¶Where the Authour ſpeaketh of the birth and lynage of the wyſe Philoſopher and Emperour, Marcus Aurelius And he putteth alſo at the beginning of this Booke thrée Chapters, wherin he entreateth of the diſcourſe of his life: for by his Epiſtles and doctrine, the whole of this preſente woorke is proued. Cap. i.

AFter the death of the Emperoure Antonius Pius, in the 695. yeares from the foundation of Rome, and in the 173. Olimpiade: Fuluius Cato, & Gneus Patroclus then being conſulles: the fourth daie of October, in the highe Capitoll of Rome, at ſute of the whole Romaine people & with thaſſent of the ſacred Senate Marcus Aurelius Antonius was proclaymed Emperoure vniuerſall of the whole Romaine monarche. This noble prince was naturally of Rome borne in the mount Celio, on the ſixt daye before the Kalendes of May, which after the Latines accounte is the .xxvi. day of April. His Graundefather was called Annius Verus, and was choſene ſenatoure in the tyme of the Emperours Titus, and Veſpaſian, hys greate graunde fathere was named Annius Verus, whiche was borne in Spayne in the free towne of Gububa, whenne the warres were moſte cruel betwene Caeſar and Pompeius: at what time many Spanyardes fled to Rome, and manye Romaynes ranne into Spayne. By this meanes this Emperour had a greate graundfather a Romayne, and a greate graundmother a Spanyard. Hys father was named Annius Verus after his grandfather and great grandfather, by reaſon wherof the auncient hiſtoriographers call him Marcus Antonius Verus. And true it is that the Emperour Adrian called him Marcus Verisſimus, for that he neuer forged lie nor ſwarued at anye tyme from the trueth. Theſe Annij Veri wer a kinred in Rome (as Iulius Capitolinus reporteth) which vaunted themſelues to come of Numa Pompilius and Quintus Curtius the famous Romaine: which (to worke the Romaine people ſafetie, and his owne perſon euerlaſting memorie) willingly threw him ſelfe into the lake, which afterwards was called Curtius. That as then was ſene in Rome. This Emperours mother was called Domitia Camilla, as recounteth Cinna in the bookes that he wrote of Romain pedigrees. That ſtocke of Camilli, was in thoſe dayes highly honoured in Rome: for that they conueighed their diſſent from that Camillus, whych was the renowmed and valiaunt Romain captayne, who deliuered Rome when the Gavvles had taken it and beſieged the Capitoll. The men that ſprange of this linage bare the name of Camilli, for remē brance of this Camillus. And the woman that came of the ſame ſtocke kepte the name of Camille, in memorie of a doughter of the ſayde Camillus. Thys Camilla refuſed mariage, and choſe to liue amonge the veſſall virgines: and ther longe ſpace remayned enduring a ſharpe and hard lyfe. And ſhe was ſo vertuous a Romayne and preciſe in her life, that in the time of Seuerus Emperour of Rome, her tombe was honoured as a relique, whereon was engraued this Epitaphe.

Camilla lo, doth here engraued reſt. That only was, Camillus daughter deere Twyſe twentie yeres, and fixe, ſhe hath poſſeſt A couert lyfe, vn touchte of any feere. The king of Trinacry, could not her moue To taſt the ſwete delight of wedlockes bande Nor trayne by ſute, her ſacred mind to loue, • ncloſde in breeſt, ſo deepe did chaſtnes ſtand. But oh, greate wrong, the crawling wormes her do To gnawe, on that vnſpotted ſenceles corſe That rage of youth ſpent vndefiled ſo VVyth ſober life, in ſpite of Cupides force.

And this was written in heroycal verſe in the Greeke tongue with a maruelouſe haughtie ſtile. But to our mater, ye ſhal vnderſtand that the Romaynes kepte a certayne Lawe in the 12. tables, the woordes wherof were theſe. We ordeyne and commaund, that al the Romaynes ſhal for euer haue ſpecyall priuiledge in euery ſuch place, where theyr aunceſtoures haue done to the Romayne people any notable ſeruice. For it is reaſon, that where the citizen aduentureth hys lyfe, there the citie ſhould do him ſome honor after hys death. By vertue of this lawe, all the familie of Camilli euer enioyed the keping of the hyghe Capitoll, for that by hys force and pollicye he chaſed the french men from the ſiege. Truely it is not vnknowē that this noble knight and valyant captayne Camille dyd other thynges as great, and greater than this: but becauſe it was done within the circuite of Rome, it was eſtemed aboue all hys other actes and prowes. And herein the Romaynes ſwarued not farre from reaſon, for that amongeſt all princelye vertues is eſtemed to be the chiefeſt and worthyeſt, whych is employed to the profyt of the comon wealth. The Romayne Croniclers wyth teares ceaſe not to lamēt the ruine of their countrye, ſeynge that varietie of tyme, the multytude of tyrauntes, the crueltye of cyuill warres were occaſion that the aunciente ſtate of the Romayn gouernment came to vtter deſtruction, and in ſteede therof a new and euyl trade of lyfe to be placed. And hereof no man ought to maruaile, for it chaunſeth throughout al realmes and nacions, by oft chaunging gouernours that among the people dayly ſpryngeth ſondry new vices. Pulio ſayth, that for no alteracion whych befell to the common weale, for no calamitye that euer Rome ſuffred, that priuiledge was taken away from the Image of Camilli (I meane the gouernment of the high Capitol) except it were in the time of Silla the conſul, when this familye was ſoore perſecuted, for none other cauſe but for that they fauoured the conſull Marius. Thys cruel Silla beinge deade, and the piteful Iulius Ceſar preuailinge, al the banyſhed men frome Rome returned home agayne to the commonne wealthe. As touchinge the aunceſtours of the Emperoure Marcus Aurelius, what hath bene their trade of lyfe, eſtate, pouertye, or riches, ſtandinge infauour or diſpleaſoure, what proſperitie or aduerſitie they haue had or ſuffred, we fynde not in wrytinges, thoughe with greate dilygence they haue bene ſerched for. And the cauſe hereof was, for that the auncient writers of ye Romaine hiſtories, touched the lyues of the emperours fathers (ſpecially, when they were made princes) more for the good merites that were in the children, then for ye great eſtimaciō that came from the fathers. Iulius Capitolinus ſaith that Annius Verus (father of Marcus Aurelius) was Pretor of the Rhodian armies, and alſo wardein in other frontiers, in the time of Traian the good, Adrian the wyſe, and Antonye the mercifull. Whiche Emperours truſted none with theyr armies but diſcrete and valiaunt men. For good princes choſe alway ſuche captaines as can with wiſedome guide the armye, and with valiauntnes giue the battaile. Thoughe the Romaynes had ſondrye warres in diuerſe places, yet chefelye they kept great garriſons alwayes in foure partes of the world. That is to ſaye, in Bizance (which now is Conſtantinople) to reſiſt the Parthiens, in Gades (whiche now is called Galiz) to withſtand the Portugales: in the riuer of Rein, to defend them ſelues from the Germaines: and at Coloſſes (whiche now is called the Ile of Rhodes) for to ſubdue the Barbariens. In the moneth of Ianuary when the Senate diſtributed their offices, the dictatoure being appointed for 6. monethes: and the. 2. Conſulles choſen for one yere: incontinently in the .3. place they choſe 4. of the moſt renowmed perſonnes to defende the ſayd 4, daungerous frō tiers. For the Romaynes neither feared the paynes of hell, nor truſted for reward in heauen: but ſought by all occaſions poſſible in their life to leaue ſome notable memory of them after their deathe. And that Romaine was counted moſt valiante & of the Senate beſt fauoured, to whom they committed the charge of the moſte cruell and daungerous warres. For their ſtrife was not to beare rule and to be in office to get mony: but to be in the frontiers to ouercome their enemies. In what eſtimacion theſe 4. frontiers wer we may eaſely perceiue, by that we ſee the moſt noble Romaines haue paſſed ſom part of their youth in thoſe places as captaines, vntill ſuch time that for more weyghtie affaires they were appointed from thenſe to ſome other places. For at that time there was no worde ſo greauous and iniurious to a citezin, as to ſaye go, thou haſt neuer ben brought vp in the warres: and to proue the ſame by examples, the great Pompey paſſed the winter ſeaſon in Conſtantinople, the aduenturous Scipio in Colonges, the couragious Caeſar in Gades, and the renowmed Marius in Rhodes. And theſe. 4. wer not only in the frontiers afore ſayde in their youthe, but ther they dyd ſuch valiaunt actes, that the memory of them remayned euermore after their death. Theſe thynges I haue ſpoken to proue, ſythe wee fynde that Marcus Aurelius father was captaine of one of thoſe .4. frontiers: it followeth that he was a man of ſinguler wiſedome and proweſſe. For as Scipio ſayde to his frende Maſiniſſa. in affrike it is not poſſible for a Romaine captayne to want eyther wiſedome or courage, for thereunto they were predeſtined at their birthe. We haue no autentike authorities that ſhoweth vs from whence, when, or howe, in what countreis and with what perſonnes this captaine paſſed his youth. And the cauſe is, for that ye Romain Croniclers wer not accuſtomed to write the thynges done by their prince before they were created: but only the actes of yonge men, whiche from their youth had their hartes ſtoutlye bent to great aduenturs. And in my opinion it is wel done. For it is greater honor to obteine, an empire by policie & wiſedom then to haue it by diſcent, ſo yt ther be no tirannie. Suetonius Tranquillus in his firſt boke of Emperours counteth at large the aduenturous enterpriſes taken in hand by Iulius Caeſar in his yong age, & how farre vnlikely they wer from thought that he ſhould euer obtayne the Roman Empiree writing this to ſhew vnto princes, how earneſtlye Iulius Ceſars harte was bent to winne the Romayne Monarchie, and likewiſe how wiſdom fayled him in behauing him ſelfe therein. A philoſopher of Rome wrote to Phalaris the tiraunt, which was in Cicilia, aſking him why he poſſeſſed the Realme ſo longe by tirannye? Phalaris aunſwered hym agayne in another Epyſtle in theſe fewe wordes Thou calleſt me tyraunt bicauſe I haue taken this realme & kept it this .32. yeres I graunt the (quod he) that I was a tiraunte in vſurpyng it: For no manne occupyeth another mannes ryght but by reaſon he is a tyraunte. But yet I will not agree to be called a tyraunte, ſithe it is nowe .xxxii. yeares ſins I haue poſſeſſed it. And though I haue atcheued it by tyrannie, yet I haue gouerned it by wiſedome. And I let thee to vnderſtande, that to take an other mans goods, it is an eaſie thing to conquer, but a hard thing to kepe an eaſy thing: but to kepe them, I enſure the it is very hard. The Emperour Marcus Aurelius maried the doughter of Antonius Pius, the 16. Emperour of Rome, and ſhe was named Fauſtina, who as ſole heire had the Empire: & ſo through mariage Marcus Aurelius came to be Emperour: this Fauſtine was not ſo honeſt and chaſt: as ſhe was faire and beautifull. She had by him two ſonnes, Commodus, and Verisſimus, Marcus Aurelius triumphed twiſe, once when he ouercame the Perthians, and an other time when he conquered the Argonantes He was a man very wel learned and of a deepe vnderſtanding, He was as excellent both in the Greke and latin, as he was in his mother tongue. He was very temperate in eating and drinking, he wrote many thinges ful of good learning & ſwete ſentences: He dyed in conquering the realme of Pannonia, whiche is now called Hongarie. His death was aſmuch bewayled, as his lyfe was deſired. And he was loued ſo intierlye in the citye of Rome, yt euery Romane had a ſtatue of him in his houſe, to thende the memorie of him (among them) ſhould neuer decay. The which was neuer red that they euer did for any other king or Emperoure of Rome, no not for Auguſtus Ceſar who was beſte beloued of all other Emperours of Rome. He gouerned the empire for the ſpace of 18. yeres with vprighte iuſtice: and dyed at the age of 63 yeres with much honour, in the yere clymatericke, which is in the 60. and 3. yeres wherein the lyfe of man ronneth in great peril. For then are accomplyſhed the nine ſeuens, or the ſeuen nynes. Aulus Gelius writeth a chapiter of this matter in ye boke De noctibus Atticis. Marcus Aurelius was a prince of lyfe moſt pure, of doctrine moſt profound, & of fortune moſt happie of all other princes in the world, ſaue only for Fauſtine his wife and Commodus his ſonne And to the ende we maye ſee what Marcus Aurelius was from his infancie, I haue put here an epiſtle of his which is this.

¶Of a letter whych Marcus Aurelius ſent to his frend Pulio, wherein hee declareth the order of hys whole lyfe: and amongeſt other thinges he maketh mencion of a thyng that happened to a Romaine Cenſor with hys hoſt of Campagna. Cap. ii.

MArcus Aurelius only Emperour of Rome greteth the his old frend Pulio wiſheth health to thy parſon, and peace to the commen wealth. As I was in the temple of the veſtall virgens, a letter of thine was preſented vnto me, which was writen long before, and greatly deſired of me: but the beſt therof is, that thou wryting vnto me briefly, deſireſt that I ſhould writ vnto the at large. Which is vndecent for the authoritie of him that is chiefe of the empire, in eſpecial if ſuch one be couetous: for to a prince there is no greater infamy, then to be lauiſhe of words, and ſcant of rewards. Thou wryteſt to me of thy griefe in thy legge, and that thy wounde is great: and truly the payne thereof troubleth me at my hart, and I am righte ſory that thou wanteſt that which is neceſſarie for thy health, and that good that I do wiſhe the. For in the ende all the trauailes of the life may be endured, ſo that the body with diſeaſes be not troubled. Thou letteſt me vnderſtande by thy letters that thou art arriued at Rhodes, and requireſte me to write vnto the howe I lyued in that place when I was younge, what time I gaue my minde to ſtudie, & likewiſe what the diſcourſe of my life was vntil the time of my being Emperoure of Rome. In this caſe trulye I meruell at the not a lytle that thou ſhouldeſt aſke me ſuch a queſtion, and ſo muche the more that thou diddeſt not conſider, yt I cannot without great trouble and paine anſwere thy demaunde. For the doinges of youthe in a younge man were neuer ſo vpright and honeſt, but it were more honeſty to amend them, then to declare them. Annius Verus my father ſhewing vnto me his fatherly loue (not accompliſhing yet fully 13 yeres) drew me from the vices of Rome, and ſent me to Rhodes to learne ſcience, howbeit better acccompanyed with bookes, then loden with money, where I vſed ſuche dilygence, and fortune ſo fauoured me, that at the age of 26. yeres I red openly natutall and moral philoſophy, and alſo Rethoricke: and ther was nothing gaue me ſuch occaſion to ſtudy, and read bookes, as the want of moneye, for pouertie cauſeth good mens children to bee vertuous, ſo that they attaine to that by vertue, which others come vnto by riches. Trulye frende Pulio I found great want of the pleaſures of Rome, ſpecially at my firſt comminge into the Ile, but after I had redde philoſophie 10 yeares at Rhodes, I toke my ſelfe as one borne in the countrey, And I thinke my couerſacion among them cauſed it to ſeme no leſſe. For it is a rule that neuer faileth, that vertue maketh a ſtraunger grow natural in a ſtraunge country: and vyce maketh the natural a ſtraūger in his owne country. Thou knoweſt wel how my father Annius Verus was 15. yeres a captaine in the frontiers againſt the Barbarous, by the commaundement of Adrian my lorde and maiſter, and Antonius Pius my father in law, both of theym prynces of famous memorie: which recōmended me ther to his old frendes, who with fatherly counſel exhorted me to forget the vyces of Rome, and to accuſtome me to the vertues of Rhodes. And trulye it was but nedeful for me, for the naturall loue of the countrye oft tymes bringeth domage to him that is borne therein leadinge his deſier ſtil to retourne home. Thou ſhalt vnderſtand that the Rhodians are men of much curteſy, & requyting beneuolence, whych chaunſeth in few Iles: becauſe that naturally they are perſonnes deceitful, ſubtile, vnthankeful, and ful of ſuſpiciō. I ſpeake this bycauſe my fathers frends alwaies ſuccoured me wyth counſayle and money: which two thinges were ſo neceſſarie, that I could not tell which of them I had moſt nede of. For the ſtraunger maketh his profit with moneye to withſtand diſdainfull pouertie, and profitteth him ſelfe with counſell to forget the ſwete loue of his country. I deſired then to reade philoſophy in Rhodes ſo long as my father continued there captaine, But that could not be, for Adrian my lord ſent for me to returne to Rome, which pleaſed me not a lytle, albeit (as I haue ſaid) they vſed me as if I had ben borne in that Iland, for in theend although the eyes be fedde with delyght to ſee ſtraunge thinges, yet therefore the hart is not ſatiſfyed. And this is al that toucheth the Rhodians. I will now tel the alſo how before my going thether I was borne and brought vp in mount Celio (in Rome) with my father from mine infancie. In the common wealthe of Rome ther was a law vſed, & by cuſtome wel obſerued, that no citizē which enioyed any lybertie of Rome (after their ſonnes had accomplyſhed .10. yeares) ſhould be ſo bold or hardy to ſuffer them to walke the ſtreates like vacabondes. For it was a cuſtome in Rome, that the chyldren of the ſenatours ſhould ſucke til two yeres of age, til 4. they ſhould liue at theyr own wylles, tyl 6. they ſhould reede, tyl 8 they ſhould wryte, tyll 10. they ſhould ſtudy gramer, & 10. yeares accompliſhed they ſhould then take ſome craft or occupacion, or gyue them ſelues to ſtudy, or go to the warres, ſo yt throughout Rome no man was idell. In one of the lawes of the 12 tables weare written theſe wordes. We ordeine and commaund that euery cytizen that dwelleth wythin the circuite of Rome or lybertyes of the ſame, from 10 yeres vpwardes to kepe hys ſonne well ordered. And if perchaunce the chyld being ydel, or that no man teacheth hym any craft or ſcyence, ſhould therby peraduenture fal to vyce, or commyt ſome wycked offence, that then the father no leſſe then the ſonne ſhould be punyſhed. For ther is nothing ſo much breadeth vyce amongeſt the people, as when the fathers are to neclygent, and the chyldren to bold. And furthermore another law ſayd. We ordeine and commaunde that after 10. yeares be paſt, for the fyrſt offence that the chyld ſhal commyt in Rome, that the father ſhalbe bound to ſend hym forth ſome where els, or to be bound ſuertye for the good demeanour of hys ſon. For it is not reaſon that the fonde loue of the father to the ſonne ſhould be an occaſion why the multytude ſhuld be ſclaundered: becauſe al the wealth of the Empyre conſiſteth in kepyng and mayntaynyng quyet men, and in baniſhyng and expellyng ſedycious perſonnes. I wyll tell the one thyng my Pulyo, and I am ſure thou wylt meruell at it, and it is thys. When Rome tryumphed and by good wyſedom gouerned all the worlde, the inhabitantes in the ſame ſurmounted the nomber of two hundreth thouſand parſonnes, which was a maruelouſe matter. Amongeſte whom (as a man maye iudge) ther was aboue a hundreth thouſand chyldren. But they whych had the charge of them kept them in ſuch awe and doctryne, that they banyſhed from Rome one of the ſonnes of Cato vticenſis for breakyng an erthen pot in a maydens handes whych went to fetche water. In lyke manner they banyſhed the ſonne of good Cinna, onlye for entrynge into a garden to gather fruyte, And none of theſe two were as yet fyftyne yeares olde. For at that tyme they chaſtiſed them more for the offences done in geſt, then they doo now for thoſe which are don in good earneſt. Our Cicero ſaith in his booke De legibus, that the Romaynes neuer toke in any thing more paynes, then to reſtreine the chyldren aſwel old as young from ydlenes. And ſo long endured the feare of their lawe, and honour of theyr common wealthe, as they ſuffered not their children lyke vacabondes idelly to wander the ſtreates. For that countrey may aboue all other be counted happye, where eche one enioyeth hys owne laboure, and no man lyueth by the ſwette of another. I let the know my Pulio, that when I was a chylde (althoughe I am not yet very olde) none durſte be ſo hardy to go commonly throughe Rome, wythout a token about hym of the crafte and occupacion he exercyſed, and whereby he lyued. And if anye man had bene taken contrary, the chyldren dyd not onlye crie out of hym in the ſtreates as of a foole: but alſo the Cenſour afterwardes condemned hym to trauayle wyth the captynes in common workes. For in Rome they eſtemed it no leſſe ſhame to the child which was idle, then they dyd in Grece to the phyloſopher whych was ignorant. And to thende thou mayeſt ſe thys I write vnto the to be no new thynge, thou oughteſt to know, that the Emperour cauſed to be borne afore hym a brenning brand, and the counſel an axe of armes, the prieſtes a hat in maner of a coyfe, The Senatours a cruſible on their armes, the Iudges a lytle balance, the Tribunes Maces, the gouernours a ſcepter, the Byſhoppes hattes of floures, The Oratours a booke, the cutlers a ſwerd, the goldſmithes a pot to melt gold: and ſo forth of al other offices, ſtrangers excepted, which went al marked after one ſort in Rome: For they woulde not agree that a ſtranger ſhoulde be apparailed & marked according to the childrē of Rome. O my frend Pulio, it was ſuche a ioye then to beholde the diſcipline and proſperitie of Rome, and it is now at this preſent ſuche a grefe to ſee the calamitie thereof, that by the immortall gods I ſweare to the, and ſo the god Mars guyde my hande in warres, that the man which now is beſt ordered, is not worthe ſo much as the moſt diſſolute perſon was then. For then amongeſt a thouſande they could not finde one man vicious in Rome, and nowe amonges twentie thouſande they cannot finde one vertuous in all Italye. I know not why the gods are ſo cruel againſte me, and fortune ſo contrary, that this 40. yeares I haue done nothynge but wepe and lamente to ſee the good men die, and immediatly to be forgotten: and on the other ſide to ſee the wicked liue and to be alwayes in proſperitye. Vniuerſallye the noble harte maye endure al the troubles of mans life, vnleſſe it be to ſee a good man decay, and the wicked to proſper: which my harte cannot abyde, nor yet my tonge diſſemble. And touchynge this matter my frende Pulio, I will write vnto the one thynge whiche I founde in the bookes of the highe Capitoll, where he treateth of the time of Marius and Sylla, whiche trulye is worthy of memorye and that is this. There was at Rome a cuſtome and a lawe inuiolable, ſith the time of Cinna, that a Cenſour expreſſely commaunded by the ſenate ſhould goe and viſite the prouinces whyche were ſubiecte vnto it throughe out all Italye: and the cauſe of thoſe viſitacions was for three thinges. The firſte, to ſee if any complained of iuſtice, the ſecond, to ſee in what caſe the common wealthe ſtode. The thirde, to thende that yearelye they ſhould render obedience to Rome. O my frende Pulio, how thinkeſt thou? if they viſited Italye at this preſente, as at that time they ſurueyed Rome, how ful of errous ſhould they fynd it: And what decaye ſhoulde they ſee therein thinkeſt thou? Trulye (as thou knoweſt) they ſhould ſee the common wealthe deſtroyed, iuſtice not miniſted, and moreouer Rome not obeyed, and not without iuſte cauſe. For of righte oughte that common wealthe to be diſtroyed, which ons of al other hath bene the flower, and moſt beautified with vertues: and after becommeth moſte abhominable and defiled with vices. The caſe was ſuche, that two yeares after the warres of Sylla, and Marius, the Cenſor went yearely to Nola (whiche is a place in the prouince of Campania) to viſite the ſame countrey as the cuſtome was. And in thoſe dayes the tyme and ſeaſon being verye hote, and the prouince quiet, not dyſturbed with warres, and perceiuyng that none of the people cam to him. The cenſour ſayde to the hoſte which lodged hym.

Frend I am a iudge ſent from the Senatours of Rome to viſite this land. Therefore goe thy wayes quicklye and call the good men hither whiche be amonge the people, For I haue to ſaye vnto theym from the ſacred ſenate. This hoſte (who peraduenture was wyſer then the Romayne iudge, althoughe not ſo ryche) goeth to the graues of the dead, whiche in that place were buryed, and ſpake vnto them with a loude voyce ſayinge. O ye good men, come awaye with me quickelie, for the Romayne Cenſour calleth you. The iudge perceiuyng they came not, ſent hym agayne to cal them: and the hoſt as he dyd at the firſt tyme, ſo dyd he nowe at the ſeconde. For when he was at the graues with a loud voyce he ſaid. O ye good men come hither, for the cenſour of Rome woulde talke with you. And lykewyſe they were called the third tyme, with the ſelfſame wordes. And the Cenſour ſeyng no body come, was maruelous angrie, and ſaid to the hoſte. Sithe theſe good men dyſdayne to come at my commandement, and ſhewe their allegiaunce to the ſacred ſenate of Rome (to thintente I maye punyſhe this their dyſobedience) I wil goe vnto them my ſelfe, Come and go with me. The poore hoſte without any wordes, takyng the cenſour by the hand, led him to the graues where he had ben before, and agayne with a loude voice cried vnto the dead men and ſayed. O ye good men, here is the Roman cenſor come to ſpeake with you. The cenſor beyng angry ſayde to hym, what meaneſt thou by this hoſt? I ſent the to cal them that are aliue, & not thoſe that are dead? the hoſt made anſwer: o thou Roman Iudge if thou wert wyſe, thou woldeſt not marueil at that that I haue done. For I let the vnderſtand, in this our citie of Nola al the good men, (all I ſay) are now deade, and lye here buried in theſe graues, Therfore thou haſt no cauſe to marueile, nor yet to be dyſpleaſed with my anſwere: but I rather ought to be offended with thy demaunde, willyng me to enquire for good menne, and thou thy ſelfe doſte offende with the euill dailie. Wherfore I let the know (if thou be ignoraunt therof) if thou wilt ſpeake with any good man, thou ſhalte not finde him in all the hole worlde: vnles the dead be reuiued, or excepte the gods wil make a newe creation. The Conſul Sylla was fyue monethes our captain in this oure citye of Nola in Campania, ſowinge the fruite whiche ye other Romaines gathered: that is to ſay, he lefte children without fathers, fathers without children, daughters without mothers, and huſbandes without wyues: wiues without huſbandes, vncles without nephewes, ſubiectes withoute Lordes, Lordes withoute tenauntes, gods without Temples, Temples without prieſtes, mountaines without heardes, and fieldes without frutes. And the worſte of all is, that this curſed Sylla, diſpeopled this oure citye of good and vertuous men: and replenyſhed it with wycked and vitious perſonnes Ruine and decay neuer deſtroyed the walles ſo muche, neyther the mothes euer marred ſo many garmētes, ne the wormes rotted ſo much fruites, nor yet the hayle beate downe ſo muche corne, as the diſorder and vices of Sylla the Romaine Conſul dyd harme, whiche he broughte vnto this land of campania. And although the euils that he did here to the men were many folde greate, yet muche greater herein was that which he did to their cuſtomes and maners. For in the ende, the good men whiche he beheaded are now at reſt with the dead: but the vices whiche he left vs. In this land ther are none but proude & arrogant men that deſire to commaunde. In this land there are none other but enuious men that know nought els but malice. In this land there are idle men which doe nothing but loſe their tyme. In thys land there are none but gluttons, whych doe nothyng but eateth. In this land ther are non but theues, which entende nought els but robberies. In thys lande there are none but rebelles, that doe nothyng but ſtirre ſedicion. And if thou and al the Romaynes eſteme theſe men for good, tary a while I wyl goe to cal them al to the. For if we ſhould kil and put in the ſhambles al the yll men and wey theym as we doe the fleſh of ſhepe, or other lyke beaſtes: all the neighbours and inhabitantes of Italye ſhoulde haue meate ſufficiente to eate. Beholde Cenſor, in this lande of Campania they caſe none good but thoſe which are quyet, ſober, wiſe, and diſcret men. Thei cal none good but the pacient, honeſt, and verteous men. Finallie I ſay that we cal none good but thoſe which wyll doe no harme, and will occupy them ſelues in good workes without teares. I ſpeke not that whych I wil ſay, that is: if we ſeke for any of them we ſhal finde none but in theſe graues. For the iuſte iudgment of god it was, they ſhould repoſe them ſelues in the intrailles of the earthe, whom the publike weale deſerued not to haue alyue Thou comeſt to viſite thys land where thou ſhalt imediatly be ſerued with the wycked: and to hyde theyr faultes, theyr diſſolute lyfe, and theyr vices, thou ſhalt not be a little ſolicited. Beliue me if thou wilt not vndoe thy ſelf & be deceiued. Truſt thou rather theſe rottē bones, then their deceiptful harts. For in the end, the examples of the dead that were good doe profyte men more to lyue well: than the counſaile of the liuing that be wicked doe interre and burye al thoſe that be nowe lyuyng.

¶ Marcus Aurelius concludeth the letter, and declareth at large the ſciences he learned, and al the maiſters which he had. And in the ende he reciteth fiue notable thynges, in the obſeruaunce of whych the Romaynes were verye curious. Cap. iii.

I Haue recyted theſe thynges vnto the, my frende Pulio, to the ende thou ſhouldeſt know what an infinite number there is of the wycked ſort in yt world, and how ſmal and ſcant a number there is in Italye of the good, and this procedeth of none other thynge, but becauſe the Fatheres doe not bryng vp their chyldren as our aunceſtours dyd. It is vnpoſſyble a young chylde ſhoulde be vicious, yf wyth due correction he had bene inſtructed in vertues. Annius Verus my father in thys caſe deſerueth as much prayſe, as I doe reproche. For whiles I was yonge, he neuer ſuffered me to ſlepe in bed, to ſyt in chayre, to eate with him at hys table, neyther durſt I lyfte vp mine eyes to loke hym in the face. And oftentymes he ſayde vnto me, Marcus my ſonne, I had rather thou ſhoudeſt be an honeſt Romayne, than a diſſolute Philoſopher. Thou deſyreſt me to wryte vnto the how manye maſters I had, and what ſcyences I learned in my youth. Knowe thou that I had manye good maſters, though I am become an euyll ſcoller. I learned alſo dyuerſe ſcyences, though preſently I knowe lyttle, not for that I forgote them, but becauſe the affayres of the empyre of Rome excluded me from them, and cauſed me to forſake them. For it is a general rule, that ſcience in that place is neuer permanent, where the perſonne is not at libertie. I ſtudyed grammer with a mayſter called Euphermon, who ſayed he was a Spaniard borne, and his head was hore for age. In ſpeache he was very temperate, in correction ſomwhat ſeuere, and in life exceadyng honeſte. For there was a law in Rome, that the childrens maſters ſhould be very old: ſo that if the diſciple were .10. yeres of age, the maſter ſhould be aboue fiftie. I ſtudied a long time Rethorick, and the lawe, vnder a greeke called Alexander, borne in Lycaony, which was ſo excellent an Oratour, that if he had had as great a grace in writing with his pen, as he hadde eloquence in ſpeakynge with hys tong, truly he had bene no leſſe renowmed among the Gretians, then Cicero was honored amonge the Romains. After the death of this my maſter (at Naples) I went to Rhodes, and hearde rethoricke again of Oroſus of Pharanton, and of Pulio, whiche trulye were men expert, and excellent in the arte of oratorie, and eſpecially in makyng comedies, tragedies, and enterludes, they were very fyne, and had a goodly grace. Commodus Calcedon, was my firſte maſter in naturall Philoſophie. He was a graue man, and in greate credite with Adrian, he tranſlated Homere out of greeke into latin. After this man was dead, I toke Sextus Cheronēſis for my maſter, who was nephewe to Plutarche the greate, whych Plutarche was Traianus maſter, I knewe this Sextus Cheronenſis at .35. yeares of age, at what time I doute whether there hath bene any Philoſopher that euer was ſo well eſtemed throughout the Romain empire as he. I haue him here with me, and although he be foure ſcore yeres olde, yet continually he writeth the Hiſtories and geſtes done of my time. I let the know, my frend Pulio, that I ſtudied the law .2. yeres, and the ſeekyng of the lawes of many nacions was occaſion that I knew many antiquities: and in this ſcience Volucius Mecianns was my maſter, a man whiche could reade it well, and alſo diſpute of if better. So that on a time he demaunded of me merily and ſayde. Tell me Marke, doeſt thou thinke there is any lawe in the world that I know not? and I aunſwered him: Tell me maſter, is there any lawe in the world that thou obſerueſt? The fyfte yere that I was at Rhodes there came a marueilous peſtilence, whiche was occaſion of the diſſolution of our ſcoole, which was in a narowe and litle place, and beynge there a certaine painter paintinge a riche and exellent worke for the Realme of Paleſtine, I then for a truth learned there to drawe and painte, and my maſter was Diogenetus, who in thoſe dayes was a famous painter. He painted in Rome .6. worthy Princes in one table, and 6. other tirannous Emperours in an other. And amongeſt thoſe euill Nero the cruell was painted ſo lyuely, that he ſemed a lyue to all thoſe that ſawe him: and that table wherein Nero was ſo liuelye drawen, was by decrees of the ſacred ſenat commaunded to be burnt. For they ſaide that a man of ſo wycked a life, deſerued not to be repreſented in ſo goodly a table. Others ſaide that it was ſo naturall and perfect, that he made all men afrayde that beheld him, and if he had bene lefte there a fewe daies, that he would haue ſpoken as if he had bene aliue. I ſtudied the arte of Nigromancie a while with al the kyndes of gyromancye and chiromancye. In this ſcience I had no particuler maſter, but that ſomtymes I went to heare Apolonius lecture. After I was maried to Fauſtine, I learned Coſmographye in the citie of Argeleta, which is the chiefeſte towne of Illyria: and my maſters were Iunius Ruſticus, and Cyna Catullus, Croniclers and counſaylers to Adrian my maſter, and Antonius my father in lawe. And becauſe I would not be ignorant in any of thoſe thynges that mans debilitie myght attaine to, beyng at the warres of Dalia I gaue my ſelfe to muſicke, & was apte to take it, and my maſter was named Geminus C • modus a man of a quicke hand to play, and of as pleaſaunte a voice to ſinge, as euer I hearde Romayne tonge prompte to ſpeake. This was the order of my lyfe, and the tyme that I ſpente in learning. And of good reaſon a man ſo occupyed can not choſe but be vertuous. But I ſware and confeſſe to the that I did not ſo much geue my ſelfe to ſtudye, but that euery day I loſt time enoughe. For youth and the tender fleſhe deſyreth libertie, and althoughe a man accuſtome it with trauailes, yet he findeth vacant time alſo for his pleaſours. Although al the auncient Romans were in dyuerſe thinges very ſtudious, yet notwithſtandinge amongeſt all ouer and beſides theſe, there were fyue things wherunto they had euer a great reſpect: & to thoſe that therin offended, neyther requeſtes auayled, rewards profited, nor law (old nor new) diſpenſed. Truly their good willes are to be comended, and their dyligence to be exalted. For the princes that gouerne great Realmes, ought to employe their hartes to make good lawes, and to occupie their eyes to ſe them dulye executed throughoute the common wealthe. Theſe fiue thinges weare theſe.

1 The firſte, they ordeyned that the prieſtes ſhoulde not be diſhoneſte. For in that Realme where prieſtes are dyſhoneſt, it is a token that the gods againſt the people are angrye.

2 The ſeconde, it was not ſuffered in Rome that the Virginnes veſtalles ſhould at their pleaſoure ſtray abroad. For it is but reaſon that ſhe whiche of her owne fre wil hath heretofore promiſed openly to be good, ſhould now if ſhe chaunge her mind be compelled in ſecret to be chaſt.

3 The third, they decreed that the iudges ſhould be iuſte and vprighte. For there is nothing that decayeth a common wealthe more, then a iudge who hath not for all men one ballaunce indifferent.

4 The fourth was, that the Captaines that ſhould go to the warres ſhould not be cowardes: for there is no lyke daunger to the common wealthe, nor no like ſclaunder to the Prince, as to committe the charge of men to hym in the fielde, who wylbe firſte to commaunde, and laſte to fighte.

The fifthe was, that they whiche had charge of bringinge vp of children ſhoulde not be vicious. For there is nothinge more monſtruous and more ſclaunderous, then he that is maiſter of children, ſhould be ſubiecte and ſeruaunt to vyces. How thinkeſt thou my frende Pulio whan al theſe thinges were obſerued in Rome? Thinkeſt thou that the youthe was ſo diſſolute as at this preſent? thinkeſte thou in deede that it is the ſame Rome wherin (in times paſt) were ſo notable good and auncient men? beleueſt thou that it is that Rome wherin (in the golden age) the olde men were ſo honeſt, and the children ſo well taught, the armies wel ordered, and the iudges and Senatours ſo vpright and iuſte? I call God to witnes, and ſweare to the that it is not Rome, neyther hath it any likenes of Rome, nor yet anye grace to be Rome: and he that would ſay that this Rome was the old Rome, knoweth lytle of Rome. The matter was this, that the auncient and vertuous Romaynes being dead, it ſemeth to the gods, that we are not yet woorthye to enioye their houſes, So that eyther this is not Rome, or els we be not the Romaines of Rome. For conſidering the proweſſe and vertuous deedes of the auncient Romaines, and wayeng alſo our diſſolute lyues: it wer a very great infamy for them, to call vs their ſucceſſours. I deſier my frend Pulio, to write vnto the all theſe thinges, to thend thou mayeſt ſe what we were, and what we are. For great things haue neede of great power, and require a long tyme before they can growe and come to their perfection: and then afterward at one moment & with one blow they fal downe to the ground. I haue bene more tedious in my letter than I thoughte to haue bene, and now I haue told the that which wyth dyligence (by reaſon of my great affayres) in thre or foure tymes I haue wryten of that that wanteth in thine and is to much in myne, we ſhal make a reaſonable letter, and ſince I pardon the for being to briefe, pardon thou me alſo for being to long. I ſaw the ones enquire for vnicornes horne in Alexandry, wherfore now I ſend the a good peece and likewiſe I ſend the a horſe which in my iudgement is good. Aduertiſe me if thy doughter Druſilla be alyue, wyth whom I was wont to laugh, and I wyll healpe her to a mariage. The immortall gods kepe the O my Pulio, thy wife, thy ſtepmother and thy doughter, and Salut them all, from me and fauſtine. Marke of Mounte Celio Emperour of Rome with his owne hand wryteth vnto the.

¶Of the excellency of chriſtian religion, whych manyfeſteth the true God, and diſproueth the vanitye of the auncyents hauyng ſo many Gods And that in the olde tyme, when the enemyes were reconcyled in their houſes, they cauſed alſo that the gods ſhould embrace eche other in the Temples. Cap. iiii.

HE that is the onely diuyne worde, begotten of the Father, lorde perpetuall of the Hierarchies, more aunciente then the heauens, Prince of all holyneſſe, chiefe head from whom all had their begynning, the greateſt of all gods, and creatore of all creatures, in the profundneſſe of his eternall ſapience, accordeth all the harmony and compoſition of Chriſtian religion. This is ſuche a maner of ſure matter, and ſo well laid, that neyther the miſeries which ſpring of thinfections of naughty Chriſtians can trouble, nor yet the boyſterous windes of the heretiques are able to moue. For it wer more likely that heauen and earthe ſhoulde both periſhe, then it ſhould ſuſpend for one daye, and that ther ſholde be no Chriſtian religion. The auncient godds whyche were inuentours of wordly thinges, as the foundacion of their reproued ſectes was but a flienge ſande, and an vnſtable ground ful of daūgerous & erronious abuſes: ſo ſome of thoſe poore wretches, lokyng perhappes lyke a ſhippe ronning vppon a rocke, ſuſpectynge nothyng, were drowned. Other like ruyned buildynges were ſhaken in ſonder and fell downe dead, finally theſe gods whiche onely bare the name of gods ſhalbe for euermore forgotten. But he onely ſhalbe perpetual, whiche in god, by god, & thorough god hath his beginninge. Many and ſundry were the multitude of the nacions whiche haue bene in times paſt. That is to wyt, the Sirians, ye Aſsirians, Perſiās, Medians, Macedoniās, Grecians, Cythians, Arginians, Corinthiās, Caldeās, Indiās, Athenians, Lacedemonians, Africans, Vandales, Svveuians, Allains, Hongarians, Germaignes, Britons, Hebrevves, Palaſtines, Gentiles, Iberthailides, Maurians, Lucitanians, Gothes, and Spaniardes. And truely in all theſe loke howe greate the difference amongeſt them in their cuſtomes and maners was: ſo much diuerſitie was of the ceremonies which they vſed, and of their gods which they honoured. For the gentiles had this errour, that they ſayd one alone was not of power ſufficient to create ſuche a multitude as were created. If I were before al the ſages that euer were, they would not ſay the contrary, but without cō pariſon the gods whome they worſhypped and inuented were greater in multitude, then the realmes and prouinces whiche they conquered and poſſeſſed. For by that folie the auncient poetes durſt affirme in their writinges that the gods of one nation and countrey wer mortal enemies to the gods of another prouince. So that the gods of Troye enuied the gods of Grece, more then the princes of Grece, enuied the princes of Troye. What a ſtrange thinge was it to ſee the Aſſirians in what reuerence they worſhypped the god Belus. The Egiptiās the god Apis. The Caldeans the god Aſſas. The Babiloniās the deuouring dragon. The pharaones the ſtatue of gold. The Paleſtines Belzebub. The Romaines honoured the god Iupiter. The Affricās the god Mars. The Corinthians the god Apollo. The Arabians the God Aſtaroth. The Arginians the Sonne. Thoſe of Acaia the Moone. The Cidonians Belphegorn. The Amonites Balim. The Indians Baccus. The lacedemonians Oſiges The Macedonians did ſacrifice to Marcury. The Epheſians to their goddeſſe Diana. The Grekes to Iuno. The Armenians to Liber. The Troiās to Veſta. The Latins to Februa. The Tarentines to Ceres. The Rhodians (as ſaieth Apolonius Thianeus,) worſhypped the God Ianus, and aboue all thinges wee oughte to meruaile at this. That they ſtriued oftentimes amongeſt them ſelues, not ſo muche vpon the poſſeſſions and ſignories of Realmes, as vppon a certaine obſtinacie they had to maintaine the gods of the one, to be of greater power then the others. For they thoughte if their gods were not eſtemed, that the people ſhould be impoueriſhed, vnfortunate, and perſecuted. Pulio in his ſecond booke De diſſolatione regionum orientarum, declareth that the firſt prouince that rebelled againſte the Emperour Helius Adrianus (which was the fiftenth Emperour of Rome) was the land of Paleſtine, againſt the which was ſent a captaine named Iulius Seuerus, a manne of great courage and verye fortunate and aduenturous in armes. This captaine did not only finiſhe the warres, but he wrought ſuch an outragious deſtruction in that land, that he beſieged 52. cities and raced them to the ground, and burned 680. villages, and ſlew ſo many in battaile ſchermidge, and by Iuſtice, that amounted to the nombre of .5000. perſons. For vnto the prowde and cruell captaines victory can neuer be glorious, vnleſſe they water the ground with the bludde of their enemies. And furthermore in the cities and townes beſieged, the children olde men and women whiche died throughe hunger and peſtilence were more in nombre, than thoſe whiche were ſlain in the warres. For in warres the ſworde of the enemies lighteth not vpon all: but peſtilēce and famine hath no reſpecte to any. After this warre of ye Paleſtines was ended, immediatly after aroſe a more crueller betwixte the Allaynes, and Armenians. For there are many that ſe the beginninge of the troubles and miſeries which aryſe in Realmes: but there are fewe that conſider the ende, and ſeke to remedye the ſame. The occaſion of this warre was, as they came to the feaſt of the mount Olimpus they fell in diſputacions whither of their gods were better, & whiche of them ought to bee preferred before other. Whereof there ſprange ſuche contradictions, and ſuche mortall hatred, that on euerye parte they were furiouſlye moued to warres: and ſo vnder a colour to mainteine the gods which they honoured, both the common wealthes were brought into great pouertie, and the people alſo into muche miſerie. The Emperoure Helius Adrianus, ſeyng ſuche cruell warres to aryſe vppon ſo lyghte occaſion, ſente thither the captayne aboue named, Iulius Seuerus, to pacifye the Allaines and Armenians, and commaunded hym that he ſhould perſecute thoſe with warres, whiche woulde not be ruled by his arbitrement and ſentence. For thoſe iuſtlye deſerue the ſworde, which with no reaſonable condicions wil condeſcende vnto peace. But Iulius Seuerus vſed ſuche pollicye that he made them good frendes, and neuer touched them nor came nere them. Whyche thynge was no leſſe acceptable to the Emperour, then profitable to the realmes. For the captayne whyche ſubdueth the countrey by entreatye, deſerueth more honoure, then he which ouercommeth it by bataile. The agrement of the peace was made vpon ſuche condicion, that the Allayns ſhould take for their gods the Armenians gods, and the Armenians on the contrarye the gods of the Allains: and further when the people ſhould imbrace and reconcile them ſelues to the ſenate, that then the gods ſhould kyſſe the one the other, and to be reconciled to the temple. The vanitie of the auncientes was ſuche, and the blindnes of mortall men ſo greate, and ſo ſubiect were they to deuilliſhe deuiſes, that as eaſely as the eternall wiſedom createth a true man now a dayes: ſo eaſelye then a vaine man might haue inuented a falſe god. For the Lacedemonians had this opinion, that men had no leſſe power to inuent goddes, then the gods had to create menne.

¶Howe the Philoſopher Bruxellus was greatly eſtemed amongeſt the auncientes for his lyfe, and the woordes whyche he ſpake vnto the Romaines at the houre of hys death. Cap. v.

PHaraſmaco in hys 20. booke De libertate deorum (whereof Cicero maketh mencion in his booke De natura deorum) ſaythe: that when the Gothes toke Rome and beſiged the highe capitoll, there came amongeſt them a philoſopher called Bruxellus, the which (after the Gothes were repulſed out of Italy) remained with Camillus at Rome. And becauſe at that time Rome wanted Phyloſophers, this Bruxellus was had in great veneracion amongeſt all the Romaynes, ſo that he was the firſt ſtraūger of whom (beyng alyue) a ſtatue was euer made in the Senate. The Romaines vſed to make a ſtatue of ye Romains being aliue: but not to ſtrangers til after their death. The age of this Bruxellus was 113. wherof .65. he had bene an inhabitaunt of Rome. And among other things they recite .7. notable things of his lyfe. 1 The firſt, that in .60 yeres no man euer ſaw him iſſue oute of the walles of Rome. For in the olde tyme the Sages were lytle eſtemed, if in their behauiours they were not vpright.

2 The ſecond, that in 60 yeres no man heard him ſpeake an idel word: for ye words that are ſuperfluous, do greatly deface the authoritye of the perſon. 3 The third, that in al his time they neuer ſaw him loaſe one hower of time. For in a wiſe man there is no greater follye, then to ſee hym ſpende a moment of an houre idelly.

4 The fourth, that in al his tyme he was neuer detected of any vyce. And let no man thinke this to be a ſmal matter. For few are they of ſo longe life, which are not noted of ſome infamy after their death.

5 The fifthe, that in all the 60. yeres he neuer made quarel, nor ſtriued with anye man: and this thinge oughte to be no leſſe eſtemed then the other. For truly he that lyueth a long tyme without offering wrong to another, may be called a monſture in nature.

6 The ſixt, that in thre or foure yeres he neuer iſſued out of the temple, and in this caſe this philoſopher ſhewed himſelf to be a good man. For the vertuous man ought not to content him ſelfe onlye to be voyde of vyces: but he ought alſo to withdrawe hym ſelfe from the vycious.

7 The ſeuenth & laſt, that he ſpake more often wt the gods then with men.

This philoſopher now drawinge nere to the houre of deathe, al the Senate came to vyſite him, and to thanke him for that he had lyued ſo long amongeſt them in ſo good conuerſaciō, & that ſo willingly he cared and watched for the wealth of Rome. And likewiſe al the people of Rome wer right ſorye for his ſicknes & that they ſhould loſe the company of ſo excellent and vertuous a man. The good philoſopher in the preſence of theym all ſpake theſe words vnto the Senate.

¶Of that the ſage Philoſopher Bruxellus ſpake to the Senate of Rome, at the hower of his death. Cap. vi.

SInce you are wiſe (o worthy ſenatours) me thinketh you ſhould not lament my death, ſithens I my ſelfe ſo ioyfully do receiue it. For we ought not to lament the death we take, but the wicked life we lead. That man is very ſimple that dreadeth deathe, for feare to loaſe the pleaſures of life. For death ought not to be feared for loſſe of life, but becauſe it is a ſharp ſcourge of ye wicked lyfe I dye (noble Senatours) in ioy & pleaſure: Firſt, becauſe I do not remember that euer I did any euil in all my life, or diſpleaſour to any of the common wealth. And I am certaine, that the man which dyd no euil to men in his life, the gods wil do him no harme at ye houre of his death. Secōdarily I dy ioyfully, to ſe al Rome lament ye loſſe of my life. For ye man is very wicked and vnhappy, whoſe life the people lament, & at whoſe death they do reioyce, Thirdly I dye ioyfully, only to remember that the 60 yeres which I haue bene in Rome, always I haue trauailed for ye cōmon wealth. For the iuſt gods told me, that ther is no death with paine, but wher life is without profit. Fourthly I dye ioyfully, not ſo much for the profit I haue don to men, as for ye ſeruice I haue done to the gods. For regarding to how many profitable things we employ our life, we maye ſay, we liue onlye the time which is employed to the ſeruice of god. Ceaſinge to ſpeake further of my perſon, I wil (worthy Senatours) diſcloſe vnto you a high ſecret, which toucheth your comon welth, & this it is. That our father Romulus founded Rome, Numa Pompillius erected the high Capitol, Aneus Marcius encloſed it wt walles, Brutus deliuered it from Tyraunts: the good Camillus droue out the frenchmen Quintus Scicinnatus augmēted her power: but I leaue it peopled wt gods, which ſhal defend Rome better then walles or men. For in the end, ye feare of one god is more worth, then the ſtrength of al men. When I came to Rome it was a confuſion to ſe how it was peopled with men, & vnfurniſhed of gods. For ther wer but 5. gods, yt is to wete, Iupiter, Mars, Ianus, Berecinthia, and the goddeſſ Veſta. But now it is not ſo. For ther remayneth for euery one a priuate god. Me thinketh it an vniuſt thing yt treaſouries ſhold be ful of gold, & ye temples void of gods. As ther is 28000 houſholdes, ſo you may account your ſelues happie yt I leaue you 28000. gods: by the vertu of ye which I cōiure you Romains, yt eche of you be contented with the god of his houſe, and haue no care to applye to himſelfe the gods of the common wealth. For he that empropreth to him ſelf that which ought to be cōmon to al, is to be blamed of god, and hated of mē. This ſhalbe therfore the order that you ſhal kepe and haue towards the gods, if you wil not erre in their ſeruice. That is to vnderſtand, ye ſhal kepe the mother Berecinthia, to pacify ye ire of the gods, ye ſhal kepe the goddeſſe Veſta, to turne from you the wicked deſtenies. Ye ſhal kepe the god Iupiter, & ſhal commit vnto him the gouernment of your common wealth. And alſo ye ſhal kepe him for the god aboue all the gods in heauen and earth. For if Iupiter dyd not temper the ire, which the gods aboue haue againſt you: there ſhoulde be no memorye of men here beneth in earth. Of other particuler gods which I leaue you, vſe your particuler profit. But yet notwithſtāding in the meane ſeaſon (Romaines) take you hede to your ſelues, and if at any time fortune ſhould be contrary, let no man be ſo hardy to ſpeake euil of the god, which he hath in his houſe For ye gods tel me, that it was ſufficient inough, to diſſemble with theym whiche ſerue them not: & not to pardon thoſe that offend them. And do not deceiue your ſelues in ſayeng yt they are priuate gods, and not able to help themſelues. For I let you know, that ther is not ſo lytle a god, but is of power ſufficient to reuenge an iniurye. O Romaynes, it is reaſon that al from henſforth liue ioyfully, and in peace, and furthermore thinke your ſelues aſſured not to be ouercome by your enemyes: becauſe nowe youre neyghbours of you and not you of them ſhal deſire to borow gods, and becauſe ye ſhall ſe me no more, ye thinke I muſt dye, and I thinke becauſe I dye. I ſhall beginne to liue. For I go to the gods, and leaue amonge you the gods, becauſe I departe.

¶Howe the Gentiles thoughte that one God was not able to defende them from their enemies, and how the Romans ſent throughout al the Empire to borow gods when they foughte agaynſt the Gothes. Cap. vii.

IN the yeare of the foundacion of Rome 1164. which accordynge to the count of the Latins was 402. from the incarnacion (as Paulus Oroſus in the ſixte boke De machina mundi ſaieth, & Paulus Diaconus in the 12. boke of the Romaine hiſtories) The gothes (which as Spartian ſayeth, wer called otherwiſe Gethules, or Meſlagethes) wer driuen out of theyr countrey by ye Huns, & came in to Italy to ſeke new habitacions, and became natural, & built houſes. At this time there was an Emperour of Rome named Valentine, a man of ſmal reputacion & courage in warres, and endued with few good cōdicions, for yt he was of Arian his ſecte. The kynges of theſe Gothes wer two renowmed men, whoſe names wer Randagagiſmus, and Alaricus. Of the which two Randagagiſmus was the chiefeſt and moſt puiſſaunt, and he had a noble mynde and a very good wit. He led with him at the leaſte. 2000000. Gothes, the which all with him and he with them made an othe, to ſhed aſmuche bloude of the Romaines as they coulde, and offer it to their gods. For the barbarous people had a cuſtome, to noynte the god (whiche was at that time in the tēple of Venus) with ye bloud of their enemys whom they had ſlaine. The newes of the comming of this cruell tiraunt was publiſhed throughout all Italie, Whoſe determinacion was not only to race ye walles of Rome downe to the earth, batter towers, dungions, houſes, walles, and buildynges: but alſo he purpoſed to abolyſhe and vtterlye to brynge to noughte the name of Rome and likwyſe of the Romaines. Of this thing all the Italiens were in great and merueilous feare. And the moſt puiſſaunt and couragious knightes and gentlemen, agreed togethers to retire within the walles of Rome, and determined to die in that place to defend the liberty therof. For amōges the Romaines there was an aunciente cuſtome, that when they created a knyghte, they made him ſweare to kepe thre thinges.

1 Firſt, he ſware to ſpende all the dayes of his lyfe in the warres. 2 Secoundarely, he ſware that neyther for pouerty nor ryches nor for any other thinges he ſhoulde euer take wages but of Rome onelye. 3 Thirdly, he ſware that he woulde rather chuſe to dye in libertye, then to liue in captiuitie.

After all the Romaynes (ſcatered abrode in Italie) wer together aſſēbled in Rome, they agred to ſende letters by their purſiuantes, not only to their ſubiectes, but alſo to al their confederate. Theffecte whereof was this.

¶ Of a Letter ſent from the ſenate of Rome to all the ſubiects of the Empire. Chap. viii.

THe ſacred Senate, and all the people of Rome, to all their faythfull and louing ſubiectes, and to their deare frendes and confederates, wyſheth health & victory againſt your enemies. The varietie of time, the negligence of you all, & the vnhappy ſucceſſe of our aduentures, haue broughte vs in proſſes of tyme, that wher as Rome conquered Realmes, and gouerned ſo many ſtraunge ſignoryes, now at this day commeth ſtraungers to conquere and deſtroye Rome: in ſuch ſorte, that the Barbarous people (whom we were wont to kepe for ſclaues) ſweare to become our lords and maſters. We let you know now how al the Barbarous nacion hath cōſpired againſt Rome our mother, and they with their king haue made a vowe to offer al the Romaines bloud to their gods in the temples. And peraduenture their pride & fyerſenes beinge ſeene, and our innocency knowen, fortune wil diſpoſe another thing. For it is a generall rule, that it is vnpoſſible for a prince to haue the victorye of that warre, whiche by malyce is begonne, and by pryde and fyerſenes purſued. It hath ſemed good vnto vs (ſynce theyr cauſe is vniuſt, and oure righteous) to endeuoure oure ſelues by all meanes howe to reſyſt this Barbarous people. For oft times that which by iuſtice was gotten, by neglygence is loſt. For the remedie of this miſchiefe to come, the ſacred ſenate hath prouided theſe thinges following: and for the accomplyſhing therof your fauour and ayde is neceſſarye.

