Annales OF ENGLAND.

Containing the Reignes OF HENRY the Eighth.

EDWARD the Sixt.

Queene MARY.

Written in Latin by the Right Hono­rable and Right Reverend Father in God FRANCIS Lord Bishop of Hereford.

Thus Englished, corrected and inlar­ged with the Author's consent, by MORGAN GODWYN.

Nec verbum verbo curabo reddere fidus Interpres.— HORAT.

LONDON, Printed by A. Islip, and W. Stansby, 1630.

[Page] The Translator to the READER.

THe Author's Preface hath occasioned mine. Wherein it may be ex­pected I should give a publique accompt of this action. J had once other­wise resolved. But it is the fashion. And therefore know (gentle Rea­der) that Evill is oftimes the (accidentall) cause of Good. Idlenesse invited me to the tri­all of my pen in some few loose sheets, which my fancy converted to the private vse of a beloved friend. Other end had J none. Sithence the Re­verend Author hath beene pleased to impose that as a serious taske, which I had wantonly begun. Nature commanded duty and obedience, and so have J the glory of the time, To be in print.

Sed dic, Posthume, de tribus capellis.

How doth the Authours Preface conduce to mine? Why thus. To many who perhaps will not [Page] at first consider, that this worke is but a Transla­tion, or seeke advantages to expend their Cen­sures, his may seeme impertinent. But let them know, that these Annales were first written, In gratiam Exterorum Res nostras noscendi cupidorum. So much witnesseth the first Latin Edition. Peruse it and finde it. J am but an In­terpreter, of whom, I hope, thou wilt not expect a dictionary translation. Neither quarrell the omission of some things, the knowledge where­of is to our Natives so innate, that now to in­sert them, were as bad as to farce with tautolo­gies, and make this little volume nauseous. Yet hath it lost nothing of its bulke, whatsoeuer it hath of its splendour, those defalcations being here and there in the course of the history sup­plied with not vnnecessary additions, whereto the Authors approbation and consent was not wanting. As for errours of the Presse, blame the Printer, not me. If thou by this reape either profit or pleasure, thanke the Author, whose bene­fit it is that thou hast it; and that not tongue-tied, but more then single-languaged. Good is of it selfe diffusive, and he participates so much of it, that he cannot indevour an envious confinement of it. Farewell.

The Translators Dedication.
TO THE RIGHT Honourable, the Lord SCVDAMORE, Viscount SLEGO.

My Lord,

ALthough I haue ever been averse from works of this nature, as desi­rous to know them in the Originall, rather then in any after-taught language; yet have I not vn willingly vndergone the taske of this Translation. It is an English History ofthose turbulent times, whereof no one hath writ­ten either so largely or freely as this Au­thour, [Page] who intended it for the common good, whereof the meere English, without these or the like paines of some other would have beene incapable. Your Lordship hath knowne it in the Latine, which tongue you have naturalized. VVherefore this Dedica­tion may seeme needles. But it is due to You as the worke of your servant▪ in which re­guard it craves your Honorable Patronage. It hath hitherto walked vnder Royall Pro­tection. Other would not have befitted the Authour of this ingenuous History, by the exemplified miseries whereof the busie Spi­rits of these times may learne rightly to deeme of our moderne happinesse. But even small grievances in any Part make vs insen­sible of the generall good estate of the whole. VVe wilbe ignorant of our good, and vn­happy. As for these Annales, they have long passed with approbation. If they now distast, let the fault be the Translatours, and the Pardon Yours; to whom alone my maiden pen sueth for favour, and to whose service dedicateth himselfe

Your Honours most humbly devoted, MORG. GODWYN.

The Authors Epistle Dedicatory.
TO MY MOST Gracious Soveraigne CHARLES, King of Great Britaine, France, and Irland, The most inviet Defender of the FAITH.

Most Royall Sir,

THese Commentaryes containing the Acts of three Princes, began a­bout some ten yeares since vnder the Prote­ction of Your most Au­gust Father to breath the common aire; and but for so Gracious an Aspect, had suffered even at the instant of their birth. For the errours of the Presse had made them such, as might have deterred e­ven [Page] extreme impudence from so presump­tive a Dedication. Yet such as they were, they found Acceptance and Favour at His Royall Hands. Hence am I incouraged to consecrate this second (but corrected) Edi­tion to Your Maiesty, VVho inherit as well Your Father's Vertues, as his Kingdomes. Neither indeed can it befit any other after King JAMES of ever Sacred Memo­ry. Most humbly therefore beseecheth Your Maiesty to daigne it the like Gratious Acceptance, who with the same loyal­ty and observance dedicateth and consecrateth to Your Ma­jestie himselfe and his

Your Maiesties most humble Chaplaine FR: HEREF.d

THE AVTHOVRS PREFACE TO the Reader.

AMong the many who have in Latin compiled the History of our Na­tion, Polydore Virgill in the opinion of most ex­celleth: not that hee hath written either more truly or copiously, then many others; but more po­litely, andlatest of any that have taken paines in this kinde. For indeed it could not be, that a Fo­rainer, an Italian, well gone in yeares even at his first arrivall in England,) where being made Archdeacon of VVells, he long survived not) should not often erre in the delivery of our Af­faires, and in reguard of his meere ignorance in the English tongue, in silence bury many worthy passages recorded by our English Wri­ters [Page] only. Jt being therefore to be wished, and is much desired, that some one versed in our Antiqnities would (as learned Master Cam­den hath alreadie done for the description of the Island) consecrate part of his learned la­bours to the Eternitie of Britaine, not in refor­ming that obsolete Virgilian History, but in composing a new one; our Antiquaries may iust­ly be taxed of Slouth (I had almost said slouth­fulnesse) who had rather suffer the famous Acts of their Ancestors to die eternally in silence, and so (as much as in them lieth) defraud their Couutrey of its true and deserved Glory, then bestow any the least paines in commenting; that so the examples of most eminent Ʋertues (whereof the harvest here hath ever beene most plentifull) might not want the Record of their due Monuments. This J hope some or other will in good time performe. In the meane time, others drawing backe, although I was never in­dued with such eloquence, as that I should dare adventure the writing of an History (but now especially

—vires vltra sortem (que) senectae,

when having passed the age of fifty, long desue­tude may have dulled my faculty of penning) yet have I thought it might prove paines-worthy, to vndertake briefly in three small Commenta­ries [Page] to set forth the deeds of three Princes im­mediate Successors to Henry the Seventh, so far forth as I have had notice of them. And that, partly that by tovching at the fountaine (as they say) J might stir vp the wits of others; partly that the desires of Forainers might in some sort be satisfied, who not without cause complaine, that these times, then which for a thousand yeares wee have had none more memorable in reguard of their divers and remarkable chan­ges, are not described by any, otherwise then slightly, and as if they they had not intended a­ny such thing. As for Polydore Virgill, he hath written either nothing or very little con­cerning them; and that little so false and mis­beseeming the ingenuitie of an Historian, that he seemeth to have aimed at no other end, then by bitter invectives against Henry the Eighth and Cardinall Wolsey to demerit the favour of Queene Mary, already more then befitted incensed against both for the Divorce of her Mother. J have therefore written (friendly Reader) and so written, that although many things (I will not deny) conducing to an Histo­rian may be wanting in me; yet am I confident, that this my endeuour will finde acceptance with many. Other Writers may here have as it were a store-house, from whence they may if I be not [Page] deceived) furnish themselves with some mat­ter, which may helpe to raise an everlasting mo­nument. Forainers also ignorant of the Eng­lish tongue may have a taste of these times, vn­vntill some one arise, who can and will compile a History of our Nation worthy the maiestie of the British name. J have in this worke beene so observant of Jmpartiality, Simplicity, and Truth, that I feare nothing so much as a Do­mestique anger for not being pious enough, be­cause I would not be over-pious. Many contend, that a good Prince should be [...]. This (I thinke) no man will affirme of an Hi­storian, though some seeme to opine it; So that he shall come short of his duty either to God or his Countrey, who in the delivery of an History will not be at the least [...]; and who by affir­ming incertainties▪ and knowne truthes, shall not yeild much to his affections, so they be ioined with the love of Religion and Countrey. But how much do they inure Truth, who from lies and falshood beg helpes to vnderprop her? A­vant. We have no need of them, And had we, yet would it not much profit vs to rely on such weake advantages, one pious lye detected pro­ving more hurtfull, then a thousand others, al­though so artificially contrived that they avoid discovery, can prove profitable. For example [Page] whereof seeke no farther then the Papists, whose fained miracles, impostures, and Legends pat­ched vp of lyes have brought to passe, that even in those things which are true, they scarce gaine beliefe. Wherfore, I am well content that Truth, which maugre her enemies will at length be every where victorious, shall prevaile with me. J have done to my power. Politely, eloquently, po­litiquely, I could not write: Truly, and fide Atti­câ as they say, I could. If I have done amisse in ought, it is not out of malice, but errour, which the gentle Reader will (I hope) pardon. This [...]ernestly intreate, withall beseeching the All-good and All-mighty God, that this my la­bour directed to no other end, then to his glory and the good of his Church, may attaine its due, and by me desired suc­cesse. Farewell.

Regem dedi iratus eis.

J. Cecill sculp.

ANNALES OF ENGLAND. …

ANNALES OF ENGLAND. From the Yeare 1508. to the Yeare, 1558.
The first Booke.

Henry 8. 1509. AFter the death of HENRY the Seventh, his only Sonne HENRY Prince of Wales vndertooke the government of this Kingdome. He had then attained to the age of eighteene yeares, and was richly adorned with endow­ments both of Bodie and Mind. For of Stature he was tall, of a beautifull A­spect, and of Forme through all his age truly besee­ming a King: hee was wittie, docile, and naturally propense to Letters, vntill pleasures (to which the li­bertie of Soueraigntie easily prompteth) did some­what vnseasonably withdraw him from his Studies; to these you may add [...] a great Spirit aspiring to the glorie both of Fo [...]titude and Munificence. This to­wardlinesse [Page 2] was so seconded by the happie care of his Tutors, that if the end of his Raigne had beene an­swerable to the beginning, HENRY the Eighth might deservedly haue beene ranked amongst the greatest of our Kings. For if you consider his first twentie yeares, you shall not easily find any one, that either more happily managed affaires abroad▪ or go­uerned more wisely at home, or that bare greater sway among his Neighbour Princes. This I thinke ought chiefly to be ascribed to the prouidence of his wise Father, and his Grandmother then still aliue. For they tooke care, that he should haue wise and vertuous Ouer-seers in his youth, by whose assistance hauing once passed the hazards thereof, he happily a­uoided those rockes, whereon so many daily suffer wracke. But these either dying, or being so broken with age, that they could bee no longer imployed in affaires of State, and He himselfe being now come to those yeares, that commonly cast aside modestie (Modestie, I say, the Guardian of that great Ʋertue) then making vse of no Counsellour, but his will, he fell in­to those vices, which notwithstanding the glorie of his former Raigne, branded him deeply with the fowle staines of Luxurie and Crueltie. But remitting those things to their proper places, those Worthies appointed his Counsailours were,

  • His priuie Counsaile.
    William Warham Archbishop of Can­terburie, and Lord Chancelour of England.
  • Richard Fox Bishop of Winchester.
  • Thomas Ruthall Bishop of Durham.
  • Thomas Howard Earle of Surrey, Lord Treasurer of England.
  • George Talbot Earle of Shrewsburie,
  • [Page 3] Lord Steward of the Kings Houshold.
  • Charles Somerset Lord Chamberlaine.
  • Knights.
    Sir Thomas Louell,
    Knights.
    Sir Henrie Wyat,
    Knights.
    Sir Edward Poynings,

The fune­rals of Hen­ry the 7. These men, the solemnitie of the dead Kings Fune­rals being duly and magnificently performed, erected him a Tombe all of brasse, accounted one of the stateliest Monuments of Europe, which one would hardly conceiue by the bill of accompts. For it is re­ported that it cost but a thousand pound. The Monu­ment is to be seene at Westminster (the vsuall place ofS. Stephens Chappell. our Kings Interments) in that admirable Chappell de­dicated to Saint Stephen, by this King heretofore built from the ground, a testimonie of his religious pietie. I haue read, that this Chappel was raised to that height for the summe of fourteene thousand pounds and no more, and that he at the same time built a Ship of an vnusuall burthen called from him The great Henrie, which by that time it was rigged, cost little lesse, then that stately Chappell. But now, O HENRY, what is become of that Ship of thine? that other worke (be­sides the reward of Heauen) will perpetually pro­claime thy pious munificence. Hence learne, ô Kings, that the true Trophies of Glorie are not to be placed in Armories and Arsenalls, but (and those more du­rable) in pious Workes. Seeke, first seeke the King­dome of God and the righteousnesse thereof, and without doubt all other things shall be added vnto you.

But to goe on in my proposed course, although HENRY the Eighth began his Raigne the two andThe Corona­tion of Hen­ry the 7. twentieth of April 1509. his Coronation was defer­red to the foure and twentieth of Iune. In the meane time, his Counsaile thought it would proue a profita­ble [Page 4] policie for the King to marrie CATHARINE the Widdow of Prince ARTHVR, his deceased Brother, and Daughter to FERDINAND King of Castile; for otherwise that huge masse of monie as­signed for her jointure must yearely bee transported out of the Kingdome. Neither was there at first any other doubt made of this match, then whether it were approued by the Ecclesiasticall Constitutions, for as much as the Scripture (said some) forbad any man to marrie his brothers wife. But this rub was easilyHis marri­age. remoued by the omnipotence of the Popes Bull, in­somuch that presently vpon the Dispensation of Pope Iulius, on the third of Iune, vnder a malignant Con­stellation, the Nuptials of these Princes were solem­nized, and they both crowned the foure and twen­tieth of Iune next following, being Saint Iohn Baptists day. At these Solemnities there wanted neither pompe nor acclamations of the Estates of the Realme. But to shew that of Salomon to be true, The end of mirth is heauinesse, fiue had not yet runne their course since the Coronation, when MARGARETThe death of Lady Margaret Countesse of Richmond. Countesse of Richmond the Kings Grandmother made an exchange of this life with death. She was a very godly and vertuous Ladie, and one who for her benefits to the Estate, deserved with all honour to be commended to the perpetuall memorie of Posteri­tie: but her euerliuing workes will so farre set forth her praise, that the paines of any Writer will proue al­together needlesse. Yet notwithstanding, omitting other things, it will savour somewhat of ingratitude, if I should not recount what she hath conferred vpon our Vniuersities: Shee founded two Colledges at Cambridge, one dedicated to our Saviour CHRIST, the other to Saint IOHN the Euangelist, and en­dowed them both with such large Revenues, that at this time besides Officers and Seruants, there are a­bout [Page 5] two hundred Students maintained in them: shee also left Lands to both Vniuersities, out of the rents whereof two Doctors publike Professors of Di­vinitie to this day doe receiue their annuall stipends. Shee lies interred neere her Sonne in a faire Tombe of Touchstone, whereon lies her Image of guilded brasse.

Anno Dom. 1510. Reg. 2.

HENRY the Seventh Father to this our Eighth, some few yeares before his death had causedEmpson and Dudley. an inquisition to bee made throughout the Kingdome of the breach of the penall Statutes, say­ing, that Lawes were to no purpose, vnlesse the feare of pu­nishment did force men to obserue them. But the Inquisi­tors proceeding so rigorously, that euen the least faults were punished according to the Law, which inflicted a pecuniarie Mulct; they that were touch't (saith Po­lydore Ʋirgil) cried out, that this proceeded out of Covetousnesse, rather then Severiti [...]. But the wiser sort conceiued the Kings intent to be, partly to curbe the fierce mind of the people bred vp in faction, part­ly that by these Fines hee might not only weaken the rich, but also increase his owne strength, and fortifie himselfe against ciuill Attempts (whereof hee had lately seene some sparkles flie abroad) if so bee any smothered coale should happen to breake out into a flame. What euer the matter was, many there were, who by accusing others sought the Kings favour, and inlarged their owne estates, amongst whom two were chiefe; the one was called RICHARD EMPSON, the other EDMVND DVDLEY, both Lawiers, and both for having served the Kings turne, lately made Barons of the Exchequer. It is said that [Page 6] EMPSON was borne at Torcester in Northampton Shire, his Father was a Siuier. DVDLEY, though he were well descended, yet being not befriended by fortune, long strugled with adversitie But after they had some moneths taken paines in these matters, both of them arise to that greatnesse, that there were few of the Nobilitie, that would not crouch to them and be ambitious of their fauour. Therefore it is not so much to be wondred at, if they grew exceeding weal­thy: but this wealth drew with it an envy greater then it selfe, which neuerthelesse did them little hurt during the life of HENRY the Seventh, but after­wards cast them both downe as low, as enuie could haue wisht. The King vpon his death-bed comman­ded in his Will and Testament, that restitution should bee made to all, who had beene wronged by the Exchequer. Whereupon infinite numbers floc­king to the Court, and demanding restitution, there could not a fitter meanes be thought of to stop their mouthes, then by committing of EMPSON and DVDLEY the occasioners thereof, to the people as Sacrifices to appease their fury. They were there­fore arraigned and condemned of high Treason. And these things were done presently vpon HENRY the Eighth his comming to the Crowne. So their goods being seized vpon, they for a whole yeare en­dured the miseries, that vsually accompany a prison, and yet were the Commons as eager against them as euer. Whence it should first arise I know not, but such a report there was, that the Queene had begged the poore mens pardons. The Nobilitie disdaining, that such meane fellowes had beene heretofore so prevalent with their Prince, and the Commons being easily incited against them by some as eager enemies to them as themselues, cried out, that they were chea­ted oftheir iust reuenge, and wearied the King with [Page 7] continuall petitions for their death, he was in a man­ner forced to satisfie them. Whereupon on the se­ [...]enteenth day of August, they were both publique­ly beheaded▪ Such was the end of EMPSON and DVDLEY, who abounding with wealth, and flou­rishing vnder their Princes fauour, while they set light by all things else, became a sacrifice to the g [...]d­die multitude. And it may serue to teach vs to vse our power moderately, and to take heed how wee giue offence to that Beast with many heads (I meane the People) which being angred and hauing once got the raines, rageth like a tumultuous Sea. DVDLEY, left behind him a sonne named IOHN, who, as if he had beene heire to his fathers fortune, being created Duke of Northumberland, concluded his powerfull life with the like vnhappie end, leauing much Issue behind him euen to our time, but yet whereof the heires masle haue long since failed.

Anno Dom. 1511. Reg. 3.

THis yeare on New yeares day the Queene was deliuered of a Sonne, Heire apparant to this Crowne, but hee out-liued not the three and twentieth of the ensuing Februarie, to the great griefe of the King and Kingdome.

An expedi­tion into A­frique. About the same time there came Embassadours from FERDINAND King of Arragon, who craved of the King his Sonne in Law fifteene hundred auxi­liary Archers. Hee was then in hostilitie with the Moores, inhabiting Afrique. The King very willingly granted their request, and having leuied the full number, embarqued them for Spaine, in foure ships of the Nauy Royall, vnder the command of THO­MAS [Page 8] Lord Dar [...]ie. They were scarce arriued there, when newes was brought, that a Peace being made, FERDINAND stood in no farther need of their aide. Yet euery one was liberally paid, the Ge­nerall, and those of greatest note that accompanied him, were richly rewarded, and all being dismissed with many thankes safely returned home.

Into Guel­dres. In their absence, MARGARET Duchesse of Sa­uoy (who was Daughter to the Emperour MAXI­MILIAN, and Gouernesse of the Netherlands vn­der CHARLES the Infant of Spaine) preuailed with our King for the like number of Archers, shee hauing then wars with the Duke of Gueldres, against whom she meant to imploy them. These men in the space of fiue moneths did many braue exploits at Brimnost, Aske, and Venloo, vnder the command of Sir EDWARD PO [...]NINGS a braue Souldier, and in great fauour with his Prince. Of them fourteene hundred returned home much commended and well rewar­ded; the fortune of warre had cut off one hundred. Foure Captaines in regard of their valour were Knighted by the Infant CHARLES, afterwardes Emperour▪ viz. IOHN NORTON, IOHN FOG, IOHN SCOT, and THOMAS LYND.

The King of Scots had then warre with the Por­tugall, Barton a Pirat tak [...]n. vnder pretext whereof one ANDREW BAR­TON a famous Pirat tooke all ships that coasted either England or Scotland, affirming them alwayes to bee Portugals of what Nation soeuer they were, or at least fraught with Portugall marchandise. The King sent EDWARD HOWARD Lord Admirall of England, and his brother the Lord THOMAS HOWARD eldest sonne to the Earle of Surrey, with one IOHN HOPTON to take this Rouer. When they had once found him out, after a long and bloudie fight they tooke him aliue (but mortally wounded) with [Page 9] his two ships and all his companions that survived the fight, and brought them to London.

Anno Dom. 1512. Reg. 4.

AS yet our HENRY had no warre with any for­raine Prince, neither did the wiser sort wish that he should haue any. But hee a young King in the heat of one and twentie yeares, was transported with a vehement desire of warre, which (saith the Prouerbe) is sweet to them, that neuer tasted of it. Although he had about a yeare or two before made a League with LEWIS the Twelfe of France: yet heeWarre with France. was easily entreated by Pope IVLIVS [...]o renounce this Confederacie. This Pope more like to that CAE­SAR, whose Name hee bare, the PETER, from whom he would faine deriue his Succession, that like another NERO, sitting still hee might from on high be a spectator, while the whole world was on fire, had written Letters to our King, wherein hee entreated his assistance towards the suppression of the French, who without feare of God or man (these were the pre­tended causes) had not only sacrilegiously laid hold on the reuenues of the Church had caused Cardinall WILLIAM to vsurpe the Papacie, had vpheld ALFONSO of Fera­ra, and the Bentivogli in rebellion against him, but had al­so farther decreed, to make Italy the Theater of his tyran­nie. Wherefore he coniured him by the Loue of our Sa [...]i­onr, by the Pietie of his Ancestors, whose aides were neuer wanting when the Church stood in need, and by the fast tie of Filiall Obedience, that hee would enter into the Holy League of the Estates of Italy, who had made choice of him for their Generall. Iealousie, and Reuerence to the Sea of Rome so prevailed with Him, that hee easily condiscended to the Popes request. Yet that he might [Page 10] some way colour his action, hee would needs inter­pose himselfe as Vmpier betweene the Pope and the French, whom by his Embassadours hee entreates to lay aside armes: withall not obscurely threatning, that if he did not so, he intended to vndertake the defence of the Pope against him, the common disturber of the peace of Christendome. The French set light by this. Wherefore warre is proclaimed by a Herald, the French King commanded to part with the King­dome of France, and the Duchies of Normandie and Aquitaine, which hee without right vniustly vsurped. Then entring into League with MAXIMILIAN the Emperour, the Arragonois, and the Pope, they con­sult of assaulting the French with ioint forces. The Ar­ragonois invites vs into Spaine, that thence we might invade France, promising besides certaine troupes of Horse, store of Artillery, Waggons for carriage, Mu­nition, and many other things necessary for such an Expedition. Our King relying on his Father in law his promises, levies a great Armie, whereof he ships onepart for Spaine, and employes the other by Sea. EDWARD HOWARD Lord Admirall had charge of the Sea forces, who fought with the French Fleet in the Bay of Bretatgne. In which fight there was no memorable thing done, besides the combate of the two great ships (the one having seven hundred Eng­lish in it vnder the command of Sir THOMAS KNE­VET, the other nine hundred French vnder PRI­MAVGET a Briton.) These ships being both fast grap­led, after a long fight fell both on fire, and were vt­terly consumed, not a man being saved, of whom it might bee learned, whether this fire happened byAfruitlesse Ʋoyage into Spaine. chance, or were purposely kindled by a forced des­paire. Our other Army vnder the command of the Lord THOMAS GRAY Marquis of Dorset, a­mongst ten thousand tall English souldiers had fiue [Page 11] hundred Germanes vnder one GVINT a Flemming. This Armie landed in Biscay, where they spent some moneths in expectation of due performances from the Arragonois, who feeding them with promises only, tempered the heat of our men, who were very eager vpon the march for France. It hapned that GASTON of Foix Competitor for the Kingdome with IOHN King of Navarre, died about the same time. The Na­varro [...]s had promised FERD [...]NAND some aides toward this warre. But now fearing no Competitor; hee (whether out of inconstancie, or that he thought his affaires so required) secretly by his Agents makes a League with the French. Vpon this FERDINANDThe Spani­ard se [...]seth on Navarr [...]. turnes his Armes vpon the Navarrois, and straines all his strings to draw our men to the same attempt; but the Marquis of Dorset pleaded his Commission, be­yond which hee could not with safetie proceed. The Navarrois was vtterly vnprouided, and the Nobilitie so divided into the factions of the Egremonts and the Beaumonts, that he could doe nothing. It was brui­ted that two mighty Kings came against him with no lesse forces, what should hee doe? to hope from France were vaine▪ the French were too farre off and deeply engaged in other warres. At the approach of the Spantard hee quits his Kingdome, and with his Wife and Children flying over the Pyrenean moun­taines makes Bea [...]ne his receptacle. FERDINAND having thus gotten a new Kingdome, casts off all far­ther thought of [...]rance, onely intending the confir­mation of his conquest to which end hee intreates of HENRY the helpe of our forces raised for France, and prevailes▪ but to no purpose. For the English having their bodies inflamed with the into­lerable heate of a strange climate, and the drinking of strong wines, drop [...] downe every where, insomuch that we lost about a thousand (some say of eighteene [Page 12] hundred) men in an instant. Wherefore impatient of farther delay, they force their Commanders to set saile homeward. The King was mightily enraged at their returne, insomuch that hee once thought to haue punished them for their obstinacie: but the multitude of Delinquents proved a pardon to all. They did set forth in May, and returned a little be­fore Christinasse.

Anno Dom. 1513. Reg. 5.

ABout the beginning of this yeare the King as­sembled the high Court of Parliament, wherein war against France was determined, & a migh­tie masse of mony granted by the Commons Where­vpon in the very beginning of the spring a Fleet is set forth consisting of two and fortie men o [...] warre, be­sidesThe Lord Admirall drowned. victuallers and lesser vessels. The Lord Admi­rall, who had the charge of this Fleet, too too eagerly hunting after honour, by his rashnesse frustrated the designes of so goodly preparations. Hee attempts to land in the hauen neere adioyning to Brest, where striving in person to set foot first in the Enemies coun­trey▪ hee with a speare borne over board and drow­ned, was the only man of all that Fleet that came short home. He therein performed rather the part of a private Souldier, then of a Commander. For his death brought backe this headlesle Fleet into Eng­land. Where the King makes the Lord THOMAS HOWARD Admirall in the place of his deceased younger brother, exhosting him, by imploying his service for his Countries honour to reuenge his bro­thers inglorious death. This new Admirall with great speed brings his Nauy out of harbour, and scou­ring [Page 13] vp and downe the Seas strooke such a terrour in­to the French, that not so much as a fisher boate durst peepe abroad. At last he lands in Witsand Bay▪ ran­sacks all the Countrey thereabout, and without resi­stance returnes safe to his ships.

In the mean [...] time the King having raised a migh­tie Army, arriues at Cala [...]s the last of lune, with a Fleet of foure hundred saile. The one and twentieth of Iu­ly he marcheth with all his forces into the French Ter­ritorie, and having sent some Ensignes before to be­siege Terouenne a Citie in Picardie, hee takes his wayTerouenne besieged. thither, intending in person to sit downe before it with all the strength of his Armie. By the way hee meets the French neere Dernom: They at first seeme resolved to fight: but whether they distrusted their owne strength, and so purposely declined an vne­quall combate, or (as by our side it is reported) that our Ordinance being conveniently placed disordred them, and that so they beto oke themselues to flight, as if it had beene all one for vs to see them and conquer them, away they went, and could not any where af­terward bee descried by vs. So without any let our Army came before Terouenne. This Citie had (accor­ding to the relation of our Writers▪ foure thousand defendants, whereof sixe hundred were horse. The place being so well fortified, it had been [...] no hard matter to haue defended it against a mighty Army, if so be they had beene accordingly provided of other necessaries: but they were wanting. Wherefore they certified their King to what an exigent they were brought. But hee had his hands full else where. For the Opaniard had made an inroade into Aquitaine and Navarre; and the Suisses having lately overthrowne TREMOVILLE at Novarre, had now coopt him vp in Dijon in Burgoigne; insomuch that his forces being by these occasions distracted, he [...] himselfe had not [Page 14] vnder his Colours aboue twenty thousand Foot (the moity whereof were Lansquenets vnder the command of the Duke of Gueldres) and two thousand fiue hun­dred Launces. With these he comes to Amiens, that the hope of succours, hee being so neere, might en­courage the defendants. For it much concerned him that the siege should be drawne out at length. In our Army were forty thousand Foot, and fiue thousand Horse, so that there was no likelihood of doing any good against vs. Neither indeed did the French in­tend (especially at that time) to hazard the fortune of a battaile, the losse whereof in the iudgement of the more expert would haue beene accompanied with no losse then the losse of the Kingdome, which would easily haue followed our victorie. The French King therefore sitting still at Amiens, least he might seeme to neglect such a Citie (the danger whereof did tho­rowly grieue him) sends some troupes toward The­rouenne, with instructions to put into the Citie eighty horsemen compleatly armed (but without horses, the besi [...]ged desiring no other aide) if possibly it could bee offected, as it easily was by reason of the negli­gence of our centinels. For indeed the desuetude of a long peace had made our men altogether vnapt for warre. But the indiscretion of the French farre surpas­sed our negligence. For whereas with the same ha­zard they might haue victualled the besieged, and fur­nished them with other necessaries which they wan­ted; desiring (but too late) to amend this errour, they would needs effect it the same way as before. But our men had by this time raised a new Fortifica­tion to hinder their entrance, and had withall placed in ambush store of horse with fifteene thousand foot to cut them off in their retreat. The French came neere the walls, but finding all entrance debarred, retur­ned without suspition of any intended mischiefe. [Page 15] They had not gone farre, when some (as if they had beene out of their Enemies reach) impatient of the heate cast off their Helmets, some fell a drinking, most leaue their horses of service, and for their easeThe battaile of Spurres. mount on little nags. Our men charge them vna­wares, and without any resistance made, put them to route. The French in this encounter lost three hun­dred horse: there were taken prisoners, LEWIS de LONGVEVILLE Marquis of Rotelin, BADI, CLER­MONT d' ANIOV, BVSSY d' AMBOISE, BAY­ARD, la FAYET, and PALISSE (who escapt out of prison) with many others. It was then the o­pinion of most men, that this victory (if wee had but made due vse of it) laid an easie way for vs to the conquest of France: For the French were so affrigh­ted with the newes of this overthrow, that they thought of nothing but flying; and the King him­selfe with teares in his eyes bewailing his hard for­tune, cast about for some place of refuge, and de­termined to post into base Bretaigne. But wee loo­king no farther then Therouenne, brought our pri­soners into the Campe, and without farther prose­cution left the Enemies to their feares. The French call this the Battaile of Spurres, because they trusted more to their heeles, then their swords. The Thero­uennois Terouenne yeilded. after this overthrow despairing of succour come to a parley; and by the advice of their King, yeild vp the Citie the three and twentieth of August, vpon Condition, That the Souldiers might depart with Bagge and Baggage, Colours flying, and Drums beating: and the Citizens permittted to carrie away their goods.

Maximilian the Emperor serveth vn­der King Henry. A few dayes before the Citie was yeilded MA­XIMILIAN the Emperour came to our Campe, and (which deserves to be recorded to the eternall honour of our Nation) taking for pay a hundred [Page 16] Crownes a day, besides what was disbursed among his Souldiers, disdained not to serve vnder our Co­lours, wearing the Crosse of England, and a party coloured Rose, the vsuall Cognizance of our Eng­lish warfare. But hee rather came to bee a Spectator, then a Partaker in the danger. Wherefore when hee saw into what straights our King was likely to driue the French being weake, if he would pressehard vpon him, and pierce farther into the Kingdome; al­though hee were a profest enemie to the French, yet was he iealous of our prosperous proceeding; and therefore by all meanes perswaded HENRY to dis­mantle Therouenne, and thence to proceed to the siege of Tournay: Hee blamed him (not without iust cause) for his late setting forth, Summer being first wel [...]neere spent: Winter was now at hand, when it would not quit cost to maintaine such an Armie, good desigues being not then to bee put in execution: Hee told him that Therovenne was so farre from him, that it could not bee kept without great difficultie; therefore hee should doe well to dismantle it, that it might not hereafter serue for a Bulwarke to the Eenemie: That Tournay was a French Citie but (like an Island with the Sea) surroun­ded with Flanders and Hainault, and farre divided from the rest of France: True it was, that it was well stored with inhabitants, and not meanly fortified: but that there was no other Garrison, then of Citizens, and these hee should finde effeminate, and for provision, that they had none: Hee should therefore make speed and come on them vnawares, and with a few dayes siege force them to yeild: That the French King, if hee intended to succour them, must first march through all Henault, and passe over two or three great Riuers, a­mongst which were the Escaut and the Scarpe. That the Souldiers should finde good booties there, and the King himselfe the triumph of a most assured conquest: [Page 17] That the addition of such a Citie would bee no meane in­crease of his Dominions, and so much the lesse care to bee taken of it, for as much as it would bee as easie for him to keepe it in obedience, as it was for the French for the space of so many yeares to defend it▪ being placed amidst so many Enemies, that still had a greedie eye over it. King HENRY by this time had so much of Warre, that hee began to bee wearie of the toyle thereof, and to cast his minde on the pleasures of the Court. Wherefore (although hee wanted not Counsailors for the best) hee followed the Empe­rours advice, as being the more easie. The Flem­mings (who begged it of the King) had leave to rase the walls of Therouenne, to fill the ditches, and to burne all the buildings except the Church, and the Chanons houses, which they (in regard of the dis­sensions vsuall to bordering Nations) very gladly performed.

