered not newe bandes to passe out of Fraunce into Ita­ly: That he caused to returne home againe such as were already within the towne of Ast: And for thassurance of these things, that he should put the towne of Ast into the hāds of Galeas S. Seuerin, in whom the king might reappose trust aswel as in him, ha­uing the yere before bene receiued by the king into the brotherhood & order of S. Michell in Fraunce: he vaunted much in the same kind of boasting of his forces, of the prouisions the confederats made to make head against the king in Italy, the great preparacions of the king of Romaines and the king of Spayne to moue warre beyonde the Mountes: But the Duke of Orleance was made nothing affrayd with these vaine threates, and being well assured that there was made a newe confederacion, he stu­died to fortifie Ast, and solicited with great instance to send out of Fraunce new sup­plies and companies, who, vnderstanding that they were to be imployed in the pro­per [Page 96] succors of the kinges person, began with great diligence to passe the mountes: By reason where of the Duke of Orleans not fearing his enemies, marcheth into the fielde, and takes in the Marquisdom of Saluce the towne & castel of Galfinieres which Anthony Maria of S. Seuerin possessed: which being knowen to Galeas, who had a li­tle before taken certeine small villages, retyred with his armie to Anon, A towne of the Duchie of Myllan neare to Ast, neither hauing hope to be able to offende, nor feare to be offended: But the nature of Lodovvyk alwayes inclining to entangle him selfe with enterprises which demaund great expenses, and yet of a condicion to flee and feare (yea euen in greatest necessities) thinges that brought costes and charges, was the cause to commit his estate into right great daungers: for that by reason of his very spare and needy payments, a very fewe footemen came out of Iermany, and for the same nygardnes, the bandes that were with Galeas were diminished euery day: where, of the contrary, were increased continually the supplyes that came out of Fraunce, who for that they were called to the reskew of the kinges person, mar­ched with such diligence, that the Duke of Orleans had already assembled three hun­dreth launces, three thowsand Svvyzzers footemen, and three thowsande Gascoyns: And albeit the king by a commaundement speciall and peremptory had aduertised him, that absteyning from all enterprise, he should stande vpon continuall readines and preparacion to meete his maiestie when so euer he should be sent for: yet (it is harde for a man not to make reckoning of his proper profit and to resist it) he deter­mined to accept thoccasion to possesse the citie of Nouare, wherein he was offered to be put by two of the Opizins gentlemen of the same citie hating much the Duke of Myllan, for that aswell vpon them as many others of the towne, he had with vniust sentence and iudgement vsurped certeine condutes of waters and other possessions: Thenterprise and the manner of it being resolued vpon, the Duke of Orleans passedAn attempt vpon the owne of No­uare. by night the riuer of Pavv at the bridge Sturo within the iurisdiction of the Marquis of Montferat, hauing in his company the Marquis of Saluce: he was receiued by the conspirators of thenterprise into the towne with all his forces, and founde no resi­stance: And from thence making suddeine incursions with parte of his horsemen euē vntil Vigeneua, it was beleued that if he had drawne his whole armie with speede towards Myllan, there would haue risen no small insurrections, for that the losse of Nouare and the present face and consideracion of troubles towardes, kindled in the Myllanoys a wonderfull inclinacion to reuolt and chaunge: wherein Lodovvyk, no lesse tymerous in aduersitie, then insolent in prosperitie, was seene with teares vn­profitable to acknowledge his cowardise (for the most part is ioyned in one self sub­iect, insolencie and tymerousnes:) they also that were with Galeas in whome onely consisted his defence, remeyning behinde, showed them selues in no place to his re­skew: but because the condicions and disorders of the ennemie, are not alwayes knowne to the other Capteynes, it hapneth often in warres that many goodly occa­sions are lost, there being also no apparance that so suddeine a mutacion could suc­ceede against so great a Prince, seeing withall it is a principall pollicie in Princes in seasons daungerous and conspiring, to make their strength at home free from feare, ielowsie, or suspicion: The Duke of Orleans, to assure the conquest of Nouare, determined to haue the castell, which the fift day accorded to yelde, if within xxiiij. howers they were not succored: during which tyme, Galeas de S. Seuerin had leasure to conuey his companies to Vigeneue, and the Duke (who the better to reconcile the minds of the people, had by proclamacion called in many exactions imposed afore vpon the communaltie) good respit to encrease and refurnish his armie: All which [Page 97] notwithstanding the Duke of Orleans, hauing ranged his bandes where the walls of Vigeneue offered battell to his enemies on whom fell so generall astonishment, that they were vppon the poynt to abandon the towne and passe the riuer of Thesin by a bridge they had made vppon boates and other matter necessary to their succors in the passage: Thennemie refusing to fight, the Duke of Orleans retyred to Trecas: from this time the affayres of Lodovvyk began to sayle with a better gale, many sup­plyes of horsemen and footemen arriuing in his armie: for the Venetians being con­tent that the charge to meete the french king should be in effect to them alone, con­sented that Lodovvyk should call backe parte of those bandes he had sent vppon the costes of Parmesan, and with all they refurnished him with foure hundreth stradiots: Insomuch as the meane to passe further was taken from the Duke of Orleans, who making a roade with fiue hundreth horsemen euen to Vigeneue, and the horsemen of thennemie encountring with them, a great losse light vpon the D. of Orleans: This encounter gaue courage to Galeas S. Seuerin, both superior in forces, and nothing in­ferior in fortune, to present battell to the Duke at Trecas: At length all the armie be­ing assembled (wherin besides thItalian souldiers, was arriued a thowsand horsemen & a thowsand footemen of Alemains) incamped within a myle of Nouaro, whether the D. of Orleans was retyred with all his regiments.

The newes of the reuolt of Nauaro procured the king being then at Syena, to make way: And therefore he auoyded all occasions that might make his departure slow, or hinder his resolucion: wherein being well aduertised that the Florentyns, warned by the perills past, and newly falne into suspicion for that Peter demedicis followed him, albeit they had determined to receiue him into Florence with honors due to his greatnes, yet for their more sewertie, they filled their towne with men of armes and pyked bandes: he drew to Pysa by the landes of the Florentyns, leauing the citie on the right hand: In the towne of Poggibonse met him Ieronimo Sauonarola, who accor­dingIer. Sauona­rola a freas preacher in Florence. to his custome vsing the name and authoritie of God to his purpose, showed him vnder vehement inuectiues and gesture that he ought to restore to the Floren­tyns their townes, ioyning to his perswasions, threatnings absolute and terrible, that if he obserued not that he had sworne with so great solemnitie, and that vppon the holy Gospells, yea almost afore the eyes and presence of God, a punishment would follow equall to his infidelitie and periurie: The king made him sundry aunsweres according to his inconstancie, hauing as litle conscience to keepe his faith, as he had regard to giue it: sometymes he promised the frear to make restitucion assoone as he was come to Pysa, and immediatly (wresting his promise and othe) he sayd he had sworne to the Pysans to protect their libertie afore he made any oth at Florence: and yet he gaue hopes alwayes to their Embassadors for the restitucion of their pee­ces assoone as he was come to Pysa: where being arriued, the matter was eftsoones proponed in the kinges councell, for that the preparacions, vnitie, and strength of the confederats about the borders of Parma increasing dayly, they began to looke into the difficulties to passe thorow Lumbardye: for which cause many desired the moneyes and other succors offered by the Florentyns: But to these councells were contrary euen those Capteynes and gentlemen who had resisted them at Sienna: They alleaged, that albeit there hapned by the opposicion of the ennemie, any dis­order or difficultie to passe thorow Lumbardye, yet it were better to haue in their power the citie of Pysa (whether they might retyre) then to leaue it in the handes of the Florentynes, who, hauing once reobteined the places they demaunded, would be of no better faith, then had bene the other Italyans: They added, that in compa­rison [Page 98] of commodities, it was very conuenient for the sewertie of the kingdom of Naples, to holde the port of Lyuorne: for that the plot layd to alter the state of Ge­nes succeeding well to the king (wherof the hope could not be dowtefull) he should be souereigne Lord almost of all the seas euen to the hauen of Naples: sewer these reasons were able to doe much in the minde of the king as yet litle capable to chuse the best councell: but of farre greater power were the peticions and teares of the Pysans, who in great concurse of men, women, and children, sometymes prostrate at the kinges feete, and eftsoones recommending to euery one (yea euen the least of his court and the souldiers with lamentable cryinges and complaintes bewayled their miseries and calamities to come) the insatiable hatred of the Florentyns, and the last desolacion of their contrey: which should not haue cause to lament for any other thing then for that his maiestie had put them in libertie, and promised to pro­tect them in it: In assurance whereof, they beleuing the word of a right Christian king of Fraunce, to be a word firme and resolute, they had taken boldnes so much the more to prouoke the hatred of the Florentyns: with these complaintes and exclama­cions accompanied with the present aspect and view of their miseries, they discen­ded with such compassion into the hartes euen of the most simple men at armes, the archers of the armie, and many of the Svvyzzers: that they went in great numbers and tumult to the king, whom (Salzart one of the Pensioners speaking in the name of them all) they besought with instance vehement and humble, that for the honor of his person, for the glorie of the crowne of Fraunce, and for the consolacion of so many of his seruaunts prepared alwayes to put their liues in hazard for him, & who perswaded him with a faith more loyal, simple, and innocent, then such as were cor­rupted with the money of the Florentyns, he would not take from those poore and naked Pysans the benefit which so graciously he had bestowed vpon them: They of­fered him, that if for want of money he suffered him selfe to be caried into a delibe­racion so infamous, he would rather take their chaynes, their iewells, and their trea­sors, yea and reteyne in his hand their payes & pensions which they were to receiue of him: This vehement affection of the souldiers tooke so great a libertie, that a sim­ple Archer had boldnes to threaten the Cardinall of S. Mallovv, and others by his example with ielous and braue speeches quarreled with the Mareshall of Gie and President of Gannay, whom they knew to labour the redeliuerie of the Pysans to the seruitude of Florence: Insomuch that the king somewhat confused by so great a va­rietie of his people let thinges hang in suspence, and was so farre of to take any cer­teine resolucion, that at one tyme he promised the Pysans neuer to passe them into the power of the Florentyns, and to thembassadors of Florence attending at Lucquea, he gaue intelligence, that that which he did not at that present for iust occasions, he would doe immediatly after he was arriued in Ast, willing that their common weale should sende Embassadors thether.

The king departed from Pysa after he had chaunged the Capteine and left suffi­cient garrison within the citadell, doing the like in the other fortresses and peeces of defence: And as it agreed with the greennes of his youth to embrase enterprises, & no lesse equall to his greatnes and title to nourish ambicion, so carying a desire in­credibleThe king aspireth to the surprising of Genes. to conquer the towne of Genes, being set on by the Cardinalls of Rouere and Fregose, and by Obietto de fiesquo and others of the banished, who gaue him hopes of a suddeine mutacion there: he sent with them from Serezane (contrary to thopini­on of all his councell who allowed not to diminish the forces of tharmie) the Lorde Phyllip de Brexe brother to the Duke of Sauoy, with six hundreth launces, and fiue [Page 99] hundred footemen newly arriued out of Fraunce by sea, ordeyning that the men at armes of the Vitellis comming behind with a slow marche, and therefore not able in tyme to ioyne with him, should follow them: And that certeyne others of the ba­nished, together with the bandes supplied by the Duke of Sauoye, should enter the ri­uer of the West, And lastly that tharmie by sea, reduced to seuen gallies, two gally­ons, and two foystes led by the Capteyne Miolaus, should go to make backe to thar­my by lande.

By this time the vauntgard guided by the Mareshal of Gie was come to Pontreme, which towne, after it had dismissed three hundred footemen straungers left there for the gard of the place, did yeld suddeinly by the meane of Triuulce with couenant that they should not be vexed neither in their persons nor in their goodes: But the faith giuen by the Capteines, could doe litle for the sewertie of the towne, for that the Svvyzzers, whose furie being long kept smothered, burst out now to a greater flame, and taking occasion of reuenge, for that when the army going to Naples pas­sed thorow Lunigiana, about xl. of their nation (for a quarrell hapning at aduenture) were slayne by them of Pontrema: they sacked and burnt the towne, after they had made barbarous slaughters of thinhabitants.

In these tymes, the army of the confederats assembled diligently about the bor­dersThe armie of the confede­rats. of Parma: they conteyned about two thowsand, two hundred men at armes, eight thowsand footemen, and more then two thowsand light horsemen, the most parte Albanoys & of the prouinces neare to Grece, who brought into Italy by the Ve­netians, reteined the same name they had in their contrey and were called Stradyots: of this armie the sinewes and principall strength were the bandes of the Venetians, for that those of the Duke of Myllan (hauing turned most of his forces to the seruice of Nouaro) made not the fourth part of the whole armie: ouer the bands of the Vene­tians, wherein were many notable Capteines, commaunded as generall Francis Gon­zague Marquis of Mantua, a man albeit very younge, yet what for his great courage & natural desire of glory, his expectacion surmounted his age: with him were ioined as cōmissioers two of the chiefest of the Senat, Luke Pysan and Melchior Treuisan: o­uer the regiment of Lodovvyk Sforce, commaunded vnder the same title of generall, the Count Caiazze, in whome Lodovvyk reapposed muche: but for his partes, being nothing equall in armes to the glory of his father, he had rather gotte the name of a suttle and pollitike warrior, then of a hardie & resolute Capteyne, and with him was Commissioner Francis Barnardyn Viscounte chiefe of the faction of Gebelins at Myl­lan, and therefore vsed as opposit to Iohn Iackes Triuulce. Amongest these Capteines and principalls of tharmie consulting whether they should goe incampp at Furnoue, a litle village at the foote of the mountaine: it was determined, for the straitnes of the place, and perhaps (as was afterwardes spread abroad) to giue occasion to the ennemie to discend into the playne: that they should lodge in the abbay of Guiaruo­la distant three myles from Furnoue: This aduise was the cause that at Furnoue was lodged the vauntgarde of the french, which had passed the mounteyne much afore the residue of the armie being hindred by the great artillerie, which with many dif­ficulties was drawne ouer that sharpe mounteyne of thAppenyn, and yet had passed with farre greater troubles, if the Svvyzzers (desiring to satisfie the fault they had done to the kinges honor at Pontrema) had not applyed a wonderfull readines, dili­gence, and force.

The vauntgard being arriued at Furnoue, the Mareshall of Gie sent a trompet to thItalian campe to demaund passage for tharmie in the name of the king, who not [Page 100] offering to offend any person & receiuing vittells at conuenient prices, had to passe that way to returne into his realme of Fraunce, dispatching at the same instant cer­teyne light horsemen to view thennemie and the contrey, who were broken and put to flight by certeine Stradyotts which Francis Gonzague sent to thencownter: if this occasion had bene followed, and that thItalyans had giuen vpon the trenches of the french, they had easily (by all discourse and coniecture of warre) broken the vaunt­gard, and so taken away all possibilities of the kinges passage: This occasion remey­ned in their fauor also the day following, notwithstanding that the Mareshall after he had considered the daunger, had retyred his people into a place more high: But there lacked resolucion of mind to thopportunitie that was offered, for thItalian ca­pteines had not boldnes to assaile them, aswell for thaduauntage of the place whe­ther they were retyred: as for that they feared the ouergreatnes of the vauntgarde, and that they were the mayne armie: It is certeine that euen then the consederats had not assembled all their forces specially the bandes of the Venetians who were so slow to ioyne in one strength at Guaruola, that it is manifest, if the king had not dally­ed so long vpon the way at Pysa, Sienna, and other places without all occasion, he might haue passed without impediment or encownter of thennemie: he was ioy­ned at last to the vauntgard, and lodged the day after with all his armie at Furnoue.

The Princes confederat neuer beleued that the king durst haue passed thAppenyn by the high way with so small an armie, for they were of opinion, that leauing the greatest part of his people at Pysa, he woulde returne into Fraunce with the residue by sea: And afterwards vnderstanding that he continued his way by land, they sup­posed, that to eschew their armie, he would lay his plott to passe the mountaine by the way of the boroughs of Vandetar, & by the hill Cent [...]roig very sharpe and harde, and from thence to the borders of Vrtoney hoping to meete the Duke of Orleans vp­on the confynes of Alexandria: But when they knew certeinly that he was come to Furnoue, thItalian armie, very well resolued afore, both for the show of courage in so many valiant capteines, and for the reapport of the litle number of thennemies, be­gan now to wauer and shake, making opinions fearfull of the valour of the men at armes of Fraunce and the vertue of the Svvyzzers, to whom without al comparison, thItalian footemen were esteemed much inferior: they considered much of the agi­litie of such as managed the great artilleries: but specially (which moueth much the mindes of men when they haue taken a contrary impression.) They redowted great­ly the vnhoped for hardines of the french, who, not waighing thinequalitie of their numbers inferior to theirs, durst yet affront them: for these consideracions, the cou­rage of the Captaines being well moderated, they held a councell amongest them selues what aunswer they should make to the trompet sent by the Mareshall of Gie: on the one side it seemed too daungerous to put the state of all Italy in the discressi­on of fortune, and on the other side it could not but bring preiudice to the valour of all the souldiers and men of seruice in Italy, to show that they had no courage to op­pose against the armie of the french, who, being farre inferior in numbers, and lesse expectacion of other oportunities in a countrey straunger, durst yet offer to passe euen in the face and eyes of them: In this councell the aduise of the Capteines be­ing diuerse and all the best experienced & stayed, either giuen ouer wholly to feare, or at least very vnresolut after many disputacions, they lastly agreed to send aduer­tisement to Myllan of the kinges demaund, and to execute that which should be de­termined by the Duke and the Embassadors of the confederats: who being drawne into councell as a matter of generall importance, the Duke and the Venetians being [Page 101] most nearest the daunger, were of this opinion, not to stoppe the way of the enne­my, seeing he would goe, but rather according to an olde councell, to make him a bridge of siluer: otherwaies (according to many auncient examples) there might be daunger, that necessitie turned into despaire, he woulde not make his owne way with great effusion of blud of such as vndiscretely would hinder him: But the Spa­nish Embassador, desiring that without the daunger of his king, they would make a triall of fortune, perswaded vehemently & almost with protestacion not to let passe the king, nor to lose thoccasion to breake that armie, which passing in quiet, the matters of Italy would remeyne notwithstanding in greater daungers then before: for that the french king keeping Ast and Nouaro, all Pyemont obeyed his commaun­dements: And hauing at his backe the realme of Fraunce, a realme mighty and rich, and the Svvyzzers his neighbours ready to come into his pay in what numbers he would, And lastly being a great increase of his reputacion and courage, if the armie of the league so farre aboue him in numbers, would consent so cowardly to his pas­sage: he would eftsoones torment Italy with greater courage, knowing that the Ita­lians either would not or durst not fight with the french men: All this notwithstan­ding, the sewer opinion preuailing most in this councell, they determined to write to Venice with whom bare rule the same aduise.

But these consultacions were in vaine, like as the arrow being shot, it is to late to wishe it may do no hurt where it falls: for, the Capteines of tharmie after they had written to Myllan, waighing that by reason of thextremitie of tyme, they could not haue returne of aunswer in season conuenient, how much it would touch in disho­nor all the men of warre in Italy to leaue the passage free to the french men, sent backe the trompet without any aunswer certeine, being resolued to assayle the en­nemie, and charge them in the passage: the Commissioners of Venice being of the same aduise, but Treuisan much more then his companion: The french men mar­ched on with great arrogancie & boldnes, as they that till that time hauing encoun­tred no resistance in Italy, were perswaded that either the army durst not oppose any impediment, or at least if they did, they iudged their proper vertue inuincible, and disdaining the strength of thēnemies, they thought their fortune would be the same in this fight that it was in their late conquest of Naples: But when in discending from the mounteyne, they discouered the armie lodged in infinit numbers of tentes and pauilions, and in a place so large that (according to the custom of Italy) they might range them selues all in battell: And waighing what by their great numbers, and lodging so neare them, with other demonstracions of resolucion of mind, that there could want no wills nor disposicion to fight: their late arrogancie beganne to take an other habit, & in their councells began to fall so many coniectures of feare & dowt that they would haue receiued it for a good newes, to heare that thItalians would be content to let them passe: This feare was redoubled by this occasion: The kinge, since the aunswer, had written to the Duke of Orleans to meete him with all the power he could make, and to marche with such speede as he failed not at the day & place appointed: But the Duke returned aduertisement that the armie of Sforce (op­posed against him standing vpon a strength of nyne hundreth men at armes, twelue hundred light horsemen, and fiue thowsand footemen,) was so mighty, that without manifest perill he could not aduance to obserue his maiesties appoyntment, consi­dering besides, that he must be enforced to leaue parte of his bandes for the garde of Ast and Nouaro: These necessities constrayning the king to turne his minde to newe councells, he commaunded M. D Argenton (who, a litle before had bene his Embas­sador [Page 102] at Venice, where Pisan and Treuisan now their deputie Commissioners perswa­ded him to dispose the kinges minde to peace) to sende a trompet to the sayd Com­missioners to let them vnderstand that he woulde common with them for the com­mon benefit: they accepted his desire, and appointed the next morning to meete in a place conuenient betwene both the armies: But the king, either for that in that place he had want of vittells, or for some other occasion, chaunged aduise, & would not in that place attend the yssue of that meeting.

The front of the tents and trenches of the one and other armie, was distant litle lesse then three myles, stretched out along the right shore of the riuer of Taro, which is rather a lande fludde then a riuer, for that falling from the hill of Appenyn, after it hath ronne thorow a litle valley inclosed with two banks, it discendes into the large playnes of Lombardye, and so falls into Pavv: vppon one of these two bankes, which was that of the right hand discending euen to the shoare of the riuer, was lodged the armie of the confederats, incamped by councell of the Capteines rather on that side, then on the left shoare (where must be the wayes of the ennemies,) to thende they should not haue meane to turne to Parma: of which citie for the diuersitie of factions, the Duke of Myllan was not without suspicion, the rather for that the frēch king had by the appoyntment of the Florentyns for his conduit to Ast Francis Secco, whose daughter was maried into the house of Iorelli, a famulie noble and mightie in the territorie of Parma: The lodgings of the confederats were fortefied with ditches and rampiers, & well furnished with artillerie, by the mouth of the which, the french men going to Ast, must of necessitie passe Taro on the side of Furnoue, and marche, no other thing remeyning betwene them and thItalians then the riuer: All the night the french were in great trauell for the vexacions of thItalians who made their estra­diots to make incursions euen to their campe, which was so ready at euery brute as if there had bene a continuall alarme: to this trouble and perplexitie of minde, was ioyned a suddein and most thicke rayne mixed with lightnings and thunders feare­full, with many horrible crackes and flashes, that they tooke it as a foreshewing of some sorowfull accident, a matter which did more amaze them then the armie of thItalians: not onely for that, being in the middest of mounteynes and ennemies, & in a place which (if they preuailed not by fight) fauored them with no hopes or meanes of safetie, the consideracion of those great difficulties, gaue them iust occa­sion of extreame feares: But also (to mindes fearfull al fancies and coniectures seeme thinges of truth) they made constructions of the threatnings of the firmament not accustomed to show it selfe ill disposed but towards some great variacion, the storme (in their opinions) raging most toward that parte where was the person of the king of so great maiestie and power.

The morning following being the sixt of Iuly, the frenche armie beganne by theThe battell of Taro. peepe of the day to passe the riuer: Afore, marched the most part of the artillerie, being followed with the vauntgard wherin the king (supposing that against it would be bent the greatest forces of the ennemic) had put three hundreth and fiftie french launces, Triuulce with his cōpanie of a hundreth launces, & three thowsand Svvyz­zers which were the sinewes & hope of that armie, & with them on foote Eugilbert brother to the Duke of Cleues, & the baylif of Dyon that had leauyed them: to these, the king adioyned three hundred archers, and certeine crosbowmen on horsebacke of his gard, whom he made alight on foote, and almost all the footemen which he had with him: After the vauntgard marched the battel, in the middest whereof was the person of the king armed at all partes and mounted vppon a fierce courser: and [Page 103] neare to him, (to gouerne with his councell and authoritie that parte of the armie) was the lord of Trymouille a leader much renowmed in the realme of Fraunce: Then followed the arearegarde guided by the Count de fois: and in the last place was be­stowed the baggage of the armie: Notwithstanding this marching of the armie and the present readines to fight, yet the king, who could haue bene cōtented with some accord, solicited Argenton to goe and negociate eftsoones with the Venetian Com­missioners, euen at the same time that the campe beganne to moue: But the Veneti­an armie being all in armes, and the Capteines determined to fight, the shortnes of the time and nearenes of thennemie, left no respitte or space of time to enterteyne Parley: for, now began the light horsemen on both sides to skyrmishe, the artillerie from all quarters to shoote of with a noyse horrible, and the Italians yssued out of their tentes, had spred vpon the shoare of the riuer their esquadrons and rankes pre­pared to the battell: These thinges notwithstanding, the french men forbare not to march, partly vpon the breache or greaue of the riuer, partely by the skirtes or stret­ching out of the banke for that in so straite a plaine they could not display their or­denance And the vauntgard being now led to the right way of the campe of then­nemies, the Marquis of Mantua with an esquadron of six hundred men at armes of the gallantest of all the armie, and with a great band of stradiots & other light horse­men followed with fiue thowsand footemen, passed the riuer at the backe of the are­aregard of the french, leauing vpon the banke on thother side Anthony of Montfeltre bastard to Federyk late Duke of Vrbyn with a great esquadrō, to passe whē he should be called to refreshe the first battel: he ordeyned besides, that when the fight was be­gonne, an other parte of the light horsemen should charge thennemie in flancke, & the residue of the estradiots passing the riuer at Furnoue, to giue vpon the baggage of the french, which either for want of men, or (as was bruted) by the councell of Tri­uulce, was left without garde to who woulde make pray of it: of the other side, the Count Caiazze with foure hundred men at armes (amongest whom was the compa­ny of Dom Alphonso D'este come to the campe without his person, for that his father would it so) and with two thowsand footemen, passed the riuer of Taro to assayle the french vauntgard: hauing in like sort left on the banke on the other side Annyball Bentyuole with two hundred men at armes, to giue reskew when he should be called: And for the defence of their lodginges and tentes, remeyned two great companies of men at armes and a thowsand footemen, for that the Commissioners of Venice would reserue in all fortunes a whole succor for their safetie: But the king seing that (contrary to that his Capteines had perswaded him) so great a strength came to charge the arearegard, he turned his backe to the vauntgard, & began to draw neare to the arearegard with the battell, hasting so diligently with an esquadron afore the rest, that when the charge began, he was in the forefront with the first that fought: Some haue written that the companies of the Marquis past the riuer not without disorder, both for the height of the banks, & for the impediments of trees, of blocks, and bowes, wherof commonly the riuers of landfluddes are full: To this others haue left in memorie that his footemen for the same difficultie, & because the water was swelled with the raine that fell in the night, either came late to the seruice of the battell, or at least all were not there, a great parte remeyning on thother side the ri­uer: howsoeuer he was followed, it is most certeine, that the charge which the Mar­quis gaue was resolut and furious, & was no lesse valiantly aunswered by the french, the esquadron on both sides entring the conflict Pellmelle and not according to the custom of the warres of Italy, which was to fight one esquadron against an other, & [Page 104] in place of him that was weary and began to retyre, to supply the fight with a fresh, making in the ende but one great esquadron of many esquadrons, in so much as for the most parte the skirmish or triall of armes wherein commonly died but very few people, endured almost a whole day, and often times the suddeine comming of the night was the cause that they brake of without victorie certeine of either parties. The launces being broken, at the encounter of whom fell to the earth aswell on the one parte as of the other, many men at armes, and many horses, euery one beganne with the same furie, to lay handes vpon their masses, estokados, and other short wea­pons, the horses fighting with their feete and their teeth, & with the shocke, no lesse then the men that gouerned them: And truely the vertue of thItalians gaue a great show in the beginning, but the vallour and resolucion of mind in the Marquis, who being followed with a valiant companye of younge gentlemen and Lancepezzades (these are braue and proued souldiers interteyned aboue the ordinary companies) forgot nothing which apperteyned to a Capteine coragious: The french men su­steyned with great vallour so hott & furious a charge, but being ouerlayed with such odds of numbers, they began almost manifestly to shake, not without the daūger of the king, within a very few passes of whom the bastard of Burbon was made prison­ner, notwithstanding he fought with great vertue: the fortune of him put hope into the Marquis, to haue the same successe against the person of the king, being vndis­creetely led into a place so daungerous without that garde & order which was con­uenient for so great a Prince: The Marquis with his people, made many aduentures to come neare him: against whom, the king albeit he had fewe of his people about him, yet his vertue defended his person, and his naturall courage ouercame his pre­sent daunger, the fiercenes and agilitie of his horse doing more to his safetie, then the succors of his people: In these greatperills, there wanted not in him, those coū ­cels, which in actious daungerous are wont most to appeare in mens memorie and fancies: for that in so great a distresse of fight seeing him selfe almost made naked of his garde, and abandoned of fortune & worldly succors, he had recourse to the hea­uenly aydes, making a vowe to S. Denys and S. Martyn reputed protectors particular of the realme of Fraunce, that if he passed safe into Pyemont with his armie, he would, assoone as he was returned on the other side the Mountes, make personall visitacion & that with great giftes, to the holy temples dedicated to their names, the one stan­ding neare to Parys, and the other in the towne of Tours: and that euery yeare with most solemne feastes and sacrifices, he would honor and celebrate so great a grace receiued by their meane: After this contemplacion & promise to accomplish these vowes, he entred into a new courage, the strength of his body redoubling in the spi­rit and comfort of his minde, and so beganne eftsoones to fight with greater valour then his complexion could naturally beare. The daunger of the king so touched & enflamed those that were left farre of, that ronning to couer with their persons, the person of the king, they susteined thItalians: And his battel which remeyned behind, pressing in at the same time, an esquadron of the same charged so furiously the enne­mies in the flancke, that it moderated somewhat their heate, and presently reskued the kinges daunger: whereunto was added this helpe, that Rodolphe Gonzague Vncle by the mother to the Marquis of Mantua, A Capteine of great experience, as he en­couraged the souldiers & reordered such as he saw out of order, doing alwayes ma­ny other good offices of an excellent Capteine, as he raysed by chaunce his beauer, was so hurt in the face with an estockado by a french mā, that falling from his horse, his people could neuer reskew him in so great a confusion and tumult, and so thicke [Page 105] trowpes of fierce horses raging without gouernment: But hauing other mē & hor­ses falling vpon him, he dyed rather stiffled and smothered with the thronge of hor­ses feete and treadings, then by the armes or blowes of the ennemies: A chaunce truely vnworthy such a man, for that in the councells of the day before, & the same morning, he perswaded contrary to the will of his nephewe to absteyne from fight, iudging it a great want of discression to hazarde them selues to the will of fortune without any necessitie. Thus the battell chaunging by diuerse accidents, and no ad­uauntage appearing more for thItalians then for the french men, the difference was now more then euer to whome the victorie would remeyne: In so much that hope and feare being equall on both partes, they fought with an incredible furie, euery one esteeming that the victorie rested in his right hand and strength, and not at the disposing of fortune: ‘An auncient perswasion in old souldiers, that in actions of bat­tell and warre, the successe of the victorie followeth not the number of the souldi­ers, but resteth in the resolucion of their mindes and innocencie of their cause: The french men had a desperat courage,’ aswell for the presence & daunger of their king (for that nation hath alwayes borneno lesse reuerence to the maiestic of their kings, then to things of diuinitie) as for that they were hemmed into such straites and pla­ces, as gaue no hopes of their safetie, but by the onely victorie: The Italians were incouraged, by the couetousnes of so rich a pillage, by the honorable example of the Marquis leading them to the battell with so happy successe, and with the great num­ber of their armie, by whome they had expectacion of great succors from their friendes and contreyes enuyroning, a thing which the frenche coulde not hope for, for that either their whole companies were already in the fight, or at least attended euery instant to be charged and brought into the fortune of their fellowes: ‘But it is not dowted, that the power of fortune is great in all our humane actions, more mighty in matters of warre then in any other thing, but most infinit and inestimable in the feates of armes, where, one commaundement ill vnderstanded, one order ill executed, one rashnes, one vaine voice, yea sometimes euen of the meanest souldi­our, carieth many times the victorie to such as seemed euen then vanquished and o­uercome,’ and where vnlooked for doe happen many suddeine accidents, which it is impossible to the Capteine by his experience to foresee, or let by his councell, or as­sure by his wisedom: In so much as, in so great a dowt, not fayling of her custom, she did that, which neither the vertue of men, nor the force of armes had not yet done: for, the estradiots sent to charge the tents and baggage of the french, hauing begonne to spoyle without any resistance, and beginning to leade away to the other side the water, some mulets, some sompters, and some armor: not onely the other e­stradiots appointed to charge the french in the flanke, but euen such as were already within the fight, stirred vp with the sight of the gaine wherwith they saw their com­panions goe laden to their tents, left the battell, and turned their weapons to pyll & spoyle that that was left of the french pillage: And one cause, one respect, and one example drawing the residue, you should see many horsemen, and footemen yssue by trowpes out of the battell, to doe the like: By which occasion, not onely the suc­cors ordeined, failing thItalians, but euen the numbers of those that fought dimini­shing with so great disorders, and Anthony of Montseltre not remouing for that no man called him, Gonzagua being slaine vpon whose calling he depended: The french men began to winne so much ground, that now nothing did more susteyne thItali­ans (manifestly declining) then the vertue of the Marquis, who expressing in his per­son all the actions required in a valiant capteine, made head yet against the new for­tune [Page 106] and furie of thennemies, and laboring with euery possibilitie to keepe them from the victorie, sometimes he encouraged his people by his owne example, and eftsoones with sweete and pearsing speeches perswaded them rather to lose then liues then their honors, seeking to resolue their mindes with all those respectes of honor, profit, reputacion, and necessitie, which make the souldier goe the battel. But it was impossible that in a few should be continued long resistance against many, or that the vertue which is not fauored with fortune should not at last fayle. The enne­mies multiplied vpō them on all sides, a great part of their owne were slayne, & ma­ny hurt without hope of further help to the seruice, yea euen of the particular band of the Marquis: by which extremities, they were driuen to fal into disorder & flee to repasse the riuer, which by the raine ouer night, and the hailes and watery stormes falling in great abundance during the fight, was risen so high that it gaue great im­pediments to such as were forced to repasse ouer it. The french men followed the chasse with a surie equall to their fortune euen to the riuer, regarding nothing more then to make slaughter of those that fledd, without taking any prisoner or respecting the spoyles and gaine of the chasse: onely they cryed with redoubled voices, com­panions remember Guiguegate: Guiguegate is a village in Piccardye neare to Teronaue, where, in the later yeares of the raigne of Lovvys the xj. the french men almost vi­ctorious in a battell against Maximylian king of Romaines, being disordered because they beganne to fall to pillage, were put to flight: But at the same time that on that side of tharmie the fight was valiant & obstinat, the vauntgard of the french (against the which the Count Caiazze led one part of the horsemen, came to the battell with so great a furie, that the Italians astonished when they saw they were not followed of their peoples, inclined of them selues so fast to disorder, that many of their leaders being slayne, amongest whom was Iohn Piccingu and Galeas of Correge, they returned in manifest flight to the great esquadron: But the Mareshall of Gie, discerning (be­sides the squadron of the Count) an other regiment of men at armes prepared to the battell on the other side the riuer, woulde not suffer his souldiers to followe them: which afterwards by some was reputed a councell discreete and wise, and by others, looking perhaps lesse into the reason then into the euent, it was iudged a resolucion rather cowardly, then constant: for that, if he had pursued them, the Count and his companies had giuen him their backes, by which disaray he had so amased the re­sidue of their strength remeyning on thother side the water, that there woulde haue bene great impossibilitie to reteyne them, seeing that the Marquis sleeing aswell as the others, & repassing the riuer as strongly and in as good order as he could, found them in such tumultes and separacions, as euery one thinking to saue him selfe with his cariage, the high way that goeth from Plaisanca to Parma was already ful of hor­ses, of men, and cariages which drewe to Parma: This tumult partely was stayed by the presence and authoritie of the Marquis, who reassembled them & put eftsoones all in order: But much more did reassure the deuided minds of the Italians the com­ming of the Count of Petillane, who in so generall a confusion of both the armies, v­sing thoccasion, fled to thItalian camp: where dispersing comfort to euery one, & af­firming that amongest the ennemies, was no lesse disorder and amaze, he eftsoones confirmed and reassured their mindes: In so much that both by opinion & reason, euery one supposed that without him, either at thinstant, or at least the night fol­lowing, all the campe had dispersed in great terror: Thus thItalians retired to their campe, except such as being caried by confusion and tumult, and thinking to finde safetie in fleing, were separat into sundry places, wherof many falling into the hands [Page 107] of the french men, found at one instant an ende of their life and fortunes: The king with his people drew to his vauntgarde which had not stirred: And there deuising with his capteines, whether he should suddeinly passe the riuer and giue vpon then­nemies in their lodgings, he was councelled by Triuulce & Camilla Vitelli, (who was come to the battell with a few horsemen, hauing sent the residue of his companie to thēterprise of Genes) to set vpon them: And Frauncis Secco furthering thexpedicion more then any other, tolde the king that the way that was seene so farre of, was full of men and horses, which argued that either they were fled to Parma, or hauing be­gon the chasse, were eftsoones returned to the campe: But truely the difficultie to passe the riuer was not litle: and the bandes that partly had fought, and partly were kept armed in the fielde, were so weary and ouertrauelled, that by the councell of the french capteines, it was determined to seeke harbor: And so they went to lodge vpon the hill in the village of Medesane, of litle more distance then a myle from the place of the battell: there they pitched their lodging without any order, but with great incommodity, for that the most part of their baggage and stuffe was made pil­lage by thennemie.

This was the discourse of the battell betwene the Italians and the french vpon the riuer of Taro, not vnworthy of memory for that it was the first of very long time that was fought in Italy with slaughter and bludd, seeing that in all battells or actions of warre in that contrey, the liues of men were wont more to be put to raunsom, then solde with the price of bludde: But in this, notwithstanding of the french parte, the slaughter skarcely conteyned three hundreth bodies, yet of thItalians were founde deade more then three hundreth men at armes, and of others as many as made vpp the number of three thowsand persons, amongest whom was Ramicciode farneze lea­der of the Venetian horsemen with many other gentlemen of marke: Barnardyn de Montone also a Capteine of horsemen vnder the Venetians, whose name was more populous and renowmed by Braccio de Montone his grandfather, one of the first bew­tifiers of thItalian discipline of warre, then by his proper vertue or fortune, receiued a blow with a masse vnder his helmet, with the which being fallen from his horse, he was left on the ground for dead. This slaughter was so much the more wonderfull to thItalians, by how much the encownter endured not aboue an hower, euery one on both sides fighting with his proper force and vallour without helpe of the artil­lerie or shott: Touching the honor of the iorney, either part labored to approyat to his particular, the renowme and glory of the victorie: ThItalians occupied this reason, for that their tentes and cariages remeyned vntouched, where the frenche of the contrary, had their lodgings rifled and lost much of their best stuffe, yea parte of the proper pauilions of the king: They alleaged further, that they had vtterly dis­confeted thennemies, if one part of their people appoynted to enter the battell, had not turned to the pillage of their trenches, a thing which the french confessed to be true: The Venetians were so partiall, that with a peculiar glorie they made them selues victors, and by publike commaundement thorow all the landes of their obe­dience, and specially at Venice they made bonfyers, with other feastes and testimo­nies of gladnes: This publike example was followed with no lesse affection of sun­dry particulars, for that vppon the sepulcher of Melchior Treuisan, were stamped these carecters of letters in the Church of the Frear minors, he fought prosperously vpon the riuer of Taro against Charles king of Fraunce: But by the vniuersall consent of men indifferent the palme, merit, and true glorie of the victorie, was adiudged to the french men, both for the numbers of the dead so farre different and vnequal, and [Page 108] for the chasse of thennemies ouer the riuer, and also for that they wonne their liber­tie to passe further, which was the controuersie for the which they came to the bat­tel. The king remeyned all the day following incamped in the same place, procuring by the meane of Argenton a parley with thennemies, by which was accorded a truce till night: that abstinence or truce was not vnwelcome to the king, for that he desi­red to passe with sewertie, knowing that many of thItalian armie had not yet fought, and remeyning in order about their trenches, the marche of so many dayes iorney thorow the Duchie of Myllan with thennemy in his tayle, could not but be daunge­rous: Besides, he knew not what resolucion to take, such was the simplenes of the councell with whom he vsed most conference and direction in his most waightiest deliberacions, reiecting for the most part the aduises of men graue & experienced: No lesse dowt and incerteintie trauelled also the mindes of thItalians, who albeit at the beginning were falne into no small astonishment, yet they were eftsoones so re­assured, that the night after the battell, they held councell, (by the encouraging and comfort chiefly of the Count Petillane) to inuade the french campe in the night, be­ing disordered with many incommodities, and not fortefied: by the pluralitie of voi­ces this councell was reiected, as bringing more perill then profitte. There ronne a brute thorow all Italy that the bandes of Lodovvyk Sforce, according to his secret di­rection, would not fight much, least hauing so strong an armie of the Venetians vpon his estates, he was in more feare of their victorie, then of the fortunes of the french, touching whom he was indifferent whether they were victors or vanquished: And therefore for his better sewertie in all chaunces, he was blamed for this suttletie to keepe his forces whole, vppon which was imposed thoccasion that thItalian armie did not obteyne the victorie: This opinion was mēteyned by the Marquis of Mantua and the other Venetian capteines, to make their reputacion the greater: neither was it receiued with lesse wil of all such as desired the augmentacion of the glorie of thI­talian souldiers: But I haue heard this brute confuted by a personage of iudgment & grauitie and remeyning then at Myllan in such degree, as the absolute & true know­ledge of affayres was brought to him: he purging Lodovvyk, assured the world, that hauing sent most of his forces to the seege of Nouaro, he had not so many at the bat­tell of Taro as were of great consequence for the victorie, which in deede the armie of the confederats had obteyned, if their proper disorders had not hurt them more then the want of a great number of men, seing withall, that many whole companies of the Venetians fought not at all: And where the Count Caiazze sent against then­nemie but one parte of his companies, and that very coldly: he did it perhaps, for that the vauntgard of the french was so stronge, that the daunger was apparant to committ him selfe to fortune, and perhaps because ordinarily actions couragious & venterous haue made him more wonderfull, then such wherein was sewertie: Not­withstanding, the companies of Sforce were not altogether vnprofitable, for that al­beit they fought not, yet they kept at a bay the vauntgard of the french, and were the cause that it gaue no succors to the king, who with the lesse or most weake parte of tharmie, susteyned with the great daunger of his person, all the brunt and swaigh of that dayes fight: In my iudgement this testimonie is no more confirmed with au­thoritie then with reason: for, how is it likely that if that intencion had bene in Lo­dovvyk, he would not rather haue instructed his capteines, to disswade from letting the french men to passe: seing that if the victorie had falne on the french, his bands being so neare thennemie, had bene no more in safetie then the others, notwithstan­ding they medled not in the battell: And with what discourse with what considera­cion, [Page 109] or with what experience of thinges could he promise to him selfe, that com­ming to the fight, fortune would be so equall, that the french king should neither be victor nor vanquished.

The morning following the king departed with his armie before day, without sownd of trompets to couer his discamping as much as he could: And for that day he was not followed by tharmie of the confederats, who though they had had will to haue pursued him, yet they should haue found impediments in the waters of the riuer, which were so much increased by raynes that fell in the night, that there was no possibilitie of passage for the day following: Only at the declining of the Sunne passed ouer not without daunger the Count Caiazze with two hundred light horse­men, & following the trace of the french men, who marched the right way towards Plaisance, he gaue them the day following many alarms and impediments: And yet, all wearied and trauelled as they were, they kept their way without disorder, the vil­lages refreshing them with plētie of vittells, partly for feare to receiue hurt by them, and partly by the meane of Triuulce, who skouring before for the same effect with the light horsemen of tharmie, made perswasions to men, sometimes by threates, & sometimes with his authoritie, great in that Duchie with all sortes, but more great with the famulie of the Guelffes: The armie of the league which remoued the day after the discamping of the french, and but litle disposed (specially the prouisors of the Venetians) to put them selues any more in the arbytrement of fortune, came ne­uer so neare them, as to annoy them with any litle discommoditie: But being lodged the second day vpon the riuer of [...]rebia a litle beyond Plaisance, (the Svvrzzers & two hundreth launces and almost all the artillerie remeyning betwene the riuer & the citie of Plaisance for the commoditie of incamping,) the sludds were so great by reason of the raines falling in the night that notwithstanding their extreame dili­gence, it was impossible that either the footemen or horsemen coulde passe but at high daies and then with difficultie, although the waters began to abate: notwith­standing all which oportunities fauoring tharmie of the league, yet they neuer exe­cuted any action against the french but a farre of, nor yet the Count de Caiazze who was entred within Plaisance for suspicion of reuolt or tumult: which suspicion was not altogether without occasion, for that it was beleeued that if the king according to the councell of Tryuulce, had displaied his enseignes vnder the name of Frauncis the litle sonne of Iohn Galeas, the Duchie would easily haue falne into some mutaci­on, so plawsible was the name of him whom they held for their lawful Lord, and so hatefull the remembrance of the vsurper, and of speciall importance the credit and friendships of Triuulce: But the king in whom was setled no other impression then to passe on, would not be intangled with newe practises, but followed his way with diligent and speedie marche, finding great want of vittells after the first dayes trauel, and in all places, the sortes & peeces well garded, Lodovvyk hauing distributed what into Tortone vnder Iasper S. Seuerin surnamed Frecasse, and what into Alexandria ma­ny horsemen with twelue hundred launceknightes which he had drawne from the campe of Nouaro: After the king was passed Trebia, his armie was alwayes vexed in the tayle by the Count Caiazze, who had ioyned to his light horsemen siue hundreth launceknightes of the garrison of Plaisance, not being able to obteine to be sent to him from the army, all the residue of the light horsemen and foure hundreth men at armes, for that the Venetian Commissioners, warned by the perill at the battell of Ta [...]o, would giue no consent eftsoones to hazard their forces: At last the french men taking (when they were neare to Alexandria) their way more high towards the moū ­taine [Page 110] where the riuer of Tanaro ronnes with shallowest water, were brought with­out losse of men in eight remoues or soiornings of the campe afore the walls of Ast: In which citie after the king was entred, he dispersed his men of warre into the champion with intencion to encrease his armie, and to abide in Italy vntill he had succored Nouaro: And the campe of the league which had pursued him to the con­trey of Tortone dispairing now to vexe him more, went & ioyned it selfe to the com­panies of Lodovvyk Sforce beseeging the sayd citie of Nouaro: which euen nowe be­gan to suffer great skarcetie of vittels, for that by the Duke of Orleans nor his people had bene vsed any diligence for prouision, which by reason of the fertilitie of the contrey, they might haue done in great plentie and at easie rate: but like men either blinded with securitie, or else of litle pollecie, they neuer considered of the daūgers, till the meane of the remedie were past, consuming without sparing all the store of vittells which they found there.