1 Firſt of al we haue determined to repaire with al dyligēce our diches, walles, gates, and bulwarkes: and in theſe places to arme al our frendes. But to accompliſhe that and diuers other for the neceſſitie of warfare we lacke mony: for ye know wel inoughe that the warre cānot be proſperous, wher enemyes abound, and money is ſcarſe.

2 Secondarilye we haue commaunded that all thoſe whiche be ſworne knightes and ſoldiours of Rome, repaire immediatly to Rome: and therfore ye ſhal ſend to vs all thoſe which are vnder thage of 50. and aboue thage of 20. For in great warres, aunciente men for counſaile, and younge men and luſtye to execute the ſame are required.

3 Thirdly we haue agreed and concluded that the citie be prouided of victualles, municion, & defence at the leaſt for 2. yeres. Wherfore we deſire ye yt ye ſend vs frō you ye tenth part of wine, the fift part of fleſh, and the third part of your bread. For we haue al ſworne to die, yet we meane not to dye for famine, aſſeged as feareful mē: but fighting in plaine feld, like valiāt Romains.

4 Fourthly we haue prouided (ſince the vnknowē barbarous come to fight with vs) that you bring vs to Rome ſtraunge gods to helpe and defend vs. For you know wel inough, that ſince the great Conſtantine we haue ben ſo pore of gods, that we haue not but one god, whom the Chriſtiās do honour. Therfore we deſire you that you wil ſuccour vs with your gods in this our extreame neceſſity. For amongeſt the Gods we know no one alone ſufficiēt to defend al the Romaine people from their enemies. The walles therefore being wel repayred, and al the young and warrelike men in garriſon in the cytie, the batteries wel furniſhed, and the treaſour houſe wel repleniſhed wt mony, & aboue al the tēples wel adourned with gods, we hope in our gods to haue the victory of our enemyes. For in fighting with men and not againſt gods, a man ought always to haue hope of victorye. For ther are no men of ſuch might, but by god and other men may be vainquiſhed. Fare ye wel. &c. After this letter was ſent through al the dominiō of the Romaines, not taryenge for anſwere of ye ſame, they foorthwith openly blaſphemed the name of Chriſt, and ſet vp idolles in the temples, vſed the ceremonies of the gentiles: & that which was worſe then yt, they ſaid openly that Rome was neuer ſo oppreſſed with tirantes, as it hath ben ſince they wer Chriſtians. And further they ſayde, if they called not againe all the gods to Rome, the cytie ſhould neuer be in ſafegard, for that they had dyſhonoured and offended their gods, and caſte theym oute of Rome, and that thoſe Barbarous were ſent to reuenge their iniury. But the deuine prouidence which geueth no place to humayne malice to execute his forces, before the walles were repaired, and before the meſſaungers broughte aunſweare, and before the ſtraunge gods coulde enter into Rome, Randagagiſmus, king of the Gothes, with 2000000. of barbarous (without the effuſion of Chriſtian bloud) ſodainlye in the mountaynes of Veſulanes, wythe famyne, thirſte, and ſtones which fell from heauen, loſte all his armye, not one left alyue but himſelfe, whoe had hys heade ſtrycken of in Rome. And this thing the eternal wiſedome broughte to paſſe, to thende the Romaynes ſhoulde ſee that Ieſus Chriſte the true God of the Chriſtians had no neede of ſtraunge gods to defend his ſeruauntes.

¶ Of the true and lyuing god, and of the maruailes he wrought in the old lawe to manyfeſt his deuine power, and of the ſuperſticion of the falſe gods. Cap. ix.

O Groſſe ignoraunce, and vnſpekeable obſtinacy. O Iudgemēts of God inſcrutable. What thinke theſe gentyles by ye true god? They ſearched the falſe gods to helpe them, & had a lyuing god of their owne: they ſought gods ful of gyle and diſceyte, and worſe then that, they thought it neceſſary yt that God, which created al things ſhould be accompanyed with their gods to defend them which could make nothinge. Let now all theyr gods come forth into the fyeldes on the one ſyde, and I will go forthe alone in godlye company, that is to ſay with the hygh god on thother parte. And we wyll compare the deades and proue the aydes of their falſe God, againſt & wyth the leaſt worke of our true god. And they ſhall clearelye perceiue their falſehode and our truth. For the tongue that ſpeaketh of God can neuer beare with any lye, and that whiche ſpeaketh of Idolles can neuer dyſcloſe anye truth. Yf they eſteme him much for creatinge the world with his might: is it any leſſe to preſerue and gouerne it by his wiſedome? For many thinges are done in a moment, for the preſeruacion wherof long tyme is requyſyte, and much paynfull trauaile neceſſarye. I demaunde further what God of the gentyles could do that whych our God hath done? that is to knowe, within one Arcke to make quyet the Lion with the leoperd, the wolfe with the lambe, the Beare with the Cow, the Tigar with the Cocodryll, the ſtoned horſe with the Mare, the Dogge with the Catte, the foxe with the Hennes, the houndes with the hares, and ſo of other beaſtes: whoſe enmytye is greater thone agaynſt other, then that of man is againſt men. For thenmyty amōges men proceadeth of malice, but that of beaſts procedeth of nature. Alſo I demaunde what God (if it wer not the true God ſo mightye) could ſley and drowne in one hower and moment ſo many men women, & beaſtes: ſo that al thoſe which were in the world (eight only excepted) perriſſhed in the deluge of Noy. The iudgement of god by ordynaunce, & their offences deſerued this ſo maruelous a domage. For god neuer executed any notable puniſhmēt, but firſt it came through our wicked offences. And if this be coū ted for a greate thynge, I wyll that another thing be had in great eſtymacion. Which is, that if god ſhewed his rygorous iuſtice in this puniſhment, incontinently he ſhewed his might & clemency in remedyeng it, in that of theſe eyght perſons (which were but few) the generacion dyd multiplye in ſo great a nomber that they dyd replenyſh many and great Realmes. Wheron a man ought to marueil, for according as Ariſtotle ſayth, the great thinges are eaſely put to deſtruction and brought to noughte, but with greate diffyculty they are remedyed and repayred againe, And further I demaund what God of the gentiles was ſo puiſſaunt to do this, which the god of the Hebrues dyd in that auncient and opulent realme of the Egypcians? That is to witte, when he would, and when it pleaſed him, he made the ryuers runne bloud, infected the fleſhe, darkened the ayer, dryed the ſeas, & ſlew the firſt begotten, obſcured the ſōne, and did wonders in Chanaan, & other wō derful thinges in ye read ſea. Finally he cōmaunded ye ſea to drowne ye prince aliue with al his Egypcians, & that it ſhould let ye Hebrues paſſe dry. Yf one of theſe falſe gods had done any one of theſe thinges, it had bene to be maruailed at: but ye true god doing it we ſhold not meruaile at al. For according to our lytle vnderſtandyng it ſemeth a great thing, but in reſpect of that the deuyne power can do, it is nothing. For wher God putteth his hande, there are no men ſo myghty, no beaſtes ſo proude, nor heauen ſo highe, nor ſea ſo deape, that can reſyſt his power. For as he gaue them power, ſo can he take it from theym at hys pleaſure, Further what God of the gentyles (altough they were aſſembled together) could haue had the power to haue deſtroyed one man only, as the true God dyd? the which in the tyme of kyng Zedechias) made an hundreth and foure ſcore thouſande of the campe of the aſſiryans dye, the Hebrues being a ſleape which were their mortal enemyes. And truly in this caſe god ſhewed to princes and greate lordes howe lytle their monnye, and their ſubtyle wyttes preuayle them in feates of warre, when god hath determined another thinge for their deſertes. For in the ende the firſt inuencion of warres proceadeth of mans ambicion and worldlye malyce, but the victorye of them procedeth of the deuine pleaſoure. What god of ye gentyles could haue done that which our true God dyd? when he brought vnder the feete of the renowmed Captayne Ioſue, two and thirty kynges and Realmes, whom he depryued not only from their lādes, but alſo bereft theym of theyr lyues, in tearing them in pieces, and deuydyng the myſerable realmes into 12 Tribes. Thoſe realmes (which in old time belonged vnto the Hebrues) were more then 2000 yeres kept of them in tiranny: wherfore God would that by the handes of Ioſue they ſhould be reſtored. And though god differred it a long tyme, it was to gyue theym greauous tormentes, and not for that god had forgotten them. And althoughe princes do forget manye wronges and tirannies, yet notwithſtandynge riuers of bloude ceaſe not to runne before the face of the dyuine Iuſtice. If all the auncient goddes hadde had power, woulde not they alſo haue holpen their princes? ſince the goddes loſt no leſſe in loſinge theyr temples, then menne loſte in loſing their realmes, For it touched more the caſe of the auncyentes, to loſe one lytle Temple: thenne for men to loſe a noble Realme We ſee that ye goddes of the troians could not reſiſt the greekes, but that both men and gods, gods & men came into Carthage, & from Carthage in to Trinacrie, and from Trinacrie into Italie, and from Italie tino Laurentum, and from Laurentum into Rome. So they went about flieng, declaring that the gods of Troy were no leſſe conquered of the gods of Greece: then the Dukes and captaynes of grece, were vanquiſhed of the captaynes of Troy, the which thing is hard to them that preſume to be gods. For the true god doth not only make himſelfe feared: but alſo beloued and feared both. That we ſay of the one, the ſame we may wel ſay of ye others. That is to know, that al the gods in the realmes and temples, wherin they honored and ſerued: but wee ſee thone deſtroyeth the other, as it is declared by the Hebrues which were in bondage of the Aſſirians: the Aſſirians of the Perſians: the Perſians of the Macedonians: the Macedonians of the Medes: the Medes of the Grekes: the Grekes of the Penians: the Penians of ye Romaines: the Romaines of the Gothes: the Gothes of the Moores: So that that ther was no realme nor nacion but was conquered. Neyther the wryters can deny, but they would haue exalted their gods and ceremonies, that the gods & their worſhippers ſhuld not haue end. But in the end both gods and men had al end except the chriſtian religion, which ſhal neuer haue end For it is founded of that which hath neyther beginning nor ending. One of the things which comforteth my hart moſt in the chriſtian religion, is to ſee that ſince the time the churches wer founded, the kinges and princes moſt puiſſant haue ben alwayes theyr enemyes, and the moſt feble and poore, alwayes greateſt helpers and defenders of the ſame. O glorious militaunte church, which now is no other then gold amongeſt the ruſt, a roſe amongeſt the thornes, corne amongeſt the chaffe, marye amongeſt the bones, Margarites amōgeſt ye peble ſtones, a holy ſoule amongeſt the rotten fleſh, a Phoenix in the cage, a ſhippe rokking in the raging ſeas, which the more ſhe is beaten the faſter ſhe ſayleth.

And there is no Realme ſoo litle, nor no manne of ſo litle fauoure but, when other doo perſecute him, hee is by his frendes, parentes and defendoures, fauoured and ſuccoured, ſo that manye times thoſe whiche thinke to deſtroye are deſtroyed: & thoſe which ſeme to take their part were their chiefeſt enemies. Doth not that procede of the great ſecret of god? For though God ſuffred the wicked to be wicked a while, god will not therfore ſuffer that one euil man procure an other to do euil. The Paleſtines, and thoſe of Hieruſalem, had not for their principall enemyes but the Caldeans: and the Caldians had for their enemyes the Idumeans: the Idumeans the Aſſirians: ye Aſſirians the Perſians, the Perſians the Arginians: the Arginians the Athenians: the Athenians had for their principal enemyes the Lacedemonians, and ye Lacedemonians the Sydonians: the Sydonians the Rhodians: and the Rhodians the Scithians: the Scithians the Hunnes: the Hunnes had the Alaines: the Alaines the Svveuians: and the Svveuians the Vandales: the Vandales the Valerians: the Valerians the Sardinians: ye Sardinians the Affricanes: the Affricanes the Romaines: the Romaines the Daciās: the Dacians the Gothes: the Gothes the Frenchmen: the Frenchmen the Spanyardes: and the Spanyardes the Mores.

And of all theſe realmes the one hath perſecuted the other. And not al one: but our holy mother the church hath alwayes ben oppreſſed & perſecuted wt thoſe realmes, and hath bene ſocoured of none but of Ieſu Chriſt only, and he hath euer ſuccoured and defended it wel. For the things that God taketh charge of, although al the world wer agaynſt them, in the end it is impoſſible for them to periſhe.

¶How ther is but one true God, & how happy thoſe Realmes are which haue a good chriſtian to their king, and how the gentils affirme that the good princes after their death were changed into gods & the wycked into deuils: whych thing the Auctoure proueth by ſoundry examples. Cap. x.

ALthough the common opinion of the ſimple people was, that ther were many gods, yet not withſtandinge al the Phyloſophers affyrmed that ther was but one God (who of ſome was named Iupiter) the whiche was chiefe aboue al other gods. Others called him the firſt intelligence, for that he had created al ye world. Others called him the firſt cauſe, becauſe he was the beginner of all things. It ſemeth that Ariſtotle vnderſtode this thinge, and was of this opinion, foraſmuch as he ſayth in his .12. booke of his metaphiſickes. All ſuperiour and inferiour thinges wold be well ordered, and many thinges muche better by tharbitrement of one, then by the aduice of many. Marcus Varro in hys booke De theologia miſtica, & Tullius in hys booke De natura Deorum, although theſe were gentyles, and curious enoughe of the Temples, yet they do mocke the gentiles whych beleued ther were manye gods, & that Mars & M • rcury, and lykewyſe Iupiter, & the whole flocke of gods (which the gentyles ſet vp) wer al mortal men as we are. But becauſe they knew not that ther wer good nor bad angels, nor knew not that ther was any paradiſe to reward ye good, nor hel to torment the euil: They held thys opinion, that the good men after their death wer gods, and the euyl men deuils. And not contented with theſe folyſh abuſes, ye deuil brought them into ſuch an errour, yt they thought it conſiſted in the Senates power to make ſome gods, and other deuils. For when ther dyed at Rome any Emperour, if he had bene wel willed of the Senate, immediatly he was honoured for a god: and if he died in dyſpleaſure of ye Senate, he was condemned for a deuyl. And to the end we do not ſpeake by fauour, but by writting. Herodian ſayth, yt Fauſtine was the doughter of Antonius Pius, & wife of Marcus Aurelius, which wer Emperours the one after the other. And truly ther wer few eyther of their predeceſſours, or of their ſucceſſours, which wer ſo good as they wer, and in myne opinion more better: & therfore was ſhe made a goddeſſe, and her father a god. An Emperour that coueteth perpetual memory, muſt note 5. thinges which he ſhould haue in his life. That is to ſaye, pure in lyfe, vpright in iuſtice, aduenturous in feates of armes, excellent in knowledge, and welbeloued in his prouinces, which vertues were in theſe 2. excellente Emperors. This Empreſſe Fauſtine was paſſing fayre, and the wrytters praiſe her beauty in ſuch ſorte, yt they ſayde it was vnpoſſible for her to be ſo beautiful, but that ye gods had placed ſom deuine thing in her. Yet not with ſtanding this added therunto, it is doubtful whether the beauty of her face was more prayſed: then the diſhoneſtie of her lyfe diſcommended.

For her beauty maruelouſly amazed thoſe yt ſaw her, & her diſhoneſty offended them moch that knew her. Yet after the Emperour Marcus Aurèlius had triumphed ouer the Parthians, as he went viſitinge the prouinces of Aſia, the goodlye Fauſtine in 4. daies dyed in the mounte Taurus (by occaſion of a burnynge feuer) and ſo annealed was caried to Rome. And ſince ſhe was the daughter of ſo good a father, and wife of ſo dearely beloued an Emperour, amonges the Gods ſhe was canonyzed, but conſideringe her vnconſtant or rather incontinent lief, it was neuer thought that the Romaines would haue done her ſo much honor. Wherfore ye Emperour reioyſed ſo much, that he neuer ceaſed to render thankes vnto the Senate. For truely the benefite ought to be acceptable to him that receiueth it, eſpecially whan it commeth vnloked for. The contrary came to the death of Tiberius, third Emperour of Rome, which was not only killed and drawen throughe the ſtreates by the Romans: but alſo the prieſtes of all the Temples aſſembled together, and openly prayed vnto the gods that they would not receiue him to them, and prayed to the infernal furyes that greauouſly they would torment him, ſayinge it is iuſtly required, yt the Tirant which diſpraiſeth the life of ye good in his life, ſhould haue no place amōgeſt the good after his death. Leauing the common opinion of the rude people, whiche in the olde time had no knowledge of the true god, & declaring the opinion of Ariſtole, which called god ye firſt cauſe: ye opinion of the Stoickes, which called him the firſte intelligēce: and the opinion of Cicero, which vnder the colour of Iupiter, putteth none other god but him: I ſaye and confeſſe (according to the religion of chriſtian faith) there is but one only God, which is the creatour of heauen and earth, whoſe excellency and puiſſaunt maieſtie is litle to that our tong can ſpeake. For our vnderſtāding can not vnderſtand, nor our iudgemēt can determine, neither our memory can comprehende, and much leſſe our tonge can declare it. That which princes and other faithful ought to beleue of god is, that they ought to know god to be almighty and incomparable, a god immortall, incorruptible, immouable, great, omnipotent, a perfite and ſempiternall God: for all mans power is nothing in reſpecte of his diuine maieſty. I ſaye that our lord god is the onely hyghe god, that if the creature hath any good, it is but a meane good. For a man comparing wel the good which he poſſeſſeth, to the miſery and calamitie whiche perſecute him: with out doubte the euill which foloweth him is greater, then the good which accompanieth him.

Alſo our god is immortall and eternall, which like as he had no beginning, ſo ſhall he neuer haue ending. And the contrarye is to the miſerable man, which if ſome ſee him borne, others ſee him dye. For the byrth of the children, is but a memory of the graue to the aged. Alſo God onely is vncorruptible, the which in his beyng hath nother corruption nor diminution: but al mortall men ſuffer corruption in their ſoules throughe vyce, and in their bodyes through wormes, for in the end no man is priuileged, but that hys bodye is ſubiecte to corruption, and hys ſoule to be ſaued or damned. Alſo God is no chaungelyng, and in this caſe thoughe he chaungeth his worke, yet he chaungeth not his eternall counſayle. But in men it is all contrarye, for they oftetimes beginne their buſynes with grauitye, and afterward chaung theyr counſeill at a better tyme, and leaue it lyghtlye.

I haue now ſhewed you that God only is incomprehenſible, ye maieſtie of whom can not be attained, nor his wiſedome vnderſtanded, which thing is aboue mans intelligence. For there is no man ſo ſage nor profound, but yt an other in an other tyme is as ſage and profound as he. Alſo God onely is omnipotent, for that he hath power not only ouer the lyuinge, but alſo ouer the dead: not onely ouer the good, but alſo ouer the euill: For the man which doth not feele his mercy to giue him glory, he wil make him feele his wrath in giuinge him payne. O ye Princes of this world, trulie it is both iuſte and neceſſarie that you acknowledge ſubiection vnto the Prince of heauen and earthe, whiche in the end althoughe ye be greate, and thynke your ſelues to be muche worthe, although that youe haue muche, and can do muche yet in reſpecte of the ſupreame prince you are nothing worth, neither can ye doe any thing. For there is no Prince in the worlde this daye but can doe leſſe than he would, and would more than he hath. Since all that we haue ſpoken of before is true, let Princes and great Lordes ſee howe conſonaunte it is to reaſon, that ſythe all the creatures were not created but by one: Why then do they not honour one aboue all? For as a Prince will not ſuffer that an other be called kynge in his realme: ſo likewiſe god will not permit that any other be honoured in this worlde but he onely. The father did a greate benefite to vs, for to create vs without the deſire of any man: and alſo the ſonne to redeme & by vs without the healpe of any man, and aboue all the holye ghoſte to make vs chriſtians without the deſert of anye man. For all the good deedes and ſeruices whiche we are able to do, are not ſufficient to requite the leaſte benefite that he ſhewed vnto vs. Princes ought greatly to eſteme ſuche a gyfte, that god hath created them men, and not beaſtes: and muche more they ſhoulde eſteme that they are made Lordes, and not ſeruauntes: but moſte of all they ought to reioyce, that god hath made them chriſtians, and not gentils, nor Moores. For it profiteth them litle to haue ſcepters and realmes to condempne, if they ſhall not acknowledge the holy church, without the which no man cā be ſaued. O diuine bountie, how many paynims had bene better peraduenture than I, if thou haddeſte choſen them for the churche: & if thou hadſt made me a Paynime, I had bene worſe than they. Thou leaueſt them which haue ſerued the, and haſte choſen me a ſinner which offende the. Lorde God thou knoweſt what thou doeſt, and wher thou art: but I know not what I do, nor what I ſpeake. For we are bounde to praiſe the workes of god, and haue not the lycence to call them backe. The Emperours & paynem kynges, which haue bene good and vertuous, (as there hathe bene many) ſo muche leſſe they haue to aunſwer, for that in time of charge they were not called. And likwiſe the contrary to the wicked chriſtian princes. The more goodneſſe they haue receyued without meaſure: ſo muche the more tormentes ſhalbe giuen them in eternall fyre. For accordyng to the ingratitude whiche they haue ſhewed, for the benefites by them receiued in this worlde: ſo ſhall the bitterneſſe of their paines be, which they ſhal receiue in hell. Princes are muche bound to do well, becauſe they were created of god reaſonable men: but they are moche more bounde, becauſe they be chriſtians, and more then others bounde, becauſe they were made mighty, and placed in ſo high eſtate, for the greateſt power is not for a prince to haue and poſſeſſe muche, but to profite muche. They do not require of a litle and weake tree muche, but that he beare his fruite in dewe time. For a great and high tree, is bounde to giue wood to heate them that be a cold, ſhadow to refreſhe the very trauailours, and frute to confort the neady, and alſo it ought to defend it ſelfe from all importunate windes. For the vertuous prince, ought to be a ſhadow and reſting place, wher the good may couer them ſelues being wearye. The churche dothe moue vs to do many things, and our conſcience willeth vs to obſerue more. But if the princes will promiſe me they will do .2. thinges onely, that is to ſay, that they wil be faithfull in the law of god whom they honour, and that they wil not vſe tiranny againſt their people whom they gouerne: from henſforthe I promyſe thē the glory and felicicie whiche they deſire. For that prince only dieth in ſafegarde, which dieth in the loue of our ſauiour Ieſus Chriſt, and hath lyued in the loue of his neyghbour. Princes and great lordes which preſume to be good Chriſtians, ſhould watche greatly that all thinges myght be done to the ſeruice of god, begonne in god, followed in god, and ended in god. And if they will watche in this, I let them knowe, that as touchyng the exaltacion of faith they ſhoulde watche ſo muche, that all ſhoulde knowe, that for the defence of the ſame they are readye to dye. For if the prince beleue that ther is paine for the euill, and rewarde for the good in an other lyfe: it is impoſſible but that he amend his life, and gouerne wel his common wealth. Thinke this for a ſurety, that where the princes feare not god, neither them ſelues nor their realmes can proſper. For the felicitie or miſerie of Realmes, proceadeth not of the paynes and trauailes that the kinges and people doe take: but of the merites which the kinges and realmes deſerue. In great peril liueth that realme, whoſe prince is an euil chriſtian. Happye & ſure is that common wealth, wherof the prince hath a good cōſcience. For the man that is of a good conſcience, will not doe any euill thing to the common wealth.

¶Of ſondry gods which the auncientes worſhipped, of the office of thoſe gods, howe they were reuenged of them when they diſpleaſed them, and of the Twentie elect goddes. Cap. xi.

THough to men of clere iudgement, the woorkes of God are greate of them ſelues, without anye compariſon to others: yet that the whyte maye be better knowen from the blacke, I will ſatiſfye ſomewhat the curious reader, in rekenyng vp a flocke of falſe gods, that by them and their power, men ſhall ſee how muche the princes are bound to the true God. The auncient Panyms had gods of diuerſe ſortes, how be if the chiefe of al were theſe, which they called Diis electi. They would haue ſaid gods of heauen: whiche gods (as they thoughte) ſometime deſcended from heauen to earth. Theſe gods were .xx. in nombre: as Ianus, Saturnus, Iupiter, Genius, Marcurius, Apollo, Mars, Vulcanus, Neptunus, Sol, Orcus, Vibar, Tellus, Ceres, Iuno, Minerua, Luna, Diana, Venus, Veſta. Theſe .viii. laſte reherſed were goddeſſes, and .xii. of the firſte were goddes. No man myghte take anye of thoſe as hys owne God, but as common and indifferent to all.

Their office was to profit all, I meane all of any one Realme, one prouince ſinguler, or one noble citie. And firſt note, they had one God whome they called Cantius, whom they honored much, & offred vnto him many ſacrifices, to thende that God might giue them wyſe children. And this if they had demaunded of the true God, they ſhould haue had reaſon. For the impoſtumation of humain malice is ſwelled in ſuche wyſe, that that man is in great ieopardie, whom God hath not indued with wyſe iudgement. They had alſo an other Goddeſſe, whom they named Lucina, to whom they did commende women, quick and great with chylde, to ſende them ſafe deliuerie. And without the walles of Rome, in a ſtreate called Salaria, ſhe had a great churche, wherin all the Romaine women conceiued with childe, did ſacrifice to their goddeſſe Lucina: and as Fronten declareth de Veneratione deorum, there they remayned nyne dayes and nyne nightes, making their vowe. Numa Pompilius buylte the churche of this goddeſſe, which was plucked downe by the Conſull Rutilius, becauſe a doughter of his (great with childe) made her vowe, and kept her nyne Vigilles, and vpon more deuotion, was deſirous to be deliuered in the ſaide temple. Suche was her miſhappe, that her deliuery was not onely euill, but her death was much worſe. Whereupon Rutilius in his rage, cauſed the temple ſecretly to be burned. For we reade many times, that when the Gentyles ſawe they were diſtreſſed and in great neceſſitie, they recommended them ſelues to their Gods: and if they did not then ſuccour them in their neceſſitie, immediatly they toke from them their ſacrifice, bette downe their temples, or chaunged their Gods. And further, the Gentiles had an other god called Opis, which was called ye God of the babe newe borne euen as Lucina was goddeſſe of the mother whiche bare it. The cuſtome was, that during all the nyne monethes, that the woman was quick with chylde, ſhe caried the image of the God Opis hanging vppon her belly, tyed to her girdle, or ſowed to her garmentes, and at the houre of her deliuerie, the mydwyfe toke in her hands the ſaide image, and euen in the verye byrth before herſelfe layde handes vpon it, ſhe firſt of all towched the childe with the Idoll. If the childe were well borne, the parentes that daye made great oblations to the Idoll: but if it were euill or dead borne, ſtraight way the parentes of the childe did beate the image of the poore God Opis to powder, or els burned it, or drowned it in the ryuer. Alſo the Gentyles worſhipped an other God called Vaginatus, and vnto him they did great ſacrifice, becauſe their children ſhould not weepe muche: and therfore they caried the image of this god Vaginatus, hanged about their neckes, for the Gentiles thought it an euill ſigne and token, whan the Babe wept muche in his infancie, he ſhould haue very euill fortune in his age. They had alſo an other God called God Cuninus, him they honoured with ſacrifice, to thend that he ſhould be their Patrone for the ſafetie of their children in their cradels. And thoſe whiche were poore, had the God Cuninus hanged vpon the cradell, but the ryche had very ſumptuouſe cradelles, wherein were painted many gods Cunini▪ Herodian, and Pulio, declareth in the life of Seuerus, that when the Emperour Seuerus was in the warre againſt the Gavvles, his wyfe (whoſe name was Iulia) was deliuered of a daughter, whiche was her firſt. And it happened, that a ſiſter of this Iulia named Meſa (natiue of Perſia, and of the citie of Meſa) ſent vnto her ſiſter at Rome a cradell, all of an Vnicornes horne, and fine gold: and about the ſame was painted many images of the god Cuninus. The cradel was of ſo great value, that many yeres after it was kept in the Treaſurie of Rome: Though in dede the Romaines kept thoſe thinges, more for the deſire of memorie, than for the loue of ryches. The Romaines had likewiſe an other god, whom they called god Ruminus, whiche was as muche to ſaie, as God of ſucking Babes: and to him the matrones of Rome offered diuerſe ſacrifices, to thende he woulde kepe their breaſtes from corruption, and geue them mylke enough for their litle children. And all the whyle they gaue the chyld ſucke, thei had the image of this god about their neckes hanging downe to their breſtes. And euery morning before ſhe gaue the childe ſucke, the mother ſent a diſhe full of mylke to offer to the God Ruminus, and if ſhe happened to be in ſuche place where there was no churche dedicated to the God Ruminus, then ſhe bathed her god Ruminus ſhe hadde with her, in mylke. They had alſo an other God, whom they called God Stellinus, and him they impropered to their children when they began to goe. To this god the matrones offered many giftes, that their children might not be lame, Dwarfes, nor impotent or decrepite, but that they might be able to go well. For among the Romaines, thoſe that were Criples or Dwarfes, were had in ſuche contempt, that they could neither beare office in the Senate, nor be admitted prieſtes in the temples. Hercules in his thirde booke, De repub. ſaith that Cornelia, (that worthy woman and mother of the Gracchi) had her twoo firſt ſonnes, the one lame, and the other a Dwarfe. Whereupon ſuppoſinge the god Stellinus had bene wrath with her, ſhe bylte him a Temple in the .xii. region, neare to the fieldes Gaditanus, amongeſt the Gardens of Detha, and this temple remained till the tyme of Randagiſmus, who beſieging Rome, deſtroyed the Temples, and brake vp their gardines about Rome. They had alſo an other god, called Adeon, and his chardge was, that when the childe could goe well, he ſhould go to his mother and make muche of her. And allbeit Cicero in his booke De natura Deorum, putteth this god amongeſt the other gods, yet I do not remember that I haue euer read that this god had any Temple in Rome till the tyme of Mammea, mother of the Emperoure Antoninus. This excellente woman beinge lefte a wydowe, and with two litle children, deſiering that they might be well and vertuouſly brought vp, and that they ſhould increaſe their loue towardes her, ſhe buylte to the god Adeon, a ſumptuous Temple in the .xii. region Vaticanus, neare to the gardens of Domicilius, and hard adioyning to that alſo, ſhe erected one other edifice called Sacellum Mammae, where ſhe abode ſolitarely for a tyme. For the maner and cuſtome at that time was, that all wydowes (whiche woulde bryng vp their children in good diſcipline) ſhould immediatly ſeuer thēſelues farre from the daungerous pleaſures of Rome. The auncientes had alſo an other god called Mentallis, which was in effect god of wyt. That is to wyte, he had authoritie and power to giue children good or euill ſence. And to this god the auncientes did great ſacrifices, eſpecially the Greekes, muche more than the Romaines. For as muche as Seneca ſaith, that he doth meruayle nothyng at all of that the Greekes knewe: but that whiche made him moſt to marueile, was of that they knewe not, ſince they had the temple of the god Mentallis, within their ſcholes. All the children whome they ſent to learne Philoſophie, were (by the lawes of Athens) bounde to ſerue three yeares in that temple. And to omyt that, whiche Seneca ſpake of the Greekes, I dare boldely ſaye and affirme (to many whiche at theſe dayes are liuing) that if it be true, he gaue ſence and vnderſtanding to men, that they would to daye, rather than to morowe, withdrawe them ſelues to goe into thoſe temples, and there offer their vowes. For nothing in the worlde happeneth to men more, then the wante of wytte and vnderſtanding howe to gouerne them ſelues, & lyue in quiet. They had alſo an other God Volunus, and a goddeſſe called Voluna, theſe two had the charge of affiaunce in wedlocke: and therfore they were twoo, becauſe the one ſhould healpe the man, and the other ſhould helpe the woman. The maner was ſuch, that during the time of their mariage, ech of them ware the image of their owne god about their neckes, and thoſe were of golde or ſyluer. And after they were maried, the bridegrome gaue vnto his ſpouſe the goddeſſe Voluna, and the bride vnto her huſbande the god Volunus. At ſuche times as the conſulles were created at Rome, and the kings baniſhed, and before the comming of the Emperours, a litle before the Cornelians moued ciuill commocions in Rome, there was one Conſull amongeſte all theſe whoſe name was Balbus. It is ſayde he was the firſt that builded the temple of Volunus, and Voluna. It did ſtande in the nynth warde of the citie, neare vnto the gate Corinthia and was called Scripta Balbi. And nighe vnto it was an other building called Theatrum Balbi. All the Conſuls, Senatours, noble and renowmed barons, were maried in the Temple which Balbus builte. That night that Pompey the great maried Iulius Caeſars daughter, there were ſome that ſaide, that Pompey refuſed to marie her in the temple of the gods Volunus, and Voluna, whereupon they diuined ſtraight that the mariage would not indure long betwixt them. As writeth Publius Victor in his thirde booke De nuptijs antiquorum. The auncient Pagans honoured a god called Agreſtes, as muche to ſaye, as the god of fieldes and fruites: to him they offred no ſacrifice but twyſe in the yeare, that is to wete, in ſeede time, and in harueſt. The Phrigians (that is the Troyans and Cicilians) greatly obſerued this god Agreſtes, and it was for that in thoſe twoo countries there was gathered ſuche plentie of corne to make bread, that Phrigia was the great garner of Aſia, and Trinacria (that was Cicilia) was the corne houſe of Europe. They had another god called Belus, which was patrone of men of warre. For euen as the Chriſtians (when they come to the poynte to geue the battayle) make their praiers vnto god: ſo likewyſe the auncientes in the ſame pointe did knele downe, and recommende them ſelues to god Belus. Liuie declareth, that in all other thinges which were done, and wherof the Romaine knightes were accuſed in the battaile of Cannas (againſt Hannibal) was for that they did not recommende them ſelues at all to the god Belus, when they ſhould giue battayle, ſaying the Carthagians remayned conquerours, becauſe they a litle before honoured the god Mars: & the Romaines were vanquiſhed, for that they offred no ſacrifice to god Belus. When Pirrus, king of the Epirotes (that is of Albanie) came into Italie, and that the Romaynes were aduertiſed, he brought with him many engins, and ſubtile inuentions for the warre, they agreed to buylde a Temple for the god Belus, within the walles of Rome, in the nynth warde nere the gate Carmentalle, & it was named Edes Beloe, in the fronte whereof was a marueylous ſumptuous and ſtately pyller, wherein was grauen thorder of battayle. The Gentiles had another god called the god of victorie, to whome the Romaines (more then any other nation) did ſacrifices, to thende they might obtayne victorie of their enemies. Of this god Victoria, there was many magnificall temples in Rome, but the chiefeſt and the greateſt was adioyning to the gate Venia, in the twelfte warde, in the place called Della victoria. It was builte in the yeare of the foundation of Rome, foure hundreth, thre ſcore and ſeuentene. And it was for thoccaſion of the victorie, that Appius Claudius, and Quintus Fabius had in Scicill, the firſte tyme the Romaine people foughte againſt the Affricanes, Herones being king. Of this warre and victorie, roſe the cruell, long, and perillous warres betwene Rome and Affrike. There was another god amongeſt the gods, whome the auncientes called Honorius, whiche had the charge that the Inkeapers ſhould honour and gently intertaine Pylgrimes, and ſtraungers: ſo that they ſhould be well handled, through the prouinces and realmes whereby they paſſed. And there was a cuſtome in Rome, that euer when any Romaine ſhould goe any vyage, his wyfe immediatly ſhould go to the temple of god Honorius to doe her ſacrifices. In the fiftene yeare after that Hannibal paſſed into Italie, the Romains knewe by a prophecie, that as ſone as they brought the image of the goddeſſe Berecinthia (mother of all the gods) into Rome: ſo ſone Hannibal ſhoulde retire out of Italy. And to bryng this to paſſe, the Romaines ſent their Embaſſadours into Phrigia, whiche is one parte of Aſia, to thende they ſhoulde brynge the goddeſſe Berecinthia to Rome. And becauſe their Embaſſadours ſhould go well and retourne ſafe, and that in comming and going throughe the Realmes, they ſhould entertaine them well, and doe them honoure: they buylt a tēple for the god Honorius within the walles of Rome, in the fourth warde, in a place whiche they called Forum Tranſitorium.

¶Of other more naturall and peculiar Gods, whiche the auncient people had. Cap. xxii.

AND becauſe it ſhould not be to tedious a thing, to name all the gods whiche the Gentiles worſhipped, and ſemblably in whoſe tyme and reigne they honoured them moſte, and what Realmes were more repleniſhed then others, and furthermore for what cauſes ſo many temples, and buyldynges, were ordeyned and erected for them: I wyll make mention onely of thoſe Goddes, whiche were called naturall Gods, and particuler Gods, and declare why the Gentiles honoured them.

And this onely moueth me to it, becauſe thoſe whiche ſhall ſee this my wrytinge maye knowe what a ſpeciall grace God hathe giuen to them, whiche are borne in the tyme of the Chriſtian lawe. Knowe you therefore, that the god Eſculanus was the god of Mines of golde and ſyluer. Pecunia was the goddeſſe of metalles: and they prayed vnto her, to geue them treaſures and ryches. Feſſoria was the goddeſſe of trauaylours and Pylgrimes: and they prayed to her, that ſhe would not ſuffer them to be wery that trauayled on foote. Pelonia was a goddeſſe whiche had the charge to dryue the ennemies out of the lande. Eſculapius was the god and patrone of ſicke men, and if the maladie were great, they called vppon the God Apollo, whiche was father to Eſculapius Spinenſis was a god whome the auncientes prayed to kepe the corne from thiſtles and thornes. Rubigo was a god which kepte the Vines from wormes, and the corne from locuſtes. Fortuna was the goddeſſe of good fortune: and to her the auncient wyues of Rome made a temple, in the tyme of Silla and Marius. Muta was the goddeſſe to whome the auncientes praied, that ſhe would not ſuffer their ennemies to ſpeake, when they would ſpeake euill of them. Genoria was a goddeſſe that had the charge to chaſe ſlouthfulneſſe from them, that recommended them ſelues to her: and the Greekes honoured her, eſpecially the Philoſophers, when they entred into ſtudy & vniuerſities. Stimula was a goddes which haſtened thē of their buſynes, to thend they ſhould not forget any thyng they had to do. And her image was at Rome ouer the gate of ye Senate houſe, for ſhe was takē for aduocate of the pleaders. Murcia was a goddeſſe and an aduocate for men & women, whiche deſired not to be leane nor weake of their bodies, & to this goddeſſe the women of Rome offred many giftes, to the ende they might be fatte. For in Rome, maydens and women are forſaken becauſe they be leane and ſclender, and not for that they be foule and fatte. Buſina properly was a goddeſſe of the fieldes, and to her the auncientes offred ſacrifice, becauſe ſhe ſhould loke to the graſſe that grew in the fieldes. And the Scithians were great worſhippers of that goddeſſe, becauſe they hadde no houſes in townes but kept the fieldes euen with their flockes, whiche if they wanted graſſe died immediatly, and then they were vtterly vndone. Iugatiuus was he that was called the god of the highe mounte, & to him the auncientes made a lodge and aulters in the toppe of the higheſt mountaines, whereunto thei went oftentimes to doe ſacrifice, eſpecially when it thundred and lightned. Vallonia was the goddeſſe of the valleis, and ſhe had the charge to bridle the waters that diſcended from the mountaynes, to the ende they ſhoulde not endomage the medowes and milles whereby they paſſed. Ceres was a goddeſſe of all nacions honoured, for that ſhe was goddeſſe of corne and of other ſoueraigne ſeedes: and the aūcientes had a cuſtome to offer her a loafe of all the ſeedes and corne that they ſowed. Her lodges and aulters to doe ſacrifice were in the fieldes, but beſides thoſe ſhe had a temple in Rome in the ninthe warde, in the fieldes of Mars, harde by the gardens of Lucullus, and it is ſaide that out of this temple came firſte the fountaine of Scipio. Segecia was a goddeſſe that hadde the charge to make the ſeedes to growe after they were ſowen. I doe not remember I haue read that ſhe had any temple in Rome. Tutillina was a goddeſſe, whoſe office was to entreate Iupiter not to beate downe the corne with hayleſtones when it was ready to bee repte. And the auncientes painted her in ſuche ſorte, that it ſeemed Iupiter did cauſe it to rayne ſtones, and that this goddeſſe Tutilina ſhoulde gather them all. She had a temple in Rome in the tenth warde, in the market place of Apollo, nere vnto the houſe of Romulus. And at euery tyme when it thundred, immediatly the Romaynes lyghted a great nombre of candelles in the temple to appeaſe the goddeſſe that ſhe ſhoulde keepe their corne and ſeede from hurte. Flora was the mercifull goddeſſe of the Vines, that preſerued them from froſte. And thoſe of Capua were great worſhippers of this goddeſſe, for they ſaye that they were the firſte that planted Vynes in Italy. Matura was a goddeſſe that hadde the charge to rype grapes: and the auncientes vſed a cuſtome, to offer the fyrſte grapes whiche were rype, in the place where the goddeſſe was. And for the more parte euerye man that had Vynes, made in the fielde a lodge and an aultar to ſacrifice vnto her. Ruana was a goddeſſe and aduocate for them that gathered the corne and other graynes, to the ende they ſhould doe no hurte in cutting away the eare, nor ſhoulde marre the ſtrawe, and that in cuttynge, the corne ſhoulde not ſhake from the eare. And therefore the auncientes painted her, holding in her right hande a handfull of ſtrawe, and the eares were whole. Forculus was the God of Lockeſmythes, and the auncientes ſacrificed hym, becauſe he ſhould locke faſte the dores, and ſhould not ſuffer them to be broken open, nor picked, nor adultered keyes to be made: the auncientes paynted this God holdinge a chayne in one hande, and twoo doores in the other: his image was ouer the gate of Trigemine, and ſpecially ouer their doores that hadde enemies. Limentimen was God of the hammers of the gates. I coulde not fynde what the entention was to inuente thys God, but as I thynke (not for that I haue founde it wrytten) they prayed this God that when there ſhoulde come anye ennemy of theirs to the houſe, that he ſhoulde cauſe them ſtumble, and fall before the dore, if perhappes by negligence it were lefte open. Portulus was the god of the gates, and the auncientes dyd paynte hym with twoo gates in his handes, and did ſacrifice hym, becauſe no man ſhould open the gates to the enemies when they ſlepte: and to hym the Romaines did ſacrifice in all the gates of Rome, and thoſe whiche hadde enemies, would paynte hym in the gate of their houſe. Cardea was a Goddeſſe of the barres & hingies of the gates, and the cauſe why the auncientes did ſacrifice to her, was that no man ſhoulde breake the gates, nor lift vp the hingies, and that if they went about to put to their handes, immediatly the hingies ſhould make a noyſe to wake the maiſter of the houſe that he might heare it, and knowe that his enemies were at the gate. There was another god who was called Siluanus, and he was moſte honoured among the auncientes, eſpecially among all the Romaines. This god had the charge to kepe thoſe from perill and miſfortune that went for their pleaſure and recreation to the Gardeynes, as Plynie ſayeth in an epiſtle he wrote to Rutilius. The firſte that buylte a temple for the god Syluanus, was Mecenas, whiche was in the tyme of Auguſtus. And he deſyred aboue all other men, to make feaſtes and bankettes in Gardeins. This temple was in the eleuenth warde, in the fielde of the goddeſſe Venus, neare vnto the houſe of Murcea, whiche was deſtroied in the time of the Emperour Antonius Pius throughe an earthquake, whereby many buyldinges and houſes fell in Rome. Iugatibus was the god of mariages, who had charge to make the loue which begon in youth, to endure till the olde age. It was wonderfull to ſee how the women newly maried, went on pylgremage for deuotion vnto this god, and what giftes and preſentes they offered in his temple. Suetonius Tranquillus ſaithe, that there was a Temple of this God, but I fynde not in wrytyng by whome it was buylte: ſauyng that Helius Spartianus ſayth, that the Emperoure Heliogabalus founde muche rycheſſe in the Temple of Iugatibus, the whiche he tooke away to mayntayne his warres.

Bacchus was the God of, drunkardes, and the cuſtome in Rome was, that only madde men and fooles celebrated the feaſte of this God, and if there wer found any of wit & vnderſtandyng (wer it neuer ſo litle) they thruſt him forthewith out of the Temple, and ſoughte in his ſteade another drunkard. The Temple of Bacchus was in the tenthe warde, in the medowes which they call Bacchanales, withoute the citie, in the waye of Salaria, by the Aulters of the Goddeſſe Februa, and it was bilte by the Gaules, when they beſieged Rome in the time of Camillus. Februa was a goddeſſe for the feuers, and they vſed in Rome when any was taken with the feauer, immediatelye to ſende ſome ſacrifice vnto her.

This Goddeſſe hadde no temple at al, but her Image was in Pautheon, whiche was a temple wherein al the goddes were, and in this place they ſacrificed vnto her. Pauor was the God of feare, who hadd the charge to take feare from the Romaines hartes, and to gyue them ſtoute courage againſt their enemies. The Temple of this god Pauor was in Rome, in the ſixte warde, in the place of Mamuria, nere the olde Capitoll: and euer when they had any enemyes, the Romaynes forthewith offred in this place ſacrifices, and there was in the ſame temple a ſtatue of Scipio the Affricane all of ſiluer, which he offred there when he triumphed ouer the Carthagians.

Meretrix was the goddeſſe of diſhoneſt women, and as Publius Victor ſaieth, there was in Rome fourty ſtreates of cōmen women, in the myddeſt wherof the temple of this Meretrix was. It chaunſed in the time of Ancus Martius (the forthe kynge of the ſeuen Romayne Kynges) that there was in Rome a courtizan, natiue of Laurento, whiche was ſo fayre, that with her bodye ſhe gayned greate ryches, whereof ſhe made all the Romayne people partakers. Wherefore in memorye of her the Romaynes bilt ther a temple, and made her Goddeſſe of all the common women in Rome. Cloatina was Goddeſſe of the ſtoole, and to this goddeſſe all thoſe commended them ſelues whiche were troubled with the Collycke, to thend ſhe would healpe them to purge their bealies. Quies was the goddeſſe of reſt, and to her the Romaynes did great ſacrifices, becauſe ſhe ſhould gyue them pleaſour and reſt, eſpeciallye one that day, when there was any triumphe in Rome, they gaue in this Temple many gyftes, becauſe ſhe ſhould preſerue the glorye and ioye of the triumphes. Nunia Pompilius (ſeconde Kyng of the Romaynes) builte the temple of this Goddeſſe, and it was without the citie, for to note that durynge the lyfe of man in this worlde, he coulde neyther haue pleaſoure nor reſte. Theatrica was a goddeſſe, that had the charge to kepe the Theatres & Stagyes, when the Romaynes celebrated their playes: and thoccaſion of inuenting of this Goddeſſe was, becauſe when the Romaynes woulde ſet forthe their tragedies, they made ſo ſolempne theatres, that there myghte wel ſtand xx. thouſand men aboue, & as manye vnderneth for to beholde the ſpectacle. And ſometime it happened, that for the greate wayghte of them aboue, the wode of the theatres and ſtages brake, & killed all thoſe which were vnderneth: & ſo after this ſorte all their paſtime turned into ſorrow. The Romaynes (which wer prouided in al thinges) agred to do ſacrifice vnto ye Goddeſſe Theatrica, to thende ſhe ſhould preſerue them from the daungers of the Theaters, and built her a temple in the nynth ward, in the Market place of Cornelia, neare to the houſe of Fabij Domitian the xii. Emperour of Rome dyſtroyed this Temple, becauſe in his preſence one of the Theaters brake, and killed many men. And for that the goddeſſe Theatrica dyd not preſerue them, he made the Temple to be beaten downe. Peraduenture thoſe that haue red lytle ſhal find theſe things new inoughe: but let theym reade Cicero, in his booke De natura Deorum: Iohn Bocchas, of the genealogie of gods: and Pulio of the aunciente Gods: and Saint Auguſtine in the firſte, xi. and the xviii. booke of the cytie of God, and they ſhall fynd a great nomber more then is ſpoken of.

¶How Tiberius the knyghte was choſen gouernour of the empire, and afterwardes created Emperoure, only for being a good Chriſtian. And how God depriued Iuſtinian the yonger, both of his empire and ſences for being an heretike. Cap. xiii.

THe fiftye Emperour of Rome, was Tiberius Conſtantinus, who ſucceded Iuſtinian the younger which was a cruell Emperoure. And Paulus Diaconus ſayeth, that he was an enemye to the poore: a thefe to the rich, a great louer of riches, and an enemy to him ſelfe in ſpending them. For the propertie of a couetous man is to liue like a begger all the dayes of his lyfe, and to be founde riche at the houre of his deathe. This Iuſtinian was ſo couetous, that hee commaunded coffers and cheſtes of iron to bee made, and brought into his palayce to kepe the treaſours whiche he hadde robbed. And of this you ought not to meruel, for Seneca ſayth, that couetous Prynces doo not onely ſuſpect their ſubiectes, but alſo theym ſelues. In thoſe dayes the church was greatly defyled, by the hereſye of the Pelagians, and the maynteyner of that ſect was this wicked Prince Iuſtinian: ſo that for him ſelfe he procured riches, and for the Deuill he cheapned ſoules. For thoſe that are once forſaken of the hande of God, do not only become ſeruantes of the deuil, but alſo labour to allure others to hell. Wherfore ſith the ſinnes of men are dyuerſe, and the iudgements of God kept ſecrete, and that yet the lyuing God is ſo merciful, that not with ſtanding his mercy would ſaue the ſoules, he wil alſo with iuſtyce chaſtiſe the bodies. And therfore ſeing the obſtinacye of this Emperour to be ſuch that the lenger he lyued the more he augmented his damnacion, the wrathe of God lighted vpon him, and ſodainly with out any grudge or tokē of ſicknes, this Emperour Iuſtinian was derriued of his ſences & became a foole: & becauſe the matter was ſo ſodaine, it cauſed in Rome great feare, and admiracion, for that the Prince was a foole, and all the Empire chaunged. And in dede This Emperour was ſo ſtryken, that his life and follye ended both in one day. For the dyſeaſes which God ſendethe to Princes, commeth not through faulte of humours, but through the corrupcion of maners. Alſo ther is no medicyne that can reſiſt it, nor yet anye other thing that can remedye it. The people perceiuyng howe the Emperour through hys ſynnes was (according to the diuine pleaſoure) become a foole, agreed (ſythe there was no remedye for his dyſſeaſe) to chuſe ſome good perſon to whom the charge of the publyke weale myght be gyuen. For trulye a man needeth greater pacience and wyſedome to gouerne another mans, then for that whiche is his owne proper. The lotte befell to a Knyghte Tiberius ſo called, a man for a truthe bothe chaſte, iuſte, profitable, ſage, vertuous, hardy, merciful, charitable, in feates of armes aduenturous, and aboue all a good Chriſtian. And let not this thynge be lytle regarded that the Prince be a good Chriſtian. For there is no ſtate ſo happy as that, whiche is gouerned by a Prince of a good and faitheful conſcience, and becauſe he wanted no vertues to adorne a Prince, he was both feared of manye, and beloued of all. Which thinge oughte not lyghtlye to be eſtemed, for it is the chiefeſt thinge that belongethe to Prynces, that is to wete, for their gentle conuerſacion to be beloued, and for their vprighte iuſtice, to be feared. This Emperour Iuſtinian had a wyfe, whoſe name was Sophia Auguſta, whyche was beautifull and ſage, and as touchynge her perſon, of good renowme ſufficient. For women muſt take great reſpect, leaſt they giue ſtrangers occaſion to ſpeake of them, but notwithſtanding al theſe thinges, thys dame was noted of couetouſnes. For ſhe toyled alwayes to hourde vp monye, and delighted to ſee and tell it, but to ſpende or giue it, was alwayes her greateſt griefe. For couetous parſones lytle regarde to ſhorten their lyfe, ſo that they maye augment their ryches. Tiberius Conſtantine, as gouernour of the Empire (ſeinge the Empreſſe Sophia Auguſta ryche, and deſiring more the profite of the common wealthe, then the enrychement of hym ſelfe or of any other) did nothyng els but builde monaſteryes, repayre hoſpytalles, marye Orphanes, and redeme captyues. For ſpeakynge accordyng to the Chriſtian lawes, that that a man hath more then neceſſarye, oughte to be employed to the vſe of the poore, and to workes of mercy. Finally this vertuous prince did that whiche Chriſtian Princes ſhoulde doe, and not as tirauntes do, whiche made him of great excellencye. For the propertie of a tyraunte is to heape great treaſours of other mens goodes, and afterwarde to ſpend and conſume them viciouſly: but Tiberius founde them gathered together by one and he diſparſed them to many: Sophia Auguſta, ſeing Iuſtinia become a foole, and not knowynge how to get more mony of the people, nor how to robbe the riche, and that Tiberius ſpente her ryches withoute compaſſyon, partelye to ſatiſfie her ſorowfull hart, & partly to ſee if in time to com ſhe could remedy it, called one day Tiberius a part & ſpake vnto him theſe wordes in ſecret.

¶Of the woordes the Empreſſe Sophia ſpake vnto Tiberius Conſtantinus then beyng gouernour of the Empyre, whyche only tended to reproue hym for that he lauiſhely conſumed the treaſure of the Empire gotten by her. Cap. xiiii.

THow remēbreſt wel Tiberius, that though thou art now after Iuſtinian gouernour of the Empire: yet whan thou waſte in Alexandrie, thou thoughteſt litle to deſerue it, and if thou diddeſt, thou thoughteſt thou couldeſt not attayn vnto it. For thou art a wiſe man, & the ſage man (according to the litle or muche which fortune giueth him) doth rayne or ſlacke alwayes the brydell of his thoughtes. Thoſe whiche haue a vaine hope, and thoroughe power onely wyll enforce fortune to be fauourable vnto them, ſhall lyue alwayes a troubleſome life.

For there is nothynge that ſhorteneth more the life of man, then vayne hope, and ydle thoughtes. Thou beinge ſuch a man as thou arte, and ſo wel willed and beloued of Iuſtinian my huſband, art demaunded of the Romaine people, and choſen by the Senate, receiued by the ſouldiours, and al the Empire reioyce at thy election.

And thou oughteſt not a litle to regarde it. For the willes of all doe not alwaies fauour one. I let the to vnderſtand Tiberius, that it did not diſpleaſe me thou ſhouldeſt be Emperour of Rome, ſith Iuſtinian was depoſed: and if I had perceyued that whiche I doe perceyue, or had knowen that which I doe knowe, I am certaine that I had neyther ſayd with it nor againſte it. For we wemen are of ſo litle credite, that it preuaileth vs more to approue the leaſte of that which other ſaye, than it doth to ſpeake very well our ſelues. Sith fortune hath brought the to ſo high eſtate, I beſeche the, admoniſh the, and aduiſe the, that thou knowe howe to keape and gouerne thy ſelfe therein. For to ariſe to honour, it ſufficeth the bodye to ſweate water: but to mainteine it, it is neceſſary that the hart weepe bloude. Thou knowe • t righte well, that to commaunde more, to doe more, and to haue more then other (as touching the affayres of Princes) oftentimes is giuen more thoroughe worldly care, then for the deſerte of the perſonne. And this God ſuffereth very ofte, to the ende we may ſee thoſe diſcende and fall through infamy: whom we ſaw mounte and proſper by pryde. Thou art a man, and I a woman, Thou haſt wiſedom and knowledge, but I haue large and long experience, and if thou knoweſt much, I haue ſeene in the worlde enough, but in faith for that I haue ſayd I tell the, that men of thy ſorte are vndone in the palaice of princes by 2. waies. The one, if they thinke they deſerue much, and they can doe litle. For hauty mindes brynge alwayes alteration in the harte. The other is, that one alone will commaund the Emperour and the empire: whereunto if any man come, it is by greate trauayle, and he ſhall ſuſtayne it with daunger, and ſhall poſſeſſe it but a ſhorte time. For it is impoſſible yt to a man of muche arrogancie, fortune ſhould be to long faithful.

Though thou be wyſe and ſage, I counſell the alwayes to profite with an other mans counſaile, chiefely in thinges concerninge the gouernemente of the ſtate. For to know to obey, and to know to commaunde differ much.

For to know to obey, commeth by nature: but to knowe to commaunde, commeth by long experience. Take this of me for a generall rule, that wheras thou ſeeſt they praier to be acceptable, neuer take vpon the commaundement: for by commaundement thou ſhalte be feared, and by prayer thou ſhalte be beloued. Know thou Tiberius, the thinges that content thē worſte, which ar in ye court of Princes: are to do litle, to haue litle, & to be litle worth.