The sieg [...] of Tournay. Therouenne being thus taken and destroyed, a­way they march with all speed to Tournay, indevou­ring by their celeritie to prevent the fame of their comming. But the Citizens suspecting some such enterprise, had fortified themselves as well as the shortnesse of time would permit them: and the Peasants thereabouts bring all their goods into the Citie, as to a place of safeguard. The Citie was of no great circuit, yet at the beginning of the siege it contained fourescore thousand people. By reason whereof victuals quickly began to faile them: and they could no way hope for reliefe. The French King was farre off, they had no Garison, the Citizens bad Souldiers, two great Princes had begirt the Towne with fif [...]ie thousand men; but they had an Enemy within, called Famine, more cruell and insupportable, then both. So having for some few dayes held out the siege the nine and twentieth of Tournay yeilded. [Page 18] September their lives being granted them, they yeild, and to saue themselves from spoile pay a hundred thousand Crownes. The King makes them sweare Fealty to him, and appoints Sir EDWARD POY­NINGS, a Knight of the Garter, their Gover­nour. Next hee gives order for store of warlike pro­vision, puts in a small Garison, and builds a Citta­dell for the confirmation of his conquest. Neither amongst these politique affaires did he neglect those of the Church. For the Bishop being proscribed, heeWolsey Bi­shop of Tourney. conferres the Sea with all the revenues vpon THO­MAS WOLSEY, of whose first rising and immo­derate power we shall have much occasion to speake hereafter.

All things being thus ordered, because Winter came on apace, hee beganne to bethinke himselfe of returning with his Armie into England. This thought so farre pleased him, that having beene absent scarce foure monethes hee tooke ship, and about the end of October came home triumphing in the glory of a double conquest.

By the way hee was entertained with the newes of The King of Scots slaine. another victorie, the Lord HOWARD Earle of Surrey having vnder his Fortune slaine the King of Scots. The King of France being encumbred with many warres, had coniured IAMES the Fourth King of Scots by the ancient Lawes of Amitie, and the late League made betweene them, that Hee would not forsake him intangled in so many difficulties. If Hee re­garded not his friends case, yet Hee should at least looke to himselfe, for whom it would not bee safe to suffer a bordering Nation, alwayes at enmitie with Him, by such additions to arise to that height of power. The King of England busied with a foraine warre was now absent, and with Him the flower of the English Chivalrie: Hee should therefore forthwith take Armes, and trie to recover [Page 19] Berwicke an especiall towne of the Scottish Dominions, but for many yeares withheld by the English; He would easily be victorious, if He would but make vse of this oc­casion so happily offered. It could not be, but this warre would bee for His Honour, and profitable to His Friend, if not to Himselfe: He should thereby also make knowne to His Enemies, that the Scottish Armes were not to bee contemned, whose former victories a long, and (to them) hurtfull peace had obscured, and buried in oblivion a­mong the English. As for the charges of it, Hee need not bee troubled, for that Hee would afford Him fiftie thousand Crownes towards the providing of Munition and Ordinance.

These reasons so preuailed with the yong King co­vetous of glory, that notwithstanding he had late­ly made a League with our King, whose Sister hee had married, and her vehement dissuasions, he pro­claimed warre against HENRY, which proved fa­tall to him, bloudie to his, and the cause of many ensuing calamities. So having raised a great Armie, hee breakes into our Marches, and besiegeth Norham Castle belonging to the Bishop of Durham, the which having held out sixe dayes was at last yeil­ded vnto him. Thence hee removes his Campe to Berwicke, wasting all the Countrey as hee marcht with fire and sword. The newes whereof are brought vnto them, to whom the governement of the Kingdome was committed in the absence of the King: and a leuy being made through all the North parts of the Kingdome, Alnewike is appoin­ted the rendez-vous, where all the troupes should meete at a set day, that thence they might set forward against the Enemie vnder the conduct of the Lord THOMAS HOWARD Earle of Surrey. Among the first (to his Fathers great ioy) comes the Earles Sonne THOMAS Lord Admirall, leading a vete­rane [Page 20] troupe of fiue thousand men of tried valour, and haughtie in regard of their former navall victo­ries obtained vnder the command of this young Lord. After him came the▪ Lords DACRES, CLIFFORD, SCROPE, LATIMER, CONI­ERS, LVMLEY, and OGLE, besides Sir NI­CHOLAS APPLEYARD, Master of the Ordi­nance, Sir W. PERCIE, Sir WILLIAM SID­NEY, Sir WILLIAM BVLMER, Sir IOHN STANLEY, Sir WILLIAM MOLINEVX, Sir THOMAS STRANGWAYES, Sir RICHARD TEMPEST, and many other Knights.

These sitting in Counsell thought it best to send an Herald to the King to expostulate with him con­cerning these out-rages committed: to complaine, that He had without all right or reason spoyled the Coun­trey of a Prince not onely Allied vnto Him, but also His Confederate, and therefore to certifie Him, that they were readie by battaile to revenge the breach of League, if so bee Hee durst awaite their comming but a few dayes in a ground that might be fitting for the meeting of both Armies. The King makes an­swere by writing, wherein Heeretorts the violation of the League, calling God to witnesse, that King HENRY had first by his many iniuries showne evident signes of an alienated mind. For the English (Hee pretended) robbed all along the Marches of Scotland, without restitution or punishment: ANDREW BARTON a stout and honest man had beene vniustly slaine by the Kings command, and one HERON, who had murdered ROBERT CAR a Scottish Nobleman vaunted himselfe openly in England, the King taking no notice of so hainous a fact: Of these things Hee had often complained by his Embassa­dours, but without effect. There was therefore no other way for Him, but to betake Himselfe to Armes for the common defence of Himselfe, and his Kingdome, against [Page 12] the Kings iniustice. As for the meeting, hee signified that he accepted of it, and appointed both Time and Place for the battaile.

Flodden field. Neither partie failed the prefixed day. The Scot seekes to animate his men by taking away all hope of safeguard by flight, commanding them (I know not how wisely, but the event sh [...]wed how vnhappily for thme (to forsake their horses, forasmuch as they were to trust to their hands, not to their horses heeles, and by his owne example shewing what hee would haue done, hee alights and prepares himselfe to fight on foote. The rest doing the like, the whole Army en­countred Vs on foote, to whom after a long and bloudy fight the fortune of the victorie inclined. The Scots had two and twentie Peeces of great Ordi­nance, which stood them in no steed. For our men climing vp a hill where the Enemy sate hovering over Vs the shot passed over our heads. Our chiefe strength were our Archers, who so incessantly played vpon foure wings of Scots (for the King divided his Army into fiue Battalions) that were but lightly armed, that they forced them to flie and leave their fellowes, who yet stood stoutly to it. But the maine Battaile, where the King was, consisting of choice men, and better armed against our s [...]ot, was not so easily defeated. For the Scots, although they being inclosed as it were in a toyle were forced to fight in a ring, made most desperate resistance, and that without doubt so much the rather, because they not onely heard their King incouraging them, but saw him also manfully figh­ting in the foremost rankes, vntill having received would vpon wound he [...]el down dead. The say there fell with him the Archbishop of Saint ANDREWES his naturall Sonne, two other Bishops, two Abbots, twelve Earles seventeene Barons, and of common Souldiers eight thousand. The number of the Cap­tives [Page 22] is thought to haue beene as many. They lost all their Ordinance, and almost all their Ensignes: inso­much that the victorie was to bee esteemed a very great one, but that it was somewhat bloudie to Vs in the losse of fifteene hundred. This field was fought the ninth of September neere Flodon hill vpon a rising banke called Piperdi, not farre from Bramston.

I am not ignorant, that the Scotish Writers con­stantly affirme the King was not slaine in the field, but having saved himselfe by flight was afterwards killed by his owne people: and that the body which was brought into England was not the Kings, but of one ALEXANDER ELFINSTON, a young Gentle­man resembling the King both in visage and stature, whom the King (that hee might delude those that pursued him, and might as with his owne Presence animate them that fought else-where) had caused with all tokens of Royaltie to be armed and apparel­led like himselfe. But to let passe the great number of Nobilitie, whose carcases found about him suffici­ently testifie, that they guarded their true King, and consequently that the counterfaite fought else-where: it is manifest that his body was knowne by many of the Captives, who certainly affirmed, that it could bee no other then the Kings, although by the multi­tude of wounds it were much defaced. For his necke was opened to the midst with a wide wound, his left hand almost cut off in two places did scarce hang to his arme, and the Archers had shot him in many places of his body.

Thus was IAMES the Fourth King of Scots ta­ken away in the flower of his youth, who truly in re­gard of his Princely Vertues deserved a longer life. For hee had a quicke wit, and a maiesticall counte­nance: he was of a great spirit, courteous, milde, li­berall, and so mercifull, that it was observed hee was [Page 23] often forced against his will to punish offenders. These vertues endeared him to his people in his life time, and made them so much lament the losse of him being dead, that (as all Historians report) they seemed to have lost onely him in the whole successi­on of their Kings, which sufficiently argues the im­probabilitie of the subiects pretended Parricide.

But he had not fallen into this misery, if he would haue hearkened to the advice of those, who perswa­ded him to have returned home before the fight con­tented with what hee had alreadie performed in the expedition: that he should not vpon so weake forces hazard the estate o [...] his Kingdome: hee had wonne glory enough, and abundantly fulfilled his friends request. But the French Agent▪ and some of the Kings Mignons corrupted by the French vrging to the con­trarie, this haughtie Prince, even otherwise very desi­rous to give proofe of his valour, was easily perswa­ded to awaite our great Forces already marching. His body (if at least that were his▪ & not ELFINSTON'S) being enclosed in Lead, and brought into England was by our Kings (I will not say cruell, but certainly inhumane) command cast in some by corner or o­ther without due Funerall Rites, saying, that it was a due punishment for one who had periurously broken his League, whereas if wee examine the premisses, we shall find he wanted not probable pretexts for what hee vn­dertooke.

Anno Dom. 1514. Reg. 6.

THe next yeare having begunne his course,The descent and honours of the How­ards. THOMAS HOWARD Earle of Surrey (hee who had beene victorious over the Scots) was created Duke of Norfolke, the title and dignitie of his Ancestors. IOHN his Father deriving his pedi­gree from THOMAS de Brotherton, Sonne to King EDWARD the First, the SEGRAVES and the MOWBRAYES (who had beene all Dukes of Nor­folke) enioyed this Honour by right of Inheritance. But because in Bosworth field (where hee was slaine) hee tooke part with the Vsurper, both he and his Po­steritie were deprived of that Honour. This THO­MAS dying in the yeare 1524. his Sonne of the same name succeeded him, who deceased in the yeare 1554. His Sonne HENRY (a young Lord of great hopes) his Father then living was beheaded towards the end of this Kings Raigne. Hee left Issue THO­MAS the last Duke of Norfolke (who also lost his head the yeare 1572.) and HENRY (at nurse when his Father died) a very learned and wise man, whom King IAMES (no good man repining thereat) crea­ted Earle of Northampton. THOMAS Duke of Norfolke had three Sonnes that survived him, PHI­LIP, THOMAS, and WILLIAM. PHILIP Earle of Surrey (and by his Mother, of Arundell) condemned the yeare 1589. and after dying in pri­son, left Issue THOMAS, then a little one, who by King IAMES his favour succeeded his Father in his Honors. His Vncle THOMAS out of the same fountaine of Royall Goodnes was created Earle of Suffolke, with addition of the dignity of Lord Chamberlaine Beside these, this Family hath CHARLES Earle of Nottingham [Page 25] Lord Admirall of England, Nephew by the Lord WILLIAM his father, to THOMAS Duke of Nor­folke, that famous Triumpher ouer the Scots. This is he who in emulation of his grandfathers glory, in the yeare 1588. vnder the fortune of Queene ELIZA­BETH, most happily ouerthrew that vainely called Inuincible Armada of Spaine. THOMAS also Viscount Bindon is deriued from THOMAS Duke of Norfolke, by his sonne the Lord THOMAS. So this noble House latély afflicted, now gloriously flourishing, hath foure Earles and a Viscount, all braue and fa­mous men, and of whom there will be occasion of much to be spoken hereafter: I therefore thought it good in briefe to set downe their Genealogie, lest I should trouble the Reader with too often repetition of their Race vpon each mention of the Name. At the time of this Dukes creation, others were also hono­red with new titles, CHARLES BRANDON madeCharles Brandon Duke of Suffolke. Duke of Suffolke, and CHARLES SOMERSET Earle of Worcester, and EDWARD STANLEY Lord Mountegle. Sir WILLIAM BRANDON Stan­dard bearer to HENRY the seuenth in Bosworth field, and there slaine by the hand of RICHARD the Third, was father to this new Duke of Suffolke, of whose education (he then a little one) King HENRY hauing obtained the Crowne was verie carefull, and made him rather a companion than a seruant to the young Prince of whose household hee was. The Prince so greatly fauored him, partly for his fathers deserts, chiefely for his owne, that he being after­ward King, created him Viscount Lisle, and intending (at least many were so persuaded) to giue him to wife the Ladie MARY his sister, who afterward was mar­ried to the King of France; thought it first good to honour him with the Duchie of Suffolke, which this yeare at the feast of Candlemas was performed. But [Page 26] how he was frustrated of his hopes, and afterward be­yond all hope enioyed her, shall be declared hereaf­ter.Charles So­merset Earle of Worcester. SOMERSET the naturall sonne of HENRY of the House of Lancaster, the last Duke of Somerset, tooke his surname of his fath [...]rs Honour, whereas he should haue beene called BEAVFORT, or rather PLANTAGENET, according to the antient name of our English Kings. He [...] being Couzen german to HENRY the Seuenth (whose mother was MAR­GARET Sister to the Duke of Somerset) and famous for his many vertues, of which that King was a quicke and exact Iudge, & was by him made L. high Cham­berlaine of England. But hauing behaued himself very valiantly in this last expedition against the French (wherein GVICCIARDIN vntruly reporteth him to haue been slaine) HENRY the eighth ad­ded this new title, which his posteritie still inioyes) to his antient honors. He was great grandfather by his son HENRY & nephew WILLIAM, to EDWARD the now Earle, who being one of his Maiesties most ho­norable priuy Counsel, & Lo. Priuy Seale, doth by his vertues much more ennoble his so noble Ancestors.

The French King hearing of the ouerthrow of the Scots, perceiuing himselfe depriued of such a frieud & confederat, seeing his kingdom on fire about his ears, and none to relie vpon but himselfe, determined (if so he might fairely and with credit) to craue his League with vs. Pope IVLIVS 2. the Incendiarie of Christen­doine was lately dead, and the French king himselfe was now a widower He therefore intends to try whi­ther by marrying the lady MARY the kings sister, he might secure himselfe from war on our side, and by so neere alliance gaine the assured friendship of so po­tent a Prince. LEO 10. succeeding IVLIVS 2. did openlyPeace with Frauce. side with the French against the Spaniard. He there­fore earnestly soliciting a reconciliation, a Peace was [Page 27] cluded profitable to the French, acceptable to vs, and on the 9 of October the nuptials were with greatThe Ladie Mary the Kings sister married to Levis 12. K. of France. pompe solemnised. The French king was well stric­ken in yeres, his wife a tender virgin of some 16. or 18. yeares of age, but wonderfull beautifull. Besides the forementioned reasons, the desire of children (for he had no masle issue) on His part, on Her part the pub­lique weale, the authoritie of her brother so willing, and (which beares chiefest sway in a womans heart) the supremacy of honor in the title of a Queen, were motiues to match so Vneuen a Paire. But many not without cause were persuaded, that she had rather haue made choice of BRANDON for her husband (so her po­wer had been answerable to her wil) than the greatest Monarch in the world: neither was it long before she enioyed her desire. For the king (as it often happens to elderly men that apply thēselues to yong womē, died the last of Febr. hauing scarce 3 months suruiued his wedding. The queen [...] might then lawfully according to the articles of agreemēt return into England, which she earnestly desiring, the Duke of Suffolke was sent to conduct her; who becomming a fresh suitor vnto her, so far easily preuailed, that before their departure from Paris, they were there priuatly married. The marri­age was afterward by the kings consent celebrated at Greenwich the 13 day of May of the ensuing yeare.

Cardinall Wolsey. And now we must speake something of VVOLSEY'S sudden and (for these our times) incredible rising, who hauing (as we haue related before) beene inuested in the Bishopricke of Tournay, was within the yeare pre­ferred to two other Bishopricks. That venerable Bi­shop of Lincolne WILLIAM ▪ SMITH, was lately de­ceased, who beside many other monuments of his pi­ety, hauing begun in Oxford a Colledge for students, called Brasen nose Colledge, was immaturely taken a­way before he could finish so good a work. So the Sea [Page 28] being vacant, it is conferred on WOLSEY, now high in the Kings fauour▪ Hee was of verie meane paren­tage (a Butchers sonne) and Jpswi [...]h (a towne in Suf­folke, but of Norwich Diocesse) where hee afterward laid the foundation of a stately Colledge, was the place of his birth. He was brought vp at Oxford, in MAGDALEN Colledge, and afterward became Ma­ster of the free Schoole thereto belonging. Among other schollers, the sonnes of the Marquis of Dorset were committed to his trust, and for his care ouer them, the Pa [...]sonage of Limington in Somersetshire (no verie meane one) was bestowed on him. As soone as he had set footing there, he was very disgracefully en­tertained by Sir AMIAS POWLET, who clap't him in the stockes, a punishment not vsually inflicted vp­on any but beggars and base people. What the matter was that so exasperated him against WOLSEY, a man not of least account, I know not: This I know, that WOLSEY beeing afterward made Cardinall, and Lord Chancellor of England, so grieuously punished this iniurie, that Sir AMIAS POWLET was faine to dance attendance at London some yeares, and by all manner of obsequiousnesse to currie fauour with him. There remaines to this day a sufficient testimonie her of in a building ouer the gate of the middle Tem­ple in London, built by the Knight at the time of his attendance there, & decked round about very sump­tuously with the Cardinalls Armes, hoping thereby somewhat to alay the wrath of the incensed Prelate. But these things were long after this yere. WOLSEY whether that hee could not brooke this disgrace, or bearing a minde that look't beyond this poore Bene­fice, left it, and became domestique Chaplaine to Sir IOHN NAFANT Treasurer of Calais, by whose meanes hee was taken notice of by FOX Bishop of Winchester, a man that knew rightly how to iudge of [Page 29] good wits. He finding this young man to be verie [...]prightfull, of learning sufficient, and verie actiue in dispatch of affaires, so highly commended him to king HENRY the Seuenth, (who relied much vpon FOXES faith and wisedome) that hee thought it good forth­with to imploy him in affaires of great moment. What need many words? he so far pleased the King, that in short time he became a great man, and was first pre­fer'd to the Deanrie of Lincolne, and then made the Kings Almoner. But HENRY the Eighth a young Prince comming to the Crowne, was wholly taken with his smooth tongue and pliable behauiour. For when all the rest of his friends aduised Him to sit eue­rie day in person at the Counsell Table, that so by ex­perience and daily practise He might reape wisedome, and to accustome Himselfe to the managing of affaires of Estate: WOLSEY aduised Him to follow His pleasures; saying, That His youth would not be able to brooke their tedious Consultations: euerie Age of man had its Seasons, and Delights agreeable. They did not do well, that would force the King to act an Old Man before His time, Youth being vtterly auerse from wrinckled S [...]ueritie. It would come to passe hereafter, if God were so pleased, that what was now troublesome to him, would not be disagreeable to riper Yeares, nay prooue perhaps a great plea­sure. Vntill that time came, He should enioy the present, and not by hearkening to others needlesse persuasions, any way interrupt the course of that felicitie which the largenesse of His Dominions would easily affoord Him. He should hawke and hunt, and as much as Him list vse honest recreations. If so bee Hee did at any time desire suddenly to become an Old Man by intermedling with Old Mens Cares, He should not want those (meaning himselfe) that would in the euening in one or two wordes relate vnto Him the effect of a whole daies Consultation. This speech hitting so pat with the Kings humour, made WOLSEY so powerfull, that [Page 30] whereas the King before fauored him as much as any other; he onely was now in fauour with and next the King, with whon e there was nothing to bee done but by him. For he was the man that was made choice of, who like another MERCVRY should passe be­tweene this our IOVE, and the Senate of the lesser Gods, offering their petitions to Him, and to them re­turning his pleasure therein. Wherefore he was euen at the first sworne of the Priuie Counsell, and besides the late collation of Tournay, vpon the death of SMITH he was also made Bishop of Lincolne. In the gouernement of which Church he had not fully spent six moneths, before he was translated from Lincolne to the Archbishopricke of Yorke then vacant by the death of Cardinall BAMBRIDGE at Rome. Shortly after, (that I may at once shew all his honors) WILLIAM WARHAM Archbishop of Cater [...]urie leauing the place▪ he was by the King made Lord Chancellor of England, and by the Pope Legate a latere. Yet he stayed not there, but as if the Archb▪shopricke of Yorke, and the Chancellorship of England had not beene suffici­ent to maintaine the port of a Cardinall, besides many other l [...]uings he procured of the King the Abbey of Saint Albanes, and the Bishopricke of Bath and Wells. And not content with these, leauing Bath and Wells, he addeth the Bishopricke of Durham to that of Yorke, and then leauing Durham [...]eazeth on Winchester at that time of greatest reuenue of any Bishopricke in Eng­land. You now see WOLSEY in his height, rich, his Princes Fauourite, and from the bottom raised to the top o [...] Fortunes wheele. What became of him after­ward you shall know hereafter.

Anno Dom. 1515. Reg. 7.

THe League lately made with LEWIS the French King, was confirmed by FRANCIS his Succes­sor, and published by Proclamation in London, the ninth day of Aprill.

Anno Dom. 1516. Reg. 8.

A breach with France. BVt the French King hauing taken into his prote­ction the young King of Scots, sent IOHN STV­ART Duke of Albanie in Scotland to be Gouernour both of the kings Person and kingdome. The first thing this Duke vndertook, was, either to put to death or banish those, whom he any way suspected to fauor the English. Insomuch, that the Queene Dowager (who by this time was matried to ARCHIBALD DOVGLIS Earle of Aagus) forced to saue herselfe by flight, came into England to her Brother, with whom she stayed at London a whole yeare, the Earle her husband after a moneth or two without leaue re­turning into Scotland. King HENRY being displeased at these French practises, deales vnderhand with the Emperour MAXIMILIAN (with whome the French then contended for the Dutchie of Milane) and lends him a great summe of money, whereby he might hire the Suis [...]es to aid him in the expelling the French out of Italie. But the Emperour, although he had leuied a sufficient Armie, returned home without doing any thing. He was indeed accompted a wise Prince, but vn­happy in the managing of his affaires: whether it were that Fortune waiwardly opposed him, or that he was naturally slow in the execution of his wel plotted de­signes. [Page 32] But shortly after hee intendes a second triall of his Fortune. Wherefore by his Embassadour the Cardinall of Suisserland, hee yet borowe [...] more mony of the King, which was deliuered to certaine Mer­chants of Genua to bee by a set day payed to the Emperour in Italie. But they, whether corrupted by the French, or not of sufficient abilitie to make returne, deceiued him; and so his second designes vanished also into Aire I doe not thinke it was the Kings fault, although wee might iustly suspect, that the great treasure left him by his Father beeing almost spent, and the French secretly offering peace vpon good termes, the friendship betweene him and the Emperour, which hee had so dearely pur­chased, began at length to grow cold. Certaine­ly (to speake nothing of the League which was af­terwards concluded with France) the Treasurie was now growne so bare, that the King was driuen to inuent new wayes for the raising of money. The care of this businesse (as almost of all others) was committed to Cardinall WOLSEY, who ca­sting vp the Exchequer accompts, found many deep­ly indebted to the King; and (whither by the negli­gence or treacherie of the Officers) neuer yet called to accompt. Among others, the Duke of Suffolke was found to be a great debtor, who besides his own reue­nues, receiued yerely out of France his wiues ioincture amounting to 60000 crownes. Yet notwithstanding he was fain to withdraw himselfe from Court, that by liuing thriftily in the countrey, he might haue where­with to pay his debt. The Cardinal next bethinks him­selfe of publicke misdemeanors of what sort soeuer: as periury, rapes, oppression of the poore, riots, and the like: the offenders without respect of degree or per­sons, hee either publiquely punished in bodie, or set round fines on their heads. By which means the Trea­surie [Page 33] (before empty) was replenished, and the Cardi­nall by the people much applauded for his Iustice. These things hauing thus succeeded to his minde, he vndertakes more in the same kinde. He institutes a newThe Starre-chamber Court, where the Lords of the Priuie Counsell, with other of the Nobility should sit as Iudges. The afore­said crimes, which then greatly raigned in this King­dome, were punishable in this Court, which (as I con­iecture)and from the stars painted in the roofe is called the Star-chamber. He erected also the Court of Re­quests, The Court of Requests in­stituted by Wolsey. where the complaints of the Poore were to be heard; and ordained many other things in the ciuile gouernment of the Kingdome, that were acceptable to the people, and are in vse at this day, wherein hee alike manifested his wisedome and loue of his Coun­trey. Certainly they that liued in that age, would not sticke to say, That this Kingdome neuer flourished more, than when WOLSEY did, to whose wisdome they attributed the wealth and safetie that they en­ioyed, and the due administration of Iustice to all without exception.

Anno Dom. 1517. Reg. 9.

THe Spring growing on, the feare of a commo­tionIll May day. in London increased with the yeare. The originall and successe whereof I will lay open at large, forasmuch as enormities of this nature, by our wholesome Lawes seuerely restrained, are so rare, that I remember, when I was a childe, old men would reckon their age from this day, by the name of Jll May day▪ Long peace hauing with vs begate plentie the Mother and Nurse both of good and bad Arts, al­lured the most excellent artificers of foreine Nati­ons to partake of our happinesse, by frequenting the [Page 34] Citie of London. But the giddie multitude not concei­uing what good became of communicating their skill vnto vs, tooke it verie hainously, that Strangers should be permitted to enioy the priuiledges of the City; and our home-bred Artificers did most especi­ally complaine, That their meanes were euery day curtalled, forasmuch as no small part was necessarily to be defalked for the maintenance of these Stran­gers. This was now growne the common discourse, and had gon so far, that one LINCOLNE a ringlea­der of this tumultuous rout, did not stick to persuade some Preachers, publiquely in the Pulpit to lay open these common grieuances before the Estates of the Realme. Our Ladies Hospitall in London, commonly called the Spittle, is famous for the Easter Sermons; one of which was to be preached by Doctor HENRY STANDISH (afterward Bishop of S. Asaph) a graue and learned man. LINCOLNE had assaied him, and had the deniall, as in a matter, the very mention whereof a good Patriot should abhorre. But Doctor BELL a Diuine, who was after STANDISH to preach in the same Place, without feare or wit seconding their sedi­tious attempts, did publiquely in his Sermon read the Bill by them exhibited to him, taking for his text that of the Prophet in the 115 Psalme: The heauens, euen the heauens are the Lords; but he hath giuen the earth to the sonnes of men: Thence most foolishly concluding, that England was giuen to Englishmen only, and that ther­fore it was not to be endured, that Aliens should en­ioy any part therof. Many things by him spoken to this purpose, were accepted with great applause and approbation of the Vulgar, who out of extreame ha­tred to Strangers, breathed nothing but sedition. And to adde more fuell to this fire, it happened that many outrages were about that time committed by some of these Strangers. This euill then thus spreading it selfe, [Page 35] foreiners were euery where ill intreated, and com­monly knockt downe in the streets, hauing not of­fered iniurie to any man. The authors of these riots being by the L. Maior committed to prison, a sud­den rumor ran through the Citie, That on May day next all Strangers should be massacred. This with­out doubt proceeded from some of this vnruly crue, and was intended as a watchword to all the faction; but the Strangers made so good vse of it, that they had all withdrawne themselues before that time, and the Magistrates very carefully atten­ded each occasion, endeauouring to crush all tu­multuous designes in the shell. On May day Eue therefore (the next day being the feast of the Apo­stles Philip and Iacob, the solemnitie thereof is vsu­ally augmented by the liberty granted to the youn­ger fort to sport themselues and to make merrie) the Citisens in generall are by Proclamation com­manded to keepe fast their doores, and to restraine their Seruants from going abroad vntill nine of the clocke the next day. But before this had beene throughly proclaimed, an Alderman walking in the streets, saw a troupe of young men consisting of Apprentices and such like gathered together, and playing at cudgels. He sharpely reprooued them for not obeying the Kings Edict, withall threaten­ing to punish them, if they the sooner betooke not themselues euery one to his home. Words not pre­uailing, he laid hold on one or two, intending to haue committed them. But what reckoning they made of Authoritie, their resistance in rescue of their Companions shewed; and by outcries giuing an Alarme, drew together all the rest of their Fa­ction in that quarter of the Citie. The fame of this hurly-burly encreased their numbers, by sending mariners, gentlemens seruants, beggars, & Citisens, [Page 36] but the greatest part were Apprentices. Sedition like a torrent carried them headlong, and animated them to all villanie. They breake open the prisons, set those at libertie, that were imprisoned for their outrages on straungers, flie about the Citie as in a whirle-wind, rob all forreiners houses, and not content with their goods, seeke after them for their liues. They found their nests, but the birds were fled. Hauing thus spent the night, in the morning hearing the Kings forces to approach, most of them slipt away, onely some thr [...]e hundred remai­ned (whereof eleuen were women) and being appre­hended, supplied their places, whom theybefore had freed. They were all arraigned, onely thirteene de­signed for death, whereof, nine suffered on diuers gibbets purposely erected in diuers parts of the Ci­tie. LINCOLNE, SHERWIN, and two brethren na­med BETS, Chiefetaines in this sedition, were car­ried to▪ Cheapside, where LINCOLNE was deseruedly hanged. The Executioner readie to turne off ano­ther, was preuented by the Kings gracious Pardon. The minde of man beeing prone to pittie, wee may imagine, that others were well pleased at the newes; but certainely the condemned had cause to reioice. The Queenes of England, the two Dowagers of of France and Scotland (both of them the Kings Sisters, and then at Court) became incessant Petiti­oners to his Maiestie, and that on their knees, in the behalfe of these condemned persons: and at length, WOLSEY consenting (by whome the King was wholly swayed) their Petitions were graunted to them, and to the poore men their liues. This was the last scene of this tragicall tumult, the like whereof this well gouerned Citie had not knowne in manie ages. For the Lawes verie well prouided in that case, do vnder a great penaltie forbid Assem­blies, [Page 27] especially of armed men, if not warranted by publicke Authoritie.

The swea­ting sicke­nesse. In August and September the sweating sicknesse (termed beyond Sea, Sudor Anglicus, or the English sweat) began, a disease vtterly vnknowne to former ages. Of the common sort they were numberlesse, that perished by it. Of the Nobilitie, the Lords CLINTON, and GREY of Wilton. The symp­tomes and cure you may finde in Polydore Virgill (in Anno. 1. HENR. 7.) who (as confidently, as I beleeue truely) maintaines, That, this disease was neuer till then knowne to bee, much lesse to bee mortall. As if there were a concatenation of euills, one euill seldome commeth alone. A Pestilence succeeded this former mortalitie, and so raged the whole Winter season in most parts of the Realme, that the King for feare of infection, attended by a few, was faine euery day to remoue his Court from one place to another.

The eleuenth of Februarie was borne the Ladie MARY, afterwards Queene of England.

Anno Dom. 1518. Reg. 10.

Peace with France. THe Peace so long treated of betweene vs and the French was now in September at length concluded on these Conditions:

That the DAVLPHIN should marrie the Ladie MARIE the Kings only Ch [...]lde, and not yet two yeares old: That Tournay should bee restored to the French: That the French should pay King HENRY foure hundred thousand Crownes, viz. two hun­dred [Page 38] thousand for his charge in building the Cittadell, for the Artillerie, Powder, and Munit on, which hee should leaue there and other two hundred thousand crownes, partly for the expence of that warre, wherein the Citie was taken, and partly in regard of other Pensions that were due vnto him.