About this season returned to the king those Cardinals and capteines, who withThe french kinges attēpt vpon Genes spedd euill. ill successe had bene at thenterprise of Genes: for after the kinges armie by sea had taken the towne of Spetia, it set vpon Rapalle and possessed it easily: But there yssued out of the port of Genes a nauie of eight light gallies, one carracke, and two barkes of biskayes, which by night put on lande seuen hundreth footemen, who without any difficultie tooke the borow of Rapalle with the french garrison that were within, and then accoasting the french nauie retired to the golffe, after long fight they remey­ned victors taking and burning all their vessells, the Capteines made prisoners, and the place, by this victorie made more renowmed, for that in they yeare before, th Ar­ragons were there defeated: Neither was this aduersitie recompensed by the armie that went by land, who guided by the east riuer to Valdibisague and so to the suburbs of Genes, found them selues deceiued in their hopes that in Genes would rise tumults: And therefore vnderstanding of the spoyle and losse of the nauie by sea, they tooke way with no lesse speede, then feare, to the mounteyne sharpe and vneasie, and from thence discended to the valley of Pozzeuere which is of the other part of the citie: from whence, notwithstanding their trowpes were stronge and great by the con­curse of paysants and other populars whom the Duke of Sauoye had sent in their fa­uors, they drew with the same diligence towards Pyemont: In the action of this enter­prise it is certeine, that if they within the towne had not bene restrained from yssu­ing forth for dowt least the faction of Fregosa woulde make some innouacion, they had wholly broken the french armie and put them to flight: The horsemen also of Vitelli (comen now to Chiauere, vnderstanding the successe & great disorder of those with whom they went to ioyne in strength) retired with no lesse hast then daunger, to Serezana: In so much, that except Spetia, all the places of that riuer that had bene occupied by the banished, reappealed or called againe forthwith the Genovvays, as did in like sort in the riuer of the ponent, the citie of Vintemille, which in the same dayes had bene occupied by Pavvle Baptista Fregosa, and certeine others of the ba­nished.

In the same times, the warre was also as hoat in the realme of Naples, as in the partes of Lumbardye, but with a more diuerse fortune: for, Ferdinand after he had ta­kē Ferdinand to reconquer his kingdom of Naples. Regge, considered how he might recouer the places bordring, hauing in his army six thowsand men comprehending such of the contrey and Sicile as willingly follow­ed him, togither with the horsemen and footemen of the Spanish, ouer whom was Capteine, Consaluo Eruandes of the house of D'aghilar and contrey of Cordone, A man very valiant and long exercised in the warres of Granado: This man, at his first com­ming [Page 111] into Italy, being called (by a Spanish bragge) the great Capteine, the better to signifie with this title, the soueraigne power that he had ouer them, did well deserue by many goodly victories which he there achiued, that that surname might be iust­ly appropriated, confirmed, and perpetuated in him by vniuersall consent in testi­mony of his great vertue and excellencie in the knowledge of warre: To this armie, which had already stirred vp a great part of the contrey, Monsr D'Aubygny presentes him selfe neare Somynare, a towne vppon the sea, with the men at armes of Fraunce remeyning for the gard of Calabria and such bandes of horsemen and sootemen as the Lordes of the contrey of the french faction had sent to him: And being come to the battell, the vallour of the souldiers which were oftrayne and exercise, caried the victorie against the ignorance of the other litle experienced: for, not onely the Italians and Sicilyans which Ferdinand had gathered in hast, but also euen the Spany­ardes, were souldiers new and vntrayned to seruice: with whom notwithstanding, he mainteyned the skirmishe with great stoutnes, for that the vertue and authoritie of the Capteines failing nothing of their place and office, susteyned such as for all o­ther regardes, were much inferior: Ferdinand aboue the residue, applying vertue to thinnocencie of his quarrell, behaued him selfe as well apperteyned to his vertue: [...]n so much as his horse being slayne vnder him, he had in all coniecture, remeyned ei­ther dead or taken, if Iohn de Capua brother to the Duke of Termyny, (who had bene his page from his childhood, & whom he intyerly loued in that flower of age) had not alighted and remounted him vpon his horse, and with an example of faith and loue very notable and worthy, offered his owne life for the safetie of his Lorde, in whose presence he was slaine vpon the place: Consaluo sleeth along the mounteines to Regge, and Ferdinand to Palma which lyeth vppon the sea neare to Semynara, and there tooke gallies and sayled to Messina: And as in aduersities necessitie is mightie to make men resolute, so by this ouerthrow, there increased in him a new courage and will to assay againe the triall of fortune: for, he was not onely aduertised that the whole citie of Naples thirsted with great desire to haue him, but also by secret in­telligence he knew that he was generally called by the principalls of the nobilitie & people: And therefore eschewing delayes where was so great necessitie of expedi­cion, and fearing least lingring ioyned to the reapport of his ouerthrow in Calabria, might not eftsoones make cold that new disposicion: After he had assembled (be­sides the gallies which he had led from Yschia, and the foure that serued his fathers first departure from Naples) the other vessels that brought the Spanyardes into Sicyle, with all others that he could recouer of the cities and Barons of Sicyle: he hoysseth sayle out of the port of Messina, not tarying for that he had not men of warre suffici­ent to arme them: wherein wanting forces conuenient for such an enterprise, he was constrained to furnish and serue his turne no lesse with demonstracion and ap­parance, then with theffect and substance of thinges: he departed from Sicyle with lxx. vessells of cable and anker, and twenty others of lesse proporcion, accompanied with Ricaiense of Catelognia Capteine of the Spanish vessels, a man whose experiēce was equall to his resolucion in seruices at sea: he had so small proporcions of figh­ting men, that in most parte of these vessells there were almost no other sortes of na­tures of men, then such as necessarily were appoynted to the seruice of the nauiga­cion: In this sort his forces were small, but great towards him were the fauors and goodwills of the people: in so much that being arriued in the roade of Salerne, Saler­ne it selfe, the coast of Melff, and of Cauo, hoyssed their streamers to the winde: After wards he remeined two daies aboue Naples, in expectacion to heare of some tumult [Page 112] in the towne: But for the time his fortune being slow made his desire vaine, for that the french men ronning presently to armes, and planting sure garde vpon places of perill, suppressed immediatly the rebellion that euen already was kindled: yea, they had put remedie to all their daungers, if they had valiantly followed the councell of some amongest them, who gessing that the vessells of th Arragons were ill manned with souldiers able to fight, aduised Monsr Montpensier to refurnish the french ves­sells which were in the hauen with bodies resolute and men of action, and so giue the charge to thennemie: The third day Ferdinand despairing of commotion in the citie, turned his sayles into the seaward to retyre to Yschia: by which it hapned, that the conspirators with Ferdinand, considering that their faction and intelligence was now discouered, and therefore his cause was become theirs, and proper and general to euery one of them, drew them to an assembly, and determined to be blind against all daungers and difficulties, making of their common necessitie a speciall vertue: This deliberacion was followed to effect, for that they dispatched secretely a litle boate to call home Ferdinand, beseching him to put on land either all or the greatest part of his companies, to thende to ioyne meane and courage to such as were incli­ned to make insurrection in his fauor: vppon this intelligence, Ferdinand returned eftsoones aboue Naples, and the day after the battell of Furnoue, he approched neare the shoare to take land at Magdalena a mile from Naples, and where the riuer of Se­beta falls into the sea: it is rather a small brooke then a riuer, which yet had lyen vn­knowen if the verses of the Poets of Naples had not giuen it a name: Monsr Mont­pensier to whom all thinges were disclosed, shewed him selfe no lesse hardy and ready to charge them when was cause to feare them, then he was vnresolute and fearefull the day before when courage was necessary: In so much that yssuing out of the ci­ty almost with all his strength to stoppe the discending of Ferdinand: The Neapoly­tans The citie of Naples riseth to let in Fer­dinand. taking thoportunitie of thoccasion (which was such as they could not haue de­sired better) rose suddeinly into armes: And sounding a larme by ringing the greate bell of the frears next to the walls of the towne, all the other Churches doing the like, they seazed vpon the gates of the towne, and began to publish the name of Fer­dinand: This suddeine tumult so amazed the french men, that holding it a place of no sewertie to remeyne betwene thennemies and the citie rebelled, and lesse exspe­ctacion to returne by that way they yssued out, they determined to reenter Naples by the gate that belonged to the new castell, for thaccomplishment whereof they must take a long way ful of hills & troublesom & compassing the walls of the towne: But in this meane while Ferdinand being entred, and mounted on horsebacke with certeine of his followers by the Neapolytaines, rode thorow the towne to thincredi­ble ioy and gladnes of euery one, the communaltie receiuing him with great cryes and shewtes, and the Ladies and women beholding him out of windowes and case­ments, could not be satisfied to couer him with flowers and sweete smelling waters: yea many of the nobles ronne in the streete to embrase him & wype the sweate from his face, not being negligent for all this in thinges necessary for the defence of the citie: for, the Marquis of Piscaire accompanied with the souldiers which were en­tred with Ferdinand and the youth of Naples, looked to the intrenching and fortefy­ing of all places for their defence against the french: who after they were come vp­on the greene of the new castell, and doing what they could to reenter into the hart of the citie, were so repulsed by crosbow men and small shot, that finding at all the entreyes and commings to the streetes, a resistance stronge and sufficient, and the night nowe drawing on, they retyred to the castell, leauing almost of all sortes two [Page 113] thowsand horses vpon the greene, hauing no place nor feeding for them in the ca­stell: within the castell were inclosed with Monsr Montpensier, Messire Yues D'alegro, a Capteine of reputacion, and Anthony Prince of Salerne, with many others french and Italians of marke: who albeit spent certeine dayes in skirmishing, aswell on the castell greene as about the port, discharging their artillerie into the towne, yet fin­ding in their repulses a redobled vallour in thennemie, they remeyned voyd of hope to be able to recouer the citie of them selues.

The example of Naples was immediatly followed by Capua, Auersa, the rocke of Montdragon, & many other peeces there aboutes, yea most part of the kingdom was suddeinly in reuolt: Amongest whom those of Caietta taking armes with more cou­rage then force, and their hopes farre greater then their fortune, for that certeine gallies of Ferdinand were discouered afore the hauē, they were with general slaugh­ter oppressed by the french garrisons there, who with a furie agreing with the cause giuen, sacked all their citie.

At the same time the nauie of the Venetians being come neare to Monopoly one of the cities of Povvylla, after they had set on lande their estradiots and many of their footemen, assalted it both by sea & land, where Peter Bembo owner of one of the Ve­netian gallyes was slayne with a shot out of the towne: But in the ende fortune yel­ding to vertue, the citie was taken by force, and the castell likewise rendred for feare which the french Capteine had that kept it: the sayd nauie tooke also by composi­cion the towne of Puligniane.

Ferdinand was not without apparant hopes to haue the new castell and the castel of the egge, for that famine (which is an ennemie troublesom) serued more for him then his force or pollicie there remeyning a very smal quantitie of vittells in regard of the proporcion of men that were within: And winning vppon them continually the places about the castel, to thend to keepe them at a straiter compasse: the french men succoring the aduersities of their fortune with industrie & pollicie, seeing their armie by sea had no sewertie in the hauen, which conteyned fiue shippes, foure light gallies, a galliot, and a gallion: they retyred them betwene the tower of S. Vincent, the eggecastell, and Pizifalcone, which yet they helde, as also the hinder partes or skirtes of new castell where were the gardyns of the kinges: In so much as keeping peeces euen to Capella, and fortefying the monasterie of the crosse, they made incursions e­uen to Piegrotte and S. Martyn: Against whom Ferdinand hauing taken and fortefy­ed Hipodrome, and made couert wayes by Incoronato, he possessed the Mount of S. Herme, and afterwards the hill of Pizifalcone, the french holding the castell seated in the highest part of it: To hinder the succors that were to come from it (for in taking it they might endomage and batter from the steepe places the nauie of thennemie) Ferdinand assailed the monasterie of the crosse: At whose first approch they receiued such harmes by the artillerie, that dispairing to winne it by force, they deuised to betray it by practise and intelligence: A deuise very vnhappy and wretched to him that was thautor: for that a Moare which was within, hauing fraudulently promised to the Marquis of Piscare (aforetimes his master) to put him within the place, and in that action, hauing made him come by night by a ladder fastened to the wall of the monasterie to speake with him, to thende to agree vpon the manner and time to en­ter it the same night: he was by great treason and double intelligence slaine with theMarquis [...] Pis [...]. shott of a crosbow ronning thorow his throate.

It was not of litle importance for the affayres of Ferdinand, the reuolt first of Pro­sper and then Fabrice Collonne, who during the bonde of their seruice and othe con­tracted [Page 114] with the french king, (going with the streame of the time) returned to the pay of Ferdinand almost assoone as he had recouered Naples: They excused them­selues that they were not satisfied in time of their due payments promised, And that to Virginio Vrsin and the Count Petillane (with small regard to their merits) were gi­uen many fauors and aduauncements of the king: A reason that seemed to many very weake, and farre inferior to the greatnes of the benefits which they had recey­ued of him: But it may be dowted, that that which reasonably ought to serue as a bridle to restrayne them, was the very mocion that led them to doe the contrary, se­ing by how much the benefits they had receiued were great and many, by so much perhaps was great in them the desire to keepe them, looking withall into the ill dis­posicion of the affayres of the french which began euen then to shake and declyne.

But now the castell thus hemmed in, and the sea restrayned by the names of Fer­dinand, the want of vittells increased more and more, and they that were beseeged interteyned themselues onely with hopes to haue succors out of Fraunce by sea, the rather for that the king (assoone as he was arriued at Ast) had dispatched Peron de la Basche to rigge in the hauen of Ville franche neare to Nice an armie at sea of two thowsand Gascoins and Svvyzzers with prouision of vittells, whose leader and Cap­teine should be Monsr D'Arban, a man warlike, but not experienced in the seruice of the sea: This nauie being put vnder sayle and arriued as farre as theyle of Poreze, discouering thereabout the nauie of Ferdinand conteyning thirty sayles and two great shippes of Genoua, retyred and fell forthwith into flight: And being pursued vnto theyle of Elba, they made way in such feare to the hauen of Lyuorne, with the losse of a litle shippe of Biskay, that it was not in the power of the Capteine to with­hold most of his men from going on shoare, and against his discipline and will to ronne amayne to Pysa: By reason of the retyre & deffeate of this armie at sea, Monsr Mountpensier with his companies, pressed with want of vittells, accorded to render the castell to Ferdinand hauing now endured the seege three monthes, & from thēce to goe to Prouence, if they were not reskewed within thirty dayes: This contract in­cluded sewertie of life and goodes to all such as were within the castell, giuing in o­stage to Ferdinand, Yues D'Alegre with three others for assurance of the condicions. But the shortnes of time made impossible all hope or expectacion of succors, other then such as they had within the realme: In which respect Monsr de Persy one of the Capteines of the king, accompanied with the Svvyzzers and parte of the french launces, and the Prince of Bysignian with many other Barons, drewe straight to Na­ples: Against whom, Ferdinand hauing espiall of their comming, sent out to Eboly the Count of Matalono with an armie for the most part confused, compownded vp­on bodies whom he trusted and esteemed his friendes: This armie albeit was much superior in numbers and furniture, yet encowntring thennemie at the lake of Pizzo­la which is a litle borow neare Eboly, they fell into generall disorder and present flee­ing without fighting: In which chase was taken prisoner Venantio sonne of Iulius Va­rano Lord of Camaryn: but being not pursued by the frenche, they retyred without great losse to Nola and so to Naples: The frenchmen (taking courage by this felici­tie) followed their enterprise to succour the castells, and that with so great reputaci­on for the victorie obteyned, that Ferdinand was at poynt once againe to abandon Naples: But receiuing courage by the comfortes of those of the towne, who were no lesse pushed forward perhaps with the feares they had of their liues, (remembring their rebellion) then with the friendship they bare to Ferdinand: incamped at Capel­la: And the better to let thennemies for approching the castel, casting a trench from [Page 115] the Mount S. Hermo vntill the egge castell, he furnished with artillerie and footemen all the hills vntill Capella and aboue Capella: In so muche that albeit the frenchmen, who being come to Nocere by the way of Salerna, passing by the caue and the hill Pi­egrotte, were guided to Chiaie neare to Naples: yet all thinges hauing good defence, and by the vallour of Ferdinand, the artilleries thundring vppon the frenchmen, but specially those that were planted vpon the hill of Pizifolcone which commaunded the egge castell (where earst were the singularities and pompes so much renowmed of Lucullus) they could passe no further, nor approach Capella: And hauing no meane to make further abode there, for that nature fauoreth the place with all pleasures & commodities sauing fresh waters, this necessitie constrayned them to retyre sooner then they would, leauing behinde at their discamping three peeces of artillerie, and parte of the releeffes which they had brought to reuittell the castells: They tooke their way towards Nola, against whom Ferdinand opposed him selfe leauing the ca­stell beseeged, and incamped with his companies in the plaine of Palma neare to Sarny: Monsr Mentpensier seeing by their departure, nothing but an vtter losse & pri­uacion of all hopes for reskewes, leauing three hundreth men within the castell (a number no lesse proporcioned for the vittells which nowe were short, then for theMonsr M [...] from N [...]. seruice and defence) and a garrison within the egge castell: drew away with him the residue (which were in all two thowsand fiue hundreth souldiers) and by night em­barking him selfe and companies in the vessells there, he went to Salerna, not with­out the great complaintes of Ferdinand, who pretended that it was not lawfull for him (during the tearme wherein he had promised to yeld) to depart with such a cō ­pany, onles he had rendred both the castells according to the contract: This escape wrought many passions in Ferdinand, in whom was no want of inclinacion (accor­ding to the rigour of the contract) to reuenge the iniurie and infidelitie of Mont­pensier, vpon the bludd and life of the Ostages: for that the castells not redeliuered at the tearme accorded, he had abused the wordes of his promise with a meaning dis­sembled: Notwithstanding extremities redoubling with time vppon those that re­meyned, not able any longer to keepe force against the rage of hunger, within lesse then one month after he was parted, they rendred the castell with condicions to haue the ostages deliuered: And almost at the same time, and for the same occasion they that were within the egge castell, agreed to yeld the first day of the next lent, if they were not reskewed before: Much about this time dyed at Messina Alphonso ofAlphonso king of [...]th. Aragon: the glorie and fortune of whom (by the which whilest he was but Duke of Calabria, his name was made honorable and famous,) were conuerted into a great infamie & infelicitie when he came to be king of Naples: It was sayd, that a litle be­fore his death, he made instance to his sonne to returne to Naples, where the hatreds that were generall against him before time, were now almost reconuerted into affe­ctions and good lykinges: To whom it is supposed that Ferdinand (ambicion and de­sire to reigne bearing more rule in him then reuerence and respect to his father) an­swered no lesse suttelly then in skorne, that he should attend and expect til he had so assured the realme, that he should not eftsoones be driuen to abandon it and flee.

Ferdinand, to enterteyne him in the friendships of the king of Spayne with a bond more straite and assured, tooke to wife with dispensacion of the Pope, Iane his aunt, doughter to Ferdinand his grandfather and of Iane sister to the sayd king of the Spa­nishe.

In this meane while that the seege was continued with diuerse successe about the castells of Naples (as hath bene set downe) the seege of Nouaro also was still hol­den [Page 116] and brought to very straite and hard termes: for the Duke of Myllan had thereThe seege of Nouaro. a puissant armie, which the Venetians had succored with such a readines, that in no enterprise within memorie haue they bene knowen to make lesse sparing of char­ges, nor vsed more fidelitie and diligence: there were in this campe of the confede­rats three thowsand men at armes, three thowsand light horsemen, a thowsand Al­maines on horsbacke, & fiue thowsand footemen Italians: But the principal strength of their armie stoode vpon the tenne thowsand launce knightes (for so are the Al­maine footemen called) interteyned most part by the Duke of Myllan, to be opposed against the Svvyzzers, for that thItalian footemen could not endure their name, and much lesse heare speake of them without feare, so greatly were they diminished in reputacion and courage, since the french men had action in Italy: ouer them were gouerners many Capteines of vallour resolute, & for experience generally recom­mended, Amongest whom bare a name most singuler George Pietrepante of the con­trey of Austrich, who a few yeares before, being in the pay of Maximylian king of Ro­maines, conquered with an honorable prayse vpon the french king, the towne of S. Omer in Picardye: The Senat of Venice was not onely carefull to sende to this seege many bandes of souldiers, but also to interteyne them in a greater courage, they cre­ated gouernor and Capteine generall ouer the armie, the Marquis of Mantua, hono­ring in him by the collacion of that dignitie, the vertue he showed in the battell of Furnoue or Taro, and with an example worthy of eternall memorie, they had not on­ly increased the paies of such as showed vallour there, but also indued with pensions and sundry recompenses the sonnes of many that dyed in that battell, and transfer­red dowrie to their daughters: The seege of Nouaro was continued with this migh­ty armie, for that the councell of the confederats (referring all thinges apperteyning to that action to the will of Lodovvyk Sforce) was not to hazarde the triall of battell with the french king, onles they were constrayned, but rather in fortefying about Nouaro the places necessary, their intencions were to let vittells for entring: They hoped that those within could not hold out long, for that they had lesse store of vit­tells then would serue their numbers and proporcion, and no expectacion of reme­die in a case so restrayned: for, besides the people of the citie, and the paysants which were thether retyred, the Duke of Orleans had of french and Svvyzzers more then seuen thowsand of choyse: In which respectes, Galeas de S. Seuerin, giuing ouer all cogitacion to take the towne by force, for the multitudes of men of warre that were within, had incamped him selfe with the Dukes armie at Mugnes, a place of sewertie vppon the high way very conuenient to giue impediments to the prouicions that might come to Verceill: And the Marquis of Mantua with the bandes of the Veneti­ans, taking at his arriual by force, certeine peeces there about, together with the ca­stell of Brione, a seruice of some importance, had also refurnished Camarian and Bol­gare which are betwene Nouaro and Verceill, distributing the armie into sundry pla­ces about Nouaro, the better to stoppe the course of vittels, and fortefying euery par­ticular lodging and trench, to be the more easie and ready to resistance.

On the otherside the french king, to haue more oportunitie to the succors of No­uaro, was remoued from Ast to Thuryn: And albeit he made many iorneyes euen to Chyars, to make court to a Ladie remeyning there, yet that vanitie brought no negli­gence to the common affayres, for that they ceased not without intermission to cō ­sider of the prouicions for the warres, soliciting continually the companies come out of Fraunce, with intencion to put to the field two thowsand french launces: They were no lesse diligent to solicit the discending of tenne thowsand Svvyzzers for the [Page 117] leuie of whom was dispatched the Baylif of Dyon: Their resolucion was, that assoone as the armie was possessed of them, to aduaunce all meanes possible to reskew No­uaro: without the strength of the Svvyzzers, there was litle abilitie in the french to accomplish any worthy enterprise, seeing the realme of Fraunce in those tymes al­beit mighty in horsemen, and well furnished with artilleries and men most apt and nymble to manage them, yet it was very weake in footemen of the proper region: The reason was, that armes and exercises of warre resting onely in the nobilitie, the auncient vallour of that nation was failed in the multitudes of men of base condici­on, ignorant in seruice martiall for the long tyme they had not managed armes, in place of which they had giuen themselues ouer to trades, profits, & delites of peace: for, many of the auncient kinges before, fearing the furie of the popular sort by the example of diuerse conspiracies & rebellions hapning in the same kingdō, thought it necessary in pollicie to disarme them, and draw them from the vse and practise of armes: for these reasons the french men, not trusting in the vertue of their owne footemen, neuer went to the warres with courage, onles their armie were strength­ned with certeine bandes of the Svvyzzers: which nation in all ages resolute and hardy in armes, had about twenty yeares before much increased their reputacion, for that being assailed by a mighty armie led by Charles Duke of Burbon (he that for his power and fiercenes was much redowted not onely in the realme of Fraunce, but of all his neighbours) they had in lesse then one month put him thryse to flight, and at the last chase, either as he fought, or as he fled (the certeine manner being dowt­full) they tooke from him his life: So that, what for their resolute vallour, and that the french had no controuersie with them, and lesse feare to dowte them for their interests particular, as they had of the launce knightes, they interteyned no other forreine souldiers then the Svvyzzers, vsing their seruice in all their warres of im­portance: but more willingly at that time then at any other, for that they saw howe hard a thing it was and full of daunger, to reskew Nouaro enuyroned with so great an armie, and wherein were so many bandes of launce knightes gouerned by the same discipline that the Svvyzzers were.

The citie of Verceill is scituated in the middway betwene Thuryn and Nouaro, and hauing in auncient times bene a member of the Duchie of Myllan, it was giuen by Phillipp Maria Viscounte (during the long warres he had with the Venetians and the Florentyns) to Ayme Duke of Sauoye, to separat it from them: Into this citie was not yet entred any bandes of either part, for that the Duchesse mother and tutor to the yong Duke of Sauoye, who in her hart was wholly french, woulde not discouer her selfe for the king till he were more stronge, giuing in the meane while to the Duke of Myllan gracious wordes and hopes: But assoone as the king was stronge in men and come from Thuryn, a citie of the same Duchie, she consented that he & his soul­diers should enter within Verceill, when by the oportunitie of that place he entred into a greater hope to be able to succor Nouaro when all his strength should be assē ­bled: And on the otherside the confederats, for the same reason began so to dowt, that to debate with a more rype and full councel how they should proceede in such difficulties, Lodovvyk Sforce went to the armie with Beatrix his wife, who ordinarily accompanied him no lesse in matters of importance, then in actions familiar: In the presence of whom, and (as the brute went) chiefly by her councel, the capteines after many reasonings, concluded with one consent, that for the more common sewertie of them all, the bandes of the Venetians should be ioyned to tharmie of the Duke of Mugnes, leauing sufficient gard in all the other places about Nouaro seruing [Page 118] to the seege: That Volgaro should be abandoned, for that being within three myles of Verceile, it was necessary, if the french men came with strength to get it, either to loase it with infamie, or to succor it with the whole armie. That in Camarian three myles from Mugnes where the campe was, the garrison should be refurnished: last­ly, that the whole campe being fortefied with trenches and rampiers, and supplyed with sufficient artilleries, the Capteines and assistants should daily enter into other councells according to the behauiors of thennemie: They forgatt not in this con­sult to giue order to spoyle and cut downe all the trees euen to the walls of Nouaro, to giue incommodities to men and forage for horses, wherof there were great quan­tities in Nouaro: These resolucions established, and a generall mooster made of the whole armie, Lodovvyk returned to Myllan to make with more readines such proui­sions as daily should growe necessary for the seruice: wherein to giue fauors to the forces temporal, with the authoritie & armes spirituall, the Venetians & he wrought so much with the Pope, that he sent one of his officers at the mace to the king, cō ­maundingThe Pope commaundes the french king to goe out of Italy. him within tenne dayes to depart Italy with all his armie, and within an other short tearme to send all his people out of the realme of Naples: otherwayes that vnder the spirituall paynes wherwith the church is wont to threaten, he should appeare before him personally at Rome: This remedie the auncient Popes haue v­sed in tymes before: for according to tradicions written, Adrian first of that name, constrayned with no other armes then these, Desiderius king of Lumbards going with a stronge armie to trouble the citie of Rome, to retyre from Terny (where he was ar­riued) to Pauia: But the reuerence and feare which for the holines of their life, was nourished in the hartes of men, being now sayled, it was a thing hard to hope, that of manners and examples so contrary, would come like effectes: The same enabling the french king, skorning at his commaundement, to aunswer the Messenger, that the Pope refusing at his returne from Naples to tary him in Rome, whether he went deuowtely to kisse his feete: he could not but maruell, by what reason he coulde re­quire him now to go thether: Notwithstanding he sayd, that to obey him, he would looke to open his way, and prayed him least he tooke those paynes in vayne, to at­tend him there till he came.

In this tyme, at Thuryn the king contracted with thEmbassadors of Florence new capitulacions not without the great contradiction of such as afore tymes had made resistance: who now had so much the more occasion to impugne it, by how­much the Florentyns (after they had recouered the other borowes and stronge pla­ces of the hills of Pysa) their campe being afore Pont de Sac, and the souldiers that were within rendring it with condicion to haue their life saued: they did (contrary to their faith and promise giuen) put to the sworde almost all the Gascon footemen which were found with the Pysans, and vsed many cruelties against the bodies dead: This accident albeit hapned against the wills of the Florentyn Commissioners, who with great difficultie saued a great part of them, but altogether by the stirring vp of certeine souldiers, who being prisoners to the frenche, were very rigourously dealt withall: yet in the court of the king, all being taken by their aduersaries as a signe manifest of mindes malicious to the name of all the frenchmen, many impediments were obiected to the solicitacion and practise of thaccord, which notwithstanding had his passage & full conclusion, hauing more power then all other respectes, notCapitulacion betwene the french king and the Flo­rentyns. the memorie of promises and othes solemnly made, but the vrgent necessitie and want of money, and other commodities to succor the affayres of the kingdom of Naples: This was thaccord: That without any delay, all the townes & castells which [Page 119] were in the kinges possession, should be restored to the Florentyns, vpon condicion that the state of Florence shoulde be bownd to deliuer (within two yeares next com­ming at the pleasure of his Maiestie receiuing sufficient recompense for them) Pie­trasanta and Serazana to the Genovvays, in case their estate should fall to the iurisdi­ction and obedience of the king: That vnder this hope, the Florentyns should make present paymēt of the thirty thowsand duckats remeyning of the capitulaciō made at Florence, receiuing a pawne of iewels for their sewertie and restitucion, if for any occasion their places were not rendred: That after the redeliuerie of their places, they should lende to the king vpon bondes of the generalls of the realme of Fraunce (so are called the foure officers royall which receiue the reuenues of the crowne) three score and tenne thowsand duckats, and to send parte of them in his Maiesties name to the bandes which were in the realme of Naples, and an other part to be mi­nistred to the Collonnoys, in case they were not reconciled and reaccorded with Fer­dinand, whereof his maiestie albeit he had some apparance, was not yet in such cer­teinty as to beleue it: That if they had no warres in Tuskane, they should send to Na­ples to thaide of the french armie there, two hundreth and fifty men at armes: And in case their warres were but for the quarrel of Montpulcian, yet they should be boūd to send them thether to accompanie the bandes of Vitelli, & not to interteyne them in that seruice longer then the month of October: That they should remit and par­don the Pysans for all their offences committed, giuing them a forme certeine for the restitucion of their goods which had bene taken from them, together with con­uenient and liberall meanes to exercise their traffikes and marchandise: That for the sewertie and obseruacion of these thinges, they should deliuer as ostages at the election of the king, six of the principall Citisens of Florence, and they to remeine a certeine tyme in his Court: This accord concluded, and the thirty thowsand duc­kats (which were immediately sent to make a leuie of Svvyzzers) giuen vnder gage of the kinges iewells, the commissions and commaundements of the king were im­mediately dispatched to the Capteines of the places, to make present redeliuerie to the Florentyns without any difficultie or standing.

But within Nouaro albeit the vertue of the souldiers was great, & most great (for the memory of the rebellion) the obstinacie of the townesmen to defend the towne, yet thinges diuolued daily to more hard and difficult tearmes the store of vittells so fast diminishing that they began euen now to be pinched with the want of necessa­ries, and (according to the nature of extremities) their hopes to be releued were no lesse desperat then their desires great, and their present lackes greeuous: Notwith­standing the Duke of Orleans, somwhat to ease and fauour the hardnes of their con­dicion, had ryd out of the towne all mouthes and members vnprofitable: yet it was no remedie sufficient to so great a calamitie, for that many souldiers of the french & Svvyzzers not able to beare the fretting anguish of hunger, and lesse enured to the other discommodities of a close seege, began to languishe in diseases and sicknes: By reason whereof the Duke, being also troubled with a feuer quartyne, made many so­licitacions to the king by messengers & letters not to deferre their succours: which could not be aduaunced with such readines as might be able to minister to their ge­nerall necessities, for that there was not assembled such sufficient strength as impor­ted the estate of their daunger: The french armie for their partes, showing more forwardnes of action then able to doe good, made many attempts to reuittell the towne by night, vsing in that purpose the seruice both of horsemen and footemen: But being alwayes discouered by thennemie, there succeeded no other frutes of [Page 120] their enterprises then great harmes to them selues, and no lesse disapoyntments to their friendes being made more wretched by their ill fortune: But to stoppe alto­gether the passage of vittells into the towne, the Marquis of Mantua assayled the monasterie of S. Frauncis standing neare to the wals of Nouaro, and taking it, he man­ned it forthwith with a garrison of two hundreth men at armes, and three thowsand footemen of the Almaines: By this meanes the armie confederat was discharged of a great care, the way being nowe made sure by the which releeffe was brought into the towne, the way also of the gate that leades to the mount Biandrane was stopped, for that in it was most facilitie to enter Nouaro: The day after he tooke also the ba­stylle made by the french vpon the poynt of the suburbes of S. Nazare, and the night following were surprised the whole suburbes together with the other plotteformes neare to the gate, wherein he bestowed a garde and fortefied the suburbes, the Count Petillane (whom the Venetians had taken into their pay with title of gouernor) being hurt there with a small shott neare the girdle place and in great daunger of death: For the successe of these places, the Duke of Orleans distrusting to be able to defende any more the other suburbes which he had at his entrey into Nouaro, he sette fire on them the night following, & drew all his strength to the defence & garde of the city onely: And touching the extremitie of famin, he yet nourished him self with hopes of succors, the rather for that the Svvyzzers beginning now to arriue at the campe, the kinges armie passing the riuer of Stesia was marched out of Verceill a myle to lodge in the fielde, and hauing bestowed a garde in Bolgare, exspected the residue of the Svvyzzers: who being once assembled, the armie was resolued to minister suc­cors to Nouaro: an action notwithstanding full of many difficulties, for that thItalian bandes were lodged in places of aduauntage well furnished and fortefied, and the way from Verceill to Nouaro, full of lakes and waters, and very vneasie for horsemen almost impassible for the broade and deepe ditches thorow the whole contrey: Be­sides, betwene Bolgare holden by the french, and the campes of thItalians, was Cama­rian, which the Italians garded: In respect of these difficulties, there appeared not in the mind of the king nor of the others, a readines answering thexpectacion of those that attended in distresse: And yet it was supposed, that if the Svvyzzers had sooner arriued, they had aduentured the fortune of battel, the euent whereof could not but be doutfull to either of the armies: And therefore, they both hauing regarde to the daunger present, there wanted no secret trauell to solicite an accorde betwene the king and the Duke of Myllan, albeit it was with smal hope for the indifferent distrust that was betwene those two Princes, and for that both the one and other, for their greater reputacion, made showes that they had no deuocion to peace. But fortune layed open an other meane more expedient for so great a conclusion. For about the same tymes, the Lady Marquise of Montserat being dead, and being in debate, who ought to take the gouernment of a litle sonne whom she had left, to which regent­ship aspired with one desire, the Marquis of Saluzze, and Constantyn brother to the sayd Lady decessed one of the auncient Lordes of Macodonia which Mahomet Otto­man had occupied many yeares before: The frenche king fauoring much the tran­quillitie of that estate, sent Argenton to Caesar Ceruas, to ordeyne and establishe a pro­tectorship according to the consent of the subiectes: and being gon thether also as a mourner for the death of the Ladie one of the principall officers of the Marquis of Mantua, they two meeting vppon the way, fell into discourse and deuises to haue a peace, alleaging many benefits that would redownd to both parties. This voluntary reasoning betwene them two succeeded to so good frute; that the Lord of Argenton [Page 121] tooke occasion to write to the Venetian Commissioners, reitterating the reasons and matters which had bene begon to be debated euer since they were at Taro: & they fauoring the mocion with very forward affections, communicated immediatly with the Capteines of the Duke of Myllan, and so with one agrement, sent to require the french king (nowe come to Verceill) that he would assigne some of his councell to meete in some place conuenient, to common with such as they should appoynt in deputacion for their part: whereunto the king consenting with a readines equall to his desire, there assembled the day following betwene Bolgare and Camarian for the Venetians the Marquis of Mantua and Bernard Contaryn gouernor of their estradiots: for the Duke of Myllan was sent Frauncis Barnardin Viscounte: & for the french king the Cardinall of S. Mallovv, the Prince of Orange (to whome being newly come to the campe, the king had giuen the principal charge ouer the whole armie) the Ma­reshall of Gie, Monsr de Pienes, and Monsrd Argenton: who making many meetings and certeine particulars of them making many iorneyes from the one armie to the other, the differences and chiefe controuersies fell at last vppon the citie of Nouaro: for that the french king making no difficulty in theffect of the restitucion, but in the manner, the lesse to offend his honor, labored that it might be referred (in the name of the king of Romaines direct Lord of the Duchie of Myllan) into the handes of one of the Almaine Capteines which was in the campe of thItalians: Of the contrary, the confederats required that it might be left frankly: These and other dowtes hap­ning, not being able to be resolued with that speede which they that were within Nouaro required, being now falne vpon such extremities that what by famine, and other raging diseases rising by it, there were dead of the Dukes companie aboue two thowsand bodies: A truce was made for eyght dayes, with sufferaunce to the sayde Duke and the Marquis of Saluzze, to goe with a small companie to Verceyll, but vn­der promise & faith to returne to Nouaro with the same companie, if the peace pro­ceeded not: And for the sewertie of the Dukes person (for that he was to passe tho­row the campe of thennemie) the Marquis of Mantua went into a tower neare to Bolgare in the keeping of the Count de Foix: The souldiers that were to remeyne in Nouaro, would not haue suffered him to depart, if he had not giuen them his faith, that within three dayes he would returne, or else by his meane they should haue li­bertie to goe out, the Mareshall of Gie being therefor his conduit leauing also one of his nephewes for ostage: for that not onely the vittells were consumed which or­dinarily serued for the sustenance of man, but also the vncleane and filthy skrappes, from which they could not absteyne in so great an extremitie: Immediatly after the Duke was come to the kinges presence, the truce was eftsoones proroaged for a cer­teine few dayes, with condicion that all his companies shoulde goe out of Nouaro: that the towne should be left in the power of the people, and they to make an othe not to giue it to either partie without common consent: And that thirty footemen, who should be vittelled daily by the campe of the Italians, should remeine in the ca­stell for the Duke of Orleans: Thus all the souldiers yssued out of Nouaro, whom the Marquis of Mantua and Galeas de S. Seuerin protected and conducted till they were in place of sewertie. But so much were they weakened and consumed with hunger, that they were no sooner arriued at Verceyll, then many of them died, and the residue remeyned altogether vnprofitable for the seruice of that warre.

About this tyme, the Baylyf of Dyon arriued at the campe with the residue of the Svvyzzers, of whom albeit his commission was to leauye but tenne thowsand, yet he could not chuse but at the reapport of the kinges money, there discēded by trowpes [Page 122] a farre greater number rising in the whole to an armie of twenty thowsand: The one halfe was admitted to ioyne to the campe neare Verceill, and the residue remeyned tenne miles of, because in pollicie it was not thought sure that so great a proporci­on of men of one nation should be at one tyme in one campe: if their comming had bene somewhat sooner, the practises of peace had bene easily broken, seeing with­out them there were in the campe eyght thowsand french footemen, two thowsand of those Svvyzzers which had bene at Naples, and eyghtteene hundreth launces.

But thinges being now so farre aduaunced, and Nouaro already abandoned, the enteruiewes did not discontinue, although the Duke of Orleans vsed all his labor to the contrary, hauing many of the greatest of the Court of his opinion: Therefore the Deputies were euery day at the campe of thItalians to solicit with the Duke of Myllan, who was newly returned thether to thend to debate him selfe in a matter of so great consequence, doing all thinges (notwithstanding) in the presence of the confederat Embassadors: At length the Deputies returned to the king, bringing the last conclusion of all thinges that they could for the accord: First that betwene thePeace be­twene the french king and the Con­federats. french king and the Duke of Myllan, there should be a peace and friendship perpe­tuall (the Duke nothing derogating notwithstanding his other confederacions:) That the king shoulde consent that the towne of Nouaro shoulde be rendred to the Duke by the people, together with the castell left to his Maiestie by the gard of xxx. footemen: That the towne of Spetia and all other places occupied by either parte, should be rendred: That it shoulde be lawfull to the king to arme at Genes (his free­hold and chiefe) so many vessells as he would, seruing his turne of all the commodi­ties of that citie, so that it were not in fauor of thennemies to the state of the same: That for assurance of this article, the Genovvays should giue him certeine ostages: That the Duke of Myllan should cause to be rendred to the king, the vessells lost at Rapale and the twelue gallies restrayned at Genes, and to arme for him presently at his proper charges two grosse carrakes of Genes, which with foure others of his own he determined to send to the succors of Naples: That the Duke should also deliuer to the king the yeare after, three others in the same manner: That the Duke should giue free and friendly passage to the companies that the king should send by land to the same succors, vnder this couenant that there should not passe by his estate more then two hundreth launces at a tyme: That if the kinge returned eftsoones to the same enterprise, the Duke should followe him with certeine bandes of men: That the Venetians should haue power to enter this contract within two monethes, And if they did enter, then to retyre their armie by sea from the kingdom of Naples, and to be bownd to giue no succors to Ferdinand: But if they did not obserue this & the king should leuye warre against them, the Duke should be bownde to ayde him, rea­ping to his vse all that should be conquered of the Venetian estates: That the Duke should pay fiftie thowsand duckats in the next march to the Duke of Orleans for the charges of the warre of Nouaro And acquite the king of lxxx. thowsand duckats per­cell of the money he had lent his Maiestie when he marched first into Italy, the resi­due to be rendred by his Maiesty at a longer tearme: That Iohn Iackes Triuulce should be absolued of the confiske and condemnacion wherein he had bene conuicted by the Duke, and enioy restitucion of all his goods: That the bastard of Burbon taken in the iorney of Furnoue, and the Lord of Myolans taken at Rapale, together with all o­ther prisoners shoulde be redeliuered: That the Duke shoulde withdraw from Pysa Fracasse whom he had sent thether a litle before, together with all his bandes and the companies of the Genovvays: That he should giue no impediment to the Florentyns [Page 123] to recouer that which apperteyned to their iurisdiction: That within one month he should put by way of confidence the castell of Genes into the handes of the Duke of Ferrara, who called to that ende by both the parties, was now come to the campe of thItalians, and that the sayd Duke of Ferrara shoulde keepe it two yeares at their common charges, and to be bownde by othe to redeliuer it within the sayd tyme to the handes of the french king in case the Duke of Myllan shoulde not holde his pro­mises, who immediatly vpon the conclusion of the peace, should giue ostages to the king for assurance to assigne the castell at the tyme agreed vpon: These condicions brought to the king by his Deputies that had debated them, were propownded in his publike and priuat councell, wherein being founde no lesse variacion of mindes thē contrariety of reasons, euery one disputing particularly, Monsr Trymouille reaso­ned in this sort. If in the councell present we had not to debate but of meanes to en­creaseMonsr Trymouille [...] [...]. the glorie of the crowne of Fraunce by actions of vallour and vertue, I should not perhaps be so forward to encourage your Maiesties person to newe daungers, although the example of your selfe giues you councell to the contrary, ‘seeing be­ing caried with no other affection then a desire & ambicion of glory, you determi­ned the yeare past, against the councells and humble peticions of the face and body of your realme, to discend into Italy to conquer the kingdom of Naples: where your enterprise drawing a successe happy and with encrease of your name and honor, it is a thing manifest that nowe we haue not onely to deliberat whether thoccasion to winne new honors and glorie is to be reiected, but also if we may eftsoones lose a­gaine that reputacion which you haue got with so great aduentures, charges, and daungers, and conuerting the honors already wonne into imputacions & infamies perpetuall, whether you ought to be the personage so impugnant and contrary to your proper resolucions, as to reprehende and condemne the councells established by your selfe: for your Maiestie might without any losse to your reputacion haue re­meyned in Fraunce, and that which now the world will wrappe in opinions of disho­norable feares and cowardisse, could not as then be referred to any other thing then to negligence, or to an age occupied in pleasures: your maiestie assoone as you had bene arriued in Ast, might eftsoones haue returned into Fraunce, with the same speede, & lesse shame, making as though the matters of Nouaro concerned you no­thing at all: But nowe by the presence of your armie so long incamping here, you haue published your intencion, and that you were touched with desire to deliuer the towne from seege, for which regard also hauing assembled out of Fraunce so great a proporcion of nobilitie and a leuye of Svvyzzers at a charge intollerable: who will dowt that if you depart and not satisfie these exspectacions but leaue the towne to her perills, that your glorie, with the reputacion of your whole realme, will not take a contrary conuersion of iust reproch and infamie perpetuall. But (if in the hartes of great kings may be mocions more violent then desires of renowne and glorie) there be yet reasons more mighty, or at least more iust and necessary: seeing our retrait in­to Fraunce consenting to the losse of Nouaro neither is, nor wil be thought any other thing then the losse of the whole kingdom of Naples, and the vnworthy slaughter of so many Capteines and Nobles of Fraunce left there for the defence of the same vp­on your hopes ioyned with your faith and promises to sende them speedy succors: wherein, how miserable will be their expectacions, but more wretched and desperat their estates and condicions, when they shall vnderstand that your Maiestie incam­ping vppon the frontyers of Italy with an armie so populous, and forces so resolute, shal yet retyre & giue place to thennemie: The successe of warres, dependes partly [Page 124] of reputacion, which when it declines, declineth with all the vertue of the souldiers, the faith of the peoples diminisheth, and the reuenues appoynted to susteyne and defray the warres, fall to wants and diminucions: As of the contrary, the ennemie increaseth in courage, such as wander in feares and dowtes, come to be resolute and well assured, and all difficulties are aggrauated to their aduauntage: So that, for so wretched and miserable a newes, the strength and vertue of our armie falling into faintnes and feeble dowtes, and the vallour and reputacion of our ennemies rising into greater glorie and arrogancie, who dowtes not to see with this alteracion and chaunge, the reuolt and rebellion of all the kingdom of Naples: together with the disolacion of our whole armie, And so that honorable enterprise begonne with so great felicitie to bringe forth in the ende no other frute then harmes wretched for the present, & dishonorable to all ages hereafter: for he that is perswaded that this peace is made with good faith & meaning, lookes with slender iudgement into the condicion of things present, & much lesse knoweth the natures of those with whom we deale: seeing it is a thing of easie comprehension, that we shall no sooner haue turned our backes to the region of Italy, then all these treatises, promises, and con­tractes, will vanish and turne into smoke: yea in place to minister those aydes they haue promised, their infidelitie will cary them to apply succors to Ferdinand: Lastly, these bandes whose impudencie will fill the whole world with bragges that they haue chassed vs out of Italy, will marche to Naples to make them selues rich with the spoyles of our contreymen made wretched by our cowardisse: which infamie me thinkes might be easelier borne, if by any probable reason we might dowt of the vi­ctorie: But it is a dowt vayne, & by no sense can setle in the mindes of any, who ma­king consideracion of the greatnes of our armie, & the oportunities of the contrey adioyning, will remember how ouerwearied and trauelled with a long marche, dis­furnished of vittells, our numbers small, and in the middest of the cuntrey of then­nemie, we sought against a most huge armie at the riuer of Taro: making the riuer by our vallour swell higher with the bludde of our ennemies then with his propper streames: At what time also we opened our way with the sworde, and as Conque­rors rode eyght dayes iorney thorow the Duchie of Myllan ennemie to our enter­prises and greatnes: We haue now twyse as many horsemen, the numbers of our french footemen redobled, & in place of three thowsand Svvyzzers, our armie em­braseth at this instant two and twenty thowsand: And albeit thennemie is stronger then before in Almaine footemen, yet in all discourse of reason, they can not holde comparison with ours: Neither are their horsemen others then the selfe same, and their Capteines euen those, that hauing once yelded vnder the force of our armes, and by our furie suffered so great harmes, will not eftsoones returne to the fight but with mindes fearfull and appalled: But it may be obiected that the profits of the vi­ctorie are so small that they ought not to stand in regarde or computacion with vs: No, of the contrary, they are such for their nature and so great for their vse, that we ought to aspire to obteyne with what daunger so euer: for that they include not on­ly the preseruacion of so great a glorie gotten, the succors of so rich a kingdomes as Naples, the iust safetie of so many of your Capteines, and the honorable deliuerie of such a proporcion of your nobilitie: But also they make a secret offer to inuest you in the whole empire of Italy, the which if we remeyne here with the vpper hand, will be the pray, frute, and recompense of our victorie: for what other bandes, what o­ther armies remeyne to thennemies in whose campe are assembled all the forces, all the companies, and all the Capteines, which they could leauye, eyther by fauor, au­thoritie, [Page 125] or money, one trench which we shall winne, one rampier which we shall force, will put into our bosomes (things honorable and great) not onely the empire and treasors of Italy, but also the meane to be reuenged of all our common and pri­uat wronges: which two spurres or mocions alwayes accustomed to pricke forward mindes base and cowardly, if they stirre not with an other quicknes our nation war­like & resolute, we may iustly say that our vallour hath rather failed vs then our for­tune, by whom is prepared thoccasion to winne in so litle place, & in so few howers, so great and worthy recompenses, that the wisedom and desires of men reasonable can wishe no more: The time, the place, thoccasion, our fortune, & all other opor­tunities and circumstances to be considered in enterprises, offer vs the victorie there wanteth nothing but action in men, which for so much ought to be more ready in vs, by how much it importeth men of vertue not to lose the honor they haue got­ten, nor leaue suspicion that want of vallour makes them vnworthy of that which their fortune offereth with so great fauor and further reputacion. The Prince of O­range hauing a contrary affection, spake against this opinion in this sort.’