For the man that is without fauour, in his heart is halfe dead. For the contrary, the thing whiche moſt perilleth the fauored of Princes & maketh them loaſe their frendſhipp, is to be of great power, and great in autoritie, & more ouer than this, to profite more of will then of knowledge, of auctoritie than of reaſon. For a man can not lyue long in frendſhyppe, whych dothe what he wyll in the common wealthe. I haue ſpoken all thys to thende thou ſhouldeſt knowe that I greatlye maruayle at thy prudence, and haue no leſſe wonder of my pacience. To ſee that the treaſours whych Iuſtinian heaped together by great trauaile, kept and preſerued with great care, thou waſteſt without reſpect what thou doeſte. And doe not maruaile at this: For ther is no pacience can ſuffer to ſe the proper gods waſted and ſpent by the hands of an other, which wt ſo great care hath ben gathered together. I let the know Tiberius, that now we haue neyther money to kepe, nor to gyue to others, which thing is very peryllous for the palace of Princes. For the fame to haue great treaſours, cauſeth Princes to keape their enemyes in feare. It is neceſſarie for princes to bee ſtoute, and alſo riche, for by their ſtoutnes they maye gouerne their owne, and by their riches, they may repreſſe their enemyes. It is not only neceſſarie that the Prince be not poore, but alſo it is requiſitie that his common wealth be rych. For where the people are poore, of their enemies they are nothinge regarded: and where the common wealth is riche, the Prince can not be greatly poore. I will not denay but that it is wel done to help the poore, and ſuccour the needy. But yet I ſay, that no man ought to giue the treaſour to any one particulerly, which is kepte for the preſeruation of al. For oftentimes the prince which is to lyberal in geuing his owne, is after wardes through neceſſitie compelled to be a Tyranne, and take from others. I let the wete Tiberius, that thou ſhalte finde few Princes but are proude, maglignaunt, or vicious. For of a trouth wantonneſſe, lybertie, youthe, and riches, are cruell enemyes to honeſtie, I wyll not ſay that all princes haue bene euil, but I wil ſay ther hath bene but few good, and thoſe which are or wil be good, ought to be greatly honoured. For no time ought to be called happie, but that wherin vertuous Princes do reygne.

And I ſay to the further Tiberius, if Princes become Tyrants for want of riches, ſo do they become vicious through aboundaunce of treaſurs, and in this caſe, vicious princes are chaſtened in the ſame vyce. For auarice hath ſuch power ouer them, yt it ſuffereth them not to taſte their owne delight.

And I let the wete Tiberius, that there are many Princes whiche are of good nature, and yet become Tyrants, for nothing els but becauſe they be oppreſſed with pouertie.. For truly the noble hart refuſeth no daunger, ſeing him ſelfe aſſaulted with pouertie.

Therfore I demaund of the which is better, or otherwiſe which of theſe two euilles is leaſte: that the Prince be poore, and with that a Tiranne: or that he be riche, and therwith vicious.

In mine opinion it wer much better to be riche and viciouſe, then a tiranne and poore: for in the end if he do euil by vyce, he ſhould be euil to no man but to himſelfe: by riches he ſhould profit al the people. And if he be poore and a tyranne, he ſhould do great euil to many, and by pouertie he could profit no man. For the poore prince cannot maintaine the riche, and much leſſe ſuccour the poore, without compariſon it is more profitable to the common wealth, and more tollerable to men, that the Prince be an euil man, and therwithall a good prince: than an euil Prince, and therwithal a good man. For as Plato ſaithe, the Athenians wold alwayes rather ſeeke a profitable, then a ſtoute Prince: and the Lacedemonians dyd erre, in willing rather a ſtoute Prince then profitable. Therfore ſee Tiberius, it is more ſure and profitable for the common wealthe, that Princes haue treaſours to giue lyberalye amonge their ſeruantes: then that they ſhould be poore and enforced to oppreſſe their people with taxes and ſubſidies. For princes oftetimes throughe pouertie, take occaſion to leauy great ſubſedies in their realmes and ſeignories.

¶The aunſwere of Tiberius vnto the Empreſſe Sophia Auguſta: Wherin he declareth that noble Princes neade not to hourd vp great treaſures: And of the hidden treaſure this good Emperour found by reuelacion, in the Palace wher he remayned. Cap. xv.

TIberius heard very paciently the admonicion of the Empreſſe, wherfore with great reuerence he aunſwered, and with ſwete & gentle words he ſpake to her in this ſorte. I haue hearde and vnderſtode what you haue tolde me (moſte noble Princeſſe Sophia, alwayes Auguſta): and do receyue your gentle admonicions, moſte humblye thankinge you for your louing counſayle, which principally you giue me in ſo hyghe a ſtyle. For oftentimes ſicke men abhorre meates, not for that ye meates are not good, but becauſe they are not wel dreſſed. If it were gods pleaſour, I would I knewe aſwel how to do theſe thinges, as you know how to ſpeake theim. And do not maruaile though I make hereof a doubt, for we greatly deſyre to praiſe vertuous workes: but to put them in vre we are very ſlow. Speaking therfore with ſuch reuerence (as is due vnto ſo hyghe a Ladie) to euerye one of theſe things which your excellencie hath tolde me, I wil aunſwere in one word. For it is reaſon, ſithe you haue ſpoken that which you perceyue of my deedes: that I ſpeake that which I gather of your words. You tell me that when I was in Alexandrie I thought not to be gouernour of the empire after Iuſtinian, and that I thought not my ſelfe worthy to deſerue it, nor yet loked to come vnto it. To this I aunſwere, that thoughe by reaſon I gouerned my ſelfe at that tyme, yet I ought not to thinke to deſerue ſuch a dignitie, nor to come to ſo highe an eſtate. For thoſe whiche by vertues deſerue great dignities are but few: and fewer are thoſe which attayne vnto them though they deſerue them. But if this matter be iudged accordyng to ſenſualitie, I tel you truly (dame Auguſta,) that I thought not only to deſerue it, but alſo I thought to come vnto it. And hereof marueyle not, for it is an vnfallible rule, wher leeſte deſert is, ther is moſt preſumption. You ſaye you eſtemed me for a wiſe man, and that by wiſedome I could ouercome any diſordinate appetite. To this I anſwere, that you knewe my wiſedome eyther in mine owne buſines, or els in other mens affayres. Yf in other mens affayres, (where it dyd coaſt me nought) I was alwayes a louer of iuſtice. For there is no man in the world ſo euyl, that doth not deſire (if it be without his owne coaſt) to be counted lyberall. But if you iudge me (Dame Auguſta) on mine owne buſines, giue not to lyghte credite. For I will that you know, ther is no man ſo iuſte, nor of ſo clere a iudgement, that doth not ſhew him ſelfe frayle in matters which touche his owne intereſt. You ſay that men which haue their thoughtes hyghe, and their fortune baſe, lyue alwaies a penſife lyfe. Truly it is as you ſay. But in mine opiniō, as the membres of the bodyes are but inſtrumentes of ye mind, ſo is it neceſſary for men to haue quicke and ſharpe wittes, if they wil not be neglygente. For if Alexander, Pyrrus, Iulius Ceſar, Scipio, and Hanniball, had not bene hyghe mynded, they had not bene (as they were) ſo noble and ſtout Princes.

I let you vnderſtand, moſt noble Princeſſe, that men are not loſt for hauing their thoughtes hygh, nor for hauing their hartes couragious, neyther for being hardie and ſtout: but they are vndone, becauſe they begin thinges throughe folie, purſue them without wiſdome, and atchieue them without diſcreſſion.

For noble men enterpriſing great things, ought not to employ their force as their noble hart willeth, but as wiſedome and reaſon teacheth. You ſay, you meruaile why I waſt the treaſours without care, which Iuſtinian and you gathered togethers with great paine. To this I aunſwere, you oughte not to meruayle if all the treaſours you heaped together of ſo longe tyme, were ſpent and conſumed in one day. For ther is an auncient malediction on riches hydde, and treaſours buried, which Epimenides caſteth out ſayinge theſe words. All the treaſours hurded vp by the couetous, ſhal be waſted by the prodigall. You ſay through that I waſt in few dayes, you ſhall haue neither to giue, to waſt, nor yet to eate at the yeres ende. To this I aunſwere moſt gracious princeſſe, that if you had bene as ready to releue the poore, as you & Iuſtinian were dilygent to robbe the riche: then you ſhould iuſtly haue complayned, and I worthely might haue repented. Tyll now we haue not ſene, but that of the riche you haue made poore, & notwithſtanding this, yet you haue not gotten enoughe to buyld an Hoſpital for the poore. You ſay ye Princes to reſiſt their enemyes haue neede of greate treaſours. To this I aunſwere, if Princes be proud, gready, and of ſtraunge realmes ambicious, it is moſt certaine that they nede great treaſours to accompliſhe their diſordinate appetites. For the end of a tyrānous prince is, by hooke or by crooke to make him ſelfe riche in his lyfe. But if the Prince be or wil be a man repoſed, quyte, vertuous, paciente, peaceable, and not couetous of the good of an other man, what nede hath he of great treaſours? For to ſpeake truly, in princes houſes ther is more offence in that yt auaunceth, then in that that wanteth. I wil not waſt many words in aunſweringe, ſithe I am muche more liberal of dedes then of wordes: but I conclude, that ther is no Prince which in vertuous dedes waſteth ſo much, but if he wil, he may ſpend much more. For in the end, princes become not poore ſpending their goodes vpon neceſſaries: but for waſting it vpon things ſuperfluous. And take this word for al, yt for this he ſhal not be the porer, but rather ye richer: For it is a general rule in Chriſtian reglion, ye god wil giue more to his ſeruaunts in one houre, thē they wil waſt in 20. yeres. Iuſtinian was Emperour .11. yeres, who (being a foole, and obſtinate in the hereſye of Pellagien) died to the great offence of the Romaine people, whoſe death was aſmuch deſired, as his life abhorred. For the tirannous prince, that maketh many wepinge eyes in his life, ſhall cauſe many reioyſing harts at his death. Iuſtinian being dead, Tiberius was elected Emperour, who gouerned ye empire through ſo great wiſedom and iuſtice, yt no mā was able to reproue him if ye hiſtories in his time did not deceiue vs. For it ſeldō hapeneth to a prince to be as he was, vpright in iuſtice, pure in life, & clene in conſcience. For few are thoſe princes which of ſome vices are not noted Paulus Diaconus in his 18 boke of ye Romain geſtes, declare a thing merueilous which be fell to this emperour at that time, and very worthy to know at this preſent. And it is, that in the Citie of Conſtantinople the Romaine Emperours had a palace very ſumptuous, and beſemyng the auctoritie of the imperiall maieſty, which was begonne in the time of Conſtantine the greate, and afterwardes as the ſucceſſion of good or euyll Emperours was, ſo were the buildings decayed or repayred. For it is the deede of a vertuous Prince, to abolyſhe vices of the common wealth, and to make greate and ſumptuous buildinges in his country. This Emperour Tiberius hadde ſpent treaſours to redeme poore captiues, to build hoſpitalles, to erect monaſteries, to marie and prouide for the Orphanes and widowes, in this he was ſo prodigall, that it came almoſt to paſſe that he had nothing to eate in his palaice. And truly this was a bleſſed neceſſitie. For catholike Princes ought to thinke that well employed, which in the ſeruice of Chriſt is beſtowed. And hereof the Emperoure was not aſhamed, but thought it a great glory, and that which onely greued him was, to ſee the Empreſſe reioyce ſo much at his miſerye. For the high and noble hartes which feele them ſelues wounded, do not ſo much eſteme their owne paine, as they do to ſee their enemyes reioyce at their griefe. God neuer forſoke theym that for his ſake became poore, as it appeareth by this: It chaunced one day that euen as the Emperour Tiberius walked in the middeſt of his palace, he ſaw at his feete a marble ſtone, whiche was in fourme of the croſſe, of the reademer of the world. And becauſe it had bene to vniuſte a thing (as he thoughte) to haue ſpurned that with his feete, wherwith we truſt from our enemyes to be defended: he cauſed the ſtone to be taken vp, (not thinking any thing to be ther vnder) and immediatly after they found an other, wherin likewiſe was the forme of the croſſe, and this beyng taken vp, they founde an other in lyke maner, and when that was pluct vp from he bottome, there was found a treaſor which conteyned the ſome of 2. millions of Duckettes, for the which the good Emperour Tiberius gaue vnto all mighty god moſt high thankes, and wheras before he was lyberal, yet afterwardes he was much more bountiful: For all thoſe treaſours he diſtrybuted amongeſt the poore and needye people. Let therfore mighty princes, and great lords ſee, reade, and profit by this example, and let them thinke them ſelues aſſured, that for geuing almes to the poore, they nede not feare to become poore: for in the end the vycious man cānot cal him ſelf rich, nor the vertuous man can counte him ſelfe poore.

¶How the Chefetaine Na • ſetes ouercame manye battailes, only for that his whole confidence was in god. And what happened to him by the Empreſſe Sophia Auguſta: wherin may be noted the vnthankefulnes of Princes towardes their ſeruauntes. Cap. xvi.

IN the yere of the incarnacion of Chriſt. 528 (Iuſtinian the great being Emperour, who was the ſonne of Iuſtines ſiſter his predeceſſour in ye Empyre) the hiſtories ſay, in eſpecially Paulus Diaconus in the 18. booke Degeſtis Romanorum: that ther was a knighte of Greece in Rome, who from hys tender yeres hadde bene broughte vppe in Italye. He was a man of meane ſtature of a colericke complexcion, and in the Lawe of Chriſte verye deuoute, whyche was no ſmall thinge. For at that tyme not onelye manye knightes, but almoſte all the Biſhoppes of Italye were Arrians.

This knightes name was Narſetes, and becauſe he was ſo valliant in armes and ſo aduenturous in warres: he was choſen Chefeteyne generall of the Romane Empire. For the Romaines had this excellency, that when they had a valiaunt and ſtoute captaine (although they might haue his weighte of gold giuen them) they would neuer depart from his perſon. He enterpriſed ſo great thinges, he ouercame ſuch mighty realmes, and had ſuche notable victories ouer his enemyes, that the Romaines ſaid he had in him ye ſtrength of Hercules, the hardineſſe of Hector, the noblenes of Alexander, the policye of Pirrus, and the fortune of Scipio. For many of the vaine gentils held opinion, that as the bodyes dyd diſtribute their goodes in the lyfe: ſo did the ſoules parte their giftes after the deathe. This Narſetes was a pitefull captaine, and very conſtant in the faith of Chriſt, lyberall to giue almes, effectuous to build new monaſteries, and in repairing churches a man very carefull. And truly it was a rare thing. For in great warres (vpon ſmal occaſiōs) captaines vſe to beate downe Churches, and that which was greateſt of all, was ye hee ſerued god deuoutlye, viſited the hoſpitalles, ſaide his deuocions wyth great teares, and aboue al, reſorted very oft to the churche in the night, And this excellency was no leſſe then the other. For that captaynes in ſuche an houre, are readier to kyll men in their campe then to be waile their ſinnes in the church. Fynally he was a chriſtian and ſo deuoute, that god gaue hym the victories more through the praiers which he vſed, than through the weapons wherwith he ſought. For there was neuer man that ſawe him ſhedde ye bloud of his enemyes in bataile, before he had ſhedde the teares of his eyes in the temple. And to the end Chriſtian princes and captaynes may ſee how muche better it is▪ to pacifye god by teares and prayers, then to haue their campe ful of ſouldiours and riches, of many of his doinges I wyll declare part as here foloweth.

Iuſtinian the Emperour being in Alexandrye, Totila king of the Gothes, dyd many miſcheues and great domages through out all Italy, ſo that the Romaines durſt not go by the way, nor could be in ſafegard in their houſes. For the Gothes in the day kept the wayes, and in the night robbed and ſpoyled all the people, wherfore Iuſtinian the Emperour not knowinge the matter, ſent the noble Narſetes as captaine generall againſt the Gothes, who beinge arryued in Italye immediatly confedered with the Lumbardes, the which at that tyme had their manſion in Hungarie, and ſente his meſſangers to kyng Alboinus, (at that tyme their king) for ayde againſt the Gothes, and in ſo doinge he ſaide he ſhould ſee howe faithfull a frende he would be to hys frendes: and how cruell an ennemy to his ennemyes. Alboinus hearinge the meſſage of Narſetes was very glad, and without delay immediatlly armed a great & puiſant army, which by the Adriaticale ſea came into Italy: ſo yt the anſwere and the offer came both at one time with effect, and ſo together arriued in one daye (for the ſuccour of Narſetes) the 2. armies: yt is to ſay, that of the Romaines and of the Lumbards, the which aſſembled al in one & marched vnder the banner of their captaine Narſetes. Wherfore Totila, king of the Gothes being aduertiſed, (as one that had not proued the happie fortune of Narſetes, nor the force of the Lumbardes) ſent to offer them ye battayle, which was giuen in the fieldes of Aquileia: and it was of bothe partes ſo fierſe and cruel, that infinyte were they that dyed: but in the end Totilla kynge of the Gothes was ouercome, and neyther he nor any of his hoſt eſcaped aliue. The good captayne Narſetes, after the battaile gaue manye & noble giftes to the Lumbardes, and ſo with riches and vyctorie, they returned into Hu ••• rie towards their king Alboinus. And truly this Narſetes did as he was bound to do. For the frend cannot be recompenced by ryches, when for his frend he putteth his lyfe in ieopardy. When the Lumbardes wer gone, Narſetes cauſed al the ſpoyle of his campe to be deuided amongeſte his ſouldyers, and that which belonged vnto him, he gaue it wholy to the poore monaſteries: ſo that by this vyctorie Narſetes gotte triple renowne. That is to wete, very bountifull in that he gaue to the Lumbardes, charitable in that hee gaue to the poore, and valyant in that he vanquiſhed ſo puiſſant enemyes. Dagobert king of Fraunce beyond the alpes, beyng a coragyous younge Prince, and verye deſirous of honor (for no other cauſe but to leaue of him ſome memory) determyned him ſelfe in parſon to paſſe into Italie, althoughe he had no iuſte title therunto. For the hartes puffed vp with pried lytel paſſe though they warre of an vniuſt quarrell. His myſhape was ſuche, that the ſame daye he paſſed the riuer of Rubico (wher the Romaynes in old time limyted the marches of Italye) newes came to him that his owne countrye was vp, and thoſe which were there, one rebelled againſt the other, the whiche was not without the greate ſufferaunce of God. For it is but reaſon that that king ſhoulde loaſe his owne realme by deuine iuſtice, which wil take other mens only through mans folly. The kyng Dagobert aſſembling all the chiefeſte of his realme to counſayle, it was agreed and concluded by all, that hee alone in perſonne ſhould returne into Fraunce, and for his reputacion ſhould leaue all the armye in Italy. Wherof remayned captaines, Buccelinus, and Amingus. For it is better for a prince to defend his country by iuſtice, then to conquere another by tirāny. As this armie of Buccelinus was great, ſo was he couragious, and wrought many & great domages in Italie, eſpeciallye in the land of Campagnia. And worſe then that, al the riches yt he had ſacked, & al the captiues he had takē, he wold neyther reſtore nor yet ſuffer them to be raunſōmed: but ſo ſone as he toke them he ſent theym vnto the king, as one that ſhewed him ſelfe more deſirous to robbe and ſpoile, then to fight and wage battaile. This captaine Buccelinus thē being in Campagnia, retired into a place called Tarē tum with al his army becauſe of winter, Narſetes ſodainly came vpon him & gaue him battaile, That was betwene theym very cruell, wherin Buccelinus was vanquyſhed and left deade in the field, amongeſt the other captaynes of the Gaules. Which newes brought to Amingus eares being the other captaine of ye Gaules, And ſeing his companion dead, he confedered with Auidinus captaine of the Gothes, & they together came againſt the Romaines (which thing was not vnknowen vnto Narſetes) to giue the battaile, neare to Gaietto wheras thoſe captaines were conquered and taken alyue. Of whom Amingus was beheaded by the comaundemēt of Narſetes: and Auidinus was ſent by him priſoner to the emperoure to Conſtantinople. The captaine Narſetes wanne another battaile againſt Syndual, king of Brytons, which came into Italye with a huge multitude of people to recouer the Realme of Partinopolis, which now we call Naples, for he ſayde it apperteyned vnto him of righte, as to one of the lynage of Hercules, who in aunciente tyme was kynge of that Realme. This king Synduall within a while became frend vnto Narſetes, and behaued him ſelfe outwardly as a frend and confederate: but in ſecrete, conſpired againſt the Romaines, and would haue bene king of the Romaynes, and rained alone in Italye: through the whiche there ſprange betwene hym and Narſetes cruell warres, wherin fortune was a long time variable. For ther is not ſo aduenturous a captaine, to whom in long warres fortune is alwayes proſperous. Finally the king Syndual and Narſetes, agred to haſard their men, and alſo their liues in one day vnto the diſcrecion of fortune, ſoo that both the armies ioyned together, and fought betwene Verona, & Trento, wher king Syndual was conquered, and taken aliue, and the ſame day without any delay was hanged openly. And becauſe that Narſetes was not accuſtomed to vſe ſuch cruelty againſt thoſe that were ouercome, & eſpecially againſt kings and worthie Knightes, he commaunded his title to be ſet on the gibbet, wheron the kinge hanged, which ſaid this.

¶A ſimple corde, here ſtopt king Synduals breath. By fautles doome, of hye Narſetes heſt. Not that he ſought, by warlike deedes his death. But that in peace, he dyd a Traitor reſt.

Such and many other battailes and victories had this aduenturous and good captaine, not only in the borders of Italye, but alſo in Aſia, where for many yeres he had the gouernement of the country. And as he was a good chriſtian, ſo almighty god in all his affaires did proſper him. After all theſe warres paſt, Iuſtinian the younger ſent him to the kyngdome of conſtantinople, to be chiefe gouernour of al thoſe prouinces, and although he dyd wel in warlike affaires: yet he did much better in the adminiſtracion of the common wealth. For men that are accuſtomed to trauaile in warres, haue a good lerning howe to gouerne the people in peace. For this occaſion (amongeſt all mortall men) Narſetes was prayſed and eſtemed, that is, for his valyauntnes in the batailes which he ouercame, for his riches through the ſpoyles that he toke, and for the iuſtice he miniſtred to all men where he ruled. Narſetes becauſe he was a Gretian borne was enuied of ye Romaines, & chiefly becauſe he dayly encreaſed both his honour and riches. For truly vertue, honour, & riches in a mā, are but a brond to light enuy to al ye world. And thus was the caſe. One daye ther came many noble Romaines to the emperour Iuſtinian, & to the Empreſſe Sophia Auguſta, to complaine of Narſetes, and of his behauiour & gouerning, & ſaid theſe words vnto them. We let you to wete, moſt noble prince, & ſoueraigne lady, yt we had rather (of ye two) to ſerue the Gothes, then to obey the Greekes: & we ſpeake this, becauſe that the Eunuch comaunded vs more to his owne ſeruice, then hee dooth to yt of yours, and the worſt is that you know it not, & if you know it, at the leſt you do not remedie it. Choſe therfore one of theſe two things, whether you wil deliuer vs frō ye gouernment of the greke, or ſuffer yt we put Rome & our ſelues into ye hands of the Gothes. For it is leſſe griefe for ye Romaines, to be ſubiect to a puiſant king: then to an effeminate Eunuch, & a tiraunt Narſetes being preſent, hearing theſe quarelles) as they ſay) ſaid thus. O noble prince, if I haue committed any euil, it is vnpoſſible for me to find one that wil do me good: but if I haue done wel, no man ſhalbe able to do me wrōg. The empreſſe Sophia of long time before had hated Narſetes, ſome ſaide it was becauſe he was an Eunuch, other thinke it was becauſe he was rich, & ſome other iudge becauſe he was in greater authoritie in the empire then ſhee. Wherfore perceuing ſhe had good occaſion, & oportunitie for ye ſame, ſhe ſpake a word much to his reproche: which was this. Sith thou art an Eunuch Narſetes, & not a man, it is not fit for the to haue a mans office: therfore, I cōmaund the to worke with my handmaidens, and ther thou ſhalt ſerue to ſpin and weaue clothes, Narſetes toke this word heauily, & truly it was wt great ſpight ſpoken. Wherfore he ſtoutly & couragiouſly ſpake vnto the Empreſſe Sophia theſe words, & ſaid: I had rather (moſt excellent Princeſſe) thou haddeſt chaſtiſed me as a noble dame, then to haue reproued me wt a word as a ſimple womā: but ſince it is ſo that you haue liberty & authoritie to comaund me, know you alſo, that I haue ye ſelfe ſame to obey you, and therfore I take my leaue, & now I go to weaue my webbe which perhappes your ſelf whileſt you liue, ſhal neuer vntwine. Narſetes immediatly went his way & came into Italye, into the citye of Naples (chiefe and head of Campagnia) and from thenſe he depeached his imbaſſadours immediatly to the king of Hungarie (wher the Lumbardes at ye time had their manſion place) coūſailing them to forſake that land, ſo euyl tilled, ſo barren, cold and litle, & that they ſhold come & enhabite Italye, which was a plaine countrie, fartile & ample, temperat & very riche, and that now or neuer they ſhould conquere it. And Narſetes therwith not contented (but to prouoke his frends the more, & make them the more couetous) ſente theym part of euery good thing yt was in Italy, that is to wete, lyght horſes, riche armour, ſwete pleaſant & dainty fruits, fine mettailes, & many kinds of oyntments very odiferous, ſilkes & marchaūdiſes of many & diuers ſortes. The embaſſadors ariued in Panony (which now is called Hungarie) were honorably receiued, & the Lumbardes ſeing that ther wer ſuche, & ſo many goodly things in Italie, determined to leaue Pannonia, & go ſpoile & conquere Italy, although it belōged to Rome, & were at ye ſeaſon frends with the Romaines, yet notwithſtanding they had litle reſpect to this. And hereat no man ought to merueile, for in ye place ther is neuer perfite frendſhippe, wher he that commaundeth is cōſtrained to demaund helpe of others. The Lumbards determined to paſſe into Italy: & at ye time ther was ſene of the Italians viſibly in ye ayer, ſondry armies of fire, the one cruelly killing the other. Whiche thinges greatly feared the hartes of the people. For by this they knew that with in a ſhort ſpace, much of their bloud & of their enemies alſo ſhould be ſhed. For it is an old auncient cuſtome, yt when any great matter doth chaunce to anye Realme, firſt ye planetes & elements do declare ye ſame by ſecret tokens. The ingratitude of ye Emperour Iuſtinian againſt Narſetes his captaine, & the euyll words which Sophia ſpake vnto him, wer thoccaſiō that the Lumbardes inuaded, & deſtroyed al Italy. which thing valiant Princes ought wel to note, to kepe them ſelues from ingratitude towards their ſeruauntes, who hath don them great ſeruice, For it is a general rule, yt the ingratitude of a great benefit, maketh ye ſeruaunts diſpaire of recompence, or of a faithfull ſeruaunt, maketh him become a cruel & mortal enemy. And let not Princes truſt men, becauſe they be natife of their realmes, brought vp & nouriſhed in their palaces, & alwaies haue bene faithful in their ſeruices, that therfore they wil not of good ſubiectes be turned to euill, nor yet of faithful become diſloyall. For ſuche imaginacion is vaine. For the Prince that in his doings is vnthankefull, cannot keape nor reteyne anye honeſt man longe in his ſeruice. One thynge the noble Iuſtinian did with Narſetes, whereof all noble and ſage Princes ought to beware, that is to know, he did not onely giue eare vnto his enemyes and beleued them: but alſo before them he did diſhonour hym, and ſhame him to his power, whiche thinge made him vtterly to diſpaire.

For there is nothing that ſpiteth a man more, then to haue before hys enemies any iniurie or diſhonoure done vnto him of his ſuperiour. The empreſſe Sophia therfore deſerued great reproche for ſpeakinge ſuche diſhoneſt wordes to Narſetes, to ſend him to thread the nedels in that occupacion where the damſels wrought. For it is the duty of a noble princeſſe, to mitigate the ire of Princes when they are angry and not to prouoke them further to anger. Narſetes then alwaies dowting ye empreſſe Sophia, neuer after retourned into Naples where ſhe was, but rather came from Naples to Rome, a yeare before the Lumbardes came into Italy: where he receiued all the ſacramentes, and like a deuout Chriſtiā dyed. His body was caried to Alexandria in a coffine of ſiluer al ſette with precious ſtones, and ther was buried. And a man cannot tel whither the diſpleaſour were greater that all Aſia had not to ſee Narſetes aliue, or the pleaſour that Sophia had to ſee him deade. For the vnpacient hart (eſpecially of a woman) hath no reſt, vntill ſhe ſee her enemye dead.

¶Of a letter the Emperour Marcus Aurelius ſente to the Kynge of Scicile, in which he recordeth the trauailes they endured togethers in their youth, and reproueth him of his ſmall reuerence towardes the temples. Chapter xvii.

MArcus Aurelius ſole Emperour of Rome, borne in moūte Celio, called the old tribune, wiſheth health and long lyfe to the Gorbin, Lord & kynge of Sicile. As it is the cuſtome of the Romaine Emperoures, the firſte yeare of my reigne I wrate generallye to all that Ile: the ſeconde yeare I wrate generallye vnto thy courte and palace, and at this preſente I write more particulerlye to thy parſone. And although that Princes haue greate Realmes, yet they ought not therfore to ceaſe to cōmunicate with their old frendes. Since I toke my penne to write vnto the, I ſtayed my hande a great while from writing, and it was not for that I was ſlouthfull, but becauſe I was a ſhamed to ſee all Rome offended with the. I let the to we • e (moſt excellent prince) that in this I ſay I am thy true frend, for in my hart I fele thy trouble and ſo ſayd Euripides, that whiche with the harte is loued, with the hart is lamented. But before I ſhew thee the cauſe of my writing, I will reduce into thy memory ſome thinges paſt of our youth, and therby we ſhall ſee what we were then, and what we are now: for no man dothe ſo muche reioyce of his proſperitie preſent, as he whiche calleth to minde his miſeries paſt. Thou ſhalt call to minde (moſt excellent Prince) that we two togethers did learne to reade in Capua, and after we ſtudyed a litle in Tarentum: and from thenſe we went to Rhodes, where I redde Rhethorike, and thou hardeſt philoſophie. And afterwardes in the ende of x. yeres, we went to the warres of Pannonia, where I gaue my ſelfe to muſike: for the affectiōs of yong men is ſo variable, that daily they would know ſtraunge realmes, and chaunge offices. And in all thoſe iourneis, with the forſe of youth, the ſwete company, with the pleaſaunte communicacion of ſciences, and with a vaine hope we did diſſemble our extreme pouerty, which was ſo great, that many times and ofte we deſired not that whiche manye had, but that litle which to few abounded. Doeſt thou remember, that when we ſayled by the goulfe Arpin to goe into Heleſponte, a long and tempeſtuous torment came vpon vs, wherin we were taken of a pirate, and for our raunſome he made vs rowe about .ix. monethes in a gally, wheras I cannot tell whiche was greater, either the wante of bread, or the abundaunce of ſtripes whiche we alwaies endured? Haſt thou forgotten alſo that in the citie of Rhodes, when we were beſeged of Bruerdus, puiſſaunt kyng of Epirotes, for the ſpace of fourtene monethes, we were tenne withoute eatyng fleſhe, ſaue onely .ii. cattes, the one whiche we ſtole, and the other whiche we bought? remember that thou and I (being in Tarent) were deſired of our hoſt to go to the feaſt of the great goddeſſe Diana: into the whiche temple none coulde enter that day, but thoſe which were new apparelled. And to ſay the trouthe, we determined not to go thither: thou becauſe thy garmentes were torne, and I becauſe my ſhoes were broken: and that bothe the tymes we were ſicke in Capua, they neuer cured vs by dyet: for our dyſeaſes neuer proceded of exceſſe but of extreame hunger. An often times Retropus ye phiſician, for his pleaſour ſpake to vs in the vniuerſitie and ſayd. Alas children, you dye not through ſurfeting and muche eatinge. And truly he ſayde trouth, for the contrey was ſo dere, and our mony ſo ſcarſe, that we did neuer eate vntyl the time we could endure no lenger for famine. Doſt thou not remember the great famine that was in Capua, for the which cauſe we were in the warre of Alexandria, wherin my fleſhe dyd tremble, remembring the great perilles whiche we paſſed in the goulfe of Theberynthe. What ſnowes all wynter, what extreme heate all ſommer, what general famine in the fieldes, what outragious peſtilence amongeſt the people, and worſte of all, what perſecution of ſtraungers, and what euill will we had of ours? remember alſo that in the citie of Naples, when we made our prayer to the profeteſſe Flauia, ſhe told vs what ſhoulde become of vs, after we lefte our ſtudies She tolde me that I ſhould be an Emperour, and ſayde that thou ſhouldeſt be a kynge.

To the whiche aunſwere we gaue ſuche credite, that we toke it not onelye for a mocke: but alſo for a manifeſt iniurye. And nowe I doe not merueile, in that then we bothe marueled wonderfull muche. For enuyous fortune practiſed her power more in pluckyng downe the ryche, then in ſetting vp the poore. Beholde (excellente Prince) the greate power of the goddeſſe, the whele of fortune, & the variety of times: who would haue thought when I hadde my handes all rough and ſcuruy with rowing in the galley, that betwene thoſe handes the ſcepter of the Romayne Empire ſhould haue ben put? who would haue thoughte when I was ſo ſicke for lacke of meat, I ſhould euer haue ſurfited by to muche eating: who would haue thought when I could not be ſatiſfied with cattes fleſhe, that I ſhoulde haue then glutted with to moch dainty meates? who wold haue thought at that time when I left going into the temple becauſe my ſhoes were broken, that another tyme ſhould come when I ſhoulde ryde triumphyng in chariotes, and vppon the ſhoulders of other menne? who woulde haue thought that that which with my eares I hard of the propheteſſe in Campagnia, I ſhould ſee here with my eyes in Rome. O how many dyd hope (at the time we were in Aſia) to be gouernours of Rome, and lords of Sicille, which not only fayled of the honour that they deſired, but alſo obtayned the death which they neuer feared? for oftentimes it chaunceth to ambitious men, that in their greateſt ruffe, and when they thinke their honoure ſponne and wouen, then their eſtate with the webbe of their lyfe in one moment is broken. If at that time one had demaunded the Tiraunt Laodicius (aſpiring to the kingdome of Sicille) & Ruphus Caluus who loked to be Emperour of Rome, what they thought of them ſelues: aſſuredly they wolde haue ſworne their hope to haue bene as certaine, as ours was doubtful. For it is naturall to proude men, to delight them ſelues, and to ſet their hole mynd vpon vaine deuiſes. It is a ſtraunge thing and worthy memory, that they hauing the honour in their eyes fayled of it, & we not thinking therof in our harts ſhould obtaine it. But herein fortune ſhewed her mighte, that ſhe prouided hope for thoſe whiche loked for leaſt: and diſpaire for others that hoped for moſt: which thing greaued them at the very hart. For no pacience can endure to ſe a man obtaine that without trauaile, which he could neuer compaſſe by much laboure. I cannot tell if I ſhould ſay lyke a ſimple Romaine, that thoſe thinges conſiſt in fortune: or if I ſhould ſay like a good philoſopher, that all the gods do ordeine them. For in the ende, no fortune nor chaunce can do any thing without the gods aſſent. Let the proude and enuious trauaile aſmuche as they will, and the ambicious take aſmuch care as they can, I ſay and affirme, that lytle auayleth humaine dilygence to attaine to great eſtates, if the gods be their ennemyes Suppoſe that euil fortune do ordeine it, or that the god and gods do ſuffer it, I ſee thoſe which haue their thoughtes highe, oftentimes are but of baſe eſtate: and ſo in fine to come to miſchiefe or extreme pouertie, and thoſe that haue their thoughtes low, are humble of hart, and for the more part are greatly exalted by fortune. For many oftentimes dreame that they are lords, and men of great eſtate, which when they are awake, fynd them ſelues ſlaues to all men. The condicion of honor is ſuch, as I neuer read the lyke: and therfore ſuch as haue to do with her, ought to take good hede. For her conditions are ſuch, ſhe enquireth for him whom ſhe neuer ſaw, & ſhe renneth after him that flyeth from her, ſhe honoreth him that eſtemeth her not, and ſhe demaundeth him which willeth her not, ſhe geueth to hym that requyreth her not, & ſhe truſteth him whom ſhe knoweth not. Finally honor hath this cuſtome, to forſake him that eſtemeth her: and to remaine with him whych litle regardeth her. The curious trauellers aſke not what place this or that is, but do demaund what way they muſt take to lead them to the place they goe. I meane, that princes & noble men ought not directly to caſt their eyes vpon honour: but in the way of vertue, which bringeth them to honour. For dayly we ſe many remaine defamed, only for ſeking honour: and others alſo exalted and extemed for flying from her. O myſerable world, thou knoweſt I know the wel, and yt which I know of the is: that thou art a ſepulcher of ye dead, a pryſon of the lyuyng, a ſhop of vyces, a hangeman of vertues, obliuion of antiquitye, an enemye of thinges preſente, a pitfall to the riche, and a burden to the poore, a houſe of pilgrames, and a denne of theues. Finally O world, thou art a ſclaunderer of the good, a rauenour of the wicked, and a deceuer and abuſer of al, and in the O world, to ſpeake the truth, it is almoſt impoſſible to liue contented, and muche leſſe to lyue in honour. For if thou wilt geue honor to ye good, they thnke them ſelues diſhonored, & eſteme thy honour as a thing of mockerie. And if perchaunce they be euyl & light, thou ſuffreſt them to come to honour by way of mockery, meaning infamy and diſhonour vnto them. O immortal gods, I am oftentimes troubled in my thought whoſe caſe I ſhould more lament, eyther ye euyl man auaunced wt out deſerte, or the good mā ouerthrowen without cauſe. And trulye in this caſe, the pitiful man wil haue compaſſiō on them both. For if the euil liue, he is ſure to fal: and if the good fal, we doubt whether euer he ſhall riſe againe. If al falles were alike, al woulde be healed and cured with one ſalue: but ſome fal on their feete, ſome on their ſides, others ſtumble and fall not, and other fal downe right, but ſome do giue them a hād. I meane ſome ther are which fal from their eſtate, & loaſe no more but their ſubſtaunce: others fal, and for very ſorow loaſe not onely their goodes, but their life with all. Other ther are that fal, who neither loaſe their life nor goodes, but their honor onely. So according to the diſcreciō of fortune, the more they haue, ye more ſtil he taketh from them, and I greatly muſe why the gods do neuer remedy it, for whē fortune once beginneth to ouerthrow a poore mā, ſhe doth not only take al he hath from hym, but all thoſe which may & wil ſuccoure him.

So that the poore man is bound more to lament for another mans euil: then for his owne proper. There is a great dyfference betwene the miſhappes of the good, and aduentures of the euill. For of the ill we cannot ſaye that he diſcendeth, but that he falleth: and of the good we may only ſay that he diſcendeth and falleth not. For in the end, the true honour doth not conſiſt in the perfection and dignity that a man hath, but in the good life that he leadeth, It is a miſerie to ſe the vaine men of this worlde, when they go about to get any thing, and to compaſſe any great matter of importaunce, to marke their earely ryſing in a morning, their late going to bed at night, and the loke which they caſt vpon other men, to note howe importunate they are to ſome, and how troubleſome they are to others, and afterward (notwithſtandinge their longe ſute and great paine) an other man whiche lyttle thought thereof, commeth to that honour reioyſing and without trauaile: which he before by ſo greate paines, and with ſoo greate expenſes of money hath ſought: ſo that in ſeeking honour by trauaile, he commeth to infamye with ſhame. For I my ſelfe haue ſene ſondry things loſt by negligence, and many moe by to much dilygence.

¶ The Emperour procedeth in his lettter, to admoniſhe princes to be feareful of their gods, and of the ſentence which the Senate gaue vppon this king: for pulling downe the Churche. Cap. xviii.

AL theſe things (moſt excellēt prince) I haue told ye for none other cauſe, but to agrauate this caſe, & to ſhew ye peril therof. For the good phiſition (to take away ye bytternes of ye pille) miniſtreth ſome ſwete ſuger, to delight the pacient withal. The xx. day of ye moneth of Ianuary (here before ye Senate) was preſēted a long & large informaciō of ye, & it was ſent by ye Conſul, which went to viſite that Ile of Cicillia, which (as thou knoweſt) is an old order of Rome, from thre monethes to thre monethes, to viſite all the lande & countrey ſubiecte to the ſame. For thoſe princes are vniuſt, which haue more care to take vp their rentes, then dyligence to know if their people be well ordered by iuſtice. Of the informacion taken of the and thy perſonne (if my memory deceyue me not) this was the effect, that thou art temperate in eating, moderate in expenſes, pitiefull to widowes, father to orphanes, gentle to thoſe that ſerue the, pacient with thoſe that offende the, dilygent to kepe and maintaine peace, and faithfull to obſerue league, and thou art accuſed onelye to be negligent in the ſeruice of God.

By one litle gate left open, oftētimes a great Citie beſieged is loſt: by one onlye treaſon, the infinite ſeruices paſt are not eſtemed. I meane (moſt excellent prince) that it litle preuayleth to thinke much of worldly matters, and to forget all deuine ſeruices. For the good Prince ought firſt to ſhut the gates againſt vices, that they enter not into his ſubiectes: before he doth fortifye the walles againſt his enemyes. Let euery man be as he wil, & ſay what he liſt, I for my part thinke it ſure, that the man whiche is not a ſtudious ſeruer of the goddes, all his vertues ſhalbe turned into vyces, and eſtemed as ſclaunders.

For it is a general rule in hye Philoſophie, that a worke is not called vertuous, becauſe I worke it only, but it is vertuous becauſe it is acceptable to the gods.

O excellent prince, doſt not thou know that ther is no man ſo wiſe, neyther ſo ſage, but erreth more through ignoraunce, than he doth good by wiſedome? And doſt not thou know that there is no man ſo iuſte, but wanteth much to execute true iuſtice? And finally I ſay that ther is no vertue ſo vertuous, but it wanteth more then it hath to be parfite. Wherfore al our iuſtice ought to be made perfite to the deuine iuſtice: and the vertue which we lack, ought to be ſupplied vnder the great perfection wherwith the gods abound. Amonges vs Romaines we haue this law, (which is the chiefe of al the phiſophers) that here amongeſt mortal men, nor of mortall men, nor with mortall men any thinge is perfyte, vnleſſe it be by the Gods confirmed. Synce men are feeble & frayle, it can not be choſen but they ſhould commyt many frayleties. And in ſuch caſe, the ſage Princes ought and ſhould beare with all the frayleties that men commyt, thoſe excepted whych are not iniurious to the gods, whom (if it were poſſible) vnwares ought to be punyſhed.

For the Prynce ſhould not be called a Prince but a Tyraunt, that is deſirous to reuenge his owne iniurye, and in chaſteninge thoſe whiche are agaynſte the gods ſheweth him ſelfe negligente.

Let them thinke what they lyſte, and complaine what they wyll, that Prynce which wyll enlarge his dominious, and gyue occaſion that the ſeruice of God be diminiſhed, ſuch a man we wyll not call a king that gouerneth, but a Tyraunte. If we call him a Tyraunte that ſpoileth the people, ſleeth the men, perſecuteth the innocente, diſhonoureth virginnes, and robbeth realmes: Tell me excellent Prynce, what lacketh he of a Tyraunt, that plucketh downe Churches, and lytle eſtemeth the gods? There is no token more manyfeſt that the Prynce is a tyraunt, then when he taketh vpō hym any thynge whych is contrary to the wyl of the gods.

For he hath ſmall regarde towardes menne, that ſo litle feareth the Gods. Licurgus the famous kyng of the Lacedemonians ſaieth in one of his auncient lawes theſe wordes. We ordeyne and commaunde, that no Lacedemonian preſume to receiue mercie or fauoure of the Prince, whiche wyll not enforce hym ſelfe to ſerue the Gods. For he is not onely euill, but of all other moſte wicked. O excellent kyng, O glorious world, O fortunate realme, wherin thoſe auncientes woulde their Prince ſhoulde be ſo iuſte, that the giftes were not eſtemed, vnleſſe their lyues were honeſte: for they thoughte that of no value, whiche by the handes of euill men was geuen. Thou haſte done one thyng very diſhoneſte (moſte noble Prince) the whiche to wryte vnto thee I am aſhamed, whiche is: for to enlarge thy newe palace, thou haſt plucked downe an olde Temple, the which thing thou ſhouldeſt neither haue done nor yet haue thought. For in the ende, though the ſtones of the temple be of ſmall importaunce, yet the Gods to whome they were dedicated were of muche value. Pardon me (excellent Prince) though I let thee vnderſtande that this fact hath bene done in ſuch ſorte, that thereby I was amazed, and all Rome alſo offended, the ſacret Senate thou haſte greately vexed, and further all iudge thee a diſſolute man, and all men procure that thou mayſte be extremely puniſhed, and hereof maruayle not. For in Rome they beleue that the Prince whiche dare plucke downe temples, doth lytle feare the Gods. For that thou art a noble Prince, and an olde friend of mine, I haue trauailed to brynge thee in fauoure with the Senate, and becauſe thou haſte no meanes to excuſe thy errour committed: they doe not determine to forgyue thee this faulte, before they ſee in thee a token of amendement. And of truthe me thinketh they haue reaſon. For there is nothynge that troubleth poore men more, than to ſee that they and not the ryche for their offences are chaſtiſed and punyſhed. That whiche the ſacred Senate hath ordeyned is, that forthwith thou beginne to buylde the temple a new, and that it ſhould be more large, hye, beautifull, and rycher, then euer it was. So that thou take as muche of thy pallace to enlarge the temple, as thou tokeſt of the temple to beautifie thy pallace. After thou haſte perfourmed this, though nowe thou thynke thy ſelfe halfe diſhonoured, thou wylte than thynke thy ſelfe very happy. For not thou of the Gods but the Gods of thee ſhall haue taken thy houſe to make their temple. I beleue well it will bee greate coſte and charges vnto thee before thou haſte finiſhed the temple. Wherefore I ſende thee fourty thouſande ſexterces to healpe thy buylding, and to the ende it ſhoulde be more ſecrete, I ſende thee them by my Secretary Panuntius, to whome, in all, and for all, thou ſhalt gyue credite. I ſende the lykewyſe a coller of golde, whiche one broughte me from the ryuer of Nyle, and becauſe it was to narow for me, I ſuppoſe: it wyl be fytte for the.

One hath brought me moyles out of Spayne, wherof I ſende the .2. Panuntius my ſecretary bringeth with hym a very good moyſe, the whyche he eſtemeth much: So that theris no man that can eyther by her or borow her. I delyght in her ſo much, that I deſyre thou cauſe her eyther to be boughte, or ſtolen, and ſent vnto me here in Rome. My wyfe Fauſtine ſaluteth the, and to the excellent queene thy wyfe, of her part & myne as muche as is poſſible doe our commendacions, and theſe Popingeys, Fauſtine preſenteth vnto her. Marcus the Romaine Emperour wryteth to thee with his owne hande.

¶Howe the Gentils honoured thoſe whiche were deuout in the ſeruice of the Gods. Cap. xix.

THE auncient Romayne hiſtoriographers agree, that at the beginninge there were ſeuen kynges, whiche gouerned Rome for the ſpace of .xxiiii. yeares. The ſeconde whereof was named Pompilius, who amongeſt all the other was moſte highly eſtemed, for none other cauſe, but for that he was a great worſhipper of the Gods, and a ſumptuous builder of the temples. For the Romaine princes were as much beloued for ſeruing the gods, as they were honoured for vanquiſhing their enemies. This man was of ſuche ſorte, that he allowed Rome wholy for the Gods, and made a houſe for him ſelfe without the citie. For it was an auncient lawe in Rome, that no man ſhould be ſo bolde to dwell in any houſe conſecrated for the Gods. The fifte kyng of the Romaines was Tarquinius Priſcus. And as Tarquinius Superbus was vitious and abhorred of the people, ſo was this vertuous and welbeloued of the gods: and was greatlye prayſed in al his doynges becauſe he feared God, and continually viſited the temples, and not contented with thoſe whiche were finiſhed but buylte alſo in the highe Capitoll the ſacred temple of Iupiter. For that no Prince could buylde any houſe in Rome for hym ſelfe, vnleſſe firſte he made a temple for the Gods, of the common wealth. This temple was had in ſo greate reuerence, that as the Romaines honoured Iupiter for the God aboue all other Gods, ſo was that temple eſtemed aboue al other temples. In the warres betwene the Faliſques and the Carpenates, two Romaine captaines were vanquiſhed, of the whiche the one named Gemetius died: whereupon roſe ſuche a great feare among them, that many flyeng from the warres, came backe agayne to Rome. For the victorious hath alwayes this priuiledge, that thoughe they be fewe, yet they are alwayes feared of them that be ouercome. This occaſion moued the Romaines to choſe newe captaines, and truly they did lyke wyſe men. For oftentimes it happeneth by alteringe the captaines of the warres, fortune likewyſe chaungeth her doinges. And the captayne that was elected for the warres, was Marcus Furius Camillus, who though he were ſtoute and hardy, yet before he went to the warres he offered great ſacrifices to the Gods, and made a vowe that if he returned to Rome victorious, he would buylde a ſolempne temple. For it was the cuſtome in Rome, that immediatly when the Romaine captaine would enterpryſe to doe any notable thinge, he ſhoulde make a vowe to buylde temples. Nowe when Camillus retourned afterwardes victorious, he did not onely buylde a temple, but alſo furniſhed it with all maner of implementes thereunto belongyng, whiche he gotte by ſpoyle, and vanquiſhing his enemies. And ſithe he was for this reprehendid of ſome, ſaying that the Romaine captaines ſhoulde offer their hartes to the Gods, and deuide the treaſours among the Souldiours, he anſwered theſe wordes. I like a mā did aſke the gods but one triumphe: and they like gods gaue me many. Therfore conſidering this, it is but iuſt ſithe I was briefe in promyſinge, that I ſhoulde be large in perfourminge. For euen as I did thanke thē for that they gaue me double, in reſpect of that I demaunded: ſo likewiſe ſhal thei eſteme yt which I do giue, in reſpect of yt which I promiſed. At that time when the cruel warre was betwixt Rome & the citie of Neye, the Romains kept it beſieged fiue yeres togethers, & in thend by policy toke it. For it chaunſeth ſondry times in warre, that that citie in ſhorte time by pollycy is won, which by great ſtrength a long time hath bene defended. Marcus Furius dictatour of Rome, & at that time captaine, commaunded a proclamation to be had through his hoſte, that incontinently after the citie was taken, none ſhould be ſo hardy as to kyll any of the citezens, but thoſe which were found armed. Which thing ye enemies vnderſtanding, vnarmed them ſelues all & ſo eſcaped. And truly this example was worthy of noting. For as the captaines ought to ſhew them ſelues fierce, & cruell at the beginning: ſo after the victory had of their enemies, they ſhould ſhewe them ſelues meke & pitifull. This dictatour Camillus, for an other thing he did, was much cōmended aboue the reſidue. That is to wete, he did not only not conſent to robbe the temples, nor diſhonour the gods: but he him ſelfe with great reuerence, toke the ſacred veſſels of the temples, & the gods which wer therin, (eſpecially the goddeſſe Iuno) & brought thē al to Rome. For amongeſt the aunciētes there was a law, that the gods of them which were vanquiſhed, ſhoulde not come by lot to the captaines being conquerours. Therefore he made in the mount Auentino a ſumptuous tēple, wherin he placed al the gods togethers, with all the other holy reliques which he wan. For the greater triumphe the Romains had ouer their enemies, ſo much ye better they hādled the gods of ye people vanquiſhed. Alſo you ought to know, that the Romains after many victories, determined to make a crowne of gold very great and ryche, and to offer it to the god Apollo. But ſithe the common treaſour was poore becauſe there was but litle ſiluer, & leſſe gold to make that crown: the Romaine matrons defaced their Iewels & ouches of gold & ſiluer to make ye crown with all. For in Rome there neuer wanted money (if it were demaunded) for the ſeruice of gods, to repaire temples, or to redeme captiues. The Senate eſtemed the well willing hartes of theſe women in ſuch ſort, that they graunted them thre thinges: that is to wete, to weare on their heads garlandes of flowers, to go in chariottes to the common places, & to go openly to the feaſtes of the gods. For the aunciēt Romains were ſo honeſt, that they neuer ware gold on their heads, neither went thei at any time to the feaſtes vncouered. A man ought not to maruaile, that the Romaines graunted ſuch priuileges vnto the auncient matrones of Rome. For they vſed neuer to be obliuious of any benefite receyued, but rather gentill, with thankes and rewardes to recompence the ſame. An other notable thing chaunſed in Rome, which was that the Romains ſent two tribunes, the which were called Caulius & Sergius, into the Ile of Delphos with great preſentes, to offer vnto ye god Apollo. For as Titus Liuius ſaith, Rome yerely ſent a preſent vnto the god Apollo, & Apollo gaue vnto the Romaines counſaile. And as the Tribunes went out of the way, they fell into the handes of pirats & rouers on the ſea, which toke them with their treaſours, and brought them to the citie of Liparie. But the citizens vnderſtanding that thoſe preſentes were cōſecrated to the god Apollo, did not onely deliuer them all their treaſure againe: but alſo gaue thē much more, and guydes therwith to conduicte them ſafely (both going and comming) from all perill and daunger. The Romaines being aduertiſed of their gentlenes by the meſſengers, which were come ſafe & aliue, did ſo muche reioyce, that they ordeined in Rome, that the nobles of Liparie ſhuld be made Senatours of Rome, & all the others ſhoulde be confederate & of aliaunce vnto thē. And they cauſed further that two prieſtes of Lipari ſhould always remain in the temple of Iupiter, whiche priuilege was neuer graunted to any other ſtraungers but to them only. For the Romaines had ſo great zeale, & loue to their gods, that in the ſeruices of the temples they truſted none, but thoſe which were natiue & auncient of Rome, and alſo were both wyſe and vertuous. When Quintus Fabius & Publius Decius, were in the warres againſt the Samnites & Toſcanes, and likewyſe againſt the Vmbres, many marueilous & terrible ſignes were ſene in Rome, which thinges did not onely feare thoſe that ſawe them, but alſo thoſe which heard of thē. Vpon which occaſion the Romaines and the Romaine matrones (both night and daye) offered great ſacrifices to the gods. For they ſaide, if we can once pacifie the wrath of the gods in Rome, we ſhall neuer neade to feare our enemies in the fielde. The thing was this, that as the Romaine matrones went viſiting the temples, to appeaſe the ire of the gods, many Senatours wyues came to the temple of chaſtitie to offer ſacrifice. For in the time of the puiſſant power of the Romaines, the women did ſacrifice in the temples of the gods. At that tyme came Virginea, the daughter of Aureus Virgineus, the Conſul Plebeian, the which was forbiddē to do ſacrifice, for that ſhe was none of the Senatours wiues but a Plebeian, as much to ſaie as a craftes womā, & no gentilmans daughter borne. For the noble women were had in ſo great veneration, & ſo highly eſtemed, that al the other ſemed (in reſpect of thē) but handmaides, & ſclaues. The noble Romaine Virginea, ſeing her to be ſo repulſed & diſdained of the other matrons, made of her own propre houſe a ſēple to the goddeſſe of chaſtitie, and with much deuotion & reuerence honoured her. The whiche thing being publiſhed abroade throughout Rome, many other women came thither to doe ſacrifice likewiſe. For fortune is ſo variable, that oftentimes thoſe which of pryde haue forbidden vs their houſes, come after by humilitie, to ſerue vs at ours. For this cauſe this Virginea the foundreſſe was ſo greatly prayſed, that the Romaines in her life made her patrice (that is a noble Romaine) and after her death cauſed her image and ſtatue to be made and ſet vp in the high Capitoll: and aboue this image were grauen certaine Greeke letters, the effecte whereof was this.

Patrice the great, this Image doth preſent That in her life, did giue with mynde deuout The Gods her houſe, and therfore to them went When liuely breth, by death was chaſed out.