For the paiment of which summes, the French gaue eight hostages; so saith BELLAY. But our Writers speake of a farre different summe, viz. Six hundred thousand crownes for the Citie, and foure hun­dred thousand crownes for the Cittadell: besides three and twenty thousand pounds Tournois, which the City of Tour­nay ought the King: and an annual Pension of a thousand Markes assigned to Cardinall WOLSEY for renouncing all claime and title to the Bishopricke of Tournay. For the confirmation of these Articles, the Earle of Worcester, and the Bishop of Ely, with some others, were sent into France, where both by the King and Princes of the Realme they were magnificent­ly entertained.

Anno Dom. 1519. Reg. 11.

THis yeare on the twelfth of Ianuarie in theThe death of the Emperor Maximilian. three and sixtie yere of his age, died the Em­peror MAXIMILIAN, hauing to preuent a disease, to which hee thought himselfe inclining, vnseasonably taken a Medicine of vncertaine op­peration. His death bred an equall desire in the mindes of two great Princes, who became Com­petitours for the Empire, FRANCIS King of France, and CHARLES King of Spaine. But [Page 39] CHARLES, although King of Spaine, yet being by birth (borne at Gand) and discent a German, at the age of nineteene yeares was chosen Emperour of Germanie, with the full consent and sufferages of all the Princes Electors. This Election, how euer other slight matters were pretended, was vndoubted­ly the cause of the ensuing dreadfull war betweene these Princes. The French King taking this repulse impatiently, meditates nothing but reuenge. And that his designes might no way be crossed by vs, he labors amain for the confirmation of the peace lately agreed vpon betweene HENRY and him. Therefore by the Admirall BONIVET he deales with WOLSEY, that at an enteruiew betweene the two Kings, the League might be ratified. To this end HENRY intends to come to Guisnes, FRANCIS to Ardres, and a conuenient place betweene both is made choice of for their enteruiew.

Anno Dom. 1520. Reg. 12.

HEreupon the King setting forward towards France, by easy iourneis comes to Canterbury, intending there to keepe his Whitsontide. The next day after being the twenty sixth of May, the new created Emperor CHARLES the fifth in his returnThe Empe­rour Charles the in Fifth England. from Spaine arriues at Douer, distant twelue miles from Canterbury. The King gladly entertaines the newes, and although it were midnight, takes horse, and within little more than an houre comes by torch light to Douer Castle, where the Emperour lay; who sea­weary was then asleepe. But being certified of the Kings arriuall, hee suddenly apparelled himselfe, and met the King at the top of the staires. They embraced and saluted one another, they long con­ferred together, and the next morning (beeing Whitsonday) they rode together to Canterburie, Canterburie. [Page 40] the Emperour alway keeping the right hand, and the Earle of Derby bearing the Sword before them both. Canterburie is a Citie more famous for antiqui­tie, than for moderne beauty. To let passe, that it was aboue a thousand yeares since made an Archiepisco­pall Sea, our Chronicles do sufficiently testify, that both in respect of priuate mens faire houses, and the magnificent structure of it's Churches, it antiently excelled the brauest cities of England. But within these few yeares it hath lost so much of it's greatnesse and beautie, that a man shall finde little of Canterburie be­side the name. Why it should so much in so short space decay, many reasons may be alledged: As the vicinity of London, which swelling like the spleene, suckes both bloud and moisture from all the other languishing Cities of the Kingdome. Likewise the subuersion of Saint AVGVSTINES Monasterie, the losse of Calais, and the pulling downe of Archbishop BECKET his Shrine, things which occasioned a great concourse of people, and did by their losse and ouerthrow much impaire this Cities splendor. One only Ornament therof suruiues, which is the Cathe­drall and Metropoliticall Church, with such a Maiesty piercing the skies (saith ERASMVS) that it a far off fills the beholder with deuout amazement. This Church being at first dedicated to our Sauiour CHRIST, a few ages past degenerated into the nickname of S. THOMAS. This THOMAS surnamed BECKET, hauing obstinatly opposed HENRY the second, was in this Church slain by certaine soldiers: and being afterward canonized for a Saint, his sepulchre mightily encreased the glory of the place. For from those times euen almost to our dayes, all sorts of people from all parts of Europe, su­perstitiously frequented the Shrine of this vpstart Saint, with rich oblations indeuoring to procure his fauor. Hence the Monastery was so inriched, that of it [Page 41] and the Church ERASMVS said, That euery place was enlightened with the lustre of most pretious and huge stones, and the Church throughout abounded with more than Royall Treasure. But the Shrine especially, that contained the reliques of this Saint, was so embossed with jewels, that gold was the meanest thing about it. Hither accompanied with King HENRY, came the Emperor CHARLES, but whether out of deuo­tion or curiositie, I cannot say. But this is certaine, that the Cardinall and the Clergie going in processi­on, to the Church they went directly, where a great deale of time was spent in Ceremonious wor­ship, and ablations at BECKETS Tome, not onely by the Emperour, but euen by Him, who shortly af­ter defaced the Monument, and seised vpon that infi­nite Treasure, heaped vp by the deuout follie of ma­ny preceding ages. From the Church they went to the Archbishops Palace, where the Queene, Aunt to the Emperour, awaited them, and very ioyfully wel­commed her Nephew. Three dayes were spent in banketing & pastimes, and then the Emperour went to his Nauy at Sandwich, the King and Queene to Do­uer, from whence they passed to Calais, that the inten­ded interuiew of the two Kings might worke it's due effects. The seuenth of Iune was the appointed day. The place, betweene Ardres and Guisnes. There theEnterview betwixt the Kings of England and France. two Kings mounted on Spanish Gennets, attended by such a multitude of Nobilitie, as the occasions of a hundred yeres before had not at once brought toge­ther the like, incountred each other, both in the floure of their age, the goodliest Princes of the world, and most expert in all kinde of combates both on horse and foot. It were needlesse to set forth the mag­nificence of these Princes, when the brauerie of their attendants was such, that the place was thence named The golden campe. Hauing embraced each other on [Page 42] horseback, they alight and betake themselues to a Pa­uilion there purposely pitched: HENRY attended on by the Cardinall of Yorke, and the Dukes of Nor­folke and Suffolke; FRANCIS by the Admirall BO­NIVET, the Chancellour du PRAT, and some other Counsellors. Hauing had familiar conference con­cerning some priuate matters, they gaue order for e­recting a Theater, and enclosing a ground for a Tilt­yard, that so they might solace themselues, whiles their Counsell treated of grauer matters, the conclu­sion whereof they might at leisure euery day know by relation. Fourteene dayes these Princes gaue each other the meeting, with great concourse of most fa­mous soldiers. HENRY then entertained the French King at Guisnes, in a house made of timber (framed partly in England, partly in Holland, and thence brought thither) wherein there were foure Mansions: The out side was couered with cloth so painted, that it would haue deceiued the beholders for squared stone: the in side was hung with most rich Arras, so that it euery way seemed a most artificiall and stately Buil­ding. The forme of it was much like that of the Ex­change at Calais. It being afterward taken asunder, was transported into England, and so stood the King in little or nothing, saith BELLAY. (Whereas wee know, and that by Records, that there were sent ouer out of England for this Worke, three hundred Ma­sons, six hundred Carpenters, two hundred Painters, Glasiers, and other Artificers (in all eleuen hundred) which for the space of two moneths laboured conti­nually on this fabricke.) The day ensuing, the French King prepares a banquet: the banqueting house was a Canopy euery way extended sixtie foot, which with­out was couered with cloath of Tissue, within with blew velvet pouldred with golden floures de Lys. At each corner was a Pauilion of the same workes: the [Page 43] cords were of blew silke twisted with gold of Cy­prus, which was of great esteeme. But a most im­petuous and tempestuous winde broke asunder the cords, and laid all this brauerie in the dirt. Patience par force. The French King suddenly makes ano­ther banquetting house, in that place where there is now a Fort that takes it's name from this banquet. The preparations were extraordinary, and the mag­nificence outstripped the reach of humane iudge­ment. There wanted neither houses, woods, nor fields for disport; for many men brought them en­tire on their backes. But pleasures must haue their intermission, and Kings if not by their Greatnesse, are by their Affaires seuered. HENRY therefore returnes to Calais, and FRANCIS to Boloigne. The tenth of the ensuing moneth, the King gallantly at­tended, visited the Emperour at Graueling. The Em­perourHenry visits the Emperor at Graueling in requitall accompanied him backe to Ca­lais. Shewes and banquets are Princes vsuall enter­tainments. To this end, the King so commanding, a round building is made in the forme of an Am­phiteatre, eight hundred foot in compasse. The sides were of plankes: in the middle was a pillar made of eight great masts tied together. This pillar suppor­ted the weight not onely of the roofe of the whole fabricke, (whither as into a lower Heauen the Moone and Stars had descended) but Organs also, and places for the receipt of all sorts of musicke in aboundance. These places were adorned with ta­pestrie, statues, and curious pictures, insomuch that the most fault finding could not complaine of any want in that kinde. All things were now prepared for the entertainment of such a guest, and the ban­quet readie to be serued in, when the same mis­chance that befel the French Canopy, made our En­glish Heauen and Earth meet together. God, as dis­pleased [Page 44] with the mad prodigality of these two Kings, sent a tempest, the violence whereof scatte­red this counterfeit heauen, blew out aboue a thou­sand wax tapers, defaced the glorious thrones pre­pared for these Princes, frustrated the expectation of the people, and forced the King to the necessitie of another place. But to lec passe the tilting, maskes, and gorgeous feasts during the six dayes the Empe­ror stayed at Calais: In these seueral enterviewes be­tweene all these Princes there was no one serious thing done, but this, that a firme Peace, a perpetuall League, & faithfull Friendship seemed to be conclu­ded on all sides. For who would haue thought, that it had been possible for discord it selfe to haue dis­olued this knot, where CHARLES & FRANCIS attri­buted so much to HENRY, that they made him Vm­pier of all controuersies that should arise betweene thē? But that there is seldom any heed to be giuen to the Agreements of Princes, where they are tied by no other bands (as of Religion, Affinity, or mani­fest Vtility) than that weake one of their plighted Troth, those foule dissentions, and bloudy wars which afterwards rent all Christendome, and ope­ned a way for that cōmon enemy of our Faith, may be a sufficient example. The Emperor after all these passages of courtesy & humanity, departs toward Graueling, moūted on a braue horse couered with a foot cloth of cloth of gold, richly beset with stones which the King had giuen him. He would often speak of his Aunts hap­pinesse, that was matcht to so magnificent a Prince. The King staied some few days after at Calais, from whence passing to Douer, he with all his traine arri­ued safe at London. I cannot but enuy their happines who in so little time saw 3 the mightiest Monarchs in Christendom, who for their exploits, & the great alterations happening vnder each of thē, will with­out doubt be famous through all succeeding Ages.

Anno Dom. 1521. Reg. 13.

The Duke of Buckingham accused of treason. EDWARD STAFFORD Duke of Bucking­ham was about this time arraigned of high Treason. He was discended of a Family, which whether it was more antient or noble, is questiona­ble. He deriued himself by a direct line frō ROBERT de Stafford, to whom WILLIAM the Conquerour gaue large revenues, which his posterity greatly in­larged, by matching with the heires female of ma­ny noble Families. By the Lady ANNE daughter to THOMAS of Woodstocke Duke of Glocester, who was Brother to EDWARD the Third, hee participated of the Bloud Royall. The first honourable title of the Family was of Lord Stafford, the next of Earle of Stafford, as was EDMVND, that married the daughter to THOMAS of Woodstocke. HVMFREY son to ED­MVND was created Duke of Buckingham by HENRY the Sixt, who left that Honor to his son HVMFREY who was grandfather to this EDWARD by his son HENRY the third Duke. How HENRY assisted the Vsurper RICHARD the Third, in oppressing ED­WARD the Fifth, how he after conspired with the Earle of Richmond (afterwards HENRY the Seuenth) against the Vsurper, but was cut off by the Tyrant before he could bring any thing to passe; the histo­ries of those times declare. EDWARD his son resto­red to Bloud & Dignities by HENRY 7. for his dis­cent, wealth, and Honors, inferior to none but the King, not content with this, was by N. HOPKINS a Charterhouse Monke induced to beleeue that Hea­uen had decreed to cut off K. HENRY, after whose death he should raigne, and the Crowne be for euer established on his posterity. This the Monke affir­med, God the Gouernour of all things, had reuealed vnto him. He further aduised him by liberality aud [Page 46] curtesy to win the minds of the people, for the time was at hand wherein this should certainly come to passe, if it were not through his owne default. The Duke (no sot, but blinded by ambition) gaue such credit to the Monke, who was either mad, or else flattered him in hope of reward, that although the time prefixed for these miracles were past, yet was he still in hope, fed the Impostor with gifts, who fed him with aire, secretly vilified the King, and gaue profusely to all. Nay he could not forbeare, but at longth he must brag of the Iuglers promises, as hee did to a gentleman named CHARLES KNEVET, to whom he boldly vnmasked himselfe, and gaue a reason of his actions. Vpon KNEVETS accusati­on he was arraigned, & condemned the thirteenth of May, and on the seuenteenth publiquely behead­ed. His death was lamented by many, & the rather for that he was no way faulty, but in his vanity and pride, which ouerthrew him. Being a childe, I haue heard antient men say, that by his brauery of appa­rell, and sumptuous feasts he exasperated the King, with whom in these things he seemed to contend. But he could by no meanes beare with the intole­rable pride of the Cardinall, whose hatred not im­probably prooued fatall vnto him, rather than did the Kings displeasure: for many times Princes are with lesse danger offended, than their Mignons. There goes a tale, That the Duke once holding the basen to the King, the Cardinall when the King had done, presently dipped his hands in the same water: the Duke disdaining to debase himselfe to the ser­uice of a Priest, shed the water in his shoos. The Car­dinall therewith incensed, threatned him, That he would fit vpon his skirts. The Duke to shew that hee slighted his threats, & withall, that the King might take notice of the Cardinalls malice, came the next [Page 47] day to Court, richly (as he vsually was) apparelled, but without skirts to his dublet. The King & many others demanding what he meant by that strange fashion, he answered readily, That it was done by way of preuention, for the Cardinall should not now sit vpon his skirts. Hee thought he had put a jest vpon the Cardinal, to whose informations, as proceeding from enuy and spleen, he hoped the King would hereafter giue the lesse credit. But he missed his marke: for most men were of opi­nion, that the Cardinalls malice crushed him rather, than did the weight of his owne offences. It was the saying of CHARLES the Emperor, vpon the report of his death, That the Butchers Dog had killed the fairest Hart of England Howsoeuer it came to passe, the king who had hitherto ruled without bloudshed, induced by the former reasons (so the Records run) permitted his hands to be stained with the bloud of this poore Prince; many lamenting, that the indiscreet credulity of one man, hauing not attempted ought against the Estate, should be the ouerthrow of so noble a Family. If I might lawfully pry so far into Gods iudgements, which are indeed inscrutable, I would be bold to im­pute the punishment of the Sonne to the Fathers trea­chery, who conspired with the Vsurper against his lawfull Prince EDW. 5. who by his assistance was de­priued of his life and kingdome. But forasmuch as that being touched in conscience, hee manifestly re­pented this fact (for seeking to oppresse the Tyrant, whom he himselfe had raised, he perished miserably) the Diume Iustice (I thinke) so far regarded his re­pentance, that his posterity are neuerthelesse Peeres of the Realme, by the title of L. Stafford. The first point of wisdome is, not to run into error; the next, quickly to amēd it.

King Henry writeth a­gainst Luther The King hauing written a booke against MARTIN LVTHER, sent it as a Present to Pope LEO the Tenth. This LEO, not yet thirty eight yeares old, was [Page 49] by the combination of the Iunior Cardinall [...] elected Pope. In which dignity hee behaued himselfe accor­ding to his yeares, profusely spending the treasures of the Church in hawking and hunting, and other plea­sures not deemed ouer honest. Need began at length to pince him, and money must be had. Wherupon he resolues to make vse of his Keyes, against the most subtill lockes, and strongest bars, euer yet held preua­lent. Indulgences of all sorts, without distinction of time or place, must now publiquely be s [...]t to sale. Saint Peters Church (this was the pretence) was out of re­paire, towards which a certaine summe of money gi­uen, would purchase pardon of sinnes, not onely for the Liuing, but for the Dead also, whose soules should thereby bee redeemed from the paines of Purgatorie. But whatsoeuer was pretended, euery one palpably saw, that these Pardons were granted to get money for his owne reliefe. And forasmuch as the Commis­sioners demanded it after an impudent and shame­lesse manner, they in most places incurred the dislike and indignation of the people, especially in Germany, where they saw this facultie of redeeming soules from Purgatory, was either solde for little or nothing, or played away in their Tauernes. But what speake I of the Commissioners? That which made the Germans most impatient, was, that the heedlesse Pope had gi­uen to his sister MAGDALEN the profit of the ex­actions of Indulgences in many parts of Germany, and that so openly, that euery one must needs know it. For all Germany spake it, that this money was not ga­thered for the Pope or the Treasurie of the Church (whereby peraduenture some part of it might be employed to good vses) but was exacted to satisfieLuthers de­parture from the Church Rome. the greedinesse of a woman. At that time liued MAR­TIN LVTHER a Doctor of Diuinity, and an Augu­stine Monke, one who vnder a religious Habit, [Page 49] did not consecrate himselfe to idlenesse, but to God. It is reported, how truly I know not, that recreating himselfe in the fields, his companion with whom he then discoursed, was suddenly stricken dead with thunder. He therupon falling into due consideration of the vncertaintie of death, and of iudgment, left the study of the Ciuill Law, to which he then applied himselfe, and renouncing the world, betooke him­selfe to a Cloister, where for his deportment he was beyond exception, for learning (especially diuine) he was scarce matchable. Vpon this horrible abuse of the authority of the Keyes, being inflamed with a pi­ous zeale, he could not containe himselfe, but boldly and bitterly inueighed against this grosse impiety. Neither staied he there, but (storme the Pope neuer so much) proceeds to other enormities in the Church of Rome, some whereof that Church hath since refor­med, the rest religious Princes, by LVTHER awaken­ed out of their dead sleepe of superstition, notwith­standing the practises of Rome, haue (God be thanked) exploded. New opinions (especially in matters of Re­ligion) are of themselues alwayes odious. HENRY be­ing offended with LVTHERS new (as the world then deemed them) Tenets, thought it would proue to his honor, by writing against LVTHER, to manifest his learning and pietie to the world▪ Herupon vnder his name a book was set forth, better beseeming some an­tient and deep Diuine, than a youthfull Prince (whom although he earnestly endeauoured it, yet his affaires would not permit to bury himselfe among his books) which many thought to haue beene compiled by Sir THO. MOORE, some by the Bishop of Rochester, and o­thers (not without cause) suspected to be the worke of some other great Scholler. Whosoeuerwrit it, LV­THER repli ed in such sort, that although his holy zeale were approved by many: yet those many [Page 50] could haue wished him more temperate, and respe­ctiue of the Maiesty of Kings. This Booke was so acceptable to the Pope, that according to the example of ALEXANDER the Sixt, who entituled the King of Spaine, Catholique: and of that Pope whosoeuer he were, that gaue the French King the title of Most The Kings of England by the Pope sti­led, Defen­ders of the Faith. The death of Leo the Tenth. Christian; he decreed to grace King HENRY and his Successors with that honorable one of Defender of the Faith. Which severall titles are by these Princes re­tained to this day. But LEO long surviued not his gift, about the end of the yeare dying (as is suspect­ed) by poison. In the meane time the exulcerated mindes of the Emperour and the French King (ac­cording to the nature of ambitious hatred, that for it's owne ends makes all causes iust) burst out into open wars; for the composing whereof each of them had formerly agreed to refer themselues (if any differen­ces should arise) to the arbitrement of HENRY. HeCardinall Wolsey and others sent embassadors to the Empe­rour and French King therefore sends to each of them Embassadours, the Cardinall of Yorke, the Earle of Worcester, and others, who should, if it were possible, reconcile these inra­ged Princes. All they could do, proued but an endea­vor: for when they thought they had compassed their desires, sudden newes came, That the Admirall BO­NIVET had by force taken Fuentaraby a Towne of the Emperours in Biscay. The Emperour would not then ratify the Agreement, vnlesse this towne were redeliuered; which the French denying to do, all fell to pieces againe, and the War was renewed. After their deuoir in this cause, our Embassadours went di­rectly to Bruges to the Emperour, of whom for a fort­night, which was the time of their stay there, they had royall entertainment. But he held the Cardinall in so great esteeme, that it was apparant hee was not igno­rant, how powerfull the Cardinall was with his Prince. And here perhaps it would not be amisse [Page 51] (in reguard of those times) to let the Reader know the pompe and state of this Cardinall, how many Gentlemen attended him apparrelled with velvet, and adorned with gold chaines, & then how many were cloathed in skarlet coats, the skirts whereof were guarded with veluet the full bredth of a hand. But let him guesse HERCVLES stature by the length of his foot. Such was the brauerie of his at­tendants, that in CHRISTIERNE King of Den­marke, and other Princes then residing at Bruges, it bred amazement. It was also reported, that he was by Gentlemen of the best ranke serued on the knee, a kinde of state which Germany had yet neuer knowne. He spent a huge masse of money in that Embassage, and that (as it is thought) not against his will. For he by all meanes sought the Emperors fauour, hoping that LEO, although much youn­ger, either cut off by treachery, or his owne intem­perance, might leaue the world before him: And then were it no hard matter for him, being vnder­propped by the Emperour and our King, to be ad­uanced to the Papacy. Wherefore at the first bruit of his death hee posted away PACEY the Deane of Pauls into Italy, with Mandates to certaine Car­dinalls whom he thought respected him, that they should do their best in his behalfe. But before hee could reach Rome, he was certainely informed, that ADRIAN (sometimes Tutor to the Emperour, and then Viceroy of Spaine) was already elected, by the name of ADRIAN the Sixt.

Anno Dom. 1522. Reg. 12.

WOLSEY neuerthelesse was as full of ambitious hope as euer. For ADRI­AN was a decrepit weake old man, and [Page 52] therefore not likely (as indeed he did not) to survive him. In the mean time he might make an ascent, by which his ambition might clime. He therefore seeks to aduance the Emperors designes more than ever, & to that end he persuadeth HENRY to denounce war against the French; for that he denied to surren­der Fuentaraby, & had broken the Couenants made between them, in not standing to the arbitrement of HENRY, as both CHARLES & FRANCIS had com­promised; at what time it was likewise decreed, that HENRY should declare himself an enemy to the ob­stinate refuser. The French discerning the storme be­fore it came, arrests all English ships, commits the Merchants to prison, and seizeth their goods to His own vse; stops all Pensions due either to HENRY for Tournay, or to his Sister the Dowager of France, for her Ioincture. The French ships and Merchants in England find the like entertainment, the Hostages giuen by the French for the foresaid sums, are com­mitted to close prison, and the French Embassadour confined to his house. Levies are made throughout England, & great preparatiōs for another expedition into France. To which the King being wholly bent, Embassadors suddenly arrive from the Em [...]erour; whose request was, That He would joine his forces with the Imperialls and that, if it so pleased Him, CHARLES would within few dayes be in England, that so they might personally confer & aduise what course they were best to run. Many reasons mooued the Emperour by the way to touch at England. His Grandfather FERDINAND being dead, his presence was necessarily required in Spaine, whither he must passe by England. He feared lest this breach betwixt vs & France, might easily be made vp, he being so far distant. He had an Aetna in his brest, which burned with extreame hatred toward the French, and was [Page 53] confident, that his presence would raise our sparkle to a flame. They might personally treat & conclude more safely & securely than by Agents & Posts, of whom in matters of moment no wise man would make vse, vnles forced by necessity. But the chiefe cause (as I coniecture) of this his second cōming in­to England, was, that he was weary of WOLSEY, with whom he saw it was impossible long to continue friend. For the Cardinall by his importunity, one while for the Papacy, another while for the Arch­bishopricke of Toledo, did much molest him, who had determined to afford him nothing but good words. He disdained not in his letters to a Butchers son, to vse that honorable compellation of Couzen, & whether present or absent, he afforded him all kind of honor whatsoeuer. But when the Cardinall cra­ued any ernest of his loue, some excuse or other was found out to put him by, yet so, as still to entertaine him with hopes. But WOLSEY was subtill, and of a great spirit. And these deuises were now growne so stale, that they must needs be perceiued. CHARLES therfore neglecting his wonted course by WOLSEY, studies how to be assured of the King without him. For this no fitter means could be thought of, then this interview. The King was naturally courteous, loued the Emperour exceedingly, and reposed great confidence in him▪ CHARLES therefore hoped that by the familiarity of some few weekes hee might make the King his owne. But HENRY (he thought) would not long continue so, vnlesse he could some way lessen his fauor toward the Cardinall. This he hoped might be effected by admonishing the King, that he was now past the yeares of a childe, and needed no Tutor, that it was not fit he should suffer himselfe to be swaied by a Priest, one in all reason better skilled in the mysteries of the Altar, than of [Page 54] State, against which in this respect (besides the abuse of his power) he must needs be some way (though perhaps vnwillingly) faulty. The addition of some aspersions withal [...] were thought not to be amisse, which if not true, should at least carrie a shew of truth. That the Emperour practised something in this kinde, the consequences make it more than probable. HENRY being a noble Prince, and one that scorned money as much as any one breathing, was very glad of the Emperors comming; yet was his Treasury very bare, and so great a Guest could not be entertained without as great expences. CHARLES vpon notice of the Kings pleasure, at­tendedThe Empe­ror, Charles the second time in En­land. by the Marquis of Dorset, the Bishop of Co­ventry and Lichfield, the Lord De La-ware, & others of the English Nobility, comes from Graueling to Calais, from whence he passed to Douer, where he was receiued by the Cardinall, who was accompa­nied with two Earles, ten Bishops, ten Abbots, thirty six Knights, 100 Gentlemen, thirty Priests (all these apparelled in velvet) and at least seuen hundred ser­uants. Two daies he staied at Douer before the King came. At length he came, and welcommed him with all Princely entertainment, professing, that no greater happinesse could betide him on earth, then the inioying his Maiesties most desired company, though but for so short a time. From Douer, taking Can [...]erbury in the way, they came to Greenwich, where the Queene awaited the longed for presence of her Nephew. Frō thence to London, where they werere­ceiued by the Citisens with the solemnities vsuall at the Coronation of our Kings. At Whitsontide both Princes came to Pauls, where they heard the Car­dinall say Masse. Sports agreeable to the entertaine­ment of such a Guest, were not wanting. But when mention was made of renewing the League, Windsore [Page 55] was thought fittest for the Treaty, it being not aboue twenty miles from London, and a place altogether as it were composed for pleasure. Windsore is situated in aWindsore. large Plaine vpon the bankes of the riuer Thames. The Castle (being the chiefest in England, for strength comparable to that of Douer, but far exceeding it in greatnesse and beauty) is built on a hill. This Castle containes besides the Kings Court, a goodly Church by EDWARD the Third dedicated to the blessed Virgin and Saint George; adioining to which is the Colledge, where are the houses of the Deane, Pre­bendaries, and Vicars Chorall, where also liue twelue Souldiers discharged of the wars (called Knights) and hauing pensions, who in their habits are bound daily to frequent the Church, there to pray vnto God for the Knights of the Illustrious Order of the Garter. Of this Order the Castle is the Seat, where accor­ding to the first Institution, the Knights are to be installed, on certaine dayes are to offer and to do some other duties. Here, vpon Corpus Christi day these Princes hauing on the robes of the Order, in their stalls heard Masse, and receiuing the Sacrament, bound themselues by oath inuiolably to obserue the Conditions of this new League, the chiefe Articles whereof were these:

The Condi­tions of the League con­cluded with the Emperor.
That they should with joint and as great forces as they could, inuade France: That the Emperor should yearely pay to the King as much as was due to Him and his Sister, from the French, viz. 133000 crownes: That the Emperor should at conuenient yeares take to Wife his Cousin german the Lady MARY, the Kings onely Childe (who after raigned, [Page 56] and at age of fortie yeares was married to PHILIP the Emperors son) That he by whose default it should happen, that this match should not succeed, should pay the other fiue hundred thousand crownes: and for assu­rance of this, the Emperour should put Saint Omers and Aires into the Kings hands.

One would haue thought, it had passed the reach of human policy, to haue dissolued this band. But short­ly after broken it was, and could neuer after be firme­ly knit againe. After eight dayes stay at Windsore, these Princes went to Winchester, and from thence to South­ampton, where was the Emperors Fleet, consisting of a hundred and eighty ships. Here on the first of Iuly the Emperor tooke ship and made for Spaine.

In the meane time the Earle of Surrey hauing ga­thered a Fleet, landed neere Morleys in Bretaigne, for­ced the towne, and burned it. And hauing wasted all the Country therabout, he went into Picardy, to ioine with the Imperialls. Some Forts they tooke and ra­zed They besieged Hesdin, but without successe: For Winter comming on, and our men dying apace of the Flux, they were faine to setsaile homeward.

Rhodes ta­ken by the Turke. I will conclude this yeare with an ignominious and fatall losse to Christendome, the Isle of Rhodes, being on Christmas day taken by the Turkes, while Christian Princes disagreeing about matters of no­thing, ruine themselues, and invite the Miscreant to propagate his long since too too formidable Empire. God grant they may at length, considering the com­mon danger, rowse vp themselues, and with joint re­sistance repell this Enemy of CHRISTS Crosse, who although he be far enough from some, is too neere to the farthest.

Anno Dom. 1523. Reg. 15.

Christierne King of Den­marke. CHRISTIERNE the Second, King of Denmarke, by the rebellion of his subiects driuen out of his Kingdom, had resided some while with the Emperor, whose Sister he had married. The fifteenth of Iune, acompanied with his wife niepce to Queene KATHERINE, he landed at Douer. At London they a­bode some days, with that due honor that kinred and Princes giue to one another. The fift of Iuly they retur­ned toward Calais. In the meane time a Parliament was held at London, wherein the States being certified of the necessity of war, and what a faire occasion was offered for the recouery of France, but that the war was like to be defectiue, in regard of the weakenes of it's sinews; a great sum of money was easily granted. The Kings of France exact money of their subiects at their pleasure; the Kings of England do not vsually, without a Parliament, wherein the pretence of war with France was wont to be a great motive of the sub­iects liberality. And indeed France was at this time greatly distracted, being oppressed with so many ene­mies abroad, and having to do with vndermining treachery at home; insomuch that our aduantages, if wisely followed, seemed to promise vs whatsoeuer we could hope for. FRANCIS was on the one side pressed with the war of Milan, on the other side by the Empe­ror: at home CHARLES Duke of Bourbon reuoltedThe Duke of Bourbon re­uolts. from him, by letters inciting our King to the recoue­ry of his hereditary (as he acknowledged) Right in France, whereto, respectlesse of paine or perill, he pro­mised his faithfull assistance. Neither was this offer to be slighted; for he had conceiued an implacable ha­tred against his Prince, and was able to make a great party in France. His valor and experience were after manifested by the greatnes of his exploits performed [Page 58] in a short space, FRANCIS being taken prisoner by him, Rome sacked by his conduct, the Pope besieged in the Castle of Saint Angelo, and faine at last to ran­some himselfe and his Cardinalls at a mightie rate. These notable aduantages were all let slip through the neuer satisfied ambition and malice of one man; but so, that it made way for that great alteration which afterward hapned in the estate of the Church. Blessed be that Almighty Power, that conuerts the wicked designes of men to the good of his Church, and his owne glory.

The Parliament being dissolued, the Duke of Suf­folke is sent into France with thirteene thousand men, viz. six hundred Launces, two hundred Archers on horsebacke, three thousand Archers on foot, fiue thousand Halberdiers, seuenteene hundred drawne out of the Garrison of Calais, and two thousand six hundred Pioners. The English and Imperialls joi­ning, invaded the French Dominions, tooke Roye, Mondidier, Bohain, Bray, Chasteaubeau, and marching within twenty two leagues of Paris, put the City in a terrible affright, vntill the Lord of Brion sent by the King with the comfortable newes of the com­ming of the Duke of Vendosme with foure hun­dred Launces, makes them take heart againe. After these exploits, our Forces toward the end of Decem­ber were recalled.