‘If your affayres (right Christian king) were not so much pressed with time, butThe Prince of Orange speaketh. that they would giue you leasure to accompany your forces with industrie and dis­cression: or if they stoode not vpon degrees and condicions so immoderat, as you are constrained (if you will continue the warre) to proceede with importunities contrary to all the precepts and directions of warre: I coulde be one of those that would giue councell to reiect the peace: for that by many reasons we are encoura­ged not to accept it, as also it can not be denied that it would not be a thing honora­ble to continue the warre, and no lesse conuenient for the affayres of Naples: But the tearmes whereunto are brought the towne and castel of Nouaro, not prouided of vit­tells for one day, compell vs (if we will succor it) to set spedely vpon our enemies, & with a resolucion suddeine to take away that respitt which makes them stronge and able, and increaseth in our armie incommodities hurtfull and daungerous: And if (in suffering it to be lost) we meane to transport the warre into an other parte of the state of Myllan, The season of the winter nowe at hande very vnfit to make warre in places so low and full of waters, and the qualitie of our armie for the nature & great multitudes of Svvyzzers who being not spedely employed may be more preiudici­all to vs then to our ennemies: And lastly our generall want of money making our aboade here impossible for any long time, enforce vs (not accepting thaccorde) to seeke the meane to put suddeinly an ende to the warre: A thing which can not be done otherwayes, then directly to goe & charge thennemies, which aswell for their condicions, as the disauauntages of the contrey, is so daungerous, that in reasonable conference of thinges, the action cannot but hold of rashnes and indiseression: for that their campe is so strong by nature and art, according to the time they haue had to rampier and fortefie it: The places round about where their garrisons are so con­uenient for their defence, and so well manned: the contrey, for the quantitie of dit­ches and impediment of waters, so vnapt to the seruice of horsemen: That to goe seeke them directly, and not to accoast them with commodities and aduauntages, and (as the saying is) to winne vpon them by litle and litle: is no other thing then to tempt fortune, and aduenture vppon perills most certeine and desperat: for with what discourse, with what reason of warre, or with what example of notable Cap­teines, may we with such rashnes and importunitie inuade so great an armie, & that in trenches so strong and well furnished with artillerie? No, it is better (if you will proceede otherwayes then at aduenture) to seeke to driue them from their trenches [Page 126] by winning some place which they commaunde, or at least in restrayning their vit­tells: wherein I can see no other thing to assure our hopes, then by proceeding deli­beratly & with the length of time, which we haue no meane to attend, (our affayres bearing nothing more preiudicially then to tēporise & exspect:) Besides, our horse­men conteyne neither those numbers, nor that vallour, which happly many doe weene, for that many are made weake by diseases, many returned into Fraunce with leaue and without leaue, and many of those that remeyne, ouertrauelled with this long warre, haue more desire to goe home then to fight: And touching the Svvyz­zers, who for their vertue are the principall forces of our armie, yet their great num­ber may happly be more hurtfull, then would be vnprofitable a lesser proporcion: for such hath bene alwayes thexperience of the customs and nature of that nation, that to manage them being so strong and many together, can not almost be without certeinty of some daungerous tumult, (specially things (as is necessary) proceeding with sufferance and length of time:) During the which, by reason of their payments wherein they are insatiable, and other accidents which follow of course, may hap­pen a thowsand occasions to turne and chaunge them, & so we should remeyne vn­certeine whether their ayde would s [...]e vs as a medicine or a poyson: And in such an vncerteintie we can not establish any thing in our councells, and much lesse re­solue our mindes to any enterprise of vallour or importance: No man dowteth but the victorie is more honorable and sure for the defence of the kingdom of Naples, then the agreement to peace: But in all actions of men and specially in warres, we must accommodat our councels to necessitie, and not for the desire to obteyne that part which is hard and impossible, to put the whole in manifest perill, seeing it is an office as equall and iust in a Capteine to show wisedom in his actions, as courage: The enterprise of Nouaro (Sir) was not your principall intencion, neither doth it touch you but indirectly, for that you pretend no right to the Duchie of Myllan: and much lesse are you come out of Naples to stay to make warre in Pyemont, but to re­turne into Fraunce to giue order to leuye treasor & men, to thende with more migh­ty succors to minister ayde to your companies at Naples: who in the meane while, what with the reskew of your nauie departed from Nyce, and what with the men & moneyes of the Florentyns, will haue so good meane to defend their condicion, that they may without daunger attende the great prouisions which you are to areare at your returne into Fraunce: I am none of those that will assure that the Duke of Myl­lan will iustly obserue these capitulacions, yet receiuing ostages of him and the Ge­novvays, and the castell also committed according to the forme of the contract, you are not without pawne and sewertie: It is also reasonable in him to demaund peace, because lying nearest the daunger of your forces, his feares are no lesse iust, then his perills likely: Besides, leagues, which haue many competitors, of their propper na­ture haue not that stabilitie and concord, but vpon occasions they come to disagree and fall of one from an other, in which case, euery litle hoale that they shal make, yea euen the smallest cranell or creuish that shall appeare, will make to vs the victorie no lesse easie then well assured: So that seeing your affayres stand in these degrees, and that God hath made it impossible to mortall Princes to rule the time, my aduise is, that your Maiestie striue not against the streame of the time, but to frame your in­clinacions to the peace, not that it is of it selfe profitable or commendable, but be­cause it is an office in Princes wise and of stayed condicion, in causes difficult and daungerous, to allow for easie and commendable, that that is necessary and conue­nient, or at least wise such as are least intangled with daungers, and nothing at all de­rogat [Page 127] reputacion and honor. The Duke of Orleans rebuked sharpely the speeches of the Prince of Orange, either of them taking such libertie of passion, that falling from wordes to reproches and iniuries, the Duke gaue him the lye in the whole presence of the councell: But thinclinacion of most part of the councell and consequently of the multitude of tharmie, was to embrase the peace, bearing so much power in them all, and no lesse in the person of the king a sweete desire to returne into Fraunce, that they were not able to discerne the daunger of the kingdom of Naples, and much lesse to see how slaunderous it was to suffer to be lost afore their eyes the citie of Nouaro, and lastly to depart out of Italy with condicions so vnequall considering the incer­teintie of thobseruacion: which disposicion was so vehemently fauored by the Prince of Orange, that many dowted lest to gratifie the king of Romaines, to whom he was most affectioned, he had no lesse regard to the profit of the Duke of Myllan thē to the commodities of the french king, with whom truely his authoritie was great, partly for the excellencie of his wit, and partly for the credit of his vallour, but most of all, for that it is a custom and propertie with Princes, to esteme most wise, such as are most conformed to their inclinacions.

At last the peace was made, which was no sooner sworne by the Duke of Myllan, then the king, reiecting all other thoughtes then such as made for his returne into Fraunce, wēt forthwith to Thuryn: his hast was the more importunat to depart from Verceill, for that those bands of the Svvyzzers that were in the campe, to assure their payes of three whole moneths (according to the custom of Lovvys the xj. as they al­leaged) began to speake of staying the king or the chiefteines of his Court for the sewertie of their pay: notwithstanding they could not clayme so much by promise, nor yet had serued so long time: from which daunger albeit the person of the king was deliuered by his suddeine departure, yet they hauing made prisoners the Baylif of Dyon and others that leauyed them, he was in the ende constrayned to assure all their demaundes aswell with promises as with ostages: from Thuryn the king desi­ring to make a perfect establishment of the peace, sent to the Duke of Myllan the Mareshall of Gi [...], the President of Ganuay, and Argenton, to induce him to speake with his Maiestie: The Duke seemed to be of the same desire, but it was not without some dowt of treason: In so much, that either for that suspicion, or obiecting perhappes some expresse difficulties, as not to giue occasion of ielowsie to the confederats, or for that his ambicion woulde not suffer him to come in a behauior inferior to the french king: he propownded to haue the meting vpon the middest of a riuer, where a bridge being made either with barkes or other matter, there shoulde be betwene them a barre of wodde: A manner of commoning together vsed heretofore by the kinges of England and Fraunce, and other great Princes of the West: This the king refused as a thing vnworthy his greatnes, and therefore without any enteruiewe, he receiued his ostages, and dispatched Peron de la Basche to Genes to receiue the two carrakes that were promised him, and to rigge foure others at his owne charges for the succors of the castells of Naples, which he knew had not receiued the reskewes sent from Nice, for that they suffred so many impediments as they could not be pro­fitable to the seruice of Naples: In which respect, his peoples there beseged had made composicion to render vp the castells if they were not succored within thirty dayes: The king made his plot to arme the sayd vessells with three thowsand Svvyzzers, & to adioyne them to the sayd nauie parted from Nice nowe retyred to Lyuorne, and to certeine other vessells exspected from Prouence: All which (without the great ships of the Genovvays) had not bene sufficient for that succors, the hauen of Naples be­ing [Page 128] now full of a huge armie by sea both for the vessells of the prouisions of Ferdi­nand, and also for twenty gallies and foure shippes sent thether by the Venetians: The king after he had dispatched Monsr Argenton to Venice to solicit the Senat to enter into the peace and participat with thaccord, tooke his way into Fraunce with all his Court, & that with such equall speede and desire to be there, that there was nothing coulde stay him any fewe dayes in Italy, no not till the Genovvays had deliuered him their ostages promised vppon the contract at Verceill, which certeinly they had ac­complished, if his hastie departure had not preuented their true intencion and mea­ning. Thus then vpon the ende of October 1495. his maiestie returned on thother side the mountes, resembling rather a personage vanquished then a Prince victor (notwithstanding the conquest and victories he had obteyned:) he left as his Liefe­tenant in Ast (a citie which it should seeme he bought of the Duke of Orleans) Iohn Iacques Triuulce with fiue hundreth frenche launces, who not many dayes after of their propper authoritie followed the king, by whome was left no other succors for the kingdom of Naples, then the nauies preparing at Genes and Prouence, and the as­signacion of the aydes and moneyes promised by the Florentyns.

After the discourse of other things, me thinkes it can not be out of purpose (spe­ciallyThe french po [...]ks & their beginning. it being a destinie fatall that the calamities of Italy should take their beginning of the passage of the french men, or at least were imputed to them) to leaue to me­morie and tradicion in what sort began the disease which the french call the euill of Naples, and the Italians name the botche, or more commonly the disease of Fraunce: It hapned as an infection to the french men whilest they were at Naples, and by them in their returne from that warre, was dispersed and spredd thorow all Italy: This di­sease either altogether newe, or at least vnknowne in that age in our hemispheare o­therwayes then in the most extreame and furthest partes, was for certeyne yeares so horrible, that it well deserueth mencion and monument, as a calamitie greeuous & lamentable: for it appeared alwayes either in vile botches or buttons, which often­times proued vlcers incurable, or else they tormented the whole bodye with payne and aches in the ioyntes and sinewes: And the Phisicions hauing no experience in maladies of that nature, and therefore ignorant in the remedies proper and naturall, applied oftentimes cures directly resisting and contrary, which inflamed the infecti­on to greater rage, euen to the killing of many bodies of all ages and sexes: Many became deformed with them, and subiect almost to perpetuall torments, yea some such as seemed to be deliuered of them, returned eftsoones in short time to the same miserie: But after the course of many yeares (either the influence aboue being ap­peased which bredd them so horrible and raging, or by long experience their pro­per remedies and cures being founde out) the disease began to be lesse malicious, chaunging it selfe into diuerse kindes of infirmitie, differing from the first calamitie, whereof truely the regions & people of our times might iustly complayne, if it hap­ned to them without their propper disorder, seeing it is well approued by all those that haue diligently studied and obserued the proprieties of that euil, that either ne­uer or very rarely it hapneth to any otherwayes then by contagious whoredom or immoderat incontinencie. The french thinke it reasonable to acquite them of thig­nominie, for that it is knowen since that such a disease was transported out of Spaine to Naples, & yet not proper or natural of that nation, but brought thether from the yles, which in those seasons began to be made familiar to our regions by the nauiga­cion of Christofer Colonus a Ganovvay: In which yles by the fauor of nature, are re­medies ready to the cure of that ill, by drinking onely of the iuice of a wodd (most [Page 129] singular for many other worthy properties) which growing plentifully in those pla­ces is a remedie no lesse easie, then absolut and assured to thinhabitants there.

The ende of the second booke.

LODOWYK SFORCE keepeth not the treatie of peace: The Venetians take the towne of Pysa into their protection: The french king determineth to returne into Italy: The king of Ro­maines beseegeth Lyuorne: The Pope makes warre vppon the Vrsins: The french King dyeth at Amboyse: Frear Ierommo Sauonarolais hanged at Florence.

THE THIRD BOOKE OF THE historie and discoursse of Guicciardin.

BY the dishonorable returne of the frenche kinge ouer the Mountes, proceeding notwithstanding more of indiscressi­on and disorders, then by pusillanimitie or weakenes of his armie: wise men grew into hopes and iudgements, that Ita­ly, after so many skourges and greeuous stormes of infelici­ties, would now at last resume her libertie, or at least, be re­deliuered of the insolent iurisdiction of the french: where­in by so much more were worthy and notable the vertues & actions of the Senat of Venice and Duke of Myllan, by how much the taking armes with a wise and resolut councell, were the onely lets, that so goodly a part of the world fell not into the seruitude of straungers: But as nothing can satisfie the couetousnes of man, so if they had not bene caried with ambicious respectes touching their interests and desires particular, nor (to their propper infa­mie and common harmes) had so corrupted the vniuersall benefitte and common weale of that region: No man might haue dowted that Italy, (readdressed by their armies and councells, and eftsoones repossessed of her auncient dignities and prero­gatiues) had not bene for long time assured against the importunities, furies, and vi­olent inuasions of the prowde nations beyonde the Mountes: But ambicion, which would not suffer either of them to be contented with his lymitts, was the cause not onely to returne vpon Italy new inuasions and troubles, but also that they could not enioy the frute of the victorie which their fortune brought into their hands against those miserable remeynders of the frenche in the kingdome of Naples: A victorie which the negligence & vnwise councells of the king made of easie action to them, for that the succors which he had leuyed at his departure out of Italy, were either [Page 130] vtterly vaine, or at least of so litle frute, that they brought no comfort to his people, his prouicions of nauigacion and the aydes promised by the Florentyns seruing also to like effect.

‘This is a rule in the nature of man, that to him that is iniuried and can not haue iustice, nothing is more sweete then the passion of reuenge: euen so by howe much the remembrance of thoffence is greene and freshe, by so much stronger is the de­sire of reuenge in the mind greeued, and so much lesse the trust or confidence in the partie that hath offended:’ Lodovvyk Sforce consented not to the peace with the king with a sownd faith and meaning, for that remembring the iniuries he had done him, he thought it stoode not with his sewertie eftsoones to commit him selfe to the fi­delitie of the king: But the desire to recouer Nouaro, & deliuer his owne estate from thincommodities of the warre, induced him to promise that which he had no desire to keepe, following the kinges humor with wordes, and keeping his intencions dis­sembled: And it may be supposed, that in the peace made with this semblance, did participat the consent of the Senat of Venice, willing to disburden their state with­out their infamie, of the very huge and great expenses occupied vppon the warre of Nouaro: But Lodovvyk, to whom in actions of shift and conning, nothing was moreLodowyk sutle in dis­sembling. familiar then moderacion of wit, because he would not in vnaduised sort breake the articles of the capitulacion, but shadow his doings with some coller, accomplished that which he could not deny to be in his power: he deliuered ostages: he sette at li­bertie the prisoners paying their raunsoms of his propper treasors: he restored the vessells taken at Rapale: he withdrew from Pysa Frecasse whom he could not dissem­ble to be in his pay: lastly he put the castell of Genes into the handes of the Duke of Ferrare who went thether in person to receiue it: But on thother side, he left withinShiftes of Lod. Sforce to breake the peace. Pysa Luke Maluezzo with many bandes of souldiers as though he were in the wages and payes of the Genovvayes: he suffered that two carrakes which were armed at Genes went to Naples for the seruice of Ferdinand, vsing this excuse, that for that he had interteyned them afore the conclusion of the peace, they of Genes woulde not consent that they should be denied to him: he labored secretly that the Genovvays should not deliuer in their ostages to the king: And that which was of greater con­sequence for the losse of the castells of Naples, after the king had armed and manned the foure shippes, and that he had furnished him of the two for the which he was bownd: he wrought so with the Genovvays, that making semblances of feare, they gaue impediments that the kinges souldiers should not be armed, if first they recei­ued not of him sufficient caution that he shoulde not employe them against them selues, nor attempt with that force to chaunge the gouernment of Genes: For these cauillacions the king complayned by men expresse to Lodovvyk, who (according to his custom in euasions) aūswered him with exceptions, sometimes that he had pro­mised to furnish him with the shipps, but without consent that they should be man­ned with french souldiers: And sometymes he alleaged that the iurisdiction which he had of Genes was not absolut, but limited and restrayned to such condicions, as he had no power of compulsion, and much lesse was his authoritie to enforce their wills to his desires, specially in thinges which they pretended to be daungerous for their estate, or to derogat the liberties of their citie: wherein the better to iustifie his excuses, he wrought so that the Pope commaunded the Genovvays and him vppon payne of the Church censures, that they should not suffer to be drawne from Genes by the french king any vessells of no sort or nature: In so much as the succors exspe­cted with so great desire by the french which were wretched in the kingdom of Na­ples, [Page 131] soarted to no comfort or releeffe to them: No more did the aydes and moneyes promised by the Florentyns: seeing after thaccord made at Thuryn, Guind [...] Anthoine Vespucci one of their Embassadors assistant at the conclusion, departing immediatly with all the necessary dispatches, and passing without suspicion thorow the Duchie of Myllan, for that the common weale of Florence was not declared ennemie to ey­ther part: he was reteyned in Alexandria by the Dukes commission: And all his pa­pers and dispatches taken from him, he was led forthwith to Myllan, where the capi­tulacion and promises of the Florentyns being bewraied, the Venetians and the Duke tooke councell, not to suffer the Pysans to perish: who assoone as the french king was gone out of Italy, had by newe Embassadors recommended their affayres to Venice The Veneti­ans in mind to [...] the Pysans. and Myllan: Their resolucion to reskew the Pysans was not without the consent of the Pope and thEmbassadors of the other confederats, vnder pretence to hinder the money and aydes which the Florentyns reentring into Pysa and their other pla­ces, were to sende to the realme of Naples: And also for that being conioyned with the french king, and by the recouering of that citie, made more mighty, they might in many sortes endomage the common safetie of Italy: but the principall humor that sed that mocion was their ambicion & great desire to make them selues Lords ouer Pysa: A sweete pray to intyce ambicious mindes, and as it had bene afore tyme vehemently aspired by Lodovvyk, so the Venetians began nowe in like sort to looke into it with couetous eyes, as people, who seeing the auncient vnitie of other Po­tentats broken, and one parte of those weakned which had wont to oppose against them, embrased alreadye with thoughtes and hopes the Monarchie of all Italy: Whereunto they esteemed the imperie of Pysa a very conuenient instrument, to beginne with the commoditie of his hauen (which they thought could not be long kept by Florence not holding Pysa) to stretch out their lymits euen to the inferior sea: hauing withall by thopportunitie of that citie, an entrey of great importance into Tuskan: The Duke of Myllan showed most readines to minister to their succors, who interteyning at the same instant the Florentyns with diuerse practises, had ordeyned that Fracasse, vnder cooller of his priuat busines (for he had possessions in that con­trey) should goe to Pysa, and the Genovvays to refurnish them with newe supplies of footemen: The Venetians also forgot not to nourish them with promises and com­fortes of speedy succors, and accordingly dispatched one of their Secretories to Genes to make a leauye of footemen, and perswade the Genovvays not to abandon the Pysans: yet they were long in sending their strength thether, perhaps by this opi­nion, that so long as the citadell was holden by the french king, & so long as he were in Italy, it was not conuenient to lay any great foundacion of those thinges: On the otherside, the Florentyns, aduertised of the newe couenants made with the king by their Embassadors at Thuryn, had increased their armie, to be the more able to con­strayne the Pysans to receiue them assoone as they sawe the dispatches of the king: And albeit as you haue heard, they were restrayned together with their Embassa­dor by the Duke of Myllan, yet they forbare not to take the borow of Palay [...], and so planted their campe afore Vicopisan: the beseeging of which place was of no effect, partely for that the Capteines (either by ill councell, or for that they iudged their strength not sufficient to bring their campe on that side towards Pysa, the Pysans ha­uing erected a bastyllyon on a mount neare the towne) encamped on that side vn­derneath towardes Bientina: A place of litle commoditie to hurt Vico, and keeping it, the way of Pysa and Casina lay open to those that were beseeged: partely for that Pavvle Vitelli hauing receiued three thowsand duckats, went thether to defend it, [Page 132] entring with his companies and the bandes of his brethren vnder a fayned cooller to haue letters of the king, & commaundement from the generall of Languedok bro­ther to the Cardinall of S. Mallovv remeyning sicke at Pietra Santa, to protect Pysa and thappurtenance, vntil other order were taken: Certeinly it is a thing right won­derfull in reason, and no lesse rare in experience and example, that the Pysans were at one tyme defended by the souldiers of the french king, and ayded by the succors of the Duke of Myllan, and nourished also with hopes by the state of Venice, notwith­standing that Senat & the Duke of Myllan were in open warre with the french king: ‘But such is the rage of ambicion, and so sweete thinsinuacion of rule and imperie, that in whom they haue kindled their infection, they cease not to inflame more and more their desires without respect to fidelitie, conscience, difficultie, or common obseruancie, holding all thinges lawful that make for their purpose, and nothing vn­semely that may serue to satisfie their insatiable aspiring thoughts:’ with the reskew that came with the bandes of Vitelli, Vicopisan defended it selfe easily, and gaue no li­tle domage to the campe of the Florentyns, the same being pitched in a place so o­pen and discouered, that it receiued many harmes by the artilleries which the Pysans had caried within Vico: In so much that hauing endured the harmes by many dayes, the Capteines found it necessary to their safetie, to leuye the seege to their reproch and shame: After this, the kinges dispatches being at last come, which written into copies, were secretly sent out by many wayes, the towne, castell, and port of Liuorne were immediatly rendred to the Florentyns by Salliane Liefetenant to Monsr Beau­mont to whom the king had giuen them in charge: when M. D'isle Deputie Com­missioner to receiue of the Florentyns the ratificacion of thaccord made at Thuryn, and to see the restitucion executed, began to treate with Entragues Capteine of the cytadell of Pysa, and of the castells of Pietra Santa and Mutton, to resolue with him of the day and manner to resigne them vppe: But Entragues indused either by the selfe same inclinacion common with the other frenche men that were then in Pysa, or by some secret commissions from M. de Ligni, vnder whose name and as depending vpon him, he was preferred to that charge, or perhaps drawne by the loue which he bare to a litle Graciana doughter of one of the Citisens of Pysa (for it is not credible that onely the desire of money led him, since he might receiue a greater quantitie of the Florentyns) he began to oppose many difficulties: sometimes giuing to the kings letters pattents an interpretacion contrary to the true sense: and sometimes he al­leaged that at the beginning he had commaundement not to render them but by secret aduertisements from Monsr de Ligny: vpon which impediments, after they had in vayne disputed certeine dayes, it was necessary for the Florentyns to make a new instance to the king remeyning yet at Verceill, to remedie that disorder expres­sed with so great an offence to his maiestie, and hurt to his speciall profit: The king became much moued with the disobedience of Entragues, and commaunded M. de Ligny (not without indignacion) to constrayne him to obey, determining to sende thether a man of authoritie with newe letters pattents and threates from the Duke of Orleans whose seruant he was: But the resolut obstinacie of M. de Ligny and the fauors which he had in court, being of more power then the slender councell of the king, the dispatch was delayed certeine dayes, and in the ende sent not by a man of authoritie, but by M. Launcepugno a simple gentleman: with whome went Camylla Vitelli to leade his companies to the realme of Naples, and withall to conduit thether one part of the money to be defrayed by the Florentyns, to whose armie, assoone as the kinges letters pattents were arriued, were ioyned the men of warre of both the [Page 133] Vitellis: This dispatche wrought no more effect then the first, notwithstanding the Capteine had receiued two thowsand duckats of the Florentyns, to interteyne (vntil the kinges aunswer came) the bandes of footemen which were in garrison within the Citadell: And to Camilla were payed three thowsand duckats, because other­wayes he would haue hindred that the kinges letters should not haue bene presen­ted: for the Capteine of the citadell (to whom as was supposed de Ligni had sent by an other way, commissions quite contrary) After he had many dayes abused their exspectacion, and iudging that the Florentyns (for that there were within the towne besides thinhabitantes, a thowsand footemen forreyners,) coulde not force the sub­urbes of S. Marke ioyned to the gate of Florence leaning to the citadell where the Py­sans had made a great bastyllion, and that so he might come to the ende of his in­tencion without manifest obiecting against the kinges will: he sent thother Flo­rentyn Commissioners, to present their armie afore the sayd gate, (which they could not doe onles they wonne the suburbs) for that if the Pysans would not receiue them in by accorde, he would force them to abandon it, the same gate being so subiect to thartillerie of the citadell, that it was not able to meinteyne defence against the will of such as had it in gard: The Florentyns inclining readily to this deuise, went the­ther with a great preparacion, a courage resolute, and an inflamed disposicion of all the campe then lodging at S. Remy, a place neare to the suburbes: And with such vallour they assayled the bastyllion on three sides (in the forme, seate, and rampiers whereof, they had bene fully instructed by Pavvle Vitelli) that they brake and put to flight such as stoode in defence, and pursuing the chase, they enter Pelle Melle the suburbes by a draw bridge which ioyned to the bastyllion, killing and making priso­ners the most of them: In this furie there was no dowt, (without the ayde of the ci­tadell) but at the same instant they might haue made perfect the conquest of Pysa by that gate, many of their men at armes being entred, for that the Pysans put to flight, made no resistance: But the Capteine of the citadel seeing thinges succeede other­wayes then he looked for, began to discharge thartillerie vpon the Florentyns: with which accident vnlooked for, the Commissioners and leaders marueling not a litle, many of their souldiers slayne and hurt by thartillerie, and Pavvle Vitelli wounded in one of his legges, they sownded the retraict, holding it impossible to take Pysa at that time for the furious resistance of the citadell: yea within fewe dayes after, they were constrained for the harmes they receiued by thartillerie to abandon the sub­urbes which they had brought into their power, and so retyred with great discou­rage and no lesse discontented to Cassina, till the king had reformed so manifest a dis­obedience of his subiectes.

In this meane while also, the Florentyns were not without their perplexities, forPeter de me­dicis at the instigation of the Confede­rate determi­neth to re­turne to Flo­rence. new and daungerous practises stirred vp principally by the Potentats of the league: Who to giue the more impediments to the conquest of Pysa, and by some newe ne­cessities at home, to enforce them to leaue thalliance of the french king, incensed P. de medicis to make triall, with the ayde of Virginio Vrsin, (fled from the french campe the day of the battell of Taro,) to returne to Florence: A matter of right easie perswa­cion both to the one and other: for that to Virginio it soarted to good purpose (what so euer came to thenterprise) to reassemble at the charges of others, his auncient bandes and partakers, and readresse him selfe eftsoones in the reputacion of armes: And Peter according to the custom of men banished, had no want of diuerse hopes for the multitude of frendes which he had in the citie, by whom he had intelligence that the gouernment popular was displeasing to many of the nobles, and no lesse in­tollerable [Page 134] to many of his faction and followers, which by reason of the auncient greatnes of his house, was almost vniuersal thorow the whole dominion of Florence: It was beleued that this plot tooke his first deuise and beginning at Myllan, for that Virginio was no sooner escaped out of the hands of the french, then he made his first office to goe visit the Duke: but afterwards the resolucion succeeded at Rome, where did negociat many dayes with the Pope, thEmbassador of Venice and the Cardinall Askanius, who proceeded by commission from Lodovvyk his brother: These were the groundes and hopes of this enterprise: that besides the bandes which Virginio should leauye of his olde souldiers, and with tenne thowsand duckats gathered by P. de medicis of his owne and by the liberalities of his frendes: Iohn Bentyuole being then in the pay of the Venetians and the Duke of Myllan, should at the same instant make warre against them vppon the frontyer of Bolognia: And also that Kattherine Sforce whose sonne tooke pay of the Duke of Myllan, should vexe them by the cities of Y­mola and Furly, confyning vpon the landes of the Florentyns: Lastly they made pro­mise to them selues (not in vaine) to haue at their deuocion the Syennoys, no lesse in­flamed with an old hatred against the Florentyns, then desirous to embrase occasions to preserue Montpulcian, A towne which they distrusted not to be able to defend of them selues, for that hauing attempted not many monethes before with their owne strength, and the bandes of the Lord of Plombyn and Iohn Sauelle (whome the Duke interteyned in common with them) to make them selues Lordes of the contrey of the marrysse of Chianes, which marrysse had bene long time the lymit or markestone of that side betwene the Florentyns and them, and to that ende they had begonne to make neare to the bridge of Valiane, A bastyllion to beate a tower erected by the Flo­rentyns vpon the poynt towards Montpulcian: things fel out contrary to their hopes and exspectacion: for that the Florentyns, moued with the daunger of the losse of this bridge, which not onely tooke from them all meanes to molest Montpulcian, but also gaue entrie to thennemies into the territories of Cortona and Aretze and o­ther peeces, which on thother side of Chianes apperteyne to their iurisdiction, sent thether a stronge succor, which forced the bastyllion begon by the Syennoys: And for their full sewertie of that peece, they planted neare the bridge (but on thother side Chianes) a bastyllion conuenient to bestow many souldiers in: by whose helpe and commoditie they made roades euen to the gates of Montpulcian, vexing with like actions all the townes of the Siennoys on that side: To which successe was ioyned this fortune, that a litle after the passage of the french king, they had broken neare to Montpulcian, the bandes of the Siennoys and made prisoner Iohn Sauella their Cap­teine: But Virginio and Peter de medicis hoped to obteine place of retraite with other commodities of the people of Perusia, not onely for that the famulie of the Baillons, (who with armes and aydes of their followers were almost become Maisters of that citie) were vnited to Virginio in a common fidelitie to the name and faction of the Guelffs, and had withall familiar and straite frendshipps with Lavvrence and Peter de medicis whilest he ruled in Florence, by whose fauors and other ministracions they had speciall countenance against all action of their enemies: but also being the subiectes of the Church (but more in demonstracions then in effectes) it was bele­ued that in thinges concerning principally their estates, they would yeld to the will of the Pope, hauing communitie therein the consent of the Venetians and Duke of Myllan: Virginio then and Peter de medicis departed from Rome with these hopes, & occupying amongest them selues these perswacions, that the Florentyns trauelled with ciuill diuisions at home, and vexed by their neighbours abroad vnder the name [Page 135] of the confederats, coulde hardely make resistance: And remeyning certeine dayes betwene Terni and Todi and these confynes, where Virginio studying by all meanes to plucke downe the Gebelyn faction, leauyed men and money of the Guelsses: At last they setled their campe in fauor of the Perusins, before Gualde, A towne possessed by the communaltie of Fuligni, but solde before by the Pope for six thowsand duckatts to the Perusins, who were no lesse inflamed with a desire to haue it, then incensed with the contencion of the parties, by reason of whose dealinges all the townes a­bout inclined then to emocion and insurrection: for not many dayes before, the fa­mulie of the Oddies, banished from Perousa & chieftaines of the factiō contrary to the Bayllions, hauing aydes of them of Fuligni, Ascese, and other peeces there adioyning, which embrased the parte of the Gebylins, were entred Corciana, (a stronge peece within fiue myles of Perousa) with three hundreth horse, and fiue hundreth foote­men: for which accident, all the contrey being risen (for Spolette, Camerin, and other places of the Guelffes were fauorable to the Bayllons) they of Oddy within fewe dayes after entred by night within Perousa, and that with such astonishment to the Bayllons, that hauing lost hope & abilitie of defence, they began to put them selues to slight: But the Oddies, by a small and vnlooked for aduenture, lost that victorie, which the power of their ennemies coulde not depriue them of: for that being come without impediment to one of the entries of the principall place, and one of them who for that purpose caried a hatchet, offring to cut in peeces the chayne drawne ouer the way according to the custom of cities in faction: And being so troublesomly enuy­roned with the presse of his companies, that he had no space to list vp his arme toA [...] mi [...] d [...] enter­prise. hewe the chayne, cryed with a lowde voyce giue backe, giue backe, to thende that hauing more roome, his libertie might be more furthering to the action he went a­bout: This voyce being wrong vnderstanded, and repeated from hand to hand by such as followed him, and so deliuered to others in a sense sounding to retyre and flee, it was the cause that all the companies without other encownter or let, fell sud­deinly to flee, not one knowing by whom they were chassed, nor for what occasion they fledd: This disorder restored thaduersaries to such present courage, that reas­sembling their strength, they charged them in the chasse and made great slaughter taking prisoner Troyllo Sauello, who for the same affection to the faction, had bene sent to the succors of the Oddies by Cardinall Sauella: And applying their forces to thoccasion that was offered, they followed the chasse euen to Corciana, which they recouered in this action, and with the same furie: And lastly not contented with the death of such as they had slaine in the chasse, they hanged many at Perousa, follow­ing the crueltie which for the most part other factions are wont to vse: of which tu­multes, many murders hapning in the places bordring, for that in seasons dowtfull, [...] insurrections. the parties are carefull, and doe customably draw into insurrection, either for desire to cut of their ennemies, or for feare to be preuented by them: The Perusins inflamed against the Fulignians, had sent the campe to Gualda, And hauing giuen thassault to it in vaine, with no lesse distrust to cary it by their owne strength, they accepted the aydes of Virginio who offered him selfe to them, to thende that at the brute of boo­tie and spoyle, the souldiers might ronne with more readines to the warre: And al­beit they were pressed by him and by Peter de medicis to minister openly to their en­terprise, or at least to giue some peece of artillerie or place of retraite for their peo­ple at Chastillion du lac confyning vpon the territorie of Cortonne, with commoditie of vittells for tharmie: yet they consented to neuer one of the demaundes, notwith­standing the Cardinall Askanius made in the name of the Duke of Myllan great in­stance, [Page 136] and the Pope commaunding no lesse by writts vehement and full of threats: All this was, for that since the taking of Corciana, the Florentyns lending them mo­ney, and giuing yearly pension to Guido and Radolpho chiefe of the Baillons, and lastly hauing taken into their pay Iohn Pavvle sonne to Radolpho, they were of their side & conioyned with them: Besides these, they were estraunged from thamitie of the Pope, for that they feared he stoode fauorable and inclined to the cause of their ad­uersaries, or at least, by thoccasion of their diuisions, they suspected that he aspired to put absolutely that citie vnder the obedience of the Church: In this time, Pavvle Vrsin, who with three score men at armes of the olde companie of Virginio, had re­meyned many dayes at Montpulcian, and afterwards was gon to the borow of Pieua: interteyned (by the direction of Peter de medicis) A practise in the citie of Cortone, with intencion to execute it at such time as the bandes of Virginio should approch, whose numbers nor vertue aunswered not the first plots: But during that respitt of time, the practise being discouered which was builded vppon the foundacion and meane of one of the exiles of base condicion: one part of their generall groundes & deuises began to fayle, and withall many great impediments to appeare: for the Flo­rentyns, in whom was alwayes nourished a carefull pollicie to prouide for daungers, leauing in the contrey of Pysa three hundreth men at armes & two thowsand foote­men, had sent to encampe neare Cortone two hundred men at armes & 2. thowsand footemen vnder the leading of the Count Riuucce de Marciane whom they had made Mercenarye in their pay: And to thend the bandes of the Syennoys should haue no o­portunitie to ioyne with Virginio accordinge to the practise betweene them: they sent to Poggi imperiall vpon the borders of the contrey of Sienna (vnder the gouern­ment of Guidobalde of Montfeltre Duke of Vrbyn, whom they had interteyned into their pay a litle before) three hundreth men at armes, and fiueteene hundreth foote­men, besides many banished from Sienna (with whom they adioyned) to keepe the citie in greater feare: But after Virginio had giuen many assaultes to Gualda where Charles his bastard sonne receiued a wound with a small shot, and hauing embrased the moneyes sent secretely to him as was supposed by the Fulignians, he raysed his campe without mention or respect to thinterests of the Perusins, and marched to the tabernacles and so to Panicale in the contrey of Perousa, making newe instance that they would be declared against the Florentyns: A thing which they did not only de­ny to him, but also for the discontentment they had of his actions at Gualda, they cōpelled him almost with threatnings to depart out of their territories: In so much that Peter and he going first with foure hundreth horse to Orsaia a towne neare to Cortone, hoping that in that citie (which to auoyde the harmes of the souldiers had refused to receiue the men at armes of the Florentyns) they should find some tumult: After they saw all thinges in quiet and stabilitie, they passed ouer Chianes with three hundreth men at armes, and three thowsand footemen, but the most part in confu­sion & ill order, because they had bene driuen backe hauing but a very smal propor­cion of money: They retyred vpon the contrey of Sienna neare to Montpulcian be­twene Chianciana, Torrite, and Asinalongue, where they remeyned many dayes with­out other action then certeine incursions and pillages, hauing the bandes of the Florentyns, (which passed Chianes at the bridge of Valiance) in camped directly oppo­site vpon the hill Sansouyn and other places thereabouts. Neither of the side of Bo­lognia (as they hoped) was any insurrection, for that Bentyuole, not determining for the interests and regardes of an other to enter warre with a common weale mighty and his neighbour, refused the quarrell and the defense, notwithstanding the per­swacions of the confederats, to whom he made many excuses, and vsed no lesse de­layes, [Page 137] neither was he curious to consent that many demonstracions should be made by Iulian de medicis, who being come from Bolognia, laboured to stirre vp the frendes which they were accustomed to haue in the Mounteynes of that contrey: Amon­gest the consederats there was not one consent of will and inclinacion, for that it was very acceptable to the Duke of Myllan that the Florentyns should be vexed with those trauells, thereby to be lesse able for the matters of Pysa: but it nothing pleased him that P. de medicis so greatly iniuried by him, should returne to Florence, notwith­standing (to declare that hereafter he would wholly depend vpon his authoritie) he had sent to Myllan in solemne order his brother the Cardinall: And touching the Venetians, they liked not to haue the burden of that warre imposed vppon them, and much lesse to embrase alone the quarrell: Besides, the Duke and they were buysie to leauye prouisions to expulse the french out of the kingdom of Naples: In which re­spectes, fayling in Peter and Virginio not onely the hopes which they exspected, but also the moneyes greatly diminishing to enterteyne their bandes of footemen and horsemen: the necessities of their estates, and consideracion of their proper safeties, caused them to withdraw to Bagno Rapulano in the contrey of Chiusa, a citie subiect to the Siennoys: where not many dayes after (Virginio being drawne by his destinie) arriued Camylla Vitelli and M. de Gemel, sent by the french king to interteyne him in­toVirgini. Vrsin with the french king. his pay and leade him into the kingdom of Naples, where the king desired to serue his purpose of him, hearing of the defection of the Colonnoys: This offer (albeit ma­ny of his frendes impugned it, aduising him rather to follow the seruice of the con­federats who made great solicitacion to him or else to become for thArragons) was embrased and accepted by him, either for that he hoped by that meane to be more able to recouer the landes and contrey of Alba and Taille couss: or else, remembring eftsoones how thinges hapned in the losse of the kingdom, and seeing the authority of the Collonnoys his auncient aduersaries was so great with Ferdinand, that there was no confidence of reconciliacion, and much lesse to be readdressed into his former greatnes: or lastly for that he was moued, (as him selfe did assure) with a discontent­ment which he had of the Princes consederat fayling to accomplish those promises which they made to him to minister fauors to Peter de medicis: Virginio then entred pay with the french king receiuing cōtract aswel for him, as for others of the house of the Vrsins for six hundreth men at armes: notwithstanding vnder this obligacion (such be the frutes of those that once haue made their faith suspected) to sende his sonne Charles into Fraunce for the kinges sewertie: And being possessed of the kings money, he prepared him selfe to goe with the Vitellies to the kingdome of Naples, where both before the losse of the castells and after, was continuall insurrection in many places with diuerse accidents and fortunes.