Of all theſe hyſtories aboue named, Titus Liuius maketh mencion in his firſt decade, the ſeconde fift, and ninth booke, & though he declareth thē more at large, yet this ſhal ſuffice for my purpoſe. I haue ſought among ye gentils theſe few exāples to reproue chriſtiā princes, to thend they might ſe how ſtudious & feruent our fathers were in the ſeruice of their Idols: & cōtrariwiſe how cold & negligēt we are, to honour & ſerue our true & liuing god. It is a ſhame to tell how the auncient Romains wt all their hartes did ſerue ye gods without any vnderſtanding, & how thoſe which are chriſtiās (for ye moſt part) ſerue the true God, not in truthe, but with hypocriſie and diſſimulation. Fo the children of this worlde will take no paynes, but for to prouoke the pleaſures of the body. Many wondred for what occaſion God did ſo muche for them, and they did nothing for God. To this may be aunſwered, that if they had knowen one true God, all the ſacrifices they hadde done to their other gods, they would haue done to him only: and as God is iuſt, ſo he rewarded them in their temporall proſperities, not for that they did well, but for that they deſired to doe well. For in our deuine lawe, God doth not regard what we are, but what we deſire to be. Chriſtian princes maruayle muche what the occaſion ſhould be, that they are not ſo fortunate as the Gentils were. To this may be anſwered, that either they be good or euill. If they be good, truly God ſhould do them wrong, if for the paiment of their faithful ſeruices, he ſhould recompence thē with thoſe worldly vanities. For without doubt one onely louing countenaunce of god in the worlde to come is more worth, then all the temporall goods of this world preſent. But if theſe ſuche great lordes be euil in their perſonnes, ambitious in gouerning their dominions, not pitifull to wydowes and fatherleſſe, not fearfull of god nor of his threatninges, and moreouer neuer to haue mynde to ſerue him, but only when they ſee them ſelues in ſome great ieopardie, in ſuche caſe God will not heare them, and muche leſſe fauour them. For without doubt the ſeruice is more acceptable, whiche of free wyll proceadeth: than that whiche of neceſſitie is offred.

¶For fiue cauſes princes ought to be better Chriſtians then their ſubiectes. Cap. xx.

IN myne opinion, Princes ought and are bounde to be vertuous for fiue cauſes. I ſaye vertuous, in that they ſhould loue, and feare God. For he onely may be called vertuous, which in the catholique faith of the church, and in the feare of God hath alwayes remayned conſtant. Firſt, princes ſhould feare, loue, ſerue, and loue one onely god whom they worſhippe, for that thei acknowledge him onely and none other to be the head both of heauen and earth. For in the ende there is nothing ſo puiſſaunt, but is ſubiecte to the diuine power. And truly the prince is is great perill of damnation of his ſoule, if in his gouernemēt he hath not alwayes before his eies, the feare and loue of the ſupreme prince, to whom we muſt render of all our doynges an accōpt. For the prince hath great occaſion to be vicious, thinking that for the vice he ſhall not be chaſtiſed. I haue redde in diuerſe & ſundry writinges, and I neuer founde one auncient prince to be contented with one only god, but that they had & ſerued many gods. Iulius Caeſar caried fiue gods painted in a table, and Scipio the great caried ſeuen portered in mettall. And furthermore they were not contented to haue many: but yet in ſacrifices, and ſeruices, they offred vnto them all. The Chriſtian princes whiche kepe and haue but one very true and omnipotent god, are ſo vnthankefull, that they thinke it muche to ſerue and giue acceptable ſeruice vnto him. And though peraduenture ſome ſaie, that it is more painefull to ſerue one true god, then all theſe falſe gods, to this I aunſwere. That to ſerue them, it is both trauaile & paine: but to ſerue our god, it is both ioye and felicitie. For in ſeruing thoſe, it is coſtly, and without profite: and in ſeruing God great profite enſueth. For thoſe goddes require great and ryche ſacrifices, and our God demaundeth nothinge but pure and cleane hartes. Secondarely princes ſhoulde be better Chriſtians then others becauſe they haue more to loſe then all. And he that hath more to loſe then any other, ought aboue al other to ſerue god. For euen as he alone can gyue hym, ſo likewiſe he alone and none other can take from hym. And if a ſubiecte take any thynge from his neighbour, the prince whom he ſerueth maketh him render it agayne: but if the Prince be iniuried with any other tyraunte, he hath none to complayne vnto, nor to demaunde helpe of, but onely of his mercifull God. For in the ende, one that is of power can not be hurt, but by an other that is lykewyſe mighty. Let princes beholde howe the man that wyl make any great aſſaulte, firſt commeth running afarre of as faſt as he can. I meane, that the prynce whiche wyll haue God mercifull vnto him, ought to be content with his onely god. For he in vayne demaundeth helpe of him, to whome before he neuer dyd ſeruice. Thirdly princes ought to be better Chriſtians then others, and this ſhalbe ſeen by that they ſuccoure the poore, prouyde for thoſe that are vnprouided, and viſite the temples, hoſpitalles, and churches, and endeuour them ſelues to heare the diuine ſeruice, and for all theſe thinges they ſhall not onely receiue rewardes, but alſo they ſhal receyue honour. For through their good example, others wyll doe the ſame. Princes not fearinge God, nor his commaundementes, cauſe their Realmes and ſubiectes to fall into great miſery. For if the fountayne be infected, it is vnpoſſible for the ſtreames (that iſſue therof) to be pure. We ſee by experience that a brydell maiſtereth a horſe, and a ſterne ruleth a ſhippe. I meane, that a prynce (good or bad) wyll leade after him all the whole Realme. And if he honour God, all the people doe likewyſe, if he ſerue God, the people alſo ſerue him, if he praiſe God, the ſubiects alſo praiſe him: and if he blaſpheme god, they likewiſe will doe the ſame. For it is vnpoſſible yt a tree ſhould bring forth other leaues or fruites, then thoſe whiche are agreable to the humour that are in the rootes Princes aboue all other creatures haue this preeminence, that if they be good Chriſtians, they ſhall not onely receiue merite for their owne woorkes, but alſo for all thoſe whiche others ſhall do, becauſe they are occaſion that the people worke wel. And for the contrarie, they ſhall not onely be puniſhed for the euill whiche they ſhall doe: but alſo for the euill whiche by occaſion of their euill examples others ſhall commit. O ye princes that nowe be aliue, howe greatly do I wyſhe that ye ſhould ſpeake with ſome one of thoſe princes whiche nowe are dead, eſpecially with thoſe that are cōdemned to the eternall firie flames: then ye ſhould ſee that the greateſt tormentes whiche they ſuffer, are not for the euils that they did commit, but for the euils whiche through their occaſion were done. For oftentimes princes and prelates ſinne more, becauſe they diſſemble with others, then for that they do committe them ſelues O howe circumſpect ought princes and great lordes to be in that they ſpeake, and howe diligently ought they to examine that whiche they doe. For they ſerue not God onely for them ſelues, but they ſerue hym alſo in generallye for their ſubiectes. And contrariwyſe princes are not only puniſhed for their owne offences, but alſo for the ſinnes of their people. For the ſheaperd ought greuouſly to be puniſhed, when by negligence the rauening woulfe deuoureth the innocent lambe. Fourthly princes ought to be better Chriſtians thē others, becauſe that to God onely they muſt render accompt of their eſtates, for as muche as we are ſure that god, to whom we muſt render accompte is iuſt, ſo muche the more we ſhould trauaile to be in his fauoure: becauſe whether he finde or not finde in our life any faulte, yet for loue & pities ſake he may correcte vs. Men one with another make their accomptes in this life becauſe they are men, and in the ende counte they well or euill all paſſeth amonges men, becauſe they are men: but what ſhall the vnhappy Princes do, whiche ſhall render no accompte but to God onely, who wyll not be deceiued with wordes, corrupted with giftes, feared with threatninges, nor aunſwered with excuſes. Princes haue their Realmes full of cruell iudges, to puniſhe the frailtie of man: they haue their courtes full of aduocates, to pleade againſt them that haue offended: they haue their pallaces full of loyterers, & promoters, that note the offences of other men: they haue throughe all their prouinces auditours, that ouerſee the accomptes of their rentes: and beſides all this, they haue no remembraunce of the day ſo ſtreighte, wherein they muſt render accompte of their wicked life. Me thinkes (ſince all that whiche princes receiue, commeth from the handes of God) that the greateſt parte of the time whiche they ſpend, ſhould be in the ſeruice of God, and all their trade in God, and thei ought to render no accompt of their life but vnto God: then ſithe they are gods in thauthoritie whiche they haue ouer temporall thinges, they ought to ſhewe them ſelues to reſemble god more then others by vertues. For that Prince is more to be magnified, whiche reformeth two vices among his people: then he which conquereth .x. realmes of his enemies. But we will deſire them from henceforth they preſume not any more to be gods on the earth, but that they endeuour them ſelues to be good Chriſtians in the common wealth. For all the wealthe of a Prince is, that he be ſtoute with ſtraungers, and louing to his own ſubiectes. Fiftly Princes ought to be better Chriſtians then others. For the proſperitie or aduerſitie that chaunceth vnto them, commeth directly from the handes of god onely, and none other. I haue ſeen ſondry times Princes, whiche haue put their whole hope & confidence in other princes, to be on a ſodeine diſcomfaited: and for the contrary, thoſe which haue litle hope in men, and great confidence in god, haue alwayes proſpered. When man is in his chiefeſt brauery, and truſteth moſt to mens wiſedome, then the ſecret iudgement of God ſoneſt diſcomforteth him. I meane, that the confederates & frendes of princes might helpe & ſuccour thē, but god will not ſuffer them to be holpen nor ſocoured, to thend they ſhould ſee that their remedie proceadeth not by mās diligence, but by deuine prouidēce. A prince that hath a realme, doth not ſuffer any thing to be done therin without his aduiſe: therefore ſithe god is of no leſſe power in heauen, then princes are on the earth: it is reaſon that nothing be done without his cōſent, ſins he taketh account of al mēs deades, & as he is the end of al things, ſo in him, & by him, al thinges haue their beginning. O Princes, if you knewe howe ſmall a thing it is to be hated of men, and howe great a comfort to be beloued of god, I ſweare that you woulde not ſpeake one worde (although it were in ieſte) vnto men, neither woulde you ceaſe night nor day to commende your ſelues vnto god: for god is more mercifull to ſuccour vs, then we are diligent to call vppon hym.

For in concluſion, the fauour whiche men can giue you, other men can take from you: but the fauour that god will giue you, no man can reſiſte it. All thoſe that poſſeſſe muche, ſhould vſe the company of them whiche can doe muche: and if it be ſo, I let you princes wete, that all men can not thynke ſo muche, togethers, as god him ſelfe is able to doe alone. For the crie of a Lyō is more fearefull then the howling of a woulfe. I confeſſe that princes and great lordes maye ſometimes gayne, and wynnne of them ſelfes: but I aſke them whoſe fauoure they haue neade of, to preſerue and kepe them? we ſee oftentymes that in a ſhort ſpace many come to great authoritie, the whiche neither mans wiſedome ſuffiſeth to gouerne, nor yet mans force to kepe. For the authoritie whiche the Romaines in ſixe hundred yeares gayned, fighting againſt the Eothes: in the ſpace of three yeares they loſte. We ſee dayly by experience, that a man for the gouernement of his owne houſe onely, nedeth the councell of his friendes, and neighbours: and doe princes & great lordes thinke by their owne heades onely, to rule and gouerne many realmes and dominions?

¶What the Philoſopher Byas was: of his conſtancie whan he loſt all his goodes, and of the ten lawes he gaue worthy to bée had in memorie. Cap. xxi.

AMong all nations and ſortes of men, whiche auaunt them ſelues to haue had with them ſage men, the Gretians were the chiefeſt, whiche had and thought it neceſſary to haue not onely wyſe men to reade in their ſcholes: but alſo they choſe them to be princes in their dominions. For as Plato ſaith, thoſe whiche gouerned in thoſe daies were Philoſophers, or els they ſayde and did like Philoſophers. And Laertius wryteth, in his ſecond booke De antiquitatibus Grecorum, that the Gretians auaunted them ſelues muche in this, that they haue had of all eſtates perſons moſte notable, that is to wete: ſeuen women very ſage, ſeuen Queenes very honeſt, ſeuen kings very vertuous, ſeuen Captaines very hardy, ſeuen cities verie notable, ſeuen buildinges very ſumptuous, & ſeuen Philoſophers well learned: whiche Philoſophers were theſe that folowe.

The firſt was Thales Mileſius, that inuented the Carde to ſayle by.

The ſeconde was Solon, that gaue the firſt lawes to the Athenians.

The thirde was Chilo, who was in the Orient for Embaſſadour of the Athenians.

The fourth was Pittacus Quintilenus, who was not only a philoſopher, but alſo Captaine of the Mitelenes.

The fifth was Cleobolus, that deſcended frō the auncient linage of Hercules.

The ſixte was Periander, that long tyme gouerned the realme of Corinth.

The ſeuenth was Bias Prieneus, that was prince of the Prieneans.

Therfore as touching Bias, you muſte vnderſtande that when Romulus reigned at Rome, and Ezechias in Iudea, there was great warres in Grecia betwene the Metinenſes, and the Prieneans: and of theſe Prieneans, Bias the philoſopher was prince and Captaine, who becauſe he was ſage, read in the vniuerſitie: and for that he was hardy, was chiefetaine in the warre, and becauſe he was wyſe, he was made a Prince, and gouerned the common wealth. And of this no man ought to marueile: for in thoſe dayes the Philoſopher that had knowledge but in one thing, was litle eſtemed in the common wealth. After many contentions had betwene the Met • nenſes, and Prienenſes, a cruell battayle was fought, wherof the philoſopher Bias was captaine and had the victorie: and it was the firſt battayle that euer anye Philoſopher gaue in Greece. For the whiche victorie Greece was proude, to ſee that their Philoſophers were ſo aduenturous in warres, and hardy of their handes: as they were profound in their doctrine, and eloquente in their toungues. And by chaunce one brought him a nomber of women and maydens to ſell, or if he liſted to vſe them otherwyſe at his pleaſure: but this good philoſopher did not defile them nor ſell them, but cauſed them to be apparailed, and ſafely to be conducted to their own natiue countries. And let not this liberalitie that he did be had in litle eſtimation, to deliuer the captiues, and not to defloure the virgins. For many times it chaunſeth, that thoſe whiche are ouercome with the weapons of the conquerours, are conquered with the delightes of them that are ouercome. This deede amongeſt the Grekes was ſo highly commended, and likewyſe of their enemies ſo prayſed, that immediatly the Metinenſes ſent Embaſſadours to demaunde peace of the Prienenſes. And they concluded perpetuall peace vpon condition, that they ſhoulde make for Bias an immortall ſtatue, ſith by his handes and alſo by his vertues, he was the occaſion of the peace and ending of the warres betwene them. And trulye they had reaſon, for he deſerueth more prayſe which wynneth the hartes of the enemies in his tentes by good example: then he whiche getteth the victorie in the fielde by ſhedding of bloud. The hartes of men are noble, and we ſee daily, that oftentyme one ſhal ſoner ouercome many by good, then many ouercome one by euyll: and alſo they ſaye, that the Emperour Seuerus ſpake theſe wordes. By goodnes the leaſt ſlaue in Rome ſhall leade me tied with a heere whether he wyll: but by euill, the moſt puiſſaunt men in the worlde can not moue me out of Italy. For my harte had rather be ſeruaunt to the good, then Lorde to the euill. Valerius Maximus declareth, that when the citie of Priene was taken by enemies & put to ſacke, the wyfe of Bias was ſlayne, his children taken pryſoners, his goodes robbed, the citie beaten downe, and his houſe ſet on fire, but Bias eſcaped ſafe and went to Athens. In this pytiful caſe the good philoſopher Bias was no whit the ſadder but rather ſang as he went by the way, and when he perceiued that men marueiled at his mirthe, he ſpake vnto them theſe wordes. Thoſe whiche ſpeake of me for wantinge my citie, my wife, and my children, and loſing al that I had, truly ſuch know not what fortune meaneth, nor vnderſtande what philoſophie is. The loſſe of children and temporall goodes, cannot be called loſſe, if the life be ſafe and the renowne remaine vndefiled. Whether this ſentence be true or no, let vs profoundly conſider, if the iuſt god ſuffer that this citie ſhould come into the handes of the cruell tyrauntes, then this prouiſion is iuſte: for there is no thing more conformable vnto iuſtice, then that thoſe whiche receyue not the doctrine of the Sages, ſhoulde ſuffer the cruelties of the Tyrauntes.

Alſo thoughe my ennemies haue kylled my wyfe, yet I am ſure it was not withoute the determynation of the Gods, who after they created her bodye, immediately appoynted the ende of her lyfe.

Therfore why ſhould I bewayle her death, ſynce the gods haue lent her life but vntyll this daye? The greate eſtimation that we haue of this life, cauſeth that death ſemeth vnto vs ſodayne, and that the lyfe vnwares with death is ouertaken: but theſe are wordes of the children of vanitie, for that by the wyl of the gods, death viſiteth vs, and againſt the wylles of men, lyfe forſaketh vs. Alſo my chyldren be vertuous philoſphers, and albeit they be nowe in the handes of tyrauntes, we oughte not therefore to call them captiues, for a man may not call him a captiue whiche is laden with irons: but him whiche is ouerwhelmed with vices. And although the fire haue burnt my houſe, yet I knowe not why I ought to be ſad, for of truthe it was now olde, and the wynde did blowe downe the tyles, the wormes did waſte the woode, and the waters that ran downe periſhed the walles, and it was old and lyke to fall, and perchaunce would haue done greater diſpleaſure. For moſt commonly, enuy, malice, and olde houſes, ſodainely without any warning or knocking at the doore aſſaulteth menne: finally there came the fire whiche quited me of many troubles. Firſt of the trouble that I ſhould haue had in repairing it, ſecondarely it ſaued me money in pluckinge it downe, thirdly it preſerued me and myne heires from muche coſte and many daungers. For oftentimes that whiche a man conſumeth in repayring an olde houſe, would with auauntage by hym a newe. Alſo thoſe whiche ſaye that for the taking away of my goodes, I lacke the goodes of fortune, ſuch haue no reaſon ſo to thinke or ſaye. For fortune neuer geueth temporall goodes for a proper thing, but to thoſe whome ſhe liſt, and when ſhe will diſpoſe them: therfore when fortune ſeeth that thoſe men whome ſhe hath appointed as her diſtributers, doe hourde vp the ſame to them and to their heires: then ſhe taketh it from them to geue it to an other. Therefore by reaſon I ſhould not cōplayne that I haue loſt any thing: for fortune recommendeth vnto an other the temporall goodes: but I cary pacience and Philoſophie with me, ſo that they haue diſcharged me from all other, and haue no more charge but for my ſelfe alone. Laertius declareth in his fift boke of the ſayings of the Gretians. That this Bias determined to goe to the playes of Mounte Olimpus, whereunto reſorted people of all nations: and he ſhewed hym ſelfe in this place of ſo highe an vnderſtanding, that he was counted ſupreame and chiefe of all other philoſophers, and wonne the name of a true philoſopher. Other philoſophers then beinge in the ſame playes Olimpicalles, aſked him many queſtions of ſondry matters, whereof I wyll make mention here of the chiefeſt.

¶How god from the beginning puniſhed men by his iuſtyce, and ſpeciallye thoſe Princes that diſpiſe his Churche, and howe all wicked Chriſtians are pariſhioners of hell. Cap. xxii.

WHen the eternall creator (who meaſureth the thinges by his Omnipotencye, and wayeth them by his effectuall wiſedome) created al things, aſwel celeſtiall as terreſtial, vyſible as inuiſible, corporate as incorporate, not only promiſed to the good whyche ſerued him, but alſo threatened the euyll with plagues whych offended hym. For the iuſtice and mercy of god go alwayes together, to thintent the one ſhould encourage the good, and the other threaten the euyl. This thinge ſemeth to be true: for that we haue but one god, which hath created but one word, wherin he made but one gardeine, in the whiche garden ther was but one fountaine, and neare to that fountayne he appointed only one man, one woman, and one ſerpente, nere vnto which was alſo one tre only forbidden, which is a thinge meruelous to ſpeake, and no leſſe feareful to ſee: how god dyd put into the terreſtial paradyſe (the ſame daye that the creacion of the worlde was finyſhed) booth a ſword, and gibet. The gibet was the tree forbidden, wherof they dyd eate: wherfore our fathers were condemned. And ye ſword was the puniſhment, wherwyth we al (as miſerable chyldren) at this day are beheaded. For truly they dyd eate the bytternes of their fault: and we do feele the griefe of the paine. I meane not to ſhewe howe our God by hys power doothe raiſe vppe that whyche is beaten downe, howe wyth his wyſedome he guideth thoſe which are blind, how by his wyl he diſſembleth wyth the euyll doers, neyther wil I tel how he through his clemency pardoneth the offences, and through his light lyghtneth the darknes, nor how through his ryghteouſnes he amendeth that whych is broken, and through hys liberality paieth more then we deſerue: But I wyll here declare at large, howe our omnipotente God through his iuſtice chaſtiſeth thoſe whiche walke not in his pathes. O Lorde god howe ſure may thy faithfull ſeruauntes be, for their ſmall ſeruices to receiue great rewardes: and contrary the euill ought alwayes to lyue in as great feare, leſt for their heynous offences thou ſhouldeſt geue them cruel puniſhmentes. For though god of his bounty will not leaue any ſeruice vnrewarded, nor of his iuſtice will omitte any euill vnpuniſhed: yet for all that we ought to knowe, that aboue all, and more than all, he wil rigorouſly chaſtiſe thoſe, which maliciouſly deſpiſe the holy catholyke faith. For Chriſte thinketh him ſelfe as much iniuried of thoſe, whiche perſecute his church: as of thoſe that laide handes on his perſone, to put him to death. We rede that in times paſt god ſhewed ſondry greuous and cruel puniſhmentes, to diuerſe high lordes and princes, beſides other famous and renowmed men. But rigour had neuer ſuch power in his hande, as it had againſt thoſe whiche honoured the infamed Idoll, and violated the ſacred temples. For to god this is the moſt heinous offence, to forſake the holy catholike faith in his life, and to diſpaire in his mercy at the houre of his death. Woulde to god we had ſo much grace to acknowledge our offences, as god hath reaſon to puniſhe our ſinnes. For if it were ſo, thē we would amend in time to come, & god would graunt vs a generall pardon for al that is paſt. I ſee one thing wherin (as I thinke) I am not deceiued, which is this: that the frailnes & miſeries which we commit we thinke them naturall, and in the ſatiſfaction and amendement of the ſame we ſay they are ſtraunge: ſo that we admit the fault, & condemne the paine which therby we do deſerue. The ſecret iudgements of god do ſuffer it, and our offences do deſerue it: I do not deny but that the euyll may hold & poſſeſſe this life at their pleaſour: but I ſweare vnto them, when they ſhal leſt thinke of it, they ſhal loſe their life to their great diſpleaſour: for the pleaſurs of this life are ſo vnconſtant, that we ſcarce begin to taſte thē, when they vade out of their ſight. It is a rule infallible, whiche bothe of the good & euill hath bene proued: that all naturally deſire rather to abound than to want: and all that which greatly is deſired, with great diligēce is ſerched, and through great trauaile is obteined: and that thing which by trauaile is attained, with loue is poſſeſſed, & that which by loue is poſſeſſed, with much ſorow is loſt, bewailed, & lamented. For in thend we can not deny, but that the watry eies do manifeſtly ſhewe the ſorowfull hartes. To the fine wittes and ſtout harts this is a continuall torment, and endleſſe paine, & a worme that alway gnaweth: to cal to mind that he muſt loſe the ioyfull life, whiche ſo entierly he loued: and taſte the fearfull death, whiche ſo greatly he abhorred. Therfore to proue this matter, which I haue ſpoken of before, it is but reaſon that princes know, if they do not know, that euen as the diuine prouidence exalteth them to high eſtates, they not deſeruing thē: ſo likewiſe his rigorous iuſtice will bring them to nought, if they be vnthankeful for his benefites. For the ingratitude of benefittes receiued, maketh the man not worthy to receiue any mo. The more a man through benefits is bound, the more greuous puniſhment (if he be vnthankefull) he deſerueth. Al wyſe men ſhuld finde (if thei apply their mindes therunto) that in chaſtiſing god calleth thoſe offences firſt to his mind, which are furtheſt from the thoughtes of men. For before the tribunal of god, our ſecret faultes are alwaies caſting out bloud, to thend he ſhould execute of our perſons open iuſtice. And further I ſaie, yt in this caſe I doe not ſee that the prince is exempted more, though he liue in great felicitie: than the poore labourer, who liueth in extreme miſery. And alſo we ſee it eftſones by experience, that the ſodaine lightning, tempeſtes and the terrible thonder, forſaketh the ſmall & lowe cotages, & battereth forthwith the great & ſumptuous buildinges. Gods wil & determination is, that for as much as he hath exalted them aboue al others, ſomuch ye more they ſhould acknowledge him for lorde aboue all others: For god did neuer create high eſtates becauſe they ſhould worke wickednes: but he placed them in that degree, to thend they ſhould therby haue more occaſion to do him ſeruice. Euery prince that is not a good Chriſtian, a feruente louer of the catholike faith, nor will haue any reſpect to the deuine ſeruice: let him be aſſured that in this world he ſhall loaſe his renowme, and in the other he ſhall hazarde his ſoule. For that all euill Chriſtians are the pariſhioners of hell.

¶The authour proueth by twelue examples that princes are ſharply puniſhed when they vſurpe boldly vpon the churches and violate the tēples. Cap. xxiii.

¶How Valentine the Emperoure becauſe he was an euyll Chryſtian, loſte in one day both the Empire and his lyfe, and was burned alyue in a ſhepecote. Cap. xxiiii.

WHen Iulian, the Apoſtate was Emperour of Rome, he ſente to conquere Hongarie, of no iuſt title hee had to it, more then of Ambicion to vnite it, to the Romaine Empire. For tyrannous princes vſe all their force to vſurpe others realmes by crueltye, and lytle regard whether they maye do it by iuſtice. And becauſe the Romaine Empire was of great force, this Ambicious Emperour Iulian, had in that warres a mighty and puyſant Armie, which did wonderfull muche harme throughe al the countryes they came. For the fruites of warres is, to bereue the enemyes of lyfe, and to ſpoyle the men of their goodes. It chaunſed one day as. 5 knyghtes wente out of the campe to make a rode, they found a young man that caried a halter in hys hande, and as they would haue taken it awaye from hym to haue tyed their horſes to let them feede, he was ſo hardy and ſtout that he defended hym ſelfe from them all: ſo that he had more ſtrength alone then they fyue altogethers, The Romayne knyghtes amazed to ſee this younge man defend hym ſelfe from them all ſo ſtoutly, very inſtauntly deſired him to go to the Romaine campe with them, and they promiſed him he ſhould haue great interteynment. For the Romaines were ſo dyligent, that they woulde omit no good thinge for want of money, ſo that it wer for the publike weale. This yonge man was called Gracian, and was borne and brought vp in the country of Pannonia, in a citie they called Cibata: his lynage was not of the loweſt ſort of the people, nor yet of the moſt eſtemed Citizens, but were men that lyued by the ſwete of their browes, and in loue of the common people. And truly it is no ſmall benefite that God had made him of a meane eſtate: for to be of baſe linage, maketh men to be deſpiſed and not regarded: and to come of a noble bloud and high ſynage, maketh men to be proud and lofty. This yonge man being come into the Romaynes campe, the fame was immediatly ſpred, how that he alone had vanquiſhed fiue knyghtes. And his ſtrength and courage was ſo highely eſtemed, that wythin a while after he was made Pretour of the armie. For the Romaynes, not according to fauour, but according to ye habilytie of men, deuyded the offices and degrees of honoure in warres. Tyme therfore working his nature, and manye eſtates beinge decayed, after thys yonge Gracian was made Pretour of the armye, and that he was ſufficiently tryed in the warres, fortune, which many times bringeth that to paſſe in a day: that mans malyce cannot in many yeres, raiſed this Gracian to be Emperoure of Rome. For trulye one hower of good ſucceſſe is more worthe, thenne al worldly fauour.

This Gracian was not onlye ſinguler in ſtrengthe, couragious in battaile, fortunate in all his affaires: but alſo he was luckye of children. That is to wete, he had two ſonnes which were Emperours of Rome, the one was called Valente, the other Valentinian. In this caſe the children mighte glorye to haue a father ſo ſtout: but the glorie of the father is greater to haue ſonnes of ſuch nobilytie. For there is no greater felicitie in this world, then duringe life, to come to honour and riches: & after death, to leaue good children to enioy them. The eldeſt of ye two ſonnes was the Emperour Valente, who ruled in the Orient for the ſpace of .iiii. yeres, & was the xxxix. Emperour of Rome, from Iulius Ceſar: though ſome do beginne at the time of Octauian, ſayeng that he was vertuous, and that Iulius Ceſar vſurped the Empire lyke a tiraunt. This Valente was beautifull of perſonne, but poore of vertues: ſo that he was more beautifull thenne vertuous, more couragious thenne mercifull, more riche thenne charitable, more cruell then pitefull. For there are manye Princes, that are verye expert to deuiſe newe orders in a common wealthe: but there are few that haue ſtoute hartes to put the ſame in execution. In thoſe dayes the ſect of Arrian the curſed heretike floriſhed, and the Emperour Valente was greatly blinded therin: in ſomuch that he did not only fauour the Arrians. but alſo he perſecuted the Chriſtiās, which was ſhewed for ſomuch as he killed & cauſed to be killed (for that occaſiō) many lay men, & toke many clerkes, & baniſhed many Biſhopps, ouerthrew many Churches, robbed the goods of ye Chriſhiās, & dyd infinite other miſcheues in the comcomon wealth, For the prince whych is infected wyth hereſy, & liueth without feare of the Church, ther is neyther miſchiefe nor treaſō but he wil comit. In the deſertes of Egipte in the mountaynes of Armenia and in the cityes of Alexandrie, there was a greate multitude of fryers and relygious men, amongeſt whom were many wiſe men, and pure of lyfe, conſtant in the defence of the Church, and pacient in perſecutions. For he is a true relygious man, that in tyme of peace is charitable to teache the ignorant: and bold in the time of Sciſmes, to confound the heretyques. The Emperour Valente was not only not a frend to the Arrians, & an enemye to the Chriſtians, but alſo he was a perſecutour of the deuoute and religious fryers. For he commaunded proclamacyons, to be had through all his realmes and domynions, that all the relygious that were yonge in yeares, hole of their bodyes, and ſound of their lymmes, ſhould immedyately caſt of their cowles and hoodes, leauyng their monaſterye, and take ſouldiers wages in the campe. For he ſaid Monaſteryes were inuented for nothynge els, but to maintaine thoſe that were deformed, blynde, lame, and maymed, and vppon this occaſion he ſhewed great tyrannye. For many monaſteryes were left naked, many notable conſtitucions were broken, manye hermites were martyred, manye friers whypped, many notable barons banyſhed, and many good men robbed of their goodes. For the vertuous men deſired rather the bytter lyfe of the monaſtery: then the ſwete and pleaſaunt lybertie of the world. This Emperour yet not contented with theſe thinges, as by chaunce his wife commended vnto him the beautye of a Romaine called Iuſtina, without any more delaye he maried her, not forſaking hys firſt wyfe, and immedyatly made a lawe throughout all his Empire, that without incurring any daunger, eche Chriſtian myght haue two wyues, and mary with them by the lawe of matrymony. For the tyrannous Princes (to cloake their vyces) make and enſtablyſhe the lawes of vices. The ſhame was not litle that the Emperoure Valente (againſt the commaundement of the Churche) would marie wyth two women at one time: but the leſſe ſhame he had, the greater was his iniquytye to put it in excucion, and to cauſe it to be publyſhed through hys realme as a law. For a perticuler vyce corrupteth but one alone, but a general law diſtroyeth al. At that tyme the puiſſaunt Gothes were in the parties of the orient, the whych were in feates of armes very valyaunt and couragious: but in thynges of faith they were euyl broughte vp, althoughe the greateſte part of them were baptyſed. For then the Churche was very poore of prelates, howbeit thoſe that they had were very notable men. After the Gothes were baptyſed, and the furie of the warres ſomewhat appeaſed, they ſente Embaſſadours to the Emperour Valente, deſyring hym that immedyatlye and forthwith he would ſende them holy & catholyke Biſhoppes, by whoſe doctrine they myght be inſtructed and brought to the chriſtian fayth. For it was thought that the Emperoures of Rome coulde haue no byſhoppes in their countryes: vnleſſe they were vertuous. This wicked Emperour ſythe he was now entangled with hereſye, and that he had peruerted the cuſtomes of the good Emperours (that is for hauing about hym euil Biſhoppes) as he was enuyronned with all euills and myſcheues, ſo he ſent to the Gothes a biſhoppe called Eudoxius, the whych was a ranke Arrian, and brought with hym many Biſhoppes which were heretyques, by the whych the kynges and Princes of the Gothes were Arrians, for the ſpace of 200 yeares.

The catholyke Princes ought to take great care to watch, and in watching to be ware and circumſpect, that they, their Realmes, neyther their ſubiects, ſhould in their time be defiled with hereſie. For the plague of heretykes and hereſyes is not of lyght occaſion banniſhed the place, wher ons it hath reigned. We haue declared of the ſmall fayth that thys Emperoure had in Ieſus Chriſte, and of the greate myſcheues he dyd to the Churche. Let vs now ſee what was the ende of hys myſerable life. For the man of wycked lyfe ſeldome commeth to good ende. The matter was this, that as the Gothes were dryuen out of the Realme by ſome of the Hunnes, they came immedyately to the Realme of Thracia, which then was ſubiecte to the Romaynes. And the Emperour Valente without anye couenaunte receyued theym into hys lande, wherin he commytted great folye, and vſed lytle wiſedome. For it is a generall rule, wher rebelles, vacabondes, and ſtraungers come to inhabyte, there alwayes the Realme and dominions is deſtroyed.

The Gothes remayned certaine yeres amonge them without any diſcencion or quarrellynge againſt the Romaynes: but afterwardes through the couetouſnes of Maximus chiefe Captaine of ye Romaines, that denied the Gothes of their prouyſion, whyche ſo longe tyme remayned frendes, aroſe betwene them ſo cruell warres, that it was the occaſion of the loſſe and vtter vndoing both of Rome and of all Italye. For truly ther is no enmetye doth ſo much hurte, as that of frendes when they fawle out once at dyſcorde. The warre now being kindeled, the Gothes were ſcatered throughe the Realme of Thrace, and they left no forte but they battered, they came to no villagyes nor cytyes but they ſacked, they toke no women but they forced, they entred into no houſe but they robbed. Finally the Gothes in ſhort time ſhewed the poyſon that they had agaynſt the Romaynes. And let no man maruel that the Gothes committed ſo many cruell and heynous factes, ſith we that are Chryſtians do commyt dayly greater offences. For among rebelles it is a common errour, that that whyche they robbe in the warres, they ſaye they are not bound to reſtore in peace. The Emperour Valente was then in the cytie of Antioche, and ſith he had aſſembled there a great army, & had greate ayde out of Italy, he determyned hymſelfe in perſon to go into the campe of the Romaynes, and to gyue thonſet againſt the Gothes, wherin he ſhewed himſelfe more bold then wiſe. For a Prince in battaile can doo no more then one man, nor fighte more then one man, and if he die, he is the occaſion of the death and deſtruction of them all. When both the hoſtes of the Romaynes and the Gothes ioyned, ther was betwene theym a cruell and mortall fight: ſo that in the firſt brunt the Gothes ſhewed them ſelues ſo valiaunte, that they put to flight the Romaines horſemen, leauing their fotemen alone in great ieopardy, the which in ſhort ſpace after were diſcomfited and ſlaine not one left aliue. For the barbarous ſware that that day the Gothes ſhould al dye, or els vtterly they would deſtroy the name of the Romaynes. And in this firſt charg ye Emperour Valente was mortally woūded who perceiuing he had his deaths wound & that the battaile was loſt, he determined to fire and ſaue himſelfe. But when fortune beginneth to perſecute anye man, ſhe leaueth hym not vntill ſhe ſe him dead, or beaten downe without recouer. Therfore as this wicked Emperour (thincking to ſaue himſelfe) came into a ſhepecotte, the enemyes ſeyng him, in the end ſet fier on the ſhepecote, and burnt him alyue. So in one day he loſt his perſon, his lyfe, his honoure, and his empire. It is mete that princes and great lordes ſhould lift vp their eyes to conſyder well thys hiſtorie of Valente, that they ſtraye not from the Catholicke, Churche, that they dyſhonour not Gods myniſters, and maintayne hereſyes. For as this accurſed Emperoure Valente for his wicked doinges was condignely puniſhed by the hands of the almighty God: So let them be aſſured, the ſelfe ſame god wil not pardon their offences. For it is a rule infallible, that the prince which is not a good chriſtian, ſhall fall into the hands of his cruell enemyes.

¶Of the godly Oration, which the Emperour Gracian made to his ſouldiours, before he gaue the battaile. Cap. xxvi.

VAliaunt knightes, and companions in warre, moſte thankefully I accept your ſeruice, in that you haue ſolde your goodes, and doe offer your liues here to accompanie me in the warres, and herein you ſhewe your duties: for of right you ought to loſe your goodes, and to venture your liues, for the defence & ſuertie of your countrie. But if I geue you ſome thankes for your company, knowe you that I geue much more for your good counſell which preſently you geue me: for in great conflictes ſeldome is founde together, both good counſell and ſtoute hartes. If I haue enterpriſed this battaile in hope of mans power, then you had had reaſon that we ſhoulde not geue the battaile, ſeing the great multitude that they haue, and the ſmal numbre that we are, for as you ſay, the weightie affaires of ye publike weale ſhould not vnaduiſedly be committed, to the incertaintie of fortune. I haue taken vpon me this daungerous and perillous warres, firſte truſting that on my part iuſtice remaineth, and ſith god is the ſame onely iuſtice, I truſte aſſuredly he will geue me the victorie in this perillous conflict: For iuſtice auaileth princes more that they haue, then the men of warre do whiche they leade. Wherfore ſith my cauſe is iuſte, and that I haue god the onely iudge thereof on my ſide, me thinketh if for any worldly feare I ſhoulde ceaſe to geue the battayle, I ſhould both ſhew my ſelfe to be a prince of ſmall fayth, and alſo blaſpheme god, ſaying he were of ſmall iuſtice. For god ſheweth moſte his power there, where the fraylenes of man hath leſte hope. Then ſithe I beginne the warre, and that by me the warre is procured, and for me you are come to the warre, I haue determined to enter into the battaile, and if I periſhe therein, I ſhalbe ſure it ſhalbe for the memory of my perſonne, and the ſaluation of my ſoule. For to die through iuſtice is not to die, but to chaunge death for life. And thus doing if I loſe my life, yet therefore I loſe not my honour, and all this conſidered I doe that whiche for the common wealth I am bounde. For to a prince it were great infamy and diſhonour, that the quarell being his owne, ſhould by the bloud of others be reuenged. I wyll proue this day in battaile whether I was choſen Emperour by the deuine wyll or not. For if god this day cauſeth my life to be taken from me, it is a manifeſt token he hath a better in ſtore for me: and if through his mercy I be preſerued, it ſignifieth that for ſome other better thing he graunteth me life. For in the ende the ſword of the enemie is but the ſcourge of our offences. The beſt that I ſee therfore in this matter to be done is, that til three daies be paſſed the battayle be not geuen, and that we confeſſe our ſelues this night, and in the morning prepare our ſelues to receiue our redemer, & beſides this that euery man pardon his chriſtian brother, if he haue had any wrong or iniury done him. For oftimes though the demaunde of the warre be iuſt, yet many miſhaps befall therin, through the offences of thoſe which purſue and followe the ſame. After the thre daies are paſt, and eche thing according to my ſaiynges before accompliſhed in euery point as behoueth, then let god diſpoſe thinges as he ſhall ſee good, for nowe I am fully determined to aduenture my life in battaile. Wherfore my valiaunt and ſtout warriers, doubt not at all, for this day I muſt either vanquiſhe mine enemies, or els ſuffer death: and if I die, I doe that whiche nedes I muſt. Wherfore I will now ceaſe to exhorte you any more, deſiring you to conſider that, wherunto your dutie leadeth you, remembring that you are come as knightes, and in the defence of your countrey you wage battayle: for nowe we are come to that pinche, that dedes muſt more auayle vs then wordes. For peace ought to be mainteyned by the tongue, but warres ought to be atchieued by the ſworde. All theſe wordes then ended, and the three dayes paſt, the emperour Gracian in parſone gaue the battayle, where the conflicte and ſlaughter on both ſides was marueilous terrible: yet in the end the emperour Gracian had the victory ouer his enemies, and there died in that conflicte .xxx. thouſande Gothes and Almaines, and of the Romaines there were not ſlaine but fiue thouſande. For that army onely is preſerued, whiche to the deuine will is conformable. Let all other princes take example by this noble prince, let thē conſider howe muche it auayleth them to be good Chriſtians, and that in great warres & conflictes they nede not feare the great nombre of their enemies, but they ought greatly to ſe that the wrath of god be pacified. For the harte is more diſmayde with the ſecrete ſinnes, then it is feared with the opē enemies.

¶That the captaine Theodoſius, which was father of the great Emperour Theodoſius, died a good Chriſtian. And of the king Hiſmarus, and the biſhop Siluanus, and of a councell that was celebrated, with the lawes whiche they made and eſtabliſhed in the ſame. Cap. xxvii.

THe two brethren being emperours, that is to wete, Valentinian & Valent, in the coſtes of Affryke, and the realme of Mauritania, a tyraunt vſurped the place of a kinge againſt the Romains. Who was named Thyrmus, a man hardy in trauailes, & in daungers ſtout: For the aduenturous hartes oftimes doe commit many tyrannyes. This tyran Thyrmus by much crueltie came poſſeſſed of the realme of Mauritania, & not contented therwith but alſo by tyrāny poſſeſſed a great part of Affrike, & prepared (as Hānibal did) an huge army to paſſe into Italy, to die in chalēging the empire of Rome. This was a renowmed tyraunt that neuer toke pleaſure in any other thing ſo muche, as to ſpoyle & robbe others of their goodes. The Romaines that in all their doinges were very ſage, & of the tyranny of tyrauntes ſufficiently moniſhed, immediatly prepared a great army to paſſe into Affryke, & to ſpoyle ye realme, and to deſtroy the tyrante by the cōmaundement and decre of the Senate, and that for no pacte or couenaunt the tyraunt ſhoulde lyue. And without doubte this commaundement was iuſt. For to him that is a deſtroyer of the common wealth, it is not puniſhement enough to take awaye his lyfe. At that tyme there was a knyghte in Rome, whoſe name was Theodoſius, a man well ſtryken in yeares, and yet better approued in warres, but he was not the richeſt: howbeit he vaūted him ſelf (as truth was) to be of ye bloud of Traian the great Emperour, vpon which occaſion he was greatly honoured and feared in Rome, for the commons were ſo noble and gracious towards their princes, that all thoſe whiche from the good and vertuous Emperour deſcended, were of the whole common wealth greatly eſtemed. This noble Theodoſius was of yeares ſo auncient, and ſo honoured in his olde age for his graye heares, ſo noble of linage, and ſo approued in warres, that he was by the authoritie of the Emperour Valentinian, by the conſent of all the Senate, and by the good wylles of the whole people, choſen to goe to the conqueſt of Afrike, and truly their reaſon was good. For Theodoſius deſired much to fight againſt that tyraunt Thirmus, and all the people were glad that ſuch a captaine led the armie. So this Theodoſius imbarked with his armie, departed from Rome, and in fewe dayes arryued at Bona, whiche was a citie greatly repleniſhed with people, ſituated in a hauen of the ſea in Afrike. And as he and his armie were landed, the tyran Thirmus forthwith encamped his armie in the fielde in the face of the Romaines, and ſo all beinge planted in the plaine, the one to aſſaulte, and the others to defend: immediatly the two armies ioyned, and the one aſſaulting the other fiercely, on bothe ſydes was great ſlaughter. So that thoſe whiche to daye were conquered, to morowe did conquere: and thoſe whiche yeſterday were conquerours, afterward remained conquered. For in long warres, fortune chaungeth. In the prouince of Mauritania, there was a ſtrong citie called Obeliſta, and as the captaine Theodoſius by his force occupied all the field, the tyran Thirmus fortified him ſelfe in that citie, the which valiauntly being aſſaulted of the captaine Theodoſius, & almoſt with his men entring into the ſame, the tyranne Thirmus (becauſe he would not commit hym ſelfe vnto the faith of other men) ſlew him ſelf with his proper handes. For the propertie of proude and diſdainfull hertes is rather to die in libertie, then to liue in captiuitie. At that tyme the Emperour Valent, by the arte of Nigromancie, wrought ſecretly to knowe what lucke ſhould ſuccede in the Romaine Empire. And by chaunce a woman being an enchauntreſſe had aunſwere of the deuill, that the name whiche with theſe letters ſhould be wrytten, ſhould be ſucceſſour to the Empire, and the letters were theſe. T.E.O.D. The Emperour Valent diligently enquired of all the names, which with theſe foure letters could be named, and they found that thoſe ſignified the Theodotes, the Theodores, and the Theodoſes: wherfore Valent furthwith put all thoſe to the ſworde that were of that name: Suche was the wickednes of the Emperour Valent, ſuppoſing thei would haue taken the Empire from him being alyue. For the tyranous Prince lyueth euer in gelouſie and ſuſpition. The excellent captaine Theodoſius (the tyranne Thirmus being dead, and hauing ſubdued all Affrike to the Romaine Empire) was burdened that he was a ſecret traytour to the Empyre, and that he compaſſed to wynne the ſame by tyrannie, for this cauſe therefore the Emperour Valent gaue ſentence he ſhoulde be beheaded. And this was done he neuer hearyng of it, and muche leſſe culpable thereof: for all Prynces that be wylfull in their doynges, are very abſolute of their ſentence. This come to the eares of Theodoſius, and ſeyng that he was condemned to be beheaded, he ſent incontinent for the Byſhoppe of Carthage, to whome he demaunded the water of the holy Baptiſme, and ſo being baptiſed, and in the fayth of Chriſt inſtructed, was by the hangeman put to execution. Of this ſo greuous, outtragious, and deteſtable facte euery man iudged this Theodoſius to ſuffer as an innocent, and that the Emperour Valent had iudged euill and like a tyraunt. For the innocencie of the good, is the great enemy of the euill. At the ſame time when Theodoſius demaūded baptiſme (according to ye ſaying of Proſper in his cronicle) he ſayd vnto the biſhop, whiche ſhould baptiſe him, theſe wordes. O byſhop ſainct Roger, I doe coniure thee by the creatour whiche made vs, and doe deſire thee for the paſſion of Ieſu Chriſte who redemed vs, to geue me the water of baptiſme: for I haue made a vowe to become a Chriſtian, if god graunted me victory. Wherefore I wyll accompliſhe my vowe, for thoſe thinges whiche neceſſitie cauſeth vs to promyſe, our owne free wyll ought to accompliſhe. I am ſory with all my heart that beynge a Chriſtian I can liue no longer, and ſith it is ſo I offer my life for his ſake, and into his mercifull handes I commende my ſoule. I leue a ſonne of myne, who is called Theodoſius, and if the fatherly loue begile me not, I thinke he wyll be a vertuous and ſtoute young man, and beſides that he wil be wiſe, and ſithe by thy handes he hath bene baptiſed, I require thee holy father that thou through thy wyſedome wilt bring him vp in the true faith: for if he be a good Chriſtian, I truſt in god he will be a great man in the Empire. This Theodoſius was the father of the great Emperour Theodoſius, ſo that the father was a Chriſtian, and the ſonne a Chriſtian. Not longe after the Emperour Valent had cauſed Theodoſius (which was father to the great Emperour Theodoſius) to be executed, Valent by the commaundement of God was by the Gothes perſecuted, and in thend put to death, and truly this was the iuſt iudgement of god. For he of right ſhould ſuffer death him ſelfe, whiche vniuſtly procureth the death of others. Rufinus in the ſeconde booke of his hiſtories ſaith, that after the tyraunt Thirmus was put to death by the captaine Theodoſius, and that the Emperour Valent had cauſed this Theodoſius to be put to death, and that the ſame Valent was ſlaine of the Gothes, the Romains created a king in Afrike, whoſe name was Hiſmarus, called for a right Chriſtian in that time, which was from the buylding of Rome .377. There was in the citie of Carthage a holy byſhop called Siluanus, a man in humaine and deuine letters excellently well learned, and ſithe the kyng was ſo iuſte, and the byſhop ſo holy, both the faith encreaſed, and alſo the affayres of the common weale proſpered. For commonly the warres beginne rather through the pride of the higheſt, then through diſobedience in the loweſt. Therefore this holy byſhop and good Chriſtian king, being deſirous in their tyme to geue good example to the ſubiectes, and for the time to come to leaue good preceptes, they celebrated in the citie of Bona a counſaile, with all the byſhoppes of Affryke, in the whiche kyng Hiſmarus was in perſone. For in auncient coū ſelles the kynges were not onely there in perſones, but alſo al the lordes and hie eſtates of their Realmes. Amongeſt many excellent thinges, which Rufinus mentioneth that were ordayned in this place, it ſemed good vnto me to remember here theſe few, to the ende chriſtian princes nowe preſent, may ſee what deuout chriſtians thoſe kinges were in times paſte.

¶What a goodly thynge it is to haue but one Prince to rule the publike weale: for there is no greater enemye to the common weale, then he whiche procureth many to commaund therin, as by reaſons folowing it ſhalbe proued. Cap. xxviii.

OFte tymes with my ſelfe alone I conſider, that ſithe the deuine prouidence, which doth all thinges by weight and meaſure, and that of her and by none other all creatures are gouerned, and that furthermore with God there is no accepcion of perſonnes, for he maketh the one ryche, and the other poore: the one ſage, and the other ſymple: the one hole, and other ſicke: the one fortunate, and the other vnluckye: the one ſeruaunt, and the other maiſter: & let no man merueile thoughe I muſe therat: for the varietie of time, is the beginner of diſſencions amonge the people. In mans iudgmēt it ſemeth that it were better all were alike in apparel, al equal in commaunding, none greater then others in poſſeſſions, al to content them ſelues with one kynde of meate, and that the names of commaunding and obeing were vtterly abolyſſhed and brought to nought. So that if the myſeries of the one, and proſperities of the other were put out, from that day forward I proteſt there ſhould be no enuy in the world. Layeng aſyde mans opinion, (whiche oughte not to be compared to the deuine miſterie) I demaund now what reaſon ſufficed to thincke, that of two brethren (that is to wete Iacob, and Eſau, both children of holy and deuout perſonnes) the deuine prouydence woulde the one ſhoulde bee choſen, and the other diſpiſed, that the one ſhoulde commaunde, and the other obeye, the one to be diſherited beinge the eldeſte, and the other to inherite beinge the yongeſte? That whyche chaunced to Iacob with Eſau, the ſame chaunced to the children of Iacob and Ioſeph: who beinge patriarkes and choſen, God prouided and ordeyned that to Ioſeph beinge the youngeſte, his bretherne ſhould ſerue and obeye hym. This thinge was repined at of all the eleuen bretherne, how be it their intencions auayled not: for it is vnpoſſible for mans malice to diſorder that, which the deuine prouidence hath appointed: we ſe daylye nothing els but that which man decreeth in a longe time, god diſpoſeth otherwiſe in one moment. Truly it is not euill done, but wel ordeined. For in the ende, ſithe man is man, in fewe thinges he can be eyther certaine or aſſured: and ſith God is God, it is vnpoſſible that in any thinge he ſhould erre. It is a great benefite of the creator, to be willing to reforme and correct the workes of the creatures. For if God woulde ſuffer vs to do after our owne mindes, we ſhould be quyte contrarie to his pleaſure. God without a great myſterye did not ordeine, that in one family there ſhoulde be but one father, amonge one people there ſhoulde be but one citizen that ſhould commaunde, in one prouynce ther ſhould be but one gouernor alone, and alſo that one king alone ſhould gouerne a proude Realme, and likewiſe that by one onlye captaine a puiſſant armye ſhould be led. And furthermore and aboue all, he willeth that there be but one Monarchyall king and Lord of the world. Truly all theſe thinges are ſuch, that we with our eyes do ſee them and know them not, we heare them with our eares and vnderſtand them not, we ſpeake them with our tongues and know not what we ſay. For truly mans vnderſtanding is ſo dull, that wythout doubt he is ignoraunt of more then he knoweth. Appolonius Thianeus compaſſing the moſte part of Aſia, Affricke, and Europe, that is to ſay from the bridge of Nilus wher Alexander was, vnto Gades where the pillers of Hercules were, he beinge one day in Epheſe, in the Temple of Diana, the prieſtes aſked him what thing he wondered at moſt in all the world? for it is a generall rule, that men which haue ſene much, alwayes do note one thing aboue another. Althoughe the Philoſopher Appolonius greatlyer eſtemed the workes, then the ſpeakinge of them that demaunded this queſtion, yet forthwith he made them this aunſwere, I let you know prieſtes of Diana, that I haue bene throughout Fraunce England, Spayne, Germany, throughe the Laces, and Lidians, Hebrues, and Greekes, Parthes, and Medes, Phrigians, and Corinthians, and ſo with the Perſes, and aboue all in the great Realme of India: for that alone is more worthe, then all theſe Realmes together. I wyl you vnderſtand that all theſe Realmes in manye and ſondrye thinges do dyffer, as in languages, perſonnes, beaſtes, mettals, waters, fleſhe, cuſtomes, lawes, landes, buyldinges, in apparel, and fortes, and aboue all dyuers in their Gods and Temples. For the language of the one dyffereth not ſo muche from the language of the other: as the Gods of Europe differ from the Gods of Aſia, and the Temples and gods of Aſia and Europe, differ from them of Affrike. Amonges all thinges which I haue ſene, of two onlye I dyd meruaile, which is, that in all the partes of the worlde wherin I haue trauailed, I haue ſeen quyet men troubled by ſedycious parſones, the humble ſubiect to the proude, the iuſt obedient to the tyraunt, I haue ſene the cruel commaunding the merciful, the coward ruling the hardye, the ignoraunt teaching the wiſe, & aboue al, I ſaw that ye moſt theues hunge the innocent on the gallowes. The other thing wherat I marueiled was this, yt in al ye places & circuite wher I haue bene, I know not, neither could I find any man that was euerlaſting, but that all are mortal & in the ende both high & lowe haue an end: for many are layde to nighte into their graue, which the next day following thought to be aliue. Leaue aſide the deuine iudgment, in that he ſpake he ſaid highly and like a Philoſopher, for it ſemeth to be a pleaſaunt thing, to ſee how men gouerne the world. Therfore now to the matter, it is but reaſon we know the cauſe of this ſo auncient a noueltye, whiche is: that God wylleth and ordeinethe that one onlye commaunde all, and that all together obey one. For there is nothing that God doth (thoughe the cauſe therof be vnknowen to vs) that wanteth reaſon in his eternall wiſedome. In this caſe ſpeakyng like a Chriſtian I ſaye, that if our father Adam had obeyed one onlye commaundemente of God, whiche was forbydden him in the terreſtial Paradiſe, we had remayned in lybertie vpon the earth, and ſhould haue bene Lordes and maiſters ouer al. But ſith he would not then obey the Lord, we are nowe become the ſlaues of ſo many Lords. O wicked ſine, curſed be thou, ſith by the onely the world is broughte into ſuche a bondage: without teares I cannot ſpeake that which I would, that through our firſt fathers, (which ſubmitted them ſelues to ſinne) we their children haue loſt the ſygnorye of the world. For ſithe they were priſoners to ſynne in their hartes: lytle auaileth the lybertie of their bodyes. There was great dyuerſitie betwixt the opynions of Pythagoras, and the opinyons of Socrates, for ſomuch as thoſe of Socrates ſcoole ſaide, that it were better all thinges ſhould be common, and all men equall. Thother of Pythagoras ſcoole ſayde the contrarie, and that the common wealthe were better wherin eche one had his owne proper, and all, ſhould obey one, ſo that the one of them dyd admit and graunte the name of ſeruantes, and thothers dyd deſpiſe the name of Lordes. As Laertius in his firſt booke of the life of Philoſophers ſayth, that the Philoſopher Demoſtenes was alſo of the ſame opinyon, that to the end the people ſhould be well gouerned, he would two names ſhould be vtterly abboliſhed, and taken a way: that is to wete, Lords and ſubiectes, maſters and ſeruaunts: for the one deſirous to rule▪ by fyerſnes, and thothers not willyng to obeye by tyranny, would ſhedde the bloud of the innocent, and would be vyolent agaynſt the poore: they would deſtroy the renowmed & famous people, and tyrannes would waxe ſtout, the which thyngs ſhould be taken away, if there were no ſygnorye, nor ſeruytude in the world. But notwithſtanding theſe thinges, the Phyloſopher in his firſt booke of his pollitiques ſayth, that by fower natural reaſons we may proue it to be very neceſſarie, that Princes do commaund, and the people obey. The firſt reaſon is of the partes of the Elements, ſymple, and mixt. For we ſe by experience, that the Elementes do ſuffer (to thende they wold be ioyned together) the one to haue more power then al: the whyche is ſhewed by experyence, foraſmuch as the Element of the fyer, the Element of the ayer, and the Element of the water do obey, the Element of the earth doth commaund. For againſt their nature he bryngeth them all to the earth. But if all the noble and chiefeſt Elements were obedyente to the moſt vile Element, onely to forme a body myxt: it is a greater reaſon, that al obeye to one vertuous perſon, that the common wealth mighte therby the better be gouerned. The ſecond reaſon is, of the bodye & the ſoule, in the armony wherof the ſoule is the miſtreſſe which commaundeth, and the body the ſeruaunt which obeyeth, fo the body neither ſeeth, heareth, nor vnderſtandeth without ye body. The ſage Philoſopher by this wil infer, that the ſage men ſhould naturally be lords ouer others. For in the world ther is nothing more m • nſtrous, then that fooles ſhould cōmaund, & wiſe men obey. The third reaſon taketh his ground on beaſtes: for we ſe by experience that diuers beaſtes by thonely knowledge of men are gouerned, therfore it is but mete that many men, which are more lyker beaſtes then the beaſtes theym ſelues, do ſuffer them ſelues to be gouerned and ruled by wiſe men. For the common weale is more profited by a brute beaſt, then it is by a witleſſe man. The fourth reaſon proceadeth of women: for we ſe, that they being created to the image of God, god commaundeth and ordayneth that they ſhould be ſubiect to man, preſuppoſing their knowledge not to be ſo great, as the knowledge of men. Therfore if this thing be thus, why could not diuerſe mortal men (who with out compariſon know leſſe then women) take theym ſelues for happie that one alone would commaund & gouerne them: ſo that ſuch one were a ſage & vertuous parſon. Sithe man is naturally pollytike, which is to be a frend of company, the company engendreth enuy, & afterwards diſcord noriſheth warre, & warre bringeth in tiranny, & tiranny deſtroyeth the comon wealth, & the common wealth being loſt, all men thinke their liues in peryl. Therfore it is very neceſſarie that in the common wealth many be gouerned by one alone, for to conclude, ther is no common wealth wel gouerned but by one alone. The great trauayles and inconuenyences which the auncientes found in tymes paſt, were the occaſion that it was ordeyned in the publyke weale, that all ſhould obey one. Sythe that in a campe one onely Captaine is obeyed, and in the ſea one Pilot followed, in the monaſterye all obeye one prelate, and in the Churche all obeye one byſhoppe, and ſyns in a hyue of bees, one bee onely leadeth all the reſt: it were not reaſon that men ſhould be without one king, nor the common wealth without a gouernour, Thoſe men that will not haue a king in a common wealth, are lyke vnto drones & waſpes which without trauaile eate the ſwete of others. And mine opinion in this caſe ſhould be, that euery man that will not be commaunded, as an abiect of the common weale ſhould be expulſed and caſt out therof. For in a common wealthe ther can be no greater enemye then he, that deſireth that many ſhould rule therin. In that publike weale where one alone hath care for al, & al obey the commaundement of one onely, there God ſhalbe ſerued, the people ſhal profit, the good ſhalbe eſtemed, & the euil diſpiſed, and beſides that tirannes ſhalbe ſuppreſſed. For a gouernaunce of many is not profitable, onleſſe they referre theym ſelues to the iudgemente of a fewe, and to the arbitermente of one alone. Oh howe man • e people and Realmes (becauſe they woulde not obey their princes by iuſtice) haue ſince by cruell tirannes bene gouerned with tyrannye. For it is euen a iuſte plage, that they which diſire the ſcepters of righteous Princes, ſhoulde feale and proue the ſcourge of cruell tirauntes. Alwayes it was, and ſhalbe, that in the worlde there was one to commaunde, another to obeye, one to gouerne, and another to bee gouerned. In this caſe lette no manne ſaye, I am excepted, for vntyll thys daye there hath noo Prynce nor Knyghte beene ſeene, but hathe trauayled vnder thys yooke, I warne and praye, and importunatelye requyre you all, that you be loyall, and faythefull ſeruauntes, to the ende you may deſerue to haue louing Lords. For generally the prince yt is wicked, cauſeth his ſubiects to rebel, & ye ſedicious ſubiect maketh his lord to become a tiraunt. It is a great thing to the people, that their Princes be good or euil, For there are no Princes ſo ſtable, nor ſo temperate, that alwayes will diſſemble the euil: nor there is no gouernor ſo very a tyraunte, but ſometimes wil acknowledge the good. Oftimes god ſuffereth, that ther be Emperours in the Empire, kinges in realmes, and gouernors in the prouinces, Lordes in the cities, and prelates in the churches, not al only as yt common wealth deſireth, nor as the good gouernmente requyreth: but as the offence of the multitude deſerueth. For now a dayes we ſe many ye haue the charge of ſoules in ye church, which deſerue not kepe ye ſheape in ye field. That to be true, plainly it doth appeare. For ſuch do not gouerne but diſorder, they do not defend but offend: they do not reſiſt the enemyes, but ingage & ſel the innocent: they are no iudges, but tirannes: they are not gentil paſtores, but cruel hangmen: they are not incre aſers of the common wealthe, but diſtroyers of iuſtice: they are not ordeynors of lawes, but inuentors of trybutes: their hartes wake not to good, but to inuent and worke al miſchefe: and finally God ſendeth vs ſuch prelates and gouernors, not for that they ſhoulde be myniſters of his lawes, but for that they ſhould be ſcourges for oure offences.