The death of Adrian the Sixth. Clement the S [...]uenth, suc­ceedeth, and Wolsey suf­fereth the re­pulse. In the meane time on the fourteenth of September, died Pope ADRIAN the Sixth: in whole place IV­LIVS MEDICES was after two moneths elected. Here WOLSEY againe failed in his hopes▪ who ex­pected by the helpe of the Emperor and the King, to haue succeeded ADRIAN. But the Emperor neuer intended this dignity for him (for he did his best for IVLIVS.) Neither indeed had hee been [...] wil­ling, could hee haue aduanced him to the Chaire▪ [Page 59] For the Cardinalls were in so short a time weary of ADRIAN, who was a stranger, and little acquain­ted with the Court of Rome. And the Colledge repi­ned to see any other sit in Saint Peters Chaire, then an Italian, or at least one bred vp in Jtaly. Neuer­thelesse WOLSEY was so incensedagainst the Em­perour, by whose default (he was verily persuaded) it happened that he missed of the Papacy, that now bidding hope farewell, he was possessed with a de­sire to be reuenged on the Emperour for this con­ceiued iniury. Hee therefore on a sudden turnes French, and to hinder the Emperours proceedings, procured our Forces to be called home, pretending the ill season of the yeare, with promise that the next Spring they should be returned againe.

Anno Dom. 1524. Reg 16.

BVt CHARLES hauing not giuen any iust cause of breach, WOLSEY dared not publiquely to professe his affection toward the French, with whom notwithstanding by the intercourse of one IOHN IOACHIM a Genouese he maintaines intelli­gence, and without the priuity of HENRY laies the platforme of a new League. The war was very hot betweene the Emperour and the French. FRANCIS had already taken Milan, and with a mighty army sate downe before Pavia, vowing not to rise from thence vntill he had taken it. The Duke of Bourbon and the Imperialls were in number little inferior, & stood in want of nothing but money (indeed all in all) wherwith the Pope, the Venetians, & our HEN­RY were to furnish him. CLEMENT, although he had obtained the Papacy chiefely by CHARLES his meanes, detained the money which his predecessor ADRIAN had promised; saying, It beseemed not his [Page 60] Holinesse, to intermeddle with the wars of Princes. The Venetians at first answered coldly, at length plainely denied: for they stood in awe of the French, and were jealous of the Emperours ambition. And the malicious Cardinall had so played his part with HENRY, that the Imperialls disappointed of theWolsey per­suades the King to a diuorce. monethly summes due from him, were exceeding­ly distressed. Now WOLSEY to make a separa­tion betweene these two Princes, told the King, that he certainly found that the Emperour did but de­lude him: that hee had indeed promised to marry the Kings Daughter; but a rumour was raised by the Spaniards, That this match would be little ei­ther for his profit or his honor, forasmuch as vpon the point, the Lady MARY was but a Bastard, be­gotten, it is true, in wedlocke, yet incestuously, the match being by the Ecclesiasticall Constitutions made vnlawfull: for he could not lawfully marry Queene CATHARINE, who had beene before married to his brother Prince ARTHVR: That both the old and new Testaments were expresse against such coniunctions, and that therefore it lay not in the Pope to dispence with them. It is certaine that the Emperors Embassadors had thus discour­sed with WOLSEY vpon this very point, and WOLSEY made his vse of it accordingly. Hee knew the King doated not on his Queene, and buz­zed these things in his eares, in hope he would be­thinke himselfe of a new wife. This taking as he de­sired, and the King lamenting, that for lacke of Issue he should leaue the Kingdome to a Childe, to a Woman, to One, whom, in reguard the lawfulnesse of her birth was questionable, hee could not with safety make his Heire; the Cardinall proposed vnto him for wife MARGARET Duchesse of Alançon a beautifull Lady, and Sister to the King of France. [Page 61] He knew, that vpon his Diuorce from CATHA­RINE, and Marriage with the other, HENRY must of necessity fall foule with the Emperour, and with­out hope of reconciliation, strongly adhero to the French. That this diuorce was for these reasons set on foot by WOLSEY, the Imperiall Histori­ans do all accord; neither for ought I euer read, do Ours deny. But howsoeuer it came to passe, this is certaine, That HENRY in stead of furnishing the Emperour with the money he had promised, de­manded all that he had already lent.

Anno Dom. 1525. Reg. 17.

Richard Pa­cey Deane of Pauls falleth mad. RICHARD PACEY Deane of S. Pauls, had been not long before sent to Venice as an Agent concerning our affaires in Italy. He was a ve­ry learned man, and worthy (had God been so plea­sed) of a better Destiny. He knew not the change of the Kings minde. But perceiuing the monethly pay due from the King, according to promise came not, of whole Honor, which now lay at stake, he was ve­ry tender, he was much discontented. To salue all, he assaied to take vp so much money of certaine Merchants, with whom it seemes he in part preuai­led. But the sum was so small, that it stood the Im­perialls in as small steed, & yet so great, that it excee­ded the ability of his priuate estate to make satisfa­ction. Vpon notice of the Kings alienation from the Emperor, he fell irrecouerably distracted.

The battel of Pavy. In the meane time the Duke of Bourbon and the Imperialls were in so great distresse and want of all things, that vnlesse they could by some stratagem or other draw the French to commit all to the fortune of a battaile, the Army must needs [Page 62] disband. They disquiet and trie the French (especial­ly in the night preceding Saint Mathias day, which was the day of the Emperor CHARLES his natiuity) with many false alarmes. They make two squadrons of horse, and foure of foot. The first consisting of six thousand Lansquenets, Spaniards, and Italians, vn­der the command of the Marquis of Guasto. The se­cond of Spanish foot vnder the Marquis of Pescara. The third & fourth of Lansquenets, vnder the Vice­roy LAVNOY and the Duke of Bourbon. They came to a wall called the Park-wall, & vnder the covert of the night cast downe aboue sixty paces, enter with­in it, the first squadron taking the way to Mirabell, the rest marching toward the Kings Army. The King thought the Imperials went to Mirabell, as ma­king choice of the plaine open fields to fight in. He was vnwilliug to leave the besieged at liberty, & yet the Plaines were aduantageous for his Horse. He therfore commands his Artillery to be discharged, which somewhat endamaged them; and though vnwilling, drawes his Forces out of their trenches (then which the Imperials desired nothing more) & opposed the whole strength of his Army against thē. But passing before the Cannon, hinders their ex­ecution. They that tooke the way to Mirabell, now turne head, and both Armies engage themselues in a cruell fight, wherein the King more following Shadowes then Substances, and the idle rumors of the vulgar, then the meanes of a most certaine and glorious victory, is ouerthrowne and taken priso­ner, loosing beside the floure of the French Nobili­tie (almost all either taken or slaine) at one blow the Duchie of Milan, the possession whereof had made him Lord of the greatest part of Lombardy. Pope CLEMENT, who had left the Emperour for the French (which hee afterward repented) often [Page 63] aduertised the King, that the Imperialls were in great distresse and want, that they continually mutinied for lacke of pay: that he had taken so sufficient order with the King of England and the rest of the Confe­derates, that they should continue bare enough of money. If therefore he would but hold his hand, and forbeare to fight, necessity enforcing the Imperialls to disband, he should be victorious without bloudshed. But he was not capable of so good advice. His Forces were great (yet short of his account, his Captaines treacherously abusing him, in not furnishing those numbers of foot for which they receiued pay) and it were equally a dishonour to him, either to seeme to a­void the Enemy, or to ly still so long at a siege, to no purpose. The Diume Power hauing decreed to cha­stise him, permitted him through impatience to run headlong into these errours, which so deepely plun­ged him in those calamities, that without Gods especiall favour had proved fatall to him and his France.

When I consider this and many other the like chances happening as well in the course of a private mans life, as in publique affaires, I cannot but wonder at the sottish valour of this age, wherein rather than endure the touch of the least (though fal [...]) asper­sion, wee will run the hazard both of life and fortunes. How many braue men do wee daily see, wonderfull ingenious in this kinde of folly? who standing vpon I know not what Points of Honor, vpon the least offence challenge the field, and wilful­ly seeke out their owne destruction. What in Gods name is become of the patience of that lin­gering FABIVS, who quietly bearing the bit­ter taunts and mockes of his Souldiers, of the Peo­ple, and the Senate, yet brought home an easy, though late victory? We are certainely too blame, [Page 64] with the Dog we catch at the shadow and loose the substance. Of our Saviour we shall learne, that it is the highest point of fortitude, In patience to possesse our soules. And according to ARISTOTLE, True va­lour is regardles of ill language.

Mordear opprobrijs falsis, matem (que) colores?
Fassus honor iuvat, & mendax infamia terret
Quem, nisi mendosum & mendacem?
It is HORACE:
Backe-bitten, must I needs turne pale for it?
False honors please, and lying slanders fright,
Whom, but the vnworthy and vainglorious wight?

In the tent of the captiue King, the letters of the Pope and our King, concerning their late league with the French, being found, the Duke of Bourbon now knew the cause why supplies of money came in so slowly. And PRAT Lieger here for the Emperor, vpon notice of it, without leaue withdrew himselfe from Court, and on the ninth of Aprill secretly departed the land. In the meane time HENRY little suspecting that these secret compacts were knowne to the Emperor, about the end of March sent Embassadors to him CVTBERT TONSTAL Bishop of London, & Sir RICHARD WING­field Knight of the Garter; by whom Hee did congratu­late his late victorious successe, admonishing him to a close pursuit of his fortunes: That if his Jmperiall Maiesty in­tended with greater forces to oppresse the already Vanqui­shed▪ in regard of the strict [...]y of friendship betweene them, his necessary endeauors should in no sort be wanting. What answer the Emperor gaue I know not. It is very like­ly he paid the King in his owne coine, and dissembled with the Dissembler; but hauing courteously enter­tained our Embassadours, as courteously dismissed them.

[Page 65] But the King wants money, and must now dissem­ble with his subiects. He pretended war with France, and with this key hopes to open his Subiects coffers. The expectation of supplies by a Parliament would prove tedious; some shorter course must be taken. Mo­neyMoney de­manded and commanded by Procla­mation. is therfore demanded by Proclamation, & that no lesle then according to the sixth part of euery mans Moveables▪ Divers great personages appointed Com­missioners, vse all faire meanes to draw the people to contribute. But although they sate in Commis­sion in divers parts of the Kingdome at one and the same time, they were so far from preuailing, that as if the people had vniuersally conspired, it was eve­ry where denied, and the Commissioners very ill entreated, not without further danger of sedition and tumult. Hereupon the King calls a Parliament to be held at London: wherein he professeth himselfe to be vtterly ignorant of these intollerable courses by such burthenous taxations. The King disclaiming it, euery one seekes to free himselfe. The Cardinall was at last faine to take all vpon himselfe; protesting, That as a faithfull Seruant, he had no further end in it, than the profit of his Lord the King; and that hee had aduised not onely with his Maiesties Councell (which they all acknowled­ged) but also with the Learned in the Lawes both Diuine and Humane, whose opinion it was, that the King might lawfully take the same course that PHARAOH did, who by the ministery of IOSEPH sequestred a certaine porti­on of euery mans priuate estate for the publique good. But the dislike of the people occasioned by this (though fruitlesse) proiect, was greater than could be remo­ved by this excuse.

And yet this proiect was not altogether fruitlesse, the Kings apparant want affording a sufficient pretext of deferring the war with France vntill another yeare. Neither was it the Kings intent to make vse of his ad­vantages [Page 66] ouer the French, who now lay open to all his blows. HENRY hauing put away his wife, the Em­perour must needs be netled, and then the amity of France would stand him in some steed. Indeed CA­THARINE was a noble and a vertuous Lady, but shee had liued so long, as to make her Husband weary ofThe King fals in Loue with Anne Bolen. her. He affected the daughter of Sir THOMAS BOLEN Treasurer of his Houshold. Her he intends to marry, and to be diuorced from the other: For he did in his soule abhor this incestuous Match, and it stood not with the publique weale, that He should live single, especially the law­fulnesse of his Daughters birth being so questionable. Hee married not againe for his pleasure, but to settle the King­dome on his lawfull Issue. The Learned (as many as Hee had conferred with) did generally pronounce the first mar­riage void: yet would Hee haue it lawfully decided, that with a safe conscience He might make choice of a second. Thus far had WOLSEY willingly led him, hoping to haue drawne him to a Match in France. But Hee was of age to choose for himselfe, and had already els where setled his affections.

A creation of Lords. And the more to manifest his love, on the eigh­teenth of Iune he created his future Father in law Sir THOMAS BOLEN, Viscont Rochfort. At the same time were created HENRY FITZ-ROY the Kings naturall fonne by ELIZABETH BLOVNT Daughter to Sir IOHN BLOVNT Knight, Earle of Nottingham, and Duke of Richmond and Somerset▪ HENRY COVRTNEY Earle of Devonshire the Kings Couzen german, Marquis of Excester: HENRY BRANDON eldest sonne to the Duke of Suffolke by the Kings Sister the Dowager of France, Earle of Lincolne: THOMAS MANNERS Lord Roos, Earle of Rutland: Sir HENRY CLIFFORD, Earle of Cumberland: and ROBERT RATCLIF Lord Fitzwal­ter, Viscont Fitzwalter.

Cardinall WOLSEY this yeare laid the foundation [Page 67] of two Colledges, one at Ipswich the place of his birth, another at Oxford, dedicated to our SauiourWolsey to build two Colledges. CHRIST, by the name of Christ-Church. This later, though not halfe finished, yet a magnificent and royall Worke, a most fruitfull Mother of Learned Children, doth furnish the Church and Common­wealth with multitudes of able men, and amongst others, acknowledgeth me (such as I am) for her Foster-childe. The other, as if the Founder had also been the foundation, fell with the Cardinall, and being for the most part pulled downe, is long since converted to private vses. The Cardinalls private estate (although it were wonderfull great) being not sufficient to endow these Colledges with revenues answerable to their foundation, the Pope consen­ting,Demolisheth fou Mo­nasteries. he demolished fourty Monasteries of meaner note, and conferred the lands belonging to them, on these his new Colledges. It hath been the observa­tionSacrileoge punished. of some, That this businesse, like that proverbi­all gold of Tholouse, was fatall to those that any way had a hand in it. We will hereafter shew what be­came of the Pope and the Cardinall. But of five, whom he made vse of in the alienation of the guifts of so many religious men, it afterward happened, that two of them challenging the field of each other, one was slaine▪ and the other hanged for it: a third throwing himselfe headlong into a Well, pe­rished wilfully: a fourth, before that a wealthy man, sunke to that low ebbe, that he after begged his bread: and Doctor ALLEN the fift, a man of especi­all note, being Archbishop of Dublin, was murthe­red in Jreland. I could wish, that by these and the like examples, men would learne to take heed how they lay hands on things consecrated to God. If the Divine Iustice so severely punished those that con­verted the abused (yet not regarding the abuse, but [Page 68] following the sway of their ambitious desires) goods of the Church to vndoubtedly better vses; what can we expect of those that take all occasions to rob and spoile the Church, hauing no other end, but onely the inriching of themselues.

LVTHER had notice of HENRY his intended Divorce, and that from CHRISTIERNE the expel­led King of Denmarke, who eagerly solicited him to write friendly vnto the King; putting LVTHER in hope, that HENRY being a courteous Prince, might by milde persuasions be induced to embrace the re­formation which LVTHER had begun. And indeed LVTHER foreseeing the necessary consequences of this Divorce, was easily entreated, and did write vnto the King in this submissiue manner:

Luther writes to the King.
He doubted not but he had much offended his Majesty by his late reply: but he did it ra­ther enforced by others, then of his owne ac­cord. Hee did now write, presuming vpon the Kings much bruited humanity; especially be­ing informed, That the King himselfe was not Author of the Booke against him, which thing he vnderstood was captiously cavilled at by some Sophisters. And hauing occasion to speake of the Cardinall of Yorke, he cal­led him the Caterpillar of England: He vn­derstood, the King did now loath that wicked sort of men, and in his minde to fauour the Truth. Wherefore he craueth pardon of his Majesty, beseeching him to remember, that wee being mortall, should not make our enmi­ties [Page 69] immortall. If the King would be pleased to impose it, hee would openly acknowledge his fault, and blazon his Royall Ʋertues in another Booke. Then hee wished him to stop his eares against those slanderous tongues that branded him with Heresy: for this was the summe of his Doctrine, That wee must bee saued through Faith in Christ, who did beare the punishment of our sinnes in every part, and throughout his whole body, who dy­ing for vs, and rising againe, raigneth with the Father for euer. That he taught this to be the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles: and that out of this position hee shewed, what Charity was, how we ought to behave our selues one towards another, that we are to obey Ma­gistrates, & to spend our whole life in the pro­fession of the Gospell. If this Doctrine con­taine any Jmpiety or Errour, why do not his Aduersaries demonstrate it? Why do they condemne him without either lawfull hearing, or confutation? In that he inveigheth against the Pope and his Adherents, hee doth it not without good reason, forasmuch as for their profits sake, they teach things contrary to what Christ and the Apostles did, that so they may domineere ouer the Flocke, & main­taine themselues in Gluttony & Idlenes. That this was the marke at which their thoughts [Page 70] and deeds aimed: and that it was so noto­rious, that they themselues could not deny it. That if they would reform themselues by chā ­ging their idle and filthy course of life main­tained by the losse and wrong of others, the dif­ferences might easily be composed. That his Tenets were approued by many Princes and Estates of Germany, who did reverently ac­knowledge this great blessing of God, amongst whom he wonderfully desired he might ranke his Maiesly. That the Emperour and some others opposed his proceedings, he did not at all wonder: for the Prophet DAVID had ma­ny ages since foretold, That Kings and Na­tions should conspire against the Lord and a­gainst his Christ, and cast away his yoke from them. That when he did consider this and the like places of Scripture, he did rather wonder that any Prince did fauor the doctrine of the Gospell. And to conclude, he craued a fauora­ble answer.

The Kings answer. The King made a sharpe reply to LV­THERS letter, accusing him of base incon­stancy. He stands in defence of his Booke, ‘which (hee said) was in great esteeme with many Religious and Learned men. That he reuiled the Cardinall (a Reuerend Father) was to be regarded as from him from whose impiety neither God nor man could be free. [Page 71] That both Himselfe and the whole Realme had found the profitable and wholsome effects of the Cardinalls endeavours, who should reape this fruit of LVTHERS railing, that whereas he loued him very well before, hee would now favour him more than ever: That among other of the Cardinalls good deeds, this was one, that he tooke especiall care, that none of LVTHERS leprosy, contagion, and heresy, should cleaue to, or take roote in this King­dome: Then he vpbraided him with his ince­stuous marriage with a Nunne, a crime as hainous and abhominable as any.’

At this answer (which the King caused to be prin­ted) LVTHER grieued much, blaming his friends that had occasioned it; saying, That he writ in that humble manner only to please his Friends, and that he now plainely saw how much he was mistaken. That he committed the like errour in writing friendly at the request of others, to Cardinall CAIETAN, GEORGE Duke of Saxony, and ERASMVS, the fruits whereof were, that he made them the more violent. That the shewed himselfe a foole, in hoping to find Piety and Zeale in Princes Courts, in seeking Christ in the Kingdome of Satan, in searching for IOHN BAPTIST among the Cloathed in Purple. But being he could not pre­vaile by faire meanes, he would take another course.

The late mention of ERASMVS puts me in minde of a Booke written by him either this or the yeare pas­sed, at the entreaty of the King and the Cardinall (as he himselfe in an Epistle confesseth) entituled, De Li­bero Arbitrio. Whereto LVTHER made a quicke re­ply, writing a booke De Servo Arbitrio.

Anno Dom. 1526. Reg. 18.

A breach with the Emperor. MAny reasons might move the Emperour to seeke the continuation of a Peace with Eng­land. The French (although they concealed it, their King beeing not yet at liberty) intend to re­venge their late ouerthrow: The Turke prepares for Hungary, the King whereof (LEWIS) had marri­ed ANNE the Emperors Sister: Almost all Italy by the Popes meanes combined against CHARLES, whose power is now becom formidable: And Germa­ny it self, the Boors hauing lately bin vp in arms, being scarce pacified, do yet every where threaten new tu­mults. In this case the enmity of HENRY must necessa­rily much impeach his proceedings. But many things againe vrge him on the other side: his Aunts dis­grace: (for of this he long since had an inkling) The late League concluded vnder hand with the French: But that which swaied aboue all, was, the dislike of his promised match with the Kings Daughter. That the Queene his. Aunt might be reconciled to her Hus­band, there might yet be some hope. The League with France (especially the French Kings case being now so desperate) might be as easily broken, as it was made: But this Match did no way sort to his minde, which he had either for loue, or for some other pri­vate respects, setled els where. ISABELLA Sister to IOHN King of Portugall, was a brave beautifull Lady, and had a Dowry of nine hundred thousand Duc­kets MARY was neither marriageable, nor beauti­full; yet her by agreement must he marry without any other Dowry then those foure hundred thousand crownes which he had borrowed of HENRY. The wars had drawne his Treasury dry, and his Subjects [Page 73] in Spaine being required to relieve their Prince, doe plainly (perhaps not without subornation of some prin­cipall persons) deny it, vnlesse hee marry ISABEL­LA, one in a manner of the same Linage, of the same Language and Nation, and of yeares sufficient to make a mother. By way of seruice (Custome grow­ing to a Law) they are to giue their King at his mar­riage foure hundred thousand Duckets: if hee will in this be pleased to satisfie their request, they promise to double the vsuall summe. For these reasons, when HENRY sent Embassadours to treate againe (whe­ther sincerely or no, I cannot say) concerning the re­newing of the League, the marriage of the Ladie MARY, and of warre in France to bee maintained at the common charge of both; CHARLES answe­red but coldly, and at last even in the very nuptiall solemnities sends to excuse his marriage to the King, whereunto the vndeniable desires of his subiects had in a manner forced him. Some doe farther adde, that concerning that part of the Embassage, of warre a­gainst France, our demands were such, as if they had beene purposely coined by WOLSEY to force the Emperour to the prioritie of an apparent breach. For the King demanded no smaller share in the conquest, then Picardie, Normandie, Guien, Gascoigne, with the title of, King of France: and that the Emperour par­taking both of Perill and Charge should himselfe serve in Person. But CHARLES wanting money, and tired with continuall perill, if he regard either his safetie and ease, or his profit, must not give his assent, especially considering, that the Captive King made larger offers, and those with Peace, then these, yea al­though he became victorious, with Warre, the event whereof being alwayes doubtfull, no man can assure himselfe of wished successe. Neither indeed did HENRY expect any other issue of his Embassie, then [Page 74] a flat refusall. For at the same time he deales with theThe King endevours to r [...]lieve the French King. Regent (the Captive Kings Mother) to send over some trustie person, with whom he might consult of the maine chance; which she gladly did, dispatching away the Lord of Brion President of Rouen, and IOHN IOACHIM with a large Commission, and Instru­ctions by all submissive and faire Language to per­swade the King to persist in the prosecution of this new League. For indeed shee much feared, least the consideration of his advantages over the tottering Estate of France might make him flie off againe. France was already distressed: what would it bee, if the Emperour pressing hard on the one side, and the Duke of Bourbon a homebred enemy revolting, besides many other occasions, the English should infest it on the other side? In England these Agents found their entertainment such, that they could not but hope well, especially making meanes to the Car­dinall, who yet swayed the King. WOLSEY long since disaffected the Emperour, but now made his hate apparant. CHARLES before the ba [...]taile of Pauy sent no letters to the Cardinall, but intirely writ­ten by himselfe, and subscribed,

Your Sonne and Couzen, CHARLES.

After this victorie he sent one or two, subscribed barely with his Name, without the vsuall solemne forme, or any signification of favour or respect. These were evident tokens of an alienated minde, and WOLSEY durst view hates with him. Neither did he deale otherwise with HENRIE, then as one be­neath him, being now puffed vp with the conceipt of that great victory, for the obtaining whereof HEN­RIE [Page 75] did beare a part in the charge, though in deed not so great as he promised. The Kings affaires now stood vpon those termes, that renouncing the strict alliance with the Emperour, hitherto by so many ties kept inviolable, he must make a party with the French.

Brion therefore at the Counsaile Table having Audience, deplores his Princes cala­mitie, and the miseries inflicted vpon his Coun­trey by their late overthrow. He calleth to minde what Trophies the English erected in France, when the Estate of it was most flourishing, with­all acknowledging, that France being now as it were in the Sun-set of its Fortune, occasion was offred of advancing the English Colours far­ther then ever. But it would neither beseeme so magnanimous a King, nor would it be for the good of England, at this time to invade it. A generous minde scorneth to insult over one al­ready deiected. Neither would the victorie, beside the fortune of warre, want its dangers, being to be communicated with one, alreadie be­come so potent, that no lesse, then the vnited Forces of all Europe would serve to stop the current of his fortune, which must necessarily be done, vnlesse we could be content willingly to vndergoe the miseries of a Spanish servitude. Hee therefore craved of his Maiestie, that leaving the Emperour (who puffed vp with his late successe contemned his best Friends) Hee [Page 76] would vouchsafe to make a League with the King his Master, whom in this so great a time of need if He would bee pleased to raise as it were from the ground, He should by so great a benefit oblige him to a faithfull Friendship, which hee should vpon all occasions be readie to manifest, vnlesse for foule Jngratitude hee had rather vndergo the censure of the Christian World.

Having delivered thus much in Latine, Sir THO­MAS MORE (afterward Lord Chancellor) returned this answer in Latine likewise▪

That the King was well pleased, that the French acknowledged Hee wanted not power to revenge old iniuries: that having felt his Force, they should also tast of his Bounty: that Hee would do the vtmost of his indeuour to set their Captive King at libertie. Which if Hee effected, Hee hoped when Hee had occasion to make vse of their King, hee would not be vn­mindfull of so good a turne freely done in so vrgent a season. Jn the meane time Hee was content to make a perpetuall Peace with them. As for the Emperour, He would consider what to determine of him.

A League concluded with the French King. So a most firme League is concluded with the French (the Regent vndertaking for her Sonne) and a separation from the Emperour so openly made, that the first thing concluded betweene them [Page 77] was, That it should not bee lawfull for the French King in lieu of his ranson to consigne any part of his Kingdome to the Emperour. The French were glad of this League, who now began to conceiue some hope of good, being secure of England. Indeed it made so great an impression in the heart of FRAN­CIS, that in his care of our affaires for many yeares together hee shewed himselfe mindfull of so great a benefit. These things were done in the winter sea­son.

The French King set at liberty. A little after FRANCIS having beene a yeare Prisoner in Spaine was vpon these Conditions at length set at liberty.

‘That as soone as he came into France, hee should consigne the Dutchie of Burgoigne to the Emperour: That hee should quit the Soue­raignette of Flanders and Arthois: That hee should renounce all his right pretended to the Dutchy of Milan and Kingdome of Naples: That he should restore to his honours the Duke of Bourbon, and the rest that had revolted with him: That he should marrie Eleonor the Emperour's Sister Queene of Portugall: That he should pay the whole summes of money here­tofore due to the King of England, his Sister the Queene of France, and Cardinall VVol­sey,’ The payment whereof the Emperour had vndertaken, that wee might not be en­dammaged by partaking with him.

For the performance of these and other things of lesse moment, FRANCIS not onely bound him­selfe [Page 78] by Oath, but also delivered his two Sonnes FRANCIS the Dolphin and HENRY Duke of Orleans, who should remaine Hostages in Spaine vntill all things were duly performed. FRANCIS as soone as hee entred into his Realme ratified all the Articles of the Treaty, but that concerning the Dut­chie of Burgoigne, which hee pretended he could not alienate without the consent of his subiects, Having therefore assembled the Estates of the Countrey for the debating of this matter, vpon a sudaine in the presence of the Emperours Embassadours is pub­liquely proclaimed the League made betweene the Kings of England and of France, the Pope, the Vene­tians▪ Florentines, and Suisses, (called the Holy League) for the common libertie of Italy. The Embassadours much amazed, and seeing small hopes of the Dutchy of Burgorgne (for which they came) returne into Spaine, and advertise the Emperour, that if he will bee con­tent with a pecuniarie ranson, and free the two Prin­ces, the King was willing to pay it▪ other Conditions he was like to have none.

The King of Hungary slaine by the Turkes. In the meane time SOLYMAN not forgetting to make his profit of these horrible confusions, invaded Hungary with a great Army, overthrew the Hunga­rians, slew King LEWIS the Emperours Brother in law, and conquered the greatest part of the King­dome. For the obtaining of this victorie our Rash­nesse was more availeable to him, then his owne For­ces. The Hungarians in comparison of their Enemies were but a handfull: but having formerly beene ma­ny times victorious over the Turkes, they persuaded the young King that hee should not obscure the anci­ent glory of so warlike a Nation: that not expecting the aides of Transylvania, he should encounter the E­nemy even in the open fields, where the Turkes in regard of their multitudes of horse might be thought [Page 79] invincible. The event shewed the goodnesse of this counsell▪ The Army consisting of the chiefe strength and Nobilitie of the Countrey was overthrowne, a great slaughter made, and the King himselfe slaine with much of the Nobility and chiefe Prelates of the Realme, and among them TOMORAEVS Archbishop of Col [...]cza, the chiefe authour of this ill advised at­tempt.

I cannot omit an oddeiest at the same time occa­sioned by WOLSEY his arnbition. It was but fals­ly) rumoured that Pope CLEMENT was dead. TheWolsey se [...]kes to bee Pope, Sede nondum va­cante. Cardinall had long beene sicke of the Pope, and the King lately of his Wife. WOLSEY persuades the King, there was no speedier way to compasse [...]his desires, then if Hee could procure him to be chosen Pope, CLEMENT being now dead. STEPHEN GARDINER a stirring man, one very learned and that had a working spirit, did then at Rome solicit the Kings Divorce from Queene CATHARINE. Wherein although vsing all possible meanes, and that CLEMENT was no friend to the Emperour, yet could hee not procure the Popes favour in the King's behalfe Nay, whether he would not cut off all meanes of reconciliation with the Emperour, if need were, or whether being naturally slow, hee did not vsually dispatch any matter of great moment speedily; or peradventure (whereto the event was agreeable) that he perceived it would be for his profit to spin it out at length; or (which some alledge) that he was of opi­nion, that this marriage was lawfully contracted, so that he could not giue sentence on either side without either offence to his Conscience, or his Friend▪ the Pope could not be drawne to determine either way in this businesse. These delayes much vexed the King. If matters proceed so slowly▪ vnder CLEMENT, on whom hee much presumed, what could hee expect [Page 80] from another Pope, one perhaps wholy at the Empe­rours devotion? Hee therefore resolved to ende­vour the advancement of WOLSEY to the Chaire; from whom hee promised to himselfe a successe an­swerable to his desires. HENRY therefore sends a­way speedy Posts to GARDINER with ample in­structions in the behalfe of WOLSEY, willing him to worke the Cardinals, some with promises, others with guifts, some with threats, others with persuasi­ons, and to omit no meanes that might be any way availeable. But this was to build Castles in the aire. The messenger had scarce set forth, when report that had made CLEMENT dead, had againe revived him.

Anno Dom. 1527. Reg. 19.

THe sixt of May, Rome was taken and sacked byRome sac­ked. the Imperials vnder the conduct of the Duke of Bourbon, who was himselfe slaine in the as­sault marching in the head of his troupes. The Pope, Cardinals, Embassadours of Princes, and other No­bles hardly escaping into the Castle of Saint Angelo, were there for some dayes besieged. At length, des­pairing of succours, and victuals failing, the Pope for feare hee should fall into the hands of the Lansque­nets for the most part seasoned with LVTHERS doctrine, and therefore passionate enemies to the Sea of Rome, agreeth with the Prince of Auranges (after the death of the Duke of Bourbon chosen Ge­nerall by the Army) yeilding himselfe and the Cardi­nals to him, who kept them close Prisoners in the Ca­stle. Rome was now subiect to all kind of crueltie, and insolencies vsuall to a conquered Citie intended for destruction. Beside Slaughter, Spoile, Rapes, Ruine, [Page 81] the Pope and Cardinals were the sport and mockerie of the licentious multitude. HENRY pretended much griefe at this newes; but was inwardly glad that such an occasion was offred, whereby he might oblige CLEMENT in all likelihood (as he had iust cause) offended with the Emperour for this so inso­lent and harsh proceeding. Whereupon hee dispat­cheth WOLSEY into France, who should intimate to the King, his perpetuall Ally, what a scandale it was to all Christendome that the Head of it should bee oppressed with Captivitie, a thing which did more especially concerne FRANCIS his affaires. The Cardinall set forth from London about the beginning of Iuly accompanied with nine hundred Horse, a­mong which were many Nobles, The Archbishop of Dublin, the Bishop of London, the Earle of Der­by, the Lords SANDS, MONTEGLE, and HA­RENDON, besides many Knights and Gentlemen. WOLSEY found the French King at Amiens, where it is agreed, that at the common charge of both Prin­ces, warre shall be maintained in Italy to set the Pope at libertie, and to restore him to the possessions of the Church, HENRY contributing for his part thirtie thousand pounds sterling a moneth. Vpon the returne of the Cardinall, FRANCIS sent into Eng­land Montmo­rency Em­bassadour from France. MONTMORENCY Lord Steward and Ma­reschall of France for the confirmation of this League, and to invest the King with the Order of Saint MICHAEL. Hee arriued in England about the middle of October accompanied with [...]OHN BEL­LAY Bishop of Bayeux (afterward Cardinall) the Lord of Brion, and among others MARTIN BEL­LAY the Wri [...]er of the French Historie, who in this manner describes the passages of this Embassage: MONTMORENCY arriving at Dover was honourably received by many Bishops and Gentlemen sent by the King, [Page 82] who brought him to London, where he was met by twelue hundred horse, who conducted him to his lodging in the Bi­shop of Londons Palace. Two dayes after, hee went by water to Greenwich fower miles beneath London, where the King oft resideth. There hee was very sumptuously en­tertained by the King and the Cardinall of Yorke. Ha­ving had Audience, the Cardinall having often accompanied him at London and Greenwich, brought him to a house which he had built a little before, ten miles aboue London, seated vpon the bankes of Thames, called Hampton Court. (The Cardinall gave it afterward to the King, & it is this day one of the King's chiefest houses) The Embassador with all his Attendants was there feasted by him foure or fiue dayes together. The Chambers had hangings of wonderfull value, and euery place did glitter with innu­merable vessels of gold and silver. There were two hundred and fourescore Beds, the furniture to most of them being silke, and all for the entertainment of Strangers onely. Keturning to London, we were on Saint MARTINS day invited by the King to Greenwich to a Banquet the most sumptuous that ever I beheld, whether you consider the dishes, or the Markes and Playes, wherein the Ladie MARY the Kings Daughter acted a part. To conclude, the King and MONTMORENCY having taken the Sa­crament together, the King for himselfe, MONTMO­RENCY in the behalfe of FRANCIS swore the obser­vation of the League. The King bestowed great gifts on euery one, and dismissed MONTMORENCY, who left the Bishop of Bayeux Leiger for his King, to endevour the continuance of the amitie begun betweene these Princes.