For, after Ferdinand had in the beginning made heade in the playne of Sarny, the frenchmen that were retyred from Piedgrotte, were incamped at Nocere within foure myles of thennemie, where their forces being equall, it appeared their disposicions did not differ, for that they consumed the time vnprofitably in skyrmishing without any action worthy of memorie: sauing that seuen hundred of the armie of Ferdi­nand aswell footemen as horsemen, being led by a double intelligence to enter the borow of Gisone neare the towne of S. Seuerin, remeyned almost all vppon the place either slaine or made prisoners: But the bandes of the Pope being come to the suc­cors of Ferdinand, and by that meane the french made more inferior, they retyred from Nocere, which by that occasion, together with the castell, was taken by Ferdi­nand [...] by [...] with a greater slaughter of such as had followed the french quarrell: In this [Page 138] time Monsr Montpensier had foreseene to furnish of horses and other thinges neces­sary for the warre, such as were come with him from the new castell: with whom, after he had remounted them in good order, he went to ioyne with the others, and after came to Ariana, A towne abounding with vittells: of the other side, Ferdinand seeing him selfe lesse stronge then thennemie, stayed at Montfuskule to temporise, without assaying of fortune vntill the confederats had refurnished him with a grea­ter succor: M. Montpensier tooke the towne, and afterwards the castell of S. Seuerin, and with that fortune had done farre greater thinges if the want present of mo­ney, and the difficulties to get some, had not bene impediments to his oportunitie and vertue: for hauing no releeffe sent out of Fraunce, nor meane to leauye any in the kingdom of Naples, he could not pay the souldiers, by which reason the armie inclining to discontentment, and the Svvyzzers drawing into murmure, he had no possibilitie to doe thinges whose effectes might aunswer the forces he had: In such like actions were consumed by the one and other armie, about three monethes: In which season, Dom Federyk hauing with him Caesar of Aragon, made warre in Pouylla: he was ayded by those of the contrey, against whom made head the Barons & peo­ples that embrased the french part: of the other side Gracian de Guerres made valiant defence in Abruzze against Ferdinand, and the Prefect of Rome who had the kinges pay for two hundreth men at armes, vexed with his estates the landes of Montcasin, and the contrey thereabouts, where was somewhat declined the prosperitie of the french by the long sicknes of M. d'Aubigny, the same breaking the course of his vi­ctorie, although almost all Calabria and the principallitie remeyned at the deuocion of the french king: But Consaluo, who with a strength of the spanish bandes, with such of the contrey as bare frendship to thArragons (now well increased by the conquest of Naples,) had taken there certeine places, and made stronge in that prouince the name of Ferdinand, where the french founde the same difficulties which were in the armie for want of money: Notwithstanding the citie of Cosenze being drawne into rebellion against them, they recouered it and sackt it: But in these great necessities and daungers, appeared no succors at all out of the realme of Fraunce: for that the king staying at Lyons, amused the time about iustes, torneyes, and other pleasures of Court, leauing there all his thoughtes of the warre: And albeit he assured his coun­cell alwayes that he would eftsoones consider of thaffayres of Italy, yet the effects & actions that proceeded from him, discredited the promises he had made to haue re­membraunce of them: And yet Argenton brought him this aunswere from the Se­nat of Venice, that they pretended to haue no disfrēdship with him, for that they en­tred not into armes vntill he had gotten Nocere, and yet for no other cause then for the defense of the Duke of Myllan their confederat: and therefore they thought it a thing superfluous, to ratifie eftsoones the auncient frendship with a new peace: Besides they offered him, that by the mediacion of persons indifferent, they woulde induce Ferdinand, to giue him presently some summe of money, with constitucion of a tribut of fifty thowsand duckats by yeare, and to leaue in his handes for his securi­tie, Tarenta vntill a certeine time: The king, as though he had had a prepared & pu­issant succor, refused to open his eares to these offers, notwithstanding (besides these perplexities of Italy) he was not without vexacions vpon the frontyers of Fraunce: seeing Ferdinand king of the Spanish come in person to Parpignian had made incur­sions into Languedock, where they did no small harmes, adding to their present furie other demonstracions of farre greater emocions: Besides it was not long since the Daulphyn of Fraunce the onely sonne of the king, dyed: All which thinges (if he had [Page 139] bene capable to make wise election of peace or warre) ought to haue brought him with more facilitie to condiscend to some accord.

About the ende of this yeare were determined the controuersies hapning by rea­son of the citadell of Pysa: for the french king vnderstanding by good informacion thobstinacie of the capteine, sent thether at last Monsr Gemel with threatnings and cōmaundements rigorous not only addressed to him, but generally to all the french apperteyning to the charge and seruice of the sayd citadell: And a litle after, he dis­patched thether expresly M. Bonne Cousin to the Capteine, to thende that being informed by a person whom he might trust, both of the kinges message, and also the meane to satisfie with present obedience his former faultes and contumacie: and of the other part, the daunger wherin he stoode continuing in disobedience: he might with more readines proceede to thexecucion of his Maiesties commaundement & iust will: All these could not remoue the Capteine from his first resolucion, who a­biding in his transgression, made no reckoning of the message of Gemell staying there a few dayes according to his commission to goe with Camylla Vitelli to find Virginio: And much lesse was thē comming of Bonne (who was hindred many dayes for that by direction of the Duke of Myllan he was reteyned at Serazena) to any purpose to turne the Capteine from his obstinacie: But hauing wrought Bonne to his consent & opinion, he made a contract with the Pysans (Luke Maluezze communicating in the name of the Duke) by vertue whereof he deliuered to the Pysans the first day of the yeare 1496. their citadell, receiuing of them twenty thowsand duckats, whereof xij. thowsand to remeyne to him selfe, and eyght thowsande to be deuided in shares a­mongest the particular souldiers: This money was not leuyed of the stores or welth of the Pysans, in whom was no meane to interteyne their proper condicion, & much lesse to refurnish expenses extraordinary, onely not to lose thopportunitie of the ci­tadell, they prayed the aydes of their frendes, hauing foure thowsand of the Veneti­ans, foure thowsand of the Genovvays and Luckoyes, and foure thowsand of the Duke of Myllan: who vsing at the same time his ordinary shiftes and practises (whereun­to was giuen litle faith) he solicited faintly to enter with the Florentyns into firme in­telligence and amitie, & was already agreed of condicions with their Embassadors.

It can not in any construction cary likelihood of truth, that Monsr de Ligny, or the Capteine, or any other would haue vsed so great transgression without the kings will and liking, seeming chiefly the matter was so much to his disauauntage: for that albeit the Capteine had capitulated that the citie of Pysa should continue in the o­bedience of the crowne of Fraunce, yet it remeyned manifestly at the deuocion of the confederats: and for that the restitucion tooke not effect, the french men that were left in the realme of Naples were naked of the succors of men and money promised in the contract of Thuryn: The Florentyns obseruing diligētly the action of all things, (albeit in the beginning they made great dowt) were possest at last with this opini­on, that all was done contrary to the will of the king: A thing which might seeme incredible to all others that knew not what was his nature, nor what were the con­dicions of his wit and customes, nor how litle authoritie he bare amongest his peo­ple, And lastly how easily men are emboldened against a Prince that is falne into in­dignitie and contempt.

After the Pysans were entred by heapes into the citadell, they razed it flat with the earth: And knowing their owne strength not sufficient to beare out the desense and protection of their cause, they sent at the same instant Embassadors to the Pope, to the king of Romans, to the Venetians, to the Duke of Myllan, to the Genovvays, to the [Page 140] Syennoys, and to the Lucquoys, praying succors of euery one by particular sute & dis­course, but with greater instance of the Venetians & Duke of Myllan, towards whom they nourished a franke inclinacion to transferre the iurisdiction of their citie: wher­in they had this cogitacion and seeming, that they were constrayned not so much to looke to the preseruacion of their libertie, as to eschew the necessitie to returne eft­soones into the power of the Florentyns: Their hopes also were more partiall in him then in any of the residue, for that besides he was the first stirrer of them to rebellion by reason of neighbourhood, yet reaping from the other confederats no other thing then generall hopes, they had alwayes receiued from him present & ready succors: But the Duke (notwithstanding his desire and ambicion were importunat) stoode dowtfull whether he shoulde accept it, for feare least the other confederats woulde grow deuided by it, in whose councells was now begonne to treate of the affayres of Pysa, as of a common cause: By reason whereof some times he woulde desire the Py­sans to deferre, and sometimes aduised them that it might be done in publike action & in the name of the Sainct Seueryns, and he to disclose that all was done to his pro­fit, when he should see his time: But in the ende (desire of dominion is troublesom till the appetite be satisfied) when he saw the french king was gone out of Italy, and finding withall that his necessities & occasions with the confederats were not now so great, he determined to embrase it.

But this inclinacion of the Pysans began to grow colde for the great hopes they had to be succored by the Senat of Venice: and withall, they had this councell of others, that more easily might they defend their estate with the ayde of many, then to stand vpon the succors of one alone, finding by this meane a more greater hope to menteyne their libertie with full protection: According to these consideracions, after they had obteyned the citadel, they labored to bring to their defense & strēgth, the fauors and succors of euery one: for the furtherance of which intencion, the disposicion of the estates of Italy serued to good purpose: for the Genovvays, for the malice they bare to Florence, and the Siennoys and Lucquoys for hatred and feare, were alwayes to minister ayde to them in some sort, wherein to proceede with more reso­lucion and order, they solicited to make a contract with obligacions resolut for that effect: To the Venetians and Duke of Myllan, interteyning one desire to be their so­ueraigne Lordes, it could not but be intollerable that they returned to the rule of the Florentyns: And with the Pope and thEmbassadors of the Spanish, much helped them, their common desire to plucke downe the Florentyns as being too much in­clined to the doings of Fraūce: So that hauing bene graciously heard in euery place, and obteyned of thelect Emprour the priuiledge of confirmacion of their libertie: they brought from Venice and Myllan the same promises to preserue them in their libertie which they had made afore with one common consent to helpe to deliuer them from the french: And the Pope in the name and consent of all the Potentats of the league, incouraged them by a special signeture, with promise that they should be mightely defended of euery one: But in these great promises & hopes, the most apparant succors came from the Venetians and Duke of Myllan, the Duke augmen­ting the number of men that were there first, and the Senat refurnishing them with a proporcion sufficient: An action wherein if they had both continued, the Pysans had not bene constrayned to sticke more to the one then to the other of them, & by that meane also the common benefit had bene more easily preserued: But as in all things not followed with the same industrie wherein they are begon, the ende is lesse then the exspectacion: so it hapned to the Duke of Myllan, who (fearing alwayes great [Page 141] expenses, and being inclined of nature to proceede in all actions with apparances and shiftes) made his accompt that the iurisdiction of Pysa coulde not but fall into his handes, and therefore beganne with smal proporcions to furnish thinges which the Pysans demaunded of him: In which distrust and incerteintie of dealing, they tooke occasion to transfer all their inclinacions to the Venetians, in whom they foūd a plentifull releeffe in all their necessities without any sparing: from whence proce­ded,The Veneti­ans in minde to take vpon them the de­fence of Py­sa. that a few monethes after the french had redeliuered the citadell, the Senat of Venice required by the generall and importunat sutes of the Pysans, determined to take the citie into their protection, the Duke of Myllan rather perswading them to it then making any show of disliking: This was done without the priuitie of the o­ther confederats, nor once communicating with them either generally or a parte, notwithstanding in the beginning they had giuen them comfort to send bandes of men to their succors: but nowe they alleaged that they were no more bownde to those promises, for that without their consent, they had particularly couenaunted with the Venetians.

It is most certeine, that neither the desire to preserue the libertie of their neigh­bours (which in their owne contrey they loue much) nor any regarde to the com­mon benefitt and safetie (as they did alwayes publish with honorable wordes) but the only desire to get the iurisdiction of Pysa, were the causes that the Venetians made this resolucion: By the meane whereof they dowted not in shorte time to reape a sweete frute of their ambicious desire, euen with the wil of the Pysans them selues, in whō was a willing election to liue vnder the rule of Venice, the better to be alwayes assured, not to be repassed eftsoones into the seruitude of the Florētyns: And yet not­withstanding this inclinacion to protect the Pysans, it was often times and with longThe Senat of Venice de­bateth vpon the action of Pysa. discourse debated in the Senat, the generall disposicion being almost hindred for the authoritie of some of the most auncient and esteemed Senators, who impugning it with mighty reasons assured the residue, that to appropriat the gouernment and de­fense of Pysa, was a matter full of difficulties, for that by land it was a state farre from their confynes, and by sea much farther remoued from all their good oportunities, hauing no meane to goe thether, but by the dwellings and hauens of others fetching a compasse about both the seas that inuironeth Italy, for which reasons they could not defend it from the continuall vexacions of the Florentyns but with intollerable expenses: They could not deny but such an enlargement would be very honorable for the state of Venice: But they wished there might be made aduised consideracions of the difficulties to keepe it, and much more conference of the condicions of the time present, together with that which might happen by such a deliberacion: for that all Italy being suspicious of their greatnes, such an encrease of Lordship coulde not but be extremely ielous and displeasing to all, wherin would be bred easily more great and daungerous accidents then happly were looked into of many: such were greatly deceiued in whose perswacions was this sewertie, that the other Potentats would suffer without gainesaying, that to their Lordship and imperie so redowted thorowe all Italy, shoulde be ioyned so great oportunities by the demeane of Pysa: wherein if they were not (as they haue bene) so mighty to withstand it of their pro­per strength, they were not (seeing the way was tought to them on the other side the mountes to passe into Italy) without great occasion to oppose against them forreine force, to the which (no dowt) they would haue ready recourse aswell for hate as for feare (this being a vice common to all men, to seeke rather to serue straungers, then to giue place to their owne:) And touching the Duke of Myllan, how can it be bele­ued, [Page 142] ‘that he accustomed to be caried sometimes by ambicion and hope, sometimes by suspicion and feare, and now being stirred no lesse with disdaine then ielousie to see transferred to the Venetians, that pray which he had sought by so many meanes and studies for him selfe: will not rather be ready to bring new troubles vppon Italy, then endure that Pysa should be occupied by others then him selfe: And albeit with wordes and councells he declared the contrary, yet let it be an opinion absolut, that those apparances were but disguised and farre from the intencion and truth of his hart (conteyning no other thing) then ambushes and councells full of art tending to an ill ende: In felowship & company of whom, it were a necessary wisedom to sup­port that citie, if not for other respect, at the least to let that thinhabitants shoulde not transfer it to him: But to make it a cause propper or particular, drawing after it so great enuie and no lesse charges, were a councell neither wise nor well ruled: That they ought to consider how much contrary would be those thoughtes, to the works and actions wherein for so many monethes, they were so much trauelled and yet ve­xed continually: for that no other occasions did moue the Senate to take armes with so great expense & daunger, then the desire to deliuer and reassure aswell them selues as the other regions of Italy from the rule of straungers: wherein hauing gi­uen a beginning with a successe so glorious, and yet the french king skarcely repas­sed the Mountes, and the most part of the kingdom of Naples following his faction with a stronge armie: what indiscression, what infamie, what stayned reputacion would it be, (at a time needefull to confirme the libertie and sewertie of Italy) to re­plant and sow againe seedes of newe calamities: which might eftsoones make spee­dy and easie the returne of the french, or else the discending of the king of Romaines, to whom (pretending as euery one knoweth against their estate) coulde happen no greater occasion nor more stronge desire then this: That the common weale of Ve­nice was not brought to those tearmes, to embrase councells daungerous, nor to go before occasions and much lesse take them whilest they were greene: No, rather no estate in all Italy stoode vpon better tearmes to exspect thoportunitie of times, And with lesse perill could tary til occasions were rype: that deliberacions headlong, rash, or dowtfull, became well those that suffered hard or sinister condicions, or such as being pushed forward with ambicion and desire to make their name famous, feared to haue want of time: That such resolucions were altogether daungerous to a com­mon weale, who raysed into so great power, dignitie, and authoritie, stoode redow­ted and enuied of all the residue of principalities in Italy: And who in regard of o­ther kinges and Princes almost immortall and perpetuall reteyning alwayes one self and setled name of a Senat of Venice, had neuer occasions to dresse or hasten their deliberacions afore the time: That it apperteyned better to the wisedom and graui­tie of that Senat (considering according to the proppertie of men truely wise the daungers that lay hidden vnder those hopes and ambicions, and looking more into thendes then beginnings of thinges) to reiect those rash councells, and to absteyne aswell in thoccasion of Pysa, as others offering to astonish or kindle the spirits of o­thers, vntil at the least Italy were better assured of the suspicions & daungers of those on thother side the Mountes, forbearing in any wise to giue them new occasion eft­soones to reenter: for that experience had showed in very few monethes, how Italy when she was not oppressed by straunge nations, followed almost thauthoritie of the Senat of Venice, but so long as the forreine forces occupied place in this empire, in place to be followed and redowted of the others, they with the others had reason to feare power of straungers:’ These and like reasons conformed to the desires of the [Page 143] greatest number, were surmounted and caried ouer with the perswacions of Augu­styn Barbarin Duke of the same citie, whose rule was become so great and generall, that exceeding the modestie of the Dukes past, he aspired rather to a power abso­lut, then authoritie lymited or regulated: for that, besides that he had many yeares managed that dignitie with happy successe, and besides his many excellent giftes & graces of the minde, he had so preuayled with singularitie of conning dealing, that many Senators, (willingly opposed against such, as in a name to be wise for long ex­perience, and for that they had obteyned supreme dignities, were of greatest repu­tacion in that common weale) linked to him, and followed commonly his opinions rather in a manner of confederats and partakers, then with that forme of grauitie & integritie which duely is requisit in the office of Councellors. He desirous to leaueThe Duke of Veni [...]e reaso­neth in fau [...]r of the P [...]sans and preuai­leth. with the increase of the state, a worthy memorie of his name, not putting any ende to his appetit after glorie, and much lesse contented that during his rule, the yle of Cypres (failing the kinges of the house of Lusignian) should be annexed to the Empire of Venice: was importunat to embrase euery occasion to make great their estate: In which inclinacion, ‘opposing him self against those who for the regard of Pysa, coun­celled the contrary, he showed with rounde discourse of wordes and reasons howe much it imported the Senat in vtilitie and conueniencie to haue Pysa, & how much it concerned them to represse by this meanes the arrogācie of the Florentyns, who in the death of Phillipp Maria Visconte, had made them lose thoccasion to be Lordes of the Duchie of Myllan, & of late in their action of loanes of money during the french warres, had done more harme then any one of thother Potentats: he declared that seldom are offered so goodly occasions, what infamie to lose them, and afterwardes what repentance would follow for not embrasing them: That the condicions of I­taly were not such, that in the other Potentats was power of them selues to oppose against thenterprise, and much lesse was their dowte, that for this indignacion or feare, they would haue recourse to the french king: for that neither the Duke of Myl­lan hauing so highly offended him, durst neuer eftsoones trust him, neither such thoughtes moued the Pope: And the king of Naples, when he had recouered his kingdom, would heare no more speaking of the french men: Besides their entrie in­to Pysa (albeit greeuous to others) was not an accident so furious, nor a perill so neare, as in regard of that, the other Potentats should runne rashly into those reme­dies which are vsed in the last dispaire, no more then in sleight diseases the Phisicion makes no haste to giue stronge medicines, esteeming that the patient hath time e­nough to take them: That if in this weakenes and separacion of the other Italians, they were fearfull to make reckoning of so goodly occasion, it were an exspectacion vaine, to tary to be able to doe it with more sewertie, the other Potentats being re­turned into their former strēgths, & no lesse assured from the feare of them on tho­ther side the Mountes: That for a remedie of too great a feare, they had to consider that all worldely actions were ordeyned to many perills: But wise men knewe that there falles not alwayes in question all the ills that may happen: for that either by the benefit of fortune, or by aduenture, many daungers are dissolued, and many auoyded with industrie and helpe of the time: And therefore it is no office in men deliberating vppon enterprises, to confound (as many affirme considering litle the proprietie of names and substance of thinges) feare with discression, and much lesse are to be reputed wise, those sortes of people, who making certeine all perills that are dowtfull, (and therefore haue feare of all,) doe rule their deliberacion as if they should all happen, seeing in no manner can merit the name of wise or discreete, such [Page 144] men as feare more then they ought, thinges that are to fal: That such title & praise was farre more conuenient for men valiant and coragious, for that looking into the state and nature of daungers (and in that regard different from the rash sort in whom is no impression of sense or iudgement of perills) they doe notwithstanding disco­uer how often men, some time by aduenture, and some times by vertue, are deliue­red from many difficulties: So that those that in deliberating call not into councell aswell hope, as feare, doe most commonly iudge for certeine, the euents that are vn­certeine, and reiect more easily then others, occasions profitable and honorable: In imitacion of whom, and withall setting afore our eyes, the weaknes and separacion of the other Potentats, the great power and fortune of the common weale of Ve­nice, the magnanimitie and glorious examples of our elders, we may embrase with a franke resolucion, the protection of the Pysans, by whose meane, we may in short time see our selues absolut Lordes of that citie,’ A ladder most conuenient to rayse vs to the Monarchie of all Italy: Thus the Senat receiued the Pysans into protectionPysa in the protection of Venice. by decree publike, and speciall promise to defend their libertie: which deliberacion was not in the beginning considered by the Duke of Myllan as was conuenient: For by this meanes being excluded to enterteyne any bandes there, he held it very ac­ceptable to be deliuered of such expenses: he esteemed it also not out of the way of his profit, that Pysa at one time shoulde be thoccasion of great charges both to the Venetians and the Florentyns: Lastly he perswaded him selfe that the Pysans, for the greatnes and neighbourhood of his estate, and for the memorie of thinges done by him for their deliuerie, would be so dedicated to him, that they would alwayes pre­ferre him before all others.

He tooke delite to feede the humor of these deuises and deceitfull hopes, with a perswacion wherewith (litle remembring the ordinary inconstancie of humane thinges) he nourished him selfe, to haue as it were vnder his feete, fortune, whose sonne he would not stick with publike vaunting to say he was: so much was he puf­fed vp with vayne glorie by the prosperous succeeding of his affayres, and no lesseo­uerruled with singular weening, for that by his meanes and his councells the frenchLodowyk vauntes him selfe to be the sonne of for­tune. king first passed into Italy, appropriating to him selfe the chasse giuen to Peter de me­dicis by the Florentyns with losse of his estate, the rebellion of the Pysans, and the fle­ing of thArragons from the realme of Naples: And afterwards with a councel chaun­ged, he was the cause by his deuises and authoritie, of the confederacion of so many Potentats against the french king, of the returne of Ferdinand into the kingdom of Naples, of the departing of the french out of Italy with condicions vnworthy such a greatnes: And lastly in the action of the Capteine who had in charge the citadell of Pysa, wherein his industrie or his authoritie had more power then the wil & com­maundements of his king: with which rules measuring thinges to come, and iudg­ing the wisedom and pollicie of all others to be farre inferior to the excellencie of his spirit, he flattered him selfe to be alwayes able to addresse & gouerne the affayres of Italy as he would, and with his industrie to turne and wynde the mindes of euery one: This fonde perswacion he could not dissemble neither in him selfe, nor in his peoples, and no more in wordes and gestures, then in demonstracions and actions, making it a thinge acceptable to him that euery one beleued and spake so by him: In so much that Myllan day and night was replenished with voyces vayne and glori­ous, celebrating with verses latyne and vulgar, and with publike orations full of flat­tery, the wonderful wisedom of Lodovvyk Sforce, of the which they made to depend the peace and warre of all Italy: they magnified his name euen to the third heauen, [Page 145] & the surname of More, (imposed vpon him from his youth for that he was of com­plexion browne, and for thopinion of his craftes which now were manifest) he was contented to reteyne willingly so long as he remeyned Duke of Myllan: Then no lesse was thauthoritie of this More in the other castells of the Florentyns, then it had bene in the citadell of Pysa, so that in Italy, it seemed that aswell ennemies as frendes were ruled by the measure of his will so cloking his suttelties with apparances of frendship, that his intencions were not discerned, till his purpose was executed: for albeit the kinge of the french, hearing the greeuous complaintes made to him by thEmbassadors of Florence, was not a litle discontented, & to thend at leastwise that their other places might be rendred, had dispatched Robert de Veste his Chamber­laine with new commissions, and letters special from Monsr de Ligny: yet his autho­ritie bearing no more power with others, then with him self, the audacitie of Monsr de Ligny was so great (assuring many that he proceeded not but by the kinges will) that his Maiesties commaundements bare small reputacion by meane of his newe commissions ioyned to the froward will of the castell keepers: In so much that the bastard of Vyenne Lieftenant to Ligny in Serazana, after he had drawne his compa­nies thether with the commissioners of the Florentyns, to receiue possession of them, he gaue them to the Genovvays for the price of fiue and twenty thowsand duckats. The Capteine of Serazanella did the like for a summe of money, of which the author and onely meane was the More, who hauing opposed against the Florentyns (but vn­der the name of the Genovvays) Frecasse with a hundreth horse and foure hundreth footemen, gaue hindrance that the Florentyns, who by meane of their bandes sent to receiue Serazana, had recouered certeine peeces in the contrey Lunigane, shoulde not recouer all their places they had lost there: And a litle after, Entragues late cap­teine of the citadell of Pysa, vnder whose garde also remeyned yet the castells of Pie­tra Santa, and Mutron, together with that of Librafrate, which not many monethes after he gaue to the Pysans, sold the residue to the Lucquoys for six and twenty thow­sand duckats, as precisely was directed to him by the Duke of Myllan: who first wi­shed they might fall to the Genovvays, but afterwards chaunging aduise, he thought it better to gratifie them of Lucque, to thende they might haue occasion to minister ready aydes to the Pysans, and to reduce them more to his deuocion by this benefitt: All these thinges were caried into Fraunce, for the which albeit the king showed him selfe much discontented with Ligny, and pronounced Entragues banished out of all his realmes: yet at the returne of Bonne (who not participating with the money of the Pysans, had treated at Genes the sale of Serazana) his iustificacions were accepted, and graciously receiued an Embassador of the Pysans sent with him to perswade the king that the Pysans would remeyne faithfull subiects to the crowne of Fraunce, and to protest their fidelitie by othe, albeit a litle after, his commissions not being liked, he had franke leaue to depart: to Monsr de Ligny was imposed no other payne, then (to showe that he had no more the kinges fauor) the grace to lye in his Maiesties chamber as he was wont, was taken from him, to the which he was immediatly re­stored: and Entragues remeyned onely in contumacie, but no long time: to which thinges gaue good ayde (besides the kinges nature with other meanes and fauors) A true perswacion that was made, that such were the necessities of the Florentyns, that they could not endure separacion from him: for that the ambicion of the Venetians and Duke of Myllan being manifest, it was a certeine probabilitie in discourse & rea­son, that if they were not repossessed of Pysa, they would neuer accorde to be conse­derat with them for the defense of Italy, whereunto they sought to induce them by [Page 146] threatnings and meanes rigorous, and did not for the present, assaie any other thing against them, but rested sufficed, (with the bandes they had put into Pysa) to support that citie, and not suffer her wholly to lose her iurisdiction (the daunger of the king­dom of Naples drawing them from all other care) for Virginio, who had gathered at Bagno de Rapolano and in the contrey of Perusin, many companies of souldiers, mar­ched with the other Vrsins towards Abruzze, holding also the same way with their bandes, Camylla & Pavvle Vitelli, by whom the borow of Montlion (refusing to giue them vittells) was put to the sacke: which so amased the other places of the church by the which they should passe, that notwithstanding thexpresse defenses of the Pope, they were receiued in all townes and releeued with vittells: By the reapport of these marchings, but much more for the brute of an assured succor comming by sea out of Fraunce, by which the french affayres seemed to stand vpon good tearmes in the kingdom of Naples: Ferdinand no lesse destitute of money, then enuyroned on all sides with aspectes of daungers and difficulties of warre, and not able without great succors, to susteyne so great a burthen, was constrayned to study for new re­medies to his present defence: it is so, that in the beginning the other Potentats had not comprehended him in their league: And albeit since he had recouered Naples, the king of Spaine made instance to haue him admitted to the confederacion, yet the Venetians would neuer agree to that poynt, perswading them selues that his ne­cessities would be a ready meane to aduaunce thexpectacion of their plott that one part of that realme might fall into their obedience: So that Ferdinand left to the mi­series of many aduersities, and made naked of all hopes (for he exspected no newe succors from Spaine, and the other confederats would not intangle them selues with so great exspenses) was constrayned to couenant with the Senat of Venice, (promi­sing with all obseruances to the Pope and the kinge of Spaine:) That the Venetians Couenants be to [...]ne Ferdi­nand king of Naples and the Venetians should send to his succors into the realme of Naples, the Marquis of Mantua their Capteine with seuen hundred men at armes, fiue hundreth light horsemen, & three thowsand footemen, menteyning still their armie by sea which was there already: with this condicion notwithstanding to reuoke those aydes at all tymes when they should haue neede to imploy them in their proper affayres: That they should lende to him fiueteene thowsand duckats to serue his necessities present: And for the se­curitie of these expenses, Ferdinand to assigne vnto them Otrante, Brundusa, and Tra­ne, with consent that they might still reteyne Monopoli and Puligniana which then were in their hands, vnder this couenant to render them, when their expēses should be restored and satisfied: prouided alwayes, that neither by reason of the warre, nor for the garding or fortificacions which they shoulde make, they shoulde not rede­maunde of him aboue two hundred thowsand duckatts: Those portes being in the sea superior, & therfore of great oportunitie to Venice, augmented much their great­nes: which (no man now opposing against them, and since they embrased the pro­tection of Pysa, not hearing more of the councells of such, as wished that to windes so fauorable, they had giuen lesse sayles) began to be stretched thorow all the partes of Italy: for besides the thinges of the kingdome of Naples and Tuskane, they had of new taken to their pay, Astor Lorde of Faenza, and accepted the protection of his e­states: A man very conuenient to keepe in feare the Florentyns, the citie of Bolognia, with all the residue of Romagnia.

To these particular aydes of the Venetians, were added other succors of the con­federats, the Pope, the Duke of Myllan, and they sending to Ferdinand a ioynt supply of bandes of men at armes interteyned at their common paye: And albeit the Duke [Page 147] of Myllan, in whom remeyned as yet many semblances to keepe thaccord at Verceill, (notwithstanding the most parte of those thinges were directed by his councells) woulde not either in the leuies of men or money, or other demonstracions, that his name were vsed: yet he agreed secretly to contribute euery moneth tenne thowsand duckats for the succors of the kingdom of Naples.

The marching of the Vrsins and the Vitellies assured greately the affayres of A­bruzze which were in no small confusion, against the french men: seeing Terame & the citie of Chieta were drawne into rebellion, with great dowt that Aquilea the prin­cipall towne of that region, would doe the like: which they at their comming ha­uing reconfirmed in the deuocion of the french, and recouered Terame by compo­sicion, and sacked Iulyanoue, almost all Abruzze was with one fortune eftsoones so re­established, that thaffayres of Ferdinand began to showe manifest declinacion tho­rowe the whole kingdome: for that almost all Calabria was in the power of Monsr dAubigny, notwithstanding his long sicknes, for the which he stayed in Terace, gaue oportunitie to Consaluo to keepe the warre kindled in that prouince, with the Spanish bandes, and strength of some Lordes of the contrey: Besides, Caietta with many pla­ces assisting followed the obedience of the french: The Prefect of Rome, with his companie and the forces of his estate, after he had recouered the peeces of Montca­sin, inuaded the land of Lauora on that side: And Monsr Montpensier, albeit by the want of money he was muche restrayned to vse his forces, yet he compelled Ferdi­nand to inclose him selfe in stronge places, being vexed with the same necessitie of money, and many other wants, but wholly reapposed vpon the hope of the succors of Venice, which for that contract betwene them was made not long before, coulde not be aduaunced with readines and expedicion equall with the exspectacion of his affayres: Montpensier labored to betray Beneuent by intelligence, but Ferdinand ey­ther hauing dowt or some aduertisement of the practise, preuented thexecucion by his suddeine entring the towne with his bandes: The french notwithstanding came neare to Beneuent, and lodging vpon the bridge of Fynoche, they tooke S [...]nezana, A­pice, and many other townes bordering: But these places bearing no fauor to their armie for vittells, they discamped, hauing also regard to the tyme drawing on to ga­ther the tribute of the cattell of Povvylla, one of the greatest reuenues of the kinge­dom, for that it was wont to amount euery yeare to lxxx. thowsand duckats, which were all gathered almost in the space of a moneth: Monsr Montpensier to depriue them of this commoditie, and no lesse for thextreme necessities of his people, tur­ned his way to Povvylla, whereof one parte was holden by him, and the other at the deuocion of Ferdinand, marching after him by the same way, with intencion rather to hinder by art and diligence the actions of the ennemie vntill his succors were a­riued, then to fight with them in playne battell.

About this tyme arriued at Caietta, an armie by sea of the french, of xv. great ves­sells,The henc [...] nauie [...] at Ca [...]e. [...]a. and seuen others of lesser burden, in which were imbarked at Sauone eyght hun­dreth launceknightes, leauyed in the contreyes of the Duke of Gueldres, and those Svvyssers and Gascoyns appoynted before by the kinge to be sent with those great ships which were to be armed at Genes: To this nauie the armie of Ferdinand which were aboue Caietta to stoppe the passage of vittells (being in deede for want of mo­ney ill appoynted) gaue such place, that they entred the hauen without impedimēt, set their footemen on land, & with the same fortune toke Itry with other places assi­sting, And after they had made a great pray thorow the cōtrey, they hoped to haue Sesse by the meane of Dom Baptista Caracciol, by whom they had promise to be put se­cretely [Page 148] within it: But Dom Federyk (who with the bandes that followed him being withdrawne to the borders of Tarenta, was afterwardes sent by Ferdinand to the go­uernment of Naples) beinge aduertised of the conspiracie, marched thether with speede equall to the daunger, and made prisoner the Bishop with certeine others consenting to the treason.

In Povvylla, where was the force and strength of the warre, the affayres succeeded with diuersitie of fortunes to both the one and the other armie, which were disper­sed into the townes, aswel for the sharpnes of the season, as straitnes of the place not sufficing to receiue one of the armies wholly: Their exercises were to make incursi­ons and roades on horsebacke to pill and pray the cattell, vsing rather industrie and agilitie, then vertue or force of armes. Ferdinand was lodged in Fogge with one part of his people, and had bestowed the residue, partely in Troye, and partely in Nocere: where vnderstanding that betwene S. Seuera (within which towne was lodged Vir­ginio Vrsin with three hundreth men at armes come to be vnited with the armie of Montpensier) and the towne of Porcina (where was Marian Sauella with a hundreth men at armes) was brought almost an infinit quantitie of Muttons & other natures of cattell: he marcheth thether with six hundred men at armes, eyght hundred light horsemen, and fiueteene hundreth footemen: And comming by the breake of the day afore S. Seuera, he planted him self there with his men at armes to giue resistance to Virginio if he made any erupcion, & making his light horsemen to skowre abroad, they ouerspred forthwith the whole contrey, and led away almost lx. thowsand head of cattell: whereto Marian Sauella offering to make resistance, and yssuing forth of Porcina, they constrayned him to retyre with the losse of thirty men at armes: This losse and shame procured Monsr Montpensier, (reassembling all his forces) to march towardes Fogge, for the recouery of the praye and honor lost: where being fauored with a succor aboue his hopes or exspectation, he encowntred betwene Nocere and Troye, eyght hundreth launceknightes newly arriued by sea, and entred into the pay of Ferdinand: These launceknightes departing from Troye where they were incam­ped, went to Fogge to ioyne with Ferdinand: A iorney more vpon their owne braine and rashnes, then by the kinges commaundement, and altogether against the coun­cell of Fabrice Colonne, incamped likewise at Troye: And albeit they saw by thextre­mitie of their perill and place, that their fortune had left them no possibilitie of safe­tie, either by fleing or by fighting, yet they were obstinate and refused the libertie of the lawe of armes to be made prisonners, but were killed euery creature of them, ex­chaunginge their liues with a great deathe and slaughter of thennemie: After this, Montpensier presented him selfe before Fogge in aray of battell: but Ferdinand not suffering others to goe out then light horsemen, the french men went to incampe in the woode of Nicoronata where after they had remeyned two dayes with no small difficulties for vittels, and hauing recouered the most part of the cattel, they appea­red eftsoones afore Fogge, & abiding there a whole night, they returned the day fol­lowing to S. Seuera, but not with all the pray they had recouered, for that in their re­trait, the light horsemen of Ferdinand tooke a great part from them, In so much, as the cattell being harried by the one and the other, neither part drew any great pro­fit of the reuenues of that tribute. Not many dayes after the french men made wea­ry with want of vittells, went to Campobasso which was holden by them, and tooke by force Coglionessa or Grigonessa A towne fast by, where the Svvyzzers againste the will of the Capteines, vsed such execucion and crueltie, that albeit it brought great astonishment vpon the contrey, yet it estraunged from them thaffections of many: [Page 149] And Ferdinand laying to defende his estate aswell as he could, whilest he yet exspe­cted the Marquis of Mantua, he reordeyned his bandes, by the meane of sixteene thowsand duckatts which the Pope had sent him, and with such other proporcions as he could leauy of him selfe.

About this time, did ioyne with Montpensier the Svvyzzers, and other footbands which were come by sea to Caietta, as also on the other part, the Marquis of Mantua, The Marquis of Mantua for the Vene­tians in the kingdom of Naples. now entred into the kingdom of Naples by the way of S. Germyn, taking in his mar­ching partly by force, partely by composicion, many places (albeit of small impor­tance) about the beginning of Iune, vnited his forces with the king at Nocere, whe­ther Caesar of Aragon led the bandes that had lyen vpon the borders of Tarenta: And so by reason of the places, the forces of both the factions being almost made neigh­bours, the french more stronge in footemen, and thItalians more mighty in horse­men, the euent of thinges seemed very dowtfull, being not possible to discerne to whether of the parties the victorie should incline.

In this meane while, the french king made care for prouisions to reskew his peo­ple, And vnderstanding of the losse of the castells of Naples, and that his bands were not succored by the Florentyns neither with men nor money, for that they had not restitucion of their fortresses: seemed to draw to him a new spirit, and awaking out of that slumber of negligence with the which he seemed to haue returned out of Fraunce: he began eftsoones to turne his thoughtes to the actions of Italy: wherein to be more at libertie from all thinges that might reteyne him, and (showing to ac­knowledge the benefits receiued in his daungers) that he might with more cōfidēce haue recourse againe to the aydes celestial, he takes a iorney in post to Tours, & afterThe french king makes a p [...]sting pugri­mage to T [...]rs and S. [...]. to Parys, to satisfie to the vowes he made to S. Martyn, & S. Denys the day of the bat­tell of Furnoua: And returning from those places, with the same diligence to Lyons, he kindled more and more in those desires and thoughtes, whereunto of his owne nature he was most inclined: for he interpreted it as an action much to his reputa­cion and glorie, to haue made a conquest of such a kingdom, being the first of all the french kinges, in whose person haue bene renewed in Italy these many worldes, the memorie of the armies and victories of the french: he made perswacion to him self that the difficulties which he encowntred in his return from Naples, proceded more by his proper disorders then by the powers or vertue of thItalians, whose name (con­cerning the action of warre) caried no reputacion with the french: To his inclina­cions to discēd eftsones into Italy, were not a litle furthering thinticemēts of thEm­bassadors of Florence, of the Cardinall of S. Peter ad vincla, and of Triuulce, who was come to the Court for the same occasion, with whom were assistant in that instance Vitellezze and Charles Vrsin, together with the Count Montoire, sent to his Maiestie in that negociacion by the Barons of Naples holding parte with the french: as also there came to him at last by sea, the Seneshall of Beaucaire, by whom were declared many hopes of the victorie, in case his Maiestie did not deferre to sende a sufficient succor: as of the contrary to delay a releeffe so necessary, were to abandon the king­dom and be giltie of the death of so many noble Capteines and souldiers: To these were ioyned the fauorable perswacions of many the great Lordes of Fraunce, euen such as afore had giuen councell against thenterprise of Italy: they aduised the king to giue a new life to that expedicion, to auoyd the dishonor that would fal vpon the crowne of Fraunce, to lose by cowardisse that which they had conquered with so great felicitie and fortune, but much more to preuent the spoyle of so great a part of the nobilitie as lay open to destruction in the realme of Naples: Neither were these [Page 150] councells hindred by the emocions which the Kinge of the Spanishe made on the frontyer of Parpignian, seeing the preparacions being greater in brute then in effect, and the forces of that king more mighty to defend his proper realmes, then meete for thinuasion of an other, it was iudged sufficient to sende to Narbone and other townes vpon the frontyers of Spaine, bandes of men at armes with conuenient com­panies of Svvyzzers: So that in the presence of the councell of the kinge wherein were assembled all the Lordes and persons notable then at the Court: it was deter­mined that Tryuulce should returne to Ast with as much diligence as he could vnderThe french king deter­mineth to send Triuulce into Italy as his Lieftenāt. the title of the kinges Lieftenant, leading with him eyght hundreth launces, two thowsand Svvyzzers, and two thowsand Gascoyns: That after him the Duke of Orle­ans should passe the Mountes with other bandes: and lastly should march the kings person with all other prouisions: and passing with a power royall, there was no dowt but the states of the Duke of Sauoye, of the Marquis of Montferat and Saluce, (very fit instruments to make warre vpon the Duchie of Myllan) woulde be for him: Like as also it was beleued, that except the Canton of Berne, who had promised the Duke of Myllan not to moue against him, all the other Svvyzzers would resort to the kinges paye with no lesse readines then full numbers: These resolucions were made with consents so much the more generall, by how much was great the desire of his Maie­stie, who afore they entred into councell, had much coniured the Duke of Burbon to set forth with vehement & liuely speeches, how reasonable and necessary it were to make a stronge warre: and of him selfe in open councel, with the same affection he refuted thAdmirall, who (not so much in impugning directly, as propownding ma­ny difficulties) assayed to qualifie indirectly the wills of the councell, hauing but a fewe fauorers of his opinion: The kinge aduauncing his particular desire aboue all councell, assured them publikely that it was not in his power to make other resolu­cion, for that such was the will of God that he shoulde in person marche eftsoones into Italy: it was agreed in the same councell, that a nauie of thirty shippes, (where­of was one most huge carrack called the Norman, and an other grosse carrack of the region of the roades) should passe along the coast of the Occean into the hauens of Prouence, where should be armed thirty gallies and gallions with a mighty succor of men, money, municion and vittells for the seruice of Naples, which was supposed to stand vpon such condicions of necessities and wantes, that afore this nauie could be disgested into order and poynt, it was determined to send forthwith certeine vessells charged with vittells and souldiers: it was ordeyned also in this councell, that Rigault the kinges Steward shoulde goe to Myllan, for that the Duke, (notwithstanding he had not redeliuered the two carrackes, nor suffered to rigge a nauie for the kinge at Genes, but onely restored the vessells taken at Rapale, & not the twelue gallies restray­ned in the port of Genes) labored to excuse him selfe vppon the disobedience of the Genovvays, and had alwayes with sundry practises interteyned some of his people a­bout the king, to whom he had newly sent Anthoyne Maria Paluoisin, both to assure his Maiestie that he was disposed to obserue thaccord past, and to demaund prolon­gacion of tearme to pay to the Duke of Orleans the fifty thowsand duckats promised in the same accord: of which deceites and suttelties, albeit he reaped but a very litle frute, the king being well informed of his intencion, aswell by thexamples of his a­ctions past, as for that by his letters and instructions which were surprised, it came to light that he stirred vp with continuall solicitacion the king of Romains and king of Spaine to make warre in Fraunce: yet hoping that feare perhaps would induce him to thinges whereunto his will was estraunged, Rigault was charged, that (without [Page 151] speaking of the disobedience past) he should signifie to him that it was in his power, to deface the memorie of offences, in beginning now to obserue, as to restore the gallies, to redeliuer the carrackes, and by giuing sufferance to arme a nauie at Genes: And that he shoulde adde to these aduertisements that the kinge was determined to returne into Italy in person, which should be to his great harmes, if whilest he was offered the meane, he would not reenter into that amitie, whereof his Maiestie was perswaded, that he had vndiscreetely made accompt, rather by vaine suspicions, then for any other occasions: This brute of these great prouisions being come into Italy, much troubled the mindes of the confederats: but aboue all Lodovvyk Sforce standing in the mouth of the daunger, & to be the first opposed to the furie of then­nemie, suffered no lesse perplexities then the consideracion of his perill required, specially vnderstanding that since the departure of Rigault, the king had dismissed & giuen leaue to all his agents with hard wordes and bitter demonstracions: By reason whereof, looking deepely into the greatnes of his daunger, as vppon whose estate would fal the substance of the warre: he had easily accorded to the kings demaunds, had it not bene for the suspicion and conscience of thoffences he had made to him, the same causing on al sides such a distrust, that it seemed more hard to find a meane to assure both the one and the other, then not to accord to the articles: for taking from the sewertie of the one, that which was consented to assure the other, the one would not referre to the faith of the other, that which the other refused to referre to his owne: So that necessitie compelling Lodovvyk to take the councel that was most greeuous, he thought (at least to make slow his daungers) to interteyne Rigault with the same connings which he had vsed to that present, assuring him with great firme­nes, that he would bring the Genovvays to obey whensoeuer the kinge would giue into the citie of Auignion sufficient sekuritie for the restitucion of the shippes, & that both parties woulde promise (giuing mutually ostages for all obseruacions) not to enterprise any thing preiudicially one to thother: which practise continuing many dayes, had lastly for many cauillacions & difficulties obiected, the same effect which others had had before: But Lodovvyk to whom it belonged not to wast time vnpro­fitably, dispatched during these areasonings, Embassadors to the king of Romaines, to induce him to passe into Italy with the ayde of him and the Venetians, to whom also he sent messengers to require that Senat, (to thende to prouide for the common pe­rill) to contribute to that charge, and to send into Alexandria a sufficient proporcion of force to make head against the french: To this they offered a ready action: But they showed not such facilitie to assist the passage of the king of Romaines bearing li­tle frendship to their common weale for those peeces which they possessed in the firme land apperteyning to thempire and house of Austrich: Neither were they con­tent, that at a common expense, should passe into Italy an armie, which should who­ly depend vpon Lodovvyk: Notwithstanding Lodovvyk continuing still to solicit & make instance, for that besides the other reasons that moued him, the onely forces of the Venetians in the state of Myllan were suspected to him: The Senat also fearing least he, in whom they knew was no litle feare, woulde suddeinly draw to reconcile­ment with the french king, gaue in the ende their consents, and for the same occasi­on, sent Embassadors to the king of Romaines: Besides these coniectures, the Veneti­ans and the Duke feared, least the Florentyns, assoone as the kinge were passed the Mountes, would not make alteracion or insurrection in the riuer of Genes: To meete with which accident, they sent to Iohn Bentyuole interteyned in the pay of the confe­derats with three hundreth men at armes, to make warre vpon the Florentyns in the [Page 152] frontyer of the contrey of Bullognia, promising that at the same time they should be vexed by the Syennoys: wherein as to giue him more courage to this action, they of­fered to be bownd, that if he tooke the towne of Pistoya, to keepe it for him: so albeit he fed them with hopes, yet his mind was farre remoued from that seruice, and fea­ring not a litle the comming of the french, he sent secretly to the king, to excuse him selfe for matters past vpon the necessitie of the place wherein Bolognia was seated, & to offer a good will to depend vpon his Maiestie hereafter, & for his sake, to absteine from vexing the Florentyns.