¶That in a publike weale there is no greater deſtruction: then where princes dayly conſent to new orders, and chaunge olde cuſtomes. Cap. xxix.

IN the firſt booke of the Kinges, the viii. Chapter, of the holye and ſacred ſcripture is ſayde, that Samuel (when he was old) in his ſteade placed his two ſonnes to gouerne the people, whoſe names were Iohel, and Abiah for that naturally the fathers are deſirous to aduaunce their children to honor. The ſonnes of Samuell were reſidente and helde the iudgemente in the citye of Beerſheba, whyche was the fortheſte parte of Iudea, and the olde Samuel wente to dwell in the citie Ramah. The honorable and moſte aunciente menne (amonge the people of Ieruſalem) aſſembled togither and decreed to ſend Embaſſadors to Samuel, which ſhould be the wiſeſt men of all the Sinagoge. For the auncientes in thoſe dayes were ſo circumſpect that they neuer committed any affayres of the common wealthe, into the handes of yonge men. The auncientes then being arriued at Ramah: ſpake theſe wordes vnto Samuel. Samuel thou art now old, and for thy yeres thou canſt not gouerne the people, therfore thou lyke a pytefull father haſt committed the gouernmente of the people into the handes of thy children.

Wherfore we let the know in this caſe, that thy children are couetous. Firſt they do receiue brybes of the ſuters. And ſecondarilye they do great iniurie to the people. Therfore we are come to require the to giue vnto vs a king, that may gouerne vs, and that might leade vs in battaile. For we wil no more iudges to iudge vs, but kinges for to gouerne vs. The aged Samuel hearinge the imbaſſage, was aſhamed of that the auncientes of Iudea had told him. Firſt ſeing his children to be euill. Secondarily becauſe they would take their offices from them. And truly herein Samuell had iuſt occaſion, both to be aſhamed & alſo ſorye. For the vyces & wickednes of the yong children, are ſwords that paſſe throughe the hartes of the old and aunciente fathers. Samuel ſeing that the Hebrues were determined to depriue theym of their office, and gouernement of the people, had none other remedye but euen to make his mone to god of his griefe, & god hearing his complaintes ſaid vnto him. Samuel be not ſad, nor lament not, for their demaunding a kinge (as they do) they do not miſlike thy parſon, but they diſpraiſe my prouydence, & maruel not though they forſake thy children, for they are ſomwhat to yong, ſith they haue forſaken me their god, & worſhip falſe idolles. Syth they demaund a king, I haue determined to giue them one, but firſt tel tow thē the cōdicions of ye king, which are theſe. The king whom I wil geue you, ſhall take your chyldren, with your chariottes & beaſtes, & ſhal ſende them loden with burdens. And yet therwith not contented, he ſhall make your children poſtes by the wayes, tribunes & cēturions in his battailes, & ſhal make them laborers and gardyners in his gardins, he ſhal make them ſowe his ſedes & paſt his bread, and furbiſhe his harnes, and armour. You ſhal haue beſides delicate & tender doughters, the which you ſhal litle enioy, for the king that I wil geue you, ſhal commaund them to kepe & attend thoſe that are wounded in the warres, he ſhal make them cookes in his pallace, and caters of his expences. The king that I wil geue you, if he hādel your ſonnes and doughters euil, much worſe he wil handle your goods. For on the beaſtes & fertile feldes that you haue, his herd ſhal fede, he ſhal gather the beſt grapes of your vines, he ſhall choſe of your oliue trees the beſt olyues & oyles, and if anye fruit afterwards remaine in your feilds, he wil they ſhalbe gathered not by you but of his workemen, & afterwards ye king that I wil geue you ſhal oppreſſe you much more. For of euery pecke of corne you ſhal geue him one, of tenne ſhepe you muſt nedes geue him one, ſo that of al things which you ſhal gather, againſt your wylles, you ſhal giue the tenth: of your ſlaues the king ſhalbe ſerued ſoner then you, and he ſhal take al your Oxen that labour and trauaile in your owne poſſeſſions, & ſhal bring them to ploughe in his owne ground, and tenements. So that you ſhal pay tribute, and the king ſhal take his owne profite, for the wealth and commoditie of his pallace. And al thys which I haue reherſed before, ye King ſhal haue whom I wil geue you. The hiſtorye which here I haue declared, is not Ouide, neither yet the Eglogges of Virgil, ne yet ye fayninge of Homer, but it is the ſentence & the very worde of god. O mortal ignoraunce, that we demaund and know not why nor wherfore, to whom nor wher, neyther when we demaund? which cauſeth vs to fall into ſondry errors. For few men are ſo wiſe that they offend not in choſing, & that they can aſke with reaſon. The Hebrues aſked (as they thinke) ye better, and god geueth them the worſe: they aſke one to gouerne them, and god gyueth them a Tiraunt to deſtroy them: they aſke one yt ſhould maintayne them in iuſtice, and he threatneth them with tiranny: they require one that ſhould geue them, & he geueth thē one which robbeth thē: they require one to deliuer them from bōdage, & he ordaineth one to kepe them as ſlaues. And finally the Hebrues truſting to be deliuered of their iudges, which ruled not according to theyr appetites, god ſhal geue them a king yt ſhal take they▪ goodes from them by force. O how many times ought we to pray vnto god to giue vs princes in our comon wealth, & prelates in our churches, which do know how to gouerne vs, and minyſter vnto vs, not accordynge to the weyght of our ſoule, but accordyng to the meaſure of hys mercy. Plato ſath in the firſt booke of lawes, that one of ye moſt excellent lawes which the Siciones had in their prouince, was to kepe the Cities, that they ſhoulde not chaunge nor alter any thing therin. Truly thoſe Barbarous were ſage in doing, and Plato was very diſcrete to commend them therin. For nothing deſtroyeth a common wealth ſoner, then to ſuffer chaunges oftetimes therin. Al theſe things ſemed to be true in ye Hebrues, the which in their gouernment were very raſhe, and vndiſcrete. For firſt they gouerned theym ſelues by Patriarches, as Abraham was. After they were gouerned by prophetes, as Moyſes by captaynes, as Ioſue: by iudges, as Ge • eo: by kynges, as Dauid, & after they gouerned theymſelues by Byſhoppes, as Abdias was: and in the end the Hebrues not contented with all theſe, God ſuffered that they ſhould fall into the handes of Antiochus, Ptolomeus and Herodes, all tyrauntes. This puniſhment fell (accordyng to the iuſt iudgement of God) vppon theym for their offēces: for it was euen mete, that they yt would not enioy the pleaſaūt lybertie of Iudea, ſhould taſt the cruell ſeruitude of Babylone. The condicion whych chaunced in the gouernement to the vnconſtant Hebrues: the ſame happened vnto the proude Romaines. The which in the beginning of theyr Empire were gouerned by kinges, afterwardes by tenne men, then by the Conſulles, ſoo by the dictators, by the Cenſours, and afterwardes by the Tribu nes, and Senatours: and in the ende, they came to be gouerned by Emperours, and tirannous princes. The Romaynes inuented all theſe alteracions in their gouernments, for none other cauſe, but to ſee whether they could be deliuered from the commaundement of an other. For the Romaynes in this caſe were ſo proude harted, that they had rather dye in lybertie, then liue in captiuitie God had ſo ordeyned it, and their wofull caſe dyd ſoo promyſe it, when they were aboue al other kyngs and realmes of the earth, that then the ſlaue ſhould be obedyent to his yronnes, and the ſubiect ſhould acknowledge the homage to hys maiſter. And though the ſubiects do moue warres, though kinges alſo do wynne Realmes, and Emperours conquere Empyres: yet wyl they or nyl they (both great & ſmall ſhould acknowledge them ſelues for ſeruauntes.

For duringe the tyme of oure fleſhlye lyfe, wee canne neuer withdrawe oure ſelues frome the yooke of ſeruitude. And ſaye not you Princes, for that you are puyſſaunte princes, that you are excepted from ſeruitude of menne. For withoute doubte it is a thinge more vntollerable, to haue their hartes burdened with thoughtes, then their neckes loden with yrons. If a ſlaue be good, they take from him ſome yrons: but to you that are prynces, the greater you are, they greater cares you haue. For the prynce that for hys common wealthe taketh care, hath not one momente of an houre quyete. A ſlaue hopeth to be delyuered in hys lyfe, but you can not looke to be delyuered tyl after youre death.

They laye yrons on the ſlaue by weyghte, but thoughtes burdenne you wythoute meaſure. For the wofull heart is more burdened with one houre of care: thenne the bodye is preſſed, wyth twentye pounde of yrone. A ſlaue or pryſonner if he bee alone, manye tymes fylethe of hys yrons, but you Princes that are alone, are more greuouſlye tormented wythe thoughtes: for ſoletarye places are Arbours, and Gardeyns to woofull and heauye hartes.

A ſlaue hath nothing to care for but himſelfe alone: but you that be Princes haue to ſatiſfie & pleaſe al men. For the prince ſhuld haue a time for himſelf, & alſo for thoſe which are aboue him. The deuine Plato ſaide wel, that he that ſhold haue the leſt part of a prince, & belonging to a prince, oughte to be the prince himſelfe. For to the end the prince ſhould be al his owne, he ought to haue no part in himſelfe. Though a ſlaue worke & trauaile in the day, yet he ſlepeth without care in the night: but you princes paſſe the daies in hearing importunate ſuetes, & the night in fetching innumerable ſighes. Finallye I ſay, that in a ſlaue (be it wel, or be it euil) al his paine is finiſhed in one yere, or is ended at his death: but what ſhal a woful prince do when he dyeth. If he were good, ther is but a ſhort memorie of his goodnes: and if he hath bene euil, his infamy ſhal neuer haue end. I haue ſpoken theſe things to the ende that great & ſmall, lordes and ſeruauntes ſhould confeſſe and acknowledge, the true ſignory, to be onely vnto him, who for to make vs lords aboue, became a ſeruaunt here beneath.

¶When the tirannes beganne to reigne, and vpon what occaſion commaunding and obeying firſt began. And how the auctorytie, which the prince hath, is by the ordenaunce of God. Cap xxx.

CEaſing to ſpeake any further of ye poetical hiſtories, & aunciēt feynings, and ſpeaking the truth according to the deuine hiſtories, the firſt that did loue in this world, was our father Adam: who did eate of the fruit forbidden, & that not ſo much for to treſpaſſe the commaundement of one, as for not to diſpleaſe his wife Eue. For many now a dayes, had rather ſuffer their cōſcience a long time to be infected: then one only day to ſe their wiues diſpleaſed. The firſt homicyde of the world was Cayn. The firſt that died in ye world was Abel. The firſt that had .ii. wiues in ye world was Lamech. The firſt citie of the world was by Enoch built in the fields of Edon. The firſt muſitian, was Tubalcaim. The firſt which ſayled in yt world was Noe. The firſte tirant of ye world was Nembroth, The firſt prieſt was Melchyſedech. The firſt king of ye world was Anraphel. The firſt duke was Moyſes. The firſt which was called Emperour in ye world, was Iulius Ceſar. For vntil this time they which gouerned, wer called Cōſulles, Cenſors & Dictators. And from Iulius Ceſar hitherto haue bene called Emperours. The firſt battaile yt was giuen in the world (as we rede) was in the wild valleis, which now they cal ye dead & ſalt ſea. For a great part of that, yt then was the maine land, is now ye dead ſea. The holy ſcriptures cannot deceue vs, for it is ful of al truth, & by them it is declared, that a thouſand & eyght hundred yeres after the world began, there was no battaile aſſembled, nor company that met to fight in the field: for at that tyme whan they had no ambition nor couetouſnes, they knewe not what battaile mente. It is reaſon therfore that in this wrytinge we declare the cauſe, why the firſt battaile was fought in the worlde, to the ende princes may therof be aduertiſed, and the curious reader remaine therin ſatiſfyed. The maner was thus, that Baſſa being king of Sodome, Berſa kyng of Gomorrhe, Senaab kyng of Adamee, Semebar king of Seboime, and Vale king of Segor, were al fyue tributaries to Chodor laomor kynge of the Aelamites, which fyue kynges conſpired agaynſt hym becauſe they woulde paye hym no tribute, and becauſe they woulde acknowledge no homage vnto hym.

For the Realmes payeng tribute, haue alwayes rebelled and ſowed ſedicions, This rebellion was in the 13 yere of the reigne of Chodor Laon • or king of the Aelamytes, and immediatly the yere following, Anraphel king of Sernaar, Arioch kinge of Ponte, and Aradal kinge of the Allotali, ioyned with Chodor-Laomor. The which altogether beganne to make warres, to deſtroy cities & countreys vppon their enemyes. For the olde malice of the warre is, that where they cannot haue their enemyes whiche are in the faulte: they put to ſacke and diſtroy thoſe which are innocent and giltleſſe. So the one aſſaulting, and the other defending, in the end all come to the field, they gaue battayle as two enemyes, and the greateſt part was ouercome of the feweſt, and the feweſt remained victorious ouer the greateſt, which thing GOD would ſuffer in the firſt battaile of the world, to the end princes might take example, that all the miſhappes of the warres come not, but becauſe they are begon of an vniuſt occaſion. If Chodor Laomor had held himſelfe contented as hys predeceſſours dyd, and that he had not conquered Realmes in makinge theym ſubiect, and had not cauſed theym to paye trybute: neither they vnto him, woulde haue denied reaſon: nor he with theym woulde haue waged battaile. For throughe the couetouſnes of the one, and the ambition of the other, enmyties grewe betwene the people, This conſidered whiche we haue ſpoken of ſygnorye, and of thoſe which came into contentions for ſignoryes, Let vs now ſe from whence the firſt oryginal of ſeruitude came, and the names of ſeruauntes and lordes whiche were in the olde tyme, and whether ſeruitude was by the diſcord of vertuous men, firſte brought into the world: or els inuented by the ambytion of Tyrauntes. For when the one commaundeth, and the other obeyeth, it is one of the nouelties of the world as the holy ſcripture declareth vnto vs in this maner. The patriarche Noah had 3. ſonnes, which wer Shem, Ham, and Iaphet, and the ſecond ſonne (which was Ham) begotte Cuſh, and this Cuſh begot Nimrod. Nimrod made him ſelfe a honter of wild beaſtes, in the woodes and mountaines, he was the firſt yt began to play the tyraunt amongeſte men, inforcynge theyr perſonnes, and taking theyr goodes, and the ſcriptures called him Oppreſſor hominum, which is to ſay, an oppreſſor of men. For men of euyl life, alwayes cōmit much euill in a common wealth. He taught the Chaldeans to honour the fyre, he was the firſt that preſumed to be an abſolute lorde, and the firſte that euer requyred of men homage and ſeruice. This curſed tyraunte ended his lyfe in the golden world, wherin al thinges were in common, with the common wealth. For the auncientes vſed their goodes in common: but their willes onelye they reſerued to them ſelues. They ought not to thinke it a lighte matter, for his perſon to haue bene a Tiraunt: but they ought to thinke it a greater mater, to haue bene a rebell in a common wealthe. And muche more they oughte to take and eſteame it as an euill matter in hym, whyche hathe bene (as he was) a diſturber of the good cuſtomes of hys countrye: but the moſte vniuſte of all is, to leaue behynd hym anye euyll cuſtome brought into the common wealthe. For if hee deſerue greate infamye whyche woorketh euyll in hys lyfe: trulye hee deſerueth muche moore, whych trauayleth to bryng that euyl in vre after hys death. Euſebius ſemeth to affirme, that after this Nimrod had deſtroyed the realme of Chaldea by his plagues, he came to dwel in Italy with viii. ſonnes, & built the citie of Cameſa, which afterwards, in Saturnes time was called Valentia, & in the time of Romulus it was called as it is at this preſent, Rome. And ſithe this thinge was thus, a man ought not to maruaile that Rome in auncient time was poſſeſſed with tyraunts, and with tirauntes beaten downe, ſince by ſo famous & renowmed tyraunts it was founded. For euen as Hieruſalem was the doughter of the pacient, & the manſion of the quyet kinges in Aſia: ſo was Rome the mother of proude princes in Europe. The hiſtories of the gentiles (which knew not the holy ſcripture) declare in an other ſort the beginninge of Signorye and ſeruitude, & when they came into the worlde: for the Idolatrers not onlye did not know the creatoure of the world: but alſo they were ignoraunte of many things which beganne in the world. They therefore ſay, that the Tyranne Nimrod (amongeſt the others) had a ſonne called Belus. & that this Belus was the firſt, ye raigned in the land of Syria, & that he was the firſt that inuented warres on the earth, & that he ſet vp the firſt monarchie among ye Aſſirians & in the end he died after he had reigned 60 and 5. yeres in Aſia & left the world in great warres. The firſt monarchie of the worlde, was that of the Aſſirians, & continued 132. yeres. The firſt king was Belus, & the laſt king was Sardanapalus, whom (at that tyme when he was ſlaine) they found ſpinninge with women hauing a diſtaffe in his hand, wherwith they vſe to ſpinne: & truly this vile death was to good for ſuch a cowardly king. For the prince ought not to defend that with the diſtafe, that his predeceſſours had wonne with the ſworde. As we haue ſaid Nimrod begat Belus: who had to wife Semyramis, which was the mother of Ninus, which Ninus ſucceded his father in tyranny, & in the empire alſo: and both the mother & the ſonne not cōtented to be Tyraunts, inuented ſtatues of newe gods. For mans malice pourſueth rather the euil, which the wicked do inuent: then the good which vertuous men begine. We would haue ſhewed you how the graundfather & the father, ye mother & the ſonne, were Idolatrers & warlicke, to the end princes and great Lords might ſe, that they beganne their Empyres, more for that they were ambitious parſonnes, then for that they were good paciente: or vertuous men Albeit that Nimerod was the firſt that euer committed anye tyranny, & whether it be true or not, that Belus was the firſte that inuented warres, and that Chodorlaormor was the firſt that inuented battayles, and that ther be others, wherof the writinges make no mencion: euery man taking for himſelfe, & afterwards all togethers: thoſe were occaſions of euyll enough in the world, to agre vnto thoſe things. Our inclinacion is greatly to be blamed, for thoſe which haue credit for their euil, are many: and thoſe whych haue power to do well, are very fewe.

¶Of the golden age in times paſt, and worldly miſerie which we haue at this preſent. Cap. xxxi.

IN the firſt age & golden world, al liued in peace, ech man toke care for his owne lands, euery one planted & ſowed their trees & corne, eueryone gathered his frutes and cut his vynes, kned their breade, and brought vp their children, and finally all liued by their owne proper ſwette & trauaile, ſo that they all liued without the preiudice or hurt of any other. O worldly malice, O curſed & wicked world, that thou neuer ſuffereſt things to remaine in one eſtate, and thought I cal the curſed, maruaile not therat: for when we are in moſt proſperitie, then thou with death perſecuteſt vs moſt cruelly. Without teares I ſay not that I wil ſay, that 2000 yeres of the world wer paſt before we knew what the world ment, god ſuffering it, and worldly malice inuenting it, ploughes were turned into weapons, oxen to horſes, goades to lances, whippes to arrowes, ſlinges to croſbowes, ſimplycitye into malice, trauaile into Idlenes, reſt to paine, peace to warre, loue to hatred, charitie to crueltie, Iuſtice to tyranny, profite to domage, almes to theft, & aboue al, fayth into Idolatrie. And finallye the ſwete they had to profite in their owne goods, they tourned to bloud ſheading, to the domage of the comon wealth. And herein the world ſheweth it ſelfe to be a world, herein worldly malice ſheweth it ſelfe to be malicious, in ſomuch as the one reioyceth, & the other lamenteth: the one reioceth to ſtomble, to the end the other may fall & breake his necke, the one reioyceth to be poore, to the end the other maye not be riche: the one reioyſeth to be diſpraiſed, to the end the other may not be honored: the one delighteth to be ſad, to the ende the other ſhoulde not be merye: & to conclude we are ſo wicked, that we baniſhe the good from our owne houſe, to the end that the euill might enter in at the gates of an other man. When the creator created the whole world, he gaue to eche thinge immediatly his place: that is to wete, he placed intelligence, in the vppermoſte heauen: he placed the ſtarres, in the firmament: the planettes, in the orbes: the byrdes in the ayre: the earth on the center: the fyſhes in the water: the ſerpentes, in the holes: the beaſtes in the mountaines: and to al in generallye he gaue place to reſte them ſelues in. Now let princes and great Lordes be vaine glorious ſayenge that they are Lords of the earth, for truly of all that is created, god only is the true Lord therof, becauſe the miſerable man for his part, hath but the vſe of ye fruit, for if we thinke it reaſonable that we ſhould enioy the profite of that which is created: then were it more conuenient we ſhould acknowledge god to be the Lord therof. I do not deny, but confeſſe, ye God created al things, to the end they ſhould ſerue man vpō condicion, that mā ſhold ſerue God likewiſe: but whē the creature riſeth againſt god, immediatly the creator reſiſteth againſt man. For it is but reaſon yt he be diſobeyd, who one only cōmaundemēt wil not obey. O what euil fortune hath ye creature, only for diſobeying ye comaundement of his creator. For if man had kept his cōmaundement in Paradiſe, god had conſerued to the world ye ſignorie: but the creatures whome he created for his ſeruice, are occaſion to him of great troubles: for the ingratitude of benefit, heapeth great ſorow to ye diſcret hart. It is great pitie to behold the man that was in paradiſe, & yt might haue bene in heauen: & now to ſe him in the world, & aboue al to be interred in ye intrailes of the earth. For in terreſtiall paradiſe, he was innocent, & in heauen he had bene bleſſed, but nowe he is in the worlde, enuirouned with cares, and afterwardes he ſhalbe throwen into hys graue, and gnawen of the wormes. Let vs nowe ſee the diſobedience wee hadde in the commaundemente of GOD, and what fruite we haue gathered in the world. For he is very ſimple, that dare commit any vice, taking no delight nor pleaſure therof in his body. In my opinion, through the ſinnes whiche our forefathers committed in paradiſe, the ſeruitude remaineth in vs their children which are on the earth. For ſo much as if I entre into the water I drowne, if I touche the fire I burne, if I cone neare a dog he biteth me, if I threaten a horſe he caſteth me, if I reſiſte the wynde it bloweth me downe, if I perſecute the ſerpent he poyſoneth me, if I ſmite the beare he deſtroieth me, and to be brief I ſaie, that the man that without pitie eateth men in his life: the wormes ſhal eate his intrailes in the graue after his death. O princes & great lordes, lode your ſelues with cloth of gold, heape vp your great treaſours, aſſemble many armies, inuente Iuſtes & Torneis, ſeke your paſtimes, reuēge your ſelues of your enemies, ſerue your ſelues with your ſubiectes, marrye your children to mighty kinges, & ſet them in great eſtate, cauſe your ſelues to be feared of your enemies, imploye your bodies to al pleaſures, leue great poſſeſſions to your heires, rayſe ſumptuous buildinges to leaue memory of your perſons, I ſweare by him that ſhal iudge me, that I haue more compaſſion to ſee your ſinfull ſoules, then I haue enuy to ſee your vicious liues. For in the end all paſtimes will vaniſhe away, and they ſhal leaue you for a gage to the hungry wormes of the earth. O if princes did conſider (though they haue bene borne princes, created & noriſhed in great eſtates) that the day thei are borne, death immediatly commeth to ſeke the end of their life, and taketh them here and there when they are whole, & when they are ſicke, now tombling, then riſing, he neuer leaueth them one houre vntill their woful burial. Therfore ſith it is true (as in dede it is) that that whiche princes poſſeſſe in this life is but ſmall, & that which they hope in the other is ſo great: truly I marueile why princes, the which ſhal lie ſo ſtraight in the graue, dare liue in ſuch & ſo great largenes in their life. To be riche, to be lordes, & to haue great eſtates, men ſhould not therof at al be proude, ſince they ſee how fraile mans condicion is: for in thend life is but lone, but death is enheritage. Death is a patrimonie & heritage, which ſucceſſiuely is inherited: but life is a righte, which daily is ſurrendred. For death counteth vs ſomuche his owne, that oftimes vnwa • es he cōmeth to aſſault vs: & life taketh vs ſuch ſtraungers, that oftetimes we not doubting therof it vaniſheth away. If this thing thē be true, why wil princes & great lordes preſume to cōmaunde in a ſtraunge houſe, which is this life: as in their own houſe which is the graue? Leauing aſide the ſaid opinions, I ſay that for ſinne only ſeruitude came to dwell in vs, & entered into the world: for if there had ben no ſinners, we ought to beleue there had bene no lordes, nor ſeruauntes. For as much as ſeruitude generally entred into the world through ſinne, I ſay that the ſignorie of princes is by the deuine commaundement, for he ſaith: by me the king doth gouerne, and by me the prince doth miniſter iuſtice. I conclude in this ſorte, with this reaſon, that ſince it is true princes are ſent by ye handes of god for to gouerne vs, we are bounde in all and for all to obey them: for there is no greater plague in a publike weale, then to be diſobedient to the prince.

¶Howe king Alexander the great after he had ouercome king Darius in Aſia, went to conquere the great India, and of that whiche happened vnto him with the Garamantes, and howe the good life hath more power then any force of warre. Cap. xxxii.

IN the yeare of the creation of the worlde .4970. in the firſte age of the worlde, and in the .4027. yeares of the foundation of Rome, Ia • o being highe prieſt in Hieruſalem, Decius and Mamilius at Rome conſulles, in the thirde yeare of the monarchie of the Greekes, Alexander the great (ſonne to Philipe of Macedonia king) gaue the laſte battayle to Darius kinge of Perſia, wherein kyng Alexander eſcaped very ſore wounded, & Darius ſlayne, ſo that the whole Empire of the Perſes, came vnder the gouernaunce of the Grekes. For the vnfortunate princes doe not onely loſe their lyues with which they came into the worlde: but alſo the realmes whiche they did inherite. After that Darius was dead, and Alexander ſawe him ſelfe lorde of the fielde, & that the Perſes and Medes were become ſubiecte to the Gretians: thoughe manye kynges and lordes died in thoſe cruell battayles, yet it ſemed to Alexander a trifle to be gouernour of all Aſia, wherefore he determined in perſone to goe conquere the great India. For proude and ſtoute hartes, obteining that which they deſire, immediatly begin to eſteme it as litle. All his armies repaired, & placing gouernours in all the realmes of Aſia, Alexander departed to conquer the great India: for he had promiſed and ſworne to his gods, that through al the world there ſhould be but one Empire, and that that ſhoulde be his: and more ouer that he would neuer paſſe through any ſtraunge realme or countrey, but it ſhould geue obedience vnto him, or els forthwith he woulde deſtroye it. For tyrannous hartes haue neuer any regarde to the domage of another, vntill they haue obtained their wicked deſiers. Alexander then going to conquere realmes, and deſtroye prouinces, by chaunce one ſaid vnto him, that on the other ſyde of the mountaines Riphei (towardes the partes of India) was a barbarous nation whiche were called Garamantes, as yet neuer cō quered, neither by the Perſes, Medes, Romaines, nor Grekes, neither any of thē euer triumphed ouer them. For they had no weapons, nor eſtemed them not, ſithe they had no ryches. Kinge Alexander (who for to ſubdue realmes and ſtraunge countries was very diligente and hardy, and to ſee newe thinges very deſyrous) determined not onely to ſende to ſee that countrey: but alſo to go him ſelfe in perſone, and in that place to leaue of him ſome memorye, which thing forthwith he accompliſhed. For he left them Alters, as Hercules left in Gades pillars. For mans harte is ſo ſtoute, that it trauayleth not onely to compare with many, but alſo to excell all. The Embaſſadours of Alexander were ſent to Garamantes, to aduertiſe them of the comming of kyng Alexander the great, and of the terrible and cruell battayles whiche he in warres had ouercome, and to declare vnto them howe the puiſſaunt kynge Darius was ſlayne, and that all Aſia was vnder his ſubiection, and howe euery citie did yelde them ſelues, againſt whome he neither lifted ſpere nor ſworde, becauſe all yelded to his commaundement. With theſe and ſuche other lyke thynges they would haue feared them, for wordes oftimes maketh menne more afraide, ſpecially when they are ſpoken of ſtoute menne: then doe the ſwordes of cowards. Lucius Boſco ſaith, in his thirde booke of the antiquities of the Gretians (of whom the originall of this hiſtorie is drawen) that after the Embaſſadours of Alexander had ſpoken to the Garamantes, they were nothyng at all troubled for the meſſage, neither did they flie from Alexander, nor they prepared any warre, neither toke they in hande any weapons, nor yet they did reſiſte him. Yea and the chiefeſt of all was, that no man of all the countrey euer departed out of his houſe, finally they neither aunſwered the Embaſſadours (of Alexander) to their meſſage, nor yet ſpake one worde vnto them. And truly the Garamantes had reaſon therin, and did in that right wyſely: for it is a folly for a man to perſwade thoſe men with wordes, whiche enterpryſe any thing of will. It is a marueilous matter to heare tell of the hiſtories of thoſe Garamantes (that is to ſaye) that all their houſes were of equall height, all men were appareled a lyke, the one had no more authoritie then another, in fedyng they were no gluttons, in drynking wyne they were temperate, of plees and debates they were ignoraunt, they would ſuffer no idle man to lyue among them, they had no weapons, becauſe they had no ennemies, and generally they ſpake fewe wordes, but that whiche they ſpake was alwayes true. Kyng Alexander being ſomewhat informed of thoſe Garamantes, and their lyfe, determined to ſende for them, and called them before his preſence, and inſtantly deſired them, if they had any wyſe men amonge them, to bryng them vnto hym, and by wrytinge or by worde of mouthe to ſpeake ſomewhat vnto him. For Alexander was ſuche a frende to ſage men, that all the realmes whiche he ouercame, immediatly he gaue to his men, excepting the ſages whiche he kepte for his owne perſone. Quintus Curtius, by kyng Alexander ſayeth, that a prince doeth well ſpende his treaſours to conquere many Realmes, onely to haue the conuerſation of one wyſe man. And truly he had reaſon, for to princes it is more profite, in their lyfe to be accompanied with ſages: then after their death, to leaue great treaſures to their heires. Certayne of thoſe Garamantes then beinge come before the preſence of Alexander the greate, one amonge them (as they thought the moſte auncienteſt) him ſelfe alone (the reſidue keapynge ſilence) in the name of them all ſpake theſe wordes.

¶Of an oration whiche one of the ſages of Garamantia made vnto kyng Alexander. A goodly leſſon for al ambitious men. Cap. xxxiii.

IT is a cuſtome king Alexander, amongeſt vs Garamantes, to ſpeake ſeldome one to another, and ſcarſely neuer to ſpeake with ſtraungers, eſpecially if they be buſy and vnquiet men: for the tongue of an euyll man is no other, but a playne demonſtration of his enuious harte. When they tolde vs of thy comming into this countrie, immediatly we determined not to goe out to receyue thee, nor to prepare our ſelues to reſiſte thee, neyther to lyfte vp our eyes to behold thee, nor to open our mouthes to ſalute thee, neither to moue our handes to trouble thee, ne yet to make warre to offende thee. For greater is the hate that we beare to ryches and honors, whiche thou loueſt: then the loue is that thou haſt to deſtroye men, and ſubdue countreis, which we abhorre. It hath pleaſed thee we ſhould ſee thee, not deſiring to ſee thee, and we haue obeied thee, not willing to obey thee, and that we ſhoulde ſalute thee, not deſirous to ſalute thee, wherewith we are content, vpon condicion that thou be pacient to heare vs. For that whiche we will ſaye vnto thee, ſhall tende more vnto the amendement of thy lyfe: then to diſwade thee frō conquering of our countrey. For it is reaſon that princes whiche ſhall come hereafter do know, why we liuing ſo litle eſteme yt which is our own: & why thou dieng taking ſuche paynes to poſſeſſe that whiche is an other mans. O Alexander, I aſke thee one thing, and I doubte whether thou canſt aunſwere me thereunto or no: for thoſe hartes which are proude, are alſo moſte commonly blinded. Tell me whether thou goeſt? from whence thou commeſt? what thou meaneſt? what thou thinkeſt? what thou deſireſt? what thou ſekeſt? what thou demaundeſt? what thou ſearcheſt? and what thou procureſt? and further to what realmes and prouinces thy diſordinate appetite extendeth? without a cauſe I doe not demaunde thee this queſtion, what is that thou demaundeſt, and what it is that thou ſekeſt: for I thinke thou thy ſelfe knoweſt not what thou wouldeſt. For proud and ambitious hartes knowe not what will ſatiſfie them. Sith thou art ambitious, honor deceiueth thee: ſithe thou art prodigall, couetouſnes begileth thee: ſithe thou art younge, ignoraunce abuſeth thee: and ſithe thou art proude, all the worlde laugheth thee to ſcorne: in ſuche ſorte, that thou followeſt men and not reaſon, thou followeſt thyne owne opinion and not the counſel of another, thou embraſeſt flatterers, and repulſeſt vertuous menne. For princes and noble men had rather be commended with lies, then to be reproued with truthe. I can not tell to what ende you princes lyue ſo diſceiued, and abuſed, to haue and kepe in your pallaces mo flatterers, iuglers, and fooles: then wyſe and ſage mē. For in a princes pallace if there be any which extolleth their doings, there are tenne thouſand which abhorre their tyrannies. I perceiue by theſe dedes (Alexander) that the gods wyll ſoner ende thy lyfe, then thou wilt ende thy warres. The man that is brought vp in debates, diſcentions, and ſtrife, al his felicitie conſiſteth in burning, deſtroying, and bloudſheding. I ſee thee defended with weapons, I ſee thee accompanied with tyrauntes, I ſee thee robbe the temples, I ſee thee without profite waſt the treaſours, I ſee thee murder the innocent, and trouble the pacient, I ſee thee euill willed of all, and beloued of none, whiche is the greateſt euil of al euilles. Therfore how were it poſſible for thee to endure ſuche and ſo great trauayles, vnleſſe thou art a foole, or els becauſe god hath appointed it to chaſtiſe thee. The Gods ſuffer oftetimes that men being quiet, ſhould haue ſome weighty affaires, & that is not for that they ſhould be honored at this preſent, but to the end thei ſhould be puniſhed for that which is paſt. Tell me I praye thee, peraduenture it is no great folly to empoueryſhe many, to make thy ſelfe alone riche? it is not (peraduenture) folly that one ſhoulde commaunde by tyranny, and that al the reſt loſe the poſſeſſion of their ſignorie? It is not folly perchaunce to leue (to the damnation of our ſoules) many memories in the world of our body? It is not folly perchaunce that the Gods approue thy diſordinate appetite alone, and condemne the wil and opinion of all the worlde beſyde? peraduenture it is not folly to winne (with the teares of the poore, and comfortleſſe wydowes) ſo great and bloudie victories? peraduenture it is no folly, willingly to wette the earth with the bloud of innocentes, onely to haue a vayne glory in this world? Thou thinkeſt it no folly peraduenture, god hauing deuided the worlde into ſo many people, that thou ſhouldeſt vſurpe them to thee alone? O Alexander, Alexander, truly ſuch workes proceade not from a creature noryſhed among men on the earth: but rather of one that hath bene broughte vp among the infernall furies of hell. For we are not bounde to iudge men by the good nature they haue: but by their good and euyll workes whiche they doe. The man is curſed (if he haue not bene curſed he ſhalbe curſed) that liueth to the preiudice of all other in this world preſent: onely to be counted couragious, ſtoute, and hardy in tyme to come. For the gods ſeldome ſuffred them to enioye that quietly in peace, whiche they haue gotten vniuſtly in the warres. I would aſke the, what inſolency moued the to rebel againſt thy lorde king Darius after whoſe death thou haſt ſought to conquere all the worlde, and this thou doeſt not as a kyng that is an inheriritour: but as a tyraunt that is an oppreſſor. For him properly we call a tyraunt, that without iuſtice and reaſon taketh that which is an other mans. Either thou ſearcheſt iuſtice, or thou ſearcheſt peace, or els thou ſearcheſt ryches, and our honor, thou ſearcheſt reſt, or els thou ſearcheſt fauoure of thy frendes, or thou ſearcheſt vengeaunce of thyne enemies. But I ſweare vnto thee (Alexander) that thou ſhalt not finde any of all theſe thinges if thou ſeakeſt by this meanes, as thou haſt begonne: for the ſwete ſuger is nor of the nature of the bitter gumbe. Howe ſhall we beleue thou ſearcheſt iuſtice, ſith againſt reaſon and iuſtice, by tyranny thou ruleſt all the earth? howe ſhall we beleue thou ſearcheſt peace, ſithe thou cauſeſt them to paie tribute which receiueth thee: and thoſe which reſiſte thee, thou handleſt them like enemies? howe can we beleue that thou ſearcheſt reſte, ſithe thou troubleſt all the worlde? How can we beleue thou ſearcheſt gentlenes, ſithe thou arte the ſcourge and ſworde of humaine fraylnes? howe can we beleue that thou ſearcheſt ryches, ſithe thine owne treaſure ſuffiſeth thee not, neyther that whiche by the vanquiſhed cometh vnto thy handes, nor that which the conquerours offer thee? how ſhal we beleue thou ſearcheſt profite to thy frēds, ſithe that of thyne olde frendes thou haſte made newe enemies? I let thee vnderſtande Alexander, that the greateſt ought to teache the leaſte, and the leaſte ought to obeye the greateſt. And frendſhippe is onely amongeſt equalles. But thou, ſithe thou ſuffereſt none in the worlde to be equall and lyke vnto thee, loke not thou to haue any frende in the worlde. For princes oftymes by ingratitude loaſe faithfull frendes: and by ambicion wynne mortall enemies. Howe ſhall we beleue thou ſearcheſt reuenge of thine enemies, ſythe thou takeſt more vengeaunce of thy ſelfe being aliue: then thyne enemies woulde take of thee if they toke the pryſoner? though perchaunce in times paſt they vſed thy father Philip euill, and haue now diſobeied thee his ſonne. It were better counſell for thee, to make them thy frendes by gentlenes: then to confirme them ennemies by crueltie. For the noble and pitifull hartes, when they are reuenged of any, make of them ſelues a bucherye.

Wee can not with trouthe ſaye, that thy trauayles are well imployed to wynne ſuche honour, ſythe thy conuerſation and lyfe is ſo vnconſtaunt. For trulye honour conſiſteth not in that flatterers ſaye, but in that whiche Lordes doe. For the great familiaritie of the wycked, cauſeth the lyfe to be ſuſpected. Honour is not gotten by lyberall geuinge of treaſoures at hys death, but by ſpendynge it well in his lyfe. For it is a ſufficient profe, that the man whiche eſteameth renowme, dothe lytle regarde money: and it is an apparaunte token, that man, who lytle eſteameth money, greatlye regardeth his renowme.

A man wynneth not honour by murdering innocentes, but by deſtroying tyrauntes: for all the armonie of the good gouernement of princes is, in the chaſtiſing of the euill, and rewarding the good. Honour is not wonne in taking and ſnatching the goodes of an other, but in geuing and ſpendinge his owne. For there is nothing that beautifieth the maieſtie of a prince more, thē to ſhewe his noblenes in extending mercy and fauour to his ſubiectes: and geuing giftes and rewardes to the vertuous. And to conclude, I will let the know who he is, that winneth both honour in this life, and alſo a perpetuall memory after his death: and that is not he whiche leadeth his lyfe in warres, but he that taketh his death in peace. O Alexander, I ſee thou arte younge and that thou deſireſt honour, wherfore I let thee vnderſtande that there is no man farther from honour, then he whiche procureth and deſireth the ſame. For ye ambicious mē not obteining that which they deſire, remayne alwayes defamed: and in wynning and getting that whiche they ſearche, honour notwithſtanding will not followe them. Beleue me in one thynge Alexander, that the true honour ought through worthy deades to be deſerued, and by no meanes to be procured: for all the honour that by tyranny is wonne, in the ende by infamy is loſt. I am ſory for thee Alexander, for I ſee thou wanteſt iuſtice, ſince thou loueſt tyranny. I ſee thou lackeſt peace, becauſe thou loueſt warre. I ſee thou art not ryche, becauſe thou haſt made all the worlde poore. I ſee thou lackeſt reſt, becauſe thou ſekeſt contention and debate. I ſee thou haſt no honour, becauſe that thou winneſt it by infamy. I ſee thou wanteſt frendes, becauſe thou haſte made them thyne ennemies. Finally I ſee thou doeſt not reuenge thy ſelfe of thy ennemies, becauſe thou arte (as they would be) the ſcourge to thy ſelfe. Then ſince it is ſo, why arte thou alyue in this world, ſithe thou lackeſt vertues for the which life ought to be deſired? For truly that man, whiche without his owne profite, and to the domage of another leadeth his life: by iuſtice ought forthwith to loſe his breath. For there is nothing that ſoner deſtroieth the weale publyke, then to permit vnprofitable men therein to liue. Therefore ſpeaking the trouthe, you lordes and princes are but poore. I beleue thou conquereſt the worlde becauſe thou knoweſt not thy ſuperiour therein, and beſydes that thou wylte take lyfe from ſo many, to the ende that by their death thou maieſt wynne renowme. If cruell and warrelike princes (as thou arte) ſhould inherite the liues of them whome they ſlaye, to augmente and prolonge their liues, as they doe inheritie goodes to maintayne their pryde, although it were vnmeate, then warre were tollerable. But what profiteth the ſeruaunt to loſe his life this day, and his maiſters death to be differred but vntil the morowe? O Alexander, to be deſirous to commaunde muche, hauinge reſpite to liue but litle: me thinketh it were a great foly and lacke of wyſedome. Preſumptuous and ambicious men whiche meaſure their workes not with the fewe daies they haue to liue, but with the arrogant and haughty thoughtes they haue to commaunde. They leade their lyfe in trauayle, and take their death with ſorowe. And the remedy hereof is, that if the wyſe man cannot obtayne that which he would, he ſhould content him ſelfe with that which he may. I let thee knowe Alexander, that the perfection of men is not to ſee much, to heare much, to knowe much, to procure much, to come to much, to trauayle much, to poſſeſſe much, and to be able to doe much: but it is to be in in the fauour of the gods. Finally I tell thee that that man is perfecte, who in his owne opinion deſerueth not that he hath, and in the opinion of another deſerueth muche more then that he poſſeſſeth. We are of this opinion amonge vs, that he is vnworthy to haue honour, who by ſuche infamous meanes ſearcheth for it. And therfore thou Alexander deſerueſt to be ſclaue to many, becauſe thou thinkeſt to deſerue the ſignorie ouer all. By the immortall gods I ſweare, I can not imagine the great miſchiefe which entred into thy breaſt, ſo vnrighteouſly to kill kyng Darius (whoſe vaſſale and frende thou wert onely) becauſe thou wouldeſt poſſeſſe the Empire of the whole worlde? For truly ſeruitude in peace is more worth, then ſignorie in warre. And he that ſhall ſpeake againſt that I haue ſpoken, I ſaye he is ſicke and hath loſte his taſte.

¶The ſage Garamante continueth his oration, ſhewing that perpetuitie of life can not be bought with any worldly treaſure. Among other notable matters he maketh mention of the ſeuen lawes which they obſerued. Cap. xxxiiii.

THou wilt not deny me Alexander, that thou wert more healthfull when thou waſte kyng of Macedonia, then thou art nowe being lorde of all the earth: for the exceſſiue trauayle bryngeth menne out of all order. Thou wilt not denye me (Alexander) that the more thou getteſt, the more thou deſireſt: for the hart which with couetouſnes is ſet on fier, cannot with wood and bowes of riches, but with the earth of the graue be ſatiſfied and quenched. Thou wilt not denie me (Alexander) but the aboundaunce that thou thy ſelfe haſt, ſemeth vnto thee litle, and the litle whiche an other man poſſeſſeth, ſemeth vnto thee muche: for the gods, to the ambicious & couetous hartes gaue this for penaunce, that neither with enough nor with to muche they ſhould contente them ſelues. Thou wilt not denie me (Alexander) if in dede thy harte be couetous, that firſt the pleaſures of life ſhall ende before thy couetouſnes: for where vices haue had power long time in the harte, there death onely and none other hath authoritie to pluck vp the rootes. Thou wilt not denie me (Alexander) that though thou haſt more then all, yet thou enioyeſt leaſt of any: for the prince that poſſeſſeth muche, is alwayes occupied in defending it: but the prince that hath litle, hath time and leaſure in quiet to enioye it. Thou wilt not denie me (Alexander) though thou calleſt thy ſelfe lorde of all, yet thou haſt but onely the name thereof, and others thy ſeruauntes & ſubiectes haue all the profites: for the gredy and couetous hartes do trauaile and toyle to get, and in waſting that whiche they haue gotten they pyne awaye. And finally (Alexander) thou wilt not denie me, that all that whiche thou haſt in the longe conqueſt gotten, is litle: and that whiche of thy wyſedome and quietnes thou haſt loſt, is much. For the Realmes whiche thou haſt gotten are innumerable, but the cares, ſighes, and thoughtes whiche thou haſt heaped vpon thy harte are infinite. I let the knowe one thing, that you princes are poorer then the poore ſubiectes: for he is not ryche that hath more then he deſerueth, but he that deſireth to haue leſſe then that he poſſeſſeth. And therfore princes you haue nothing, for though you abound in great treaſures: yet you are poore of good deſires. Nowe Alexander let vs come to the pointe, and caſte accompte, and let vs ſee to what ende thy conqueſt wil come. Eyther thou arte a man, or thou arte a God. And if thou be any of the gods, commaunde or cauſe that we be immortall: and if thou canſt doe any ſuche thing, then take vs and our goods withall. For perpetuitie of the lyfe, by no riches can be boughte. O Alexander, I let thee vnderſtande, that therefore we ſeke not to make warre with thee: for we ſee that bothe from thee and alſo from vs, death will ſhortly take away the life. For he is a very ſimple man, that thinketh alway to remayne in an other mans houſe, as in his owne. If thou Alexander couldeſt geue vs as god euerlaſtinge life, eche man would trauayle to defende his owne houſe: but ſithe we knowe we ſhal die ſhortly, we care litle whether to thee or any other our goods & riches remaine. For if it be folly to dwell in an other mans houſe as in his owne, it is a greater folly to him that loſeth his life, in taking thought and lamenting for his goodes. Preſuppoſe that thou art not god but a man, I coniure the then by the immortal gods, and do require the that thou lyue as a man, behaue thy ſelfe as a man, and couet no more then an other man, neither deſyre more nor leſſe then a man? for in the end thou ſhalt die as a mā, and ſhal be buried as a man, and throwen into the graue, & then there ſhalbe no more memorie of thee. I tolde thee before that it greued me to ſee thee ſo hardy & couragious, ſo apte and ſo younge, and nowe it greueth me to ſee thee ſo deceiued with the world: and that which I perceiue of thee is, that then thou ſhalt knowe thy folly, when thou ſhalt not be able to finde any remedy. For if the proude younge man before he feleth the wound, hath all redy the oyntment. You whiche are Grecians call vs Barbarous, becauſe we enhabite the mountaines. But as touching this I ſay, that we reioyce to be Barbarous in our ſpeache, and Greekes in our doinges: and not as you which haue the Grecians tongue, and doe Barbarous workes. For he that doth well, & ſpeaketh rudely, is no barbarous man: but he which hath the tongue good, and the life euill. Sithe I haue begonne to that ende nothing remaynd vnſpoken, I will aduertiſe thee of our lawes and life, and marueile not to here it, but deſire to obſerue and kepe it: for infinite are they whiche extolle vertuous workes, but fewe are they whiche obſerue the ſame. I let thee wete (Alexander) that we haue ſhort life, we are fewe people, we haue litle landes, we haue litle goodes, we haue no couetouſnes, wee haue fewe lawes, we haue fewe houſes, wee haue fewe frendes, and aboue all we haue no enemies. For a wyſe man ought to be frende to one, and enemy to none. Beſides all this we haue amongeſt vs great frendſhippes, good peace, great loue, much reſte, and aboue all we holde our ſelues contented. For it is better to enioy the quietnes of the graue, then to liue a diſcontented life. Our lawes are fewe, but in our opinions they are good, and are in ſeuen wordes onely included as here foloweth. We ordaine that our children make no more lawes then we their fathers doe leaue vnto them: for newe lawes maketh them forget good and olde cuſtomes. We ordayne that our ſucceſſours ſhall haue no mo Gods then twoo, of the whiche the one god ſhalbe for the life, and the other for the death: for one God well ſerued is more worth, then many not rewarded. We ordaine that all be appareled with one cloth, and hoſed of one ſorte, and that the one haue no more apparell then the other: for the diuerſitie of garmentes edgendreth folly among the people. We ordeine that whan any woman which is maried hath had thre childrē, that then ſhe be ſeparated from her huſband: for the aboundaunce of children cauſeth men to haue couetous hartes. And if any woman hath broughte forth any mo children, then they ſhould be ſacrificed vnto the gods before her eies. We ordeine that all men and women ſpeake the truthe in all thinges, and if any be taken in a lie, committing no other fault, that immediatly he be put to death for the ſame. For one lyer is able to vndo a whole multitude. We ordeine that no woman liue aboue .xl. yeres, and that the man lyue vntill fiftie, and if they die not before that time, that then they be ſacrifiſed to the gods: for it is a great occaſion for men to be vicious, to thinke that they ſhal lyue many yeares

¶That princes ought to conſider, for what cauſe they were made princes, and what Thales the philoſopher was, of the .xii. queſtions aſked him, and of his aunſwere he made vnto them. Cap xxxv.