Shortly after were sent into France Sir THOMAS BOLEN Viscount Rochfort, and Sir ANTHONY BROWNE Knight, who together with IOHN CLERRE Bishop of Bath and Wells Leiger in France, should take the French King's Oath, not to violate the late League in any part, and to present him with the Or­der of the Garter.

[Page 83] We had now made France ours. Nothing remained but to let the Emperour know the effects of the late Confederacy. To this end Sir FRANCIS POINTZWar proclai­med against the Emperor. and Clarentieux King at Armes are dispatched away to the Emperonr, to demand the moitie of the bootie gotten in the battaile of Pavie, and the Duke of Or­leans (one of the French Kings Sonnes left Hostage for his Father) to be delivered to HENRY▪ who had borne a share in the charges of that war, and therefore expected to partake in the gaines: To command him to draw his Army out of Italy, and not to disturbe the peace of Christendome by molesting CHRIST'S Vicar. This if he refused to do (neither was there ex­pectation of any thing else) they should forthwith de­fie him. They execute their Commission, and percei­ving nothing to be obtained, Clarentieux and a certaine French Herald being admitted to the Emperous pre­sence, do in the names of both Kings proclaime war agaiust him. CHARLES accepts it chearefully. But the Embassadors of France, Ven [...]ce, and Florence craving leave to depart, are committed to safe custodie, vntill it be knowne what is become of his Embassadours with these Estate. The report hereof flies into Eng­land, and withall, that Sir FRANCIS POINTZ and Clarentieux were committed with the rest. Wher­vpon the Emperour's Embassador is detained vntill the truth be knowne, as it shortly was by the safe re­turne of them both. But Sir FAANCIS POINTZ about the beginning of the next Summer died fu­dainly in the Court, being infected with the sweating sicknesse. The same happening to divers other Cour­tiers, and the infection spreading it sel [...]e over London, the Terme was adiourned, and the King faine to keepe a running Court. But these were the accidents of the ensuing yeare.

Anno Dom. 1528. Reg. 20.

POpe CLEMENT was of himselfe naturallyThe incon­stancie of the Pope. slow: but his owne ends made him beyond the infirmity of his nature protract time in this cause concerning the Kings Divorce. Bearing him­selfe as neuter betweene the Emperor and the French King, hee makes them both become iealous of him. And war being renewed in Italy, hee perceives him­selfe likely againe to become a prey to the Conque­rour. Which if it should happen, hee must betake himselfe to the King of England, of whose helpe hee was certaine, as long as his cause did vncertainly hang in suspence. But if hee should determine in the be­halfe of the King, would he in gratitude be as benefi­ciall, as hope (or feare of offending) had made him? That he much doubted.

These thoughts possessing the Pope, CAESAR'S affaires in Italy began to decline, almost all the Townes throughout the Realme of Naples out of ha­tred to the insolent Spaniard, and affection to the French, making offer of their Keyes, and receiving Garisons of French. CLEMENT therefore did not now much stand in awe of the Emperour, much a­gainst whose minde he was intreated to send a LegateCardinall Campegius sent into England. into England, LAWRENCE CAMPEGIVS Car­dinall and Bishop of Salisbury, who together with the Cardinall of Yorke should have the hearing of this Cause so long controverted to no purpose. And the more to testifie his affection to the King, he did by a Decretall Bull (but privately drawne) pronounce the Kings marriage with CATHARINE to bee void. This Bull was committed to the Legate, with these instractions, That having shewed it to the King and [Page 85] the Cardinall of Yorke. Hee should withall signifie to them, that he had authoritie to publish it: but not to give sentence, vntill hee received new instructions; telling him, that he was content the King should en­ioy the benefit of it (and it may be hee was then so minded) but that it stood him vpon to haue this busi­nesse delayed, vntill he had sufficiently secured him­selfe from the Emperour. These were the pretences of the old Fox to the Legate. But his meaning was to make vse of all seasons, and to turne with the wea­ther. The ninth of October to London comes the Le­gate, the King having given order to the Citie for his solemne entertaiment. But the old mans infirmitie frustrated their preparations: hee was grievously tor­mented with the gout, and would bee privately brought into the Citie. After a few dayes rest, carried in a chaire, he was brought to the King's presence, to whom his Secretary made a Latin Oration, wherein having much complained of the extreme crueltie of the Imperials in the sacking of Rome; he vsed many words to signifie, that the Kings pious bounty shewed in his liberally relieving them in so needfull a season was most acceptable to the Pope and the whole Col­ledge of Cardinals. To this speech EDWARD FOX (afterward Bishop of Hereford) returned an answere in Latine, wherein he declared, That his Maiestie was much grieved at his Holinesse calamitie, forasmuch as man is naturally touched with a feeling of anothers miseries. That He had not onely performed what could bee expected from him as a man; but had also done the part of a friend for a friend, and what was due from a Prince to CHRIST'S Ʋicar on earth. He did therefore hope, that in reguard of his filiall obedience to the Holy Sea, if it should happen that He should stand in need of its assistance and authoritie, his Holinesse would be pleased readily to grant those things, which it might beseeme a Sonne to crave of the common Mo­ther. [Page 86] Thus much passed in publique. The King and the Legates conferring in private, CAMPEGIVS as­sured the King of the Popes forwardnesse to pleasure him. CAMPEGIVS was indeed no bad man, and spake truly, what hee thought. For CLEMENT knowing how difficult a matter it was to deceive a man that was no foole, by one conscious of the guile, and that was not deceiued himselfe; made the Legate beleeue, that in this matter of the Divorce hee would be readie to doe for the King whatsoeuer hee should demand.

After these passages, the Legates spent sixe whole moneths in consultation only concerning their man­ner of proceeding in the Kings Divorce. In the meane time the King vnderstanding, that among his subiects, but especially the women kinde, this his action was much traduced, as if Hee tooke this course more to satisfie his Lust, then his Conscience; to give a stop to all farther rumours, having assembled all the Nobles of the Realme, Iudges, Lawiers, and as many of the better sort of Commonsas could conveniently attend, vpon the eight of November made an Oration to this effect:

The Kings Speech con­cerning his Divorce.
Twentie yeares have almost run their course (faithfull and loving Subiects) since We first began Our Raigne among you: Jn all which tract of time Wee haue by Gods [...]ssistance so be­haved Our Selfe, that Wee hope Wee haue nei­ther given you cause to complaine, nor Our E­nemies to glory. No foraine power hath inde­voured ought against you, but to his owne losse; neither have Wee employed Our Armes any where, but We haue triumphantly erected Our [Page 87] glorious trophies. So that whether you consider the sweet fruits of plentifull Peace, or the glory of Our warlike exploits, We dare boldly avouch, Wee have shewed Our Selfe not vnworthy of Our Ancestors, whom (without offence bee it spoken) Wee have in all points equalled. But when wee reflect vpon the necessary end of Our fraile life, We are surprised with feare, least the miseries of future times should so obscure the splendour and memory of Our present felicitie, that as the Romans did after the death of Au­gustus, so you may hereafter bee forced to wish with teares, either that VVe had never beene, or might have perpetually lived to governe you. VVee see many here present, who in reguard of their age might have beene parties in the late Civill warres, which for eightie yeares together so miserably rended this Realme, no man know­ing whom to acknowledge for his Soveraigne, vntill the happie Coniunction of Our Parents did not resolve, but tooke away all cause of far­ther doubt. Consider then, whether after Our death you can hope for better dayes, then when the Factions of Yorke and Lancaster distra­cted this Realme. VVee have a Daughter, whom VVee the more affectionately tender, be­cause shee is Our sole Jssue. But VVee would have you know, that having lately treated with [Page 88] Our deare Brother of France, concerning a match betweene this Our Daughter, and Hen­rie Duke of Orleans his yonger sonne, both of Ʋs were well pleased with this alliance, vntill one of his Privy Counsell made a question of Our Daughters birth; for it was much to bee doub­ted, least she were to be held illegitimate, being begotten of Ʋs and that Mother, who had be­fore beene married to Our deceased Brother: saying, it was vtterly repugnant to the Word of God, that any one should marry his Brothers Widow; wherefore he was of opinion, that this match with Our most beloved Spouse was to be deemed no other then incestuous. How grievous­ly this relation afflicted Vs, God the Searcher of Our hearts knowes. For these words did seeme to question, not onely Our deare Consort, and Our Daughter, but euen the very estate of Our soule, which after death must necessarily vnder­go eternall and inevitable torments, if being admonished of so horrible an Incest, We should not indevour an amendement; And for your parts, you cannot but foresee how great dangers by reason of this doubt do threaten you and your Posterity. Being therefore desirous (as the case indeed required) to bee resolved in this point, Wee first conferred with Our Friends, and then with the most learned in the Lawes [Page 89] both Divine and Humane; who indeed were so farre from satisfying Ʋs, that they left Ʋs more perplexed. Wee therefore had recourse to the Holy Apostolique Sea, to the Decree whereof VVe thinke it fitting, that Our Selfe and all others should bee obedient. To this and no other end (We call immortall God to wit­nesse) have wee procured this Ʋenerable Le­gate. As for the Queene Our most beloved Consort, whatsoever women may tattle, or ill willers mutter in private, We do willingly and ingenuously professe, that in noblenesse of Mind she far transcends the greatnesse of her Birth: so that if wee were now at liberty and free for a second choice, We take God to witnesse, a­mong all the plenty of the worlds Beauties wee would not make choice of any other (if lawful­ly wee might) then of this Our now Queene, one in regard of her mildnesse, wisdome, humi­lity, sanctity of minde, and conversation (We are verily perswaded) not to be paralleled. But when We consider, that We are bestowed on the world to other ends, then the pursuite of Our owne pleasures: We have thought it meet rather to vndergo the hazard of an vncertaine iudge­ment, then to commit impiety against God the liberall Giver of all blessings, and ingratitude against Our Countrey, the weale and safetie [Page 90] whereof each one should prefer before his pri­vate life or fortunes. Thus much have you heard from Our owne mouth. And we hope, that you will hereafter give no heed either to seditious detractions, or idle rumours of the people.

This Oration tooke according to the divers dis­positions of the hearers: some lamenting the King's, but many more the Queenes case, every one doub­ting, and fearefull of the event. Some few weary of the present estate desired a change even to worse, ra­ther then a continuance of the present. And by these the course the King had taken (not approved by the vulgar) as pious and imposed on him by his owne and the publique necessitie, was according to the na­ture of hopefull flattery most highly applauded.

Anno Dom. 1529. Reg. 21.

The suite of the Kings Divorce. AT length about the beginning of Aprill the King residing at Bridewell, at the Blacke Friers in London began the suit concerning the King's Divorce. There was that to be seene, the like where­of the Histories of no other Nation afford: A most puissant Monarch, actually Soveraigne and bea­ring rule in his Realme, being cited by the voice of of an Apparitor, made his appearance personally be­fore the Iudges. The ceremonies in a matter so vn­usuall, and indeed otherwise of great moment, require an accurate and large relation beyond the intended shortnesse of this Historie. A Chaire of State where­to was an ascent of some steps was placed above for the King, and by the side of it another (but a little [Page 91] lower) for the Queene. Before the King, at the fourth step sate the Legates, but so, as the one seemed to sit at his right hand, the other at the left. Next to the Legates stood the Apparitors and other Officers of the Court, and among them GARDINER (after Bishop of Winchester) appointed Register in this bu­sinesse. Before the Iudges within the limits of the Court sate the Archbishop of Canterbury with all the other Bishops of the Realme. At the farther end of each side were the Advocates and Proctors retained for each partie: for the King, SAMPSON after Bi­shop of Chichester, BELL after Bishop of Worcester, TREGONEL, and PETERS Father to the now Lord PETERS, all Doctours of Law: For the Queene, FISHER Bishop of Rochester, and STAN­DISH Bishop of Saint Assaph, with RIDLEY (Doctor whether of Divinitie or Law I know not, but one) who had the esteeme of a very learned man. All things being thus formally ordered, the Appari­tor willed by the Register to cite the King, cried, HENRY King of England come into the Court, who answered, Here I am. The Queene being likewise ci­ted (CATHARINE Queene of England come into the Court) made no answere, but rising from her seate went directly to the King, to whom on her knees, purposely raising her voice that every one might heare her, shee is reported to have spoken to this effect:

‘The Queens speech to the King before the Legates. Sir, J humbly beseech your Maiestie so to deale with me at this present, that I may nei­ther have cause to complaine of Iniustice, nor that you have debarred me the favour of your wonted Clemency. J am here a Woman and a Stranger, destitute of Friends and Counsaile, so that plead for my selfe J cannot, and whom [Page 92] J may else employ, J know not. My kindred and Friends are farre off, neither can J safely rely on any here in a matter of so great conse­quence. They that are here retained for mee, are no other, then whom you have beene pleased to appoint, and are your owne Subiects, who if they would deale vprightly (which few will be­leeve they dare do) yet can they not here with­stand your determinate will and pleasure. But what have wretched J committed, that after twenty yeares spent in peaceable wedlocke, and having borne you so many Children, you should now at length thinke of putting me away? I was J confesse the Widow of your Brother, if at least she may be accompted a Widow, whom her hus­band never knew. For I take Almighty God to witnesse, and J am perswaded you cannot be ignorant of it, that I came to your bed an vn­spotted Ʋirgin; from which time how J haue behaved my selfe, I am content to appeale even to them, whosoever they are, that do wish mee least good. Certainly whatsoever their Ʋerdict may be, you have alwayes found me a most faith­full (servant I may better say, then) wife, ha­ving never to my knowledge withstood your pleasure so much as in shew. J alwayes loved those, whom J thought you favoured, without questioning their deserts. J so carefully farthe­red [Page 93] and procured your pleasures, that I rather feare, I have offended God in too much indea­vouring your content, then that I have any way failed in the least performance of my duty. By this my observance vnto you, if so be you ever thought it worthy of reguard, by our common Is­sue, by the memory of my Father, whom you sometimes held deare, I do humbly beg, that you would be pleased to defer the farther hearing of this cause, vntill having sent into Spaine, I may thence be advised by my Friends, in this case what course to take. If then in Iustice it shall be thought meet to rend me from you, a part of whom I have so long beene (the apprehension whereof doth more terrifie me, then death) I will even in this continue my long observed course of obedience. But as often as I bethinke me of the wisdome of Our Parents, by whose indevours and consent this Match was ratified, J cannot but hope very well of my cause. Your Father was for his admirable wisdome accomp­ted a second Salomon, neither can Spaine throughout the whole Successions of the Kings of so many Kingdomes produce any one, who may parallell my Father Ferdinand: and what kinde of Counsailours must we thinke these Princes had, that all should as it were conspire to hurle Ʋs into the miseries of an incectuous [Page 94] Marriage? No question was then made con­cerning the lawfulnesse of this Match, and yet those times afforded learned men, yea and (whereof to my harme I have had experimen­tall knowledge) in holinesse of life and love of the Truth far surpassing the Flatterers of these times.’ (VVhich last wordes shee therefore spake, because shee had heard, that all the Bishops of the Realme had by a common Decree pronounced against the Marriage. And indeed such a Decree subscribed and sealed by each of them was afterward in the presence of the King read publiquely in the Court, Fisher Bishop of Rochester excep­ting against it, who denied, that hee had as­sented to it, and obiected forgery to the Archbishop of Canterbury for putting to it in steed of Bishop Fishers, a false Seale and a counterfeit hand.)

The Queene depart. th. The Queene having spoken thus much, arising, af­ter her due obeisance to the King, when every one expected shee would have returned to her seate▪ made hast out of the Court. Every one amazedly wonders what the Queene intends. But before shee had gone far, the King commanded the Apparitor to call her backe againe: The Apparitor obeying, the Gentle­man who supported her, told her she was called; to whom shee replied, I heare it very well, but go you on. I cannot hope for iustice in this Court: let them proceed a­gainst me in what manner they will, I am resolved not to stay. So away shee went, and would never after be [Page 95] persuaded to make her appearance either personally or by a Protector. After she was gone▪ the King com­mended her in those termes, that might befit a great affection and her excellent vertues: withall prote­sting how desirous he was to continue in that estate, so that neither his soule nor the Common-wealth might be endange­red by it. Here WOLSEY interrupted him, beseeching his Maiestie, that forasmuch as it was bruited, that hee had persuaded Him to this Divorce; His Maiesty would vouch­safe to signifie to the present Assembly how farre this report was true. The King, although that hee knew that in this fame lied not, yet to secure his Favourite from the generall hate of the people, affirmed, the Bishop of Bayeux having first made scruple of it, to have first advised him to this course, and that the Bishop of Lin­colne his Confessor, and other Bishops with whom he had conferred, did the like. These were the Acts of the first day.

Reasons for the Divorre. This case was for a moneth or two held in contro­uersie, the Kings Advocates alledging, that

It was not in the Popes power to ratifie this Marriage, which as prohibited by the Law of Nature the Scripture had pronounced vnlawfull: That Catharine had beene lawful­ly married to Prince Arthur the King's elder Brother, and that the Nuptials were publique­ly solemnized, no man could deny: and many circumstances did manifest the consummation of the Marriage by a carnall coniunction.

Reasons a­gainst the Divorce. On the otherside the Queenes Advocates main­tained,

The Law which forbad the Iewes to mar­rie their Brothers wife, to bee Iudiciall and [Page 96] not Morall, and therefore abrogated by Christ: but so far forth as the Church had re­tained it, it was by the authority of the same Church dispensable, especially being they were confident, that the forealledged consummation could no way be proved.

Thus each side pleaded, and time passed on. The King observes Cardinall CAMPEGIVS to go more coldly to worke then he was wont, from whom HeeThe Popes inconstancy. before this expected the promised decision. But for­tune had since that turned her wheele. The Empe­rours affaires prospered in Italy, and CLEMENT knew it was not the way to wipe out the remem­brance of an old offence by committing a new. Hee found some other pretence to send one FRANCIS CAMPANA into England; but his chiefe errand was to will CAMPEGIVS to burne the Bull, whereby the King's marriage had before beene pronounced void, and to returne to Rome with speed. But the newes of the Popes sicknesse at the same time made him deferre the execution of his Mandate. For if CLEMENT should die, the Cardinall might with safetie gratifie the King, who had conferred on him the Bishopricke of Sarisbury, and to whom the Car­dinall had promised successe answerable to his de­sires: And if hee should permit the King to be thus illuded, he feared he might be accompted, not onely ingratefull, but also treacherous. But hee shortly vn­derstood the Pope was well, whose Mandate he must obey, and the Bull as if for Here [...]ie must be condem­ned to the fire.

In the meane time the King, who was deeply in loue with ANNE BOLEN, according to the nature of Lovers counting each minute by the houre, quick­ly [Page 97] resented this change, and never rested, vntill hee knew the whole carriage of the matter. Then first fell his wrath like thunder on WOLSEY, whose witWolsey fals. had hitherto made all his proiects feasible▪ And hee could not beleeve, but that it was in his power to effect this also▪ Here I cannot choose but cry out with Comoedian,

[...]
[...]

IOVE and yee Gods, how hard a thing
It is, to serve a raging King.

Full twenty yeares had WOLSEY served the King, behaving himselfe so, that hee grew power­full and wealthy beyond a private fortune, and to the rest of the King's Titles had procured the addition of that rich one of, a good Prince. For as often as I con­sider how laudably HENRY had hitherto ruled, and behold the calamities of ensuing times, I cannot but accord with them, who ascribe the sway which he did beare over all the Princes of Christendome to the ex­cellency of WOLSEY his counsailes. But WOLSEY being taken away, to whom shall we impute those ef­fects of Lust, Tyrannie, and Avarice, two Wives kil­led, two put away, so many (and among them many of the greater sort) put to death for their Religion only, extremitie only differing in the manner vsed by Hanging against Papists, by Fire against Heretiques, (these were the termes of those dayes) & the Church (or rather the Common-wealth) horribly spoiled and robbed of her Patrimony? Certainly had WOLSEY sate at the Sterne, the King had never like a Ship de­stitute of a Pilot, beene carried to and fro with such contrary and vncertaine motions. But inordinate [Page 98] greatnesse is alwayes a burthen to it selfe, the waight whereof is augmented by the vsuall attendance of publique enny and hatred the misbegotten Elfes of long and powerfull happinesse.

WOLSEY, the King once offended, began present­ly to totter, and at his first frowne as at the roaring of a Lion (before any harder course was taken with him) was so deiected, that although he after seemed a little to lift vp his head, yet was hee never able to stand on his feet. Nay, the King being once alienated from him would never after admit him to his presence. Behold power of base Detraction (yet I will not exclude the the greatnesse of the Cardinals wealth already devou­red in conceit) which wipes away the remembrance of the faithfull service of so many yeares, and the consi­deration of so great glory purchased to the King by WOLSEY'S labours. I am not ignorant what things were obiected against him. But they carry so little shew of probability, that I should much suspect his iudgement, that would give any credit to them. Vn­till it was knowne that the King inraged at the slow proceedings in the cause of his Divorce did day and night breath out against him threats and revenge, no man ever preferred Bill against him, which conside­ring the vsuall severe courses held by our Parliaments, must needs acquit him of Abuse of Power. As for the causes of the King's anger, wee will derive them rather from his owne discontents, then WOLSEY'S faultinesse.

The King by this time knew the treachery of the dissembling Pope. Hee had neere five yeares wande­red in the Labyrinth of the Court of Rome, and could find no clue to lead him out. He therefore determi­ned to make a way where he could not find one, and like ALEXANDER by force to vndoe that Gordian knot, which by wit and labour hee could not. To [Page 99] WOLSEY therefore hee communicated his intent of marrying another whether the Pope were willing or no, wishing him withall to finde out some course or other, whereby CAMPEGIVS his Colleague (not­withstanding the late Mandates to the contrary) might be drawne to give sentence on his side. Many things might be pretended to excuse the deed, but chiefly the feare of the King's high displeasure, which peradventure hee should feele too, vnlesse hee assented to the King's iust request. WOLSEY his answer to this I cannot relate. But this is certaine, that WOLSEY, whether for that he did not approve of the King's intended course seeming (as the times were then) full of rashnesse and insolence, or that he would not vndertake the attempting of his Col­league, or that (as SLEIDAN writes) the King had notice, that the Cardinall had advised the Pope not to approve of the Divorce from CATHARINE, for­asmuch as the King was then resolved to marry ano­ther infected with Lutheranisme: WOLSEY I say was so sharply taken vp and threatned by the King, that even then you might reade in his face and ge­stures the symptomes of his waining fortune. For the Cardinall at that time returning from the Court by water, the Bishop of Carlile being with him in the same Barge, complained of the heate which was then extraordinary: to whom WOLSEY replied, My Lord, if you had beene but now in my place, you would have found it hot indeed. And as soone as hee came home, he put off his clothes, and went sicke to bed. Before hee had reposed himselfe an houre and halfe, the Viscount Rochfort came to him, and in the King's Name willed, that hee and his Colleague should in­stantly repaire to the Queene, and exhort her not to contend any longer with the King, for that it would be more for her good and the honour of them both [Page 100] to submit herselfe to the King's pleasure, then to vn­dergo the disgrace of a publique iudgement. For it was now brought to that push, that longer deferredThe Legates repaire to the Queene. it could not be. The Cardinall advertised of the King's pleasure did arise, and with his Colleague went to the Queene, who having notice of their comming, went forth and met them. After mutuall salutations the Cardinals desired shee would vouchsafe a few words in private, but the Queene refused to entertaine any conference with them but where she might have witnesses of what passed. WOLSEY then began to speake in Latine, but the Queene interrupted him, willing, that although she vnderstood Latin, yet hee should speake in English. So in the names of bothTheir confe­rence with her. Legates he began a speech in English, wherein hee professed a great deale of observance and dutie to her, and that they came to no other end, but to advise her for her Her answer. good. The Queene answered them much after this manner:

As for your good will, I thanke you: as for your advise, I will give you the hearing. But the matter (I beleeve) about which you come, is of so great importance, that it will require a great deale of deliberation, and the helpe of a braine surpassing that of feminine weaknesse. You see my employments (shewing them a skaine of white thred hanging about her necke) in these I spend my time among my Maides, which indeed are none of the greatest Counsailers: yet I have none other in England, and Spaine (where they are on whom I dare relie) God wot is farre enough hence: yet I am [Page 101] content to heare what you have to say, and will give you an answere when we can conveniently.

So taking the Cardinall by the hand, she brought them into a withdrawing roome, where having at­tentively heard out their message, shee made this re­ply:

That now after twenty yeares the lawful­nesse of my marriage should be questioned, I can­not sufficiently wonder, especially when I consi­der who were the Authours of it: Many of them are yet alive both in England and Spaine: and what kind of men the rest were, who are now dead; the world knowes: Henry and Ferdi­nand our Parents the most sage Princes of their time, and their Counsaile such without doubt, who for their wisdome were approved of as fit servants for so iudicious Masters, besides the Pope, whose Dispensation J have to shew, and which was procured by my Father at no small rate. But what thing is there so sincere and firme, which enuy will not seeke to blast. Of these my miseries I can accuse none but you, my Lord of Yorke. Because I could not away with your monstrous pride, excessive riot, whoredome, and intolerable oppression, there­fore do I now suffer. And yet not only for this: for some part of your hatred I am beholding to my Nephew the Emperour, whom, for that he did not satisfie your insatiable ambition by ad­vancing [Page 102] you to the Papacy, you have ever since maligned. You threatned to be revenged on him and his Friends, and you have performed your promise; for you have beene the onely in­cendiarie and plotter of all the mischiefe and wars against him these late yeares. And J am his Aunt, whom how you have persecuted, by raising this new doubt, God only knowes, to whose iudgement only I commend my cause.

This Shee spake in French, as it seemed very much moved, and would not endure to heare WOLSEY speake in defence of himselfe, but courteously dis­missed CAMPEGIVS.

It was now Iune, and the Harvest drawing on, the Legates thought it high time to make an end of this suite. A day therefore being prefixed, many of the Nobility, and a multitude of the Commonaltie repai­red to the Court, verily expecting, that iudgement should have beene given for the King. HENRY (ha­ving I know not how conceived some hope of the Legates good intents) caused a seat to bee placed for himselfe behind the hangings, vnder the covert wher­of he might vnseene heare whatsoever was spoken or passed in Court. The Cardinals being seated, the King's Advocates earnestly requiring that sentence might be given on their side, CAMPEGIVS made this Oration well beseeming the constancy of a man not vnworthy of the place he supplied.

Cardinall Campegius his Oration.
J have heard and diligently examined what­soever hath beene alledged in the King's be­halfe. And indeed the arguments are such, that I might and ought pronounce for the King, if [Page 103] two reasons did not controll and curbe my de­sires of doing his Matestie right: The Queene (you see) withdrawes her selfe from the iudge­ment of this Court, having before vs excepted against the partialitie of the place, where (she saith) nothing can be determined without the consent of the Plaintife. Moreover his Ho­linesse (who is the fountaine and life of our au­thorit [...]e) hath by a messenger given vs to vn­derstand, that hee hath reserved this cause for his owne hearing: so that if wee would never so faine proceed any farther, peradventure wee cannot, J am sure wee may not. Wherefore (which only remaineth) I doe heere dissolve the Court: Other then this (as the case stands) I cannot do: and I beseech them, whom this Cause concernes, to take in good part what I have done. Which if they will not, although it may trouble me, yet not so much, as to reguard the threats of any one. I am a feeble old man, and see death so neere me, that in a matter of so great consequence neither hope, nor feare, nor any other respect, but that of the Supreme Iudge, before whom I finde my selfe ready to appeare, shall sway me.

How the King was pleased at this you may easily conceive. It is reported, that the Duke of Suffolke knowing the King to be present, and conscious of his infirmitie, in a great rage leaping out of his chaire [Page 104] bountifully bestowed a volley of curses vpon the Le­gates, saying It was never well with England, since it had any thing to doe with Cardinalls. To whom WOLSEY returned a few wordes, saying, That it was not in his power to proceed without Authoritie from the Pope, and that no man ought to accuse them for not doing that, whereto their power did not extend.

But the Kings implacable anger admitted of no excuse: WOLSEY himselfe must become a sacrifice to appease it. As for CAMPEGIVS, hee tasted neverthelesse of the King's bountie, and had leave to depart. But at Calais his carriages were searched by the King's command. The pretence was, that WOLSEY intending an escape, had by CAMPE­GIVS convaied his treasures for Rome But the Bull was the Treasure so much sought after. The King could not beleive it was burned; and if it were found, it was enough to countenance his second marriage. But found it was not, no nor scarce so much money in all the Cardinals carriages, as had beene given him by the King.

WOLSEY his rising and his fall were alike so­daine; neither of them by degrees, but as the Lion gets his prey, by leapes. Shortly after the departure of his Colleague, vpon the eighteene of October, theWolsey dis­charged of the great Seale. Dukes of Norfolke and Suffolke in his Maiesties name commanded him to surrender the Great Seale. But he pleaded, That the King had by Patent made him Lord Chancellour during terme of life, and by consequence com­mitted the custodie of the great Seale to him: Neverthe­lesse hee would resigne his place, if his Maiestie so com­manded. But hee thought it not fit, having received the Seale from the King, to deliver it to any other, but vpon especiall Command. The Lords returning to Windsore where the Court then was, the next day brought the [Page 105] King's Letters, whose Mandate the Cardinall forth­with obeied. In this Dignitie the six and twentiethSi [...] Thomas Moore Lord C [...]ancell our▪ of October Sir THOMAS MORE succeeded, whose admirably generall learning is so well knowne to the world, that I shall not need to speake any thing of it.

Th [...] C [...]rdi­nall accused of tre [...]son. WOLSEY being removed from the Chancellor­ship is presently after accused of Treason, and that (which hath beene seldome seene) in the Parliament, that so without hearing hee might be condemned by Act. But hee perceiving the drift of his Adversaries, procured one of his attendants THOMAS CROM­WELL (hee who afterward became so potent) to bee elected a Burgesse of the Lower House. The Cardi­nall being daily informed by him what things were laid to his charge, did by letter instruct him what to answer. CROMWELL although no Scholler, was very wise and eloquent. Which good parts hee so faithfully imployed in the defence of his Lord, that the House acquitted him, and himselfe became fa­mous; opening withall by these meanes a way to those Honours, to which the current of a few yeares aduanced him▪ Even they who hated WOLSEY, ho­noured CROMWELL, whose wisdome, industrie, but above all, fidelitie in defending his deiected Lord, was admirable.

Now the Cardinall because he would not be found a Traitor, is falne into a Praemunire. Wherevpon he is thrust as it were naked forth his owne house, his great wealth is seised on by the King's Officers, and hee faine to borrow furniture for his house, and money for his necessary expences. Iudges are sent into the house whereto he was confined, to take his answer to the obiected crime, which was, that without leave from the King hee had dared so many yeares to exer­cise his power Legatine. To which calumny (for [Page 106] can any man beleive it to be other?) Hee made this answer.