But touching the prouicions for Naples, the wil of the king (albeit very vehement and forward) was not sufficient to put in execucion the resolucions of the councell, notwithstanding aswel for his honor, as for the daungers of the kingdom, there nee­ded a most ready expedicion: for the Cardinall of S. Mallovv, in whose direction, besides the managing of the treasure, rested the substance of the whole gouernment, albeit he impugned not these doings apparantly, yet he made so slow all expedici­ons with delaying the necessary payments, that not one prouision was aduaunced in due tyme: it was thought that he did thus, either for that he iudged it was a bet­ter meane to perpetuat his greatnes (not making any expense which apperteyned not to the present profit or pleasures of the king) not to haue occasion to propownd euery day the difficulties of thaffayres and necessities of money: or else for that (as many dowted) being corrupted with presents and promises, he had secret intelli­gence with the Pope, or with the Duke of Myllan: To which dilatorie and ielous dealings, the expresse commaundements of the king ful of disdayne redoubled with wordes reprochfull, could giue no remedie: for that according to thexperience he had of his nature, he satisfied him alwayes with promises contrary to the effects: In so much as thexecucion of thinges determined, hauing bene begonne to be lingred by his meane: there hapned an accident, by the which they became more subiect to delayes, and almost desperat altogether: for the king in the ende of May, and when was generall exspectacion of his speedy passage into Italy, determined to goe to Pa­rys, alleaging these reasons, that following the custome of the auncient kinges of Fraunce, it was necessary afore he parted out of Fraunce, to take leaue of S. Denys with all the ceremonies vsuall, and likewise of S. Martyn in passing by Tours: And that be­ing determined to march into Italy with a great prouicion of money, it was neede­full (to auoyd the necessities wherein he had falne the yeare before) that he induced the other cities of Fraunce to contribucion by thexample of Parys, of whome he should not obteyne that he desired, onles he went thether in person: That being in those quarters, he should make to march in greater diligence the men at armes that came from Normandie and Picardy: he assured them that afore he departed from Ly­ons, he would dispatche the Duke of Orleans, and would make his returne thether a­gaine within one moneth: But it was supposed that the most true & principal cause of his going, was for that he was amarous of one of the ladies of the Queenes cham­ber, being gone a litle before to Tours with her Court: wherein he was so resolute, that neither the councels of his peoples, not thimportunat humilities followed with teares of thItalians, coulde withdrawe him from a voyage of such deuocion: They showed him how hurtfull it would be to waste tyme proper for the warre, specially in so great a necessitie of his seruice in the kingdome of Naples: to what slaunder he should be subiect in the mouthes of all Italy, to drawe backe when he ought most to goe forward: That the reputacion of enterprises chaunged for euery litle accident and light brute: That it was hard to recouer it, after it began once to declyne, yea [Page 153] though he should make greater offers, then afore were either promised or needful: That of all worldely thinges, nothing was more voluble then renowme, which fal­ling once into a clowde or shadow, shines neuer after with a cleare light: These per­swacions much lesse that they could draw his wauering minde from wandring, see­ing with an obstinacie vnruled, he vtterly deiected them, esteeming it perhappes a breache of his religion, to goe out of Fraunce afore he had gon on pilgrimage to the Sainct he so deuoutly worshipped: In so much that after he had yet taried a moneth longer at Lion: he tooke his way to goe to Tours, not hauing otherwayes dispatched the Duke of Orleans then only by sending Triuulce into Ast with a very slender com­panye, not so much prouided for the warres, as instructed to confirme in his frende­ship and deuocion, Phillipp new succeeded to the Duchie of Sauoye, by the death of the litle Duke his Nephewe: And touching the prouicions for Naples, all that was done afore his departure, was the dispatche of six shippes loaden with vittells to Ca­ietta, carying many hopes that the mayne armie by sea should followe with speede: And to set order with the Marchantes (but very late) to aduaunce forty thowsande duckats to Montpensier, to whom the Svvyzzers and the launceknightes had prote­sted, that if they were not payed before the ende of Iune, they would passe to the campe of thennemies: The Duke of Orleans, the Cardinall of S. Mallovv, and al the councell, remeyned at Lyon, with commission to hasten the prouicions, wherein if the Cardinall proceeded slowely in the presence of the kinge, it was nothing to the lingring he vsed in his absence.

But the affayres of Naples could not attend such slow remedies, the daungers be­ing drawne into those tearmes (both for thassembly of armed bandes on euery side, and many difficulties disclosed by both the parties) that if the delayes were long, the warre would determine by necessitie: for Ferdinand after he had ioyned to his pecu­liar force, the bāds of the Venetians, tooke the towne of Castelfranke, where arriued at his campe accompanied with two hundreth men at armes Iohn Sforce Lord of Pese­re, and Iohn Gonsague brother to the Marquis of Mantua, Capteines of the confede­rats: In so muche as the proporcion of his campe amounted to xij. hundreth men at armes, fifteene hundreth light horsemen, and foure thowsand footemen: At the same tyme the french men were incamped at Circelle tenne myles from Beneuent, to­wards whom Ferdinand marched, and approching them within foure myles, he pit­ched his campe before Frangette de Montfort, A place of so good prouicion & pro­uidence, that it was not taken at the first assault: The french raysed their campe from Circella to reskewe it, but they came not in tyme, for that the launceknightes which were within, yelded them selues for feare of the second assault, and left the place to discression: which occasion knowen to the french, had bene the cause of their feli­citie, if either by indiscression or ill fortune, they had not suffered it to be lost: for (as was confessed generally) they had at ease that day broken the whole armie of then­nemy, so vniuersally confused in the sacke of Frangette that they gaue no regarde to the directions of the Capteines, who seeing no other distance betwene the french and them then a valley, labored with all diligence to reassemble them: Montpensier sawe well enough into thoccasion, and Virginio was not ignorant in thoportunitie offered, the one commaunding, and the other perswading the victory to be certein, desired with teares in their eyes, to marche ouer the valley, whilest in the campe of thItalians all thinges were in tumult, some of the souldiers busie in the pillage, and some laboring to packe away the things they had pylled, no one within rule or com­maundement of his Capteine: But Monsr de Persy one of the chiestaines of tharmy [Page 154] next to Monsr Montpensier, ouerruled either with the naturall lightnes of a younge man, or else enuying the glory of the D. Montpensier, perswaded vehemently against the passage ouer the valley, alleaging that they shoulde rise euen vnder the feete of thennemie, which waighed with the stronge scituacion of their campe, he made an argument to the souldiers of no small daunger, And therefore wishing openly that they should not fight, he was the onely hinderer of so good a councel, and ioyned to their misfortune a perpetuall dishonor, the rather for that the Svvyzzers & launce­knightes receiuing courage by him, drew into mutiny and demaunded money: for this cause Montpensier compelled to retyre, returned to Circelle, where, as they wereCam [...]lla Vi­telli slayne. the day after in the action of thassaulte, Camylla Vitelli, whilest about the walls he did thoffice of an excellent Capteine, was stricken in the head with a quarrel, whereof he dyed: for which accident the french men leauing thinuasion of the place, brake vp from thence, and marched towards Argana, disposed to assaye the hazard of bat­tell if occasion were offered: To which resolucion was flat contrary the councell of the armie of thArragons, with whom specially the Commissioners of the Venetians consented in opinion, for that seeing into the condicion of thennemies, they iudged that to their present want of vittels was ioyned a generall lacke of money, & waigh­ing withall that the succors out of Fraunce were intangled with delayes and respits, they hoped that their misaduentures and necessities woulde rise dayly growing and increasing, standing subiect to as great displeasures in other partes of the kingdome: for that in Abruzze, Annyball naturall sonne to the Lord of Camerin, being voluntari­ly gon to the succors of Ferdinand with foure hundred horsemen leauyed at his pro­per charges, had newely broken the armie of the Marquis of Bitonte: besides there was exspectacion of the comming of the Duke of Vrbyn with three hundreth men at armes lately entred into the pay of the confederates, whose fortune and greater condicions hauing determined to followe, he had abandoned thalliance of the Flo­rentyns (to whom he was yet bownd for more then a yeare) vnder this excuse, that being feodarie of the Church, he was bownd in reason and equitie of office to obey the commaundements of the Pope: And Graciano dAguerre, who had taken the field to encownter him, was charged in the playne of Sermone by the Count of Cela­ne and the Count de Popoli, with three hundreth horses and three thowsand foote­men, whom he put to flight: But with the losse of thoccasion of the victorye about Frangette, the fortune also of the french began manifestly to declyne, concurring in them at one tyme these natures of difficulties, extreme want of money, skarcetie ofThe french began to de­cline in Na­ples. vittells, hate of the people, disagreement of Capteines, disobedience of souldiers, & the stealing away of many from the campe, partely by necessitie, and partely by will: They had no meane to draw out of the kingdome any great proporcion of money, neither had they receiued from Fraunce any summe notable, since the forty thow­sand duckats leauyed for their releeffe, were too late sent from Florence: In so much as no lesse for that cause, then for the neighbourhood of many townes supported by tharmie of thennemie, they could not rayse prouisions necessary for their foode and sustenance: And in their armie was nothing but disorder, aswell for that the coura­ges of the souldiers were abated, as for that the Svvyzzers & launceknightes draw­ing into tumult, demaunded importunatly their payes: And touching the discorde of the Capteines, that which most hurt all their deliberacions, was the continuall contradiction of Persy against Montpensier: to be short, such were their necessities and disorders, that the Prince of Bisignian was compelled to depart with his people to goe to the gard of his owne estate for feare of the bands of Consaluo, by whose ex­amples, [Page 155] the particular souldiers of the contrey abandoned the campe by trowpes, wherein they had reason, for besides they neuer receiued paye, yet the frenche and Svvyzzers vsed them very ill, aswell in the diuision of booties, as in distribucion of vittells: These difficulties, but chiefly thextreme want of vittells, constrained the french armie by litle & litle to retyre and wander from one place to an other, which diminished greatly their reputacion with the people: And albeit the ennemies fol­lowed them as it were in a continual chasse, yet they had no hope to be able to fight as was specially desired by Montpensier and Virginio: for that not to be enforced to battell, they incamped alwayes in places of strength, & where no impediment could be giuen to their commodities: At last, the french being incamped vnder Montcal­uole and Casalarbore neare to Arrtana, Ferdinand ouertaking them within the shoote of a crosbow (but alwayes keeping him in stronge places) brought them into great necessitie of vittells, taking from them in like forte the vse of freshe water: In so much as by the aspect and consideracion of these perils, they thought it best to draw towards Povvylla, where they hoped to find commoditie of vittells, And fearing by reason of the nearenes of thennemies, the difficulties that ordinarily follow armies that retyre, they raysed their campe in the beginning of the night, not making any brute to bewraye their goinge, and marched xxv. myles afore they rested: Ferdi­nand followed them in the morning, but dispairing to make that speede to ouertake them, which they did to goe from him, hauing so much lesse tyme, as they had more, he incamped before Gesnaldo, A towne which heretofore had susteyned a seege of foureteene moneths, and now taken by him in one day, greatly to the disapoynting of the frenche: for that determining to putt them selues within Venousa, A towne stronge by scituacion, and most plentifull with vettells, the opinion they had that Ferdinand coulde not so easily take Gesnaldo, was the cause that they amused them selues about the sacke of Atella which they had taken, & for the time they lost there, afore their departure, they found tharmie of Ferdinand at their backes, who assoone as he had taken Gesnaldo, dispatched way: And albeit they repulsed diuerse skowtes and foreriders, yet seeing the mayne armie marched after with such speede, as they had no meane nor ablenes to recouer Venousa which was eyght myles distant, they remeyned in the towne of Attella, with intencion to exspect if succors woulde come from some parte, hoping that for the nearenes of Venousa and many other peeces thereabout holding yet for them, to receiue fauors with many commodities of vit­tells and releeff: Ferdinand with a speede accordinge to his fortune, incamped be­fore Attella, laboring onely (for the hope he had to obteyne the victorie without pe­rill and blud) to cut them from vittels: for the better auauncement whereof, he cast many trenches about Attella, and lost no opportunitie to make him selfe Maister of the places adioyning, forgetting no diligence, trauell, or action of a Capteine polli­tike and valiant: And as in warres, there is no further assurance of the souldier Mer­cenary, ‘then he findes sewertie of his paye, and lesse confidence in his faith and ser­uice, by how much he is so strange of his owne nation, that he feareth not the disci­pline of his patron: So the difficulties of the french, made euery day all things more easie to Ferdinand, for that the launceknightes in the french campe, hauing receiued but two monethes pay since they departed from their houses, and seeing by so ma­ny disappoyntments of dayes and tearmes past, all further exspectacion was vayne,Mercenary [...] the m [...]st part vnfaithfull. they drew into councell & went wholly to the campe of Ferdinand: In so much that hauing meane so much the more to greeue thennemie, & to enlarge his armie with more skope, he suffered a more hard passage of vittels which came from Venousa and [Page 156] other places about, to Attella, wherin was not refreshing to suffice to feede the frēch numbers a very few dayes: for besides, that corne bare a very skant proporcion, yet the Arragons pluckt downe a myll standing vppon the riuer which ronneth neare to the walls, whereby they wanted meane to turne their litle store of corne into meale: neither were their discommodities present, ‘recomforted by hoping in any good to come, seeing that from no part appeared so much as one signe of succors: extremi­ties so much the more intollerable to the french, by how much their felicities in the conquest had sayled with so full gales, that they neuer looked backe to those reuolu­cions which naturally doe follow all humane actions: not that fortune doth so pro­uide (a reason which many vaine men occupy) but that so it is set downe in theter­nall councell of God, who by the same power doth dispose and gouerne all thinges of the earth,’ by the which he created them of nothing. But the cause of their full ru­ine,The declina­cion of the french in the kingdom of Naples. was the misauentures that fel in Calabria: for by occasion of the sicknes of Monsr d'Aubigny, in which infirmitie many of his people went to tharmie of Montpensier, Consaluo seruing his turne of his sicknes, tooke many peeces in that prouince, incam­ping at last with his Spanish bandes & strength of popular souldiers of the contrey, at Castrouillare: where hauing aduertisement that the Count Melete, and Albert de S. Seuerin, with many other Barons were at Laine with bands of souldiers almost equall to his, and that increasing their numbers daily, they made their plott to assaile him, when their whole strength was assembled: he determined to preuent them, hoping to surprise them vnprouided by the confidence they had in the scituacion of their place, the castell of Laine stāding vpon the riuer Sabry which deuideth Calabria from the principallitie: & the borow is on the other side the riuer, wherein being intren­ched, they were garded by the castell against all inuasions by the high way: lastly be­twene Laine and Castrouillare was Murana, with certeine other peeces of the Prince of Bisignian which held for them: But Consaluo with a councell all contrary, depar­ted a litle before night from Castrouillare, accompanied with all his bandes, and lea­uing the high way, he tooke the large way notwithstanding it was both more longe and harde, for that he was to marche by certeine mounteynes: And being arriued neare the riuer, he commaunded the footemen to take the way to the bridge which is betwene the castell of Laine & the borow, which bridge was but negligently gar­dedConsaluo sur­priseth the french. for thopinion of the sewertie of the place: And him selfe with his horsemen pas­sing the riuer at a foarde two myles higher, was at the borow before day, where fin­ding thennemies without watche and garde, he brake them in a moment sleeping in the securitie of the place: he made prisoners xj. Barons, and almost all the souldi­ers, for that fleeing to the castell, they fell amongest the footemen, which now were possest of the passage of the bridge: By this honorable victorie being the first which Consaluo had got in the kingdom of Naples, his strength was so increased, that hauing also with the like vertue and fortune, recouered certeine other places in Calabria, he determined with six thowsande men to goe and ioyne with the campe of Ferdinand, which was afore Attella: And in that campe was arriued a litle before, an hundreth men at armes of the Duke of Candia, Capteine of the confederats, but him selfe with the residue of his bandes remeyned in the towne of Rome.

By the comming of Consaluo, (caused by the surprise of those which were for the french in Calabria:) they that were beseeged were brought into harde straites, their towne being enuyroned on three sides, thArragons occupying one, the Venetians an other, and the Spanyards the third: In so muche that there was almost left no entrey for vittells, specially the Venetian stradiots ronning ouer the whole contrey, and ta­king [Page 157] many french men which brought releeffe from Venousa: They also that were within, had no meane to goe on forraging but at howers extraordinary, & that with a stronge garde: And Pavvle Vitelli making a saylly at midday with a hundreth men at armes, was drawne by the Marquis of Mantua into an ambush, where he lost part of his company.

And being thus depriued of all commodities without, they were at last reduced to that extremitie, that they could not with garde and strength serue their vse of the riuer to water their horses: and within the towne their necessities were no lesse of freshe water for the refreshing of their persons: So that being ouerwearied with so many aduersities, and no lesse abandoned of all hopes, their perills more generall & present, then their succors likely or assured: After they had endured the seege two and thirty dayes, and being now left to the last remedie in warre, they demaunded a safe conduit, which was graunted, vnder the protection whereof, they sent to capi­tulat with Ferdinand, Monsr de Persy, Bartlemevv d'Albyane, and one of the Svvyzzer The french send to capi­tulat with Ferdinand. Capteines: Amongest whom were agreed these couenants following: That there should be no enterprise attempted by either part one vppon an other for xxx. dayes: That during that time, not one of the beseeged, (to whom should be ministred day by day by thArragons necessary vittells) should depart out of Attella: That it shoulde be suffered to Montpensier, to aduertise his kinge of thaccorde: That if he were not reskewed in the sayd tearme of thirty dayes, he should leaue Attella, and all that he had in his power in the kingdom of Naples, together with all thartilleries that were there: That the souldiers should be in safetie for their persons and iewells, and with them it should be lawfull to euery one to goe into Fraunce either by land or sea: And to the Vrsins and other Italian Capteines, to returne with their bandes whether they would out of the kingdom: That to the Barons and others which had followed the faction of the french (In case they would returne to Ferdinand within xv. dayes) all punishments should be remitted, & restitucion of all the goods they possessed when the warre began: The tearme of this abstinence expired, Monsr Montpensier, with all the french, and many Svvyzzers, together with the Vrsins were conduted to sea ca­stell of Stabbie, where they began to dispute, if Montpensier as Lieftenant generall vn­der his king, and by that meanes aboue all others, were bownde (as Ferdinand sayd) to make to be rendred all that was possessed in the kingdome of Naples in the name of the french king: for that Monsr Montpensier pretended that he was bownd to no more then was in his owne power to render, and that his authoritie stretched not to commaunde other Capteines and castellkeepers which were in Calabria, Abruzze, Caietta & many other townes & peeces, which the king had giuen them in charge, and not to him: The argument being trauersed by many reasons on both sides for certeine daies, they were at last conduited to Baia, Ferdinand making semblance that he woulde lette them goe: And there (vnder cooller that the vessells wherein they should be imbarked, were not yet ready) they were so long reteyned, that being dis­persed betwene Baya and Pozzola, they fell into such diseases by the ill ayre and many other incommodities, that both Monsr Montpensier dyed, and of the residue of hisMontpensier dyeth. company which were more then fiue thowsand bodies, there skarce returned into Fraunce safe and sownd, fiue hundreth. Virginio and Pavvle Vrsin (at the request of the Pope who was now determined to take from that famulie their estates) were sent prisoners to the egge castell, and their companies conduited by Iohn Iordan sonne toVirginio Vr­sin prisoner. Virginio, and Bartlemevv d'Aluiano, were by the appoyntment of the Pope, stripped in Abruzze by the Duke of Vrbyn: Iohn Iordan also and Aluiano, leauing their people [Page 158] in the way, & returning to Naples by the commaundement of Ferdinand, were made prisoners: but Aluiano, either by his industrie, or by the secret sufferance of Ferdinand (who loued him much) had meane to escape.

After Ferdinand had taken Attella, he made diuision of his armie into many parts, for the more easie recouering of the residue of the kingdome: he sent before Caietta, Federyk of Aragon & Prosper Colonne: And to Abruzze, where the towne of Aquila was already reuolted to his deuocion, he dispatched Fabrice Colonne: And him self taking by force the rocke of S. Seuerin, and cutte of the heades of the castell keeper and his sonne the more to terrifie others, went to incampe before Salerna, where the PrinceThe Prince of Bisignian compowndeth for himselfe and others. of Bisignian had parley with him, and compownded for him selfe, for the Prince of Salerne, for the Count of Capaccie, & for certeine other Barons, with condicion that they shoulde remeyne possessed of their estates, but that Ferdinand for his sewertie shoulde keepe in his handes the fortresses for a certeine time: After which accorde they went to Naples: In Abruzze was not made any great resistance, for that Gracia­no, who was there with viij. hundreth horsemen, hauing no more meane of defense, and lesse exspectacion of succors in a fortune so declining, retyred to Caietta: Into Calabria, of which the greatest quantitie held yet for the french, returned Consaluo, a­gainst whom, albeit Monsr d'Aubigny made some resistance, yet being in the ende driuen to take Groppoly after he had lost Manfredonie and Consensa, which had bene sac­ked before by the french, And lastly seeing all hopes became desperat, and no appa­raunceMonsr d'Au­bigny con­sents to de­part the king­dom of Na­ples. of succors from Fraunce, he consented to deliuer vp all Calabria, vppon suffe­rance to returne by land into Fraunce.

It is certeine that many of these reuoltes and chaunges hapned by the negligence & indiscression of the french: for albeit Manfredonia, for the scituacion of the place was stronge, for the fauors of the people there free from suspicion, and for the fer­tilitie of the contrey full of plentifull meanes and prouision of vittells, And that the king had left for the gard of it Gabriell Montfalcon esteemed a Capteine valiant: yet after it had endured a very short and easie seege, they were constrayned to render it for famine: Like as also (in misfortunes examples doe much) other peeces of good abilitie to defende them selues, became recreant, and yelded, either for feare, (which is propper to cowardes) or for impacience of thincommodities, which such must suffer as are beseeged: Some castellkeepers finding their rockes well prouided for, sold the vittells at their first entrey, and so assoone as thennemie appeared, made their willing necessities and wants a slaunderous detection of their infidelitie & co­wardise: By these disorders, ioyned to the negligence of the king, the french lost in the kingdom of Naples that reputacion, which the vertue of that man had won vnto them, who holding many yeares after the victorie of Ferdinand, the castell of the egge which Iohn of Aniovv had left in his charge, could neuer be brought to render it, but by compulsion of vittells altogether consumed.

Thus no more remeyning for the recouery of the whole realme then Tarenta and Caietta, with other peeces holden by Charles de Sanguyn: and Mont Saint Ange kept by Dom Iulyan de Lorraine, who with great merit and praise, made his vertue knowne in all the places thereabouts: it hapned that Ferdinand, raised into great glory, and no lesse hopes to be equall in greatnes with his predecessors, went to Somme, A towneseated at the foote of the hill Vesune to see the Queene his wife, where he be­came very sicke, either for his trauells past, or by new excessiue disorders: And fee­ling by his disposicion no hope of recouery, he caused him selfe to be caried to Na­ples, Ferdinand dyeth. where he dyed not many dayes after, somewhat before the ende of the yeare af­ter [Page 159] the death of his father king Alphonso: he left behind him, not onely in his king­dom but also thorow all Italy, a singular opinion of his vallour, not so much for his victories obteyned, which in times and condicions so deuided merited much, as by the life and readines of his spirit, wherein he was founde resolute in both fortunes, with many other royall vertues, wherein he became a worthy example to many: he dyed withoutyssue and therefore his Vncle Dom Federyk succeeded him, being the fift king seene to succeede in that kingdom in three yeares time.

Assoone as Federyk was aduertised of the death of his Nephew, he leauied his seege from before Caietta, and went to Naples where was the olde Queene his mo­ther in law, who put into his handes new castell, albeit many were of opinion that she would reteyne it for her brother Ferdinand king of the Spanish: In this accidentFederyk made king of Na­ples. were most singular towards Federyk, not onely the wills of the peoples, but also thin­clinacions of the Princes of Salerne, and of Bisignan, together with the faith of the Count Capaccie, all which were the first that pronownced his name within Naples, & going to meete him saluted him as king at his discending from the ship: They were farre better content with him, then with the last king, no lesse for the mildenes and moderacion of his mind (which they honored with great reuerence and humilitie) then for the sewertie of their owne estates, hauing no small suspicion that Ferdinand assoone as he had addressed his affayres, had intencions to call to aunswere all those that in any sort had bene fauorers of the french.

But these alteracions and disorders hapning with so great dishonor and domage to the french faction, had no power to giue a new life to the king, & much lesse ha­sten his prouisions, who stāding intangled with the delites & pleasures of the court, made yt foure monethes afore he returned to Lyons: And albeit in this amarous neg­ligence, he often times recommended to such as he had left there, the solicitacion and dispatch of all prouisions aswel for sea as land, and the Duke of Orleans was pre­pared to depart: yet by the auncient connings of the Cardinall of S. Mallovv, the men at armes which were slenderly payed marched as slowly towards Italy, And the nauie by sea which was to be assembled at Marseilles, aduaunced so slackly, that the confederats had leasure enough, to sende first to Ville franche a large hauen neare to Nice, and afterwards euen to the roades of Marceilles, an armie by sea leauied at their common charges at Genes, to giue impediments to the vessells of Fraunce that were to goe to the realme of Naples: And to these great and generall delayes proceeding principally from the Cardinall of S. Mallovv, wise men dowted, that there was ioy­ned some other cause more secret, interteyned in the kinges mind with a singular art and diligence of such as with many reasons labored to turne him from the enterpri­ses of Italy, for that they thought, that for his proper regard and interest, he ought to beielous ouer the greatnes of the Duke of Orleans, on whom (if the victorie succee­ded) the Duchie of Myllan shoulde fall: Besides they occupied with him this dis­course of perswasions, that it was farre from pollicie and his propper sewertie to goe out of Fraunce, afore he had made some contract with the kinge of Spaine, who ex­pressing a desire to be reconciled, had sent Embassadors to his Maiestie to induce a truce, and insinuat an agreement: Many councelled him to tary till the Queene was brought to bed, for that it agreed not with his wisedom, & was contrary to the loue he ought to beare to his peoples, to obiect his person to so many perills, afore he had a sonne & heire to receiue so great a succession: A reason which made the deli­uerie of the Queene more painefull, and her frute more wretched & vnfortunat, see­ing that not many dayes after, the masculyn yssue which God had giuen him, dyed: [Page 160] So that partely by particular negligence in the king, but more by the errours & vi­ces of his simple councell, and partly by the difficulties which others suggested, the prouisions waued so long in delayes, that the ruine of his people, and whole losse of the kingdom, made lamentable vnto them, the operacions of their owne indiscressi­on: yea the like had hapned to his frendes and confederats in Italy, if of them selues they had not constantly defended their proper estates.

It hath bene set downe before, how for feare of the french prouicions, and more for the contentment of Lodovvyk Sforce, then any thing agreeable to the Venetians, there was a plot layd to make passe into Italy Maxymilian Caesar, with whom whilest that feare indured, it was agreed that the Venetians should giue him for three whole monethes twenty thowsande duckats for euery moneth, to thende he should bring with him a certeine proporcion of horsemen and footemen, vpon the which passing of accord, Lodovvyk accompanied with thEmbassadors of the confederats, went to Manza (a place on thother side the Mountes vpon the confyns of Almayne) to com­municat with his Maiestie: where after they had vsed great conference, Lodovvyk came backe againe the same day to Bormy, A towne of the Duchie of Myllan on this side the Mountes, whether came Maxymilian the day following vnder cooller of go­ing on hunting: And after in that enteruiewe of two dayes, they had set downe theLodowyk will aswell serue his turne of the king of Romaines for his ambicion, as he had dōe of the french king in his necessitie. time and maner of his marching into Italy, Maxymilian returned into Iermany to soli­cit thexecucion of thinges that were contracted: But the brute of the prouisions of Fraunce inferior to all exspectacion, growing now so cold, that for that regard it se­med not necessary that the king of Romaines should marche: yet Lodovvyk determi­ning to serue his ambicion of that which afore he had procured for his proper sew­ertie, continued still to solicit him to descend into Italy, wherein to remoue all impe­diments that might hinder his desire, albeit the Venetians would not be concurrant in the promise of thirty thowsand duckats which he demaunded ouer and aboue the lx. thowsand that were accorded to him: yet he forbare not to binde him selfe alone to that demaund: Inso much that in the ende Maxymilian marched and passed in­to Italy, a litle afore the death of Ferdinand: of the which when he was aduertised, being neare to Myllan, he entred into thoughts and deuises so to handle thinges, as by his meane the kingdom of Naples might come to Iohn the only sonne of the king of Spaine, and his sonne in law: But that being farre from the purpose of Lodovvyk and his secrete ambicion, he tolde him that in that action he should discontent and trouble all Italy, and be the cause to dissolue the vnitie of the confederats, and con­sequently to make easie the enterprises of the king of Fraunce, occupying such other conning perswacions, that his suttelties so vanquished all the intencions of Caesar, as he did not onely giue ouer and denownce his first cogitacion, but also fauored and ratified by letters the succession of Federyk: he descended into Italy with a very small company of men, but the brute ronne, that there marched after euen to the propor­cion and quantitie which he had promised: And being come to Vigeneua, where he soiorned, Lodovvyk and the Cardinall of Santa Croce (sent vnto him as Legat by the Pope,) together with the Embassadors of the confederats, assembled with him in councell to resolue what were best to be done: therein this was thought the first and most necessary action, that he should march into Pyemont to take the towne of Ast, and separat from the french king the Duke of Sauoye, and Marquis of Montferat, as members depending of the Empire: to them he addressed aduertisements to come to speake with him in a towne in Pyemont: but his forces being inferior to his title & dignitie, and by that occasion theffects not aunswering thauthoritie of the name im­periall, [Page 161] they showed contempt, not one of them consenting to goe to him: like as also for thenterprise of Ast, there was no apparance that it should happily succeede: he made like instance to come to speake with him, to the Duke of Ferrara, who vn­der the name of Feodarye of thempire, possessed the towne of Modene and Regge: And albeit he offered him for his sewertie, the faith of Lodovvyk, his sonne in lawe, yet he refused to go to him, alleaging that the action were not cōuenient for his honor, for that he held as yet in deputacion, the castell of Genes. Finally Lodovvyk (led still with humors of his auncient couetousnes, and no lesse discontented that Pysa so ambici­ously desired of him, shoulde fall with the daunger of all Italy into the power of the Venetians, sought wonderfully to hinder such a matter) and councelled thEmprour to goe to Pysa, perswading him with discourses full of deceites, that the Florentyns, Lodowyk per­swades Caesar to goe to Py­sa. being not mighty enough to resist him and the strength of the confederats, woulde depart by necessitie from thalliance of the french king, and could not refuse to refer thaccord and arbitracion of all their controuersies to the person of Maxymilian, to thende that, if not by reconcilement, at least by way of iustice, might be determined the differences betwene them and the Pysans: In which regard as Pysa should be put into the handes of Caesar, and all the appurtenances apperteyning to it: So he hoped by his authoritie to make the Pysans consent, and that the Venetians (being concur­rant in this action the wills of all the other confederats) woulde not oppose themselues against a conclusion so conducible to the common benefit, and no lesse iust & honest of it selfe: for Pysa being aunciently a towne of the Empire, the reknowled­ging of the rightes of such as aspired to it, apperteyned to no other then to Caesar: & so being committed of trust into the hands of Caesar, Lodovvyk hoped that he should easily come by it, either by money, (which makes way into great kingdoms) or for the grace and authoritie which he had with him, the same seruing as an instrument to aduaunce his ambicion: This deuise was propownded in the councel vnder coo­ler, that seeing for the present, the feare of the french warres ceassed, the comming of Caesar might be vsed to induce the Florentyns to knitt with the other confederats against the french king: A deuise not displeasing to Maxymilian, who was not a li­tle discontented that his descending into Italy bred no effect, hoping withall, that where by reason of his infinit plots and inuencions, and no lesse for his disorders and vnbridled prodigalities, he had alwayes want of money, Pysa would be an instrumēt conuenient, to gather some great quantitie either of the Florentyns, or others. The deuise also was approued by all the confederats as a thing very profitable for the se­wertie of Italy: The Embassador of Venice not impugning it, for that that Senat, per­ceiuing well enough to what endes tended the thoughtes of Lodovvyk, dowted not to beguile him easily, and hoped that by meane of the presence of Caesar might be gotten the hauen of Lyuorne, which being vnited once to Pysa, the Florentyns had no further hope to recouer that citie.

It hath bene declared how the confederats afore made many meanes & requestes to the Florentyns to enter vnitie and league with them, And at the times when most they feared the descending of the frenchmen, they gaue them hopes so to worke & trauell in thinges, that Pysa should eftsoones returne vnder their iurisdiction: But the couetousnes of the Venetians and Lodovvyk being suspected to the Florentyns, who woulde not lightly deuide them selues from the amitie of the french kinge, bare no ready deuocion to those suggestions: wherein as one thinge that kept them backe, was a hope to recouer by the comming of the french king, Pietra sancta, and Seraze­na, places which they could not exspect by any working of the confederats: so that [Page 162] which turned them & drew them quite away, was an ouerweening no lesse vnprofi­table to the condicion of their affayres, then cōtrary to the course of the time: They measuring rather their owne merits, and that which they endured for the king, then his nature, or his customs, promised to them selues by the meane of his victorie, not onely the citie of Pysa, but almost all the residue of Tuskane: In which perswacion they were nourished by the opinion and wordes of Ieronimo Sauonarole, who in his sermons pronounced many felicities and augmentacion of imperie appoynted to that common weale after so many trauells & afflictions, publishing in like style most greeuous calamities and euills to happen to the court of Rome, and all the other Po­tentats of Italy: wherein albeit this fonde Preacher was not without his aduersaries skorning at this particular doctrine, yet what for his own authoritie, and the simple inclinacions of many, there was no litle faith giuen to his holy aduertisements, no lesse by most part of the popular multitude, then by many of the principall Citisens, wherof, some of innocent deuocion, some by ambicion, and some for feare, reappo­sed such religion in his vayne forewarnings, that the whole estate of Florence caried such generall disposicion to continue in the frenche amitie, that the confederatts thought it not vnreasonable to labor to reduce them by force, to that whereunto their wills were so straunge and contrary: They supposed thenterprise to inuade them coulde not conteyne many difficulties for that they were hated of all their neighbours, and no exspectacion or hope of succours from the french king, who a­bandoning the safetie of his owne people in Naples, coulde not in any reason be thought carefull to minister to the wants of others: Besides their great expenses for these three yeares, with so generall diminucion of their reuenues, had so drayned them, that it was not credible that they were able to susteyne long trauells: seeing withall they had for this yeare past continually followed the warres against Pysa, wherein thaccidents haue bene diuerse and notable, more for the resolucion of co­rage shewed in many valiant actes and factions of warre by either part, and by the desperat obstinacie wherewith such thinges were done, then for any huge propor­cion or greatnes of armies, and much lesse for the qualitie of places for the which they fought, being but villages and borowes not famous, & therefore of them selues of no great consequence: for (to vse more large discourse) a litle after the citadell was giuen to the Pysans, and afore the succors of Venice arriued there, the bandes of Florence hauing taken the borow of Buty, & from thence encamped at Calcy, and be­fore they tooke it, beginning (for their better sewertie of vittells) to build a bastillion vpon the Mount of Dolorosa: the bandes of footemen that were there for the garde of the place, were broken by their owne negligence, by the enseignes of the Pysans: And a litle after, as Francisco Secco was encamped with a great trowpe of horsemen in the borow of Buty to see to the safe conuey of vittells to Hercules Bentyuole, incam­ped with the footebandes of the Florentyns about the litle castell of the hill Verruco­le: he was so charged at vnwares by the footemen that came out of Pysa, that by thin­conueniencie of the place to apply the seruice of his horsemen, he lost a great parte of them: for which successes the affayres of Pysa seeming to rise increasing in for­tune and that with hope of greater prosperitie for that the succors of the Venetians beganne to arriue: Hercules Bentyuole lodging in the borow of Bientina, hearing that Iohn Pavvle Monfrin Capteine of the Venetians, was with the first part of their com­panies come to Vicopisan two myles from Bientina, fayned to haue feare, In so much that presently he raysed his companies and went into the fielde; and immediatly as­soone as the Venetian bandes were discouered, he eftsoones retyred into Bientina. [Page 163] But after he saw his ennemie full of boldnes and securitie, he trayned him one day with great pollicie into an ambush, where he put him to the worse, with the losse of the most part of his companies, giuing him the chasse euen to the wals of Vicopisan: In which encownter the victory was not in all pointes happye, for that Frauncisco Secco, come to the campe that morning to ioyne with Hercules, in the retyre was slayne with a shot of harquebuze: After these followed the other bandes of the Ve­netians, amongest whom were eight hundreth stradiots led by Iustynian Morosin: By whose comming the Pysans being nowe farre superior, Hercules Bentyuole to whome the partes of the contrey were well knowne, neither willing to put him selfe in daū ­ger, nor altogether disposed to abandon the field, encamped in a very stronge place, betwene the borow of Pontadere, and the riuer of Ere: with thopportunitie of this place, he restrayned much the importunitie of thennemies, who in all that tyme tooke no other place or peece then the borow of Buty which yelded to their discres­sion: And as they sent out their stradiots to make pillage of the contrey, there were three hundreth of them ronning vp euen to Valdere, charged and broken by certeine bandes which Hercules sent after them: The Florentyns were in the same seasons ve­xed by them of Sienna, who by thoccasion of the harmes they suffered in the con­trey of Pysa, and at the incensing of the confederats, sent to incampe afore the bastil­lion of the bridge of Valiane, the Lord of Plombyn and Iohn Sauelle: But hearing that Riuuccio de Marciano arriued with succors, they retyred in great haste from before the bastillion, leauing behind them one part of their artillerie: by reason whereof the Florentyns seeing them selues assured on that side, caused Riuuccio to turne his force to the quarter of Pysa: In so much that their strength being almost equall, the warre was nowe brought to the borowes about the hills: But for that they were at the deuocion of the Pysans, thinges fell out more to the disaduauntage of the Floren­tyns: for that the Pysans entring by intelligence into the borow of Pont de sac, strip­ped a whole company of men at armes, and tooke prisoner Lodovvyk Marciana, yet they abandoned forthwith the sayd borow for feare of the Florentyn bandes which were not farre of: But the better to commaund and gouerne the hilles, which were of great importance to them, aswell for the vittells brought from thence to Pysa, as for that they gaue impediments to the Florentyns in the traffike of the hauen of Ly­uorne: they fortefied the most part of those borowes, amongest the which Soiana was made noble by one accident by chaunce: for the campe of the Florentyns beinge marched thether with intencion to take it the same day, and for that cause, hauing spoyled all the passages of the riuer of Cascina, and put their men at armes in battell vpon the banke, to cut of the succors of thennemie: It hapned that Peter Capponi aPeter Cappo­ni. chiefe commaunder amongest the Florentyns, as he was about to plant thartilleries, was striken in the head by a bullet out of the towne, whereof he dyed presently: An end vnworthy of his vertue, aswell for the ignobilitie of the place, as for the litle im­portance of suche an enterprise: By the chaunce of this accident, they raysed the campe without attempting any further action: Besides, the Florentyns euen in those tymes were compelled to sende bandes of men into Lunigiana to the succors of the castell of Verroncole which the Marquis of Malespina held beseeged, by the ayde of the Genovvays, from whence he easily gaue them the chasse: So that the strength of the Pysans was mighty for certeine monethes, for that besides the townesmen and popular souldiers leuied of the contrey became bodies warlike by long experience, the Venetians and Duke of Myllan had there many bandes of horsemen and foote­men, the Venetian numbers being greatest: But for that afterwards the Dukes com­panies [Page 164] began to diminish because they were not payed as appertayned: the Veneti­ans vsing that defect to their aduauntage, sent thether a new supply of a hundreth men at armes, and six gallies loaden with prouision of vittells, wherein they spared no necessary exspenses for the sewertie of that citie, the same hapning in good sea­son to winne, and draw to them the affections of the Pysans, who euery day more andThe Pysans begin to dis­clayme the Duke of Myllan. more estraunged their mindes from the deuocion of the Duke of Myllan, as ney­ther contented with his nigardise in thexpense and prouision of thinges necessary, nor with his incerteinties and variacions, expressing rather a mind neuter, then affe­ction resolut, for that sometimes he would be forward in the succor of their affaires, and eftsoones careles and colde, leauing all to aduenture: In so much as beginning almost to dowt of his will, they imposed vpon him by imputacion that Iohn Bentyuo­le did not aduaunce to endomage the Florentyns according to the commission he had of the confederats, the rather for that they knewe he had fayled him in a greate part of his payments, either through his couetousnes, or els, that the displeasures of the Florentyns were acceptable to him, but not their whole ruyne and oppression: By meane of which operations, he had layed of him selfe (touching the state of Pysa) foundacions contrary to his chiefest endes and intencions, for thaduauncement whereof he onely induced the councell of the confederats to determine that Maxy­mylian Caesar should goe to Pysa.

But now returning from whence we came: after it was resolued that Caesar should march to Pysa, he dispatched two Embassadors to Florence to aduertise them, that byCaesar sendes Embassadors to Florence. reason of an enterprise which he intended with a mighty armie against the Infidels, he iudged it first an action chiefe and necessary to passe into Italy, the better to paci­fie and assure the controuersies there, for which cause he exhorted the Florentyns that they would communicat together with the other confederats in the common defence of Italy, or at least if they had an other inclinacion, that they woulde make manifest their will and intencion: That for the same occasion, and for that it apper­teyned to thauthoritie imperiall, he woulde knowe the controuersies that were be­twene them and the Pysans, requiring them, till he had taken knowledge of the rea­sons of both the one and other, that they would surcease the warre, which he assured would not be refused by the Pysans, to whom he had imparted the like significations: lastly, he gaue them great sewertie with sweete and familiar wordes, that he woulde be ready to administer iustice indifferently: To which message (receiuing the offers of thEmprour with reuerence and recommendacion, & expressing no lesse showes of singular confidence in his iustice and pietie) was aunswered by the Florentyns, that they would giue him particularly to vnderstande of their intencion by speciall Embassadors to be addressed to his Maiestie with speede.

But in the meane while the Venetians, not to leaue to Maxymylian or the Duke of Myllan, any meane to be Maisters ouer Pisa, sent thether with consent of the Pisans a new supply of a hundreth and fiftie men at armes, some stradiots, and a thowsande footemen vnder the leading of Anniball Bentiuole, signifying to the Duke that they had sent those succors thether, for that their common weale, which loued to chea­rish free cities, was vniuersally inclined to ayde the Pisans to recouer their contrey, as indeede by the succor of those bandes, they went thorow with the recouerie of almost all the borowes of the hills: In regard of which benefits, and for the franke readines of the Venetians to gratifie their demaundes which were in great number, sometimes wanting men, sometimes lacking money, and most commonly suffering necessities of vittells and municions: The will of the Pisans was become so confor­mable [Page 165] to the desires of the Venetians, that all that office of deuocion and confidence which they were wont to owe to the Duke of Myllan, being now transported into them, they greatly desired that that Senat would continue their protectors, defen­ders, and patrons: And yet they solicited still the comming of Caesar, for hoping that what with the strength they had already within Pysa, and the bandes which his Ma­iestie would leade with him, they should with more facilitie get Liuorne: On the o­ther side, the Florentyns, who besides other encombrances, were at that tyme pres­sed with a great skarcetie of vittells, were occupied with no small feares, being left a­lone to resist the power of so many Princes: for that in Italy, there would not rise one in their ayde and fauor, and from their Embassadors in Fraunce, they were certefiedThe Floren­tyns haue small hope to be succored by the french king. by letters, that they could hope for no reskew in the king, to whome they had recō ­mended their daungers with many sutes and humilities, though not to haue of him a full succor, yet to be releeued with some quantitie and proporcion of money: But their petitions were in vayne, and all their requests embrased with the same coldnes of care wherewith he comforted the perplexities of his peculiar peoples in the kingdom of Naples: Peter de medicis alone did not molest them, because it was an ar­ticle in the councell of the confederats, not to vse in this action, either his name, or his fauor, knowing by experience, that the Florentyns for that feare, did the more in­crease their vnitie for the preseruacion of their libertie: And Lodovvyk Sforce, vnder cooler to be ielous of their safetie, but more discontented with the greatnes of the Venetians, ceased not to apply all his discourse of witt & perswacion, to induce them to refer all thinges to the arbitracion of Caesar, wherein he alleaged many great and sensible daungers, and insinuated with arguments and reasons, that this was the on­ly meane to draw the Venetians from Pysa, and so consequently to accomplish their full reintegracion: A thing very necessary for the vniuersall stabilitie of Italie, and no lesse (for that occasion) desired by the king of Spaine, and all the other confederats: But the Florentyns not suffering them selues to be carried with fayre and deceitfull apparaunces, and much lesse amased with the contemplacion of so many daungers and difficulties, determined to make no declaracion with Caesar, neither to refer their rightes to his arbyttrement, if first they were not restored to the possession of Pisa, for that they were not assured either of his will or of his authoritie, being manifest that hauing not of him selfe any forces, or money, he proceeded as it best seemed to the Duke of Millan: Neither did they discerne in the Venetians, any disposicion or neede to leaue Pisa: Therefore they prepared with a franke and liberall resolucion of courage, to fortifie and refurnishe Liuorna aswell as they could, and to drawe all their strength into the contrey of Pisa: And yet, for that they would not appeare e­straunged from the league, laboring withall to appease Caesar, they sent Embassadors who founde him at Genes where he was then arriued: Their commission was (forThe Floren­tyns send aū ­swer to thEmprour. aunswer of the thinges propownded by his Embassadors at Florence) to aduertise him and perswade him, that it was not necessary to proceede to any declaracion, be­cause, for the reuerence they bare to his name he might promise to him selfe of the common weale of Florence, euen as much as he would desire: And to beseech him to thinke, that for his most holy resolucion to reduce Italie to peace, there was no­thing more conuenient then immediatly to restore Pisa to the Florentins, for that it was the roote and riuer from whence spronge all their deliberacions so disconten­ting to his Maiestie and the confederats, & Pisa also being in that regarde, the cause that made some to aspire to the Empire of Italie, who to that ende labored to keepe it in continuall trauells of warre, by which wordes (notwithstanding it was not o­therwayes [Page 166] expressed) was signified and ment the ambicion of the Venetians: That al­so it was not agreeable to his iustice, that such as had bene dispoiled by force, should be constrayned contrary to the disposicion of the lawes imperiall, to referre their rightes to compromise, if first they were not restored to their possession: concluding that the common weale of Florence obteyning this beginning of him, and by that meane, remeyninge no cause to desire any thinge but peace with euery one, they would make all such declaracions as he should thinke conuenient, and reapposing wholly in his iustice, would with ready humilitie recommende vnto him the know­ledge of their rightes.