IT is a commen and an old ſaiyng (whiche many times by Ariſtotle the noble prince hath bene repeted) that in the ende all thinges are done to ſome purpoſe: for there is no worke (neither good nor euill) but he that doth it, meaneth it to ſome end. If thou demaundeſt the gardener to what ende he watereth ſo oft his plantes, he wil aunſwere thee it is to get ſome money for his herbes. If thou demaundeſt why the ryuer runneth ſo ſwift, a man wil aunſwere thee that his ende is to the ſea from whence it came. If thou demaundeſt why the trees budde in the ſpring time, they will aunſwere, to the ende they may beare frute in harueſt. If we ſee a trauayler paſſe the mountaines in the ſnow, the ryuers with perill, the woodes in feare, to walke in extreme heate in ſommer, to wander in the night time in the colde wynter, & if by chaunce a man doth aſke one of them ſaiyng: frend whether goeſt thou? wherfore takeſt thou ſuch paines? and he aunſwereth truly ſyr I know no more then you to what ende, neither can I tell why I take ſo much paines. I aſke thee now what would a wyſe man aunſwere to this innocent trauayler? Truly (hearing no more) he would iudge him to be a foole: for he is muche infortunate, that for all his trauaile loketh for no rewarde. Therfore to our matter, a prince which is begottē as an other man, borne as an other man, lyueth as an other man, dieth as an other man, and beſides al this commaundeth all men, if of ſuche one we ſhould demaunde why god gaue him ſignory, and that he ſhould anſwere he knoweth not, but that he was borne vnto it, in ſuch caſe let euery man iudge, how vnworthy ſuche a kyng is to haue ſuch authorie. For it is vnpoſſible for a man to miniſter iuſtice, vnleſſe he knowe before what iuſtice meaneth. Let princes and noble men heare this worde, and let them imprinte it in their memory, whiche is, that when the liuing god determined to make kinges and lordes in this worlde, he did not ordeyne theym to eate more then others, to drynke more then others, to ſleape more then others, to ſpeake more then others, nor to reioyce more then others: but he created them vpon condition, that ſithe he had made them to commaunde more then others, they ſhoulde be more iuſte in their lyues then others. It is a thinge moſte vniuſte, and in the common wealth very ſclaunderous, to ſee with what authoritie a puiſſaunt man cōmaundeth thoſe that be vertuous: and with how much ſhame, himſelfe is bounde to all vices. I knowe not what lorde he is that dare puniſhe his ſubiecte for one onely offence committed, ſeing him ſelfe to deſerue for euery deede to be chaſtiſed. For it is a monſterous thing that a blynd man ſhould take vppon him to leade him that ſeeth. They demaunded great Cato the Cenſor, what a king ought to do that he ſhould be beloued, feared, and not deſpyſed, he anſwered. The good prince ſhould be compared to hym that ſelleth tryacle, who if the poyſon hurte hym not, he ſelleth his triacle well. I meane thereby, that the punyſhement is taken in good parte of the people, which is not miniſtred by the vicious man. For he that maketh the triacle ſhall neuer be credited, vnleſſe the profe of his triacle be openly knowen and tried. I meane that the good lyfe is none other, then a fine triacle to cure the cōmon wealth. And to whome is he more lyke whiche with his tongue blaſeth vertues, and imployeth his deades to all vyces: then vnto the man, who in the one hand holdeth poyſon to take away lyfe, and in the other tryacle to reſiſte deathe? To the ende that a lorde be wholy obeyed, it is neceſſary that all that he cō maundeth be obſerued firſte in his owne perſone: for no lorde can nor may withdrawe him ſelfe from vertuous workes. This was the aunſwere that Cato the Cenſor gaue, whiche in mine opinion was ſpoken more like a Chriſtian, then any Romaine. When the true god came into the worlde, he imployed thirtie yeares onely in workes, and ſpente but two yeres and a halfe in teaching: For mans harte is perſwaded more with the worke he ſeeketh, then with the worde whiche he hea • eth. Thoſe therefore whiche are lordes, let them learne and knowe of him which is the true lorde, and alſo let princes learne why they are princes: for he is not a Pylot which neuer ſayled on the ſeas. In mine opinion if a prince will know why he is a prince, I would ſaye to gouerne well his people, to commaunde well, and to mainteyne all in Iuſtice, and this ſhould not be with wordes to make them afrayde, neyther by workes whiche ſhould offende them: but by ſwete wordes whiche ſhould encourage them, and by the good workes that ſhoulde edifie them. For the noble and gentle harte can not reſiſte hym, that with a louynge countenaunce commaundeth. Thoſe whiche wyll rule and make tame fierce and wylde beaſtes, doe threaten and rebuke them a hundred tymes, before they beate them once: and if they keape them tied, they ſhewe them ſondrie pleaſures. So that the wyldenes of the beaſte is taken away, onely by the gentyll and pleaſaunt vſage of the man. Therefore ſithe we haue this experience of brute and ſauage beaſtes (that is to wete) that by their wel doing, and by the gentle handling of them, they voluntarely ſuffer them ſelues to be gouerned: muche more experience we reaſonable men ought to haue, that is to knowe, that being right and well gouerned, we ſhoulde hū blye and willingly obey our ſoueraigne lordes. For there is no man ſo harde harted, but by gentyll vſage will humble him ſelfe. O princes and noble men. I will tell you in one worde what the lorde oughte to doe, in the gouernement of his commō wealth. Euery prince that hath his mouth full of troth, his handes open to geue rewardes, and his eares ſtopped to lyes, and his hert open to mercy, ſuch a one is happy, and the realme which hath him may wel be called proſperous, and the people maye call them ſelues fortunate.

For where as truth, liberalitie, and clemency ruleth in the harte of a prince, there wronges, iniuries, and oppreſſions doe not reigne. And contrariwyſe where the prince hath his harte fleſſhed in crueltie, his mouthe full of tyrannies, his handes defyled with bloude, and enclineth his eares to heare lyes, ſuche a prince is vnhappy, and muche more the people the whiche by ſuche one is gouerned. For it is vnpoſſible that there is peace and iuſtice in the common wealthe, if he whiche gouerneth it, be a louer of lyes, and flatterers. In the yere foure hundreth and fourty, before the incarnatiō of Chriſt, whiche was in the yere .244. of the foundation of Rome, Darius the fourthe being kyng of Perſia, and Brutus and Lucius at Rome Counſulles, Thales the great Phyloſopher floryſhed in Greece, who was prince of the ſeuen renowmed ſages, by the whiche occaſion, all the realme of Greece had and recouered renowme. For Greece boaſted more of the ſeuen ſages whiche they had, then Rome did of all the valiaunt captaines whiche ſhe nouryſhed.

There was at that tyme muche contention betwene the Romaynes and the Greekes, for ſo muche as the Greekes ſayde they were better, becauſe they had mo ſages, and the Romaines ſayde the contrary that they were better, becauſe they had alwayes mo armies. The Greekes replied againe that there were no lawes made but in Grece. And the Romaines to this anſwered, that though they were made in Greece, yet they were obſerued at Rome. The Greekes ſayde, that they had great vniuerſities to make wyſe men in. And the Romaines ſayde they had many great temples to worſhip their Gods in: for that in the ende they oughte to eſteme more one ſeruice done to the immortall goddes: then all the other commodities that myghte come vnto men. A Thebane knight was demaunded, what he thoughte of Rome and Greece? and he aunſwered, me thynkes the Romaines are no better then the Greekes, nor the Greekes than the Romaines. For the Greekes glorie in their tongues, and the Romaines in their lances. But we referre it to vertuous workes. For one good worke is more worth, then either the longe ſtaues of the Romaines, or the eloquent tongues of the Greekes. Therefore touching my matter, this philoſopher Thales was the firſte that founde the pole (called the north ſtarre) to ſayle by, and the firſte that founde the deuiſion of the yeares, the quantitie of the Sonne and the Moone, and the firſte that ſayde ſoules were immortall, and that the worlde had a ſoule. And aboue all he would neuer mary, for the care to content the wyfe, and the thought to brynge vp the children, doth muche dull the wyttes of wyſe men. This philoſopher Thales was very poore, wherefore (ſome diſdayninge hym for his pouertie) to declare and ſhewe that he was more ryche then all they, he bought the next yeare all the Olyues he coulde get: for by Aſtronomie he knewe that in the thirde yeare there woulde be a great wante and ſcarſitie thereof throughout all the countrey. Wherefore all were compelled to come to him for Oliues, whiche at his owne price he ſolde: and in this ſorte he ſhewed them that mocked him, that he wyllingly deſpyſed ryches, and louingly imbraced pouertie. For he that willingly in this world is poore ought not to be called poore. This philoſopher Thales was a mirror amōgſt the ſages of Grece, & was greatly reuerenced of all the kinges of Aſia, & highlye renowmed in Rome. And further he was ſo wiſe and had ſo redy a wit, that to all ſodaine queſtions he was demaunded, he gaue preſent aunſwere furthwith: which thing declared him to be of a marueilous wytte, and truly it was a great matter. For the moſt parte of mortal men can not tel how to aunſwere, nor what to demaunde. Many and diuerſe queſtiōs we aſked him, as Diogenes Laertius affirmeth, in the anſwering wherof he ſhewed great wyſedome, the treaſure of memory, and ſubtiltie of vnderſtanding.

Firſt he was aſked what god was, Thales anſwered: of all the moſt antiquities God is the moſte auncient thing. For all the auncientes paſt neither ſawe him take beginning, nor thoſe which ſhal come ſhal ſe him haue ending

Secondarily he was aſked what thing was moſte beautiful, he aunſwered the worlde: becauſe no artificiall painting could make the like.

Thirdly he was aſked what was the greateſt thing, to that he aunſwered, place, wherein all thinges doe ſtande. For the place whiche conteineth all, of neceſſitie muſt be greater then all.

Fourthly it was aſked him who knoweth moſte, he aunſwereth: that no man was wyſer then tyme, becauſe tyme alwayes onelye inuented newe thinges, and is he whiche renueth the olde.

Fiftly they aſked him, what was the lighteſt thinge, he aunſwered: the wytte of man, becauſe that without trauayle and daungers it paſſeth the ſea, to diſcouer and compaſſe all the whole earth.

Sixtly they aſked hym, what was the ſtrongeſt thing, he ſayde: the man that is in neceſſitie, for neceſſitie reuiueth the vnderſtanding of the rude, and cauſeth the cowarde to be hardy in peryll.

Seuenthly they aſked him, what was the hardeſt thing to knowe, he anſwered: for man to know him ſelfe, for there ſhould be no contentions in the worlde if man knewe him ſelfe.

Eightly they aſked him, what thing was ſweteſt to obteine, he aunſwered: deſire, for the man reioyſeth to remembre the paines paſt, and to obtaine to that whiche he deſyreth preſent.

Ninthly they aſked him, when the enuious man is quiet, he aunſwered: when he ſeeth his enemy dead or vtterly vndone. For truly the proſperitie of the enemy is a ſharpe knife to the enuious harte.

Tenthly he was aſked, what mā ſhuld do to liue vprightly, he anſwered: to take ye coūcel to him ſelf, which he geueth to an other. For ye vndoing of al men is, that they haue plenty of councell for others, & want for them ſelues.

The eleuenth queſtion was, they aſked him what profite he hath that is not couetous, wherunto he anſwered: that ſuch a one is deliuered from the tormentes of his auarice, and beſides that he recouereth frendes for his perſone: for ryches tormenteth the auaricions becauſe he ſpendeth them not.

The .xii. they aſked him what the prince ſhould doe to gouerne others, he anſwered: he ought firſte to gouerne him ſelfe, and then afterwardes to gouerne others. For it is vnpoſſible the rodde ſhould be right, wher the ſhadow is croked. By the occaſion of this laſt aunſwere I did bring in here all theſe queſtions, to the end princes and rulers might ſee, how that euery one of thē is as the rod of iuſtice, and that the common wealth is none other but a ſhadowe of them, which in al, and for all ought to be right. For immediatly it is perceiued in the ſhadowe of the common wealth, if the iuſtice or lyfe of him whiche gouerneth be out of his order. Therefore concluding all that I haue ſpoken before, if a prince would aſke me why he is a prince, I would tel him in one word only, that he which is the highe prince hath made you a prince in this world, to the end you ſhould be a diſtroyer of heretykes, a father of orphanes, a frend of ſages, a hater of malicyous, a ſcourge of tirauntes, a rewarder of good, a defender and protector of Churches, a plague of the wicked, a onely louer and frend of the common wealth, and aboue al you ought to be an vpright myniſter of iuſtice: beginning firſt with your parſon & pallace, for in all thinges amendment is ſuffered, except in iuſtice, which ought to be equal betwene the prince and the common wealth.

¶What Plutarch the Philoſopher was. Of the wiſe words he ſpake to Traian the Emperoure, And howe the good Prince is the head of the publike weale. Cap. xxxvi.

IN the time of Traian the Emperour, ther flouriſhed in his court a Philoſopher named Plutarch, a man very pure, and of good lyfe, wiſe in ſcience, & wel eſtemed in Rome. For Traian the Emperour deſyred greatlye to haue wyſe men in his company, and to make notable and ſumptuous buildings in euery place wher he came, It is he which wrote the lyues of many noble Grekes and Romaynes, and aboue all he made a booke entytuled the doctrine of Prynces, whych he offered to the Emperour Traian, in the which he ſheweth his vertues, the zeale which he had to the common wealth, ye highnes of his eloquence: and the profoundneſſe of his knowledge. For he was elegant in writing, and pleaſaunt in ſpeakyng, and among all other thinges which he wrote in his booke, were theſe wordes folowing, worthy to be noted, and written in golden letters: and they are ſuch. I let the to wete Lord Traian, that thou and the Empire are but one miſticall bodye, in maner and fourme of a liuely body, for they ought to be ſo agreable, that the Emperour ſhould reioyce to haue ſuch ſubiectes, and the Empyre ought to be glade to haue ſuch a Lord. And to the end we may deſcribe the miſtical body, which is the Empire in the fourme and ſhape of an natural man, you ſhal vnderſtand that the head which is aboue al, is the prince which commaundeth al: the eyes wherby we ſe, are the good men in the commonwealth whom we folow: the eares that heare what we ſay, are the ſubiects which do what we commaund them: the tongue wherwith we ſpeake, are the ſages of whom we here the lawes & doctrines: the heeres which groweth on our heads, are thoſe which are vexed & greued, and that demaund iuſtice of the kinge: the hands & the armes, are the knightes which reſiſt the enemyes: ye feete which ſuſteineth the membres, are the tillers of the ground which geueth meate to al eſtates: the hard bones that ſuſteineth the feble & ſoft fleſh, are the ſage mē which endure the trauaile of the common wealthe: the harts which we ſee not outwardly, are the priuye councellours: Finally the necke that knitteth the bodye with the head, is the loue of the kinge and of the Realme, whiche make a common wealth. All the wordes aboue named ſpake Plutarche the greate, to Traian the Emperoure. And trulye the inuencion and grace of him, proceaded of a hygh and deape vnderſtanding: for the heade hath thre properties, whiche are verye neceſſarye for the gouernoure of the common wealth. The firſt is, that euen as the head is of al other members of the body ye hygheſt: ſo the aucthoritie of the prince, exceadeth ye eſtates of al others. For the prince only hath aucthoritie to commaund, and al others are bound to obey. Admyt therbe many ſtout, rich, & noble men in the comon wealth: yet al ought to know and acknowledge ſeruice to the Lord of the ſame. For the noble and worthy princes, do dayly eaſe many of dyuerſe ſeruices, but they wil neuer except anye from their loyaltie, and allegeaunce. Thoſe which are valiaunt, and mightie in a Realme, ſhould contente themſelues with that, wherwith the battilments doe vpon a caſtel, (that is to wete) that they are higher then the rampers wherin men walke on the walles, and lower then the pinakelles which are in the toppe. For the wiſe man of highe eſtate, ought not to regard the prince which is the highe pinacle, but ought to loke on the alleys which are the poore comfortles. I would ſpeake a worde and it greueth me (that is) wheras great lordes deſire in the common wealthe to commaund, is like vnto him that holdeth his armes and handes ouer his head. For al that I haue herde, and for all that I haue redde, and alſo for al that hath chaunced in my time, I counſell, admoniſhe, and warne all thoſe which ſhal come after this time, that if they wil enioy their goodes, if they will liue in ſafegard, and if they wil be deliuered from tirannye, and liue quiete in the common wealth, that they do not agre to haue in one realme, aboue one king, and one lord. For it a general rule, where there are manye rulers in a common wealth, in the end both it and al muſt periſhe. We ſe by experience, that nature fourmed vs with many ſynewes, many bones, with muche fleſhe, with many fingers, and with many teeth, and to all this one onely body had but one head, wherfore though with many eſtates the common wealth is ordained: yet with one prince alone it ought to be ruled, If it conſiſted in mens handes to make a prince, they would then alſo haue the auctoritie to put him downe: but being true, as it is moſt true in dede, that the prince is conſtituted by God, none but god alone oughte to depriue and depoſe him of his eſtate, but thinges that are meaſured by the deuine iudgement, man hath no power with raſor to cut them. I know not what ambicion the meane can haue, neyther what enuie the loweſt can haue, nor what pride the higheſt can haue, to commaund, and not to obey, ſince we are ſure, that in this miſticall bodye of the common wealth he which is moſt worth, ſhalbe no more eſtemed: then the fingers or paringe of the nayles, or the falling of an heere from the heade, Let euery man therefore liue in peace in his common wealth, and acknowledge obedience vnto his prince: & he that wil not do ſo, away with him: for euen as the onely offence procedeth of hym, ſo let the only paine reſt vpon him. For it is an old ſaying, that he that taketh vp the ſworde againſte his maiſter, wil ſhortlye after lay his heade at his feete. The ſeconde condicion is, to compare the kinge to the hed, becauſe the hed is the beginning of mans life. The moſte part of thinges that euer god created, accordinge to their natures worke their operacions, as in growing highe, and towardes the heauens. We ſe the vapors aſcend high, the plantes groweth highe, the trees budde out on height, the ſourges of the ſea mount highe, and the nature of fier is alwayes to aſcend and mount on highe, only the miſerable man groweth downeward and is brought low by reaſone of the feble and fraile fleſh, which is but earth and commeth of earth, and liueth on earth: & in the end returneth to earth againe from whēce he came. Ariſtotle ſaith well, that man is but a tre planted with the rootes vpward, whoſe roote is the head, and the ſtocke is the bodye, the braunches are the armes, the barcke is the fleſh, the knottes are the bones, the ſappe is ye hart, the rottennes is malice, the gumme is loue, the flowers are words, and the frutes are the good workes. To make the man to go vprightlye, his heade ſhould be wher his feete are, and the feete wher the head is, ſyth the head is the roote, & the feete are the bowes: but in this caſe I ſweare, that we are, correſpondaunte to our beginning, for if our fleſhe be planted contrarywiſe, ſo much more contrary we haue our life ordered. Therfore concerning our matter I ſay, that the Realme hath no leſſe his beginning of the kinge, then the kinge of the realme: whiche thinge is plainlye ſeene, for that the king giueth lawes and inſtitucions to a Realme, and not the Realme to the kyng. The giftes and benefites which the king geueth, commeth to the Realme, & not from the realme to the king. To inuent warres, to take trewſe, to make peace, to reward the good, and to puniſh the euyl, proceadeth from the king to the Realme, and not to the contrary. For it apperteineth onlye to the maieſtie of a prince, to commaund and ordeine: and to the common wealth to autoriſe and obey him. As in a great ſumptuous bylding it is more daungerous, wher one ſtone of the foundacion doth fall, then when .x. thouſand tyles faule from the top: ſo he ought more to be blamed for onely diſobedience commytted and done to the king, and his iuſtice, then for fiue thouſand offences againſt the common wealth. For we haue ſene of a lytle diſobedience, a great ſlaunder aryſe in a common wealthe. O it is a goodly matter for a prince to be beloued of his ſubiectes, and a goodly thing alſo for the realme to be feareful of their king. For the king that is not loued of his ſubiectes, cannot liue in peace nor quyet: and the realme that is not feareful of their king, can not be wel gouerned. The realme Sicilia had alwayes mightye Princes and gouernours: for in auncient time it was gouerned by vertuous princes, or els by cruel & malicious tirauntes. In the time of Senerus the Emperour, ther reigned in Cecil, a king called Lelius Pius, who had ſo many good things in him, that throughout al the empire he was very wel eſtemed, and chiefly for foure lawes amongeſte others hee ordayned in that Realme, whiche were theſe folowing.

We ordaine, that if amongeſte equall perſones there bee anye iniuries offered, that they be puniſhed, or els that they be diſſembled: for wher enuye is roted betwene two, it profiteth more to reconſile their good willes, then to puniſh their perſones. We ordaine that if the greateſt be offended by the leaſt, that ſuch offence be litle reproued, & wel puniſhed: for the audacite & litle ſhame, & alſo the diſobedience of the ſeruaunt to ye maiſter, ought not to be reformed, but by greuous puniſhment. We ordaine, that if any reſiſt or ſpeake againſt the comaundement of a prince, that preſently (without delay) he ſuffer death before them al: for they may boldly by the way of ſupplycacion, reuerently declare their grieffes, and not by ſlaunder rebellyouſly dyſobeye their lordes. We ordaine, that if anye rayſe the common wealthe agaynſte the Prince, hee that canne fyrſte ſtrycke of hys heade, maye lawefullye wythe oute fearynge anye daunger of punyſhemente: for hys heade is iuſtelye taken frome hym, that woulde there ſhoulde be manye heades in the common wealthe. Of all this before ſpoken, Herianus is the authoure, in hys fourthe booke of the kynges of Sicille where hee putteth manye and ſinguler lawes and cuſtomes which the auncientes had to the great confuſion of theſe that be preſent. For truly the auncientes did not onlye exceade theſe that be preſent in their workes and doings: but alſo in ſpeaking profound wordes. Therfore returning to our matter, mans life greatly trauaileth alwayes to defend the head, in ſuch ſort that a man would rather ſuffer his hand to be cut of, then to ſuffer a wound to be made in his head. By this compariſon I meane that a fault in a common wealth, is a cut, which cankereth & feſtereth, but the diſobedyence to a prince is a wound which forthwith killeth. Yf a man did aſke me what vnion princes ſhoulde haue with their common wealth, I would anſwere them in this ſort, that the wealth of the king & realme conſiſteth herein. That the king ſhold accompany wt the good, & banniſhe the euil. For it is vnpoſſible that ye king ſhould be beloued of the common wealth, if the companye he hath about him be reputed vicious. He ſhould alſo loue his Realme without diſſymulacion, & the realme ſhould ſerue him vnfainedly: for the common wealth, which knoweth it to be beloued of their Prince, ſhal not find any thing to hard for his ſeruice. Further that the kinge vſe his ſubiectes as his children, and that the ſubiectes ſerue him as a father: for generallye the good father can not ſuffer his children to be in daunger, neyther the good children wil diſſobeye their father. Alſo the king ought to be iuſt in his commaundementes, and the ſubiectes faithful. For if it be a good thinge in their ſeruices, to liue vnder a iuſt law, it is much better to lyue vnder a iuſt king. Alſo the king ought to defende his ſubiectes from enemies, & they ought wel to pay him his tribute: for ye Prince who defended his people from enemyes and tirannye worthely deſerueth to be lord of al their goodes. Alſo the king ought to kepe his common wealth in quiet, and ought not to be preſumptous of his perſone: ſo the prince whych is not feared & wel eſtemed, ſhal neuer be obeyed in his commaundement. Finally I ſay, that the good king ought to do his Realme pleaſure, and the faithfull ſubiectes ought to endeuour them ſelues neuer to diſpleaſe their kinge. For that prince cannot be called vnfortunate, who of his common wealthe, is loued and obeyed.

¶As there are two ſences in the head, ſmelling and hering: So likewiſe the prince whiche is the heade of the common weale oughte to here the complaintes of al his ſubiectes, and ſhould knowe them al, to recompence their ſeruices. Cap. xxxvii.

WE haue ſhewed, how the prince is the common wealthe, and nowe we wil let you vnderſtand another notable thing, which is this: that as all ſences are in the heade, ſo oughte all eſtates to be in princes. For the verues which are in many ſpred and ſkattered: ſhould be in one prince founde and gathered. The office of the feete is not to ſe, but to goe: the handes office is not to heare, but to labour: the ſhoulders not to feele, but to beare: all theſe offices are not ſemely for the membres, which are his ſubiectes, but apperteineth to the king alone to exerciſe them. For the head to haue eyes, and no other members, meaneth nought els, but that onlye to the prince, and to none other, apparteyneth to know all: for Iulius Ceſar knewe all thoſe of his hoſt, and named them by their proper names. I counſel, and admoniſhe you, O you princes, which ſhal heare, ſee, or read this thing, that you do reioyce to viſite, and to be viſited, to ſee, & to be ſene: to talke, & to be talked with: for the thinges whych wyth your eyes you ſe not you cannot perfectly loue. A man ought alſo to know, that the head only hath eares, to note, that to the king, and to none other, apperteyneth to here all, and to kepe the gates open for them that haue any ſewtes: for it is no ſmall matter to a common wealth, to haue and obtaine of the prince eaſye audyence. Helius Spartiahus commendeth highly Traian the Emperour, that when he was on horſebacke to go to the warres, alyghted againe to here the complainte of a poore Romaine, which thing was meruelouſly noted amongeſt al the Romaines: for if men were not vaine, they ſhould geue a Prince more honoure for one worke of iuſtice, then for the victorye of many battayles. Truly to a king it is no pleaſure, but rather paine and griefe, and alſo for the common people auoyaunce, that the prince alwayes ſhould be encloſed and ſhut vp. For the prince which ſhutteth hys gates agaynſte his ſubiectes, cauſeth theym not to open there hartes wyllynglye to obey hym. How many and great ſlaunders doth their ariſe in the common wealth, only for that the prince ſomtime wil not ſpeake. Iulius Ceſar was Emperoure, and the heade of all the empyre, and becauſe he was muſing of weighty matters, & would not herken to him which would haue reueled the treaſon conſpired agaynſt him, was that ſame day with .33. wondes in the Senate murdered. The contrarye is red of Marcus Aurelius the Emperoure, who was ſo famyliar with all men, that howbeit he was chiefe of al, and that the affaires which now are deuided to many, depended then only of hym: yet he neuer had porter of his gate, nor chamberlayne of hys chamber, and for any affaires that euer he had to do with manye men (were they neuer ſo great) he was neuer longer then one daye about them. For trulye (if I may ſay it) that prynce is not worthy to be beloued, that is ſcarſe of hys wordes vnto thoſe, whych faythfully ſerue hym with workes: for wyſe prynces ſhould be quicke in hearing, and graue in determining. For many come to ſpeake wyth princes, which thinke that their counſelles ſhal not be accepted, nor their requeſtes graunted, yet they deſire importunately to be hard, & of trouth the prince ought to here them, for the heuy hart with ſorowes burdened, when it is heard, is greatly lightned, I wold know why the ſence of ſmellynge is only in the head, and not in the feete, nor in the handes, neyther in any other part of the body? truly it ſignifyeth nought els, but that it apperteineth to the Prince (which is head of al) to here and know al, & therfore it is neceſſarye he be informed of all their lyues. For the prynce cannot gouerne his common wealth well, vnleſſe he knoweth the perticularities therof. It is neceſſarye that the prince knowe the good, to the ende he may prefarre them: for that common wealth is greatly ſlaundered, wherin the euyll are not puniſhed, nor the good honoured. It is neceſſary the prynce know the ſage, to counſel with them: for the auncyente Romaynes neuer admitted any for councellours but thoſe which wt philoſophy wer adorned. It is neceſſary he know the euyl for to correct them: for ther is a great diſorder in that common wealth, wher without any ſhame the wickednes of the wycked, is cloked and vnpunyſhed. It is neceſſarye the prynce doe know thoſe that are able to teache: for in the court of the Romayne princes, there were alwayes captaines, which taught & ſhewed how to handel their weapons, and wiſe men which taught & inſtructed them ſcienſes. It is neceſſarie the prince know the poore of his realme, for to ayde and ſuccor them: for the princes ſhould ſo gouerne their common wealth, that amonge the riche nothing ſhould abound, nor among the poore any thing ſhould want. It is neceſſarie ye prince know the preſumptuous, & malicious, for to humble them: for the poore by enuye, and the rich by pride, heretofore haue deſtroyed great common wealthes. It is neceſſarie the prince know the peace kepers, for to kepe and maintaine theim in peace: for it is the deutye of a prince, to plucke downe the ſtout ſtomackes of the proude, and to giue winges of fauour to the humble. It is neceſſary that the prince know them which haue done him ſeruice, to the end they may be rewarded according to their merites: for the ſtout and noble hart for litel fauoure ſhewed vnto him, bindeth himſelfe to accompliſhe great thinges. It is neceſſarie the prince knowe the noble men of his realme, to the end that at time of neade, he mighte retaine and take them into his ſeruice: for it is but mete, that the man which is adorned with vertue, and nobilitie, be preferred aboue all other in the common wealthe. Finally I ſay, ye prince ſhould know the murmerers, neuer to creadite them: and likewiſe to know thoſe that tell the truth, alwayes to loue them. For none ſhould be more familyar, then the wiſe man to gyue him counſell, and the vpright man to tel the truth. And contrarywiſe none ought to be more abhorred of the prince, then the flatterer, and ignoraunt man. O how neceſſarie it is for a prince, to know and vnderſtand all things in his Realme, to thend no man mighte deceiue him, as they do now a dayes. For the moſte part of princes are deceiued, for none other cauſe, but for that they wyll not be councelled, and informed by wiſe & diſcrete men. For many croutche vnto princes with faire words (as though they ment him good ſeruice) but their entent is contrarie, by dyſceite to get an office, and ſeke their owne profite. Helius Spartianus ſaith, that Alexander Seuerus (the xxv. Emperoure of Rome) was a man very ſtout, and vertuous, and amongeſt all other thinges they greatly commended him, becauſe in his chamber he had a famyliar booke, wherin he had wryten all the nobles of his Realme, and Empire, and when any office was voide, they ſayd nothinge els to him but that it was voide: for the Emperour did not graunt it to him that ſought it, but (by the ſecrete informacion of hys booke) to him that deſerued it. I wyl ſweare, and all other princes ſhal affirme the ſame, that thoughe they erre in dyſtributynge their offices, they do not erre for that they would erre. Yet they cannot denye but that they erre greuouſly, for that they wil not be informed, & though they be informed, yet it were better they were not informed at al: for he ſhal neuer geue the Prince good nor parfect counſel, whych (by that counſel) intendeth to haue ſome proper intereſt, The chiefeſt thynge of Prynces is to know how to choſe the beſt in proſperytye, and how to auoyde the worſte in aduerſytye, and to know alſo how to rewarde the good men lyberallye. And truly in thys caſe Prynces ſhould haue more conſideracyon to them, which haue done them worthy ſeruyce, then to the importunytyes of hys famyliar frendes: for he ſhal thanke the ſeruaunt that procureth it, but not the Prynce that geueth it. Al that we ſpeake is to no other purpoſe, but to perſwade, that ſyth the prince is Lord of al, it is reaſon that he be informed of the ſtate and condicion of al. For otherwiſe he ſhalbe diſceyued by a thouſand malicious harts, which are in ye common wealth. Therfore to conclude I ſay if the prince be not informed of the life of al, the ſkinne wil ſeame fleſhe, the braine meate, the ſtraw corne, the braſſe gold, the gaull hony, & the dregges good wine, I meane in deuyding his offices, thinking to hit the white, he ſhal ofttymes myſſe the butte.

¶Of the great feaſt the Romaynes celebrated to the god Ianus the firſt day of Ianuarye, and of the bountye and liberalitye of the Emperoure Marcus Aurelius the ſame daye. Cap. xxxviii.

AMonge the Solempne Feaſtes whych the auncient Romaynes vſed, this was one to the God Ianus, the which they celebrated the firſt daye of the yere, which now is the firſte of Ianuarye: for the Hebrues beganne their yeare in March, and the Romaynes beganne at Ianuarye. The Romaynes painted this GOD with two faces, ſygnyfyenge therby the end of the yeare paſt, and the beginning of the yeare preſent. To this god Ianus was dedicated in the cytie of Rome a ſumptous Temple whiche they called the Temple of peace, and was in great reuerence throughout all the citye: for the citezens on this daye offered greate giftes and ſacrifices becauſe he ſhould defend them from their enemyes. For there is no nacion nor people to whom warre euer ſucceded ſo proſperouſlye, but that they had rather lyue in peace then in warre. When the Romaine Emperours wente to the warres or came from the warres, firſt they vyſited the Temple of Iupiter, ſecondarilye the Temple of the veſtall virgins, and thirdely they vyſited the Temple of the God Ianus: bycauſe there was a law in Rome that the Emperour ſhould at his going forth to the warres vyſite the Temple of Iupiter laſt of al, and at his retourne againe, the Temple of Ianus firſt. And let them that be deſierous of antiquities here know, that when the Emperour ſhould go to the warres, in the Temple of the goddeſſe Veſta they put vpon his ſhoulders the royall mantell, and in the Temple of Iupiter al the ſenators kiſſed his foote, and in the Temple of Ianus the Conſuls kiſſed his arme. For ſince the time that the cruell Sylla, cauſed thre thouſand neighbours to dye which kiſſed his right hand, they neuer after kiſſed the handes of any Emperour in Rome. Therfore ſith the gentyles woulde not iſſue out of Rome before that firſt they had taken the benediction of thoſe vaine Gods: how muche more ought Chriſtian Princes to do it, which know well that their Temples are conſecrated to the true God, and ordayned for his ſeruice only. For the man that forgetteth God, and commytteth his affaires to men, ſhal ſee how his buſines wil thriue in the handes of men. Therefore procedinge forth, the day wherin the feaſt of the god Ianus was celebrated, euery man left his worke & reioyſed through al the ſtreates of Rome, no more then leſſe then in the feaſtes of Iupiter, Mars, Venus, and Berecinthia: For the feaſtes of the other goddes (ſith they were many in nomber) were not celebrated, but in certaine places in Rome. The Romaynes on that day put on their beſte apparell, for they had a cuſtome in Rome, that he whych had not that daye chaunge of apparell to honoure the feaſte, ſhould eyther go out of Rome or els kepe themſelues locked in his houſe. That daye, they ſet on their houſes many lyghtes, and made greate bondfiers before their dores, and had ſondry and many playes, and paſtimes, for the feaſtes of vaine men are more to delight their bodies, then to reforme their minds. They watched al the night in the Temples, and alſo they deliuered all the priſoners which were inpriſoned for dette, and with the common treaſures paied their dettes. Furthermore they had a cuſtome in Rome, that they ſhoulde ſuſteine all the Senatours (whiche were fallen into pouertie) with the goodes of the common wealthe. They had that daye tables ſet before their dores, furniſhed with all ſortes of meates, ſo that that whiche remayned and was left, was more worth: then that which was eaten. For vaine glorious men, auaunt theym ſelues more of that, which in bankettes and feaſtes is left, then they do of that whyche is eaten. They ſought all that day for poore men, bycauſe they ſhoulde be prouyded of all things. For it was an auncient lawe, that none ſhould be ſo hardy to make any open feaſt, excepte firſt he had prouided for all them of his ſtreate. The Romaynes thought that if they ſpend lyberallye that day, the god Ianus would deliuer them from pouertye, becauſe he was the God of the temperall goodes. And they ſayde further, that the GOD Ianus was a God very thankeful, & acknowledged the ſeruyces whych were donne vnto hym, and beleued earneſtlye that if they ſpente frelye for hys ſake, he woulde requyte it doble In the feaſte of this God Ianus manye proceſſions were made, not all togethers, but the Senate wente by theym ſelues, the Cenſours by them ſelues, the people by them ſelues, the Matrones by theym ſelues, the maydens by them ſelues, the veſtal virgins by them ſelues, & al the ſtraunge Imbaſſadours went wyth the captiues in proceſſion. There was a cuſtome in Rome, that the ſame day the Emperour ſhould were the imperyal robe, al the captiues which could touche him with their hands were delyuered, and all the tranſgreſſours pardoned, the exules and outlawryes were called againe. For the Romayne princes were neuer preſente in any feaſt, but they ſhewed ſome noble example of mercy, or gentlenes towardes the people. At this time Marcus Aurelius was Emperoure of Rome, and maried with the beautiful lady Fauſtina, who (in the feaſt of Ianus) leuing in proceſſion the company of the Senatours came into the proceſſion of the captiues, the which eaſelye touched his robe, wherby they obtained lybertie the which they ſo greatly deſired: I ſay deſired for truly the captiue is contented with a ſmall thinge. And becauſe ther is no good thing by anye good man done, but immediatlye by the wycked it is repined at, this deede was ſo contrary to the euyl, as ioyfull to the good. For there is nothing, be it neuer ſo good, nor ſo wel done, but forthwith it ſhalbe contraried of them that be euyl.

Of this thing I haue ſene by experience (in this miſerable life: ſondry examples) yt euen as amonge the good one only is noted to be chiefe: ſo lykewiſe amonge the euyll one is noted principall aboue the reſt. And the worſt I find herein is, that the vertuous do not ſo much glory of their vertue: as the euil and malicious hath ſhame and diſhonour of their vyce: for vertue naturally makleth a man to be temperate and quyet, but vice maketh him to be diſſolute and rechleſſe. This is ſpoken, becauſe in the Senate of Rome there was a Senatour called Fuluius, whoſe berd & heeres wer very white, but in malyce, he was moſt cankered blacke: ſo that for his yeres he was honoured in Rome of many, & for his malyce he was hated of al. The Senatour Fuluius made frendes in the time of Adrian to ſuccede in the empire, and for this cauſe he had alwayes Marcus Aurelius for his competytour, and wherſoeuer he came he alwayes ſpake euyll of him as of his mortall enemye. For the enuyous hart can neuer geue a man one good word. This Senatours hart was ſo puffed with enuye: that he ſeing Marcus Aurelius to obtaine the empire being ſo yong, & that he being ſo old could not attaine therunto: ther was no good that euer Marcus Aurelius did in the common wealth openly, but it was grudged at by Fuluius, who ſoughte alwayes to deface the ſame ſecretlye. It is the nature of thoſe whiche haue their hartes enfected with malyce, to ſpitte out their poyſon with woordes of ſpite. Oft times I haue muſed which of theſe 2. are greater, the dewtye the good haue to ſpeake againſt the euyl, or els the audacitie the euyl haue to ſpeake againſt the good. For in the world ther is no brute beaſt ſoo hardye, as the euill man is that hath loſt his fame. O would to God the good to his deſyre had aſmuch power to do good workes, as the euyl hath ſtrength to his affection, to exerciſe wicked dedes. For the vertuous man findeth not one hand to helpe him in vertue to worke, yet after he hath wrought it, he ſhall haue a thouſand euyl tongues againſt his honeſt doynges to ſpeake. I would all thoſe which rede this my writyng, would call to memorye this word (whiche is) that among euyl men the chefeſt euil is, that after they haue forgotten them ſelues to be men, and exiled both trouth & reaſon, then with al their might they go againſt trouth and vertue, with their woordes, and againſte good deedes with their tongues: for though it be euyl to be an euyll man, yet it is muche worſe not to ſuffer an other to be good, which aboue al thinges is to be abhorred and not to be ſuffered. I let you wete and aſſure you, you princes & noble men, that you in working vertuous dedes ſhal not want ſlaunderous tongues, and though you be ſtout, yet you muſt be pacyente to breake their malyce. For the noble hart fealeth more the enuye of an other, then he doothe the labour of his owne body. Princes ſhould not be diſmayde, neither ought they to meruayle, though they be told of the murmuring at their good workes: For in the end they are men, they liue with men, and cannot eſcape the miſeryes of men. For ther was neuer prince in the world yet ſo high, but he hath bene ſubiect to malycious tongues. Trulye aman ought to take great pytie of Princes, whether they be good or euyll: for if they be euil, the good hate them: & if they be good, the euyl immediatly murmureth againſt them. The Emperoure Octauian was very vertuous, yet greatly perſecuted with enuyous tongues, whoe on a tyme was demaunded (ſince he dyd good to al men) why he ſuffered a few to murmour againſt him? he aunſwered: you ſe my frends, he that hath made Rome free from enemyes, hath alſo ſet at lybertie the tongues of malycious men. For it is not reaſon that the harde ſtones ſhould be at libertie, and the tender ſtones tyed. Truly this Empepour Octauian by his wordes declared himſelfe to be a wiſe man, and of a noble heart, and lightly to waye both the murmuringes of the people, and alſo the vanities of their words, which thing truly a wiſe & vertuous mā ought to do. For it is a general rule, that vices continually ſeke defendours, and vertues alwayes getteth Enemyes. In the booke of lawes the deuine Plato ſaith wel, that the euil were alwayes double euyl▪ becauſe they weare weapons defenſiue, to defende their malicious purpoſe: and alſo cary weapons offenſiue, to bleamyſhe the good workes of others. Vertuous men ought with much ſtudy to folow the good, and with more dilygence to flye from the euil. For a good man maye commaund al other vertuous men, with a becke of his finger, but to kepe himſelfe only from one euyl man, he had nede both hands, feete, and frends. Themiſtocles the Thebaine ſayd, that he felt no greater torment in the world then this, that his proper honour ſhould depend vpon the Imaginacion of an other: for it is a cruell thinge, that the life and honour of one that is good, ſhould be meaſured by the tongue of an other that is euyl. For as in the forge, the coles can not be kindled withoute ſparkes, nor as corruption can not be in the ſynckes without ordure: ſo he that hath his hart fre from malyce, his tongue is occupied alwaies in ſwete and pleaſaunt communication. And contrary wiſe, out of his mouth, whoſe ſtomacke is infected with malyce, proceadeth always wordes bitter, & full of poyſon. For if out of a rotten fornayſe ye fyre burneth it is impoſſible that the ſmoke ſhould be cleare. It is but a ſmal time, that (in prophane loue) he that is enamored, is able to refraine his loue, and muche leſſe time is the wrathfull man able to hyde his wrath. For the heuy ſighes are tokens of the ſorowful hart, and the words are thoſe that diſcloſe the malycious man. Pulio ſayth in the firſt booke of Ceſars, that the Emperoure Marcus Aurelius was very vertuous in all his workes, ſage in knowledge, iuſte in Iudgement, mercifull in puniſhment, but aboue all thinges he was wiſe in diſſemblyng, & herein he was very diſcrete: for ther was neuer pacyent man but proſpered wel in all his affayres. We ſe that throughe pacience and wiſedome, many euyl thinges become reaſonable, and from reaſonable are brought to good, & from good to excellent. The contrary happeneth to them ye are moued more then they nede, for the man which is not paciēt, loketh not yet for any good ſucceſſe in his affayres, though they are iuſt. The Emperour Marcus ofttimes was wont to ſay, that Iulius Ceſar wanne the empire by the ſweard, Auguſtus was Emperour by Inheritaunce, Caligula came to it, becauſe his father conquered Germany, Nero gouerned it with tyranny, Titus was Emperour, for that he ſubdued Iuery, the good Traian came to the empire by his clemency & vertue, but I (ſayth he) obtained the empire through pacience only. For it is a greater pacience, to ſuffer the Iniuries of the malicious: then to diſpute with the ſage in the vniuerſity. And this Emperour ſaide further in the gouernement of the empire, I haue profited more throughe pacience, then by ſcience: for ſcience only profiteth for the quyetnes of the parſon, but pacyence profiteth the parſon, & the common wealthe. Iulius Capitolinus ſayth, that the Emperour Antonius Pius was a prince very pacyent, & in ſuch ſort, that oftentymes being in the Senate, he ſaw both thoſe which loued him, & alſo thoſe that were againſt him with the people when they did rebel: yet his pacience was ſo great, that neyther his frends for the vnthankfulnes of them ſelues, remayned ſad: neither his enemyes for any diſpleaſure by him done did at any time cōplaine. Meaning therfore in this chapter to ioyne ye end wt the beginning▪ I ſay that as the Emperor Marcus Aurelius put himſelfe amongeſt yt captyues, & that this dede in Rome of al men was commended: the Senatour Fuluius could not refraine from ſpeaking, for that he had not the wit to endure it, wherfore as it were ſcoffing he ſpake theſe wordes to the Emperour. Lord I meruayle why thou yeldeſt thy ſelfe to al, which thing for the reputacion of the Empyre cannot be ſuffered, for that it is not decent for thy maieſtie. The Emperour Marcus Aurelius ſeing and hearing that in the preſent of them all, the ſenatour Fuluius ſpake vnto him theſe wordes, he toke it paciently and with pleaſaunt countenaunce ſayd. The queſtions the Senatour Euluius proponeth, let it be for to morow, becauſe my aunſwere may be the ryper, and his coller the quieter. Therfore the next day folowing, the Emperour Marcus came into the hyghe capitoll (as Pulio declareth in the life of Marcus Aurelius) and ſpake theſe words.

¶Of the aunſwere the Emperour Marcus Aurelius made to the Senatour Fuluius before al the Senate, being reproued of him for his familiaritie he vſed to al, contrary to the maieſtye and authoritie of the Romayne Emperour, wherin he paynteth enuious men. Cap. xxxix.

FAthers conſcript, and ſacred Senat, I wold not yeſter daye aunſwere to that that the Senatour Fuluius ſpake vnto me, becauſe it was ſomewhat late, and for that we were long in ſacrifices, I thought that neyther time nor place was conueniēt to aunſwere therunto. For it is a ſigne of a lytle wiſedome, & of great folye, for a man to aunſwere ſodainly to euerye queſtion. The libertie that vndiſcret men haue to demaunde, the ſelfe ſame priuiledge hath the ſage for to aunſwere: For though the demaund procede of ignoraunce, yet the aunſwere oughte to procede of wyſedome. Trulye wiſe men were wel at eaſe, if to euery demaund they ſhoulde aunſwere the ſimple and malicious: who (for the moſt part) demaund more to vexe other men, then for to profyte themſelues, more for to proue, than to know, wherfore wiſe men ought to diſſemble at ſuch demaundes. For the ſages oughte to haue their eares open to heare, and their tongue tyed becauſe they ſhould not ſpeake. I let you know (auncyent fathers, & ſacred ſenate) that the lytle whyche I knowe, I learned in the yle of Rhodes, in Naples, in Capua, and in Tharente. And al tutors told me, that the Intencion and end of men to ſtudy, was only to know to gouerne them ſelues amongeſt the malicious. For ſcyence profiteth nothing els, but to know how to kepe his lyfe wel ordered, & his tongue wel meaſured. Therfore I proteſt to god that which I will ſay before your ſacred preſēce, I wil not ſpeake it of any malice or ill wil: but only to aunſwere vnto that which toucheth the auctoritie of my perſon. For the thynges which touch the honour, ought firſt by word to be aunſwered, & afterwards by ſword to be reuenged. Therfore now beginning my matter, & addreſſing my words to the Fuluius, and to that which thou ſpakeſt vnto me, aſking why I ſhew my ſelfe ſo to all men, I aunſwere the. It is becauſe al men ſhold giue themſelues to me. Thou knoweſt wel Fuluius, that I haue bene a Conſul as thou art, and thou haſt not bene an Emperour as I am. Therfore beleue me in thys caſe, that the prince being diſpiſed, cānot be beloued of hys people. The gods wil not, nor the lawes do permyte, neyther the common wealth wyllyngly ſhould ſuffer, that al princes ſhould be lordes of many, and that they ſhould not communicate but with a few. For princes which haue bene gentile in their lyues, the auncients haue made them gods after their deathes. The fiſher, to fiſh for many fiſhes in the riuer, goeth not with one bote alone, nor the Mariner to fiſh in the depe ſea, goeth with one net only. I meane, that the profounde willes, which are deepely encloſed in the hartes, oughte to be wonne ſome by giftes, other by promiſes, other by pleaſaunt words, and others by gentle enterteynement, For princes ſhould trauaile more to winne the hartes of their ſubiectes, then to conquere the Realmes of ſtraungers. The gredy and couetous hartes care not, thoughe the prince ſhutteth vp his hart, ſo that he open his cofers: but noble and valiaunt men litle eſteme that which they locke vp in their cofers, ſo that their hartes be open to their frendes. For loue can neuer but with loue againe be requited. Sith Princes are lords of many, of neceſſitie they ought to be ſerued with many: & being ſerued with many, they are bound to ſatiſfie many: and this is as generally, as perticulerly, they cannot diſpence with their ſeruaunts. For the prince is no leſſe bound to pay the ſeruice of his ſeruaunte, then the maiſter is to pay the wages of the hired laborer. Therefore if thys thing be true (as it is) how ſhal poore princes do, which kepe many Realmes, & in keping them they haue great expenſes, and for to pay ſuch charges they haue lytle money. For in this caſe, let euery man do what he will, and let them take what counſaile they like beſt, I would counſaile all others, as I my ſelfe haue experimented, that is: that the prince ſhold be of ſo good a conuerſacion, among thoſe which are his, and ſo affable and familiar with all, that for his good conuerſacion only they ſhould thinke them ſelues wel paid. For with rewardes, princes recompence the trauaile of their ſeruantes: but with gentle wordes, they robbe the hartes of their ſubiectes. We ſe by experience, that diuers marchauntes had rather by dearer in one ſhoppe, becauſe the marchaunt is pleaſaunte: then to • ye better chepe in an other, wheras the marchaunt is churliſhe. I meane that there are many, which had rather ſerue a prince, to gaine nothing but loue only: thā to ſerue an other prince for money. For there is no ſeruice better imployed, then to him which is honeſt, good, and gracious: and to the contrary none worſe beſtowed, then on hym which is vnthankfull and churlyſhe. In princes pallaces there ſhall neuer want euil and wicked men, malicious & deueliſhe flatterers, which wil ſeke meanes to put into their Lords heades howe they ſhall rayſe their rentes, leauye ſubſidies, inuent tributes, and borow money: but there are none that wil tel them, how they ſhal winne the hartes and good willes of their ſubiectes, though they know it more profitable to be wel beloued, then neceſſarie to be enriched. He that heapeth treaſure for his prince, and ſeperateth him from the loue of his people: ought not to be called a faithfull ſeruaunt, but a mortall enemy. Princes and Lordes ought greatly to endeuour themſelues to be ſo conuerſant among their ſubiects, that they had rather ſerue for good wil: then for the payment of money. For if moneye wante, their ſeruice will quaile, and hereof procedeth a thouſand inconueniences vnto princes, which neuer happen vnto thoſe that haue ſeruauntes, whiche ſerue more of good wil then for moneye: for he that loueth with al his harte, is not proude in proſperitie, deſperate in aduerſitie, neither complayneth he of pouertie, nor is diſcontented being fauourleſſe, nor yet abaſhed with perſecution, & finallye loue and life are neuer ſeperated, vntill they come vnto the graue. We ſee by experience, that the rablemēt of the poore labourers of Scicil is more worth, then the money of the knightes of Rome. For the labourer euery time he goeth to the fielde, bringeth ſome profit from thence: but euery time the knight ſheweth him ſelfe in the market place, he returneth without money. By that compariſon I meane, that princes ſhould be affable, eaſie to talke with all, pleaſaunt, mercifull, benigne, and ſtoute, and aboue all that they be gracious and louing, to the end that through theſe qualities, and not by money, they may learne to wynne the hartes of their ſubiectes. Princes ſhould greately labour to be loued, ſpecially if they will finde who ſhall ſuccour them in aduerſitie, and kepe them from euill will and hatred, whiche thoſe princes can not haue that are hated: but rather euery man reioyceth at their fall and miſerie. For eche man enioyeth his own trauaile, and truly the furious and ſorowfull hartes taketh ſome reſte, to ſee that others haue pitie and compaſſiō vpon their griefes. Princes alſo ſhould endeuour them ſelues to be loued & well willed, becauſe at their death they maye of all their ſeruauntes and frendes be lamented. For princes ought to be ſuche, that they may be prayed for in their life, and lamented and remembred after their death. Howe curſed is that prince, and alſo howe vnhappy is that common wealth, where the ſeruauntes wyll not ſerue their Lorde but for rewarde: and that the Lorde doth not loue them but for ther ſeruices. For there is neuer true loue, where there is any particuler intereſte. With many ſtones a houſe is buylded, and of many men and one prince (whiche is the head of all) the common wealth is made. For he that gouerneth the common wealth, may be called a prince, and otherwyſe not: and the common wealth can not be called nor ſayde a common wealth, if it hath not a prince whiche is the head thereof. If Geometrie doe not deceiue me, the lyme whiche ioyneth one ſtone with an other, ſuffereth well that it be myngled with ſande, but the corner ſtone that lyeth on the toppe ought to be medled with vnſlekyd lyme. And it ſoundeth vnto good reaſon. For if the nether ſtones ſeperate, the wall openeth: but if the corner ſhould ſlippe, the buylding incontinently falleth. I ſuppoſe (fathers conſcript) you vnderſtande very well to what ende I applie this compariſon. The loue of one neighbour with an other, may ſuffer to be cold: but the loue of a prince to his people, ſhould be true and pure. I meane that the loue amongeſt frendes may well paſſe ſometymes though it be colde: but the loue betwene the kyng and his people, at all tymes oughte to be perfect. For where there is parfite loue, there is no fained wordes, nor vnfaithfull ſeruice.

I haue ſeene in Rome many debates among the people to haue bene pacified in one day: and one onely which betwene the Lord and the common wealth aryſeth, can not be pacified vntyll death. For it is a daungerous thing for one to ſtryue with many, and for many to contende againſt one. In this caſe, where the one is proude, and the other rebelles, I wyll not excuſe the prince, nor let to condemne the people. For in the end he that thinketh himſelf moſte innocent, deſerueth greateſt blame. From whence thinke you cōmeth it, that Lordes nowe a daies doe commaunde vniuſt thinges by fury, & that ſubiectes in iuſte matters wyll not obey by reaſon. I will tell you.