Wolseyes speech to the Iudges.
J am now sixty yeares old, and have spent my dayes in his Maiesties service, neither shun­ning paines, nor indeavouring any thing more, then (next my Creatour) to please Him. And is this that hainous offence, for which J am at this age deprived of my estate, and forced as it were to beg my bread from doore to doore? Jex­pected some accusation of a higher straine, as treason, or the like; not for that J know my selfe conscious of any such matter, but that his Ma­iesties wisdome is such, as to know, it little be­seemes the constancy & magnanimity of a King for a slight fault to condemne, and that without hearing, an ancient servant, for so many yeares next his Person, greatest in his favour, and to inflict a punishment on him more horrid then death. What man is he, who is so base minded, that hee had not rather a thousand times perish, then see a thousand men (so many my Family numbreth) of whose faithfull service hee hath bad long triall, for the most part to perish before his eyes? But finding nothing else obiected, J conceive great hope, that J shall as easily breake this machination of combined envy, as was that late one against me in the Parliament concer­ning Treason. It is well knowne to his Maiesty [Page 107] (of whose iustice J am confident) that I would not presume to execute my power Legatine, be­fore he had beene pleased to ratifie it by his Roy­all Assent given vnder his Seale; which not­withstanding I cannot now produce, that and all my goods (as you well know) being taken from me. Neither indeed if I could, would J pro­duce it. For to what end should I contend with the King? Go therefore, and tell his Maiesty, that I acknowledge all that J have (but alasse what speake J of what I have, Who indeed have nothing left me?) or whatsoever I had, to be de­rived from his Royall Bounty, and do thinke it good reason, that he should revoke his gifts, if he thinke me vnworthy of them. Why then do I not remit my cause to his Maiesties arbitrement, at his pleasure to be either condemned or absol­ved? To him then if you will have me acknow­ledge my fault, behold, I will make short worke for you, I confesse it. The King knowes my in­nocencie, so that neither my owne confession, nor the calumnies of my adversaries can deceiue him. I am therefore content to confesse my selfe guilty. His Maiesty from the fountaine of his naturall Clemency doth often derive the stremes of his mercy to the delinquent: And I know, though I should not desire it, Hee will reguard my innocence.

[Page 108] Vpon his confession the penalty of the Law was forthwith inflicted, only he was not, as the Law re­quires, committed to perpetuall imprisonment. The furniture of his house of infinite value, incredible store of plate & great treasure had bin already seised to the King's vse. There remained nothing but the Lands wherewith he intended to indow his Colledge, the greatest part whereof were his owne purchase, the rest were the demesnes of the demolished Monasteries. These Lands amounted to above foure thousand pounds per annum, and were all confiscated, But God would not suffer so brave a work to perish. The King afterward bestowed on the Colledge in Oxford calledChrist Church in Oxford. Christ Church, revenues for the maintenance of a Deane, eight Prebendaries, a hundred Students, twelue Chaplaines and Singing men, and foure and twenty Almes men, for which this Colledge acknowledgeth HENRY the Eighth for its Founder. But the King arrogated to himselfe what was truly to be ascribed to the Gardinall. Who was now in the case of the poore Mouse, whom the Cat intends to devoure. The King had marked him out for destruction, yet permitted him to live, but so, as that he could never escape, and yet never despaire of escaping Scarce any day through­out those few moneths passed, wherein hee indured not something or other, that would have animated a senselesse thing with anger▪ neither was the Cardinall composed of patience, yet did he never despaire. His sorrowes were alwayes tempred with some mixture of ioy. For he was often visited from the King, but that very secretly, and commonly by night: often cer­tified of the King's affection towards him, in token whereof the Visitants did sometimes from the King present him with a Iewell or some such thing, willing him to be of good comfort, for that shortly, they would assure him, he should be raised to his former [Page 109] degree of favo [...]r and power. Adversity at length pre­vailing, hee fell into a disease, from the extremi [...]ieWols [...]y falls sick [...]. whereof few expected his recouery. And the King demanding of one of his Physicians (whose patient the Cardinall was) what disease WOLSEY had, the Doctor replied, What disease soever he hath, if You desire his death, You may be secure, for I promise You he will not live to se [...] the end of three dayes more. The King striking the table with his hand cried out, I had rather loose twenty thousand pounds then he should die: Make hast there­fore you, and as many other Physicians as are about the Court, and by all meanes indeavour his recovery. The Phy­sician then certifying him, that he was sicke, more in minde, then body: the King dispatched away a Gen­tleman with a Ring, which WOLSEY had formerly given to him▪ willing him withall to tell the Cardinall▪ that the King's anger was now past, who was sorry that he had so long given eare to detraction: and that he should shortly finde, that the King's affection to­wards him was no lesse, then when hee flourished most in the sunshine of his favour. The same comfor­table words being againe and againe ingeminated by divers others sent for that purpose, the Cardinall in a few dayes recovered his former health.

At Court each one aspired to rise by WOLSEY his fall. But now iealous least the King intended a reall and sincere reconciliation, and fearing revenge from him whom they had iniured, worke all their wits to supplant him. At, or about London he was too neere the Court, some tricke must be had to send him farther▪ Winthester (the Bishopricke whereof hee held in (ommendam) was not farre enough off. Why then should he not (said they) being not deteined at Lon­don as Lord Chancellour, betake himselfe to the go­vernementWols [...]y is confined to Yorke. of his Archbishop [...]icke of Yorke? So ha­ving a thousand pound assigned him by the King [Page 110] (whose Counsaile thought a thousand markes suffici­ent) about the end of March in the ensuing yeare hee set forward towards Yorke. Of all his Livings they leave him only the Archbishopricke of Yorke where­with to maintaine him, the revenues whereof might be valued at foure thousand pounds per annum. The speech of SENECA concerning APICIVS why may I not apply to the present estate of WOLSEY? How great was his Luxurie, who deemed the income of foure thousand pound povertie?

And now it were requisite that we should proceed to the yeare 1530. But let vs first behold the end of this great Cardinall. That Summer hee spent at Ca­wood a Mannor house belonging to the Sea of Yorke, where by his mildnesse, iustice, and liberality, hee did so win the hearts of his Diocesans, that hee was both admired and loved. He seemed to be much delighted with this solitary confinement, for that having hither­to beene tossed in the Court to and fro as in a tem­pest, hee had now escaped, not from shipwracke to a rocke, but to his desired haven of repose. Yet not­withstanding vpon any the least hope of recovering his former power (although hee professed that con­verted by an Anchorite of Richmond he had bid adieu to the vanities of the world) hee could not conceale the greatnesse of his ioy. That he failed of his hopes (which indeed were none of the least) I cannot assent to them, who impute it to the importunity of his po­tent adversaries. For to what end served so many mes­sages full of gracious & reconciliatorie promises, but ever intermixed with insufferable disgraces the fore­runners of a dire Catastrophe? Certainly to no other, then that he might bee wrought one way or other to approue of, and give sentence for the King's Divorce (at least) as Archbishop CRANMER after did.

But this course not prevailing, they intend a second [Page 111] accusation of Treason. To this purpose the Earle of Northumber land is sent to apprehend, and (as he was amazed at this sudaine change) bring him to his an­swerThe [...] [...]s appre­hended. to London. But by the way he fell sick of a disease, which at Leicester Abbey secured him from all other. Being neere his end, it is reported Sir WILLIAM KINGSTON (who lately came thither with some of the King's Guard) exhorted him to be of good comfort, for that the King (in whose name he saluted him) had sent for him to no other end, but that hee might cleere himselfe from those things, which ma­lice and detraction had forged against him: neither did hee doubt, but that shortly hee should see him more potent then ever, if out of pusillanimity he gave not too much scope to the violence of his disconten­ted passions. Whereto the Cardinall in these his last words replied:

His l [...]st words.
I am as truly glad to heare of his Maiesties health, as I truly know my death to be at hand J have now bin eight dayes together troubled with a Flux accompanied with a continuall Fever, which kind of disease, if within eight dayes it remit nothing of its wonted violence, by the con­sent of all Physicians threatneth no lesse then death, peradventure an evill beyond death, di­straction. But growne weake, and my diseas [...] ra­ging more and more, I do each minute expect, when God will be pleased to free this sinfull soule from this loathsome prison of the body. But should my life be a litle prolonged, do you thinke J perceive not what traps are laid for me▪ You Sir VVilliam (if J mistake not) are Lieute­nant [Page 112] of the Tower, and J guesse for what you come. But God hath iustly rewarded mee for neglecting my due service to him, and wholy ap­plying my selfe to his Maiesties pleasure. Woe is me wretch and sot that I am, who have beene vngratefull to the King of Kings, whom if I had served with that due devout observance that befits a Christian, hee would not have forsaken me in the evening of my age. I would I might be a generall example (even to the King himselfe) how sliperily they stand in this world, who do not above all things rely vpon the firme support of Gods Favour and Providence. Salute his Ma­iestie from me, and deliver this my last petition vnto him, which is, That he live mindfull of the triall he must vndergo before Gods high Tribu­nall: so shall hee by the secret testimony of his owne conscience free mee from those crimes wherewith my adversaries seeke to burthen me.

More he would have spoken but his speech failedHe dieth. him, and death presently ensued. His body apparrelledAnd is bu­ried. in his Pontificall Robes, after it had all that day (for he expired at the very breake of day) beene exposed to open view, was at midnight without any solemnity buried in our Ladies Chappell in the Church of the Monastery. Thus vnhappily ended Cardinall WOL­SEY,His great­nesse. his long happy life; then whom England, no nor I beleeve all Europe, if you except the Bishops of Rome, ever saw a more potent Prelate. His retinue consisted of neere about a thousand persons, among which were one Earle, commonly nine Barons, many [Page 113] Knights and Gentlmen, and of Officers belonging to his house above foure hundred, besides their servants, which far exceeded the former number▪ His Chappell was served by a Deane, a Subdeane, a Chanter, thirty fiue Singers, whereof thirteene were Clergy, twelve Lay, and ten Choristers, foure Sextons, beside sixteene Chaplaines (the most sufficient for their learning tho­roughout all England) two Crosse-bearers, & as many Piller-bearers. But nothing doth manifest his wealth and greatnesse so much as do his stately and incom­parable buildings. Wee have already spoken of hisHis buil­dings. Colledges Whitehall (then called Yorke house, as be­longing to the Archbishop) the place where our Kings do most reside, was almost wholy built by him. Hampton Court, the nearest pile of all the King's houses, he raised entirely from the ground▪ and having furnished it with most rich housholdstuffe, gave it to the King. It was a guift fitter for a King to take, then for a subiect to give. But in the opinion of the vulgar the monument which hee intended for the King far surpassed all these. It was of solid brasse, but vnfinished, and is to be seene in HENRY the Eight his Chappell in the Church of Windsore. That three of his Children raig­ning after him, none of them vndertooke by perfect­ing it to cover the (as it were) vnburied bones of their Father, what may wee thinke, but that the excessive charge of it deterred them? But vpon a further in­inquiry we may more iustly ascribe it to the especiall iudgement of the Divine Providence, who had de­creed, that he who had so horribly spoiled the Church, should alone be debarred the honor afforded to each of his Predecessours in the Church. And thus much concerning WOLSEY, who died the thirtieth of November 1530.

The peace of Cambray. In the meane time in Iune, Anno 1529. after long debating the matter to and fro, by the mediation of [Page 114] Louyse the French Kings Mother, and MARGARET Aunt to the Emperour, these two Princes are drawne to an accord, & a Peace is concluded betweene them at Cambray, thence commonly called The Peace of Cambray, but by vs The Peace of Women. The chiefe Conditions whereof, and that any way concerned vs were,

That the French King should giue to the Emperour for the freedome of his Children (who had beene three yeares Hostages in Spaine for their Father) two Millions of Crownes, whereof he should pay foure hundred thousand (due from the Emperor by the League made, Anno 1522.) to Henry and his Sister Mary Dowager of France. Beside which huge summe he should also acquit the Emperor of fiue hundred thousand, which he did owe to our King for the indemnity of the marriage betweene the Emperour and the Lady Mary the Kings Daughter, whom (having beene long since contracted) hee left, to marry with the Daughter of Portugall: And that hee should vngage and restore to the Emperour the Flower de Lys of gold enriched with precious stones, & a piece of our Saviours Crosse, which Philip, tru­ly called, The Good Duke of Burgoigne the Emperours Father being driven into England by contrary windes, had ingaged to Henry the Seventh for fifty thousand Crownes.

So that the summe to be paid to HENRY amoun­ted [Page 115] to nine hundred and fifty thousand Crownes, be­sides sixteene hundred thousand more to be payed to the Emperour at the very instant of the delivery of the French King's Children. The totall summe was two millions fiue hundred fifty thousand Crownes, which of our money make seven hundred sixty five thousand pounds.

FRANCIS not knowing which way sudainly to raise so huge a masle, by his Embassadours intreated our King to be pleased to stay some time for his mo­neyes. But HENRY was much moved, that he had not beene made acquainted with this Treaty: not­withstanding his secret designes made him temper his choler, nay, and with incredible liberality to grant more then was demanded. For hee absolutely forgave him the five hundred thousand Crownes due for the not marrying his Daughter, hee gave the Flower de Lys to his Godsonne HENRY Duke of Or­leans, and left the other foure hundred thousand to be payed by equall portions in five yeares. The Pope had lately by his Legates deluded HENRY, who was there­vpon much discontented not knowing what course to run. And this is thought to be the cause of his so extraordinary liberality toward the French.

The first oc­casion of Cranmers rising. The King being then in progresse and hunting at Waltham it happened that STEPHEN GARDINER Principall Secretary of Estate (after Bishop of Winton) and FOX the King's Almoner (after Bishop of Here­ford) were billeted in the house of a gentleman named CRESSEY, who had sent his two sons to be brought vp at Cambridge, vnder the tutelage of THOMAS CRANMER Doctour in Divinity, a man both very learned and vertuous. The plague then spreading it selfe in Cambridge, CRANMER with his two Pupils betooke himselfe to Master CRESSEY their father his house. Where GARDINER and FOX among o­ther [Page 116] table talke discoursing of the Kings Suite concer­ning his Divorce, which had so many yeares depen­ded in the Court of Rome vndecided, CRANMER said, that he wondred the King required not the opi­nions of the most famous learned men that were any where to be found (of whom the world had many far more learned then the Pope) and followed not their iudgements. What CRANMER had as it were let fall by chance they report to the King, who su­dainly apprehending it, said that this fellow whosoe­ver he was, had hit the naile on the head, and withall demanding his name, caused CRANMER to be sent for, whom he commended for his (but too late) ad­vise, which course if he had taken but five yeares be­fore, hee should now have had an hundred thousand pounds in his purse, which he had vnprofitably in this suite cast away on the Court of Rome: he commands CRANMER to write a Tract concerning this questi­on wherein having drawne together what reasons hee could for the confirmation of his advice, hee should conclude with his owne opinion. CRANMER did it very readily, and is therevpon with Sir THOMAS BO­LEN (lately created Earle of Wiltshire) CARNE, STOKESLEY, and BE NET, Doctours of Law, with others sent on an Embassie to Rome. CRANMER'S booke is to be presented to his Holinesse, and they are commanded to challenge the Court of Rome to a dis­putation wherin the Contents of that book should be maintained; the argument whereof was, That by the authority of holy Scripture, ancient Fathers, and Councels, it was vtterly vnlawfull for any man to marry his Brothers Widow, and that no such marriage could bee licenced or au­thorized, by the Popes Dispensation. This being done, the King's intent was, they should procure the opini­ons of all the Vniversities throughout Europe, by whom if he found his former marriage condemned, [Page 117] then without farther expecting the approbation of the Sea of Rome, he was resolved to run the hazard of a second. To this the amity of the French seeming ve­ry conducible, the King had by his former liberality sought to oblige him. The Embassadours came to Rome▪ had audience, were promised a publique dispu­tation, whereof they were held so long in expectation, that perceiving their stay there to bee to little pur­pose, they all returned into England, except CRAN­MER, who with the same instructions that hee had formerly beene sent to the Pope, was to go to the Em­perour, whose Court was then in Germany. There this good & learned man, hitherto no friend to LVTHER, while he defends his owne booke and the King's Di­vorce against the most learned either of Protestants or Papists, is thought to have beene seasoned with the leaven of that doctrine, for which after he had beene twenty yeares Archbishop of Canterbury, he was most cruelly burned.

While CRANMER thus laboured abroad, the King at home deales with LANGEY the French Em­bassadour, by whose meanes (with the forcible Rhe­toricke (saith one) of some English Angels) hee obtai­ned of the Vniversities of Paris with the rest through­out France, Pavia, Padua, Bononia, and others, this Conclusion, That the Pope (who hath no power over the Positive Law of God) could not by his Dispensation ratifie a marriage contracted betweene a Brother and a brothers Wi­dow, it being forbidden by the expresse words of Scripture.

The eight of December the King graced three noble and worthy men with new titles of honour. THOMASCreation of Earles. BOLEN Viscount Rochfort the King's future Father in law, was created Earle of Wiltshire, ROBERT RATCLIF Viscount Fitz-Walter, of the noble Family of the FITZ-WALTERS, Earle of Sussex; in which honour his sonne THOMAS, his nephevves [Page 118] THOMAS first, then HENRY brother to THO­MAS, and now ROBERT the sonne of HENRY have succeeded him: And GEORGE Lord Hastings was made Earle of Huntingdon, who left it to his son FRANCIS Father of HENRY, who deceased without issue, and GEORGE Grandfather to HEN­RY the now Earle by FRANCIS, who died before his Father.

Anno Dom. 1530. Reg. 22.

WILLIAM TINDALL having translatedThe Bible translated into English. the New Testament into English, and pro­cured it to be printed at Antwerp had se­cretly dispersed many copies thereof throughout Eng­land. Whereat the Bishops and Clergy (especially those that were most addicted to the Doctrine of Rome) stormed excedingly, saying that this Transla­tion was full of errours, and that in the prefaces and else where it contained many things contrary to the Truth. The King being angry with the Pope, had long since determined to free himselfe from his vsurped power. And therefore admonished the murmuring Clergy to correct this booke, not to suppresse it: for it was a most profitable worke, and very ne­cessary for the discovery of the deceits of the Court of Rome, the tyranny whereof was become intolera­ble to all the Princes of Christendome. Whereupon he giveth order to the Bishops and some other learned men to set forth a new Translation, which his subiects might reade with safety and profit.

An Embassie to the Pope. The hope of prevailing with the Pope by the French King's meanes had drawne HENRY to send on a second Embassage to the Pope, the Earle of Wilt­shire, Doctour STOKESLEY Elect of London, and [Page 119] EDWARD LEE WOLSEY his Successor in Yorke. They found the Pope at Bononia with the Emperour, but had no other answer to their demands then, that his Holinesse when he came to Rome, would indevour to do the King iustice. Till then he could do nothing.

All com­merce with the Sea of Rome for­bidd [...]n. Faire meanes not prevailing, the King runs ano­ther course. [...]y publique Proclamation throughout the Kingdome he forbids all commerce betweene his subiects and the Bishop of Rome: commanding that no man should receive any thing from, or send any thing (especially money) vnto him, either by ex­change, or any other meanes, calling him Tyrant, the Harpy of the World, the common Incendiary, and deeming him vtterly vnworthy of that glorious title which he had vaingloriously vsurped, Christs Ʋicar. This in September.

But the wealth of the Clergy being very great, and considering how they had in the Raignes of his Pre­decessors strongly sided with the Pope, the King was some what iealous of them. To curbe them hee con­demnes the whole Clergy throughout the Kingdome in a Praemunire, for that without licence from his Ma­iesty they had beene obedient to the authority of theThe Clergy fined. Pope in acknowledging WOLSEY for his Legate. The Clergy of the Province of Canterbury, being as­sembled in Convocation, buy their pardon at a hun­dred thousand pounds, and in this Synode he is (with much ado) by the Clergy of both Provinces declared next vnder Christ Supreme Head of the Church of Eng­land, The King declared Su­preme Head of the Church. and all foraine power or authority whatsoever disclaimed. The Province of Yorke is moreover fined at eighteene thousand eight hundred & forty pounds. So this one fault (if it may be so accompted it being certaine that WOLSEY was licenced to exercise his authority Legantine) cost the Clergy a hundred and eighteene thousand, eight hundred and forty pounds.

Anno Dom. 1531. Reg. 23.

THe only publique memorable occurrents of this yeare were, that the Laity, for the most part as deepe in a Praemunire, as the Clergy, were by Act of Parliament pardoned. In which assem­bly Sir THOMAS MORE Lord Chancellour, and other remarkable speakers related at large the Con­clusions of the Vniversities concerning the vnlawful­nesse of the Kings marriage.

And yet perhaps the notorious villany of RI­CHARD ROSE Cooke to the Bishop of Rochester, might crave a place in this History, who with poyso­ned broth killed sixteene of the Bishops servants. The Bishop himselfe (who was especially aimed at) that day contrary to his accustomed diet forbearing broth, escaped. The poisoner according to a Law lately en­acted, was throwne into a cauldron of boyling wa­ter. But the offence deserved tortures of a most exqui­site straine.

Anno Dom. 1532. Reg. 24.

ON the three and twentieth of August diedThe death of William Warham Archbishop of Canter­bury. Cranmer (though much a­gainst his will) succee­doth him. WILLIAM WARHAM Archbishop of Can­terbury, to whom THOMAS CRANMER at that time in Germany about the Kings affaires, was ap­pointed Successor. He was not so ambitious as to as­pire to such a dignity; and some reasons made him vnwilling to accept it being offred. He knew before he could be consecrated he must sweare obedience to the Pope, which with a safe conscience he could not. [Page 121] He feared what would be the issue of this abrupt se­peration from the Sea of Rome. Hee knew the King's disposition to be violent, such sudaine changes to be full of danger, and the Court (although hee had not yet purchased the acquaintance of it) to be a meere schoole of fraud and dissembling. The Kings pleasure must necessarily be obeyed, and if he slipped neuer so little, enuy the mischievous attendant of great fe­licity would helpe him forward to a breake-necke. CRANMER also having long since lost his Wife whom he had married in his youth, had taken a liking to a certaine maide neipce to OSIANDERS wife, whom he intended to make his second wife: yet hee knew that the Canon Law permitted not Priests to marry, and made them vncapable of holy Orders, who had beene twice married. These considerations made him linger in Germany six whole moneths after the dispatch of his businesle, hoping that his absence might afford meanes to some other to worke a way to the Archbi [...]hopricke. But the times were such, that they to whom desert might give greatest hopes of at­taining it, did abhorre this still [...]ottering and slippery dignity: and even they who were already advanced to the like, indeavoured to betake themselves to the safe­ty of meaner fortune; As did Sir THOMAS MORESir Thomas More re­signes the place of Lord▪ Chan­ce [...]lour. the Lord Chancellour, who by his continuall ernest petitions obtained leave of the King on the fifteene of May to resigne his place; and Sir THOMAS AWD­LEY on the fourth of Iune was in his steed made Lord Keeper. CRANMER having privately mar­ried his wife at Norimberg, at length returned into England, where the Kings importunity prevailing be­yond all scrupulous difficulties, CRANMER is (though much against his will made Archbishop of Canter­bury, the Pope also by his Bull confirming the Electi­on. He refusing the Arbishopricke, because hee must [Page 122] take an oath to the Pope, delivered the Bull to the King, protesting that hee would never accept of any Bishopricke in England, but from the King, who was Supreme Head of the Church of England; and that he would not take any oath that should any way de­rogate from the King's Authoritie▪ At length the subtle heads of the Lawiers found out a quirke wher­by to salue all: He must first by a praevious Protesta­tion except against this Oath (which was to be taken pro formd) that it should not hereafter be any way preiudiciall to him. Thus ascended CRANMER to the Archiepiscopall Sea, where hee sate neere about twenty yeares, vntill Queene MARY the Daughter of repudiated CATHARINE not only thrust this most innocent, grave, learned man out of his Bishopricke, but with a barbarous cruelty condemned him to the fire, as hereafter in its place we shall declare.

For the Treatise of a more strict League betweene the two Kings of England and France, an interview is appointed betweene them. To this end on the ele­venthAn enter­view be­tweene the Kings of England and France. of October the King with a mightie traine pas­sed to Calais. The tenth day after going to Boloigne he was met halfe way by the French King & his Sons, and conducted to Boloigne, where the two Kings di­vided the Abbey betweene them. HENRY staied there foure dayes, and then brought FRANCIS (in whose company were the King of Navarre, some Dukes, and Cardinals, a great number of Noblemen, and of others at least twelve hundred) to Calais. At Saint Ioquebert the Duke of Richmond (who was not at Boloigne with the King his Father) received them. Af­ter much solemne entertainment, and the enter­changeable favours from each King to the Princes of each others company, from HENRY to the King of Navarre (or as the French write, to MONT MOREN­CY) and CHABOT the Admirall by the Order of [Page 123] the Garter; From FRANCIS to the Dukes of Nor­folke and Suffolke by that of Saint MICHAEL, these great Monarchs parted.

Ielousie of the Emperours still increasing power had now vnited these Princes, and their naturall dis­positions wonderfull agreeable had made them al­wayes prone to a mutuall love, which by this inter­view tooke such deepe root, that even in their owne opinions they rested assured of each other. And in­deed had they beene private persons, their friendship in all likelihood had continued inviolable. But Prin­ces are not so much to be swayed by their owne Af­fections, as the consideration of the publique Vtilitie. The effect of this interview was an agreement to re­presse the Turke about that time wasting Hungary, to which end they should assemble together by their ioint forces an Army of fourescore thousand men, whereof there should be ten thousand horse with ar­tillery requisite for the said Campe: A specious pre­text: For they both knew, that the Turke had already retreated. But in private they treated of other mat­ters. They had both many causes of discontent. FRAN­CIS not without cause was displeased with the Pope, and HENRY thinking it best to strike while the iron was hot, indevoured an vtter alienation betweene them. HENRY complaines first of the wrong the Court of Rome did him touching the matter of his Divorce, in the suite whereof full six yeares were now spent: and yet at length after all their deceits & moc­keries, they seeke to force him, either to goe in per­sen to Rome, or in a matter of so great importance to send Deputies, who should in the Kings behalfe fol­low the suite. An insolent proceeding, and iniury without example, which did concerne the French and all other Princes of Christendome. For in like cases hapning among Soveraigne Princes, especially tou­ching [Page 124] the conscience so neere it, was the vsuall cu­stome of other Popes to send Iudges to the place, it being reasonable that the Persons should speake per­sonally, and not by their Attorneyes and very vnr [...]a­sonable, that a Soveraigne Prince leaving the rule and governement of his Estates should go and plead his cause at Rome. Moreover hee did complaine of the intolerable exactions of the Church of Rome over the Clergy and people of England; where by the yoke, be­fore too heavy, was now become insupportable: nei­ther did he doubt, but the same courses were taken in France. Germany had begun the way of freedome to the rest of Christendome: why should not other Princes follow their example? To conclude hee did instantly require, that they two should send their Embassadours iointly together to the Pope to sum­mon him to appeare at the next generall Councell, there to answere his extortions, and by the authority and iudgement of the Councell to force him to a re­information: affirming, that there was no Nation in Christendome, which did not desire, [...]hat the in [...]olen­cies of the Romanists should be repressed. [...]o this the French answered, that hee acknowledged these things to be true, but it was not in his power to yeild to the Kings request, yet for the b [...]o [...]herly love which hee did beare vnto him, and the chari [...]able reguard of his owne Country, he professed himselfe ready to vnder­go all difficulties. Hee wanted not sufficient iniuries whereof to complaine, considering that he having so well deserved of the Apostolique Sea▪ but more espe­cially of this Pope, yet he certainly found, that CLE­MENI, all this notwithstanding, was not well affe­cted towards him. CLEMENT had very lately suf­fered his reputation to be violated in his presence, and by the Bishop of Ʋerulo had secretly endevoured to alienate the Suisses his allies from him. France [Page 125] groaned vnder the burthen of the new and vndutifull exactions of the Popes Officers, by meanes whereof all the treasure was carried out of the Kingdome, to the preiudice of his subiects (the Clergy especially) who grew poore, the Churches were vnrepaired, and the poore neither clothed nor fed: and if he himselfe levied any great summe of money, the tributes are longer comming in then vsually they were wont. But he thought it best, before they proceeded to that harsh course, to vse some milder meanes, whereto there was a faire occasion offred, the Pope having by the Cardinall of Grandmont made him a promise of an interview at Nice or Avtgnon: where if hee could not obtaine reason of him in the behalfe of both, hee would indevour to prevaile by force where he could not by iust intreaties: In the meane time he desired him to attend the issue of their parley.

But FRANCIS concealed the true cause of this intended interview for feare least our HENRY not approving it, should seeke to dissuade him from it. The French was implacable towards the Emperour, against whom to strengthen himselfe, hee meanes to win the Pope by the marriage of his younger Sonne HENRY Duke of Orleans (who after raigned) with CATHARINE de MEDICES Duchesse of Vrbin Catharina de Medices married to the Duke of Orleans. the Popes Niece. The Pope could not at first believe this potent Prince intended him so much honour: but perceiving the French to be reall, he most eagerly far­thered it, appointing time and place for the consum­mation of it, which was after done at Marseilles by CLEMENT himselfe in the presence of the French King.

Anno Dom. 1533. Reg. 25.

THe King's loue brooked no delayes. Where­foreThe King marrieth Anne B [...]len. on the fiue and twentieth of Ianuary, pri­vately and in the presence of very few, he mar­rieth the Ladie ANNE BOLEN.

Shortly after by Act of Parliament the marriage of the King and the Lady CATHARINE was decla­red void and incestuous, and a Law enacted, where­in all Appeales to Rome were forbidden, and that none should stile CATHARINE other then Prin­cesse of Wales, and Widow or Dowager of Prince ARTHVR. By vertue and authority of the same Law, the Archbishop of Canterbury accompanied with some other Bishops, comming to Dunstable six miles from Ampthill, where CATHARINE then resided, caused her to be cited before Him next vnder the King chiefe Iudge in all Ecclesiasticall causes within the Province of Canterbury, to shew what reasons could be alleaged why the marriage not lawfully contra­cted betweene the King and her should not be disa­nulled, and pronounced impious, incestuous, and consequently void. To these things by one of her servants she answered; that it beseemed not the Arch­bishop to thrust his sickle into anothers harvest: this Cause did yet depend vndecided before the Pope CHRIST'S Vicar on earth, whose Decree she would obey, and other Iudge would shee acknowledge none. Being called fifteene dayes together and not appearing. Shee is pronounced Contumax, and for her contumacie separated from the Kings bed and company. Wherevpon the Lady ANNE proclai­med Queene throughout the Kingdome, on Easter eve shewed her selfe publiquely as Queene: and [Page 127] was at Whits ontide crowned with as great pompe and solemnitie as ever was Queene. The particu­lars I will let passe, excepting that propheticall Disticke vpon one of the triumphant Arches pur­posely erected in London where shee was to passe:

Regina ANNA, paris Regis de sanguine Natam,
Et paries populis aurea secla tuis.

In English,

ANNE, thou a daughter bearest to our King,
And to thy people golden dayes shalt bring.

Wafers also with the same impression were throwne about saith STOW. But I rather beleeve, that this Disticke was made after the Queenes deliverie. Whensoever it were, hee that truely considers the fe [...]icitie of the foure and fortie yeares raigne of this Queenes Daughter, will thinke this Oracle could not proceed from any but a Delphian APOLLO. For the Queene at the time of her Coronation was great with childe, (whereof the seventh of September shee was delivered at Greenwich) which was that ever famous Queene ELIZABETH, whoThe birth of Queene Eli­zabeth. after the death of her Brother and Sister so gloriously ruled this Kingdome.

The Pope was certified of all these passages; that his authoritie in England was abrogated, that the late Queene CATHARINE was put away, that ANNE BOLEN as Queene was taken to the Kings bed, that the King stiled himselfe Supreme Head of the Church of England, that the Archbi­shop of Canterbury executed all those offices which formerly the Pope only did, and that not as the Popes Legate, but as Primate of England, who vnder the King claimed chiefe authority in Ecclesia­sticall [Page 128] affaires throughout his whole Province. Wher­with being ne [...]ed, hee seemed to breath nothing but threats and revenge. But knowing himselfe to have beene the motive of it, and doubtfull of the event, he was easily persuaded by the French King, as yet not to proceed by excommunication against HENRY, vn­till he had made triall of some milder course. Where­vpon FRANCIS by BELLAY Bishop of Paris en­treates HENRY not to withdraw himselfe wholy from the obedience of Rome, for as much as it was a matter of great danger: Hee would therefore advise him once more by Embassadours to Rome, to signifie that he was not vtterly averse from a r [...]conciliation: which if hee did, hee made no doubt but all things would succeed to his minde. HENRY was certaine of enioying his Love, and let the Pope decree what he list, was resolved to keepe her. Hee had beene for­merly abused by the Court of Rome, and was loath to make farther triall of their dilatory proceedings. Yet had BELLAY prevailed so fa [...]re with him, that Hee would be content once more to submit himselfe to the Church of Rome, if hee could bee as­sured of the Popes intention to do him equity. The Bishop conceiving some hopes of a peace (although it were in the winter time) goes himselfe to Rome, gives the Pope an account of his actions, and certifies him that the matter was not yet desperate. Where­vpon a day is appointed by which a Post returning from the King was to give notice of an intended Embassie. But the Consistory gave so short a time to have an answere, that the Post came short two dayes at his returne. The terme expired, they pro­ceed hastily to the confirmation of their Censures notwithstanding the Bishops instance to obtaine six dayes more, for as much as contrary windes or some other chance might hinder the messenger; [Page 131] and six dayes would be no great matter, considering the King had wauered six whole yeares before hee fell: The more moderate thought the Bishop de­manded but reason; but the preposterous haste of the greater sort preuailed. Two dayes were scarce past after the prefixed time, but the Post arriuing with ample authority, and instructions from Eng­land, did greatly amaze those hasty Cardinalls, who afterwards would faine, but could not finde any meanes to mend what they had so rashly marred. For the matter (to please the Emperor) was so hud­led vp, as that which could not ritely bee finished in three Consistories, was done in one. So the King and the whole Realme was interdicted, the Bull whereof (the Messengers not daring to come neerer) was brought to Dunkirk.