This aunswer satisfied not Caesar, who desired aboue all thinges that they might enter into the league vnder faith and promise to be restored to the possession of Py­sa within a tearme conuenient: notwithstanding after many discourses and deba­ting of reasons, they could draw no other aunswer from him, then (vpon the plot­forme of Genes as he entred the sea) he told them they should vnderstande further of his will by the Popes Legat which was at Genes, by whom, being sent backe againe to the Duke, who from Tortone whether he had accompanied Caesar, was returned to Myllan, they went into the same citie, where as they were demaunding audience, they receiued Commissions from Florence, (already vnderstandinge the frute of their legacion) commaunding them without seeking other aunswer, to returne home: So that being come to the hower appoynted for their audience, they turned their demaund to haue aunswer, into a signification of their office, that returning to Florence, they were bolde to lengthen their way, to come to doe him reuerence a­fore they parted out of his contrey, as well apperteyned to the frendship which their common weale had mutually with him: The Duke thinking they would de­maund aunswer according to their direction from the Legat, had assembled all the Embassadors of the confederats, and the whole maiestie of his owne councell, to make show (according to his manner) of his eloquence, and his arte, & to take plea­sure in the calamities of others: But being not a litle confused with the nature of their proposicion altogether disappoynting his exspectacion and looking, he asked them suddeinly what aunswer they had of Caesar: to which demaund they aunswered, that according to the lawes of their common weale, they might not communicat nor treate of their commission, with any other Prince, then with him to whom they were assigned Embassadors: he replyed somewhat troubled: If we giue you aun­swer, for the which we know that Caesar hath referred you to vs, would you not heare it: It is not forbidden to heare (say they) & much lesse can we let an other to speak: he aunswered, we are content to giue you the aunswer, but that can not wel be don, if you pronownce not that which you haue sayd to him: The Embassadors eft­soones aunswered, that besides they had no power for the selfe same reasons allea­ged before, yet it would be superfluous, for that it was necessary that Caesar had im­parted their proposicion with those, to whom he had giuen thimmediat charge to make the aunswer in his name: for these resolut dealings of thEmbassadors, he could not, neither in wordes, nor in iestures dissemble his indignacion, And with moodes full of variacion and discontentment he dismissed thEmbassadors with all the resi­due which he had assembled, receiuing in him selfe one part of the mockerie, which he ment to haue giuen to an other.

In the meane while, Caesar departed from the hauen of Genes with six gallies which the Venetians had in the sea of Pysa, and with many other vessells of the Geno­vvays very well furnished with artillerie, but not with fighting men, for that there [Page 167] was no other men of warre, then a thowsand launceknightes: with whom he sayledCaesar is come to Pysa. to the hauen of Spetia, and from thence went by land to Pysa: And there hauing ioy­ned to his armie fiue hundreth horsemen & a thowsand other launceknights which had marched by land, he determined to incampe before Lyuorne, hauing for his back the companies of the Duke of Myllan, and one part of the Venetian bandes: his in­tencion was to charge it both by sea & land, sending the other Venetian companies to Pont de sac, to thende the Florentyn campe which was not stronge, should not be able to molest the Pysans, nor giue succors to Lyuorne: But there was no enterprise which lesse astonished the Pysans, then that of Lyuorne, sufficiently furnished with mē and artillerie, with dayly exspectacion of succors from Prouence: for that a litle be­fore, to augment their forces with the reputacion wherein were at that tyme in Ita­ly, the armies of the french, they had with the consent of the french king, interteined to their pay, Monsrd Albigois one of his capteines with a hundreth launces, and a thowsand footemen aswell Svvyzzers as Gascoins, which were to come by sea to Ly­uorne vpon certeine shipps, which by their directions were loden with graine, to re­leeue the generall want of vittells raigning in all the landes of their obedience: This deliberacion, made with other thoughts, and for other endes, then for their defence against Caesar, albeit it was full of difficulties, for that both Monsrd Albigois with his company already conduted to the shippes, refused to take the sea, only six hundreth footemen being imbarked: yet it found such plentifull fauors of fortune, that there could not be desired a prouision, neither more great nor more conuenient: seeing that the same day that a Commissioner of Pysa, (sent before by Caesar with a greate strength of horsemen and footemen to make bridges & plankes for the armie which was to follow) arriued before Lyuorne, the nauie of Prouence conteyning fiue shippes and certeine gallions, together with a great carracke of Normandie which the kinge appoynted to reuittell Caietta, were discouered aboue Lyuorna with so fauorable gales and tydes, that without any resistance of the fleete of Caesar (for they were con­strayned by the tyme to spred abroad aboue Melorie, a rocke very famous, for that in a sea battell made there in tymes past betwene the Genovvays and the Pysans, the Py­sans were ouerthrowne) they entred the port without other losse, then of one galli­on loden with corne, which was taken, as being strayed from the other nauie.

This succor gaue no lesse life & courage to those that were within Lyuorne, then much assured the mindes of the Florentyns, who interpreted this suddeine comming of the shippes to a signe, that though earthly and worldly forces would fayle them, yet God beholding their calamities, would not abandon them according to thassu­rance which often tymes Sauonarola had preached to the people euen when euery one was most astonished: But notwithstanding these discouragements of vittells & succors, the King of Romains ceased not to marche with his campe to Lyuorna, whe­therCaesar mar­cheth to Ly­uorna. hauing sent by land fiue hundreth men at armes, a thowsand light horsemen, & foure thowsand footemen, he passed vppon gallies euen to the mouth of the poole which is betwene Pysa & Liuorna: And hauing appointed the one parte of the place to be inuaded by the Count Caietta whom the Duke of Myllan had sent with him, he presented him selfe afore the other: wherein albeit the first daye he had no small a doe to setle his campe there for the perillous impediments which thartilleries of Lyuorna gaue to him: yet after he had approched his armie before day on that side to the fountaine, and hauing a chiefe desire to be first maister of the hauen, he began to batter with the cannon, Magnane, which was well fortefied by them within, who seeing the campe drawne on that side, had on thother side ruyned Polazzotte and the [Page 168] tower standing on that side to the sea, as a thing not only not gardable, but also con­uenient to make them lose the newe tower. He caused at the same tyme to come neare the hauen, his armie by sea, to beate the partes on the sea side: for the french shippes, after they had landed their men, and vnladen one part of their corne as they were bownd, returned into Prouence, and the Normans set sayle to Caiette, notwith­standing many importunities & requestes to haue them tary, thinking to haue made thē to the seruice of this defense: The batterie that thundred against Magnane, nou­rishing an intencion to assault the towne afterwards by sea, profited very litle: for that the defense was sufficient against all assaultes, and had litle regard to the furie of the shot, the defendants also very often making sayllies to enterteyne skyrmish with thennemie. But as the hopes of the Florentyns began by the fauor of the windes, so it was a destinie that in the benefit of the windes should be wrought their whole per­fection, for by a great storme rising vpon the suddeine, the windes and all the ill dis­posed weathers agreeing, the nauie of Caesar was greatly crushed, and the great ship Grymavvda Genovvay which had caried his Maiesties person, after she had long en­dured the conflict of the weather and waues, and wrought against the rage of the storme, she was drowned right against the new tower of Lyuorne with all the men & artillerie that she bare within boarde: the like hapned at the poynt towardes S. Iac­ques, to two gallies of the Venetians, and all the other vessells so dispersed and shaked by this calamitie, that they became vnprofitable for the present enterprise, specially the defendants following the fauor of this accident, yssued out and recouered the gallion, which before had falne into the power of the ennemies: The consideracion of the losses and miseries hapned by this shipwracke, procured Caesar to returne to Pysa, where after many councels, euery one distrusting the possibilitie of thenterprise of Lyuorne, it was agreed to leauy the campe from thence, and transfer the warre toCaesar leaui­eth his campe from Lyuorna an other part: And therefore Caesar went to Vicopisan, and caused to be built a bridge vpon Arne, betweene cascine and Vico, and an other vpon Cilecchio: But whilest he oc­cupied men with exspectacion that he would passe ouer, he departed vpon the sud­deine, and returned by land the right way to Myllan, hauing brought forth no other action in Tuskane, sauing that foure hundred of his horsemen sackt Bolgheri, a towne almost vnknowen in the shoares of Pysa: he excused his suddeine departure vpponCaesar excu­seth his sud­deine depar­ture. the difficulties that increased vpon him euery day, aswell for that they supplyed him not with money as often as he demaunded, as for that the Venetian Commissioners would not consent that the greatest part of their bandes should yssue out of Pysa for the suspicion they had of him, besides that they had not fully satisfied him of their porcion of the threescore thowsand duckats, for which iniuries (extolling greatly the Duke of Myllan) he made many greeuous complaintes against them: he passed by Pauya, where was taken a newe councell: And albeit he had published that he would eftsoones returne into Almanie, yet he agreed to reappose in Italy all the win­ter with a thowsande horsemen, and two thowsande footemen, so that they woulde make pay to him for euery moneth, of xxij. thowsand florins of Rhein: wherein whi­lest the action of this plot was solicited, with exspectacion of aunswer from Venice, he went from thence to Lomelline, at the tyme when there was loking to receiue him at Myllan, being a thing fatal & ordeyned to him (asw as wel approued by thexperi­ences following) not to enter into that citie: from Lomellina, with a mind chaunged, he turned his way to Cusagne six myles from Myllan, from whence contrary to all o­pinions, & vnweeting to the Duke and his Embassadors which were there, he went to Coma: where vnderstanding as he sat at dinner, that the Popes Legat, to whom he [Page 169] had sent that he should not follow him, was arriued: he arose from the table, & em­barkedCaesar stealeth in haste into Iermany. with so great hast, that there was skarce leasure to the Legat to deliuer to him a few words within the barke: to whom he aunswered in short, that he was constray­ned to goe into Almanie, but that he would returne with speede: And albeit, after he was brought by the lake of Coma to Vellasie, he was aduertised that the Venetians would condiscend to all thinges that were agreed vppon at Pauya: yet he continued his voyage, and gaue them new hopes to returne to Myllan: But a very fewe dayes after, according to thinconstancie and variacion of his nature, he left one part of his horsemen and footebandes, and sayled directly into Almanie, hauing showed with a very litle honor to the name imperiall, his weaknes in Italy wherein long tyme be­fore had not bene seene any Emprours armed: Lodovvyk dispayring now by the go­ing away of Caesar (without new remedies for new accidents) to be able any more to draw Pysa to him selfe, and much lesse to keepe it out of the handes of the Venetians, withdrew from thence all his people, making it some consolacion to his displeasurs, that the Venetians onely should remeyne intangled with the warre against the Flo­rentyns: wherein also he nourished this perswacion, that the long trauells and per­plexities of both the one and other part, might with tyme rayse vp some occasions fauorable to his desires: By the departure of the bandes of Lodovvyk, the Florentyns whose power was strongest in the contrey of Pysa, recouered againe all the borowes about the hills: by reason whereof the Venetians, constrayned to leauy newe prouisi­ons to hinder their further procedings, adioyned so many bandes more to the com­paniesThe compu­tacion of the Venetian ar­mie within Pysa. Tarente and Caiette are rendred to Federyk new king of Na­ples. they enterteyned already within Pysa, that in all, their armie contayned foure hundred men at armes, seuen hundred light horsemen, & more then two thowsand footemen: In this meane while in the kingdom of Naples, there was almost an ende put to all the residue of the warre against the french: for that the towne of Tarente, pressed with famin, was rendred with her castells to the Venetians, who had beseeged it by sea, and who, after they had kept it certeine dayes, growing into suspicion that they would appropriat it to themselues, rendred it at last to Federyk, by the great in­stance of the Pope and the Kinge of Spayne: And as it was vnderstanded at Caietta, that the greatship Normain, hauing fought aboue the port Hercules with certeyne Genovvay shippes which she encowntred, and sayling afterwards in her course, was ouerbeaten with the rage of stormes, and drowned: So the french men that defen­ded Caietta, whether the new king was eftsoones marched with his campe, albeit the brute went that there were vittells & municions enough to beare out the seege cer­teine monethes: yet entring into thexamples and actions of their kinge, in whome they iudged woulde be as slowe disposicion to minister to their succours, as he was carelesse of so great a part of his nobilitie, and to reskew so many places holding for him: they accorded with Federyk, by the solicitacion of Monsr d Aubigny (who for some difficulties hapning in the assignement of the fortresses in Calabria, was not yet departed from Naples) to leaue the towne and castel, and returne by sea into Fraunce with safetie and protection of their liues and goods: By reason of this agreement, the french king seeing him selfe deliuered of so many cares and thoughtes to mini­ster succors to the kingdom of Naples, and on thother side, being indifferently gree­ued with the harmes and infamies of those warres, determined to sette vppon Genes: The french king deter­mineth to set vpon Genes. wherein he hoped much in the faction of Baptistyn Fregosa (aforetimes Duke of that citie,) and in the trayne and followers which the Cardinall of S. Peter ad vincla, had in the towne of Sauone, and in those riuers: he applyed also to the fauor of his deuise, the occasion and consent of the tyme, for that in those seasons Iohn Lovvys de fiesco, [Page 170] and the famulie of the Adornes, were in discorde, and all the Genovvays generally ill contented with the Duke of Myllan, both for that in the sale of Pietra Sancta, he had preferred the Lucquoys before them, and also, hauing promised to reduce it eftsoones to their hands, vsing in that action (the better to appease thindignacion conceiued against him) the authoritie of the Venetians, he had nourished them many moneths with vayne hopes: But for feare of this determinacion of the king, Lodovvyk (who for thoccasion of Pysa was almost estraunged from the Venetians) was compelled to knit of new with them, and to send to Genes the horsemen and footemen of the Al­mains which Caesar had left in Italy, for whome (if this necessitie had not happened) there would haue bene neither employment nor prouicion made.

Whilest these thinges were thus in deuise & solicitacion, the Pope (finding now a great oportunitie to occupy the estates of the Vrsins, for that the principals of that famulie were restrayned in Naples) pronownced rebells in the consistory, Virginio & the residue of that race, & confisked their estates, for that contrary to his commaun­dement they had taken pay of the french: After which beginning he proceeded in further action to assayle their landes, hauing ordred that the Colonnoys shoulde doe1497. the like in all those places where they confyne with the Vrsins: This enterprise was much comforted by the Cardinall Askanius, no lesse for the auncient amitie he had with the Colonnoys, then for a setled dissention and disagreement interteyned of long against the Vrsins: The Duke of Myllan also gaue readily his consent, but it displea­sed not a litle the Venetians, in whome were secret desires to winne that famulie and draw them to their deuocion: And yet not being able with any iustificacions to hin­der the Pope from pursuing his rightes, and withall holding it nothing profitable in that tyme to alyenat him from them: they consented that the Duke of Vrbyn, Mer­cenary in common to the Pope and to them, should march to ioyne with the bands of the Church, ouer whom was Capteine general the Duke of Candia, and in the of­ficeThe Duke of Candia gene­rall of the Popes armie. of Legat, the Cardinall La luna borne at Pauya, A Cardinall wholly depending vpon Askanius: to this armie also, king Federyk of Naples sent Fabricius Colonne: This armie now drawne into a campe, after it had compelled many peeces to be rende­red, marched to incampe at Tryuignian, which towne menteyning a valiant defence for certeine dayes, yelded at last to discression: But during the defense of that towne, Bartlemevv d'Aluyano yssuing out of Bracciane, put to flight within eyght myles of Rome, foure hundreth horsemen that guided the artilleries to the campe Ecclesia­sticke: And an other day ronning with the same fortune euen to the crosse of Mont­marie, he lacked not much of taking the Cardinall of Valence, who comming out of Rome to the chasse, found his best safetie in the swiftnes of his horse: After the ren­dring of Tryuignan the campe drewe to the yle, where after they had battered one part of the rocke with thartillerie, they obteyned it by cōposicion: At length all the warre was reduced to Bracciana, where the Vrsins had layed vp all the hope of their defense: for that the place which had bene made stronge before, was of new refor­tefied with municions and rampiers, and the suburbes reenforced, hauing at the en­try thereof erected a bastyllion, and bestowed within it a sufficient strength of men vnder the gouernment of Aluyano, whose youth gaue him a body disposed, and his wit no lesse quicke and resolut, then his diligence incredible, increased in him (with exercise in armes) those hopes & exspectacions to the which in tymes succeeding, his actions were nothing inferior: The Pope ceased not to increase dayly his armie which he had of new refurnished with eyght hundreth launceknights of those that had bene employed in the warres of Naples: There were dayly skyrmishes and tryal [Page 171] armes on both partes, and that with great contencion, the campe without planting their artillerie in many seueral places, and they within, not forgetting to repaire and fortefie with present diligence and assurance: And yet within fewe dayes, the defen­dants were constrayned to abandon the suburbes, which being taken, the ecclesia­sticks gaue a furious assault to the towne, wherein albeit their fortune made them a­ble to aduaunce their enseignes vpon the walls, yet by the vertue of the defendants they were eftsoones forced to retyre, suffering a great losse, in which action was hurt Anthony Sauelle: The defendants expressed the like vallour in an other assault, repul­sing the ennemy with a furie more resolut & a losse more generall, for that two hun­dred of them were either slayne or very sore wounded, wherein appeared with great merit the particular vallour of Aluyano, to whom was iustly giuen the principall glo­ry of that defense: for that within, he was of a liuely readines to all offices necessary, and without, with continuall erupcions and sallies, he kept tharmie of thennemie day and night in alarams: In this speciall action, he added much to his reputacion, that by his disposing, certeine light horsemen yssuing out of Ceruette (which the Vr­sins helde) should make incursions euen to the campe, and he him selfe taking thoc­casion of this tumult, charged them out of the towne, & put to flight the footebands that garded the artilleries, of which, he caried into Bracciana certeine small peeces: And albeit at length, rather ouerlayed with numbers, then ouercome in vallour, he and his companies were ouerwearied with the continuall trauells and perplexities of that warre, hauing neither the day nor the night fauorable to their quietnes: yet they began eftsoones to readresse them selues with hope of succors, for that Charles Vrsin, and Vitellozze, who was knit to the Vrsins by a bond of the faction of Guelffes, & being now passed into Italy vpon the vessells of Prouence come to Lyuorne, with mo­ney of the french king to reerect their bandes dispersed in the kingdome of Naples: they prepared to succor them in so great a daunger: for which cause Charles went to Soriana, to reassemble the olde souldiers, frendes and followers of the Vrsins: and Vitellozzo in Citta de Castello made the like leauy of the souldiers and footemen of the contrey, adioyning with great diligence, his whole strength to Charles at Soriano, ha­uing in his regiment two hundreth men at armes, and xviij. hundreth footemen of his owne, with proporcion of great artillerie vppon wheeles after the manner of Fraunce: By reason whereof the Capteines ecclesiastick, foreseeing that if they mar­ched forward, it could not but be daungerous to be inclosed in the middest of a cir­cle, betwene the new succors, and the olde ennemies within Bracciana, and withall, holding dishonorable to the renowme of merit and vallour, to leaue them in pray al the contrey thereaboutes, wherein he had sackt and made hauocke of diuerse bo­rowes: they leauied their campe from before Bracciana, and retyring all their great artilleries within Anguillare, they marched directly to that quarter where thenne­miesThe encown­ter of Soriana were: And encowntring them betwene Soriana and Bassan, they fought toge­ther with great furie for certeine howers: But in the ende (the successe of warres de­pending chiefly vpon the innocencie of the quarrell) albeit at the entry into the en­cownter, thecclesiasticks tooke prisoner Franciot Vrsin, yet their whole campe was put to flight, with the losse of their baggage and artilleries: They lost, what in the slaughter, and by taking prisoners, more then fiue hundred men, Amongest which prisoners were the Duke of Vrbyn, Iohn Peter of Gonsague Count of Nugolare, with many other bodies of marke: the Duke of Candia, lightly hurt in the face, and with him the Popes Legat, and Fabrice Colonne found safetie by fleeing into Roncillon. A­boue all the residue, Vitellozze caried the honor and merit of this victorie, for that [Page 172] the bandes of footemen of Citta Castello, who had bene afore trayned and managed by him and his brethren, with the orders and disciplines of the french, were that day greatly ayded by his industrie, & hauing armed them with pykes longer by an arme length then those which were customably vsed, they had so much aduauntage when they came to the shock with the footemen of thēnemies, that wounding them with the oddes of length in their pykes, they put them easily to the chase, so much the more to their greater honor, by how much in the contrary battell, there were eight hundred footemen of thAlmaines, of which nation the infanterie of Italy, haue had a continuall feare euer since the discending of king Charles: After this victory, the vi­ctors begon to ronne without resistance ouer all the contrey on this side Tyber, And afterward hauing passed part of their companies ouer the riuer beneath the hill Ro­tonde, they still inuaded those wayes where they supposed was any retrait for then­nemie: In regard of which daungers, the Pope applying his witts to the necessities of his affayres, studying to make a new leauy of men of warre, called to his succors from the kingdom of Naples, Consaluo, and Prosper Colonne: And yet not many dayes after, what by the diligence of thEmbassadors of Venice, to doe pleasure to thVrsins, and the solicitacion of the king of Spayne, fearing least these beginnings would draw some ill consequence or innouacion to the league: A peace was made, with a most ready inclinacion aswell of the Pope, who naturally hated exspences, as of the Vr­sins, who being no lesse poore in money, then naked in frendes, knew that their neces­sitie in the ende would compell them to yeld to the power of the Pope: The articlesCapitulacions betwene the Pope and the Vrsins. of the Pope were these: That it shoulde be suffered to the Vrsins to continue in the paye of the french till the ende of the tyme for the which they were hyered by the king, with expresse mention that they shoulde not be bownde to take armes against the Church: That all the places which they had lost in this warre should be resto­red, paying to the Pope fifty thowsand duckats, of the which thirty thowsand to be payd assoone as Iohn Iordan and Pavvle Vrsin shoulde be set at libertie, (for Virginio not many dayes before dyed within the castell of the egge, either of an ague, which was naturall, or by poyson which was violent and therefore much suspected) and the other twenty thowsand duckats within eight monethes: for assurance of which pay­ment, Anguillare and Ceruetre should be committed of trust into the keeping of the Cardinalls Askanius and S. Seuerin: That all the prisoners taken in the iorney at So­riana, shoulde be redeliuered, except the Duke of Vrbyn, for whose libertie, albeit thEmbassadors of the confederats made great trauell, yet the Pope would solicite nothing: for that he knew the Vrsins had ho meane to rayse the money they were to pay to him but by the raunsom of the Duke, for whome a litle after, was agreement made for xl. thowsand duckats, but with this adiection, that he should not be deliue­red afore Pavvle Vitelli (who remeyned prisoner to the Marquis of Mantua at the rendring of Atella) had obteyned his libertie without paying any raunsom.

The Pope hauing thus to his litle honor dispatched his hands of the warre against the Vrsins, made distribucion of money to the companies which Consaluo brought with him, whom ioyning to him his owne bandes, he sent to take Ostia as yet holden in the name of the Cardinall of S. P. ad vincla: wherein his successe communicating with his common fortune, was no lesse easie then speedy, for that assoone as he had braked his artilleries, the castell keeper rendred all to discression: After which victo­ry,Consaluo en­treth Rome. Consaluo made his entry into Rome almost in maner triumphant, with a hundreth men at armes, two hundreth light horsemen, & fifteene hundred footemen, all soul­diers of the spanish, leading before him as prisoner the castell keeper, whome a litle [Page 173] after he set at libertie: There came to meete him many Prelats of the Popes how­shold, with Cardinalls, followed with much people, and almost all the Court ron­ning with great desire to see a Capteine whose name bare so great fame and merit in Italy: By those Prelats he was led to the presence of the Pope sitting in the consisto­ry, who receiuing him with great honor, gaue him in testimony of his vallour, the rose which Popes are wont to bestow euery yeare: After this, Consaluo returned to reioyne eftsoones with king Federyk, who had inuaded the estate of the Prefect of Rome, and resumed all those places, which taken from the Marquis of Piscaire in the conquest of the kingdom, were bestowed vpon him by the french king: And hauing taken Sore and Arci (but not the castells,) he lay incamped before the rocke Guillau­me, for that he had had by accord the estate of the Count d'Olyuer, before he sold his Duchie of Sora to the Prefect of Rome.

But as there is no earthly blisse so perfect, which hath not his aleye with some bit­ternes or bale, nor no prosperitie so well assured, which draweth not with it his pro­per aduersities: So notwithstanding these felicities heaped vpon Federyk, yet he was not without his perplexities, not onely by his frendes, seeing Consaluo kept one part of Calabria in the name of the king of Spayne, but also of his enemies reconciled: for that the Prince of Bisignian, being one euening sore hurt by a certeine Greeke, as he went out of the new castell of Naples, the Prince of Salerne was in such feare that the blow was giuen by the kings commaundement in reuenge of thoffences passed, that immediatly (not dissembling the cause of his suspicion) he went from Naples to Sa­lerna: And albeit the king sent to vse at his will, the Greeke deteyned in prison, to iustifie (as the truth was) that he had giuen the blow for an iniurie to him done by the Prince of Bisignian in the honor and person of his wife: yet (in auncient & great grudges it is hard to establish a faithfull reconciliacion, for that it hath his propper impediments either by suspicion, or desire of reuenge) the Prince of Salerne coulde neuer after dispose him self to trust him: which ielousie, giuing yet some hope to the french (keeping still the Mont S. Ange, and other stronge places,) of some new inno­uacion or insurrection in the kingdom of Naples, procured them with more constan­cie to stand to their defenses.

In these seasons, were tokens and demonstracions of farre greater daungers inThe french prepare new enterprises a­gainst Italy. Lombardye, by the emocions of the french, assured for the present by the threatnings of the Spanish: for that passing betwene them, rather light incursions and apparan­ces of warre, then any thinge of notable action, sauing that the french burned the towne of Sausses: They had begon a parley of accord, and for the more easie negoci­acion of it, had made a surceasing of armes for two monethes: By meane whereof the french king, hauing a more facilitie to harken after the affayres of Genes and Sa­uona, dispatched to Ast an armie of a thowsand launces, three thowsand Svvyzzers and a like number of Gascoyns, aduertising Tryuulso his Liefetenant in Italy, to applye aydes to Baptistyn and the Cardinall of S. P. ad vincla: his intencion was to send af­ter, the Duke of Orleans with a stronge armie, to execute in his proper name then­terprise of the Duchie of Myllan: And to make more easie thaccion of Genes, he sent Octauyan Fregose to require the Florentyns to inuade at the same tyme Lunigana and the riuer of the East, ordeyning also that the sowtherne riuers should be troubled by Pavvle Baptysta Fregose with seuen gallies: This enterprise was begon with such a­stonishment to the Duke of Myllan, not prepared sufficiently of him selfe, and lesse sewertie of the aydes promised by the Venetians: that if it had proceeded with the same directions and councells, it coulde not but haue brought forth some effect of [Page 174] importance, and more easily in the Duchie of Myllan, then in Genes: for at Genes Iohn Lovvys de fiesque, & the Adornes, who were entred into reconcilement by the meane of Lodovvyk, had leauyed many bandes of footemen, and rigged at the charges of the Venetians and Lodovvyk an armie at sea, to the which were ioyned six gallies sent by Federyk: But the Pope interteyning the name of a confederat, more in councells and demonstracions, then in workes and meaninges, woulde not in those daungers contribute to any exspenses, neither by sea nor land: The proceedings of this expe­dicion were that Baptistyn, and with him Tryuulce, marched to Nony, of which towne Baptistyn had ben despoiled afore by the Duke of Myllan, but not of the castell, which he had alwayes kept, and held yet: But by reason of their comming in such stronge order, the Count Caiezze, which was there in garrison with threescore mē at armes, two hundreth light horsemen, and fiue hundred footemen, distrusting muche to be able to defend it, retyred to Sarauall: The conquest of this towne augmented great­ly the reputacion of the banished: for besides that the towne is capable of many people, it stoppes the passage from Myllan to Genes, and by reason of thopportunitie and seate of the place, it is very conuenient to endomage the contrey assisting: After this, Baptistyn made him selfe Lord of certeine other peeces neare to Nony, and at the same tyme the Cardinall with two hundreth launces, & three thowsand footemen, hauing taken Ventimille, coasted ouer to Sauona, where finding no insurrection by the inhabitants, and hauing espiall that Iohn Adorne approched with a stronge bande of footemen, he retyred to Altare, A place of the Marquis of Montferat distant eyght myles from Sauone: But Tryuulce in the beginning, did an action of greater impor­tance: for that hauing a desire to giue occasion to kindle the warre in the Duchie of Myllan, notwithstanding the kinges commission was to execut first the affayres of Genes and Sauone: he tooke Bosco a borow of great importance in the contrey of A­lexandria: Wherein this was his pretext & cooler, that for the sewertie of the bands which were gone to the East riuers, it was necessary to take from those of the Duke, the meane to goe into Alexandria vpon the landes of the Genovvays: But tempring his desire, with regard to the kinges commaundement, which he thought not reaso­nable to impugne manifestly, he forbare to passe further, losing a most fayre occa­sion: for that all the contrey there about drew into great sturre and tumult for the taking of that place, some for feare, as the multitude popular, some for desire of in­nouacion, which commonly is familiar with the condicion of witts least moderat: And of that side, there was no greater strength for the Duke, then fiue hundreth men at armes, and six thowsand footemen: besides, Galeas de Saint Seuerin, who was with in Alexandria began to distrust his defense without greater forces: And Lodovvyk him selfe, being vexed yet but with apparances and threatnings, showing him selfe no more tymorous in this aduersitie, then by the propertie of his nature he expres­sed in all other accidents, solicited the Duke of Ferrara to worke some accorde be­twene the french king and him: But the soiorning of Tryuulce betwene Bosco & No­ny, gaue sufficient tyme to Lodovvyk to furnish him selfe, and good respit to the Ve­netians (who seeming most ready and prepared for his defense, had sent afore to Ge­nes fifteene hundreth footemen) to send into Alexandria, bandes of men at armes & light horsemen: yea the Venetians appoynted the Count Petillane generall of their regimentes, (for that the Marquis of Mantua was withdrawne from their paye) to marche with the moste parte of their companies to the succors of that state: Thus thinges begon with so great hope, now growing cold, Baptistyn hauing nothing pro­fited at Genes, (for the citie was quiet for the prouisions that were made) returned to [Page 175] ioyne with Tryuulce, publishing that his exployts brought forth no successe of ser­uice, for that the riuer of the leuant was not assayled by the Florentyns, who iudged it not a councell wise to enter into warre, if first the thinges of Fraunce appeared not more prosperous and more puisant: In like sort came and ioyned with Tryuulce, the Cardinall ad vincla, by whom was done no other execution, then that he had taken certeine places of the Marquis of Finale, for that he declared him self for the defense of Sauone: The french armie drawne now all into one strength, made certeine offers to Castellat, a place neare to Bosco which had bene afore tyme fortefied by the Cap­teines of the Duke: But the armie of the confederats which reassembled in Alexan­dria, increasing dayly in qualitie of souldiers and quantitie of prouisions: And of the contrary, both money and vittells beginning to fayle amongest the french, and their Capteines not a litle impatient to obey Tryuulce, it was necessary for him to leaue Nony and Bosco to garrison, and retyre neare the towne of Ast.

It was beleued that the distribucion of the bandes into seuerall places, brought great harme to thenterprise, as often tymes hapneth in the like examples: And that if they all ioyned into one strength, had bene at the beginning addressed to Genes, thexpedicion perhaps had drawne some better successe: seeing that besides thincli­nacion of factions, and indignacion conceiued for Pietra santa, one part of the horse­men and footemen of the Almains, which the Duke sent thether, reuolted from the seruice and returned vpon the suddeine into their contrey: It might be also, that e­uen those who the yeare before had hindred the kinges discending into Italy, and the succors of the kingdom of Naples, applying now the same meanes, did giue impedi­ments to the present enterprise by the difficultie of prouisions: This likelihood of truth was iustified with a brute that ronne, that the Duke of Myllan (to the oppressi­on of his subiectes) made great presents to the Duke of Burbon, and others that had grace and fauor with the king, in which infamie the Cardinall of S. Mallovv had not the least interest: But whatsoeuer was in it, it is most certeine that the Duke of Orle­ans appoynted to passe to Ast, and called vppon by the vehement solicitacion of the king, made all his preparacions necessary for thexpedicion: But he lingred, either for that he distrusted the continuacion of the prouisions, or, (as some interpret) he had no forwardnes to depart out of Fraunce, the king being continually ill disposed of his health, and (in case of sterrilitie) the succession of the crowne apperteyning to him.

But the king reaping no frute of his hope for the mutacion of Genes and Sauona, continued with more diligence his practises begonne with the King and Queene of Spayne, which hetherto had bene lingered for this onely difficultie, that the frenche king desiring that he might be in libertie to prosecute his enterprises on this side the Mountes, would not that in the truce then in negociacion, should be comprehēded the things of Italy: And the kings of Spayne, showing that they made no difficultie to consent to his will for other respect then in regard of their honor, solicited much that the Italian actions might be comprehended, alleaging that the common inten­cion of them both being to make a trusse, to thende a peace might more easily suc­ceede, they might afterwards with greater libertie of honor & honestie, depart from the confederacion which they had with thItalians: In so much that after many mee­tings and discourses of thEmbassadors of both sides, (the Spanish suttelties in thend carying it) they made a trusse for them, their subiectes, and dependants, and also for such as either of them should name: which trusse beginning betwene them the fift day of march, (but betwene such as shoulde be nominated, fifty dayes after,) shoulde [Page 176] last vntill the ende of the next October: Euery one of them named those estates & Potentats of Italy which were their confederats & adherents, but the kings of Spaine named moreouer king Federyk and the Pysans: After this, they agreed to send men to Montpellyer to sollicit a peace, where were to assemble thEmbassadors of the confe­derats: In this practise the kinges of Spayne gaue hope to vnite them selues with the french king against thItalians vnder a certeyne occasion iustificable, and from that tyme, they commoned of factions & meanes to deuide the kingdom of Naples: The trusse, albeit it was made without the participation of the confederats of Italy, yet it was agreeable to them all, but specially acceptable to the Duke of Myllan, to whom nothing was more welcome then the meane to make cease the warre in his quarter: But the power remeyning free to offend one an other in Italy, vntil the xxv. of April, Tryuulce, Baptistyn, and Sereuon taking the aduauntage of that article, returned with fiue thowsand men to the riuer of the Sowth, where they assaulted the towne of Al­binge, which albeit they had almost caried at the first assault, yet they suffered repulse by a very small strength of thennemie, for that their entry was in disorder: After­wards they fell vpon the Marquisdom of Finale, to giue occasion to thItalian armie to make to their succors, hoping by that meanes to draw them to battell: which not succeedinge accordinge to their exspectacion, they did no further action of impor­tance, the discord of the Capteines continuing in increasing, & their payments fay­ling dayly more and more by reason of the trusse: In which tymes, the confederats had recouered all their places lost before (except Nony) which also they obteyned at last by composicion, notwithstanding the Count Caiazze which had beseeged it, had bene repulsed: There remeyned in the power of the french no other thinge of the places conquered, then certeine litle townes in the Marquisdom of Finale: du­ring all which emotions and styrrs, the Duke of Sauoye, who had bene solicited on all partes with no small promises, and the Marquis of Montferat (whose gouernment had bene confirmed by the king of Romains to Constantyn of Macedonia) stoode new­ters, declaring neither for the king nor for the confederats.

In this yeare was nothing done of importance betwene the Florentyns & the Py­sans, notwithstanding the warre continued without intermission: sauing that the Py­sans led, vnder the direction of Iohn Pavvle Mantfron foure hundred light horsemen, and fifteene hundred footemen, to recouer their bastyllion vppon the bridge of the poole, which they lost when the Emprour went to Lyuorne: The Count Riuucce ha­uing espiall of this enterprise, put him selfe vpon the way of Lyuorne, to reskewe the bastyllion with a good trowpe of horsemen: the Pysans not looking to be charged but by the way of Pontadere, were set vpon as they begon to assault the bastyllion, & being easily put to the chasse, many of them were made prisoners: But at last, armes and actions of warre ceased also betwene them, by reason of the trusse, notwithstan­ding it was with an ill wil accepted of the Florentyns, who iudged it very inexpedient for their affayres to giue leasure to the Pysans to take breath, seeing withall, that not­withstanding the trusse, necessitie compelled them to continue the same expenses, both for dowt of Peter de medicis, alwayes conspyring against them, and for feare of the Venetian bandes within Pysa, pyring to the soueraigne imperie of the whole.

Thus armes being layd a side on all partes, or at least at poynt to cease from all a­ction:The Duke of Myllan pra­ctiseth a­gainst the Venetians tou­ching Pysa. The Duke of Myllan, albeit in his latest daungers, he had expressed with what great contentment he embrased the Senat of Venice for the ready and full succours he had receiued from them: no lesse exalting with publike and heroicall words the vertue and power of the Venetians then greatly commending the prouidence of Iohn [Page 177] Galeas first Duke of Myllan, for that he had committed to the faith of the same Se­nat thexecution of his Testament: yet hauing no patience to endure that the pray of Pysa, followed by him with so many paynes and practises, should be transferred to them, as was likely in manifest apparance of reason, And therefore assaying to ob­teyne with industrie and councell, that which he could not winne with armes and force: he so wrought, that the Pope, and the Spanish Embassadors (to both which such a greatnes of the Venetians was displeasing) should set downe, that to leaue to the french no foundacion in Italy, as also to reduce all into one concord, it were ne­cessary to induce the Florentyns to enter into the common league, causing Pysa to be restored to them, seeing otherwayes they could not be brought to it: for that so long as they were seperated from the residue, they would not cease to stirre vp the french king to discend into Italy, to whom in such an action, they might (hauing their scitu­acion in the middest of Italy) with their money, and with their forces, doe thinges of great importance: But this proposicion was impugned by thEmbassador of Venice, as very preiudiciall to their common safetie, alleaging withall thinclinacion of the Florentyns to be such to the french king, that not with this benefitt, it was not reaso­nable to trust them, if they deliuered not sufficient securitie to obserue the thinges they should promise: And that in a matter of so great estate, there was no other sew­ertie, then to put Lyuorne into the handes of the confederats: This was very artifici­ally alleaged by him, to thend to haue alwayes a greater meane to gaynesay the pro­posicion, knowing well they would neuer consent to commit to deputacion a place of such respect for their estate: wherein, the matter drawing afterwardes such suc­cesse as he loked for, he still opposed against it with such vehemencie, that the Pope and the Duke of Myllans Embassador, not daring to obiect against him for feare to estraunge the Venetians from their frendship, the deuise rested there: And there be­gon betwene the Pope and the Venetians a new plot to turne away with violence the Florentyns from the amitie of the french: (The ill condicions of that citie giuing co­rage to whom so euer would offend it.)

For from the beginning that thauthoritie popular was founded, there was not in­troduced those temperatures, which assuring the libertie with due and reasonable meanes, might haue bene the let, that the common weale should not haue bene dis­orderedDisorders in [...]loren [...] for the gouern­ment. by the ignorance and licence of the multitude: In so much that the Citi­sens of greatest qualitie and condicion, being lesse esteemed then seemed conueni­ent, and on thother side, their ambicion being suspected to the people, and many of­tentymes intruding into deliberacions waighty who were but litle capable, and the soueraigne Magistrate to whome was referred the summe of the most waighty af­fayres, being chaunged from two monethes to two monethes, the common weale was gouerned with a great confusion: To this was added the great authoritie of Sa­uonarola, whose auditorys were almost entred into secret intelligēce: And albeit ther were amongest them many honorable Citisens, and they surpassing in number such as were of thoppinion contrary, yet it seemed Magistracies and publike honors were distributed rather to those that followed him, then to others of better merit: And therefore the city being manifestly deuided, in thassemblies and councels pub­like, one faction charged an other, no man making conscience (which hapneth in states falne into diuision) to hinder the benefit publike, to embase the reputacion of his aduersaries: These disorders were so much the more daungerous, by howe much, for the long trauells and great exspenses suffered by the sayd citie, there was that yeare a generall darth and want of vittells of all natures, by reason whereof it [Page 178] might be presumed that the people vexed with hungar, would be desirous of newe thinges.

This ill disposicion of the ciuill affayres of Florence, gaue hope to Peter de medicis, P. de medicis determineth once againe to returne to Florenes. (who besides those occasions was pushed on by certeine particular Citisens) to be able with ease to be Maister of his long and iust desire: And therefore applying in­dustrie and diligence to thoportunitie of the tyme, he communicated his intencion with the Cardinall Saint Seueryn his auncient frend, and with Aluyano in whom he much reapposed for the merits of his vallour and long familiaritie: And herein be­ing also secretly incouraged by the Venetians, to whom it seemed that by the trauells of the Florentyns, the affayres of Pysa would be assured: he determined to surprise the towne of Florence, the rather being aduertised that they had created their supreame Magistrate (which they cal Gonfaloniere of iustice) Bernardyn de Nero, A man of aun­cient grauitie and authoritie, and had bene of a continued frendshipoe with his fa­ther and him: hauing in the same election ioyned to him in assistance of that Magi­stracie certeine others, in whom (for auncient merit and benefits) he supposed was no small inclinacion to his greatnes: The Pope fauored this plot with his full liking and consent, desiring to deuide the Florentyns from the frenche kinge with iniuries, seeing he could not separate them with benefits: Neither was the Duke of Myllan against it, to whom it seemed that albeit he could not make a foundacion or intelli­gence stable with that citie, because of the disorders of the present gouernment: yet, on thother side, he tooke no delite in the returne of Peter, aswell for the wronges he had done him, as for dowt least he should depend too much of the authoritie of the Venetians. But assoone as Peter had leauyed, what by his owne meanes, and with the ayde of his frendes and fauorers, as much treasure as he could possible, hauing recei­ued (as was beleued) some small quantitie in prest of the Venetians, he went to Siena, and after him Aluyano with the horsemen & footemen, marching alwayes by night, and by wayes particular, to thende his comming might be conceiled from the Flo­rentyns: P. de medicis ayded by the of Siena. At Siena, by the fauor of Iohn Iacques, and Pandolphe Petrucci principalls in that gouernment, and assured frendes to his house, he was secretly refurnished with bandes of souldiers: So that with six hundreth horsemen, & foure thowsand foote­men of choyse, two dayes after the truce was begon, (wherein they of Sienna were comprehended) he put him on the way to Florence, hoping that ariuing there by the breake of the day, and at vnwares, he should finde his entrey easie, either for the ge­neral disorder or special tumult, which he exspected would rise in his fauor: A plot which happely had drawne some good yssue for him, if fortune had not supplyed the negligence of his aduersaries: for, as in the beginning of the night, he was lodged in the tabernacles (certein smal houses vpon the high way) with intencion to march the residue of the night, so he was so hindred by wonderfull raynes and stormes con­tinuing long, that he could not present him selfe before Florence, till long space afterP. de medicis fayleth of his enterprise. the sunne rising: A chaunce which gaue leasure to such as made profession to be his particular enemies (for the communaltie and all the rest of the Citisens stirred not, exspecting quietly what woulde be the yssue of thinges) to take armes with their frendes and followers, and to prouide that the citisens suspected should be called & restrayned in the publike pallaice by the Magistrats: And lastly to make them selues stronge at the gate which leades to Siena, was at their request Pavvle Vitelli ariuing there the night before, in his returne from Mantua: In so much as no commotion appearing in the citie, & Peter not stronge enough to force the gate (which he had approched within a bow shoote:) And after he had remeyned there foure howers, [Page 179] fearing with his daunger the suddeine comming of their men at armes, whome he thought (and his conceite was true) the Florentyns had sent for from the seruice of Pysa: he returned to Sienna where Aluiano parting from him, and let into Tody by the Gu [...]lffes, he sacked almost all the houses of the Gebelyns, and put to the slaughter liij. of the principall bodies of that faction: According to which example, Anthonie Sa­uelle entred into Terny, and Gattesquies, by the fauor of the Colonnoys, and lett into Vi­terby, did the like execucions against the Guelffes in both the one and the other place, and all the peeces thereabouts: without that the Pope prouided for so great disor­ders in the state ecclesiastike, because he abhorred all exspenses in like cases, & bea­ring by the propertie of his nature, no compassion to the calamities of others, he was nothing troubled with those thinges that offended his honor, so that his profits or pleasures were nothinge hindered: yet he coulde not auoyde the secret iustice of God, expressed in domesticall miseries, troubling his house with examples tragicall, and a whordom and crueltie horrible aboue all the barbarous regions: for where he had determined from the beginning of his election pontificall, to appropriat all tē ­porall greatnes to the Duke of Candia his eldest sonne: The Cardinall of Valence (who altogether estraunged from priesthood, aspired to thexercise of armes) hauing no patience to suffer that place to be vsurped by his brother, & enuying withall thatThe Cardinal of Valence killeth his brother the Duke of Candia, be­ing both the Popes sonnes. he had better part then he in the loue of Madonne Lucrecia their common sister: in­flamed with lust, and with ambicion (mighty ministers to all mischiefs) caused him to be killed one night as he rode alone in the streetes of Rome, casting his bodye se­cretly in the riuer of Tyber: The brute was (if such an enormitie be worthy to be be­leued) that in the loue of Mad. Lucrecia were concurrant, not onely the two brethren but also the father, who when he was chosen Pope, taking her from her husband be­ing inferior to her degree, he maried her to Iohn Sforce, Lorde of Pesere: And after­wards, not able to suffer her husband to be his corriuall, he made dissolucion of theThe Pope abhominable in the lust of his daughter. mariage already consomated, hauing made proofe, before Iudges & delegats of his owne creacion, by witnesses subborned & afterwards confirmed by apostolicall sen­tence, that her husband was imperfect in the operacion of nature, and vnable to co­habitacion: The death of the Duke of Candia, afflicted not a litle the Pope burning aboue all other Popes in a vehement loue to his children: ‘And as it is the greatest tryall of wisedom and courage of men, to be temperat in mortall chaunces: so, such as are not accustomed to aduersities, haue least rule ouer their passions, & they that neuer felt but prosperitie, can litle iudge of the worthines of patience: This Pope was so vnacquainted with the accidents of fortune,’ & much lesse enured with earth­ly losses and priuacions, that from his infancie to that age all thinges had happely succeeded to him: the same making this affliction so greeuous and intollerable to him, that in the consistory, after he had with a great compassion of minde, and pub­like teares, greeuously bewayled his miserie, accusing many of his propper actions, and manner of liuing which he had vsed till that day: he assured with wordes full of efficacie, that hereafter he would gouerne his life with other thoughtes, and with a forme of liuing more moderat and ruled: And for a beginning he assigned presently certeine of the number of Cardinalls, to ioyne with him in the reformacion of ma­ners & orders of the Court: wherein after he had employed certeine dayes, at what tyme began to be manifest the author of the death of his sonne, (for the which at the first, he had the Cardinall Askanius and the Vrsins in stronge suspicion) he left there his former holy intencion, his teares, and all his complaints, and returned more dis­orderly then euer, to those thoughtes and operacions, wherin he had consumed his [Page 180] age till that day.