The Lorde doing of will, and not of right, would caſte the willes of all in his owne braine, and deriue from him ſelfe all counſayle. For euen as princes are of greater power then all the reſte: ſo they thinke they knowe more then all the reſte. The contrary happeneth to ſubiectes, who (beinge prouoked I can not tel you with what freneſy) deſpiſing the good vnderſtanding of their Lord, will not obey that that their princes willeth, for the health of them all, but that whiche euery man deſireth for him ſelfe particularly. For men nowe a dayes are ſo fonde, that euery man thynketh the prince ſhould loke on him alone. Truely it is a ſtraunge thing (though it be muche vſed among men) that one ſhould deſire that the garmentes of all other ſhould be mete for him: whiche is as impoſſible, as one mans armour ſhoulde arme a multitude. But what ſhall we be (Fathers conſcripte and ſacred ſenate) ſith our fathers lefte vs this worlde with ſuche foly, and that in theſe debates & ſtryfes, we their children, are alwayes in diſſention and controuerſie, and in this wilfulnes, we ſhall alſo leaue our children and heires. How many princes haue I ſeene and read of in my time, of my predeceſſours, whiche were vtterly vndone, by to muche pryde and preſumption: But I neuer read nor heard of any, whiche were deſtroyed for being courteous, and louing to his ſubiectes. I will declare by ſome examples, whiche I haue read in bookes, to the ende that the Lordes may ſee what they wynne by their good conuerſation, and what they loaſe by being to haulty. The realme of the Sydonians was greater then that of the Caldeans in weapons, and inferiour in antiquitie, vnto that of the Aſſirians. In this realme there was Debaſtia, whiche was called a linage of kinges, that endured two hundreth and .xxv. yeares, becauſe all thoſe kinges were of a commendable conuerſation. And an other of Debaſtia endured no longer then fourty yeares. And our auncientes tooke pleaſure of peace, whereof we are deſtitute: and were ignoraunt of the warres, whiche we nowe vſe ſo muche. Alwayes they deſired to haue kinges whiche ſhould be good for the common wealth in peace, rather than valiaunt and couragious for the warre. As Homere in his Iliade ſaieth: the auncient Egiptians called their kinges Epiphanes, and had a cuſtome, that Epiphanes alwaies ſhould enter into the temples barefoote. And becauſe it chaū ſed the Epiphane on a time to come into the churche hoaſed, he was immediatly for his diſobedience depriued, and expulſed from the realme, and in his ſteade an other created. Homere declareth here, that this king was proude, & euill conditioned, wherefore the Egiptians depriued him, and baniſhed hym the realme, taking occaſion that he did not enter into the temple barefoote. For truly when Lordes are euil willed, and not beloued, for a litle trifle and occaſion the people will ariſe and rebell againſt them. The ſaide Homere ſaide alſo, that the Parthes called their kynges Aſſacides, & that the ſixte of that name was depriued and expulſed the realme, for that of preſumption he had hym ſelfe to the mariage of a knight, and being bidden and deſired, would not go to the mariage of a poore Plebeyan. Cicero in his Tuſculanes ſaith, that in olde time the people perſwaded their princes to communicate with the poore, & that they ſhould abſtaine and flye from the ryche. For among the poore they may learne to be mercifull, and with the ryche they ſhall learne nothing but to be proude. Ye knowe right well (Fathers conſcript) howe this our countrey was firſt called great Grece, afterwarde it was called Latium, and then Italie. And when it was called Latium, they called their kynges Marrani, and truly though their borders were but narrowe: yet at the leaſte their ſtoutnes was great. The Annales of thoſe times ſay, that after the thirde Siluius, ſucceded a Marrane who was proude, ambitious, and euill cōdicioned, in ſuch ſorte, that for feare of the people, alwaies he ſlept locked vp: and therfore they depryued and baniſhed him the Realme. For the auncientes ſaide, that the king ſhould locke his dores at no houre of the nighte againſt his ſubiectes, neither he ſhould refuſe in the daie to geue them audience. Tarquine whiche was the laſt of the ſeuen kinges of Rome, was very vnthankefull towards his father in lawe, he was an infamie to his bloud, a traytour to his countrey, and cruell of his perſone, who alſo enforced the noble Lucretia, and yet notwithſtanding this, they doe not call him vnthankefull, infamous, cruell, traytour, nor adulterer: but Tarquine the proude, onely for that he was euill cōdicioned. By the faith of a good man I ſweare vnto you (Fathers cōſcript) that if the miſerable Tarquine had bene beloued in Rome, he had neuer bene depriued of the Realme, for committing adultery with Lucretia: for in the end if euery light offence which in youth is committed, ſhould be puniſhed, within ſhort ſpace there ſhould be no common wealth. All theſe euils (both before and after Tarquine) were committed by the auncientes in the Romaine empire, whiche were ſuche as theſe (of this young and lighte prince) and were nothing in compariſon vnto thee. For truly cōſidering the youth of the one, and the experience of the other: the greateſt offence of the younge, is but a counterfaite to the leaſt that the olde committeth. Iulius Caeſar laſt dictatour, and firſte Emperour of Rome, (being a thing commendable bothe to Senatours to ſalute the Emperour on their knees, and to the Emperour to riſe againſte them and reſalute eche one according to his order) becauſe of preſumption, and that he woulde not obſerue this ceremonie, with .xxiii. woundes they diſpatched him of his life. Tiberius was an Emperour, whom they blame for drunkennes, and Caligula was an Emperour alſo, whom they accuſe of inceſte with his ſiſters. Nero was an Emperour, who (for that he ſlewe his mother, and his maiſter Seneca) hath for euer bene named cruell. Sergius Galba was a deuouring and gluttonous Emperour, for that he cauſed for one onely banket ſeuen thouſand byrdes to be kylled. Domitian was an Emperour, who was greatly noted of all euils. For all euils whiche in many were ſcattered, in him alone were founde. All theſe miſerable princes in the ende were betraied, hanged, and beheaded. And I ſweare vnto ye (fathers conſcript) that they died not for their vices, but becauſe they were proude, and euill conditioned. For finally the prince for one vice only cannot muche endomage the people: but for being to haulty, and preſumptuous, & of euill conditions, he may deſtroy a common wealth. Let princes and great lordes be aſſured, that if they geue many occaſions of euill will, afterwardes one only ſuffiſeth, to ſtirre their ſubiects to deſtroy them. For if the lord ſhew not his hatred, it is for that he will not: but if the ſubiecte doe not reuenge, it is for that he cannot. Beleue me (fathers conſcripte, and ſacred Senate) that euen as the Phiſitians with a litle triacle purge manye euyll humours of the bodye: ſoo the ſage Prynces wyth verye lyttle beneuolence, drawe out of their ſubiectes muche fylthines of harte, diuerting their ill willes into true and faithfull loue. And becauſe the members ſhould be agreable with the head, in myne opinion it behoueth the people to obey the commaundement of the prince, and to honour and reuerence his perſon: and the good prince to be iuſte and equall to all in generally, and gentle in conuerſation with euery one. O happy common wealth, wherein the prince findeth obedience in the people, and the people in like maner loue in the prince. For of the loue of the Lorde, ſpringeth obedience in the ſubiecte: and of the obediēce of the ſubiectes, ſpringeth loue in the Lorde. The Emperour in Rome, is as the ſpyder in the middeſt of her cobwebbe: the which being touched with the needels pointe by one of the threedes of the ſame (be it neuer ſo litle) immediatly the ſpider feeleth it. I meane, that all the workes whiche the Emperour doth in Rome, are immediatly publiſhed through out all the countrey. For in fine, ſince princes are the myrrour of all, they cannot well cloake their vices. I ſee (fathers conſcripte) that I haue bene iudged here of worldly malice, becauſe I accompanied the captiues in proceſſion, and alſo becauſe I ſuffred my ſelfe to be touched with them, to the ende they might enioye the priuiledge of their libertie: and in this caſe I render moſt humble thankes to the immortall gods, becauſe they made me a mercifull Emperour, to ſet thoſe at libertie that were in pryſone: and that they made me not a cruel tyraunt, to ſet thoſe in pryſon whiche were at libertie. For the prouerbe ſaieth, that with one beane, a man may take two pigeons: euen ſo chaunſed the lyke herein yeſterdaie. For the benefite was done for thoſe miſerable captiues: but the example of humanitie was ſhewed to all ſtraunge nations. And knowe ye not, that whē the prince vnloſeth the irons from the feete of the captiues, he byndeth the hartes, landes, and goodes of his ſubiectes? concluding therfore I ſaye, that to princes it were more ſafetie, and to the common wealthe more profite, to be ſerued in their palaces by free hartes with loue: then by ſubiectes whiche are kept vnder by feare.

¶Of a letter the emperour Marcus Aurelius ſent to his frende Pulio, declaring the opinion of certaine philoſophers concerning the felicitie of man. Cap. xl.

MArcus Aurelius Emperour of Rome, tribune of the people, high byſhop, ſeconde conſull and monarche of all the Romaine empire, wyſheth to the Pulio his olde frende, health to thy perſone, and proſperitie againſte thy euill fortune. The letter that thou wroteſt vnto me from Capua, I receyued here at Bethinia, and if thou diddeſt wryte it with a good hart, I did read it with willing eyes: whereof thou oughteſt ſomewhat to content thee. For it is an auncient ſaying of Homere, that that whiche is well vewed with the eyes, is tenderly beloued of the harte. I proteſt vnto thee by the faithe of the immortall gods, that I doe not wryte vnto thee as a Romaine emperour, that is to ſaye, from the lorde to the ſeruaunt, for in this ſorte I ſhould wryte vnto thee briefe, and touching the purpoſe: which thing ought not to be done to the peculier frende. For the letters of graue men ſhould neuer beginne, & the letters of vs frendes ſhould neuer ende. I wryte vnto thee my frende Pulio, as to a priuate frende, to an olde companion of mine, and as to him, whiche is a faithfull ſecretary of my deſyres, and in whoſe company I was neuer diſpleaſed, in whoſe mouth I neuer founde lie, and in whoſe promiſe there was neuer breache made. And the thing being thus, I ſhould commit treaſon in the lawe of frendſhip, if I kept ſecret from thee any of my inward conceites. For all the griefes, whiche lie buried in the woful harte, ought not to be communicate but with a faithful frende. Doeſt thou thinke Pulio, that the Romaine emperour hath litle trauaile to wryte vnto thee as Emperour, to ſpeake as Emperoure, to walke as Emperoure, and to eate as emperour, and finally to be as emperour in deede? certes I doe not meruaile hereat. For truly the life of the vertuous emperour, is but a dial which ordereth or diſordereth the comon wealth: and that wherof I marueile, is of the foly of Rome, & vanitie of the common wealth. For as much as all ſaye that the prince (if he wil ſeme graue, & be well eſtemed of the people) ought to goe ſoftly, to ſpeake litle, & to write briefly: ſo that for writing of letters they wyll he be brief, & for conquering of ſtraunge realmes they doe not rebuke him although he be long. Wiſe men ſhould deſire that their princes be of a gentle cō dition, to the end they fal not to tyranny. That they haue their mind vncorrupted, to miniſter to all equall iuſtice, yt their thought be good, not to deſire ſtraunge realmes, that they haue their hartes voide frome wrathe, that they be ſound within to pardon iniuries, that they loue their ſubiectes to be ſerued of them, that thei know the good to honour them, & that they know the euil to puniſh them: & as for the ſurplus, we litle regard whether the king go faſt, whether he eate much, or write brief. For the daunger is not in that which is in the lack of his perſon: but is in the negligence that he vſeth in the common wealth. I haue receiued my frend Pulio great comfort of thy letter, but much more I ſhould haue receiued of thy preſence: for the letters of auncient frendes, are but as a remēbraunce of time paſt. It is a great pleaſure to the mariner, to talke of the perils paſt being in the hauen: & to the captaine, to glorie of the battaile after the victory. I meane aboue al pleaſure this is the greateſt to men, being now faithful frendes, to talke of the trauaile and daū gers which they paſſed, when they were young mē. Beleue me in one thing, and doe not doubt therof. There is no man that knoweth to ſpeake, that knoweth to poſſeſſe, nor that can iudge or take any pleaſure, neither that knoweth well how to kepe the goods which the gods haue geuen him, vnleſſe it be he that hath bought it derely with great trauaile. For with al our hartes we loue that thing, which by our own proper trauaile we haue gotten. I aſke thee one thing: who is he that oweth moſt to the gods, or that is moſt eſtemed amongeſt men? of Traian the iuſte, whiche was brought vp in the warres of Dace, Germany and Spaine? or of Nero the cruell, whiche was nouriſhed in all the deliciouſnes of Rome. Truly the one was none other then a Roſe among briers, and the other was but a nettel among flowers. I ſpeake this, becauſe the good Traian hath gouerned his life in ſuch ſort, that alwayes they will ſmell the roſe by the pleaſaunt ſauour: but the cruell Nero hath left the ſting with the nettell of his infamy. I will not ſpeake all, becauſe many are & were made good, but for the moſt part the princes which were brought vp deliciouſly, gaue euery mā occaſion that al ſhould be offended, for the euil gouernaunce of their liues in their realmes: and becauſe they neuer experimented any kinde of trauaile in them ſelues, they do litle eſteme the paines of another. I wil not that thou thinke my frend Pulio, that I haue forgotten the time yt is paſt, though the gods brought me to ye empire preſent. For though we togethers were toſſed with the tormentes of youthe: yet nowe we maye repoſe our ſelues in the caulmes of our age. I doe remember that thou and I did ſtudy in Rhodes in letters, and after we had ſo wen weapons in Capua, it hath pleaſed the Gods that the ſeedes of my fortune ſhould rype here in Rome, and to thee and to others better then I, fortune would not geue one onely eare. I doe not geue the licence that thy thought be ſuſpitious of me, ſithe thou of my harte arte made a faithfull frende: for if vnconſtant fortune doth truſte me, to gather with trauayle the grape, know thou that here in my palace thou ſhalt not want of the wyne. The gods will not ſuffer, that nowe in this moment thou ſhouldeſt finde my harte ſhutte from thee, whoſe gates I founde alwayes (for the ſpace of twenty yeares) open vnto me. Sithe that my fortunes brought me to the Empire, I haue alwayes had two thinges before myne eyes: that is to wete, not to reuenge my ſelfe of myne enemies, neither to be vnthankefull to my frendes. For I praye to the gods daily, rather then hereafter through vnthankefulnes my renowme ſhould be defamed: that euen nowe with forgetfulnes my bodye ſhould be buried. Let a man offer to the Gods what ſacrifices he will, let him doe as muche ſeruice to men as he can: yet if he be vnthankefull to his frende, he oughte in all and for all to be vtterly condemned. Becauſe thou ſhouldeſt ſee my frende Pulio, how greatly the auncient frende ought to bee eſtemed, I will declare thee an example of a Philoſopher, the which to heare thou wilt ſomewhat reioyce. The auncient hiſtories of the Grecians declare, that among the ſeuen ſages of Grece, there was one named Periander, who was prince and gouernour a greate whyle: and he had in hym ſuche liuelines of ſpirite on the one ſide, and ſuche couetouſnes of worldly goods on the other ſide: that the hiſtoriographers are in doubte whether was the greater, the philoſophie that he taught reading in the ſcholes: or the tyranny that he vſed in robbing in the common wealth. For truly the ſcience whiche is not grounded of trougthe, bringeth great domages to the perſon. In the ſeconde yeare of my empire I was in the citie of Corinthe, where I ſawe the graue whiche conteined the bones of Periander: where about was ingrauen in Greke verſes and olde letter this Epitaphe.

WIthin the compaſſe, of this narrowe graue Wretched Periander, encloſed lies Whoſe cruell factes, could Grece alone not haue So ſmall a ſoyle, his hunger could ſuffiſe. ¶Here lodgeth eke, lo Periander dedde His filthie fleſhe, the hungrie wormes doe eate And liuing he, with Orphelines goods was fedde His gredie guttes, did craue ſuche deintie meate. ¶The tyraunt Periander, ſtayeth here Whoſe life was buylte, to hinder all the reſt And eke whoſe death, ſuche prefite large did beare As brought reliefe, to him that had the leſt. ¶Here wicked Periander, reſteth nowe: His life did cauſe, great peopled realmes decaye His death that forſte, his liuing ſprite to bowe Aſſurde them life, that ſtoode in brittell ſtaye. ¶The curſſed Periander, here doth lie Whoſe life did ſhed, the poore and ſimple blood And eke that clambe, to riches rule ſo hie By others ſwette, that ſought for waſting good. ¶Of Corinth lo, here Periander reſt To ſeeme for iuſt, that equall lawes did frame Yet flytting from the ſquare, that they poſſeſt By vertues dome, deſerude a tyrauntes name. ¶The catiue Periander, ſleepeth here That finiſht hath, his foure ſcore yeares with ſhame And though his lyfe, that thouſandes bought ſo deere Be faded thus, yet bloometh ſtill his blame.

THere were mo letters on the graue, but becauſe it was alone in the fielde, the great waters had worne it, ſo that ſcarcely the letters coulde be red: and truly it was very olde, & in his time it ſemed to be a ſumptuous thing, but the negligence of reparation loſt it quite: and it is not to be marueyled at, for in the ende tyme is of ſuch power, that it cauſe the renowmed men to be forgotten, and all the ſumptuous buildinges to decaye, and fall to the earth. If thou wilt knowe my frende Pulio, in what tyme the tyraunt this philoſopher was, I wyll thou knowe, that when Catania the renowmed citie was builded, in Cicilia neare the mount Ethna, and when Perdica was the fourth kyng of Macedonia, and that Cardicea was the thirde kyng of the Meedes, and when Candare was fift king of Libeans, and that Aſſaradoche was ninth king of the Aſſirians, and when Merodache was twelft king of Caldeans, and that Numa Pompilius reigned ſecond king of the Romaines, & in the time of thoſe ſo good kinges, Periander reigned amonges the Aſſirians. And it is meete thou knowe an other thyng alſo whiche is this. That this Periander was a tyraunt not only in dede, but alſo in renowme: ſo that thei ſpake of no other thing thorowe Greece, but it tended hereunto. Though he had euill workes, he had good wordes, & procured yt the affaires of the cōmon wealth ſhuld be wel redreſſed. For generally there is no man ſo good, but a mā may finde ſomwhat in him to be reproued: neither any man ſo euill, but he hath ſome thing in him to be cōmended. I doe yet remēber (of my age, being neither to young nor to old) that I ſaw the emperour Traian my lord, ſuppe once in Agrippine: & it ſo chaunced that wordes were moued to ſpeake of good & euil princes in times paſt, as wel of ye Grekes as of the Romains, yt al thoſe which were preſent there, cōmended greatly the emperour Octauian, & they al blamed the cruel Nero. For it is an aūcient cuſtome, to flatter the princes that are preſent: & to murmure at princes that are paſt. When the good emperour Traian was at dinner, & when he praied in the tēple, it was maruel if any mā ſawe him ſpeake any word: & that day, ſince he ſawe yt thei exceſſiuely praiſed the emperour Octauian, & that the others charged the emperour Nero wt more then neded, the good Traian ſpake vnto them theſe wordes. I am glad you cōmende the emperour Octauian, but I am angry you ſhould in my preſence ſpeake euil of the emperour Nero, & of none other: for it is a great infamy to a prince being aliue, to heare in his preſence any prince euill reported after his death. Truly the emperour Octauian was very good, but ye will not denye me but he might haue bene better: and the emperour Nero was very euil, but yet you will graunt me he might haue ben worſe. I ſpeake this, becauſe Nero in his firſt fiue yeares was the beſt of all, and the other nyne folowyng he was the worſte of all: ſo that there is bothe cauſe to diſprayſe him, and alſo cauſe to commende him. When a vertuous man will ſpeake of princes that are dead, before princes whiche are aliue, he is bounde to prayſe onely one of their vertues which they had, & hath no licence to reuyle the vices whereof thei were noted. For the good deſerueth rewarde, becauſe he endeuoreth him ſelfe to folowe vertue: & the euill likewyſe deſerueth pardon, becauſe through frayltie he hath conſented to vyce. All theſe wordes the emperoure Traian ſpake I being preſent, and they were ſpoken with ſuche fiercenes, that all thoſe whiche were there preſent bothe chaunged their colour, and alſo refrained their tongues. For truly the ſhameleſſe man feeleth not ſo muche a great ſtrype of correction, as the gentill harte doth a ſharpe worde of admonition. I was willing to ſhewe thee theſe thinges, my frende Pulio, becauſe that ſince Traian ſpake for Nero, and that he founde in hym ſome prayſe, I doe thynke no leſſe of the tyraunte Periander, whome thoughe for his euyll workes he dyd we doe condemne: yet for his good wordes that he ſpake, for the good lawes whiche he made, we doe prayſe. For in the man that is euill, there is nothing more eaſier then to geue good counſayle, and there is nothing more harder then to worke well. Periander made dyuerſe lawes for the common wealth of the Corinthians, whereof here folowing, I wil declare ſome. We ordeyne and commaunde that if any by multipliyng of wordes kyll an other (ſo that it were not by treaſon) that he be not therefore condemned to die, but that they make hym ſlaue perpetuall to the brother of him that is ſlayne, or to the nexte of his kynne or frends: for a ſhorte deathe is & leſſe payne, then a longe ſeruitude. We ordeyne and commaunde, that if any theſe be taken he ſhall not dye, but with a hotte iron ſhalbe marked on the forehead to be knowen for a thefe: for to ſhammefaſte men longe infaime is more payne, then a ſhort lyfe. We ordeyne and commaunde, that the man or woman whiche to the preiudice of an other ſhall tell any lye, ſhall for the ſpace of a moneth carie a ſtone in their mouthe: for it is not meete that he whiche is wonte to lye, ſhould alwayes bee authoryſed to ſpeake.

We ordeyne and commaunde that euery man or woman, that is a quareler and ſedicious perſone in the common wealth, be with great reproche banniſhed frome the people: for it is vnpoſſible that he ſhoulde bee in fauoure with the Gods, which is an enemie to his neighbours. We ordeyne and commaunde that if there be any in the common wealth, that haue receiued of an other a benefite, and that afterwardes it is proued he was vnthankefull, that in ſuche caſe they put hym to death: for the man that of benefites receiued is vnthankefull, oughte not to lyue in the worlde amonge menne. Beholde therefore my frende Pulio, the antiquitie whiche I declared vnto thee, and howe mercifull the Corinthians were to murtherers, theues, and Pirates: And contrarie howe ſeuere they were to vnthankefull people, whome they commaunded forthwith to be putte to deathe.

And truly in myne opinion the Corinthians had reaſon, for there is nothinge troubleth a wyſe man more, then to ſee him vnthankefull to him whome he hath ſhewed pleaſure vnto. I was willing to tel thee this hiſtorie of Periander, for no other cauſe, but to the end thou ſhouldeſt ſee and know, that foraſmuch as I doe greatly blame the vice of vnthankefulnes, I will laboure not to be noted of the ſame. For he that reproueth vice, is not noted to be vertuous: but he which vtterly flieth it. Count vpon this my worde that I tel thee which thou ſhalt not thinke to be fained, that though I be the Romain Emperour, I wilbe thy faithfull frend, & wil not faile to be thankefull towardes thee. For I eſteme it no leſſe glory to know how to keape a frend by wyſedom: then to come to the eſtate of an emperour by philoſophie. By the letter thou ſenteſt, thou requiredſt me of one thing to anſwere thee, for the whiche I am at my wittes end. For I had rather open my treaſures to thy neceſſities, then to open the bookes to anſwere to thy demaundes, although it be to my coſt. I confeſſe thy requeſt to be reaſonable, and thou deſerueſt worthy prayſe: for in the end it is more worth to knowe, how to procure a ſecrete of antiquities paſt, then to heape vp treaſures for ye neceſſities in time to come. As the philoſopher maketh philoſophie his treaſour of knowledge to liue in peace, & to hope & to loke for death with honour: ſo the couetous (being ſuche a one as he is) maketh his treaſure of worldly goodes, for to keape & preſerue life in this world in perpetuall warres, and to end his life and take his death with infamie. Herein I ſweare vnto thee, that one daie emploied in philoſophy is more worth, then ten thouſand which are ſpent in heaping riches. For the life of a peaceable man is none other, then a ſwete peregrination: and the life of ſedicious perſones is none other, but a long death. Thou requireſt me my frend Pulio, that I write vnto thee wherin the auncientes in times paſt had their felicitie: knowe thou that their deſires were ſo diuerſe, that ſome diſpraiſed life, others deſired it: ſome prolonged it, others did ſhorten it: ſome did not deſire pleaſures but trauailes, others in trauailes did not ſeke but pleaſures: the whiche varietie did not proceade but of diuerſe endes, for the taſtes were diuerſe, and ſondry men deſired to taſte diuerſe meates. By the immortall Gods I ſweare vnto thee, that this thy requeſt maketh me muſe of thy life, to ſee that my phyloſophie anſwereth thee not ſufficiently therein. For if thou aſke to proue me, thou thinkeſt me preſumptuous: if thou demaunde in mirth, thou counteſt me to be to light: if thou demaundeſt it not in good earneſt, thou takeſt me for ſimple: if thou demaūdeſt me for to ſhew it thee, be thou aſſured I am ready to learne it: if thou demaundeſt it for to knowe it, I confeſſe I can not teache it thee: if thou demaundeſt it becauſe thou maieſt be aſked it, be thou aſſured that none wylbe ſatiſfied with my aunſwere: and if perchaunce thou doeſt aſke it, becauſe thou ſleapinge haſte dreamed it, ſeing that nowe thou art awake, thou oughteſt not to beleue a dreame. For all that the fantaſie in the nighte doth imagine, the tongue doth publiſhe it in the morning. O my frende Pulio I haue reaſon to complayne of thee, for ſo muche as thou doeſt not regarde the authoritie of my perſone, nor the credite of thy phyloſophie, wherefore I feare leaſte they wyll iudge thee to curious in demaundinge, and me to ſimple in aunſweringe: all this notwithſtanding, I determine to aunſwere thee, not as I ought, but as I can, not according to the greate thou demaundeſt, but according to the litle I knowe. And partely I doe it to accomplyſhe thy requeſte, and alſo to fulfyll my deſire. And nowe I thinke that all whiche ſhall reade this letter, wyll be cruell iudges of my ignoraunce.

¶That princes and great Lordes ought not to eſteme them ſelues, for being fayre, and wel proportioned. Cap. xli..

IN the time that Ioſue triumphed amongeſt the Hebrues, and that Dardanus paſſed from great Grece to Samotratia, and when the ſonnes of Agenor were ſeking their ſiſter Europe, and in the time that Siculus reigned in Scicil, in great Aſia, in the Realme of Egipt, was buylded a great cytie called Thebes, the which king Buſiris built, of whom Diodorus Sicculus, at large mencioneth. Plynie in the .36. chapter of his naturall hiſtorie, and Homere in the ſecond of his Iliade, and Statius in al the booke of his Thebiade, do declare great meruelles of this citye of Thebes, which thing ought greatly to be eſtemed: for a man oughte not to thinke that fayned whiche ſo excellente auctours haue writen. For a truth they ſay that Thebes was in circuite .40. myles, and that the walles were .30. ſtades hye, and in breadthe .6. They ſay alſo that the citie had a hundreth gates very ſumptuous and ſtrong, and in euery gate .ii. hundreth horſemen watched. Through the middeſt of Thebes paſſed a great riuer, the which by mylles and fiſhe dyd greatly profite the citie. When Thebes was in his proſperity, they ſay that there were two hundreth thouſand fiers, and beſydes all this al the kynges of Egipt were buried in that place. As Strabo ſayth De ſitu orbis, when Thebes was deſtroyed with enemies, they found therin lxxvii. tombes of kings whych had bene buried there. And here is to be noted, that al thoſe tombes were of vertuous kings. For among the Egiptians it was a law inuiolable, that the king which had bene wicked in his lyfe, ſhould not be buried after his death. Before the noble and worthy Numantia was founded in Europe, the riche Carthage in Affricke, and the hardye Rome in Italy, the goodly Capua in Campaigne and the great Argentine in Germanie, and the holy Helia in Paleſtine: Thebes onlye was the moſt renowmed of all the world. For the Thebanes amongeſt al nacions were renowmed, aſwel for their riches as for their buyldings and alſo becauſe in theyr lawes & cuſtomes, they had many notable & ſeuere things & al the men were ſeuere in their workes, although they would not be knowen by their extreame doinges. Homere ſayth that the Thebanes had v. cuſtomes, wherein they were more extreme then any other nacion.

1. The firſt was, that the children drawing to v. yeres of age, were marked in the forehead with a hoote yron, becauſe in what places ſo euer they came they ſhould be knowen for Thebanes by that marke.

2. The ſecond was, that they ſhould accuſtome their children to trauaile alwayes on foote. And the occaſion why they dyd this was, becauſe the Egiptians kept their beaſtes for their gods: and therfore when ſo euer they trauayled they neuer rydde on horſebacke, becauſe they ſhould not ſeme to ſitte vpon their god.

3. The third was, that none of the citizens of Thebes ſhold mary with any of ſtraunge nacions, but rather they cauſed them to marrye parentes with parentes, becauſe that frendes maryeng with frendes, they thoughte the frendſhippe and loue ſhould be more ſure.

4. The fourthe cuſtome was, that no Thebane ſhould in any wiſe make a houſe for himſelfe to dwel in, but firſt he ſhould make his graue wherin he ſhould be buryed. Me thinketh that in this point the Thebanes were not to extreme, nor exceſſiue, but that they did lyke ſage and wiſe men: yea and by the law of veryte I ſweare, that they were ſager then we are. For if at the leaſt we dyd imploye our thought but two howers in the weke to make our graue: it is vnpoſſible but that we ſhould correcte euerye daye our life.

5. The fift cuſtome was, that all the boies which were excedinge faire in their face, ſhoulde be by theym ſtrangled in the cradell: and all the girles whiche were extreame foule, were by them killed & ſacrifiſed to the godds. Sayeng that the gods forgotte themſelues, when they made the men faire, and the women foule. For the man which is very faire, is but an vnparfite woman: and the woman which is extreme foule, is but a ſauage and wilde beaſt. The greateſt God of the Thebaines was Iſis, who was a red bull nouriſſhed in the riuer of Nile, and they had a cuſtome, that all thoſe which had red heere immediately ſhould be ſacrify • ed. The contrarye they did to the beaſtes, for ſithe their God was a bul of tawnye couloure, none durſt be ſo bold to kyl any beaſts of the ſame coloure. In ſuch fourme and maner, that it was lawfull to kyll both men and women, and not the brute beaſtes. I do not ſay this was wel done of the Thebaines to ſley their children, nor yet I do ſay that it was wel done to ſacrifice men & women, which had red or taunye heere, nor I thinke it a thinge reaſonable, that they ſhould do reuerence to the beaſtes of that coloure: but I wonder why they ſhould ſo much diſpiſe foule women, and faire men, ſith all the world is peopled bothe with faire and foule. Then ſith thoſe barbarous (lyuyng as they did vnder a falſe law) did put him to death, whom the Gods had adorned with any beautie? we then which are Chriſtians by reaſon ought much leſſe to eſteme ye beautie of the body: knowing that moſt commonly thervpon enſueth the vnclennes of the ſoule. Vnder the chriſtall ſtone lyeth oftentimes a daungerous worme, in the faier wal is nouriſſhed ye venemous Coluber, within the middell of the white tothe is ingendered great paine to the gummes, in the fyneſt clothe the motes do moſt hurt, and the moſt fruitful tree by wormes is ſoneſt periſſhed. I meane, that vnder the cleane bodyes & faire countenaunces, are hid many and abhominable vyces. Truly not only to children which are not wiſe, but to all other which are lyght and fraile, beauty is nothing els but the mother of many vyces, and the hinderer of all vertues. Let princes and great Lords beleue me, which thinke, to be faire and wel diſpoſed, that where there is great aboundaunce of corporal goods and graces, there ought to be great bones of vertues to be able to beare them. For the moſte highe trees by great windes are ſhaken. I ſay, that it is vanytie to be vaine glorious, in any thinge of this world, be it neuer ſo parfite: and alſo I ſaye that it is a greate vanytie to be proude, of the corporall beautye. For amonge all the acceptable giftes that nature gaue to the mortalles, there is nothinge more ſuperfluous in man, and leſſe neceſſarie, then the beautye of the body. For truly whether we be faire or foule, we are nothing the better beloued of God, neyther thereby the more hated of men. O blyndnes of ye world, O lyfe which neuer lyueth nor ſhal lyue, O death which neuer hath end, I know not why man through the accident of this beautye ſhoulde or durſt take vpon him any vaine glory or preſumption: ſith he knoweth that all the faireſt, and moſt parfiteſt of fleſh, muſt be ſacrificed to the wormes in the graue. And knowe alſo, that all the propernes of the members ſhalbe forfeited to the hongry wormes which are in the earth. Let the great, ſcorne the lytle aſmuch as they will, the faire, mocke the foule at their pleaſure, the hole, diſdaine the ſicke, the wel made, enuy the deformed, the white, hate the blacke, and the Giantes, dyſpiſe the dwarfes: yet in the end al ſhall haue an end. Truly in myne opinion, the trees beare not the more fruit, for that they are ſtreight only, nor for being high, neither for geuing great ſhadowe, nor for being beautifull, nor yet for being great. By this compariſon I meane, that though a noble & ſtout man be proper of parſon, and noble of linage, ſhadowing of fauour, comlye in countenaunce, in renowne very high, and in the common wealth puiſſaunt, that therfore he is not the better in lyfe.

For truly the common wealthes are not altered by the ſimple labourers which trauaile in the fieldes: but by the vicyous men, which take great eaſe in their liues. Vnleſſe I be deceiued, the ſwine and other beaſtes are fed vnder the okes with the acornes, and amonge the pricking briers and thornes the ſwete roſes do grow, the ſharpe beeche giueth vs the ſauoury cheſnutts. I meane, that the deformed and litle creatures oft times are moſt profitable in the common wealth. For the lytle and ſharpe countenaunces, are ſignes of valiaunt and ſtout hartes. Let vs ceaſe to ſpeake of men which are fleſhely, being eftſones rotten and gone, and let vs talke of ſumptuous buildinges which are of ſtone: which if we ſhould go to ſe what they were, we may know the greatnes and the height of them. Then we ſhal not know the maner of their beauty: and that which ſemed to be perpetuall, in ſhorte ſpace we ſee it ende, and loaſe the renowne, in ſuch ſort that ther is neuer memory of them after. Let vs alſo leaue the auncient buildinges and come to the buildings now a days, and one ſhal ſee that there is no man that maketh a houſe, be it neuer ſo ſtrong nor ſo faire, but (liuing a lytle while) he ſhal ſee the beauty therof decay. For ther are a great nombre of auncient men, which haue ſene both the toppes of famous and ſtronge buyldings made, & alſo the foundacion and ground therof decayed. And that this is true it appeareth manyfeſtly, for that if the toppe decay, or the walles fall, or els if the tymber be weke, or the ioyntes open, or the windowes waxe rotten, or the gates do breake, the buildinges forth with do decay. What ſhall we ſay of goodly haules, and galleries well appointed, the which within ſhort ſpace, by coles or candels of childrē, or by torches of pages, or ſmoke of chimneys, by cobwebbes of ſpyders, become as dry & foule, as before they were freſhe and faire. Then if that be true which I haue ſaid of theſe things I would now gladly know, what hope man cā haue of the cōtinuaunce of his beauty, ſince we ſe the like deſtruction of corporal beauty, as of ſtones, wood, bricke, and clay. O vnprofitable Princes, O children of vanity to folyſhe hardy, do you not remember that all your healthe it ſubiecte to ſicknes, as in the payne of the ſtomack, in the heate of the lyuer, in the inflamacion of the feete, in the diſtemperaunce of humors, the mocions of the ayre, in the coniunctions of the Moone, in the Eclipſe of the ſunne: I ſay do not you knowe that you are ſubiect to the tedyous ſommer, and vntollerable winter? Of a trouth I cannot tel how you can be (among ſo many in perfections and corruptions) ſo full of vaine glory, by your beauty, ſeing and knowinge that a litle feuer doth not only deface and marre the beauty, but alſo maketh and couloureth ye face al yelow, be it neuer ſo wel fauoured. I haue maruailed at one thing, that is to wete, that all men are deſirous to haue all things about their body cleane, their gownes bruſhed, their coates nette, the table handſome, and the bedde fine, and only they ſuffer their ſoules to be foule, ſpotted, and filthi. I durſt ſay, and in the faith of a chriſtian affirme, that it is a great lacke of wiſedome, and a ſuperfluitie of folye, for a man to haue his houſe cleane, and to ſuffer his ſoule to be corrupted. I would know what preheminence they haue which are fayre, aboue others to whom nature hath denyed beautye. Peraduenture the beauteful man hath two ſoules, and the defourmed creature hath but one? peraduenture the moſt fayreſt are the moſt healthful, and the moſt deformed are the moſt ſicklyeſt? Peraduenture the moſt fayreſt are the wyſeſt, and the moſt defourmed the moſt innocentes? peraduenture the faireſt are moſt ſtoute, and the defourmed moſt cowardes? peraduenture the fayre are moſt fortunate, and the foule moſt vnluckyeſt? peraduenture the fayre only are excepted from vyce, and the foule depryued from vertue? peraduenture thoſe whych are fayre, of ryght haue perpetuall lyfe, and thoſe whych are foule, are bound to replenyſhe the graue? I ſay no certaynlye. Then if this be true, why do the great mocke the litle, the fayre the foule, the right the crooked, and the whyte the blacke, ſince they know that the vayne glory which they haue, and their beauty alſo, ſhal haue an end to day or to morow. A man that is faire and wel proportyoned, is therfore nothyng the more vertuous: & he that is deformed & euil ſhapen, is nothing therfore the more vicious: ſo ye vertue dependeth not at all of the ſhape of ye bodye, neyther yet vyce procedeth of the deformitye of the face. For dayly we ſe the difformytie of the body, to be beautyfied wyth vertues of the mynd: and the vertues of the mynd, to be defaced wyth the vyce of the body in his works. For truly he that in the vſage of his lyfe hath any botche or imperfectyon, is worſe then he that hath foure botches in hys ſhoulders. Alſo I ſay, that though a man be great, yet it is not true that therfore he is ſtrong: ſo that it is not a general rule, that the bigge body hath always a valiaunt and couragious hart, nor the man whych is lytle of parſon, ſhold be of a vyle & falſe hart. For we ſe by experyence, the greateſt men, the moſt cowards: & the leaſt of perſonage, the moſt ſtout and hardy of hart. The holy ſcripture ſpeake of king Dauid, that he was redde in his countenaunce, & not bygge of body, but of a meane ſtature, yet not withſtanding as he and the mighty Gyaunt Golias were in campe, Dauid kylled Golias wyth a ſling, & with hys owne ſword cut of hys head. We ought not maruayle, that a lytle ſheaperde ſhould ſley ſo valyaunt & myghty a Gyaunte. For oft tymes of a lytle ſparke commeth a great lyght: and contrary wiſe by a great torche a man can ſcarſely ſee to do any thinge. This kinge Dauid dyd more, that he being lytle of body, and tender of yeres killed the Lions, & recouered the lambes out of the Woulfes throtes, and beſides this in one day in a battaile with his owne handes, he ſlew to the nomber of 800 men. Though we cannot find the like in our tyme, we may well ymagine, that of the 800. which he ſlew, there were at leaſt .300. of theym as noble of linage as he, as riche in goodes, as faire in countenaunce, and as high of ſtature: but none of theſe had ſo much force & courage, ſince he eſcaped aliue, & they remayned in the field deade. Thoughe Iulius Ceſar was bigge enoughe of body, yet notwithſtandinge he was euyll proporcioned: For he had his head all bald, his noſe very ſharpe, one hande more ſhorter then the other. And albeit he was yong, he had his face ryuelled, his coulour ſomewhat yeallowe, and aboue all he went ſomewhat croked, & his girdel was halfe vndone. For men of good wittes do not employ themſelues to ye ſetting out of their bodyes. Iulius Ceſar was ſo vnhandſome in his bodye, that after the battaile of Pharſalique, a neighbour of Rome ſaid vnto the great Oratour Tullius. Tell me Tullius, why haſt thou folowed the parcialities of Pompeius ſince thou art ſo wiſe, knoweſt thou not that Iulius Ceſar ought to be lord and monarche of all the world? Tullius then aunſwered. I tell the true my frend, that I ſeing Iulius Ceſar in his youth ſo euyl & vnſemely girded, iudged neuer to haue ſene that that is ſene of him, and did neuer greatly regard him. But the old Silla knew him better. For he ſeinge Iulius Ceſar ſo vncomely, and ſo ſlouenly appareiled in his youth, oftentimes ſayd vnto the Senate: beware of this yong man ſo euil marked. For if you do not watche wel his procedings, it is he that ſhall hereafter deſtroye the Romaine people as Suetonius Tranquillus affirmeth in the booke of Caeſer. Albeit that Iulius Caeſer was vncomely in his behauiour, yet in naminge onlye his name he was ſo feared through the worlde, as if bechaunce any king or princes did talke of him at their table, as after ſupper, for feare they coulde not ſlepe that night vntill the next day. As in Gallia Gotica wher Iulius Caeſar gaue a battaile, by chaunce a Frenche knight toke a Ceſarian knight pryſonner, who being ledde priſonner by the frenchmen, ſayde Chaos Ceſar whyche is to ſay: Let Caeſar alone. Which the Gaulloys hearing the name of Caeſer, let the pryſoner eſcape, and without any other occaſion he fel beſides his horſe. Now then let princes and great lordes ſe, how lytle it auayleth the valiaunt man to be faire or foule, ſith that Iulius Caeſar being ſo deformed, only wyth naming his name cauſed all men for feare to chaunge their countenaunce, Hannibal the aduenturous Captaine of Carthage is called monſtruous, not only for his deedes he did in the world: but alſo for the euyl proporcion of his bodye. For of hys two eyes he lacked the right, and of the two feete he had the left foote croked, and aboue al he was lytle of body, & verye fyerſe & cruell of countenaunce. The deedes and conqueſtes which Hannibal did among the people of Rome, Titus Liuius declareth at large: yet I wyll recite one thing which an hiſtoriographer declareth, and it is this. Frontine in the booke of the ſtoutnes of the Penians declareth, that in xvii. yeres that Hannibal warred with the Romaines, he ſlew ſo great a nomber that if the men had bene conuerted into Kyne, and that the bloud which was ſhed had bene turned into wine, it had bene ſufficient to haue fylled and ſatiſfyed his hole armye, being 80. thouſand foote men, and 17 thouſande horſe men in his campe.

I demaunde nowe, howe many were at that tyme faierer and more beautifull of their bodies and countenaunce, then he was: whoſe beautie at this daye is forgotten, where as his valiauntnes ſhall endure for euer. For there was neuer prince that lefte of him eternall memorie, onely for beinge beautifull of countenaunce: but for enterpryſinge great thinges with the ſworde in the hand. The great Alexander was no fairer, nor better ſhapen thē an other man. For the chronicles declare of him, that he had a litle throte, a great head, a blacke face, his eies ſomewhat troubled, the bodie litle, and the members not well proporcioned, and with all his deformitie he deſtroyed Darius, king of the Perſes and Meedes, and he ſubdued al the tyrauntes: he made him ſelfe lorde of all the caſtles, and tooke many kynges, and diſherited and ſlewe mightie Lordes of great eſtates, he ſearched all their ryches, and pylled all their treaſours, and aboue all thinges, all the earth trembled before him, not hauinge the audacitie to ſpeake one worde againſt him.

¶Of a letter the Emperour Marcus Aurelius wrote to his Nephew, worthy to be noted of all young gentlemen. Cap. xlii.

SExtus Cheronenſis, in his ſeconde booke of the lyfe of Marcus Aurelius declared, that this good Marcus Aurelius had a ſyſter called Annia Milena, the whiche had a ſonne named Epeſipus, who was not onely nephewe, but alſo diſciple to Marcus Aurelius. And after he was created Emperour, he ſent his nephewe into Grece to ſtudye the Greeke tongue, and to bannyſhe him from the vices of Rome. This younge Epeſipus was of a good and cleare iudgement, well made of his body, and fayre of countenaunce: and ſithe in his youth he eſtemed his beautie more then his learninge, the Emperour his vncle wrote him a letter into Grece, whiche ſayde this.

Marcus Aurelius the Romaine Emperoure, firſte tribune of the people, and Byſhop, wyſheth to thee Epeſipus his nephew, and ſcholler, health and doctrine. In the thirde Calendes of December, came thy coſyn Annius Verus, at whoſe comming all our parentage reioyced, and ſo muche the more for that he brought vs newes of Gretia. For truly when the harte hath the abſence of that he loueth, it is no one minute of an houre without ſuſpition. After that thy coſyn Annius Verus had ſpoken in generally to all, bryngyng newes from their frendes and chyldren, we talked together, and he gaue me a letter of thyne, whiche is contrary to that was wrytten me out of Grece, becauſe thou wryteſt to me, that I ſhoulde ſende thee money to continue the in ſtudye, and they wrote vnto me from thence, that thou arte more youthful and geuen to the pleaſures of the worlde, than becommeth thee. Thou art my bloude, thou arte my Nephewe, thou werte my ſcholler, and thou ſhalte bee my ſonne if thou arte good. But God wyll neuer that thou be my Nephew, nor that I call thee my ſonne, duryng the tyme that thou ſhalt be younge, fonde, lyght & frayle. For no good man ſhould haue parentage with the vicious. I can not denye but that I loued thee from ye bottome of my ſtomack, and ſo lykewyſe thy vnthriftynes greaueth me with all my harte. For when I redde the letter of thy follyes, I lette thee knowe that the teares ranne downe my cheekes: but I wyll contente my ſelfe. For the ſage and wyſe men, though (againſte their wylles) they heare of ſuche thynges paſte, yet it pleaſeth them to redreſſe other thynges that maye come hereafter.

I knowe well thou canſt not call it to mynde, though perhappes thou haſte it, that when thy vnlucky mother, and my ſiſter Annia Milena died, ſhe was then young enough, for ſhe was no more but .xviii. yeares of age, and thou haddeſt not then foure houres. For thou were borne in the morning, and ſhe died at nonetide: ſo that when the wycked childe poſſeſſed life, the good mother taſted death. I can tell that thou haſt loſt ſuch a mother, and I ſuche a ſiſter, that I beleue there was no better in Rome. For ſhe was ſage, honeſt, and fayre, the whiche thinges are ſeldome ſeene nowe a daies. For ſo muche as thy mother was my ſiſter, and that I had broughte her vp and maried her, I loued her tenderly. And when ſhe died here at Rome, I redde then Rethorike at Rhodes, becauſe my pouertie was ſo extreme, that I had no other thing but that whiche by reading Rethorike I did gette. When newes came vnto me of the death of thy mother, and my ſiſter Annia Milena, al comforte layde on ſyde, ſorowe oppreſſed my harte in ſuche wyſe, that all my mē bers trembled, the bones ſheuered, myne eies without reſte did lamente, the heauy ſighes ouercame me, at euery minute my harte vaniſhed awaye, from the bottome of my harte I inwardly lamented, and bewayled thy vertuous mother and my dere ſyſter. Finally ſorowe executing his priuilege on me, the ioyfull company greued me, and onely with the louely care I quieted my ſelfe. I knowe not, nor can not expreſſe vnto the howe, and in what ſorte I tooke the death of my ſiſter Annia Milena thy mother: for in ſleaping I dreamed of her, and dreaming I ſawe her, when I was awake ſhe repreſented her ſelfe before me, remembring then that ſhe liued, I was ſory to remember her death. Life was ſo greuous vnto me, that I woulde haue reioyced to haue bene put in the graue with her. For truly he feeleth aſſuredly the death of an other, whiche alway is ſorowefull, and lamenting his owne life. Remembring therefore the great loue whiche my ſiſter Milena bare vnto me in her life, and thinking wherein I might requite the ſame after her death: I imagined that I could not by any meanes doe any thing more acceptable for her, then to bryng thee vp, thou whiche arte her chylde, and lefte an orphane ſo young. For of all trauayles, to a woman this is chiefeſt: to leaue behinde her children to bring vp. My ſiſter being dead, the firſte thing I dyd was, that I came to Rome, and then ſent thee to Capua to be broughte vp there, in the whiche place, harde at my noſe, they gaue the ſucke two yeares. For thou knoweſt right well, that the money which by reading Rethorike I gate, ſcarcely ſatiſfied for thy dayly finding: but that in the night I reade ſome extraordinary lecture, and with that I payed for the mylke, which thou ſuckedſt on the dugge, ſo that thy bringing vp depended vpon the labour of my lyfe. After that thou wer weyned and brought from the teate, I ſent the to Bietro, to a frende and kinſman of mine named Lucius Valerius, with whom thou remainedſt vntill fiue yeares were fully accompliſhed, where I founde both him and thee all thinges neceſſary. For he was in great pouertie, and a great babler of his tongue, in ſuche ſorte that he troubled al men, and angred me muche. For truly a man ſhould as willingly geue money to cauſe him to be ſilente, whiche is talkatiue: as to geue to a wyſe man, to heare him ſpeake. The fiue yeares accompliſhed, I ſente thee to Toringue, a citie of Campagnia, to a maiſter whiche taught children there, called Emilius Torquates, of whom, to the end he ſhould teache thee to reade and wryte three yeares: I tooke a ſonne of his, whom he gaue me to reade to him Greke foure yeres, ſo that thou couldeſt not haue any profite in thee, without the encreaſe of my great trauayle, and augmenting paine to my harte. After thou were ſeuen yeares olde, that thou couldeſt reade and wryte well: I ſente thee to ſtudie in the famous citie of Tarenthe, where I kept thee foure yeares, paying to the maiſters a great ſumme of money. Becauſe nowe a dayes through our euyll fortunes, there is none that will teache without great ſtipende. Without lamenting I doe not tell thee, that in the time of the Cincinos (whiche were after the death of Quintus Cincinatus, vntill Cyna and Catullus) the philoſophers and maiſters of Rome did neuer receiue one peny to teache ſciences to any that would learne them. For all the philoſophers and maiſters were by the ſacred Senate payde, and none ceaſed to ſtudy for lacke of money. For in thoſe dayes they whiche woulde applie them ſelues to vertue and ſciences, were by the common treaſure mainteined. As our fathers were wel ordered in their thinges: ſo they did not deuide offices by order onely, but alſo by order they paide their money in ſuche ſorte that they paied firſt with the common treaſure, the prieſtes of the temples. Secondly the maiſters of ſcholes and ſtudies. Thirdly the poore wydowes and orphanes. Fourthly the ſtraunge knyghtes, whiche of their owne free wylles voluntarely were made citezins of Rome. Fiftly all the olde ſouldiours, whiche had ſerued. xxxvi. yeares continually in the warres. For thoſe which were retired home to their owne houſes, were honourably founde of the common wealth. The .xii. yeares paſte I my ſelfe was in Tarenthe, and caried thee to Rome, where I redde vnto thee Rethorike, Logike, and Philoſophie, and alſo the Mathematicall ſciences, keping thee in my houſe, in my company, at my table, and in my bedde, and furthermore I hadde thee in my harte, and in my minde. The whiche thinge thou ſhouldeſt eſteme more, then if I gaue thee my houſe and all my goodes. For the true benefite is that onely whiche is done without any reſpect of profite or intereſt. I kepte thee with me thus in this ſorte in Laurente, in Rhodes, in Naples, and in Capua, vntil ſuch tyme as the gods created me Emperour of Rome. And then I determined to ſende thee to Grece, becauſe thou ſhouldeſt learne the Greeke tongue, and alſo to the ende thou ſhouldeſt accuſtome thy ſelfe to worke, that whiche true philoſophie requireth. For the true and vertuous philoſophers ought to conforme their workes to that they ſay, and publiſhe their wordes with their deades. There is nothing more infamous, then to preſume to be ſage, and to be deſirous to be counted vertuous: principally for him that ſpeaketh much, & worketh litle. For the man of a pleaſant tongue, & euil life, is he which with impoſtumes vndoeth the cōmon wealth. When I ſent thee to Grece, & withdrew thee from Rome, it was not to exyle thee out of my company, ſo that thou hauing taſted of my pouertie, ſhouldeſt not reioyce at my proſperitie: but it was that conſidering thy youthfull diſpoſition and lightnes, I was afrayd to vndo thee in the palace, chiefly leaſt thou wouldeſt haue preſumed to haue bene to bolde & familiar, becauſe thou werte my nephew. For truly princes which take pleaſure yt their children be familiar with thē, thei giue occaſion yt men ſhal not count thē wiſe, & cauſe alſo the yoūg mē to be eſtemed for light I haue tolde thee that I did for thee in Italy. I will nowe let thee knowe what thou haſt done, and doeſt in Grece, ſo that I wyl ſhewe thee to be notorious, that is to knowe, that thou taking and eſteming thy ſelfe to be wel diſpoſed in thy youthe, thou haſte forſaken thy ſtudie, and deſpiſed my counſayles, thou arte accompanied with vayne and light men, and haſt viciouſly employed the money which I had ſent thee to bie bookes. All the whiche thinges to thee being hurtfull, are to me no leſſe diſhonour and ſhame. For it is a generall rule, when the childe is fooliſhe and ill taught, the blame and fault is layde on the maiſters necke, who hath taught him, and brought him vp. It greueth me not for that I haue broughte thee vp, neither for that I haue taught thee to reade, and cauſe thee to ſtudy, neither likewyſe to haue kept thee in my houſe, to haue ſet thee at my table, nor alſo to haue ſuffred thee to lye with me in bedde, neither it greueth me to haue conſumed ſo muche money on thee: but with all my harte it greueth me, that thou haſte not geuen me occaſion to doe thee any good. For there is nothing that greueth a noble prince more, then not to finde parſons able of capacitie, to doe them any good. They tell me that thou art well made of thy body, and fayre of countenaunce, and that thou preſumeſt alſo in thoſe thinges: wherefore to enioye the pleaſurs of thy perſone, thou haſt forſaken philoſophie, wherwith I am not contented. For in the ende the corporall beautie, earely or late, periſheth in the graue: but vertue and ſcience, maketh men to be of immortall memory. The gods neuer commaunded it, neither the ſtudies and vniuerſities of Italy ſuffred it, to haue the body fine and trimme, the viſage fayre & cleare, and the harte full of philoſophie: for the true philoſopher, of all other thinges eſtemeth leſte the ſetting forth of the body. For that the demonſtrations & tokens of a true & perfect philoſopher is to haue his eies troubled, his eiebries burnte, & the head bauld, the bal of his eies ſonke into his head, the face yellow, the body leane and feble, the fleſhe drie, ye feete vnhoſed, the garment poore, the eating litle, and the watching great. Finally he ought to liue as a Lacedemonian, and ſpeake as a Grecian. The tokens of a valiaunt and renowmed captaine, are his woundes and hurtes: and the ſigne of a ſtudious philoſopher, is the deſpiſing of the world. For the wyſe man ought to thinke him ſelfe as muche diſhonoured, if they call him ſtoute, and ſturdy: as a captaine when they call him a cowarde and negligent. I like well that the phyloſopher ſtudie the auncient antiquities of his forefathers, that wrote the profounde thinges for the time to come, that he teache profitable and holſom doctrines to thoſe whiche are nowe aliue, that he diligently enquire of the mocion of the ſtarres, that he conſider what cauſeth the alteration of the elementes. But I ſweare vnto thee Epeſipus, that neuer ſage of Rome came to thoſe thinges, nor philoſopher of Grece likewyſe, but in ſearching the quietnes of the ſoule, and deſpiſing the pleaſurs of the body. Touching the body I am like to beaſtes, but concerning the ſpirite I am partely like to the gods, ſithe that following the thinges of the fleſhe I, am made leſſe than my ſelfe, and in following the motions of the ſpirite, I am made more then I am. For truly ſenſualitie maketh vs inferiour to beaſtes, and reaſon maketh vs ſuperiour vnto men. The worldly malice and preſumption naturally deſireth, rather to mounte then to deſcende: and to commaunde, rather than to be commaunded. And ſince it is ſo, why doe we by vices abaſe our ſelues to doe leſſe then beaſtes, being poſſible for vs by vertues, to doe more then men? Amongeſt all the members, which men can haue, there is nothing more tender to breake, nor any thing more eaſy to corrupte, then is the handeſomenes of the body, wherof we are ſo proude. For in mine opinion, to eſteme him ſelf to be handſome & propre of perſone, is no other thing, but to eſteme our ſelues that dreaming we ſhal be riche and mighty, and afterwardes awaking we finde our ſelues to be poore and miſerable. And me thinketh this thing to be true, becauſe I will declare, what it is to ſe a young man in his firſt age, the hed litle, the heere yeallowe, the browe long, the eies grene, the chekes white, the noſe ſharpe, the lips coloured, the bearde forked, the face liuely, the necke ſmal, the body of good proportion, the armes litle, the fingers longe, & to conclude, ſo wel proportioned in his members, that mens eies ſhoulde alwayes deſire to beholde him, and the hartes alwaies ſeke to loue him. If this young man ſo faire and wel proportioned, remained long time in this beautie and diſpoſition, it were good to deſire it, to procure it, to kepe it, to praiſe it, and to loue it wel: for in the end if we loue the beautie in beaſtes and buildinges, by greater reaſon we ſhould deſire it in our ſelues. But what ſhall we ſaye, that when we doe not watche, this litle floure whiche yeſterday floriſſhed on the tree, faire and whole, without ſuſpicion to be loſt, one litle hory froſt ſodainly waſteth and conſumeth it, the vehement wynde ouerthroweth it, the knife of enuie cutteth it, the water of aduerſitie vndoeth it, and the heate of perſecutions pineth it: and finally the worme of ſhorte life gnaweth it, and the putrifaction of death decayeth and bryngeth it downe to the grounde. O mannes lyfe that arte alwayes curſed, I counte fortune cruell, and thee vnhappy, ſynce ſhe will that thou tarieſt on her, whiche dreaminge geueth the pleaſures, and wakinge woorketh the diſpleaſures: whiche geueth into the handes trauayle to taſte, & ſuffreth thee not only to liſten after quiet: which wil thou proue aduerſitie, and agree not that thou haue proſperitie but at her will: finally ſhe geueth thee life by ounces, and death without meaſure. The wicked & vicious ſay, that it is a great pleaſure to liue in eaſe: but I proteſt vnto them, that ther was neuer any mortal man had ſo much pleaſure in vices, but that he remained in great paine after that they were banniſhed frō him. For the harte, which of long time hath ben rooted in vice, incontinently is ſubiect to ſome great alteration. I would all would open their eies to ſee how we liue deceiued: for al the pleaſures which delighte the body, make vs beleue that they come to abide with vs continually, but they vaniſhe awaye with ſorowe immediatly. And on the contrary parte, the infirmities and ſorrowes that blynde the ſoule ſaye, that they come onely to lodge as geſtes, and remayne with vs continually as houſholders. I marueyle of thee Epeſipus, why thou doeſt not conſyder what ſhall become of the beautie of thy bodye hereafter, ſythe thou ſeeſt preſently the beautie of thoſe departed interred in the graue. By the dyuerſitie of fruites, manne dothe knowe the dyuerſytie of trees in the Orcharde, that is to wete, the Oke by the acornes, the Date tree by the dates, & the vines by the grapes: but when the roote is drie, the body cut, the fruite gathered, the leafe fallen, & when the tree is laide on the fire and become aſſhes, I would now know if this aſhes could be knowen of what tree it was, or howe a man might know the difference of the one from the other? By this compariſon I meane to ſaye, that for ſomuche as the life of this death, and the death of this life cōmeth to ſeke vs out, we are all as trees in the orcharde, whereby ſome are knowen by the rootes of their predeceſſours, others by the leaues of their wordes, others by the braunches of their frendes, ſome in the floures of their beauty, and other ſome by the barke of their foule ſkynne. The one in their mercifulnes, the other in their ſtoutnes, others in their hardines being aged, others in the haſtines of their youthe, others in their barronnes by their pouertie, others by their fruitfulnes in ryches, fynally in one onely thinge we are all alike, that is to wete that all vniuerſally goe to the graue, not one remaining. I aſke nowe when death hath done his office, executing all earthely men in the latter daies, what differēce is there then betwene the faire and the foule, whiche lie both in the narrowe graue? certainely there is none, and if there be any difference, it ſhalbe in the making of the graues, whiche vayne men inuented. And I doe not repent me for calling them vaine, ſince there is no vanitie nor fondnes comparable to this, for they are not contented to bee vaine in their liues, but will alſo after their deathes eterniſe their vanities in ſumptuous and ſtately ſepulchres. The coale of the Ceder (in my opinion) that is highe and faire, is nothing more whither when it is burnte, then the coale of the Oke which is litle and croked. I meane, oftentimes the gods do permitte, that the bones of a poore Philoſopher are more honoured then the bones of princes. With death I will threathen thee no lenger, for ſithe thou art geuen to the vices of this life, thou wouldeſt not as yet that with a word it ſhould deſtroye thee: but I will tell thee one worde more, though it greue thee to heare it, whiche is, that the Gods created thee to die, men begot thee to die, women bare thee to die, and thou camſte into the worlde for to die: & to conclude I ſaye, ſome are borne to daye, on condition they die to morow, and geue their places to others. When the great and fruitfull trees begin to budde forth by the rootes, it ſignifieth that time draweth on for them, to cut the drie and wythered braunches. I meane that to ſee children borne in the houſe is no other, but to cite the grandfathers and fathers to the graue. If a man would aſke me what death is, I woulde ſaye a miſerable lake wherin all worldly men are taken. For thoſe that moſt ſafely thinke to paſſe it ouer, remaine therein moſte ſubtilly deceiued. I haue alwayes redde of the auncientes paſt, and haue ſeene of the younge men preſent, and I ſuppoſe that the ſelfe ſame will be to come hereafter. That when life moſt ſweteſt ſemeth to any man, then ſodainly death entreth in at their dores. O immortal gods, I can not tell if I may call you cruell, I knowe not if I may call you mercifull, becauſe you gaue vs fleſhe, bones, honour, goodes, frendes, and alſo ye geue vs pleaſure: finally ye geue to men all that they wante, ſaue onely the cuppe of lyfe, whiche to your ſelues you did reſerue. Since I may not that I would, I will that I may: but if it were referred to my will, I woulde rather one onely day of life, then all the ryches of Rome. For what auayleth it to toyle and take paine to increaſe honour, and worldly goodes: ſince lyfe daily diminiſheth. Returning therfore to my firſt purpoſe, thou muſt knowe, that thou eſtemeſt thy ſelfe, and glorifieſt in thy perſonage and beautie: I would gladly know of the, and of others whiche are yonge and faire, if you doe not remember that once ye muſt come to be olde and rotten. For if you thinke you ſhall lyue but a lytle, then reaſon woulde you ſhoulde not eſteme youre beauties muche: for by reaſon it is a ſtraunge thinge, that lyfe ſhoulde abate vs, and folie trayne vs. Yf you thinke to become aged, ye ought to remember, and alwayes to thinke, that the ſteele of the knyfe, whiche dothe muche ſeruice, at length decayeth and is loſt for lacke of lokynge to. Trulye the yong man, is but a new knyfe, the whiche in proceſſe of tyme cankerethe in the edge: for on one daye he breaketh the poynte of vnderſtandynge, another he loſeth the edge of cuttyng, and to morow the ruſt of diſeaſes taketh him, and afterwardes by aduerſitie he is writhen, and by infirmities he is diſeaſed, by riches he is whetted, by pouerty he is dulled agayne: and finally, oftentimes it chaunſeth that the more ſharpe he is whetted, ſo muche the more the lyfe is put in haſarde. It is a true thinge, that the fete and handes are neceſſary to clyme to ye vanyties of youth: and that afterwardes ſtumblynge a lytle, immediately rowling the heade downewardes, we diſcende into the miſerie of age. For (to oure ſeamynge) yeſterdaye we knewe one, that was yonge and beautifull: and with in ſhorte tyme after, we heare that he is dead and rotten. When I conſider manye men, aſwell frendes as enemyes, whiche were (not long a goe) floriſſhyng in beautye and youth, and preſently I ſee them to be olde and drye, ſycke and foule, truly I think that as then I dreamed of them, or that they be not nowe as they were then. What thynge is more fearefull, or more incredible, then to ſee a man become miſerable, in ſhorte ſpace, that the faſhion of his viſage ſhoulde chaunge, the beautie of the face ſhoulde be loſte, the beard waxe whyte, the heade bauld, the cheekes and forheade full of wrynckelles, the teethe (as whit as Iuorye) become blacke, the lighte feete by the goute to ſeme crepeled, and afterwarde waxeth heauie, the palſey weakeneth the ſtrong arme, the fyne ſmothe throte with wrinckelles is pleated, and the bodye that was ſtreight and vpryghte, waxeth weake and croked. Aboue all that I haue ſpoken, I ſay to ye Epeſipus (which preſumeſt to be faire) that he which through hys propernes in youth was ye mirrour of all, becommeth to be ſuch a one, yt he douteth whether he be the ſelfe ſame now in his age, that he was in his youth. Doe what thou wilte, prayſe and gloryfye thy beautie aſmuch as thou thinckeſt good, yet in the ende the beautie of men is none other: but as a veile to couer their eyes, a payre of fetters for the fete, manacles for the handes, a lyme rodde for the winges, a theſe of tyme, an occaſion of daunger, a prouoker of trouble, a place of lecherye, a ſinke of all euill. and fynallye it is an inuentour of debates, and a ſcourge of the affectioned man. Since thou haſte forſaken thy ſtudye, I am not bound to ſend the any thing, chiefely waſting thy monye in childyſh and youthfull toyes: but notwithſtandyng all thoſe thinges, I ſende the by Aulus Vegenus two thouſande crounes for thy apparaile, and trulye thou ſhalt be very vnthankfull, if thou doſt not knowe the benefite done vnto the. For a man ought to giue more thākes for that which is done of curteſie: then for that which is offered of neceſſitie. I cannot tell, what to let the vnderſtande in theſe partes, but that thy ſiſter Anania Salaria is maried, who ſayeth ſhe is contente. I praye God it be ſo, for with money men maye be holpen to mariages: but it lyeth in the gods to contente the parties. If thou wilte know of Toringa thy coſen, thou ſhalte vnderſtande ſhe is imbarked in the fleete whyche went to Spaine, and in dede I neuer thought otherwiſe on her, after ſhe had hene .3. dayes hydde in the waye of Salaria. For maydes that will betimes gather their grapesi: t is a token that they will goe on warfare with ſouldyars. Of Annius Rufus thy frende and companion, I certify the that he is gon into ye Ile of Heleſpont, and he goeth by the authority of the ſenate, to vnderſtand the gouernement therof: and albeit he be yong, yet he is wiſe, and therfore I ſuppoſe he will render a good accompt of his commiſſion. For of theſe two extremities, the aged that do decline, or the yong that are wiſe: I had rather holde my ſelfe to the wiſdom of the yong, then to the white berdes of the aged. My wife Fauſtine ſaluteth the, and be thou aſſured that in thy affaires (at the leaſt to my ſeming) ſhe is very fauourable vnto the, and dayly ſhe inſtauntely requireth me not to be angrye with the, ſayenge: that ſage men oughte not to eſteme the lyghtenes of youth, and that there is no olde man that is ſage, but he which in all thinges, was lighte and youthefull. I ſay no more to the in this caſe, but if thou wylte be good, I cannot denaye that thou art not my nepheue, my old ſcoler, and ſeruaunte. For if in the I ſe amendment, I wil withdrawe mine ire. For trulye amonge the louing hartes, there is nothing that plucketh vp the euill will, vnles it be the good lyfe. At the requeſt of my wife Fauſtine I haue writen the this worde, and I ſaye no more, but that of her parte and mine thou commende vs to all the vniuerſitie. The Gods haue the in their cuſtodye, to whom it may pleaſe to gyue the amendement of lyfe. Marcus Aurelius the romaine emperour, to the Annius Epeſipus wryteth with his owne hand.