The report hereof comming to the King, hee laies all the blame on the Lady CATHARINE. Whereupon the Duke of Suffolke was sent to lessen her Houshold: They who might be any way suspe­cted to haue been imploied by her in this businesse, are turned away, the rest are commanded to take their oathes to serve her as Princesse of Wales, not as Queene of England. They that refuse are ca [...]hie­red, and they that are content to sweare, are by her cast off; so that for a time shee had few or no At­tendants.

Mary Queen of France di­eth. In the meane time, on the three and twentieth of June died MARY Queene of France the Kings Sister, and was buried in the Abbey of Saint Ed­mundsbury.

Anno Dom. 1534. Reg. 26.

ABout this time was discouered the grand im­posture of ELIZABETH BARTON, which brought her to a deserued end. Shee had formerly beene sicke of a strange disease, which not only afflicted her inwardly, but as often as her fit tooke her, so wonderfully distorted her mouth and other parts of her body, that most were of opi­nion, it could not peoceed from any naturall cause. But Custome growing to a second Nature, the con­tinuance of the Disease had taught her to distort her body after her recouery, in the fame manner as when she was sicke. Hoping to make a profit of this her counterfeit Convulsion, she imparted the secret to the Curate of the Parish: by whose deuice after [...]ong deliberation betweene them, it was agreed, that she should often faine her selfe to be in an ec­stasie: and whereas shee was wont when the fit sea­sed her, to ly still without motion, as if she had been dead, shee should now sometimes vtter some godly sentences, inveigh against the wickednesse of the times, but especially against Heretiques and broa­chers of new Opinions; and should relate strange visions revealed by God to her in the time of her ecstasie. By these jugling trickes, not only among the Vulgar (who termed the holy Maid of Kent) but among the wiser sort, such as were Archbishop WARHAM, Bishop FISHER, and others, her sanctity was held in admiration. The Imposture taking so generally, her boldnesse increased. Shee prefixeth a day whereon she shall be restored to per­fect health, and the meanes of her recouery must be [Page 131] procured forsooth by a pilgrimage to some certaine Image of our Lady. The day came, and shee beeing brought to the place, by the like cousenage deceiued a great number of people, whom the expectation of the miracle had drawne thither: and at last, as if she had iust then shaken off her disease, shee appeares whole and straight vnto them all; saying, That by especiall command from God shee must become a Nunne, and that one Doctor BOCKING a Monke of Canterbury there present, was ordained to bee her Confessor, which office hee willingly vndertooke: vnder pretext whereof this Nunne liuing at Canterbu­ry, BOCKING often resorted to her, not without suspition of dishonesty.

The intended Divorce from CATHARINE, and marriage with ANNE BOLEN, had much ap­palled most part of the Clergy: for then a necessity was imposed on the King, of a divorce from the Pa­pall Sea, in which the Church and all Ecclesiasticall persons were likely to suffer. The apprehension whereof wrought so with BOCKING, that making others conscious of the intent, hee persuaded ELI­ZABETH BARTON by denuntiation of Gods re­vealed judgements to deterre the King from his purposed change. Shee according as shee was instru­cted, proclaimes it abroad, That the King aduentu­ring to marry another, CATHARINE surviving, should, if in the meane time hee died not some infa­mous death, within one moneth after be depriued of his Kingdome. The King heares of it, and causeth the Impostrix to be apprehended, who vpon exami­nation discouered the rest of the conspirators, who were all committed to prison vntill the next Parlia­ment should determine of them. ELIZ. BARTON, BOCKING, MASTERS, (the afore mentioned Cu­rate of the Parish) DEERING, and RISBEY, [Page 132] Monkes, with GOLD a Priest, are by the Parliament adiudged to dy. The Bishop of Rochester, and ADE­SON his Chaplaine, one ABEL a Priest, LAV­RENCE the Archdeacon of Canterbury his Register, and THOMAS GOLD Gentleman, for hauing heard many things, whereby they might guesse at the intents of the Conspirators, and not acquainting the Magistrate with them, are as accessory condemned in a Praemunire, (confiscation of their goods, and per­petuall impris [...]nment.) ELIZABETH BARTON and her Companions, hauing each of them after a Sermon at Pauls Crosse, publiquely confessed the Imposture, are on the twentieth of Aprill hanged, and their heads set ouer the gates of the City.

No Canons to be consti­tuted with­out the Kings assent. The King to collate Bi­shopricks. By the same Parliament, the authority of the Con­vocation to make Canonicall Constitutions, vnlesse the King giue this Rovall assent, is abrogated.

It is also inacted, That the Collocation of all Bi­shoprickes, the Seas being vacant, should henceforth be at the Kings dispose, and that no man should be chosen by the Chapter, or consecrated by the Arch­bishop, but he on whom the King by his Congé D'eslire or other his Letters had conferred that Dignity.

The Arch­bishop of Canterbury hath Papall authority vn­der the King. And wheras many complained, that now all com­merce with Rome was forbidden, all meanes were taken away of mitigating the rigour of the Ecclesi­asticall Lawes of Dispensation; Papall authority is granted to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the King reserving to himselfe the power of dispensing in cau­ses of greater moment. And that all Appeales for­merly wont to be made from the Archbishop to the Pope, should now bee from the Archbishop to the King, who by Delegates should determine all such suites and controversies.

Furthermore, the Kings marriage with the Lady CATHARINE is againe pronounced incestuous, [Page 133] the Succession to the Crowne established on the Kings Issue begotten on Queene ANNE. And all aboue the age of sixteen yeares throughout the King­dome, are to be bound by oath, to the obseruance of this Law: whosoeuer refused to take this oath, should suffer losse of all their goods, and perpetuall impri­sonment.

Fisher and More impri­soned. Throughout all the Realme there were found but two, who durst refracto [...]ily oppose this Law, viz▪ FISHER Bishop of Rochester, and Sir THOMAS MOORE the late Lord Chancellor; men who were indeed very learned, but most obstinate stickers in the behalfe of the Church of Rome: who being not to be drawne by any persuasions, [...]o be conformable to the Law, were committed to prison, from whence af­ter a yeares durance they were not freed but by the losse of their liues.

Persecution. But the King fearing that it might be thought, That hee tooke these courses rather out of a contempt of Religion, than in regard of the tyrannie of the Court of Rome; to free himselfe from all suspition either of favouring LVTHER, or any authors of new Opi­nions, began to persecute that sort of men whom the Vulgar called Heretiques, and condemned to the cruelty of that mercilesle Element Fire, not only cer­taine Dutch Anabaptists, but many Professors of the Truth: and amongst others, that learned and godly young man IOHN [...]RITH, who with one HEW­ET and others, on the two and twentieth of July con­stantly endured the torments of their martyrdome.

Pope Cle­ment d [...]th. The fiue and twentieth of September died CLE­MENT the Seuenth, Pope; in whose place succeeded ALEXADER FARNESE by the name of PAV­LVS the Third, who to begin his time with some memorable Act, hauing called a Consistory, pro­nounced HENRY to be fallen from the Title and [Page 134] Dignity of a King, and to be deposed, re-iterating withall the thunder of Excommunication, with which bug-beare his predecessor CLEMENT had sought to affright him. But this peradventure happen­ed in the insuing yeare, after the death of FISHER and MORE.

A Parliament is againe called in November, where­in (according to the Decree of the late Synod) the King was declared Supreme Head of the Church of England, and the punishment all crimes which for­merly pertained to the Ecclesiasticall Courts, is made proper to him. So the Kingdome is vindicated from the vsurpation of the Pope, who before shared in it, and the King now first began to raigne en­tirely.

First fruits granted to the King. Wales vni­ted to Eng­land. Also all Annates or first Fruits formerly paid to the Pope, are granted to the King.

And Wales the seat of the remainder of the true an­tient Britans, hitherto differing from vs (compoun­ded of Normans and Saxons) as well in the forme of their gouernment, as in Language, is by the authori­ty of this Parliament (to the great good of both, but especially that Nation) vnited and incorpora­ted to England. EDWARD the First was the first who subdued this Countrey, yet could hee not prevaile over their mindes, whome the desire of recouering their lost liberty, animated to ma­ny rebellions. By reason whereof, and our suspi­tions, being for two hundred yeares oppressed either with the miseries of seruitude or war, they neuer ta­sted the sweet fruits of a true and solid peace. But HENRY the Seuenth by bloud (in reguard of his Father) and birth a Welchman, comming to the Crowne, (as if they had recouered their li­berty, whereto they so long aspired) they obei­ed him as their lawfull Prince. So the English [Page 135] being freed of their former jealousies permitted them to partake of their Priuiledges, since com­mon to both Nations, the good whereof equally [...]edounded to both. I could wish the like Vnion with Scotland: That as wee all liue in one Island, professing one Faith, and speaking for the most part one Language, vnder the gouernment of one and the same Prince; so we may become one Nati­on, all equally acknowledging our selues Britans, and so recouer our true Countrey Britaine, lost as it were so many hundreds of yeares, by our divisions of it into England, Scotland, and Wales.

Anno Dom. 1535. Reg. 27.

THe Coronation of the new Queene, and other passages of entertainment, had exhau­sted the Treasury. The Pope and the Empe­rour were both enemies of HENRY, watchfully attending all opportunities to do him mischiefe. Neither in regard that so many sided with the Pope, were all things safe at home. The King was there­fore forced to a course seemingly rash, and full of dangerous consequences, but very necessary for the time. Hee resolves to demolish all the Monaste­riesThe King begins to sub­v [...]rt religi­ous houses. throughout England. Hee is content the Nobi­lity should share with him in the spoile, so inriching and strengthening himselfe by their necessary re­volt from the Popish faction. To this end, they that were thought more especially in maintaining the Popes authority to withstand the Kings pro­ceedings, were condemned of high Treason and they that refused to acknowledge the King vnder CHRIST, Supreme Head of the Church of England, [Page 136] are hanged. For this cause on the third of May Certaine Pri­ors & Monks executed. were executed IOHN HOVGHTON Prior of the Charterhouse in London, AVGVSTINE WEBSTER Prior of Bevaley, and THOMAS LAWRENCE Prior of Exham, and with them RICHARD REIGNALDS a Monke and Do­ctor of Divinity, and IOHN HALES Vicar of Thistlehurst.

On the eighteenth of June, EXMEW, MID­DLEMORE, and NVDIGATE, all Charter­houseThe Bishop. Rochester beheaded. Monkes, suffered for the same cause. And foure dayes after▪ IOHN FISHER Bishop of Rochester, a man much reverenced by the People for his holy life and great learning, was publiquely be­headed, and his head set over London bridge. Our Histories hardly afford a president of the executionMade Car­dinall vnsea­sonably. of such a man. But the Pope was the occasion of his death, who to ease the burthen of his now a yeares imprisonment, by the addition of a new ti­tle, had on the one and twentieth of May created him Cardinall. The newes whereof hastened him to a scaffold.

Sir Thomas Moore be­headed. The sixth of Iuly, Sir THOMAS MORE for the same stifnesse in opinion with Bishop FISHER, suffered the like death. This was that MORE so famous for his Eutopia, and many other Workes both in English and Latin. As for his conversation, the most censorious fault him in nothing, but his too too jesting (I will not say scoffing) wit, to which he gaue more liberty, then did beseeme the grauity of his person, not tempering himselfe in the midst of his calamity, no not at the very instant of death. After his condemnation hee denied to giue any thing to the Barber that trimmed him, affirming, That head about which he had bestowed his paines, was the [Page 137] Kings: if he could prove it to be his that did [...]eare it, hee would well reward him. To his Keeper demanding his vpper garment as his fee, hee gaue his Hat. Going vp the scaffold, he desired him that went before him, to lend him his hand to helpe him vp, as for comming downe he tooke no care. Laying his head vpon the blocke, hee put aside his beard (which was then very long) say­ing, The Executioner was to cut off his head, not his beard.

The executions of so many men caused the Queene to be much maligned, as if they had beene done by her procurement, at least the Papist would haue it thought so, knowing that it stood her vpon, and that indeed [...]hee endeavoured, that the authority of the Pope of Rome should not againe take footing in Eng­land. They desired nothing more than the downefall of this vertuous Lady, which shortly after happening, they triumphed in the overthrow of Innocence.

Religious Hous [...]s vi­sited. In the meane time they who vndertooke the sub­version of the Monasteries, invented an Engine to batter them more forcibly, then the former course of torture and punishment. They send abroad subtle headed fellowes, who warranted by the Kings au­thority, should throughout England search into the liues and manners of religious persons. It would amaze one to consider what villanies were discouered among them by the meanes of CROMWELL and others. Few were found so guiltlesse, as to dare with­stand their proceedings: and the licentiousnesse of the rest divulged, made them all so odious to the people, that neuer any exploit so full of hazard and danger was more easily atchieued, then was the sub­version of our English Monasteries.

Anno Dom. 1536. Reg. 28.

The death of Queene Ca­tharine. THis yeare began with the end of the late Queene CATHARINE, whom extremi­ty of griefe cast into a disease, whereof on the eighth of January she deceased.

Queene Anne, the Ʋiscont Rochford and others committed. Queene ANNE now enioyed the King without a Rivall, whose death not withstanding not improba­bly happened too soone for her. For the King vpon May day at Greenwich beholding the Viscont Roch­fort the Queenes brother, HENRY NORRIS, and others, running a tilt, arising suddenly, and to the wonder of all men departing thence to London, cau­sed the Viscont Rochfort, NORRIS, the Queene her selfe, and some others, to be apprehended and com­mitted. The Queene being guarded to the Tower by the Duke of Norfolke, AVDLEY Lord Keeper, CROMWELL Secretary of Estate, and KING­STON Lieutenant of the Tower, at the very entrance vpon her knees with dire imprecations disavowed the crime (whatsoeuer it were) wherewith shee was charged, beseeching God so to regard her as the iust­nesse of her cause required.

On the fifteenth of May in the hall of the Tower she was arraigned, the Duke of Norfolke sitting high Steward, to whom were adioined twenty six other Peeres (and among them the Queenes Father) by whom she was to be tried. The Accusers hauing gi­uen in their evidence, and the Witnesses produced, she sitting in a chaire (whether in regard of any infir­mity, or out of honour permitted to the Wife of their Soueraigne) hauing an excellent quicke wit, and be­ing a ready speaker, did so answer to all obiections, that had the Peeres giuen in their verdict according [Page 139] to the expectation of the assembly, shee had beene acquitted. But they (among whom the Duke of Suffolke the Kings brother in Law was chiefe, one wholly applying himselfe to the Kings humor) pro­nounce Her guilty. Whereupon the Duke of Nor­folke bound to proceed according to the verdict of the Peeres, condemned Her to death, either by be­ingThe Queene condemned, burned in the Greene in the Tower, or behead­ed, as his Maiesty in his pleasure should thinke fit. Her brother GEORGE Viscont Rochford was like­wisewith her Brother, the same day condemned, and shortly after, HENRY NORRIS, WILLIAM BRIER­TON,and Norris. and FRANCIS WESTON Gentlemen of the Kings Priuy Chamber, and MARKE SVE­TON a Musitian, either as Partakers or accessory, were to run the same fortune. The King greatly favoured NORRIS, and is reported to be much grieved, that he was to dy with the rest. Whereup­on he offered pardon to him, conditionally that he would confesse that whereof hee was accused. But hee answered resolutely, and as it became the pro­genitor of so many valiant Heroes, That in his consci­ence he thought her guiltlesse of the obiected crime, but whe­ther she were or no, he could not accuse her of any thing: and that he had rather vndergo a thousand deaths, then be­tray the Innocent. Vpon relation whereof the King cryed out, Hang him vp then, Hang him vp then. Which notwithstanding was not accordingly executed: For on the thirteenth of May, two dayes after his condemnation, all of them, viz. the Viscont Roch­fort, NORRIS, BRIERTON, and SVE­TON, were beheaded at Tower hill. NORRIS left a sonne called also HENRY, whom Queene ELIZABETH in contemplation of his Fathers deserts created Baron of Ricot. This Lord NORRIS [Page 140] was father to those great Captaines WILLIAM, IOHN, THOMAS, and EDWARD, in our dayes so famous throughout Christendome, for their braue exploits in England, France, Irland, and the Netherlands.

Her exe­cution. On the nineteenth of May the Queene was brought to the place of execution in the greene within the Tower, some of the Nobility and Com­panies of the City being admitted, rather to be wit­nesses, than spectators of her death. To whom the Queene hauing ascended the scaffold, spake in this manner:

Friends and good Christian people, J am here in your presence to suffer death, whereto J acknowledge my selfe adiudged by the Lawes; how iustly J will not say, for I intend not an accusation of any one. J beseech the Almighty to preserue his Mai [...]sty long to raigne ouer you: a more gentle or milde Prince neuer swayed Scepter: his bounty and clemency towards me I am sure hath beene especiall. If any one intend an inquisitiue survey of my actions, J intreat him to iudge favourably of me, and not rashly to admit of any hard censorious conceit. And so I bid the world farewell, beseeching you to com­mend mee in your Prayers to God. To thee O Lord do J commend my Soule.

Then kneeling downe, shee incessantly repeated these words, CHRIST haue mercy on my soule, Lord IESVS receive my soule; vntill the Executioner of [Page 141] Ca [...]ais at one blow smote off her head with a sword. Had any one three yeares before (at what time the King so hot in the pursuit of his loue, preferred the enioying of this Lady beyond his Friends, his E­state, his Health, Safeguard, and his onely Daugh­ter) prophetically foretold the vnhappy fate of this Princesse, he should haue beene beleeued with CAS­SANDRA. But much more incredible may all wise men thinke the vnheard of crime for which shee was condemned: viz. That fearing least her Daughter the Lady ELIZATETH borne while CATHARINE survived, should bee accompted illegitimate, in hope of other (especially masle) Is­sue, whereof shee despaired by the King, now neere fifty yeares old, shee had lasciviously vsed the com­pany of certaine young Courtiers: nay not there­with content, had committed incest with her owne Brother. A strange ingratitude in one raised from so low degree, euen to the height of honour. I will not derogate from the Authority of publique Re­cords: But an Act of Parliament against her shall not worke on my beliefe. Surely it carried so little shew of probability with foraine Princes, that they alwaies deemed it an act of inhumane cruelty. Espe­cially the Estates of Germany Confederates for the defence of the Reformed Religion; who having often treated with FOX Bishop of Hereford, and other Embassadours, had decreed to make HENRY Head of their League, and had designed an Embas­sy by IOHN STVRMIVS, who should haue brought with him into England those excellent Di­vines PHILIP MELANCTHON and MAR­TIN BVCER, with one GEORGE DRACO, who should endeavour that and the Reformation of our Church. But having heard of the lamenta­ble [Page 142] and vnworthy (as they iudged it) end of the Queene, loathing the King for his inconstancy and cruelty, they cast off all farther thought of that matter. I will not presume to discusse the truth of their opinion: But freely to speake what I my selfe thinke; There are two reasons which sway much with mee in the behalfe of the Queene. That her Daughter the Lady ELIZABETH was seated in the Royall Throne, where shee for so many yeares ruled so happily and triumphantly. What shall we thinke, but that the Divine Goodnesse was pleased to recompence the iust calamity of the Mother, in the glorious prosperity of the Daughter? And then consider but the Kings precipitated Nuptialls the very next day after the death of his former Wife, yet scarce interred, and with whose warme bloud his imbrued hands yet reaked: consider this, I say, and you shall easily be persuaded with mee, that the insatiable Prince glutted with the satiety of one, and out of the desire of variety seeking to enioy ano­ther, did more willingly giue eare to the treache­rous calumnies of the malicious Popelings, than either befitted an vpright Iudge, or a louing hus­band. For it seemeth wonderfull strange to mee, that either the fault of the one, or the pleasing con­ditions and faire language of the other Wife, should so far possesse the King, as that hee should procureLady Eliza­beth disinhe­rited. his daughter ELIZABETH to be by Act of Par­liament declared illegitimate, the matrimony con­tracted with both the former Queenes CATHA­RINE and ANNE to be pronounced invalid, and the Crowne to be perpetually established on the po­sterity of the third wife, or if the King had no Issue by her, that then it should bee lawfull for him by Will and Testament, to transfer it on whome hee [Page 143] pleased. Parliaments were not then so rigid, but that they could flatter the Prince, and condescend to his demands, though vniust, even in cases which most neerely concerned the publique Weale. But servile Feare is oft times more ready then Loue, which slow­ly moves by apprehension of Good, as the other is quickely forced by the apprehension of Danger.

The King marrieth Iane Sei­mour. On the twentieth of May the King married IANE SEIMOVR Daughter of Sir IOHN SEIMOVR, who on the nine and twentieth of May, being Whit­sonday, clad in royall habiliments, was openly shew­ed as Queene. So that the Court of England was now like a Stage, whereon are represented the vicissitudes of ever various Fortune. For within one and the same moneth it saw Queene ANNE flourishing, accused, condemned, executed▪ and another assumed into her place both of bed and honour. The first of May (it seemeth) shee was informed against, the second im­prisoned, the fifteenth condemned, the seventeenth deprived of her Brother and Friends who suffered in her cause, and the nineteenth executed. On the twentieth the King married IANE SEIMOVR, who on the nine and twentieth was publiquely shew­ed as Queene.

Death of the Duke of So­merset the Kings natu­rall Sonne. The death of this innocent Lady God seemed to revenge in the immature end of the Duke of Rich­mond the Kings only (but naturall) Sonne, a Prince of excellent forme and endowments, wh [...] deceased the two and twentieth of Iuly, for whom the King a long time after mourned.

Bourchier Earle of Bathe. In the meane time on the nineteenth of Iuly IOHN BOVRCHIER Lord Fitz-waren, was created Earle of Bathe, whose successours in that Honour were his Sonne IOHN, who begat IOHN deceased before his Father, whose Sonne WILLIAM is now Earle of Bathe. At what time also THOMAS CROMWELL a [Page 144] poore Smiths Sonne, but of a dexterous wit, whoseCromwells Honor & Dignity. first rising was in the Family of Cardinall WOLSEY, in whose service by him faithfully performed, he grew famous, was made Lord CROMWELL, many dig­nities being also conferred on him, to the increase of his estate and honour. For first he was Master of the Rolls, and principall Secretary of Estate: then Sir THOMAS BOLEN Earle of Wiltshire resigning, he was made Lord Privy Seale, and after that dignified with the vnheard of Title, of The Kings Vicar generall in affaires Ecclesiasticall. For the authority of the Pope being abrogated, many businesses dayly happened, which could not bee disparched without the Kings consent; who not able to vndergo the burthen alone, conferred this authority granted him by Act of Par­liament on CROMWELL, not for that he thought a Lay man fitter for this dignity than a Clergy man; but because hee had determined vnder colour and pretence thereof, to put in execution some designes, wherein the Clergy in all probability would haue moved very slowly, and against the haire. Hee was therefore President in the Synod this yeare. Certain­ly a deformed spectacle, to see an vnlearned Lay man President over an assembly of sacred Prelates, and such as for their learning England had in no preceding ages knowne the like. For indeed HENRY is for that much to be commended, who would not easily advance any one to place of government in the Church, but whome his learning should make wor­thy.The begin­ning of Re­formation. By the authority of this Synod a booke was set forth, wherein (many points of Doctrine being pro­posed to be by the Curates expounded to their Pari­shioners) mention was made of onely theee Sacra­ments, Baptisme, the Eucharist, and Penance: some ho­ly dayes also were abrogated, and other things per­taining to Religion and Ecclesiasticall discipline [Page 145] somewhat changed, wherewith many were offen­ded, who preferred prescript Errors before the Truth.

The same time, the Parliament assembled the fourth of Ianuary, permitted all Monasteries, the re­venuesThe subuer­sion of religi­ous houses of lesse note. whereof exceeded not two hundred pounds a yeare, to the Kings disposall; who causing them to be suppressed (to the number of three hundred seventy and six) entred vpon their lands, amounting to thirty two thousand pounds a yeare, and selling their goods even at very low rates, (most men ac­compting it sacrilegious, to set to sale the goods of the Church) raised aboue an hundred thousand pounds. These things of themselves were distastfull to the vulgar sort. Each one did as it were claime a share in the goods of the Church: for many who being neither Monkes, nor relied to Religious per­sons, did receive no profit of Ecclesiastieall goods, did notwithstanding conceiue, that it might heraf­ter come to passe, that either their children, friends, or kinred, might obtaine the places yet supplied by others, whereas of these goods once confiscated, they could not hope that any commodity should redound vnto them. But the commiseration of so many people, to the number of at least ten thou­sand, who were without any warning giuen, thrust out of dores, and committed to the mercy of the world, was a more forcible cause of generall dis­taste. Which notwithstanding of it selfe sufficient; was augmented by the malice of ill disposed and se­ditious persons, who in their assemblies exaggera­ted these proceedings as the beginnings of greater evills; that this was but a triall of their patience, as yet the shrubs and vnderwoods were but touched, but without speedy remedy the end would bee with the fall of the lofty oakes. While these generall discontents thus vented [Page 146] themselves in private, CROMWELL in Septem­ber sent forth certaine Injunctions to the Clergy, by vertue whereof each [...]urate was to expound to his parishioners the Apostles Creed, the Lords Prayer, the Aue Maria, and the Ten Commandements, and earnestly to endeauour that they might learne them in the English Tongue. This drave these Male▪contents in­to such extremes, that the midwifry of any occasi­onCommotion in Lincolne­shire. served to produce the prodigious issues of their madnesse. For in Lincolneshire the Commons being assembled about the beginning of October, concer­ning Subsidies to be paid to the King; as if the spi­rit of fury had generally animated them, they sud­denly to the number of twenty thousand tooke armes, forcing certaine Lords and Gentlemen to be their leaders, and to sweare to such Articles as they should propound: such as refused were either im­prisoned or put to death, as was a certaine Priest Chancellor to the Bishop of Lincoln. The King being certified of this Commotion, sent against the Re­bels with great Forces the Duke of Suffolke, and the Earles of Shrewsbury and Ken [...], either to appease or suppresse them. The rumonr of an Army march­ing against them, so quailed their courages, that they sent to excuse themselves vnto the King, pre­tending,

That their endeavours tended to no other than the safety of his Maiesly, and good of the Realme: That [...]ee hauing followed the advice of bad Counsellors, had lately beyond the example of any of his Ancestors, changed many things in the estate of Commonwealth and Church: That having dispossessed the [Page 147] religious Inhabitants, he had demolished ma­ny Monasteries, where the poore had daily reliefe, and God was wont to be deuoutly wor­shipped by godly men: That the Feasts of Saints instituted many yeares since, were pro­faned by his command: That new Tenets which the Catholique Church did abhor, were every where preached and obtruded to the people: That now in each aged person was to be seene the Embleme of Jgnorance, who ha­ving one foot in the grave, were faine to betake them to their ABC Bookes, that they might learne new kinde of Prayers ne­ver before vsed by any Christians: That ma­ny vniust and pernicious Lawes had lately beene enacted, and great Subsidies exacted both of the Clergy and Laity even in the time of Peace, which were not wont to be deman­ded but for the maintenance of Wars: That the Commons in generall did distaste these things; and the rather, for that they concei­ved them to be but trialls of their patience, and the beginnings of more insupportable euills. Wherefore they humbly beseeched his Maiesty, whom they could not safely peti­tion vnarmed, that the Authours of these pernicious counsailes might sit no longer at the sterne, but that others who should faithfully [Page 148] endeavour the amendment of the aforesaid evills, might supply their places, and that it might not be any way preiudiciall to them, that they had taken Armes, which even with the losse of their deerest bloud they were ready to imploy for his Maiesties safety, and the defence of the Realme.

The King had a Spirit befitting his greatnesse, and perceiving them to shrinke, could not dissemble the rage he had conceived at the presumption of this ras­cally rout, who durst capitulate with their Sove­raigne, and seeke to curbe the vnlimited power of Kings. Wherefore he roughly commands them, that without delay one hundred of their company, such as by his appointment should be made choice of, should be deliuered vp to his mercy. The performance whereof if they but deferred, nothing but extremity was to be expected. The report wherof made the Re­bels disband, each one fearing least himselfe might helpe to make vp the number of this Hecatombe.

Insurrection in Yorke­shire. This blaze was yet scarce quenched, when within six dayes another far more dangerous, kindled by the same accidents, bewraied it selfe in Yorke-shire, where no fewer than fourty thousand had gathered toge­ther, naming themselues Fellowes of the holy Pilgri­mage▪ and that the specious pretext of Religion might palliate their madnesse, they in their Ensignes on the one side portraied the Saviour of the world hanging on the Crosse, on the other side the Chalice, and the Host by them called the Body of our Lord. They sur­prised many of the Nobility, as EDWARD LEE Archbishop of Yorke, (hee that writ against ERAS­MVS) the Lords DARCY and HVSSEY, besides many Knights and Gentlemen, whom they forced to [Page 149] be sworne to their party, whereto it is very probable some of them were much against their wills, who notwithstanding suffered for it af [...]erward vpon a scaf­fold. Against these Rebells were sent the Dukes of Norfolke and Su [...]folke, the Marquis of Excester, and the Earle of S [...]rewsbury, who endeavoured peaceably to compose all matters, and to bring this corrupt Body to it's former temper without Phlebotomy▪ For they knew they were to deale with such a base sort of peo­ple, to whom if they gaue the overthrow, yet would their victory be inglorious; neither could they pro­mise themselves so happy successe against the most active and hardy bodies, and most enured to warfare of the whole Realme: besides, despaire had cast them into the extremes either of victory or death, resolute­ly determining not to fly to seeke an ignominious end at a gallowes, which if they escaped, they could expect no other then an accustomed miserable life more intolerable then the most horrid torturing death. These reasons made these Nobles vnwilling to hazard a battaile. But the Rebells desperate resolu­tion admitted no parley, wherefore by consent of both Armies the field was appointed on the Eue of the Saints Simon and Iude. Betweene both Armies did run a little Brooke so shallow, that on the Eve of the battaile it was in most places passable for footmen even without danger of wetting their feet: but that night (God abhorring the effusion of so much English blond) a raine (and that no great one) fell, which so raised this little Brooke (the like whereof never hap­pened there before) that it became impassable both for horse and man, which hindered the meeting of the two Armies. This chance did so worke in the su­pe [...]stitious and giddy heads of this Rout, that they persuaded themselues, God by this prodigy did ma­nifestly forbid their intended battaile. Wherefore [Page 150] pardon being againe offered (as it had formerly beene) as well to the Leaders and Gentry, as the rest who had beene either authors or partakers in this tu­mult, finding it confirmed by the King, with promise moreover, that he would have a care that these things whereof they complained, should be redressed, they laying aside their Armes, peaceably repaired each oneScarborough Castle besie­ged. to his home. They in the heat of this their fury had for sixe weekes straightly besieged Scarborough Castle then kept by Sir RALPH EVERS of the noble Family of EVERS, who without any other garrison than of his houshold Servants and Tenants, and so slenderly victualled, that for twenty dayes together they sustai­ned themselves with bread and water, manfully de­fended it against their furjous attempts, and kept it vntill the Commotion was appealed. For which brave service the King made him leader of the Forces appointed for the defence of the Marches towards Scotland; which hee with great credit performed, vnti [...]l he was in the yeare of our Lord 1545, vnfortunately slaine.