There hapned in those seasons new trauells within Florence, by reason of thenter­priseThe faction and intelli­gence which Peter de me­dicis had in Florence is discouered. of Peter de medicis: for thintelligence and faction which he had with certeyne particlers in the citie, was disclosed: by reason whereof many noble Citisens were imprisoned, and some fled, And after the Magistrates had vsed meanes iudicial to ve­rifie the order of the conspiracie, not onely many were condemned to death which had solicited him to come and giuen him releefe of money: but also Bernardyn de Nero, to whom was imputed no other thing, then that knowing the practise, he had not reuealed it, which fault (of it selfe punishable by the head by the statutes of the Florentyns, and by thinterpretacion which most part of lawyers giue to the common lawes) was found so much the more haynous in him, by howe much he was chiefe Magistrate when Peter came to Florence, as if he had bene more greatly bownd to do the office rather of a person publike, then priuate: But the parents and kindred ap­pealing from the sentence, to the great councell of the people, and that by vertue of a law made when the popular gouernment was established: Those that had bene au­thors of the condemnacion, fearing least the compassion of the age, of the nobility, and of the multitude of parentes, woulde moderat in the mindes of the people, the straitnes of the iudgement, wrought so muche that they obteyned, that to the lesser nūber of the Citisens, should be referred the resolucion, whether the appeale should be suffered to be prosecuted or restrayned: wherein, being more stronge the autho­ritie and number of them which held it a thing daungerous, and no lesse drawing to sedicion, seeinge that the Lawes them selues suffered, that to auoyde tumultes, the statutes in like cases might be dispensed withall: some of those that helde the chiefe offices, were with great importunities, and almost by force, and with threatninges, constrayned to consent, that notwithstanding thappeale interposed, execucion was done the same night: To which extreame iustice, appeared more affectioned then the others, the followers of Sauonarole, not without his proper infamie, forbearing to disswade (euen his auditors) the violacion of a law published a few yeares before by him selfe as a statute conuenient and necessary for the preseruacion of the common libertie.

In this yeare, Federyk king of Naples, hauing obteyned of the Pope thinuestitureThe Pope in­uesteth Vede­ [...] the kingdom of Naples. of the kingdom, and making his coronacion perfect with all solemnities, recouered by accord, Mont Saint Ange, which had bene valiantly defended by Dom Iulian de Lorraine, whom the french king left there: he reconquered also Ciuita, with other peeces holden by Charles de Sanguyn: And assoone as the truce was ended, he chas­sed out of the realme the Prefect of Rome, conuerting his forces to execute the like action vpon the Prince of Salerne, who being at last beseeged, in the rocke of Dyana, & abandoned of all succors, had permission to goe his way in safetie with his goods, leauing that part of his estate which he had not yet lost, in the handes of the Prince of Bisignian, with condicion to passe it ouer to Federyk, assoone as he vnderstoode that he was conduted in safetie to Sinigale.

About the ende of this yeare (the dyet which had bene transferred from Mont­pellier New practi­ses betvene the kinges of Fraunce and Spayne. to Narbonne, being afore interrupted by the immoderat demaunds of the king and Queene of Spayne) the french king & the sayd king of Spayne, returned eftsoones to new practises, wherein were founde the same difficulties that before: for that as the french king had determined not to consent to any accord wherein Italy shoulde be comprehended: so it was against the pollicie of the Spanyard to leaue him a liber­tie free, & a way open to subdue the iurisdiction of it: And yet it was farre from the [Page 181] desires of the Spanish to interteyne warres with him on thother side the Mountes, because it was a warre full of troubles and exspenses, and no hope of honor or pro­fit: At last the truce was concluded betwene them, to indure (without limitacion) till it were reuoked and two monethes after: There was no Potentat of Italy compre­hended in it to whom the king of Spayne gaue signification of the trusse and the ar­ticles and capitulacions of the same, alleaging that in him was no lesse power to resolue the contract without the knowledge of the other confederats, then the duke of Myllan made it lawfull (without their consent or priuitie) to conclude the peace of Verceill: And albeit (according to the forme and couenants of the league) he had begon the warre in Fraunce, and continued it many moneths, without receiuing one porcion of the money promised by the confederats, wherein he had iust occasion not to make care of them that had consented to his disappoynting: yet he had by many meanes and tymes aduertised them, that if they would make payment of the hundreth and fifty thowsand duckats, which they ought to him for the exspenses of the warre he had made, he was contented to accept that payment, in reckoning of all other actions and enterprises hereafter (hauing determined to enter Fraunce with a stronge armie:) Whereunto as the confederats would show no wil or inclinacion, and much lesse keepe faith, or be carefull ouer the common safetie: So he in that re­gard, and seeing withall that the league made for the libertie of Italy, was turned in­to an vsurpacion and oppression of the regions of the same, for that the Venetians not contented with so many portes falne to their share in the kingdom of Naples, had made thē selues Lordes ouer Pysa without any right he could not but hold it indiffe­rent, reasonable, and iust, seeing by others, the affayres common were disordered, to prouide for his owne particular with a truce, bearinge notwithstandinge suche a forme and manner, that it may rather be called an admonicion, then a will to seperat from the league: for that it was alwayes in his power to dissolue or reuoke it, which he would doe, when he shoulde discerne an other intencion, with other prouisions, in the Potentats of Italy, for the stay of the common benefit: About this tyme dyed Iohn Prince of Spayne, onely sonne to the Kinge and Queene, to whome the accident brought no small sorowes and heauines, for that, besides disappoynting of the suc­cession, his death gaue no litle impediments to the sweete delites & pleasures which they reckoned to reape in their new tranquillitie and rest.

To this was also ioyned the death of Phillip Duke of Sauoye, leauing for a posteri­tie,Phillip Duke of [...] one sonne of litle age, and therefore of no iudgement touching his exspectacion or towardnes: This late Duke, after he had wauered long tyme in suspense and new­tralitie, beholding all their actions without mocion or inclinacion particular, see­med at last to fauor the faction of the confederats, who had promised to pay him e­uery yeare, twenty thowsand duckats: And yet euery one of them had so great dout of his faith, that they could assure nothing of his promises and trueth, if the frenche king should discend to make any stronge enterprise.

With this yeare, ended the two yeares touching the deputacion of the castell ofThe castell of Genes ren­dred [...] Duke of [...] Genes, which the Duke of Ferrara, (receiuing it in trust) did eftsoones render to Lodo­vvyk his sonne in law: he first demaunded of the french king, that according to the capitulacions of Verceill, he would see him satisfied of the halfe of thexspenses em­ployed in the garde and keeping of it, whereof the king consented to make paymēt, so that the Duke would put into his handes the castell, as he sayd he was bownd for the inobseruacion of the Duke of Myllan: To this the Duke of Ferrara aunswered, that that was not verefied, and that to put the Duke of Myllan in contumacie, it were [Page 182] necessary to haue interpellacion: The kinge offered to committe the money into a third mans hand, to thende that afore payment were made, there might be constru­ction in iustice, reason, and lawe, whether he ought not to render to him the castell: But the instance made to the contrary by the Venetians and his sonne in lawe, caried farre more force in the fancie of the Duke of Ferrara: wherein he was not onely mo­ued by the prayers and solicitacions of Lodovvyk, who not many dayes before, had indued the Cardinall Hippolite his sonne, with tharchbishoprike of Myllan: but also he had regard to the daungers that threatned him, if he shoulde prouoke the malice of so mighty ennemies, specially at a tyme wherin was continuall diminucion of the hope that the french men would discend: So that, applying his actions to thinclina­cion of the tyme, he first called home from the Court of Fraunce, his sonne Ferrand, and then surrendred the castell to Lodovvyk, who satisfied all charges for keeping it, together with the porcion which apperteyned to the king to pay: By reason wher­of, the Venetians, to expresse how much they congratulated his doings, toke his sayd sonne into their pay, with a hundred men at armes: This restitucion made with no iustice, albeit was of great importance against the kinges reputacion in Italy, yet he dissembled the wronge, and made no such apparance of disliking as was conuenient to the grauitie of the dishonor: And that which more is, the Duke of Ferrara, excu­sing the action by an Embassador sent to his Maiestie, that by reason of the neigh­bourhood of the Venetians and Duke of Myllan, (both prepared to pronownce warre against him) he was constrayned to obey necessitie: yet the king gaue as negligent eare, as if the nature of the matter had bene light and trifling: Wherein this might be one reason of the kinges negligence, that, besides he proceeded almost at auen­ture in all his actions, yet he was ouerwearied with a continuall care and trauell of minde, ioyned to his auncient deuocion to repasse into Italy, hauing now greater oc­casions then euer, for that he had made truce with the king of Spayne, renewed thal­liance with the Svvyzzers, ‘and many late causes of disagreement hapned amongest the confederats: But as for the most part, matters of enterprise do nourish their pro­per impediments, and to Princes their desires doe seldom succeede, when their neg­ligence is more common then their resolucions certeine:’ so, the kinges disposicion was ouerruled with newe meanes subborned by suche as were in moste principall grace about him: Wherof some set afore him his pleasures, others encouraged him to embrase thenterprise, but with so mighty preparacions both by sea and lande, and with so great prouisions of money, as could not be refurnished but with a long space and interposicion of tyme, others made the action slowe & impossible by many dif­ficulties and obiections: And the Cardinal of S. Mallovv forgat not his accustomed delayes in thexpedicion of money: In so much, that not onely the tyme to marche into Italy, was more incerteine then euer: but also many things were suffered to sus­pend and miscary, which were almost brought to their perfection: for the Florentyns (continually incensing the king to marche) had contracted with him, to take armes on their sides, assoone as the warre should begin by him, and for that effect, they did agree that Monsr d'Aubigny with an hundred and fifty french launces (the hundred to be payed by the king, and the fifty to be mercenary by them) shoulde passe by sea into Tuskane, to be generall of their armie: And the Marquis of Mantua, who when he returned victorious from the kingdom of Naples, had bene dishonorably disap­poynted of the pay of the Venetians, for suspicion that he solicited to be mercenary to the french king: did now with great diligence and in good earnest, negociat with him to that ende: The new Duke of Sauoye was confirmed in his good amitie and [Page 183] alliance: Bentyuole promised to follow his authoritie, assoone as he were come into Italy: And the Pope, dowting whether he should ioyne with him, (as he was conti­nually labored) determined at the least not to be against him.

But all exspectacions began nowe to dissolue, and mens mocions and mindes to grow colde for the detraction and negligence which the king vsed: for that, neither his men of warre, (as was promised) passed into Italy to reassemble at Ast: neither was Monsr d'Aubigny dispatched, and much lesse money sent to pay the Vrsins & the Vitellis his souldiers, (A thing of no litle importance for the warre he ment to make) By reason whereof the Vitellis inclining to enter pay with the Venetians, the Floren­tyns who feared they shoulde not haue sufficient respit to giue aduertisement to the king, kept them interteyned for one yeare in common, for the seruice of the king & them selues: The king commended much these actions in them, but he made no ra­tificacion nor prouision of payment for his part: onely he sent Gemell to them, to in­treate them to lend him for the furniture of his enterprise, an hundred & fifty thow­sand duckats: Lastly, the king (as he did at other tymes) measuring the wils of others by his owne, left all thinges to confusion, and departed almost vppon the suddeine from Lyon, to goe to Tovvars, and then to Amboyse, with his accustomed promises to returne immediatly to Lyon.

For which respects, hope fayling in all those that followed his faction in Italy: Bap­tistyn The Duke of Myllan pro­secutes his practise a­gainst the Ve­netians. Fregose was the first that reconciled him selfe with the Duke of Myllan, who ta­king courage by these good euentes and successes, discouered euery day more and more, the ill disposicion he bare towards the Venetians for the regard of Pysa, solici­ting (with continuall importunities) the Pope, and the king of Spayne, eftsoones to call into question (but with more efficacie) A parliament for the restoring of the same citie: And the better to aduaunce the practise, the Florentyns, receiuing coun­cell and direction from him, dispatched an Embassador to Rome, but with a commis­sion quallified to proceede so aduisedly, that the Pope & the residue might perceiue, that if Pysa were rendred to them, they would ioyne in vnitie with the others for the defense of Italy, against the french: But in case the restitucion of the citie succeeded not, to keepe all things from the knowledge of the french, to whom they were care­full to giue any occasion to hold them dowtfull or suspected: This conference con­tinued many dayes at Rome, wherein was omitted nothing by the Pope, thEmbassa­dors Spanish, the Duke of Myllan, and the king of Naples, that might reasonably in­duce the Venetian Embassador to hold it necessary for the common sewertie of Ita­ly, that by the redeliuery of that citie, the Florentyns might participat in the generall league against the french: They told him that the Senat of Venice ought to consent thereunto together with others, to thende, that the rootes of all emotions and trou­bles being supplanted, there should remeyne to no estate or degree in Italy, any oc­casion to call eftsoones forreine armes ouer the Mountes: They told him also that if in that regarde the vnitie of Italy suffered impediment, there woulde perhaps be gi­uen, matter & occasion to others to take new councells, by the which (to the com­mon preiudice) might happen some alteracion of importance. But to this, was quite contrary the deliberacion of the Senat of Venice, who couering their couetousnes with many coolers, and no lesse perceiuing from whome proceeded principally so great an instance, made aunswer by the same Embassador, complayning not a litle that such a mocion proceeded not of a respectiue care to the [...]niuersall benefit, but of an ill tempered affection which some of the confederats bare to them: for that (sayth he) the Florentyns, hauing with the french men a secret affinitie and coniun­ction [Page 184] of minde, and being perswaded that by their returning into Italy, the most part of Tuskane woulde diuolue to their rule and iurisdiction: it was without dowt, that to reestablish them in Pysa, would not suffice to draw them from so ambicious incli­nacion: But of the contrary, the restitucion was a thing daungerous, for that by how much they should be mighty and stronge, by so much would they be hurtfull to the sewertie and quiet of Italy: he sayd that in this restitucion, it went of the honor and faith of euery one, but principally of their common weale, seeing the confederats hauing promised the Pysans with one consent to protect their libertie, & afterwards (euery one in particular putting an vnwilling hand to furnish thexpenses of the cō ­mon busines) imposed the whole burden vpon them alone, who (for that cause) had refused no charges, cares, nor trauells, it coulde not but turne to their speciall disho­nor, to leaue them abandoned when they were in most necessitie of staye and com­fort, and to withdraw their faith and promise, which though others esteemed litle, yet with them it had alwayes caried this reputacion, not to suffer stayne or violacion in any sorte: he alleaged it was a thinge moste greeuous to the Senat of Venice, that (without respect reasonable) others sought to lay vppon them by imputacion, that which had bene begon with one common and generall consent, and continued for the benefit of euery one, and that with so great an ingratitude, they were punished for their good workes: That thintollerable exspenses which they had defrayed in this enterprise and many others, ioyned to so many perills and trauells susteyned since the creacion of the league, deserued not such recompense & retribucion, their actions bearing that nature and quallitie both for exspenses, pollicie, and care, that they may say with reason and iustice, that Italy hath bene preserued by their meane: for that neither the battell of Taro was fought with other armes then theirs, nor the kingdom of Naples recouered with other forces then of their common weale: That no other armie constrayned Nouare to render, and chased the french king to returne beyond the Mountes: That no other strength then theirs, was opposed against him in Pyemont, as often as he assayed to returne: And that it coulde not be denyed that those actions proceeded not principally of the desire they had to protect the safetie of Italy, seing as their estates were alwayes furthest remoued from perills, so, for their occasion, there were no disorders hapned which they ought to readdresse or amēd: for they called not the frenche kinge into Italy, nor accompanied him when he was come ouer the Mountes, & much lesse for sparing their proper treasures, haue they suffered to fall into perill, the affayres common and vniuersall: No, rather necessitie and occasion haue so required, that the Senat of Venice did giue remedy to the dis­orders happened by the faultes of others, to the common harmes of the whole: All which operacions, albeit they were not knowē, or though they were so soone com­mitted to forgetfulnes, yet they would not for all that (forbearing the ill excusable example of others) defile neither the faith nor dignitie of their common weale, the rather, for that to the preseruacion of the libertie of the Pysans, was ioyned the sew­ertie and well doing of all Italy.

Whilest thinges passed in these practises amongest the confederats, with a mani­festThe death of king Charles the eyght. and generall disagreement, there hapned a newe accident, which engendred ef­fects diuerse and much different from the thoughtes of men: The night before the eyght day of April, king Charles dyed at Amboyse, of a catter he which the Phisicions cal apoplexie, the same rising in him with such abundance, as he beheld a match plai­ed at tennysse, that in fewe howers he ended at the same place his life, duringe the which, he had with greater importunitie then vertue, troubled the whole worlde, [Page 185] with great apparance of daunger to kindle eftsoones newe fiers of innouation and troubles: for that it was beleued of many, that being pushed forwardes with a vehe­ment desire to returne into Italy, he had in the ende, either of his proper knowledge, or by the emulacion of such as bare enuy to the Cardinall of S. Mallovv, remoued al the difficulties that had withholden thaction: In so much, that albeit in Italy (accor­ding to his variations) sometymes he increased, and sometymes he diminished the opinion that men had that he would marche: yet he kept them in continuall suspi­cion, and made his intencions to trouble their coniectures and councells: And for that cause, the Pope puffed with ambicion to rayse his sonnes, had begon already to solicit with him touching some secret innouacion, the Duke of Myllan hauing done the like (as was bruted) to thende he would not liue in continuall feare.

King Charles dying without yssue, the realme of Fraunce descended to Lovvys Lo [...]ys Duke of Orleans [...] the cro [...]ne. Duke of Orleans, as nearer in blud then any other of the masculyne lyne: to whome (remeyning then at Bloys) came to doe reuerence, the kinges garde, and all the gene­rall trayne of the Court, together with the nobilitie of the kingdome, by whome he was saluted as king with titles and inuocacions royall, notwithstanding some did se­cretly murmure, that (according to thauncient statutes of the lande) he was vnwor­thy to aspire to the crowne, against the which he had taken armes in the warres of Brittaine.

The day after the death of king Charles, (a day obserued in many places by a cele­bracionThe death of Sauonar [...]a. and solemnitie of palmes) tooke ende the authoritie, life, and doctrine of Sa­uonarola: who hauing bene long tyme before accused by the Pope, that he preached slaunderously against the manners of the Clergy and Court of Rome, that he nouri­shed sects and discordes in Florence, & that his doctrine was not fully catholyke, and for those reasons called to Rome by many writs, refused to appeare there, alleaging many excuses: and therefore after much a doe he was at last (the yeare before) sepa­rated by the Pope with censures from the fellowship of the Church: of which sen­tence (hauing absteyned from preaching for certeine monethes) he had easily ob­teyned absolucion, if he had longer continued, for that the Pope, who held slender reckoning of Sauonarola, had proceeded against him more by the incensing and per­swacion of his aduersaries, then any other occasion: But he iudging that it was for his silence, that his reputacion came so to be diminished, or at least, that it brake the purpose for the which he stirred (for he was principally aduaunced for his vehemē ­cie in preaching) he fell eftsoones to despise the Popes commaundements, and re­turned publikely to his olde office, wherein affirming that the censures published a­gainst him were vniust & of no force, he opened his mouth eftsoones to blaspheme the Pope and the whole court of Rome with great vehemencie: of this arose no small emotion, for that his aduersaries (whose authoritie increased dayly in greatnes with the people) detested such inobedience rebuking the action, for that by his innouaci­on and rashenes, the Popes minde was drawne in vncerteinties and alteracion, in a tyme specially, wherein the restitucion of Pysa being negociated by him and the o­ther confederats, it was necessary to doe all thinges to confirme him in that inclina­cion: On the other side, his disciples and partakers defended and iustified him, allea­ging that men ought not for the regard of humane thinges, to trouble the operaci­ons diuine, nor consent that vnder such coolers, the Popes of Rome should begin to intrude into thaffayres of their common weale: But after there were certeine dayes spent in this contencion, & the Pope wonderfully inflamed, sending out new thun­derbolts with threates of censures against the whole citie: he was at last commaun­ded [Page 186] by the Magistrats of the citie to forbeare to preach, to whom though he obey­ed, yet diuerse of his brethren supplyed his office in sundry Churches: And the di­uision being no lesse amongest the spiritualtie then the layetie, the Fryers and bre­thren of other orders ceased not to preach feruently against him: arising at last into such high and malicious inflammation, that one of the disciples of Sauonarole, & one of the Frear minors, agreed to enter into the fier in the presence of the whole peo­ple, to thende that the disciple of Sauonarole either being burned or preserued, the people might be left satisfied and certeine whether Sauonarole were a Prophet or an abuser: seeing that at tymes afore, he had affirmed in his sermons, that for the iustifi­cacions of the truth of his prophecies, he could in all necessities obteyne of God the grace, to passe without hurt, thorow the middest of a flaming fire: And yet notwith­standing greuing not a litle with the resolucion made without his priuitie touching a present experience, he labored to breake it with all his deuises and diligence: But the matter being so farre proceeded of it selfe, and earnestly solicited by certeine ci­tisens desiring to haue the towne deliuered of so great troubles, it was necessary at last to passe further: In so much as the two religious brethren, accompanied with all their brotherhoods and couent, came at the day appointed to the place afore the publike pallaice, where was not onely a general concursse of the people of Florence, but vniuersall assemblies of the cities adioyning: There the Fryer Minors were ad­uertised that Sauonarole had ordeyned, that his disciple and brother entring the fire, should beare in his hand the Sacrament: which deuise they impugned greatly, allea­ging that there was sought by that meane to put in daunger thauthoritie of Christi­an faith, which in the mindes of thignorant would not a litle decline if that holy oste should be burned: by which contencion, Sauonarole being there present, & perseue­ring in his resolucion, there arose such factions and disagrements, that the action of experience proceeded no further, the same diminishing so much of his credit, that the day following in a tumult then hapning, his aduersaries tooke armes: whereun­to being ioyned thauthoritie of the souereigne Magistrat, they entred the Monaste­ry of S. Marke where he was, and drawing him out of the place, they ledde him with two other of his brethren to the common prisons: In this tumult, the parentes of those that had bene executed the yeare before, killed Francisque Vatori a Citisen of great authoritie, and the most apparant fauorer and follower of Sauonarole: the chief mocion inducing this quarrell, was, that aboue all others, his authoritie had depri­ued them of the facultie to haue recourse to the iudgement of the councell popu­lar: Sauonarole was afterwards examined with torments but not very greeuous, and vpon the examinacion, a processe published, which (taking away all imputacions that were layed on him for couetousnes, corrupcion of manners, or to haue had se­cret intelligence or practise with Princes) conteyned, that the matters by him pro­phesied, were not pronownced by reuelacion diuine, but by his propper opinion grounded vpon the doctrine and obseruacion of holy Scripture: Wherein he had not bene moued by any wicked intencion or purpose, & much lesse by that meane, to aspire to any office or greatnes in the Church: onely he had a holy desire, that by his meanes might be called a generall councell wherein might be reformed the cor­rupt customes of the Clergie, and the estate of the Church of God, (so farre wan­dred and gone astray) to be reduced, as neare as might be, to the resemblance of the tymes drawing nearest the Apostles: A glory, which, to giue perfection to so great and holy an operacion, he esteemed farre aboue the obteyning of the popedom: for that the one could not succeede but by meane of an excellent doctrine and vertue, [Page 187] and a singular reuerence of all men: where the Popedom most often was obteyned, either by sinister meanes, or else by the benefitt of fortune: vppon which processe confirmed by him in the hearing & presence of many religious persons euen of his owne order, but (if that be true which his owne faction bruted afterwardes) with wordes darke, and such as might receiue diuerse interpretacions: there were taken from him and his two other companions with ceremonies instituted by the church of Rome, the holy orders, and that by sentence of the generall of the Iacobins and of the Bishop Romolyn, Commissioners delegate by the Pope: And so being passed o­uer to the power of the secular Court, they were (by their iudgements) hanged and burned, being at the spectacle of the degradacion & execucion, no lesse multitudes of people, then at the day of the experience of entring the fire, when was an infinit concursse to beholde the yssue of the miracle promised by Sauonarole: This death constantly endured (but without expressing any word whereby might be discerned, either their innocencie or fault) quenched not the diuersitie of iudgements and pas­sions of men: for that many supposed he was but an abuser: and others (of the con­trary) beleued, that the confession that was published was falsely forged, or per­haps, in his aged and weake complexion, the torments had more force then the truth: wherin they excused that manner of frailtie with the example of S. Peter, who neither imprisoned, nor constrayned with torments, or by any other extraordinary force, but at the simple wordes of the handmaides and seruantes, denied that he was the disciple of his Maister, in whom he had seene so many holy miracles.

The ende of the third booke.

LOWYS Duke of Orleans succeedeth to the crowne of Fraunce: he determineth to recouer his Duchie of Myllan: Pysa and Florence make warre: Lodowyk Sforce fleeth from Myllan: the Florentyns giue batterie to Pysa, and agree with the french king: Pope Alexander aspireth for his sonne to the iurisdiction of Romagna: Lodowyk Sforce recouereth Myllan, but being betrayed by the Swyssers, he is taken, and led into Fraunce.

THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE historie and discoursse of Guicciardin.

IT was almost an vniuersall coniecture amongest thItalians, that by the death of king Charles, al the regions of Italy were now deliuered of those feares, afflictions, & daungers which the power and nation of the french did threaten: Their o­pinions were induced by this reason, that the newe Kinge Lovvys presently ascended to the crowne, would not intan­gleLowys 1 [...]. the beginning of his raigne with forrein warres, hauing first to looke with great study into the state of his owne go­uernment [Page 188] at home, which commonly to kinges newly inuested, bringes many cau­ses of new councells & alteracions: But the spirits of such as discoursed with iudge­ment vpon the trayne and euent of things, nourished alwayes a secret suspicion, that thafflictions that then were but defferred, would with tyme redouble, and rise grow­ing to greater daungers and more generall harmes, specially so great an Empire be­ing falne vpon a king rype in age, full of experience, ruled in his councells, resolut in action, moderat in exspenses, and in all things (without comparison) holding more of him selfe, then did his predecessor: and to whom withal, did apperteyne (as in the right of the crowne of Fraunce) not onely the inheritance of the realme of Naples, But also he menteyned that the Duchie of Myllan was his freehold by the successi­onThe title of the french king to the Duchie of Myllan. of the Lady Valentina his grandmother, who was maried by Iohn Galeas Visconte his father (afore that, of viccare of thEmpire, he had obteyned the title of the Duke of Myllan) to Lovvys Duke of Orleans, brother to kinge Charles the sixt: At which mariage, there was added to the state of the dowrye (which was the citie & contrey of Ast with great summes of money) an expresse condicion, that as often and when so euer as the lyne masculyne of the sayde Galeas shoulde fayle, the Lady Valentina should succeede to the Duchie of Myllan, or she being dead, her next heires and dis­cendents: which couenant albeit stronge enough of it selfe, was confirmed (if the frenche tradicions be true) by the authoritie of the Pope (thimperiall seate beinge voyd at that tyme, for the Popes of Rome pretend that the administracion of thEm­pire vacant belongeth to them:) by which meanes, the blud male of Iohn Galeas, de­termining afterwards by the death of Phillipp Maria Visconte, Charles Duke of Orle­ans, sonne to the Lady Valentina, began to pretēd to the succession of the sayd duke­dom: But as thambicion of Princes is ready to helpe on their titles with euery ap­parant coler, so there aspired at the same time to the sayd dukedom, not only thEm­prour Federyk, alleaging that it was reuerted to the Empire, for that the lyne nomi­nated in thinuestiture made to Iohn Galeas by Vincislaus king of Romaines, was extinct and dissolued: But also Alphonso king of Aragon and Naples, who was instituted heire by the Testament of Duke Phillipp: And amongest the residue, Frauncis Sforce with a fortune, force, and felicitie, more fauorable then the others, quarrelled the same ti­tle, who to giue a better shadowe to the armies which he leuyed in that cause, allea­ged that his wife Blanche, the onely daughter (but a bastard) of Phillipp, had peculiar interest in that succession: So that Charles Duke of Orleans, who (being taken priso­ner at the battell of Agincourt in the warres betwene thenglish and french, and re­meyning restrayned in England xxv. yeares) was able to doe nothing, by reason of his pouertie and hard fortunes to iustifie his title, and much lesse could he obteyne ayde of king Lovvys the xj. notwithstanding he was his nearest kinsman: the reason was, that the same king, in the beginning of his raigne, was much molested and ma­nifestly inuaded in diuerse partes of his kingdom, by the great Lordes and Barons of the same, shadowing their conspiracies with a showe of publike profit: But because the king saw that their intencions drew with them priuat regardes and particular in­terests, he kept them alwayes in bridle, and esteemed his estate and sewertie to con­sist in the embasing of the great ones of his realme, but chiefly his nearest competi­tors: And for that reason, Lovvys Duke of Orleans sonne to Charles, albeit he was his sonne in law, could draw no fauors or succors from him: the same driuing him, after the death of his sayd father in law, together with his impaciēce that the Lady Anne Duchesse of Burbon the kinges sister, was preferred afore him to the gouernment of Charles the eyght then in minoritie, to trouble Fraunce with a very slender successe, [Page 189] and after retyred into Britain with a worse fortune: for ioyning with those that were against thintencion of Charles, to obteyne Brittain by marying with Anne heire of the state by the death of Frauncis her father leauing no yssue male, (yea aspiring se­cretly to the same mariage) he was taken in an encownter betwene the french and the Brittons neare S. Aulbyn in that contrey, & from thence led prisoner into Fraunce, where he remeyned two yeares: In so much as fayling then of meanes, and finding no succors in king Charles after he was out of prison, he ioyned no further action to that enterprise, but when the king left him within Ast, he made him selfe Lord of No­uaro with a very litle profit: But being now become king of Fraunce, he held nothing of greater affection, then to reconquer the Duchie of Myllan as a succession iustely apperteyning to him: This desire planted in him from his youth, was eftsones won­derfully increased and aduaunced, by the successe he had at Nouaro, and withall, for that he greatly hated Lodovvyk Sforce by reason of the insolent demonstracions and behauiors which he vsed to him, when he had the kings deputacion in Ast: Therfore, not long after the death of king Charles, by resolucion set downe in his elect councel, [...] 12. [...] of Myllan. [...] he intitled him self not only king of Fraunce, and (for the regard of the realme of Na­ples) king of Ierusalem & both the Cycillyes, but also soueraigne Duke of Myllan: And because he would make knowen to the world what was his inclinacion to the things of Italy, he wrote letters full of amitie and congratulacion touching his ascending to the crowne, to the Pope, the Venetians and the Florentyns, and withall dispatched mē of speciall credence, to giue hopes of new enterprises, but chiefly of his determina­cion to conquer the Duchie of Myllan: wherin the tyme running, nourished for him many fauors and oportunities, for that the death of his predecessor had innouated in the mindes of the Italians many new humors & inclinacions, much differing from the cogitacions & purposes they had afore: for the Pope (whose ambicious thoughts could not be satisfied if Italy stoode in tranquillitie) wished that thinges might grow to hurly burly, seeking his peculiar aduauncement in the common diuision of prin­cipallities and states: A desire not vnlikely to deriue from such a mind, ‘to whom all thinges were hatefull that held of equitie, conscience, or religion, and nothing vnsa­uery that smelled of troubles, innouacion, and chaunge: And the Venetians, being now deliuered of the feare they had of king Charles for the wronges & iniuries they had done him,’ expressed manifestly that they had no distrust in the new king, which disposicion increased dayly more and more: for that Lodovvyk Sforce (notwithstan­ding he knew that he had to doe with an ennemy more mighty and lesse plyable) fe­ding him selfe with this hope, (the same also beguiling Federyk of Aragon) that the frenche kinge coulde not with such expedicion execute any action on that side the Mountes, forbare not to oppose him selfe against the Venetians in the quarrell of Py­sa, wherein his spyte present would not let him see the daunger that was to come: an error familiar with Princes ambicious, ‘who measuring the euent of things more by their propper fancie and imaginacion, then by any rule or comparison of tymes and reasons, are often in that securitie, caried to their vndoing, as men that wander and beleue an eccho which beguiles them to their extreame ruine: The Florentyns one­ly began to estraunge them selues in minde from the amitie of the french:’ for albeit this new king had bene their protector afore, yet now that he is made great with the estate & dignitie of the crowne, he had with them no league of amitie, neither in re­garde of faith giuen, nor for benefitts receiued, as his predecessor had by meane of those capitulacions which were made at Florence and Ast: for regard of which they would alwayes lay them selues open to many perills and perplexities, rather then to [Page 190] abandon his alliance: Besides, the discord which continually increased betwene the Venetians and the Duke of Myllan, was the cause that the feare being ceased which they had of the forces of the confederats, and withal hoping more in the fauors cer­teine and present of Lombardy, then in the succors absent & dowtfull of Fraunce, they tooke occasion to hold lesse reckoning of his frendshippe or confederacion: In this different disposicion of mindes, were also no lesse diuerse, thembassages that were sent: for the Senat of Venice dispatched with great speede to the king, one of their Secretories remeyning at that tyme in negociacion with the Duke of Sauoye: And to establish with these beginnings, the foundacions of a well assured alliance, as the dayly affayres and occurrants of tymes required, they made an election of three o­therThe Veneti­ans send Em­bassadors to the french king. Embassadors to goe to his Maiestie, not onely to congratulat his right worthy ascending to the crowne, but also to protest in forme of excuse, that what they had done contrarye to the likinge of the late kinge Charles, proceeded of no other mo­cion, then of a tymerous suspicion (confirmed by many apparant signes and demon­stracions) that not contented with the kingdom of Naples, he would lift vp his mind to those meanes which might make him Lord ouer the whole Monarchie of Italy: The Pope also, whose deuocion had this determinacion, sto appropriat to his sonne Caesar at that tyme Cardinall, all temporall greatnes, rayed his thoughtes to higheThe Pope apt t [...] dispense with al things for the great­nes of his sonne. thinges, and sending Embassadors to the french kinge, was at a poynt to sell to his Maiestie spirituall graces, receiuing in recompense, possessions temporall: for he was not ignorant that the french kinge had great desire to refuse Iane his wife, both barrein & deformed, who was giuen to him almost by force by Lovvys the eleuenth: And that he had no lesse liking to marie Anne now widowe by the death of the late king, not so much for the aūcient affection thatwas betwen thē afore the encownter of S. Aulbyn, as that by the prorogatiue of that mariage, he shoulde insinuate into the Duchie of Britain, an estate great and very conuenient for the crowne of Fraunce: this chaunge could not be done without the authoritie of the Pope: The Florentyns in like sorte fayled not to sende Embassadors to the king, aswel to testifie thauncient custom and deuocion of that citie to the crowne of Fraunce, as to put his Maiestie in remembrance of their merits, and the bondes and promises of the late king: where­in they were much solicited by the Duke of Myllan, hauing two intencions, the one that by their meanes the practises of the Venetians might be hindered, (both the one and other common weale intreating of the affayres of Pysa) and also that if they ob­teyned any credit, amitie, or authoritie, they might vnder some occasion, employ all to worke an accord betwene him and the french king, A thing not a litle desired and sought by him: All these Embassadors were well receiued of the kinge, who began euen at the first to sownde euery one of them seuerally, notwithstanding he had no meaning to put any thinge to action in Italy, afore he had first assured the realme of Fraunce, by newe leagues and confederacions with the Princes his neighbours and borderers.

But it was a thing fatal, that the fire of Pysa, to the which the Duke of Myllan gaue the first kindling, & nourished by an inflamed desire to assubiect it to him self, should in the ende breake his brande vpon the heade of the author, and consume him with his propper flame: for that aswell by his naturall ielowsie which was infinit in him, as for daunger of the greatnes of the Venetians, which he saw to aspire not onely o­uer him, but also aboue the other Potentats of Italy, he could not endure with reaso­nable patience, that the frute of his deuises & trauells, should be gathered by them, or transferred to the reputacion of their imperie: wherein, taking occasion vpon the [Page 191] disposicion of the Florentyns, resolute to pursue in all accidents the quarrell of Pysa, And seeming to him that by the death of Sauonarola and Frauncis Valory which were stronge parties against him, he might now reappose mo [...]e in that citie then he could doe in tymes past: he determined to ayde the Florentyns in the recouery of Pysa with armes, seeing neither with his practises, authoritie, nor the power and meanes of o­thers, he coulde hetherunto worke no good effect of that plott: he perswaded him selfe vainely, that either afore the french king could execute any action, Pysa would be reduced by composicion or force to the iurisdiction of Florence, or else the Senat of Venice, (guided by that wisedome which he woulde neuer suffer to gouerne him selfe) would neuer desire either for enuie, or other lesse occasion, that, (to the com­mon daunger of the whole) the french armies shoulde eftsoones returne into Italy, seeing it was an vniuersall trauell to chase them out so lately.

This indiscreete resolucion was furthered by a disorder which hapned against the Florentyns in the contrey of Pysa: for their people which were at Pontadere, hauing aduertisement by their espyals that a trowpe of seuen hundred horsemen, & a thow­sand footemen of the Pysans, were returning home with a great pray of cattell which they had taken in the fieldes of Voltere, yssued out almost all vnder the conduite of the Count of Riuucce & Guillaume of Pazzi, Commissioner for the Florentyns, to cut betwene them & home for the recouery of the booty: And encowntring with them in the valley of S. Reale, and as they had almost put them to disorder and recouered the most part of the praye, there ioyned to the Pysans an hundreth and fiftye men at armes sent out of Pysa to the succors of their fellowes, who finding the Florentyn ar­mie both weary and disordered with the trouble of the pillage, and the authoritie of the Count not able to range the horsemen to the feight, they were put all to the chase, notwithstanding the footemen made some head and resistance, among whom many passed by the sword, & most of their horsemen taken prisoners with the chie­fest of their leaders: in so much as the Count and Commissioner for Florence, saued them selues with great difficultie within S. Reale, where they imposed one vppon an other (as is the custom in chaunces of aduersitie) the fault of the disorder hapned.

This iorney brought no litle affliction to the Florentyns, who to readdresse with speede so great a daunger, and not able to refurnish their companies with expedici­on, and Counte Riuucce general of their whole armie, hauing lost his reputacion, for that his regiment was broken, determined to turne to the affayres of Pysa, the Vitelli­es who were then in the contrey of Aretze: But afore that contract was perfected, they were constrayned to accord to Pavvle Vitelli the title, dignitie, and reputacionPawle Vitelli Capteine ge­nerall of the Florentyn ar­my. of Capteine genrall of their armie: This ouerthrow constrained them eftsoones to demaund succors of the Duke of Myllan, and that with so much the more instance, by how much since the chasse, they had besought the french king, that to put them out of daunger with his forces and with his authoritie, he would send three hundred launces into Tuskane, and ratifie the reteyning of the Vitellies according to the con­tract made in the tyme of the late kinge Charles, prouiding his porcion of their pay­ment, and also that he woulde cause the Venetians to absteyne from further vexing them: of all which requestes, they reaped but gracious wordes without any effect, for that the king would not bring him selfe suspected with the Venetians, nor make any sturre in Italy afore he put beginning to the warres of Myllan: But in these necessities and estate of thinges, the Duke of Myllan was neither cold nor negligent, who dow­ting least the Venetians (by the occasion of this victory) would enter further into the iurisdiction of Pysa, then they could be afterwards repulsed but with great difficulty, [Page 192] made knowen to the Florentyns that he had a firme intencion to succorthem, but first he would establish with them, what sortes and proporcions of prouisions were necessary not onely for his defense, but also to achieue the enterprise of Pysa, to the which (for that there was no feare of any action in the frenche kinge for that yeare) were turned vniuersally the eyes of all Italy, being then free from all other troubles: for albeit in the territories of Rome the famulies of Colonne & Vrsin had taken armes, yet their wisedoms preuayled more in the quarrell, then either their hatreds or their iniuries.

This was the substance of the quarrell: The Colonnoys and Sauelles, stirred vp be­likeQuarrell be­twene the fa­mulies of Co­lonne and Vr­sin. for thoccupacion which Iacques Counte made of la tour Mathias, had inuaded the places and territories of the Counts: And of the other part, the Vrsins (for the affini­tie and coniunction of factions) tooke armes in their fauor: So that many borowes and villages, being vsurped both by the one and other partie, they fought together at last with all their forces at the foote of Motitelle in the cōtrey of Tyuoly, where, af­ter a long and braue battell, the inflamed passion of the parties pushing them on no lesse then either regard of glory, or consideracion of daunger of their estates, the Vr­sins (whose armie conteyned two thowsand footemen & eyght hundred horsemen) were broken and put to the chase, their enseignes lost, and Charles Vrsin taken priso­ner, and of the side of the Colonnoys was hurt Anthony Sauelle a Capteine of no small reputacion, who dyed of his wound not many dayes after: After this successe of the battell, the Pope, seeming that commotions in the contrey so neare to Rome, were displeasing to him, made as though he woulde solicite an accord, which, whilest he interteyned in action (not with good meaning and faith, for he was disguised in all his doings) the Vrsins readdressed their armie with new supplies & planted a campe afore Palombare, A principall towne belonging to the Sauelleis, which the Colonnoys (who after the victory had occupied many places of the Counts) prepared to reskew: But both the parties finding at lengthe the dissembled behauiors of the Pope, some­tymes giuing courage to the Colonnoys, and eftsoones comforting the Vrsins, and that he did but nourish the warre & giue them medicines to weaken them both, to thend he might with more facilitie oppresse them when their strengthes were consumed: they came altogether to a parley (without thinterposing of a third) at Tyuoly, where, of them selues, they established an accord by the which Charles Vrsin was set at liber­ty, the places taken in the controuersie restored to their proper owners, & the quar­rell for the Earledoms of Albe and Tailleconsse referred to tharbitracion of king Fe­deryk, to whom the Colonnoys were mercenary souldiers.