How princes and great Lordes in olde time were louers of wiſe men. Chap. xliii.

ONe of the chiefeſt thynges that wanne reputacion and eternall memorye to the auncient princes and Gouerners, was that they ſought wyſe men to be alwayes couerſaunt about them, whoſe graue counſaile their realmes alwayes obſerued, and obeyed. It profiteth a king litle, to leade with him a greate nomber of ſages, to gouerne him and his realme: if his ſubiectes are armed with malice not to obey hym. Let princes knowe, whiche eſteme not the counſaile of ſages, that their commaundement of other ſhall not be regarded. For the lawe whiche by will is made, and not of right ordeined, deſerueth not to be obeyed. We which turne and toſſe ye leaues of the auncient hiſtories cannot denay, but that the romaines naturally were proude. Yet we muſte confeſſe, that as they haue ben ſtout in thinges touching warres: ſo they haue ſhewed them ſelues temperate, in the affaires of the publike weale. And truly herin Rome declared her wiſedom & might, for as by hardye and ſtoute captaynes the enemies were deſtroied in warre: ſo by ſages and wiſe men the common wealth was gouerned and mainteined in peace. Ofte tymes with my ſelfe I muſe whereuppon all theſe diſcordes grew, betwene lords and ſubiectes, princes and vaſſalles: and my count being made, I finde that they haue both reaſon. For the ſubiectes complaine of the litle loue of their lorde: and the lordes complaine of the great diſobedience of their ſubiectes. For to ſay ye truth, diſobedience is ſo much augmented, and the deſier of commaundement is become ſo licencious, that it ſemeth to the ſubiectes that the waighte of a fether is lead: and on the cōtrary it ſemeth to princes that for the flieng of a flye, they ſhould draw their ſwordes. All this euill and damage commeth not, but becauſe the princes haue not with them wiſe men, whiche maye counſaile them: for there was neuer any good prince, that credited euil counſaile. There are two thinges in princes and prelates whiche gouerne the ſoule, thone is the dignitie of the office, and the other is the nature of ye perſon. It may wel be that on may be good in his perſon, and euill in his gouernement: and the contrary, he may be euil of his perſon, and good in gouernement. And therfore Tullius Cicero ſayeth, that there neuer was nor ſhall be ſuch a Iulius Ceſar in his perſon, nor ſo euill a gouernour as he was for the common wealth. It is a great grace in a mā to be good, but it is much more that he be a good prince: and for the contrary, it is a great euil for a man to be euill, but it is much worſe for him to be an euil prince. For the euill man is only euil to him ſelfe, but the euill prince indomageth al others: for the more the poiſon is ſcatered through the body, in ſo much more daunger he is of his lyfe. I meane, the more power a man hath ouer the common wealth: ſo much the more euil and domage he doth if his life be euill. I maruell why princes and great lordes ſhould be ſo curious to ſerche the beſt medicines to cure their bodies: & that they are ſo ſlacke & ſlow in ſeking ſage perſons to gouerne their cōmon wealth. For wtout cōpariſon, it is greater domage that the common wealth be euill gouerned, then if the prince and gouernour therof ſhould be ſicke in his perſon. Hitherto we haue neyther red nor ſene that any Prince haue perriſhed for lacke of phiſike, but for lacke of counſailours we haue ſeen and red of infinite kinges and realmes that haue ben deſtroyed, and vtterly vndone.

The lacke of a phiſicion maye cauſe daunger in mans perſon: but the lacke of a wiſe man, may ſet diſcord amongeſt the people. For where ther is any tumulte amongeſt the people a ripe counſaile of a wyſe man profiteth more: then a hundreth purgacions of rubarbe. Iſidorus in the forth boke of his Etimologies affirmeth, that the romaines were foure hundreth yeares without phiſicions. For Eſculapius the ſonne of Apollo was the laſte phiſician in Grece. And in the tēple of the ſame Eſculapius, they ſet by the image of Archabuto, a man very notable in ſurgery. For the romaynes were ſo beneficious to vertuous parſones, that to euery on that exceaded other in any kynde of vertue, they rewarded him with mony, they ſet vp a ſtatute of him for memory, or els they made him fre in the common wealth. And then when the ſurgian Archabuto was become auncient, and very riche, & when by occaſiō of great and daungerous wondes he dyd cutte of the armes and legges of certayne Romaynes, they thought him a cruell an vnnaturall man. Wherfore they droue him out of his houſe, and killed hym with ſtones in the fielde of Mars. And let no man maruel therat, for oftētimes men ſuffer leſſe harme in enduring the paine, then to tary for ye cruell remedies the ſurgians applie vnto it. Some men will ſay, that when Rome was without ſurgians, the romaynes were diſconfaited and halfe loſt. To this I wil aunſwere, yt they neuer had a more proſperous time▪ then in ye .400. yers when they wer wtout ſurgians. For then was Rome vndone, whē they receiued ſurgions, for at ye tune they droue philoſophers out of rome. I do not ſpeake this as a preiudice to any ſurgian, for me thinketh that princes cannot be without ſome amōg them. For as the fleſhe is feble and delicate, ſo dayly nedeth it remedies to comforte it. The ſage ſurgeons geueth vs none but good and healthfull counſailes. For they do not perſwade vs to any other thing, but that we be: ſober and continent, in eating, drynking, ſleapinge, trauailing, and workinge and that in all thinges we ſhould be temperat. The end why I ſpeake theſe thinges is, to perſwade princes, prelates, and great lordes, that the great diligence they haue to ſeke ſurgeans, & the ſomme of money they waſt to mainteyne and content them, they ſhould ſpend parte of that to ſeke wiſe men to counſaile their perſonnes. For if men knewe what it were to keape a wyſe man, to commaunde in their houſe, they would giue for on only wiſe man al their goods. Ye ought to haue pitie and compaſſion vpon thoſe princes, and great lordes, which loſe ſo many dayes in the moneth, and ſo many houres in the daye, in ſpeaking of warres, buildinges, weapons, meates, beaſtes, of huntinges, and medecines, and oftentimes of othermens doinges, & of other vaine thinges, not neceſſary for mans lyfe. And this cōmunication they vſe with thoſe that are neither vertuous, nor wiſe: the which can neither wiſely talke, nor yet aunſwere directly vnto that whiche is aſked. Oftentimes it chaunſeth that a prince at randon moueth a matter, which they neuer ſawe writen before, nor with their eares they neuer hard ye like, neither in all their life time they had knowledge therof, and yet they will ſeme to giue iudgement of it, (or better to ſaye) obſtinatlie to cotend, as if all the dayes of their lyfe they had ſtudyed it: which thing procedeth of great ſhame, and euil bringyng vp. For the priuy counſaile may ſpeake before their princes, but be they neuer ſo priuye, with licence or without licence it is not lawfull for them to contend. Helius Spartianus in the lyfe of Alexander Seuerus ſayeth, that the emperour Seuerus was demaūded once by an embaſſadour of Graece, what thing was moſt painefull to hym in Rome? wherunto the emperour aunſwered. There is nothing greueth me more, then when I am mery, that my ſeruauntes ſhould rayſe any ſtrife or debate: I am not diſpleaſed that matters ſhuld be debated, but this greueth me when on wil obſtinately ſtriue, that hath no ground of that he ſpeaketh▪ For the mā whych giueth reaſon of that he ſpeaketh, cannot be called obſtinate. Theodoſius the Emperoure was once demaunded what a prince ought to do to be good, wherunto he aūſwered, the vertuous prince whē he goeth abroad, ought to haue graue and wiſe men in his compagnie to diſcourſe with all, when he is at his meate to haue wyſe men at his bourde diſputing, and when he withdraweth him ſelf a parte to be reading with wiſe men: and finally at all vacant tymes, he ought to be founde with ſage men counſaling. For the knight which entreth into battaile without weapons, is as hardye as the prince whiche will gouerne the common wealth, without the counſaile of wyſe men. Lampridius in the booke of the Romayne geſtes ſaieth, yt the emperour Marcus Aurelius nether at hys meate, at his going to bed, at his vpriſing, in his trauaile, opēly, nor ſecretely, ſuffered at any time that fooles ſhuld ſing or cōmunicate with him, but only wiſe & vertuous men, whō always he moſt intierly loued. Of truthe he had reaſon, for there is nothing, be it in ieſt or in earneſt, but is better lyked of a wiſe man, then of a foole. Yf a prince be ſad, cānot a wiſe man peraduenture by the ſaienge of the holy ſcripture counſell him better, then a foole by folyſh wordes? Yf a Prince be proſperous, ſhall it not be better (to kepe him in the ſame proſperity) to aſſociate him ſelfe with a wyſe man, rather then to put his truſt in a foole and malicious perſon? Yf a prince be deſtitute of money, cannot perchaunce a wiſe man find him better meanes to get it, thē a foole which doth nothing but aſke? If a prince wil paſſe the time away, ſhall not he be more comforted with a wiſe man, that rekeneth vnto him the ſauorye hiſtories done in times paſt, then harkening a foole ſpeakyng foliſhely, & declaring thinges diſhoneſtly, with the ſayenges of the malicious of the tyme preſent? That that I ſpeake of ſurgians, the ſelfe ſame I ſpeake of foles. For I do not ſay that they keape them for their paſtime, though truly we might better ſay to loaſe their time, then to paſſe their time. For that may iuſtly be called time loſt, which is ſpent without the ſeruice of God, & profite of theyr neighbours. That which I moſt maruel at is, not ſo much for ye great authority ye fooles haue in the pallaces of princes & great lordes, as for the litle ſuccour & credite which wiſe men haue among them. For it is a great iniury, ye fooles ſhould enter into ye palace of princes euen vnto their bed ſide, and that one wiſe mā may not nor dare not enter into the halle. So yt to the on there is no dore ſhut: and to the other there is no gate open. We which are at this preſent, of right do commend thoſe. yt were before vs, for no other cauſe, but that in times paſt, though the ſages were few in nomber, & the world was repleniſhed with barbarous people: yet the ſages of thoſe barbarous people were greatly eſtemed, and had in reuerence. And this cuſtome endured long tyme in Grece, that when a philoſopher paſſed by a Greke, he roſe and ſpake vnto hym, and he might not ſit: for the contrary, al thoſe which ſhal liue here after will reproue vs which are at this preſente. Foraſmuch as we haue ſo great a multitude of ſages, and do not liue amongeſt barbarous, but amongeſt Chriſtians: and it is a grefe to ſee, and ſhame to write, how litle wiſe mē are eſtemed. For at this day (throughe oure offences) not thoſe which haue moſt ſcience: but thoſe which haue moſt ryches, in the common wealthe doe commaund. I know not whether the deuine wiſdom hath depriued thē, or that the worldly malice hath loſt the taſt of them. For now a dayes ther is no ſage, that liueth al alone to be wiſe, but it is neceſſary for him to trauaile how to gaine his liuing: for neceſſitie enforceth him, to violate the rules of true philoſophy. O world, world, I know not how to eſcape thy handes, nor how the ſimple man & ideote defendeth him ſelfe out of thy ſnares, when the ſage and wyſe men (yea with al their wiſdome) can ſcarſely ſet their foote ſure on the ground. For al that wiſe men of this world know, is litle ynough to defend them from ye malitious. Readyng that which I read of time paſt, and ſeing that which I ſe of time preſent: I am in doubte which was greater, the care that vertuous princes had in ſeekyng out ſages to counſell thē, or the great couetouſnes that others haue at this preſent, to diſcouer mynes and treaſures. Speaking therfore in this matter as I thinke, I deſire that thoſe which haue the charge of gouernement (whether he be prince, prelate, or priuate parſon I paſſe not) that they once may haue about them ſage mē, that be wiſe in dede, and that they would loue them aboue all the treaſour they had heaped. For in the end, of good counſaill there commeth profite: and much treaſour, is a token of great daunger. In the old time when vertuous Princes died, and that they lefte their children for ſucceſſours in their Realmes, & beſides that foraſmuch as they ſaw their children yong, & euill inſtructed in the affaires of their realmes, they committed them to tutours, that ſhould teache thē good workes & doctrine: rather than they would giue them ſurueyours, whych ſhould encreaſe & augment their cofers and rentes. For truly if the common wealth be defended with great treaſures, it is not gouerned with good counſayles. The princes which are yong, accuſtomely are giuen to vyces: for in the one part youth reigneth, & on the other part honeſty wanteth. And to ſuch truly vices ar very daungerous, ſpecially if they want ſages to counſaile thē, to keape them from euil company. For the couragious youth will not be brydeled, nor their great libertie can be chaſtyſed. Princes without doubt haue more nede of wyſe men about them, to profyte them in their counſailes: then any of all their other ſubiectes. For ſynce they are in the view of all, they haue leſſe licence to commyt vice than any of all. For if they doe behold all, and that they haue auctoritie to iudge all, will they nill they, they are beholden and iudged of all. Princes ought to be circūſpect whom they truſt with the gouernemēt of their realmes, and to whom they commytte the leading of their armies: whom they ſend as embaſſatours into ſtraunge countreys, and whom they truſt to receiue and keape their treaſurs: but much more they ought to be circumſpecte in examinyng of thoſe whom they chooſe to be their counſalours. For looke what he is that counſaileth the Prince at home in his palace: ſo likewyſe ſhall his renowne • e in ſtraunge countreis, and in his owne common wealthe. Why ſhould they not then willingly examin, and correct their own proper palace? Let princes know, if they doe not know, that of the honeſtie of their ſeruauntes, of the prouidence of their counſayles, of the ſagenes of their perſonnes, and of the order of their houſe, dependeth the welfare of the common wealth. For it is impoſſible that the braunches of that tree, whoſe rootes are dried vp, ſhould be ſene to beare grene leaues.

How the Emperour Theodoſius prouided wiſe men at the houre of his death, for the edification of his .2. ſonnes. Archadius and Honorius. xliiii. Chap.

IGnatius the Hyſtorian in the boke that he made of the .2. Theodoſij, of the .3. Archadij, and of the .4. Honorii declareth, that the firſt and great Theodoſius being fyftie yeares old, and hauing gouerned the Empire .11. yers, lyenge on his death bed, called Archadius and Honorius, his .2. ſonnes, and committed them to Eſtilconus and Ruffinus to be inſtructed, and ordeined them lykewiſe for gouerners of their eſtates, and ſignories. Before that the father dyed he had now created his children Ceſars, beyng then of the age of .17. yeares. Therfore the father ſeynge them not as yet rype, nor able to gouerne their Realmes and ſignories: he committed them vnto maiſters and tutours. It is not alwayes a generall rule, though one be of .25. yeares of age, that he hath more diſcretion to gouerne realmes then another of .17. For dayly we ſee, that we allow and commend the .10. yeares of one, and reproue the .40. yeares of an other. Ther are many princes tender of yeres, but ripe in counſailes: and for the countrary there are other princes old in yeares, & yong in counſailes. When ye good Emperour Veſpaſian died, they determined to put his ſōne Titus in the gouernement of ye empire, or ſome other aged Senator, becauſe they ſaid Titus was to yong. And as they were in controuerſie of the matter, the Senatour Rogerus Patroclus ſaid vnto the Senate. For my parte I require rather a Prince which is yong, and ſage: then I do a prince which is old and foolyſh. Therfore now as touchyng the children of Theodoſius, one day Eſtilconus the tutour of Archadius ſpeaking to a greke philoſopher, very ſage, whoſe name was Epimundus, ſayde thus vnto him. Thou and I long time haue bene acquainted together in the palace of the emperour Theodoſe, my lord, who is dead and we ar aliue: thou knoweſt it had bene better that we .2. had died, and that he had liued. For there be many to be ſeruauntes of princes, but there ar few to be good princes. I feele no greater griefe in this world, than to know many princes in one realme. For the man whiche hath ſene many princes in his lyfe: hath ſene many nouelties and alterations in the common wealth. Thou knoweſt well that when Theodoſius my maiſter died, he ſpake to me theſe wordes, the which wer not ſpoken without great ſighes: and multiplienge of teares. O Eſtilconus I dye, and am going into an other world, wherin I ſhall giue a ſtreighte accompte of ye Realmes and ſeignories which I had vnder my charge: And therfore when I thinke of myne offences, I am meruelouſly afrayed. But when I remember ye mercy of God, then I receiue ſome conforte and hope. As it is but mete we ſhould truſt in the greatnes of his mercy: ſo likewiſe is it reaſon we ſhould feare the rigour of his iuſtice. For truly in the chriſtian law they are not ſuffred to liue (as we which are Princes that liue in delightes of this world) and afterward without repentaunce to goe ſtreighte to Paradyſe. Then when I thinke of the great benefittes which I haue receiued of God, and of the great offences which I haue committed, & when I thynke of the long tyme I haue lyued, and of the litle which I haue profited, & alſo that vnprofitably I haue ſpent my time: On the one part I am loath to dye, for that I am afrayed to come before the tribunall ſeate of Ieſus Chriſt: and on the other part, I would liue no lenger, becauſe I do not profit. The mā of an euil life, why doth he deſire to lyue any longer? My lyfe is now finiſhed, & the tyme is ſhorte to make amendes. And ſithe god demaundeth nought els but a contrite harte, with all my harte I doe repente, and appeale to his iuſtice, of mercie, from his Iuſtice to his mercy, becauſe it maye pleaſe him to receiue me into his houſe, and to giue me perpetuall glorie, to the confuſion of al my ſynnes and offences. And I proteſt I dye in the holy catholike faith, & commend my ſoule to god, & my body to the earth, & to you Eſtilconus & Ruffinus, my faithful ſeruauntes, I recōmende my dere beloued children. For herby ye loue of the childrē is ſene, in yt the father forgetteth thē not at the houre of his death. In this caſe of one only thing I doe warne you, one only thing I require you, one only thing I deſire you, & one onely thing I cōmaund you, & that is, that you occupye not your mindes in augmentinge the Realmes & ſeignories of my childrē: but only that you haue due reſpect to giue thē good education & vertuous ſeruāts. For it was only the wiſe men which I had about me, yt thus long haue mainteined me in this great auctoritie. It is a goodly thing for a prince to haue ſtoute captains for ye warres: but without compariſon it is better to keape & haue wiſe men in his palace. For in ye end, the victory of ye battaille conſiſteth in the force of many: but ye gouernement of the common weale oftentimes is putte vnder the aduiſe of one alone. Theſe ſo dolefull and pitiefull wordes, my lord and maiſter Theodoſius ſpake vnto me: now tell me Epimundus what I ſhould doe at this preſent, to fulfill his commaundement? For at his harte he had nothing that troubled him ſo much, as to thinke whether his children would vndoe, or encreaſe the cō mon wealthe. Thou Epimundus, thou art a Grecian, thou art a philoſopher, thou haſt vnderſtandyng, thou art an olde ſeruaunt, thou arte my faithfull frend, therfore for al theſe thinges thou art bound to giue me good & healthful counſaile. For many times I haue heard Theodoſius my maiſter ſay, that he is not accompted ſage which hath turned ye leaues of many bookes: but he which knoweth, and can geue good & healthful counſailes. Epimundus the philoſopher aunſwered to theſe wordes. Thou knoweſt wel Lord Eſtilconus, that the auncientes and great Philoſophers, ought to be brief in wordes, and very parfect in their workes. For otherwiſe to ſpeake muche, & worke litle, ſemeth rather to be done like a tyraunt: then like a greeke philoſopher. The Emperour Theodoſius was thy Lord, and my frend. I ſay frend, becauſe it is the libertie of a greeke Philoſopher, to acknowledge no homage nor ſeruice to any ſuperiour. For he in his hart can haue no true ſciēce: yt to rebuke the viicous kepeth his mouth ſhut. In one thing I cōtent my ſelfe in Theodoſe aboue al other princes, which were in the Romaine empire, and that is, that he knew and talked wiſely of al his affaires, and alſo was very diligēt to execute the ſame. For all the fault of Princes is, that they are prompte & bold to talke of vertues: and in executing them, they are very ſlacke & fearefull. For ſuch Princes can not continew in the vertue, which they doe commende: nor yet reſyſte the vyce, which they do diſpraiſe. I graunt that Theodoſius was an executour of iuſtice, mercifull, ſtoute, ſober, valiaunt, true, louyng, thankfull, and vertuous: and finally in all thinges, and at all times he was fortunate. For fortune oftentimes bringeth that to Princes, which they will and deſire: yea many times better then they looke for. Preſuppoſe it to be true (as it is moſt true) that the time was alwayes proſperous to ye Emperour Theodoſius: yet I doubte whether this proſperity wil continew in the ſucceſſion of his children. For worldlye proſperitie is ſo mutable, that with one only man, in a moment, ſhe maketh a thouſande ſhrewde turnes: and ſo much the more it is harde to continue ſtedfaſt in the ſecond heyre. Of ſlowe and dull horſes, come oftentimes couragious and fyerſe coltes: and euyn ſo of vertuous fathers, come children euill brought vp. For the wicked children inherite the worſte of the father, whiche is ryches: and are dyſenherited of the beſt, whiche are vertues. That whiche I perceyue in this matter, as wel of the father whiche is dead, as of the children whyche are alyue, is that Theodoſe was vertuous in deede, and the children are capable to follow both good and euill, and therfore it is requiſite that you nowe goe aboute it. For the prince whyche is yonge, is in greate perill, when in hys youth he begynneth not to folowe the ſteppes of vertue. To ſpeake particulerly of Archadius, and Honorius, I let the know Eſtilconus, that it is a thyng ſuperfluous to talke of it, for I ſhould loaſe my tyme: becauſe the thynges of Prynces are very delicate, and though we haue lycence to prayſe theyr vertues, yet we are bounde to diſſemble their faultes.

As a ſage father Theodoſe deſire yt to giue his childrē good doctrine, & always to accōpany them: But I as a frend do counſaile ye, that thou kepe them frō euil. For in the end al is euil, to accompany with the euil, & forſake the good: but the worſe euill purſueth vs, rather by the preſence of the euill, than by the abſence of the good. It may wel be, that one beyng alone, & without the company of the good, may yet notwithſtandyng be good: but for one that is accompanied with euil men, to be good, of this I greatly doubte. For ye ſame day: that a man accompanieth him ſelfe with the vicious: the ſelfe ſame day he is bound to be ſubiecte to vice. O Eſtilconus, ſince thou ſo much deſireſt to accompliſhe the commaundement of thy lord and maiſter Theodoſe, if thou canſt not cauſe that Archadius and Honorius (which are yong princes) doe accompany with the good: yet at the leaſt withdraw them from the company of the euil. For in the courtes of princes vicious men are none other, but ſolicitours in this world to attempte others to be vitious. How many, & what ſolicitours haue we ſeene (thou and I in Rome) the which forgetting the affayres of their Lordes, did ſolicite for them ſelues, vices and pleaſurs. I will not tell what ſeruauntes of princes haue bene in times paſt: but what they were, & what they are, euery man may eaſely ſee. I will tell the only, not of thoſe whiche ought to be counſellours of princes: but alſo of thoſe, whyche ought not to liue in their courtes. For the counſellers and officers of princes ought to be ſo iuſt: that ſheares can not finde what to cut away in their lyues, nor that ther neadeth any nedle or thred to amend their fame. If thou Eſtilconus haſte hard what I haue ſayd: marke now what I wyll ſaye, and keape it in memory, for peraduenture it may profite the one daye.

In the courtes of princes, proude men ought to haue no familiarity nor enterteinement. For it is vnſemely that thoſe which are not gentle in wordes, ſhuld commaund: & thoſe that haue not their hartes ready to obey, ſhould be familier with the prince. In the courtes of princes, ther ought not to be of counſaile, & much leſſe familiar, enuious men: for if enuie reigne amongeſte Princes and counſailours, there ſhall alwayes be diſcentions in the cōmon wealth. In the courts of princes haſty men ought not to haue familiaritie: for oftentimes it chaunceth, that the impaciēce of the counſellers, cauſeth the people to be euill content with their princes. In the courtes of princes ther ought not to be familiar, nor of counſaile, gready nor couetous men: for the Princes giue great occaſion to the people to be hated, becauſe their ſeruauntes haue alwayes their handes open to receyue bribes. In the courtes of princes ther ought not to be familiar fleſhelye men: for the vice of the fleſhe hath in it ſo litle profite, that he yt is wholie ouercome ther with, is or ought to be to ye prince alway ſuſpected. In ye palace of a king ther ought not to be drunkerdes, nor gluttons: for wheras the familiers ought principaly to ſerue their princes wt good coūſaile, in mine opinion a mā being full & ſurcharged with exces is more like to bealche & breake wind after his ſurfette: then able to gyue any profitable counſaile in the common wealth. In the palace of princes ought not to be reſient nor familiar blaſphemers: for the man whiche is a ſeruaunt, and openlye dare blaſpeme his creator: will not ſpare in ſecret to ſpeake euyll of hys Lorde.

In the palace of princes ought not to be of counſail, nor familiar, ye negligent and delicat perſons: For ther is nothing (next vnto ye deuine prouidence) that healpeth princes more to be puiſſaunt, and mightie, then when their ſeruaū tes are faythful, and diligent. In the palace of princes defamed men ought not to haue familiaritie: for the prince can not excuſe him ſelfe to be thought culpable when they doe rebuke him, if in his houſe he mainteyne ſeruauntes, which openly are defamed. In the palace of princes they ought not to ſuffer Ideotes & fooles: for the re • ames are not loaſt for that the princes are yong, vncircumſpect, and vitious: but for that their counſaylours are ſimple and malitious. Wo, wo, be to the land, where the lord is vitious, the ſubiect ſedicious, the ſeruaunte couetous, and the counſailour ſimple and malicious. For thā the common wealth periſheth, when ignoraunce & malice reigneth in the Prince and gouernour of the ſame. Theſe wordes paſſed betwene the noble knight Eſtilconus, and the wiſe Philoſopher Epimundus, vpon the bringing vp of thoſe .2. princes Archadius, and Honorius. And becauſe that princes and prelates might ſee (whiche now haue the charge to gouerne people) how muche the auncientes dyd deſire to haue ſage men aboute them: notwithſtandynge that I haue ſpoken, I will ſhewe you here ſome notable and auncient examples.

Howe Creſus king of Lydia was a great frende and louer of Sages. Of a letter the ſame Creſus wrote to the Philoſopher Anacharſis. And of an other letter of the Philoſophers anſwer agayne to the Kyng. Chap. xlv.

IN the yeare of the creation of the worlde, 4355. and in the thirde age, Sardanapalus being kinge of the Aſſirians, Ozias king of the Hebrues, and Elchias being hygh byſhop of the holy temple, at that time when Rea the mother of Romulus lyued, in the ſecond yeare of the firſt Olimpiade, the great and renowmed realme of Lydes, had beginning: as Plinie in the fyfte booke of the natural hiſtory ſaieth. Lidia is in Aſia Minor, and firſt was called Meonia, and afterwardes was called Lidia, and now is called Morea. This Realme of Lydes had many worthy cities, that is to wete, Epheſe, Coloſe, Aclaſomena, and Phore • . The firſt kinge of Lydes was Ardiſius, a man of great courage, and a Greeke borne, and reygned .36. yeare. The ſecond was Aliaces, who reygned 14. yers. The third was Meleus, and he reygned .12. yeares. The fourth was Candale, and reigned .4. yeares. The fifte was Ginginus, and reygned .5. yeares. The ſyxte was Cerdus, and reygned .6. yeares. The .vii. was Sadiates, and reygned .15. yeares. The .viij. was Aliates, & he reygned .49. yeares and the .ix. was Creſus, and reigned .15. yeares. & of this kyng Creſus, Xenophon declareth that he was more valiaunte in feates of warre: then comely of perſonage. For though he was lame of one foote, bleamiſhed of one eye, lackyng one eare, and of bodye not muche bygger than a dwarfe: yet for all thys he was a iuſte manne, verye conſtant, ſtoute, mercyfull, couragious, and aboue all he was a great enemy to the ignoraunt, and a ſpecyall frende to the ſage. Of thys Kynge Creſus, Seneca ſpeaketh in hys booke of clemencie and ſayeth, that the ſages were ſo entierly beloued of hym, that the greekes (whyche hadde the fountaine of eloquence) dyd not call hym a louer, but entitled hym the loue of ſages. For neuer no louer dyd ſo muche to attayne to the loue of hys ladye, as he dyd to drawe to hym, and to hys countreye, ſage menne. Thys kynge Creſus therefore beyng lorde of many Barbarous nations (the whiche loued better to drinke the bloude of the innocent: then to learne the ſcience of the wiſe) lyke an excellent Prince determined for the comfort of his perſon, and remedye of his common wealth, to ſearche out the greaetſt ſages that were in Grece. At that tyme flouriſhed the famous and renowmed philoſopher Anacharſis, who though he was borne & brought vp amonges the Scithies: yet he was alwaies reſident notwithſtāding in Athens. For the vniuerſitie of Athens dyd not deſpiſe thoſe that were Barbarians: but thoſe that were vitious. The king Creſus ſent an embaſſatour in great auctoritie with riches, to the Phyloſopher Anacharſis, to perſwade and deſire him, and with thoſe giftes and preſentes to preſent him, to the end it myght pleaſe him to come and ſee his perſon, and to ſette an order in his common wealth. Creſus not contented to ſend him giftes which the imbaſſatour caried, but for to let him vnderſtande why he dyd ſo, wrote hym a letter with hys owne hand as hereafter foloweth.

¶Of the wyſedome and ſentences of Phalaris the tyraunt, and howe he putte an Artiſan to death for inuentinge newe tormentes. Cap. xlvi.

IN the laſte yeare of the Latines, and in the firſte yeare of the Romaynes, Ezechias beinge kyng of the Iewes, and Azarias great Byſſhoppe of the holy temple, Abacuck Prophet in Iewry, and Merodach beyng kynge in Babilon, and when the Lacedemonians buylte Bizaunce (whiche nowe is Conſtantinople) Phalaris the famous tyraunt was then lyuinge. Of this Phalaris Ouide ſaieth, that he was deformed in his face, ſpoore blynde of his eyes, and exceading couetous of riches, and neuer obſerued any thynge that he promyſed. He was vnthankefull to his frendes, and cruell to his ennemies: finally he was ſuch a one, that the tyrannies which ſeuerally were ſcattered in others, in hym alone were altogethers aſſembled. Amongeſt all the iniquities that he inuented, and amongeſt all the tyrannies that he committed, he hadde one vertue very great, whiche was, that euen as he was onely head of all tyrannies: ſo was he chiefe louer and frende of al philoſophers and ſage men. And in all thoſe ſixe and thirty yeares whiche he gouerned the realme by tyranny, they neuer founde that any man touched his bearde, nor that any man ſatte at the table with him, ſpake vnto him, or ſlepte in his bed, nor that any man ſawe in his countenaunce any mirthe, vnleſſe it were ſome philoſopher or ſage man, with whome, and to whom he liberally put his body in truſte. And they ſayde that this Phalaris ſaide oftentimes. The prince that abſenteth him ſelfe from ſage men, and accompanieth with fooles: I ſaye vnto him, though he be a prince of his common wealth, he is a cruell tyraunt of his perſon. For it is a greater paine to lyue among fooles, then to die amongeſt ſages. Pulio in the ſixte booke De geſtis Romanorum ſaieth, that a worthy and excellent painter preſented a table to Octauian the Emperour, wherein were drawen all the vertuous princes, and for their chefetaine, Octauian the Emperoure was drawen: at the foote of this table were all the tyranous Princes paynted, of the whiche Phalaris was chiefe and captaine. This table vewed by Octauian the Emperour, he commended the worke, but he diſalowed the intention thereof, ſaiyng: me thinketh it not mete that I beinge aliue, ſhould be ſet chiefe and princicipall of all the vertuous menne that are deade. For during the time of this wicked lyfe, we are all ſubiecte to the vices of weake and feble fleſhe. Alſo it ſeameth vnto me an vniuſte thing, that they ſhould put Phalaris for principall, and captaine of all the tyrauntes: ſince he was a ſcourge and enemy, to fooles and ignoraunt men: and ſo earneſt a louer and frende of ſages, and wyſe philoſophers. The fame of this cruell tyraunte Phalaris beinge knowen, and his extreame cruelties he vſed, ſpred through all Greece.

A neighbour and artificer of Athens called Perillus (a man very excellent in metalles, and a great worker in works of fountaines) came to Phalaris the tyraunt, ſaying that he would make ſuche a kinde of torment, that his harte ſhould remayne reuenged, and the offender well puniſhed. The matter was, that this workeman made a bull of braſſe, wherein there was a gate by the whiche they put the offender, and in putting the fier vnder the bul, it roared, and cried, in maner as it had bene aliue: whiche thing was not onely a horrible and cruell tormente, to the myſerable creature that endured it, but alſo it was terryble to hym or thoſe that ſawe it. Let vs not marueile neyther at the one, nor at the other: for truely the pitefull harte (whiche is not fleſhed in crueltie) hath as muche pitie to ſee an other man ſuffer, as of the ſorrowe and tormente whiche he hym ſelfe feeleth. Phalaris therfore ſeing the inuention of this tormente (whereof the inuentour hoped great rewarde) prouided, that the inuentoure of the ſame ſhould be put within the bull, and that the crueltie of the tormente ſhoulde be experimented in none, ſaue onely on the inuentour. Truly in this caſe Phalaris ſhewed him ſelf not a cruel tyraūt, but rather a mercifull Prince, and a ſage Philoſopher: for nothyng can be more iuſte, then that the inuention of the malice be executed, on the frayle fleſhe of the inuentoure. Nowe becauſe Phalaris was a great frende of ſages, the philoſophers of Grece came oftentymes to ſee hym, whiche were verye gently receiued of hym. Though to ſaye the truthe they profited more with his goodes then he did with their phyloſophie. This tyraunte Phalaris was not onely a frende of ſages: but alſo he was very well learned, and depelye ſeene in morall philoſophie. The whiche thing appeareth well in the epiſtles, whiche he wrote with his owne hande. I can not tell wherein he ſhewed hym ſelfe greater, either in the ſentences and doctrines whiche he wrote with his penne: or in the ſlaughter and cruelties whiche he did with his ſworde. O howe many companions had Phalaris the tyraunt, in this caſe in tymes paſſe: and that (as I woulde) there were none alſo at this time preſent, whiche in their pleaſaunte wordes did not reſemble the Emperoure Nero. I neuer reade other thynge of thoſe that are gone, neyther haue I ſeene otherwyſe of thoſe that are preſent, but many they are that blaſe vertues, and infinite whiche runne after vices. For of truth we are very lighte of tongue, and to feble of fleſhe. The Epiſtles whiche this Phalaris wrote are knowen to all men, I meane of thoſe which knowe Greke, or laten: and for thoſe that knowe them not, I was wylling to drawe theſe that are preſent, and to put them in our vulgare tongue for twoo cauſes. The one to the ende princes myght ſee howe good a thynge it is to be ſage, and howe tyrauntes were prayſed for being Sages, and geuing good counſayles. The other, to the ende the people mighte ſee howe eaſie it is to ſpeake well, and howe harde it is to woorke well. For there is nothyng better cheape in the worlde, then counſayle. The ſentences therefore of the Epiſtles of Phalaris are theſe whiche followe, in ſuch ſorte as I could moſte briefly gather them, to reduce them in good and profitable ſtile to wryte them.

The particuler loue whiche princes ſhew to one more then an other, breadeth oftentimes muche enuie in their Realmes. For the one being loued, and the other hated, of this commeth hatred, & of hatred cōmeth euil thoughtes, of euyll thoughtes proceadeth malice, and of malice commeth euyl wordes, the whiche breake out into worſe deedes: Finally when a prince ſheweth not to equalles his fauoure indifferently, he ſetteth fyre in his cōmon wealth. Princes ought to forbidde, and Sages ought not to conſente, that rebelles and quarellers ſhould trouble thoſe whiche are quiet and peace makers: for when the people riſe, immediatly couetouſnes is awaked. When couetouſnes groweth, iuſtice falleth, force and violence ruleth, ſnatchynge reigneth, lecherie is at lybertie, the euyll haue power, and the good are oppreſſed: finally all doe reioyce one to lyue to the preiudice of an other, and euery man to ſeeke his owne priuate commoditie. Many vayne men doe rayſe diſſentions and quarelles amongeſt people, thinking that in troubled water, they ſhoulde augmente their eſtates, who in ſhorte ſpace doe not onely looſe the hope of that they ſought: but alſo are put out of that they poſſeſſed. For it is not onely reaſonable, but alſo moſte iuſte, that thoſe by experience fele that, whiche their blynde malyce wyll not ſuffer them to knowe.

It is muche good for the people that the gouernours be not vnfortunate▪ but that of their nature they were happy. For to lucky Prynces, fortune geueth many thinges euen as they demaunde, yea and geueth them better then they looke for. The noble and valiaunt princes, when they ſee them ſelues with other princes, or that they are preſent in great actes, oughte to ſhewe the freenes of their harte, the greatnes of their realme, the preheminence of their perſone, the loue of their common wealthe, and aboue all the diſcipline of their courte, and the grauitie of their counſayle and palace. For the ſage and curious men ſhoulde not beholde the prince in the apparayle, whiche he weareth: but the men whiche he hath to counſayle him. The ſage men, and thoſe that be not couetous, if they do employe their forces to heape vp treaſures, ought to remember in their hartes how to employ themſelues to ſpende their money well. Sithe fortune is maiſtres in all thinges, and that to her they doe impute both good and euil workes, he alone may be called a princely man, who for no contrarietie of fortune is ouercome. For truly that man is of a ſtoute courage, whoſe harte is not vanquiſhed by the force of fortune. Though we prayſe one for valiaunt with the ſworde, we wyll not therefore prayſe him for excellent with the penne. Although he be excellent with his penne, he is not therefore excellent with his tongue. Though he haue a good tongue, he is not therefore well learned. And thoughe he be learned, he hath not therefore good renowme. And though he hath good renowme, he is not therefore of a good lyfe. For we are bounde to receyue the doctrines of many whiche wryte: but we are not bounde to folowe the lyues whiche they doe leade. There is no worſe office amongeſt men, then to take the charge to punyſhe the vices of an other, and therefore men ought to flye from it, as from the peſtylence: for in correctinge vyces, hatred is more ſure to the correctour, then amendement of lyfe is to the offender.

He hath and poſſeſſeth muche that hath good frendes: For many ayde their frendes, when they woulde haue holpen them more if they coulde. For the true loue is not weried to loue, nor ceaſeth not to profite. Though ſage men haue loſte muche, they oughte not therefore to diſpayre, but that they ſhall come to it agayne in tyme. For in the ende, tyme doth not ceaſe to doe his accuſtomed alterations, nor perfecte frendes ceaſe not to doe that which they oughte. The proude and diſdainefull man (for the moſte parte) alwayes falleth into ſome euill chaunce, therefore it is a commendable medecine ſome tymes to be perſecuted: for aduerſitie maketh a wyſe man lyue more ſafely, and to walke in leſſe daunger. For ſo muche as we doe excuſe hym whiche committeth the faulte, there is neither the offender, nor the offence but deſerueth payne. For ſuche a one that committeth the faulte through ſodayne anger, dyd euyll: and if he dyd committe it by deliberation, he did muche worſe. To deſyre to doe all thynges by reaſon is good, and lykewyſe to laye them all in order is good, but it is very harde: For temperate men haue ſuche reſpecte in compaſſing their doynges, and by weyght ſo caſt all the inconueniences, that ſcarcely they euer determyne to goe about it. To the man whiche hath gouernement twoo thynges are daungerous, that is to wete, to ſone or to late: But of thoſe twoo, the worſte is to ſone. For if by determining late, a man loſeth that whiche he myght haue gotten: by determining to ſone, that is loſte whiche is nowe gayned, and that whiche a man might haue gayned.

To men whiche are to haſty, chaunce dayly many euilles and daungers, as ſaieth the prouerbe. The haſtie man neuer wanteth woe. For the man being vnpacient, and hauing his vnderſtanding high, afterward come quarels and brawlynges, diſpleaſures, varieties, and alſo vanities, whiche looſeth their goodes, and putteth their perſonnes in daunger. Sithe all naturally deſire to be happy, he alone amongeſt all others may be called happy, of whome they maye truely ſaye: he gaue good doctrine to lyue, and lefte good example to die. Theſe and many other ſentences Phalaris the tyraunt wrote in his letters, whereof Cicero profited muche in his workes, and Seneca alſo in his epiſtles and many other wryters beſydes: For this tyraunt was very brief in wordes, and compendious in ſentences. This Phalaris beyng in his citie of Agrigente, a Philoſopher of Grece wrote hym a tauntinge letter, chargynge hym with tyranny, to whiche he aunſwered with this letter followyng.

¶The letter of Phalaris the tyraunt to Popharco the Philoſopher.

PHalaris Agrigentine, wyſſheth vnto thee Popharco the Philoſopher, healthe and conſolation through the comfortable Gods. I receyued thy letter here in Agrigentine, and though it ſauoured ſomewhat Satirlike, I was not agreued therewith: for of philoſophers and ſages (as thou art) we ſhuld not be greaued with the ſharpe wordes you tell vs, but to conſider the intē tion whereupon you ſpeake them. Quarellers and malicious perſons, wyll haue the wordes by weight and meaſure, but the vertuous and pacient mē, doe not regarde but the intentions. For if we ſhould goe about to examine euery worde they ſpeake vnto vs: we ſhould geue our ſelues to much paine, and we ſhould alwaies ſet in the common wealth debate. I am a tyraunt, & as yet am in tyrannie: but I ſweare vnto the immortall gods, whether the worde were good, or bad, I neuer altered it. For if a good man tell it me, I take it for my paſtime. Thou wryteſt vnto me that all Grece is offended with me there: but I let them vnderſtande that all Agrigentine is all edified with thee here. And thereof thou maiſte praiſe me. For if the tyrauntes were not ſo muche diſpraiſed, the philoſophers ſhould not be ſo well loued. Thou art counted for good, & art good: and I am counted for euill, and am euyll. But in mine opinion thou ſhouldeſt not be proud for the one, neither I ſhuld diſpeire for the other. For the day of the life is long, and therein fortune doth many thinges, & it may wel be, that from a tyraunt I ſhalbe a philoſopher: & thou from a philoſopher ſhalt be a tyraunt. Se my frend, that the long tyme maketh oftentimes the earth to be turned to ſiluer: & the ſiluer & gold becommeth nothing worth. I meane, that there neuer was a tyraūt in any realme, but that firſt he had bene brought vp in the ſtudies of Grece. I will not denie, that all the renowmed tyrauntes haue not bene nouriſhed in Scicile: but alſo thou ſhalt not deny me, that they were not borne in Grece. Therfore ſee and beholde to whom the fault is: from the mother whiche bare them, or frō the nurſe which gaue thē ſuck. I do not ſay yt it ſhalbe, but I ſay that it may wel be, that if I were there in Grece, I ſhould be a better philoſopher than thou: & if thou were here in Agrigentine, thou wouldeſt be a worſer tyraunt thā I. I would thou ſhouldeſt thinke, that thou mighteſt be better in Grece where thou art: and that I might be worſe in Agrigentine where I am.

For thou doſt not ſo muche good as thou mighteſt doe: and I do not ſo much euil as I may do. The conning man Perillus came into theſe partes and hath made a Bul, wherin he hath put a kind of torment, the moſt feare fulleſt in the world: and truly I cauſed, that that which his malyce had inuented, ſhould be of none other than of himſelfe experimented. For there is no iuſter law, that when any workeman haue inuented engins, to make other men dye: then to put them to the torments by them inuented, to know the experience in them ſelues. I beſeche the hartely to come and ſe me, and be thou aſſured thou ſhalt make me good. For it is a good ſigne for the ſicke, when he acknowledgeth his ſicknes to the Phyſitian, I ſaye no more to the, but that once againe I returne to ſolicite the, that thou fayleſt not to come to ſe me. For in the end, if I do not profite of the, I am ſure thou ſhalt profite by me: and if thou winneſt, I cannot loſe.

¶How Philippe kyng of Macedonia, Alexander the great, the king Ptolomeus, the king Antigonus, the king Archelaus, and P • rrus kynge of the Epirotes, were all great louers and frendes of the ſages. Cap. xlvii.

IF Quintus Curtius deceiue me not, the great Alexander, ſonne to kyng Philyppe of Macedome, dyd not deſerue to be called great, for that he was accompanied with thouſands of men of warre: but he wanne the renowne of great, for that he had more philoſophers on his counſaile then all other princes had. This great prince neuer toke vpon him warres, but that firſte the order of executyng the ſame ſhoulde before his preſence be examyned of the ſages, and wiſe philoſophers. And truly he had reaſon. For in affaires, wher good counſaile haue proceded, they may alwayes loke for a good end. Theſe Hiſtoriographers whych wrote of great Alexander (as wel the Grecians as the Latines) knowe not whether the fierſnes wherwith he ſtroke his enemyes was greater, or the humanitie wherewith he embraced his counſayle. Though the ſage philoſophers whych accompanied the great Alexander were many in nombre: yet notwithſtandyng amongeſt all thoſe, Ariſtotle, Anaxarcus, and Onoſichrates were his moſt familiars, And herein Alexander ſhewed hymſelfe very wiſe. For wiſe princes ought to take the counſaile of many, but they ought to determine and conclude vpon the opinion of few. The greate Alexander did not contente himſelfe, to haue ſages with hym, neyther to ſende onlye to deſire thoſe whiche were not his: but oftentymes himſelfe in perſonne woulde goo ſee theym, vyſite theym, and counſayle with theym. Saying that the Princes whiche are the ſeruauntes of ſages, come to be made maiſters and Lordes ouer all.

In the time of Alexander Magnus, Diogenes the philoſopher lyued, who neither for entreatye, nor yet for any promiſes made, would come to ſee Alexander the great. Wherfore the great Alexander went to ſe him, and when he had deſired him to go with him, and acompany him, Diogenes aunſwered.

O Alexander, ſince thou wilte winne honoure in keapinge of menne in thy companye: it is not reaſon that I ſhoulde looſe it, to forſake my ſtudy: For in folowing the, I ſhall not folow my ſelfe: and being thyne, I ſhal ceaſe to be myne.

Thou arte come to haue the name of the greate ALEXANDER, for conqueringe the worlde, and I haue attayned to come to renowme of a good Phyloſopher in flyeng the world. And if thou doſt ymagine that thou haſt gotten, and wonne: I thinke that I haue not erred, nor loſt, And ſince thou wilt be no leſſe in aucthoritye then a king, do not thinke that I wil loſe the eſtimacion of a philoſopher. For in the world there is no greater loſſe vnto a man, then when he looſeth his proper lybertie. When hee had ſpoken theſe wordes, Alexander ſaid vnto them that were about him with a loude voyce. By the immortall gods I ſweare, and as god Mars rule my handes in battaile, if I were not Alexander the greate, I would be Diogenes the Philoſopher. And he ſayd further, in myne opinion there is no other felycitie vpon the earth, then to be Alexander king, who commaundeth al, or to be Diogenes to commaund Alexander, who commaundeth all. As king Alexander was more familyar with ſome philoſophers, then with others: ſo he eſtemed ſome bookes more then others. And they ſay he read oftentimes in the Iliades of Homere, which is a booke where the ſtorye of the deſtruction of Troy is: and that when he ſlept, he layde vnder his head vpon a bolſter his ſword, and alſo his booke. When the great king Alexander was borne, his father King of Macedonie did two notable things. The one was, that he ſent many and very riche giftes into the Ile of Delphos, wher the Oracle of Apollo was, to the end to preſent theym with him, and to praye him, that it would pleaſe him to preſerue his ſonne. The other thing that he did was, that immediatly he wrote a letter to the greate Philoſopher Ariſtotel, wher in he ſayd theſe words.