These stormes thus resolued into calmes, and the quarrells that earst caried ap­parant showes of blud and murder, being nowe quallified by wisedom and tempe­rance, there was not discerned in any part in Italy any tokens of warre, but about the contrey of Pysa: wherein, albeit the Duke of Myllan had determined in the begin­ning not to succor the Florentyns openly, but to minister to their wantes with secret aydes of money: yet suffering his minde to be continually ouer ruled with passions of disdayne and enuy, and not absteyning from wordes insolent and full of threats a­gainst the Venetians, he determined now to declare him selfe publikely, and to cut of all regardes and consideracions of thinges, denying euen then, passage to their bands and souldiers which marched to Pysa by the way of Parma and Pontrema, & put them in necessitie to passe by the Duke of Ferraraes contrey, A way of farre more trauell and greater trouble: he wrought so that thEmprour commaunded all those Embas­sadors which were resident in his Court (except the Spanish) to returne home, re­uoking [Page 193] them all within few dayes after except the Embassador for the Senat of Ve­nice: he sent also to the succors of the Florentyns three hundred shot with crosbow, & contributed to the leuying of three hundred men at armes partly vnder the Lord of Plombyn, and some vnder Iohn Pavvle Baillon: he lent them at sundry tymes more then three hundreth thowsand duckats, and lastly made continuall offers of greater aydes, if their necessities so required: Besides all these, he made great instance to the Pope (the importunities of the Florentyns greatly inducing him) to ayde them in some sort: The Pope knowing how hurtfull & intollerable it would be to the estate of the Church, that the Venetians should preuaile to make a foundacion of Pysa, pro­mised to refurnish them with a hundred men at armes, and the three gallies which were in his pay vnder Capteine Ville Marine, and they to giue impediments to the prouisions of vittells that should enter Pysa by sea: But afterwards (being familiar to him to protract and delay) he deferred with diuerse excuses to sende to them any proporcion, and in the ende refused them with open deniall, for that drawing dayly more & more into other deuises and thoughtes, he made his resolucion to restrayne him selfe onely to the french king, by whose meanes he hoped to obteyne no small nor common recompenses: yea (it is oftentymes the property of men to make easie with will and hope, that which in reason and wisedom they know to be hard) he as­cended in weening to the crowne and kingdom of Naples: It was almost a thing fatal, that the refusing of the alliance which the king of Aragon made to the Pope, shoulde breede in him the beginning of newe thinges and chaunges: for long before he had wholly determined to ioyne him selfe with the french kinge, he had made great in­stance to king Federyk to giue to the Cardinall of Valence (who was resolued to for­sake the habit and profession of the Church vpon the first occasion) his daughter in mariage, with the principallitie of Tarente in dowry wherein he perswaded him self that if his sonne whose wit was sutle, and his hart hawty, and raysed, were once be­come Lord of so large and generall a member of the kingdom of Naples, that then there would be litle difficultie, (hauing the cooler of a daughter descending of the king) to take occassions, what by force and strength, and what by thauthoritie and rightes of the Church, to dispoyle his father in lawe of the kingdom, both weake in men of warre, and poore in money, and from whome also were estraunged the affe­ctions of most of his Barons: This matter was hoatly furthered and fauored by the Duke of Myllan, who debated with kinge Federyk (by his Embassador the Marquis Stampe sent specially to Rome and Naples) how daungerous it would be for him, if the Pope (made frustrat of this desire) went suddeinly to ioyne with the french king: And withall he preferred to the kinges remembrance how much it would sauor of pusil­lanimitie and indiscression (specially the matter concerning wholly his safetie) to put in consideracion indignitie onely, and not to haue so much rule ouer him selfe, as to preferre the protection of his estate, afore his proper will: But Federyk fearing that in this sutteltie of Lodovvyk was layd the foundacion of his ruyne, refused the plot with continuall obstinacie, confessing that the alyenacion or estraunging of the Pope was a degree to put his kingdom in daunger, but he stoode assured that to giue his daughter with the principallitie of Tarente, to the Cardinall of Valence, were to put his life in daunger, and therefore in two perills he had rather abide the hazarde of that which he might runne into with most honor and honestie, & which procee­ded not of any fault or error of him selfe: By this meane, the Pope turning wholly his minde to ioyne with the french, and desiring that the Venetians woulde doe the like, (whome he was loth to offend) absteyned altogether to minister any fauors or [Page 194] succors to the Florentyns: who receiuing courage by the ready succors of the Duke of Myllan, and for the recommendacion of the vallour of Pavvle Vitelly their newe capteine, forgat nothing that might aduaunce the enterprise, notwithstanding they esteemed it of very hard action: for that besides the numbers, experience, and reso­lut courage of the Citisens and contreymen of Pysa, there was within Pysa, a strength of the Venetians of foure hundred men at armes, eyght hundred estradyots, & more then two thowsand footemen: They were also (as occasion required) ready to re­furnish them with stronger succors, for that euen such as at the beginning had no will to consent to accept the protection of the Pysans, were nowe no lesse ready then the reste to support their quarrell for the regarde of common honor: The contracte made in common by Lodovvyk and the Florentyns, gaue such an increase to the ar­mie, that it seemed now to cary proporcion sufficient not onely to recouer all the places within the contrey of Pysa, but also to make a wonderfull industrie that the neighbours should forbeare to giue ayde and fauor to the Pysans, or at least eschew­ing thexample of the Venetians, not molest any more the Florentyns in other places: Lodovvyk hauing afore he determined to protest him selfe openly, interteyned in common with the Venetians, Iohn Bentyuole with two hundred men at armes, labored him so much, that he bownd him with the state of Bolognia, to him selfe only: wher­in the better to confirme Bentyuole, the Florentyns tooke into their pay, Alexander his sonne: And to make a more generall resistance against the Venetians making inuasi­on on the side of Romagnia, (who for such a purpose had taken into their protection the Lord of Faenza) the Florentyns wonne also to their appoyntments & deuocion, together with fifty men at armes, Octauyan de Riare, Lorde of Ymola & Furly, who was gouerned according to the direction & will of Katherne Sforce his mother: She fol­lowed without any regard, the faction of Lodovvyk and the Florentyns, many occasi­ons mouing her, but principally for that she was maried to Iohn de medicis, whome the Duke of Myllan (nothing liking of the gouernment popular) labored to make great at Florence, and also his brother: Lodovvyk had no small credit with the people of Lucques, whom he solicited with all his authoritie and meanes, not to comfort any more the Pysans with those properties of succors and fauors which they had accu­stomed to minister to them: which request albeit they did not obserue so fully as he required, yet they withdrew and absteyned from many helpes for his regard: There remeyned onely they of Genes and Sienna auncient ennemies to the Florentyns, ha­uing equall occasions of controuersie against that state: the one for the interest of Montpulcian, and the other by reason of the contrey of Lunigiana: Touching the Si­ennoys, it was a thing much to be feared, least (being made blinde with hate & enuy) they fel not into their auncient error, in giuing to euery one commoditie to trouble and molest the Florentyns by the oportunitie of their landes and estates, such suffe­rance sometymes not being without their proper domage: And for the Genovvays, albeit by reason of auncient iniuries, it greeued them not a litle, that the Venetians should be Maisters ouer Pysa, yet (in that citie there is litle care of the cōmon weale) they gaue sufferance to the Pysans and vessells of the Venetians to exercise a traffike in their riuers and streames in regard of a priuate gayne which some particulars got by it, by the which the Pysans receiued many great commodities: For these respects, and also by the councell of Lodovvyk still soliciting, the Florentyns sent Embassadors to Genes and Sienna, to solicit (the rather by his meanes) an accord and finall resolu­cion of all their quarrells: But as touching the Genovvays, the practise and negocia­cion was frustrat and brought forth no effect, for that they demaunded to be acqui­ted [Page 195] frankly of Serezana without giuing other recompense then a simple promise to bereaue the Pysans of all oportunities and commodities of their contreyes, wherein the Florentyns making conference of the qualitie of the demaund, found the losse so present and certeine, in regard of the profit so incerteine and litle, that they refused to buy so dearly their frendships.

But whilest these deuises occupied the reasons and mindes of men in diuerse pla­ces, The Florent) n armie, more mighty in horsemen then stronge in footemen, ad­uaunced into the field vnder their newe generall: By meanes whereof, as the Pysans, whose estradiots since the victory of S. Reall had made incursions at pleasure ouer the whole contrey, retyred from Pont desac where they last incamped: So Pavvle Vi­telli hauing taken Calcinaia, and setling his armie there in exspectacion of a newe strength of footemen, bestowed one day one part of his souldiers in ambushe neare to Cas [...]na, whether the regiment of the Venetians were retyred, who gouerned by Marke Martinenguo were not only without obediēce, but without order, In so much as when Pavvle Vitelli gaue the charge to them, he slew many of the stradiots, wtih Iohn Gradania Capteine ouer men at armes, and tooke prisoner Franque coronell of thestradiots, with the praye of a hundreth horses: The successe of this encownter much amased the companies of the Venetians, and therefore supposing Cascina not sufficient for their safety, they retyred to the borow of S. Marke, exspecting new suc­cors to come from Venice: But Pavvle Vitelli, after he was refurnished with his strength of footemen, and making as though he woulde assayle Cascina (which the Pysans beleued by many apparances) turned his marche, and beguiling the conie­ctures of his ennemies, passed ouer the riuer of Arne, and pitched his campe before the borow of Buti, hauing sent afore, three hundred footemen to keepe occupied the hills & frontyer places: And hauing drawne thether with the strength and working of a number of Pyonners, thartillerie by the way of the Mounteine not without great difficultie for the troublesom wayes, he tooke the towne by force the second day af­ter he had braked his artillerie: Pavvle made choyse of this enterprise, for that he iud­ged that Pysa, (in the which was an incredible obstinacie aswell of thinhabitants as others retyred out of the contrey, in whom by long vse was great sufficiencie tou­ching actions of warre) could not be taken by force, the city of it selfe being proude in strength of walls and rampiers, and hauing within it many bandes of the men at armes of Venice: he held it an action of better pollicie, to deuise rather to languish & consume them, then to execut and enforce them, and setling the warre in that parte of the contrey which is on the right hand of the riuer of Arne, he esteemed it a good councell in warre to lay plots to take the peeces in that quarter, and to commaunde all those places by whose helpe and oportunitie, he might giue impediment to the succors that might come to them by land from any forreine contrey: And therfore after the taking of the borow of Buty, hauing raysed a mount or fort vpon the moun­teynes which be aboue S. Iohn de la Vene, he drewe his campe right afore the sort which the Pysans had made neare to Vicopisan, drawing thether his artillerie with the same difficulties he did before: And taking almost in one season Valdecalcio & buil­ding aboue Vico in a place called Pietro Doloroso, an other bastyllion, to keepe that no succors enter there, he held beseeged the castell of Verrucola: In these pollicies of this new generall, to thend the Pysans (dowting that he would not assaile Librafratto and Valdes [...]r [...]lo,) might be lesse ready to be farre from Pysa, the Count Riuuccio was incamped with other companies at Valdmieuolo: All which notwithstanding, foure hundred footemen yssuing out of Pysa, brake all the regiment of footemen which [Page 196] were necligently bestowed in the church of S. Michaell to kepe Verrucola beseeged: But Pavvle Vitelli, after he had got the bastillion, which yelded vpon condicion to carie their Artillerie to Vicopisan, encamped affore Vicopisan, not on that side where the Florentyn campe was when he was within to defende it, but he laye towardes S. Iohn de la Vene, to giue impediments to the succours that were to come from Pisa: After the furie of his Artillerie had brought downe to the earth a great quantitie of the walles, the defendants, dispairing belike of reskewe, rendred the place, their lifeVicopisan rē ­dred. and goods saued: They were perhappes discouraged to holde out to thvttermost, for that Pavvle when he tooke Buty (to giue terrour to others) cutte of the handes of three Cannonyers Germains which were within the towne, and vsed his victo­rie with many cruelties: immediatly after the successe of Vicopisan, there followed an other occasion of happie exployte, for that the bandes which were within Pisa supposing it woulde be verie easie to surprise the bulwarke of Pietro Doloroso, they sent thether affore daye, two hundred light horsemen with many trowpes of foote­men, who finding a stronger resistaunce then they looked for, loste more time then the action of their enterprise required, in so much that whilest they were giuing the assalt, the generall of the Florentyns, discouering himselfe vppon the mountaynes there abouts, and with part of tharmie discending to succour the fort, sent Vitellettze with the residue of the bandes to giue impediment to their retourne: against whom as they interteyned skyrmishe in the plaine towardes Calcy, the generall fell vpon them on the backes, and putte them to flight, not without the losse of many horse­men, and the most part of their footebandes.

But in this discourse and euent of things, the Florentyns, hauing some likely ad­uertismentsEmbassadours of the Floren­tyns at Ve­n [...]. from the Duke of Ferrara and others, that the Venetians were not with­out a willing inclination to peace, whereunto they woulde be more easelie indu­ced, if in the action (as belonged to the dignitie and respect of so great a common weale) they proceeded with tokens and demonstracions, as though they negocia­ted not with equalls, but with a state of more greatnes: They sent as EmbassadoursThe [...]yns send Embas­sadours to Ve­n [...]e to treate of the affaires of Pisa. to Venice to found their intencions Guid' Antonio Vespuccio & Bernard Rucellai, two of the most honorable citysens of their common weale: A matter from the which they had absteyned till that time, partely for that they woulde not offend the minde of king Charles, but more for that as they knew them selues not to be strong enough to oppresse the Pisans, so they iudged that their peticions woulde be vnprofitable being not accompained neither with reputacion nor forces: but now that they were the stronger in the fielde, and that the Duke had publikely declared him selfe against the Venetians, their hopes were greater then their doutes, to finde some conuenient meanes of honorable composition. The Embassadours were receiued with great office and reuerence, and immediatly brought into councell, the Duke sitting and the whole resort of Senatours, in whose presence after they had formed many ex­cuses for not sending Embassadors to thē affore, the same being refrained for many regardes proceding of the quallitie of times and soundry accidents of their Cytie: they required franckly that they woulde absteine from the defence and protection of Pisa, a request whose moderation putte them in hope not to be denied, seeing that both in the common weale of Florence, had bene founde no occasions of offence or displeasure to them, and also according to the rumor and recommendacion that went of the equitie of the Senat of Venice, they hopes they woulde not in this case abandon iustice, which being the piller and foundation of all other vertues, it was but reasonable to preferre it affore all other respectes. To these the Duke made [Page 197] aunswere, that as they coulde not charge the Florentyns with any trespasse or iniu­riesThe Duke of Veni [...]e aun­swereth the Florentine Embassad [...]. in these times, so also the Senat was not entred into the protection of Pisa for any desire to offende them, but for that the Florentyns onely, hauing supported in Italye the factions of the Frenche, meere and simple regardes to the common pro­fitte and safetie, had induced all the Potentates of the League to giue faith to the Pisans, to helpe them to defende their libertie: wherein, though some others of the residue did fall into the errour of forgetfulnes after they had giuen their faith: yet the custom of others should brede no lawe in them, and much lesse contrary to the vse of their common weale, would they follow them in a matter so vnworthy: Onely if the state of Florence would propound some meane, by the which the libertie of the Pisans might be preserued, they woulde make knowen to all the worlde, that nei­ther for their generall ambycion, nor for their particular or propper profitte, they haue thus long contynued the desense of Pisa: vpon this aunswere, they drew cer­teine dayes to disputacion vpon some meane which might leaue satisfied both the one and other parties, wherein some contencion rising, for that neither the Vene­tians nor the Florentyn Embassadours woulde propounde the meane, they aggreed that the Embassadour of Spaine, who incouraged them to thaggreement, shoulde interpose betwene them: this was the meane he opened, that the Pisans shoulde re­tourne to the deuocion of the Florentyns, not as subiectes, but as people recommen­ded, and vnder the same capitulations which had bene aggreed vpon at Pistoia, as a thing indifferent betwene seruitude and libertie: But the Venetians aunswered, that they coulde not acknowledge any part of libertie in a Cytie wherein the fortresses and administracion of the Lawes were in the power of others: by reason whereof th'Embassadours of Florence interpreting this aunswere to a denyall of their de­maundes, departed from Venice with this coniecture, that the Senate, onles they were compelled by necessitie, would not abandon the defense of Pisa, whether they sent supplies of souldiours continually: besides, they had in the beginning no great feare of thenterprise of the Florentyns, for that deferring the action till the most part of the spring was paste, they coulde not long kepe the fielde, the countrey of Pisa, by reason of his basenes and lownes, being much subiect to waters: And lastely ha­uing of new taken to their paye vnder the Duke of Vrbyn (to whom they gaue the title of gouernour) and vnder certaine other capteines, fine hundred men at armes, being holpen with all with diuerse good intelligences: they had determined, (the more easely to tourne the Florentyns from offending the Pisans) to begin the warre in an other place, ioyning also to their plottes the oportunitie of Peter de Medicis, at whose perswacions they interteyned into their paye Charles Vrsin and Bart. Al­viane with two hundred men at armes: They were not also without hope, to be able to induce Iohn Bentiuole to cōsent that they might make warre vpon the Florētyns on the side of Bolognia, for that the Duke of Myllan (stirred belike for that in the retey­ning which was made of Annyball his sonne the Venetians were preferred before him, and ioyning to that new offence a recordacion of olde iniuries done against him, as he sayed, when the Duke of Calabria passed into Romagnia) had occupied certeine Castells which belonged to the Duchie of Myllan, and possessed by right of dowrie, by Alexander his sonne: For these causes albeit he forbare not to vexe him vpon euery occasion, yet the Castells being at laste restored to him againe at the re­quest of the Florentyns, the deuise to make warre on that side, was broken: There­fore the Venetians labored to dispose them of Sienna to graunt that they might be­ginne the warre in their Quarters, wherein they grew into hope to preuaile (be­sides [Page 198] their ordinarie disposition against the Florentyns) by a diuisiō that was in Sienna amongest the citysens: for Pandolphe Petruccio with his witte and suttletie, hauing drawen to himselfe almoste a speciall authoritie ouer the councells and busynes of the cytie, Nicholas Borghese his father in lawe and the famulie of the Belantis, to whom his greatnes was displeasing, laboured that passage might be graunted to the Duke of Vrbyn and the Vrsins, who, with foure hundred men at armes, two thousand footemen, and foure hundred estradyottes, were staied by commission of the Vene­tians at Fratte in the countrey of Perovvse: They alleaged also that to make truce with the Florentyns according to the solicitation of the Duke of Myllan and conty­nuall instaunce of Pandolfe, was no other thing, then to giue them opportunitie and meanes to dispatch the affaires of Pysa, which being resolued, they woulde be so much more mighty to bring iniuries and subiection vppon them and theirs: And therefore they ought (making their profitte of occasions, as apperteyned to wise men) to be resolute in this, not to make other accord with them then a peace, which might make thē giue ouer the right they pretended to Montpulcian, a graunt where­vnto they knew the Florentyns woulde neuer agree: And then it woulde follow by necessitie, that the demaundes of the Venetians must be consented vnto, with whom hauing obteyned this first place of grace, they hoped easely to embase the authority of Pandolfe, who, hauing made himselfe authour of the contrarie opinion at the per­swacion of the Duke of Myllan, founde enough to do to menteyne it, for that the hatred which the people bare naturally to the Florentyns coulde do much, and it was not vnlikely that by this feare, it might be brought to passe, that they woulde disclaime the right of Montpulcian: This couetousnes accompanied with hatred, had more force then the consideracions alleaged by Pandolfe, either touching the trauells that woulde follow the warre, if it were drawen vpon their countrey, or in regard of the daungers, which with time woulde afflict Tuskane by the greatnes of the Venetians: for iustification wherof (sayth he) we neede not haue recourse to thex­amples of others, seeing euen of late memorie, for fauoring the faction of Ferdinand 1578. king of Naples against the Florentyns, they were in perill to fall into seruitude, if Fer­dinand, for the occupacion which Mahomet Ottoman made of the towne of Ottrante in the kingdome of Naples, had not bene compelled to call home from Sienna the personne of Alphonso his sonne, and his Regiment: And that their histories and tra­ditions tell them (without these examples) that the same desire to offende the Flo­rentyns by the meane of the erle of Vertus, together with the disdaine conceiued for the respect of Montpulcian, was the cause that of themselues, they had assubiected to him their proper countrey: These reasons, albeit they were true, yet not sufficient to represse the furie & affectiōs of the others, so that he was not without apparaunt daunger of some tumulte to be raised by his aduersaries: Notwithstāding to preuent them, he caused suddeinly to enter into Sienna, many of his freindes thereaboutes, by whom he wrought with so great courage and witte, that at the same instaunt, the Florentyns sent to Poggi Imperiall three hundred men at armes and a thousand footemen, with whose reputation & force, confounding the audacitie of his aduer­saries, he brought to passe a truce for fiue yeres with the Florentyns: who, preferring a seruile feare of perilles present, affore regard to dignitie and honour, bounde themTruce betwen the Siennoys & Florentyns. selues to pull downe one parte of the bridge of Valiane, and to dismantle euen to the earth, the bastillion which had so much molested the Siennoys: they condiscended further, that the Siennoys within a certeine time, might builde such fortes and for­tresses as they woulde betwene the shoare and channell of Chianes, and the towne of [Page 199] Montpulcian: By this accord Pandolfe, rising into a stomack and greatnes more then before, founde meanes soone after to kill his father in lawe, who, with too liberall a disposition of minde, obiected him selfe against his purposes: and so by the dispatch of him, increasing terror in the residue, he confirmed him selfe daylie more & more in tyrannie. By this accord, the Venetians, being depriued of the hope they had to diuert or torne by the waye of Sienna, the Florentyns from thenterprise of Pysa, and being not able to obtaine licence of the Perusins, to manage the warre by their coun­treys, They determined to vexe them on that side to Romagna, hoping with the auncient fauours and factions which Peter de Medicis had there, to aspire easely to thoccupacion of those places which they helde in thappenin: In so much, that ha­uing obteyned passage of the little Lorde of Faenze, by the vale of Lamone, with one part of their Regyment which they had in Romagna, with whom Peter and Iulyan de Medicis were ioyned: they occupied the borough of Maradi scituat vpon thap­penin on that side which lookes towardes Romagna, where was made against them no resistaunce, for that Dennys of Nalde a man of the same vale, interteyned by the Florentyns with three hundred footemen to defende it, together with the strength of the countrey, ledde thether so small a force of footemen, that he durst not abide there: By meanes whereof they incamped afore the Rocke of Chastillion built in a place aboue the saied borough, which they hoped to carye, though by no other meane, yet by want of many things which they knew to be within it, but specially the lacke of water, and so by thopportunitie of that, to haue free waye to passe in­to Mugelle, which is a countrey neere to Florence: ‘But as it is hard to assure any thing that dependes vppon the will of an other, and much lesse can the wisdome of man warrant all those things which imaginacion and coniecture doe suggèst: So, they founde them selues deceyued in the iudgement of those wantes which they suppo­sed the Rocke did suffer,’ for that the constancie and diligence of the Castell keeper, supplied the slender prouisions of vittelles that were within it, and the liberalitie of heauen auoyded the penurye of water, rayning so much in one night as all the ves­sells and cesternes being full, they were deliuered from that paine: And in the meane while, the Count Riuucci with the Lorde of Plombyn & other capteines, being stolne vppon the ennemie by the waye of Mugelle, enforced them to the chasse, ha­uing vndertaken this enterprise with a greater confidence in their diligence, then with sufficient strength: Besides, the Count Caiazze sent to Cotignole by the Duke of Myllan with three hundred men at armes and a thousand footemen, together with Fracasse interteyned by the same Duke, who was within Furly with a hundred men at armes, prepared to charge them vpon the backe: The consideraciō of these daun­gers, and to auoyde the harmes that threatned, they went and ioyned with the Duke of Vrbyn, then departed from the countrey of Perouse, and with other Regiments of the Venetians, who altogether were bestowed betwene Rauenna and Furly, but with a very small hope of happie enterprise, for that, besides the bandes of the Florentyns, there was in Romagna a strength of fiue hundred men at armes, fiue hūdred crosbow shotte, and a thousand footemen of the Duchie of Myllan, the impediment also which Imola and Furly gaue to them, being of great importaunce.

But in this meane while Pavvle Vitelli who, after the taking of Vicopisan had re­meyned there certeine dayes exspecting prouisions necessarie that were to come, and continuying in one intencion to cutte of from the Pysans the commoditie and meanes of succours, was gone to thenterprise of Librafatte: And the easier to ap­proch that part of the towne which was most weake, and to preuent the disposicion [Page 200] of the ennemie to inuade his armie much troubled with artillerie and cariage, he left the waye which discendes by the mounteynes to the plaine of Pysa, and cutting by force of Pionners a new waye through the mounteines, he tooke in his marching the same daye, the bastillion of the Mont Maior, which the Pysans had built vpon the toppe of the mounteine, and so descended with great sewertie into the plaine of Li­brafatta: where, hauing easely the daye after, brought into necessitie to yelde the bandes of footemen that had the charge of Potito and the olde castell, (two towers aunswering one an other verie neare Librafatta) he bestowed in the second tower and in other places, certeine peeces of artilleries to gouerne the towne, which was well manned and garded, conteyning two hundred footemen of the Venetians: from these places he battered the wall both on high and belowe, and from the first daye had hope to carye it: But after the wall was shaken with thartillerie, there fell by chaunce so great a parte of it in the night, that the ruinous matter raised the ram­pier which was begonne there aboue foure cubits: In so much as Pavvle, assaying in vaine three dayes together to mount vp with ladders, beganne to dout much of the successe, the rather for that the armie receiued great harmes by a peece of artillerie which came from the towne by a lowe lowpe hoale: But his industrie & vertue was aided by the benefitte of Fortune (without whose fauour great capteines are often­times deceiued in their enterprises) for that with a great shotte out of the camppe, the peece which bette them was broken, and one of the best Cannonyers within the place killed, the boollett passing through the towne: which accident so amasedLibrafatta ta­ken by Pawle Vitelli. those within the towne, being so commaunded by thartillerie of the seconde tower, that they durst not assemble to make head: but yelded the fourthe daye, and not long after, the castell abyding some shotte of the cannon, did the like: After the con­quest of Librafatta, he deuised to make certaine bastillions vppon the hilles there­aboutes, but chiefly he erected one of capacitie to receiue great nombers of men, aboue Santa Maria in Castello, called by the name of the mount, where was built the bastillion of la ventura commaunding the contrey thereaboutes: This and Libra­fatta being garded, troubled all commodities that might come to Pysa by the waye of Lucque and Petra sancta, and brought besides, generall distresses to the state of the common cause of Pysa.

In this variacion and fortune of things, the Venetians ceassed not to study meanesThe Venetiās careful to suc­cour the Py­sans. by the which they might minister comfort to Pysa, sometimes with immediat suc­cours, and sometimes by diuerting and drawing awaye the forces of thennemie: Wherein they hoped to preuaile the rather for the differences which hapned be­twene the Duke of Myllan and the Marquis of Mantua, entred of newe into the ap­pointments and directions of the Duke: who, because he woulde not take awaye the title of capteine generall ouer all his companies from Galeas de S. Seuerin more great with him by fauour then by vertue: had promised to the Marquis to honour him within three monthes with the place of capteine generall in common either with the Emprour, or with the Pope, or with king Federyk, or with the Florentyns: which being not performed by Lodovvyk at the terme promised, Galeas giuing ma­ny impediments against it, and adding to the wronge, many other difficulties vpon the paymentes of his interteynments: The Marquis determyned to reenter into the paye of the Venetians, who practised to sende him to the succours of Pysa, with three hundred men at armes: whereof Lodovvyk hauing a liuely doute, and dreading by the propertye of his witte (sounding the bottom of things) the daungers that might growe by the losse of a man of that importaunce, declared him immediately by the [Page 201] consent of Galeas, capteine to th'Emprour and to him: ‘But such is the mutabilitie of men marcenorie, that as their profession is to liue by occasions & diuisions of times and Princes, so, oftentimes they interprette small faltes to great causes of their re­uolt and chaunge, holding it no iniustice to disappoint those that breake the first promise with them, according to thexample of this Marquis, who, hauing already bene at Venice, and communicated with the Senat the great confidence he had to enter Pysa in despite of the Florentyne bandes, was reentred into their paye: And re­ceiuing parte of his paye in prest, he retourned to Mantua, preparing himselfe to thexpedicion, which he had further aduaunced, and put his companies to marche, if the Venetians had vsed the same diligence to dispatche him, which they did to in­terteine him: But because they beganne to procede slowly vppon thoccasion of a new hope they had, that by certeine auncient fauorers of the Medicis, they shoulde be able to obteine Bybiene, a borough in the contrey of Casentin, they were of opi­nion that in regard of the difficulties to passe to Pysa, it woulde be more profitable to diuert then to succor: The Marquis taking his aduauntage of these delaies, and iustely displeased with the forme of their dealinges, retorned eftsoones to the paye of Lodovvyk with three hundred men at armes and a hundred light horsemen, vnder the honour and title of Capteine to th'Emprour and to him, reteyning the money he had receiued of the Venetians vppon an accompt or reckoning for payes due of olde: The practise which was debated with the Venetians, was not without suspicion to the Florentyns, who, besides their generall meanes of aduertisement, had certeine dayes before, a particular intelligence from Bolognia: But it often happeneth, that di­ligent and wise councells be vnprofitable when they are executed with negligence and indiscression: for, the commissarie or commissioner whom they sent thether to assure them from such a daunger, after he had apprehended such as he douted most and bare apparaunt guiltynes of the practise, tourning their dissembled faith into true meaning, and their offence into innocencie, he sette then eftsoones at libertie, and in other thinges was so negligent, that he made the action easie to Alviane ap­pointed for thexecucion of this practise: for, he hauing sent before certeine horse­men attyred like vittellers, & they marching all night, were at the gate by the pointAlviano ta­keth Bybien­na. of daye, which they wonne and occupied without difficultie, for that the negligēce of the commissarie had not onely left it without garde, but also not sette order that the gate should be opened later then was wont in times nothing daungerous: After these first troupes, followed with a ready speede & diligence, other bandes of horse­men, who named themselues by the warres to be of the regyment of the Vitellis: Assoone as the gate was possest by the soldiours forreine, the parties to the conspi­racie within the towne, drawing to commotion in their fauour, they embrased im­mediately the whole towne, and were absolute maisters of thenterprise: At what time they were also incouraged with the presence of Alviano, who arriuing the same day, and albeit had but a small proporcion of souldiours (his nature being alwayes to fol­low the aide and benefit of occasions, yea to preuent them with his incredible dili­gence) yet he went soddeinly to assaile Poppi, the principall borough of that vallie, but finding a resistaunce aboue his strength, he deuised to occupie the places nearest to Bybienne, albeit but litle and of no great importaunce: The contrey of Casentyn, amid the which ronneth the riuer of Arne, is a contrey narrow, barren and full of hills, seated at the foote of the Alpes of Appenyn, at that time laden with snowes for that the spring was but then begonne: Neuertheles it had bene a passage verie com­modious to goe to Florence, if thenterprise of Poppy had succeded well to Alviano, [Page 202] and no lesse conuenient to make entrey into the contreys of Aretze and Valdarno, contreys which for the plentie of great townes and boroughes, were of great im­portance to the state of the Florentyns: who taking occasion of the present perill, not to be negligent, refurnished with a ready speede, all places needefull, breaking by that meanes thexecucion of a conspiracie pretēded in Aretze: And studying aboue all other things to cutte from the Venetians all meanes of new succours and supplies to the contrey of Casentyn, they called from Pysa the Count Rinucce, and dispatched him speedely to occupye the wayes of th'Appenin betwene Valdibagna and the straite of S. Stephen: who, albeit he disposed his Regiment into trowpes and companies as the nature of the place and present seruice required, yet was both their strength and industrie vnprofitable to let the Duke of Vrbyn, Charles Vrsin and other capteines from passing, whose strength in the sayed valley being seuen hundred men at armes and six thowsand footemen with some bandes of Lanceknights, cōmaunded all the contrey of Cassentyn, except a verie few places, and eftsoones gaue a new life to the olde enterprise to take Poppy, but their diligence was vnprofitable and the whole a­ction in vaine: By meanes whereof the Florentyns were compelled (according to the proper intencion of the Venetians) to call backe from the affaires of Pysa Pavvle Vitello with his bandes, leauing sufficient garde in the places of importance, and al­so in the bastillion of Laventura: his comming into the contrey Casentyn, caused to retire the Venetiās, who were remoued to incamppe the same day about Pratto Vec­chio, and Fracasso being ioyned with him (sent by the Duke of Myllan with fiue hun­dred men at armes & fiue hundred footemen in fauor of the Florentyns) he brought presently into harde tearmes and difficulties the state of thennemies, who were dis­persed into diuerse places, both for thin cōmoditie of the contrey, which was straite and narrow, and also for that (to thende they might haue free entrey and going out of the contrey Casentyn) they were compelled to kepe the wayes of Vernia, Chiusa, and Montalona, places verie high vpon the Alpes: By which meane, being inclosed in that vallye in a season verie sharppe, they were without all exspectacion of ad­uauncement either there, or in any other place, the Count Rinucce being within A­retze with two hundred men at armes: And in the contrey Casentyn, the enterprise of Poppy not succeding in the beginning, & the name of the Medicis bearing no further power or authoritie, for that the spirites and affections of the men of the countrey were against them, they had receiued many harmes of the Paisantes afore the com­ming of Vitello: In which regard, together with an assured intelligence of his com­ming, and the marching of Fracasse, they sent backe beyond the Alpes, one parte of their cariage and artillerie, & drew them selues all together into one strength as the nature of the place woulde suffer: Against whom, Pavvle Vitelli determined to vse his costume, which was (to carie the victorie with more ease and sewertie) to beare no regard neither to the longnes of time, nor to great paines and trauell, and much lesse to exspences, esteeming it a better office in a generall to proceede with all necessarie prouisions, then, for a desire of glorie to make the victorie speedy, to putte in perill the yssue of thinges, and the whole armie in hazarde: In so much as (touching the contrey Casentyn) his counsell was, not to attempt suddeinly any a­ction vppon the places moste strong, but in the beginning to make the ennemie a­bandon the peeces most weake, and to choake and cloase the wayes of the Alpes and the streytes of the contrey, with bastillions, gardes, and intrenched wayes, with other fortifications, both to cutte of all succours and supplies, and to take from them all meanes of mutuall aides and reskew from one place to an other: hoping that this [Page 203] forme and manner of proceeding woulde in the ende breede occasions to oppresse them further, besides that the great nombers that were within Bybyenna coulde not but consume, both by the incommoditie of horsemen and want of vittells: With this councells, hauing recouered certeine places neere to Bybienna, for their qualitie but of small importance, but for their commodities very proper for his intencion (with the which he looked in the ende to preuaile) And wynning euery daye more and more, he stripped euery daye many men at armes bestowed in diuerse peeces neere to Bybienna: And to cutte of all wayes from the bandes of the Venetians assem­bling beyond the mountes to mynister reskew to their peoples, he deuised to com­maunde all the places about the mount la Vernia, & to intrench all the wayes there­aboutes: In so much as many difficulties increasing to the ennemies together with necessities and want of vittells, many of them refused the camppe, who stealing a­waye by soundry wayes, fell euery day into chaunge of distresse and fortune, some­times vexed with troublesome passages, and sometimes stripped by the paisantes, & oftentimes slaine by the soldiours: These were the actions of armes betwene the Venetians and Florentyns.

Now in these times, albeit th'Embassadors of Florence, were departed from Ve­nice Meanes of accord. without any hope of accorde, yet was there holden at Ferrara, a new practise of composicion moued by the Duke of Ferrara at the instaunce of the Venetians: A­mongest whom many of those which held the greatest authoritie in that Senat, no lesse weary of the warre drawing with it increase of expenses and difficulties, then now made voyde of all hopes to preuaile further in the contrey of Cassantyn, desired to shake of the studies and trauells they suffred for the defense of Pisa, the cares and charges of that warre being greater without comparison, then the commodities or frutes of the seruice, in which regard they were ready to omitte no occasion which might minister any honest cooller to be discharged of it.

But whilest the regions of Italy were in these afflictions for the quarrells of Pisa, The doings of the fre [...]h king during the warre of Pisa. the new frenche King forgatte not to make preparacions to execute the conquest of Myllan the yeare next following: Wherein he hoped to haue in his fauor and on his side the freindshippe of the Venetians, who, caried with an incredible hate a­gainst the Duke of Myllan, helde straite negociacion with his maiestie: No lesse did solicite with the King in no litle secrecy & earnestnes the Pope, who, excluded from the alliance of Federyk and embrasing still the desire to the kingdom of Naples, was wholly conuerted into the hopes of the Frenche, by whose meanes he sought to ob­teine for his sonne the Cardinall of Valence, Charilotta, doughter to Federyk, who was not yet maried, but trained vp in the court of France: Wherein the king nour­rishing him with some tokens of hope, for that he supposed the power ouer her mariage rested in his maiestie, the Cardinall (ioyning with the intencion of his fa­ther)The cardinall of Val [...] the Popes sonne re [...]i [...]s this profession. entred one morning into the consistorie, and with an action in speeche and gesture farre from the office and modestie of his profession, besought his father and the whole colleadge of Cardinalls, that seeing he entred not into priesthood of his proper will and disposicion, that they woulde make it lawfull to him, to leaue the di­gnitie and the habitte, to follow the exercise whereunto his destinie and inclinacion drew him: This request being made easie in the Cardinalls by purchasse and cor­rupcions, was not denied of his father, whose authoritie going with the infected partialities of the Cardinalls, made his demaunde lawfull, and ratified it: And so re­suming the habite of a personne seculer, he prepared speedely to go into Fraunce, by whom the Pope sent this comfort and promise to the King, to make it lawfull by [Page 204] thauthoritie apostolike to refuse his wyfe: And the king, for his part, became bound to ayde him (assoone as he had conquered the Duchie of Myllan) to reduce into thobedience of the holy sea, all the townes possessed by the Viccairs of Romagna, and withall, to giue him presently thirtie thousand duckattes vnder this cooller that he was constrained to interteine a greater force for the gard of his person: as though to knit himselfe with the French king were to stirre vp many of the Potentates in I­talie to seeke to hurt and oppresse him: For thexecution of these couenantes, both the king began to make payment of the money and the Pope committed the action of the diuorce to the bishop of Setto his Nuncio, and to tharchbishops of Parys and Roan: And albeit in the trauerse of the cause, the kinges wyfe impugned the iudge­ment: yet in the ende, holding for no lesse suspected the consciences of the Iudges, then the might and greatnes of her aduersarie, she tooke comfort in her innocencie and disclaimed her suite, receiuing for thinterteinment of her person, the Duchie of Berry, with thirtie thousande Frankes of Reuenue: And so the diuorce confirmed by sentence of the Iudges, there rested nothing els exspected, for the dispensing and and accomplishing of the new mariage, but the comming of Caesar Vorgia, lately of a Cardinall and Archbishop of Valence, become a soldiour and Duke of Valentinoys: The Cardinall of Valence Duke of Va­lentynois. the king hauing giuen him a companie of a hundred Launces and twentie thousand Frankes pension: and for his title of dukedome, he indued him with Valence a Citie of Danphyne, with twentie thousand Frankes of Reuenue: he embarqued at Ostia vp­pon the Gallyes which the king sent him, and arryued about the end of the same yeare at the french Court, where he entred with a pomp and pride incredible, and brought with him the Cardinalles hatt for George Amboise Archbishop of Roan, Who, hauing alwayes affore, participated in the daungers and fortunes of the king, helde with him great authoritie, grace, and reputation. This new Duke albeit he was receiued of the king with great honour and all other offices of court, yet his man­ner of dealing was not well lyked in the beginning, for that, according to the directi­on and councell of his father, he denied that he had brought with him the bull of di­spensacion, hoping that the desire to obteine it, ‘would make the king more easie to assist his plottes and purposes, then would do the remembrance that he had recei­ued it, vsing this reason, that there is nothing endureth so small a tyme as the memo­rie of benefittes receiued, & the more great they bee, the more commonly are they recompenced with ingratitude:’ But the bishop of Setto reueiling the truth secretly to the king, who making it sufficient to godwarde, that the bull was dispatched and ratified, consommated the mariage openly with his new wyfe, without making more demaundes for the bull: the same being the cause that the Duke could no longer keepe from him the bull Authentyke and iustefied: And finding out after by suttle inquirie that the bishop of Setto had reuealed the matter, he caused him soone after by secret meanes to dye of poyson, the vnfortunate bishop not remembring that in matters of estate betweene princes he that discloseth his secret to another worketh to himself the occasion of his death. The king being now in some stabilitie of minde by his new mariage, began to be carefull to renue leagues & amities with his neigh­bours,The French king maketh peace vvith his neigh­bour [...]. making presentlie a firme peace with the king of Spaine, who, bearing now no more regarde to the thinges of Italie, called home all his Embassadours remayning there, except him that laye resident with the Pope, and readiourned Consaluo into Spaine with all his regiment, leauing to Federick all those peeces in Calabria which he had holden till that day: he had a great deale more trouble to accorde with the king of Romains, who was newly discended into Burgongny by occasion of some com­mocions [Page 205] stirring there, being for that expediciō, ayded with a round summe of mo­ney by the Duke of Myllan, in whom preuayled muche this kinde of persuacion, that eyther the warre which hee should make vppon the french king, would turne him from thenterprise of Italy, or at least, if any agreement succeeded betweene them, he should be comprehēded in it as the king of Romains had assuredly promised him: But at last, after much discourse of reasonings and meetings, the king made a new peace with Tharchduke, by the which were to bee rendered vnto him the places of the countrey of Artoys, a thing which to thende it might bring effect and profit to his sonne, the king of Romains consented to make truce with him for many monethes, without making mencion of the Duke of Myllan, against whom he seemed at that tyme much discontented, for that he had not alwayes satisfied his infinit demaunds of money: Lastly, the french king, ratifiyng the peace made with the king of Eng­lande by his predecessor, reiected all solicitacions and suites made to him to receiue the Duke of Myllan to any composicion, who for his part albeit he protested large offers & offices, & vsed no lesse corrupcions to induce him, yet all his industries and practises were vaine in the kings sight, who to lay a more sure foūdaciō of the warre pretended, sought how he might at one time, tie to him in suertie of amitie the Vene­tians & Florentyns, and therefore he required with great importunities that ceassingThe french king requi­reth Pisa in trust. to vexe the Pisans, the Venetians would put Pisa into his hands: whereunto the rather to draw the Florentyns to consent, he offred secretly to restore it to thē within a short tyme: This practise being founde full of many difficulties, and concurring in it di­uers endes and intrestes, was for many monethes debated with delayes: for that the Florentyns (holding it necessarie that in that case they should make aliance with the french king, and fearing by the remembrance of thinfidelitie of Charles, the present busines should suffer no lesse breach of promyse in the king raigning) coulde not agree amongst themselues, nor consent in vnitie of opinion and councell: wherein one reason of their disagreement was, that their citie was vnquietly tossed betweene thambicion of some of the greatest Rulers, and the vnbridled libertie of the gouern­ment popular, and being reapposed (by reason of the warre of Pisa) vppon the Duke of Myllan, the whole citie was falne into such generall diuision, that it was harde to deliberat in peace and quiet vppon matters of importance, some of the principall citizens desiring the victorie to the french king, and others of the contrary, bearing their whole affections to the Duke of Myllan: The Venetians also, notwithstanding all other difficulties had bene ouercome which might hinder the accorde, had yet determined not to consent to put Pisa into a third hande, hoping that for the regarde of the repayment of their charges, and to leaue Pisa with lesse dishonor, they should obteine better condicions in the negociacion that was holden at Ferrara, which was vehemently solicited by Lodovvyk, both for feare least the deputacion of Pisa falling to the french, both those common weales would knit with the king: and also hoping that the cōtrouersie being accorded for the profit of Italy, the Venetians would shake of & leaue there the malice they had to hurt him: which respects & cōsideraciō to­gether with the practise that continued at Ferrara, displeased not a litle the french king: lyke as also the Pope, to make his profit of the trauels of others, sought indi­rectly to hinder it, For that standing in great place of credit & fauour with the king so far as concerned the affaires of Italy, he hoped that making Pisa to diuolue by de­putacion to the king, hee should in some sort participate with a plentifull share.

But as in matters of enterpryse, ‘wyse men will debate all thinges at lardge, and by howe muche the cause is wayghtie and maye nouryshe [Page 206] occasion of many accidentes and fortunes, by so much it concerneth the reputaci­on of maiestrates and councellours, not only to looke into the generall estate & na­ture of the busines,’ but to examine euerie particular circumstance with a full dis­courseThe Veneti­ans take coū ­cell whether they should ioyne with the french king. of reason, wisdome, and foresight: euen so in these actions of practise and in­telligences, they consulted at Venice, whether, if the king missed of his demaund for the deputacion whereunto they had determined neuer to consent, they might enter confederation with him touching the warre against the Duke of Myllan, ‘as the king with great importunitie had solicited, and offred them for the reward of the victory the citie of Cremona and all Guiaradadda: an offer, which albeit was greatly desired of them all with no smal ambiciō, yet the deliberation seemed to some of them to cary so many respects & cōsideracions of importance, & that the power of a french king in Italy could not but bring daūger to their estate, that the matter was brought into the councell of the Pregati (the chiefest assemblie amongst them) & there was dispu­ted with no smal diuersitie of opinions & reasons: Amongst whom, one day where­in the last resolucion should be set downe, Anthony Grymany, a man for his authoritie much reuerenced, & for his wisdom no lesse respected, persuaded the residue of the Senat in this sort.’

It is (my Lords) in the disposiciō of men, ‘a custome vile & odious, to forget whatThe oration of Anthonie Grymany. they haue receiued of their frendes euen whē they were at point to fal into their full ruine & desolaciō: But it is an vnthākfulnes too intollerable & euē slaūderous to na­ture & all natural office, to requite benefits with iniuries, & make recompēce to the merits & good wills of men, with cōspiracies & harmes stretching to the spoiles of those by whose helpes & ministracions they were earst preserued: And as in cases of harmes and domages, there is no man that can tell how sweete is the passion of re­uenge, better then he that hath receiued the hurt: So, the dispite of the iniurie draw­ing with it a desire of reuenge, I can not thinke that it is any iniustice to be reuēged of him that hath don the first wrōg: if therfore (my Lords) you wel cōsider the great­nes of the good turnes which the Duke of Myllā hath receiued of our cōmon weale, by the which in these latter yeares, his whole estate hath receiued his whole protec­tion and preseruacion: and of the contrary, looke thorowly into the parts of his in­gratitude training many grosse iniuries don to vs, to co