Rebellion in Irland. Neither was the Estate of Irland more peaceable then of England. GIRALD FITZ-GIRALD Earle of Kildare having been twelve yeares Lord De­puty of Irland, was for some flight matters removed, called into England, and condemned to death; which punishment hee through the malice of WOLSEY had vndergone, had not friendship shewed it's ef­fects in the Lieutenant of the Tower, to whose custo­dy the Earle was committed. He having received a Mandate for the execution of the Earle, durst ha­zard the displeasure of the potent Cardinall, to save his friend. Wherefore he repaires to the King at mid­night, desirous to know his Maiesties pleasure con­cerning the Earle: who not onely disapproved the Mandate, but also pardoning the Earle, received [Page 151] him into his favour, and a few yeares after restored him to his former dignitie of Lord Deputy. But these garboiles happening in England, hee is for as slight suspitions as before, revoked, and comman­ded to attend at the Counsaile Table, where by his answers hee appeared not altogether so innocent, but that hee was againe committed to the Tower. Before his departure out of Irland, the King had commanded him to substitute some one in his place, for whose faith & diligence he would vnder­take. Hee had a Sonne named THOMAS, lit­tle above twenty yeares old, a haughty and stout young Lord, very ingenious, and excee­dingly affecting his Father. To this Sonne, as to another PHAETON he commits the guidance of his Chariot.

—Sed quae non viribus istis
Munera conveniunt, nec tam puerilibus annis,

which indeed proved fatall to them both, and to almost the whole Family. For no sooner was the Earle imprisoned, but report (raised as is coniectu­red by his enemies) beheaded him, threatening the like to his off-spring and brethren, whose de­struction the King had most certainely resolved. The author of this report was vncertaine, and the young Lord as rashly credulous, who taking Armes, solicited the aid of his friends against the Kings injustice. Hee had then five Vnckles breth­ren to his Father, three of which at first dissua­ded him from these violent proceedings. But pas­sion had excluded reason; and they at length asso­ciate themselves with their Nephew, with whome they were involved in the same ruine. Many others [Page 152] flocking vnto him, hee had suddenly raised a great Army, wherewith marching vp and downe the Countrey, hee robbed and killed them who refused to obey him. And among the rest, hee permitted the Archbishop of Dublin to be murthered in his sight. The poore Earle already afflicted with a pal­sey, was so stricken to the heart with the newes of this tumult, that hee but a few dayes survived the knowledge of his vnhappinesse. The King leuying great Forces, quickly curbed the vnruly Youth, and after some moneths forced him to yeeld. His Vnkles were either taken, or willingly submitted themselves. All of them were sent to London, and there brought to their answer. There goes a Story, that those three Vnkles who endeavoured to re­straine their headstrong Nephew, did halfe pre­sume on the Kings clemency, vntill in the passage demanding of the Master the name of the Ship wherein they failed; and vnderstanding it was called The Cow, bethinking themselves of a certaine Prophecy, That fiue Sonnes of an Earle should in the bel­ly of a Cow be carried into England neuer to returne; they forthwith despaired of pardon. The event approved the skill of the Wizard: For some ene­mies to this noble Family incensing the King, by suggesting, that hee should never expect to settle Jr­land as long as any of the race of the FITZ-GI­RALDS remained, easily prevailed with the King for their execution. In reguard whereof I cannot blame GIRALD the Brother of THOMAS, who trusting not to the weake plea of his inno­cence, then sicke of the Measles as hee was, sought by making an escape, to set himselfe out of the reach of malice. Being therefore packed vp in a bundle of cloathes, hee was priuately conveied to [Page 153] one of his Friends, with whome hee lurked vntill hee found an opportunity of escaping into France, where hee was for a time favourably received by the King. But long hee could not be there secure, the Agents of HENRY pressing hard, That by the League all Fugitives were to be delivered: where­fore he went thence into the Netherlands; where fin­ding himselfe in no lesse danger then before, hee fled into Italy to REIGNALD POOLE, who main­tained and vsed him very nobly, and at length procu­red him to be restored to his Countrey and the Ho­nors of his Ancestors.

Cardinall Poole. The mention of POOLE falls fit with our time, hee being this yeare on the two and twentieth of December by Pope PAVL the Fourth chosen into the Colledge of Cardinalls. Hee was neere of bloud to the King, who first bestowed learning on him, and afterward finding his modesty and excel­lent disposition, conferred on him the Deanry of Excester. But travailing afterwards to foraine Vni­versities, hee was in Jtaly quickly bewitched with the sorceries of the Circe of Rome, insomuch that hee became a deadly enemy to his Posterer, his Prince, his Kinsman. For when hee would neither allow of the divorce from the Lady CATHARINE, nor the abrogating of the authority of the Pope, and openly condemned other the Kings proceedings in Ecclesiasticall affaires, refusing also to obey the King who commanded him home; HENRY disposed of his Deanry, and withdrew the large stipend which he had yearely allowed him. The Pope there­fore intending to make vse of this man as an engine of battery against the King (and being induced by the commendations of Cardinall CONTAREN) bestowed on him a Cardinalls Hat, and was thereby assured of him, who had of late beene suspected to [Page 154] haue beene seasoned with the Leauen of purer Do­ctrine. But of that hereafter.

Anno Dom. 1537. Reg 29.

THe accidents of this yeare were tragicall, and England the Scene of bloud and deaths of many famous Personages. On the third ofRebels exe­cuted. February was THOMAS FITZ-GIRALD behea­ded for treason, his five Vnkles hanged, drawne, and quartered, and their members fixed over the gates of London. The same moneth, NICHOLAS MVS­GRAVE and THOMAS GILBY, for that stir­ring a new rebellion, they had besieged Carlisle, were executed.

The tenth of March was IOHN PASLEW Bachelour of Divinity and Abbot of Whalley, put to death at Lancaster, and with him one EASTGATE a Monke of the same place▪ and three dayes after them another Monke called HAYDOCKE was hanged at Whalley. The Abbots of Sauley and Wo­burne with two Monkes make the like end at Wo­burne. And a little after, one Doctor MACARELL, another Abbot, the Vicar of Louth, two other Priests, and seven Lay men. All these, for as much as I can any way collect, were condemned for hauing beene especiall furtherers of the late rebellions. But the Chieftaines and nobler sort were reserved vntill June, at what time the Lords Darcey & Hussey were behea­ded, the one at Lincolne, the other at London; Sir ROBERT CONSTABLE, Sir THOMAS PERCY, Sir FRANCIS BIGOT, Sir STE­PHEN HAMILTON, and Sir IOHN BVL­MER were likewise put to death: MARGARET [Page 155] Lady to Sir IOHN BVLMER was burned at London: WILLIAM THVRST Ab­bot of Fountaines, ADAM SVDBVRY Ab­bot of Gervaux, the Abbot of Rivers, WOLD Prior of Birlington, GEORGE LVMLEY, NICHOLAS TEMPEST Esquires, and ROBERT ASKE, with many o­thers, as having beene partakers in the late In­surrection, did likewise partake in punishment for the same. And for a Commotion in So­merset-shire in Aprill were three scorecondem­ned, whereof onely fourteene suffered.

Cardinall Poole writes against the King. But least any one may wonder at these severe and vnheard of courses taken against the Cler­gy, I thinke it not amisse to relate what SLEI­DAN writes of Cardinall POOLE, who set forth one or two Bookes, which as yet lurking at Rome, about this time were spred abroad in Germany, and came at length to the Kings hands. Wherein directing his stile to the King, hee sharpely rep [...]chendeth him for taking vpon him the title of Head of the Church, which onely be­longed to the Pope, who is CHRISTS Vicar on earth, &c. Then hee proceeds to the matter of his Divorce, alledging, That hee neither out of terrour of conscience, nor feare of God, (as hee pre­tended) but out of lust and blinde loue had forsaken the Lady CATHARINE his Wife, whom his Brother Prince ARTHVR a weake young man, and but fourteene yeares old, had left a Virgin: That it was not lawfull for him to marry ANNE BOLEN, whose Sister hee had before vsed as his Concubine: And that hee himselfe had confessed to the Emperour and others, That hee found the Lady CATHA­RINE a Maide. Hee also eagerly reproveth him for [Page 156] seeking the opinions of the Vniversities concerning his former marriage, and triumphing in his owne wicked­nesse, when some of them had pronounced it incestu­ous: and that hee might bee ashamed to prefer the Daughter of a Whore, before one that was legitimate, and a most Vertuous Princesse. Then speaking of the death of the Bishop of Rochester and Sir THO­MAS MORE, hee detests his cruelty. Hee then rips vp what tyranny hee had exercised over his Subiects of all degrees, in what miseries hee had plunged this flourishing Realme, what dangers he incurred from the Emperour, in reguard of the iniury offered to his Aunt, and the overthrow of Religion, and that hee could not expect any aid either from his owne or for­raine Nations, who had deserued so ill of the Christi­an Commonwealth. After this, hee whets on the Em­perour to revenge the dishonour of his Family; affir­ming that Turcisme (meaning the Protestant Re­ligion) had found entertainement in England and Germany. And after many bitter reproofes, hee in­vites HENRY to repentance, persuading him, That for these evills there was no other remedy, but to returne to the bosome of the Church, in the defence whereof (a most glorious example) hee had made vse not onely of his Sword, but his Pen also.

Neither did the Cardinall onely by Booke, but by other personall endeavours manifest his spleene against the King, beeing sent Embassa­dour from the Pope to the French, vnder colour of reconciling him with the Emperour; but his chiefe errant was, to combine them both against HENRY. Whereof hee having intelligence, did by his Agent earnestly solicite FRANCIS, That in reguard of their mutuall amity, hee would cause POOLE to bee apprehended, as [Page 157] guilty of high Treason, and sent to him, where hee should vndergo the punishment due there­fore. But because Religion and the Law of Na­tions had beene violated in betraying any (espe­cially the Popes) Embassadour, the French could not yeeld to the Kings request: but to shew that hee would administer no cause of offence, hee refused to admit of his Embassy, and com­manded him speedily to depart out of his Do­minions.

HERCVLES stature might be guessed at by the proportion of his foot; and by this one mans endeavours, HENRY was taught what, if need were, hee was to expect of his Clergy. So that hee was easily induced as any of them offended, to send him to his grave, for that a dead Li­on biteth not: And this course beeing taken with his professed enemies, the feare of the like punishment would secure him of the rest.

The birth of Prince Ed­ward. On the twelfth of October, the Queene having long suffered the throwes of a most difficult tra­vaile, and such a one, wherein either the Mother or the Infant must necessarily perish, out of her wombe was ripped Prince EDWARD, who af­ter succeeded his Father in the Crowne. The Queene onely surviving two daies, died on the fourteenth of October, and on the twelfth of No­vember was with great pompe buried at Windsore in the middle of the Quire, on whose Tombe is inscribed this Epitaph:

[Page 158]
Phoenix IANA iacet nato Phoenice; dolendum,
Secula Phoenices nulla tulisse duas.
Here a Phoenix heth, whose death
To another Phoenix gaue breath:
It is to be lamented much,
The World at once ne'r knew two such.

On the eighteenth of October the Infant was created Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornewall, andSeimour Earle of Hertford. Earle of Chester: and with him his Vnkle ED­WARD SEIMOVR brother to the deceased Queene, Lord Beauchampe, and Earle of Hereford; which Honours onely (and not those afterwardsFitz-Willi­am Earle of Southamp­ton. Powlet and Russell rise. conferred on him) hee left to his posterity. WIL­LIAM FITZ-WILLIAMS Lord Admirall, was made Earle of Southampton. Then also WIL­LIAM POWLET and IOHN RVSSELL be­gan their races in the lists of Honour; POWLET being made Treasurer, and RVSSELL Comp­troller of the Kings Houshold, and both sworne of the Privy Counsaile. Neither was here their non vltra, the one being afterward raised to Lord Trea­surer of England and Marquis of Winchester, the other to Earle of Bedford, wherein hee dying in the yeare 1554, his Sonne FRANCIS that pious old man, and liberall releiuer of the Poore, succeeded him, who at the very instant of his death lost his Sonne FRANCIS slaine by a Scot Anno 1587. Which FRANCIS was Father to EDWARD Earle of Bedford, and brother to WILLIAM by King IAMES created Lord RVSSELL. POW­LET living to be a very decrepit old man, had to his Successour his Nephew by his Sonne WILLI­AM, [Page 159] named also WILLIAM the sole Marquis of England.

And to end this yeare with death, as it began, THOMAS HOWARD youngest sonne to the Duke of Norfolke, having beene fifteene moneths imprisoned for affiancing himselfe without the Kings consent to MARGARET Daughter to AR­CHIBALD DOVGLAS Earle of Angus and La­dy MARGARET the Kings Sister, on the first day of November, to the vnspeakeable good of this Island deceased in the Tower. For this MAR­GARET beeing after married to MATHEW Earle of Lenox, had by him HENRY the Father of King IAMES of sacred memory, the most hap­py Vnitor of divided Britaine.

Anno Dom. 1538. Reg. 30.

IT is at length after many ages resolved, That through the superstitious abuse of Images, GodThe abuse of Images re­strained. was robbed of his due honour. The King much prone to Reformation (specially if any thing might be gotten by it) thought it fit to remove this stumbling blocke, and the rather, for that hee conceived his Treasury would be thereby supplied. There were some Images of more especiall fame, and Shrines of reputed Saints, Whereunto Pilgrimages were made from the farthest parts of the Kingdome, nay even from foraine Countries also: the Oblations whereto were so many and so rich, that they not onely suffised for the maintenance of Priests and Monkes, but also to the heaping vp of incredible wealth. The ShrineBeckets shrine demo­lish▪d. of THOMAS BECKET Archbishop of Canterbu­ry was covered with plates of gold, and laden with [Page 160] guifts of inestimable value. The blinde zeale of those and former times, had decked it with gemmes, chaines of gold of great weight, andVniones. pearles of that large size, which in our Language finde no proper terme. This Tombe was razed, and his bones found entire; in steed of whose head the Monkes vsually obtru­ded the skull of some other, peradventure better de­serving then did their supposed Martyr. The spoile of this Monument, wherein nothing was meaner then gold, filled two chests so full, that each of them re­quired eight strong men for the portage. Among the rest was a stone of especiall lustre called the Royall of France, offered by LEWIS the Seventh, King of France, in the yeare 1179, together with a great mas­sy cup of gold, at what time hee also bestowed an an­nuity on the Monkes of that Church, of an hundred tunnes of wine. This stone was after ward highly pri­sed by the King, who did continually weare it on his thumbe. ERASMVS speakes much of the magnifi­cence of this Monument, as also of the Image ofThe Image of our Lady of Walsing­ham. our Lady of Walsingham, both which hee had seene and admired. This Image was also stripped of what­soeuer worthy thing it had, the like being also done in other the like places, and the statues and bones of the dead digged vp and burned, that they might bee no further cause of superstition. Among the rest of these condemned Images there was a Crucifex in South-Wales, called of the Inhabitants, Darvell Ga­tharen, concerning which there was a kinde of pro­phecy, That it should one day fire a whole Forest.Frier Forest makes good a Prophecy. It chanced that at this time one Doctor FOREST a Frier Observant, who had formerly taken the Oath of Supremacy, was vpon his relapse appre­hended and condemned of Treason and Heresy: For this Fryer a new Gallowes was erected, where­on hee was hanged by the arme pits, and vnderneath [Page 161] him a fire made of this Image, wherewith hee was burned, and so by his death made good the Prophecy.

Great was the Treasure which the King raised of the spoiles of Churches and Religious Houses. But whether the guilt of sacriledge (adhering like a con­suming canker) made this ill gotten treasure vnprofi­table, or that he found he had need of greater supplies to withstand the dangers that threatened him from abroad, not content with what hee had already cor­raded, hee casts his eyes on the wealth of the Ab­beyes that had escaped the violence of the former tempest: and not expecting (as hee deemed it) a needlesse Act of Parliament, seizeth on the rest of the Abbeyes and Religious Houses of the Realme. And first hee begins with that at Canterbury, dedi­cated to AVGVSTINE the English Apostle,Saint Au­gustines as Canterbu­ry, who was there interred. This being the first Fruits of Christianity among this Nation (I meane the Sax­ons, for the Britans had beene watred with streames derived even from the Fountaines Apostolique, far more pure then were those later overflowes of AV­GVSTINE) hee invades, expells the Monkes, and divides their meanes betweene his Exchequer and Courtiers. Battaile Abbey built by WILLIAMBattaile Abbey, the Conquerour in the same place where by the overthrow of HARALD the last Saxon King hee purchased this Kingdome to himselfe and his poste­rity, did also run the same fortune. So that it is not so much to be wondered at, if those at Merton in Sur­rey, and others suppressed. Stratford in Essex, Lewis in Sussex, the Char­terhouse, Blacke-Friers, Gray-Friers, and White-Friers in London, felt the fury of the same Whirle­winde.

At the same time among many other Reformati­ons in this Church, that wholesome Iniunction was [Page 162] one, whereby the Bible translated and printed inThe Bible translated. English, was commanded to be kept in every pa­rish Church, and to bee conveniently placed where any that were so desirous, might reade therein.

They who were more eagerly addicted to the superstition of their Ancestours, brooked not these proceedings, among whom were chiefe HENRYThe Mar­quis of Ex­cester and others be­headed. COVRTNEY Marquis of Excester, HENRY Lord Mountague brother to Cardinall POOLE, and Sir EDWARD NEVILL brother to the Lord ABERGAVENNY, who on the fifth day of November, vpon the accusation of Sir GEOF­FREY POOLE Brother to the Lord MOVN­TAGVE, were committed to the Tower, for ha­ving maintained intelligence with the Cardinall, and conspired the Kings destruction: for which they were on the third of the ensuing Ianuary, the Lord AVDLEY sitting high Steward for the time, ar­raigned and condemned, and on the ninth of the same moneth beheaded. Two Priests named CROFTS and COLINS, with one HOLLAND a Mariner, as partakers in the same guilt, were han­ged and quartered at Tiburne. This COVRTNEY was by the Fathers side of a very noble discent, deri­ving himselfe from the bloud Royall of France, by HVGH COVRTNEY created Earle of Devon­shire by EDWARD the Third. But by his mother hee far more neerely participated of the Bloud Royall of England, being Sonne to CATHARINE Daughter to EDWARD the Fourth, who was Si­ster to Queene ELIZABETH the Mother of King HENRY. The King l [...]ng favoured him as his Cou­zen germane, but at length in regard of his neere Alliance to the Crowne, became jealous of his Greatnesse, whereof hee had lately given more [Page 163] then sufficient testimony, in suddenly arming some thousands to oppose against the Yorke-Shire Rebells. The consideration whereof made HEN­RY gladly entertaine any occasion to cut off this Noble Gentleman.

Lambert convented & burned. About the same time IOHN LAMBERT a religious and learned man was also condemned, the King himselfe sitting Iudge. This LAM­BERT being accused of Heresy, appealed from his Ordinary to the King; who fearing least hee should be accounted a Lutheran, resolved vpon this occasion to manifest to the World how hee stood affected in Religion. To this end summoning as many of the Bishops and other Peeres of the Realme as could conveniently be present, he cau­sed Scaffolds to be built in Westminster Hall, from whence the people might be spectators and wit­nesses of the Acts of that day. On the right hand of the King were seated the Bishops, and behinde them the Iudges and chief Lawyers of the Realme: at his left hand sate the Temporall Lords, and be­hinde them the Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber. LAMBERT being brought to the Bar, DAY Bishop of Chichester, by the Kings appointment made an Oration, wherein he declared the cause of this meeting; saying,

That LAMBERT hauing beene ac­cused of Heresy before his Ordinary, had made his Appeale vnto the King, as if expe­cting from his Maiesty more favour for Heresy, then from the Bishop. So that he now found it be true, whereof hee had been [Page 164] oft informed, That the credulous People were verily persuaded, that his Maiesty abhorring the Religion of his Ancestors, had embraced the new Tenets lately broa­ched in Germany. True it was, the tyran­ny of the Court of Rome had beene trou­blesome to his Predecessors, but to Him in­tolerable, and therefore had Hee shaken it off: That Religion might no longer patro­nize Jdlenesse, Hee had expelled Monkes, who were no other then Drones in the Bee­hive: Hee had taken away the idolatrous worship of Jmages, had permitted to his Sub­iects the reading and knowledge of Gods Word, hither to prohibited by the Church of Rome, least their wiles and cousenages should be discovered: and had made re­formation in some other things peradventure of lesse moment, which no man could deny, would much redound to the good both of Church and Common-wealth. But as for other things, Hee had determined there should be no change in the Church during his Raigne: Which his Resolution Hee now intended publiquely to manifest His Ma­iesties desire was, That the Delinquent re­nouncing his Errours, should suffer him­selfe to be received into the bosome of the [Page 165] Church: to which end partly, and partly to shew that Hee thirsted not after any ones bloud, out of his clemency Hee had procu­red the presence of those Graue and Lear­ned men (meaning the Bishops) who by Authority and force of Arguments should if it were possible, bring backe this straied Sheepe into the Fold of the Church. But if hee perversly oppugned the Truth, and all persuasions notwithstanding, became im­moveable, Hee would by this mans exem­plary punishment make knowne, what others should in the like Case expect, and instruct the Judges and Magistrates, what they ought to do therein.

The Bishop having ended, the King demanded of LAMBERT, What hee thought of the pre­sence of CHRISTS body in the Sacrament? Whose answer being little to the Kings liking, rea­sons and arguments were produced, as if a Dispu­tation in the Schooles, and not a Iusticiary Session had beene appointed. Five whole hou [...]es this Dis­putation lasted, the King being as it were Prior Op­ponent, Archbishop CRANMER also, and nine other Bishops forcibly pressing vpon poore LAM­BERT. But neither this course, nor the battery of threats and terrors prevailing against his constan­cy, the King commanded the Lord CROM­WELL to passe sentence of condemnation vpon him, by vertue whereof within a day or two after [Page 166] hee was burned. Neither this dreadfull Sentence, nor his torturing death did any way appale him, which hee so little reguarded, that going to his death, hee merrily tooke his break [...]ast with some Gentlemen into whose company he chanced, as if hee had beene going to some sportfull game, ra­ther then his execution.

Anno Dom. 1539. Reg. 31.

ON the third of March, Sir NICHOLAS CAREW Knight of the Garter, and Ma­ster of the Horse, was beheaded for being of Counsaile with the Marquis of Excester, and the Lord MOVNTAGVE. And on the eight and twentieth of April a Parliament began, whereinMargaret Countesse of Salisbury condemned. MARGARET Countesse of Salisbury Mother to Cardinall POOLE and Daughter to GEORGE Duke of Clarence who was brother to EDWARD the Fourth, was attainted of high Treason, and condemned without hearing, and with her the Cardinall her Sonne, GERTRVDE Widow to the Marquis of Excester, Sir ADRIAN FOR­TESCVE, and Sir THOMAS DINGLEY. DINGLEY and FORTESCVE were behea­ded on the tenth of Iuly, and the Countesse being then aged threescore and ten yeares, suffered two yeares after.

The subver­sion of Reli­gious Houses In the same Parliament it was inacted, That the King might erect new Episcopall Seas in oportune places of the Realme. For the performance whereof, and of some other things no lesse spe­cious, [Page 167] the late dissolution of those Abbeyes whereon the King seised, was confirmed, and all Religious Houses as yet vnsuppressed, were granted to the King for ever. Vpon notice whereof, many either out of guilt of conscience, or desirous to purchase the Kings favour, surrendred their charge even before they were required. And first of all the Abbot and Convent of Saint Albans (the first Abbot of the Realme, as Saint ALBAN was the first Martyr: which Honour was conferred on this House by Pope ADRIAN the Fourth, whose Father had long lived a Monasticall life therein) forsake their rich Abbey seated neere the ruines of Verolamium once a great and antient City, and leaue it to the mer­cy of the Courtiers. Which dereliction afforded matter of example to many other, few enioying that security of conscience, that they durst lay claime to their owne. Onely three were found, whose inno­cence made them so regardlesse of threats, promises, or reward, that they could never be induced to be­tray the goods of their Churches to the mercilesse impiety of sacrilegious Harpyes: which three were I [...]OHN BECH Abbot of Colchester in Essex, HVGHSome Ab­bots execu­ted. FARINGDON Abbot of the Abbey of Reding, built by HENRY the First for the place of his Se­pulture▪ and RICHARD WHITING Abbot of Glastonbury one of the stateliest and anti­entestGlastonbu­ry. Monasteries of Europe, being first builded by IOSEPH of Arimathea, who buried the body of our Saviour CHRIST, and is himselfe there interred, as is also (beside some Saxon Kings) that most re­nowned King ARTHVR, whose glorious Acts, had they beene vndertaken by a fit Historian, would have ranked him among the antient Worthies with­out the helpe of a fabulous Romance. Against these men therefore, other courses not availing, that one [Page 168] one was taken of administring the Oath of Supre­macy, which they refusing, are as enemies to the E­state condemned of high Treason. BECH was han­ged at Colchester, and FARINGDON with two Priests named RVG and OGNION at Reding. WHITING a man very aged, and by reason therof doting, scarce perceiving that he had beene condem­ned, returning from the place of Iudgement (which was in the Bishops Palace at Wells distant from Gla­stonbury foure miles) with conceit that hee was resto­red to his Abbey, was suddenly rapt vp to the top of the Tor (a hill that surveies the country round about) and without leave of bidding his Convent farewell, which hee earnestly begged, was presently hanged, the staine of ingratitude sticking fast to the authors of this speedy execution, of whom the poore Abbot is reported to have better deserved. With WHITING were two Monkes also executed named ROGER IAMES and IOHN THORNE, their bodies all drawne and quartered, and set vp in divers places of the Countrey. The punishment of these few so ter­rified the rest, that without more ado they permitted all to the Kings disposall. The number of those that were supprest is not easily cast: But the names of the chiefest, and whose Abbots had voices among the Peeres in the higher House of Parliament, are these:

[Page 169]

S. PETERS in Westminster,
A catalogue of the Ab­bots who had voices among the Peeres.
Saint MARIES in Yorke,
S. ALBANS, 
S. Edmundsbury,Teuksbury,
S. BENETS of Hulme.Reading,
Berdney,Battaile,
Shrewsbury,Winchcomb,
Crowland,Hide by Winchester,
Abingdon,Cirencester,
Euesham,Waltham,
Glocester,Walmesbury,
Ramsey,Thorney.
Saint AVGVSTINES in Canterbury,Saint IOHNS in Col­chester,
Selbey,Coventrey,
Peterborough,Tavestocke.

The King, that hee might some way supply the want of the suffrages▪ of so many learned and wise men in the Parliament House, as also that of so great a prey hee might consecrate (if not the tenth to HER­CVLES, at least) some Part to God, according to his promise erected some new Bishoprickes: wherof oneNew Bisho­prickes ere­cted. was at Westminster, a place so neere and contiguous to London, that it might rather seeme a part of the Sub­urbs thereof, than a distinct City. But a City it is, and so ennobled with many stately monuments, that for beauty it contendeth with most in Christendome: In it are the chiefe Seat of the Prince, and Palaces of the Nobility, the chiefe seats of Iustice in the Land, the most magnificent Church, wherein are interred most of our Kings and Nobles, whose sumptuous Mo­numents render it vnparaleld even by the world. A­nother was at Oxford in the Colledge founded by Cardinall WOLSEY. The rest at Peterborough, Bri­stoll, [Page 170] stoll, Chester, and Glocester. Westminster was by Queene MARY againe reduced to an Abbey, and furnished with Monkes of Saint BENETS Order: whome Queene ELIZABETH againe expelled, and converted the revenues of the Bisho­pricke to the maintenance of Schollers and other pi­ous vses. As for the other Seas, they remaine to this day. From those antient Cathedrall Churches wherein Monkes were seated, nothing was taken away: onely Cannons were placed there in steed of Monkes, as likewise in the Cathedrall Churches of the new erected Bishoprickes. The Churches, wherein antiently Cannons and Prebendaries were instituted, are

Jn England,
YOrke,Wells,
London,Lichfield,
Lincolne,Hereford,
Sarisbury,Chichester.
Excester, 
Jn Wales,
S. DAVIDS,Bangor,
Landaf,S. ASAPH.

[Page 171]

The Cathedralls founded with Monkes, were
CAnterbury,Worcester,
Winchester,Rochester,
Ely,Duresme,
Norwich,Carlisle.
The new Seas where primarily were Abbeyes, are
OXford,Chester,
Bristoll,Peterborough.
Glocester, 

So there are six and twenty Bishoprickes within this Realme, and in every Cathedrall, Archdeacons, Prebendaries, and other Ministers, as also a Dean [...] who governes the rest, vnles it be in S. Davids, where the Chanter; and Landaf, where the Archdeacon is Head of the Chapter.

These things thus ordered, the King still jealous least it should be conceived that hee had forsaken the Religion of his Fathers, began to thunder out against the maintainers of new Tenets, and much against CRANMERS will, by Parliament enacted the Law of the Six Articles, the summe whereof was,

1 The Law of the Six Ar­ticles. That if any one should deny the True and Reall presence of the Body of CHRIST in the Sacrament, or should maintaine, That the substance of Bread and Wine remained after the words of Consecration pronounced [Page 172] by the Priest, he should be burned as an He­retique.

2 If any should deny the Sacrament to be sufficiently administred vnder one Species only:

3 Or should hold it lawfull for Priests to be married, but much more he that having entred into holy Orders, should presume to take a Wife:

4 Or that Chastity vowed vpon mature deliberation was not to be kept:

5 Or that private Masses ought not be celebrated in the Church of England, or els where:

6 Or that Auricular Confession was not expedient; hee should for his errours vndergo losse of life by hanging.

Latimer and Schaxton re­signe their Bishoprickes. These Lawes like those of Draco written in bloud, were the destruction of multitudes, & silen­ced those who had been hitherto furtherers of Re­formation. Among whom HVGH LATIMER and NICHOLAS SCHAXTON Bishops, the one of Worcester, the other of Salisbury, were re­markable, who that they might quietly enioy themselves, the Parliament being scarce dissolved, did both on one day, viz. the first of July, resigne their Bishoprickes. LATIMER (who for the freedome of his conscience could as willingly re­signe his life, as hee did this rich Bishopricke, being burned for it in Queene MARIES raigne) after [Page 173] his Resignation taking off his Rochet, being a merry conceited man, with a little leape lifted him­selfe from the ground, saying, That hee felt himselfe much more light and quicke, now hee had freed himselfe of so great a burthen.

HENRY (in reguard of his wiving dispositi­on) had long continued a Widdower. And that he should at length marry, the consideration of his Estate being surrounded with Enemies passionate in the Popes cause, persuaded him. Wherein he al­so gave eare to CROMWELL, who advised him to combine with those Estates, whom the bur­then of the Popes tyranny had forced to the same courses and like feares. By whose assistance he might countermine the secret practises of Rome. A counsaile without doubt good and befitting the times, but producing the effects of Ill ones, proving (as is thought) Pernicious to the Giuer. For theThe arrivall of certaine Princes of Germany in England, for the treatise of a Match be­tweene the King & La­dy Anne of Cleve. treatise of such a Match, in September came into England FREDERICKE Duke and Elector of Saxony, FREDERICKE Duke of Bavaria, OTHO HENRY Count Palatine of Rhine, and the Chan­cellour of the Duke of Cleve, with some others, who were for eight dayes royally entertained by the King at Windsore, where the marriage with ANNE Sister to the Duke of Cleve being conclu­ded, they returned to their owne Countries.

This yeare died MARGARET Queene of Scotland, Sister to King HENRY, who was bu­ried at the Charterhouse in the towne of S. IOHN, necre the Tombe of IAMES the First.

Anno Dom. 1540. Reg. 32.

The King marrieth the Lady of Cleve. ON the Eve of the Circumcision the Lady ANNE of Cleve destinated to the Kings bed, arrived at Dover, was on the third of January triumphantly received at Greenwich, and on the feast of the Epiphany ritely married to the King.

Cromwell created Earle of Essex, and within three months after beheaded. On the twelfth of March HENRY BOVR­CHIER Earle of Essex, the antientest Earle of the Realme, throwne by an vnruly young horse which he sought to breake, brake his necke: by whose death the Inheritance was devolved to his daugh­ter, and from her deceasing without Issue, to the Family of DEVREVX, which Family in reguard of their claime by discent, was by Queene ELI­ZABETH advanced to the Earledome of Essex. But in the meane time CROMWELL (yet chiefe in the Kings favour) was on the eighteenth of Aprill created Earle of Essex.

And here behold the frailty of humane affaires. The current of few yeares had from very meane beginnings brought CROMWELL to the height of honour, insomuch that his happinesse was admired by all, envied by many: But Fortune intending a Tragedy, he is vnexpectedly apprehen­ded sitting at the Counsaile Table, and committed to the Tower, where he continued vntill his execu­tion. For in this Parliament begun the twelfth of Aprill, hee is accused of Treason and Heresy, with­out being brought to his answer condemned, and on the twenty eighth of Iuly beheaded. This King may well be censured of cruell inconstancy, who [Page 175] could so easily dispence with the death of those whome he had admitted to intimate familiarity, and made vse of their counsailes and indeavours; as if he had advanced them to no other end, but to depresse them. WOLSEY had his turne, CROMWELL succeeds, whose sudden downefall there want not those who attribute to Gods Iustice inflicted on him for the Sacriledge (whereof hee was reported to be the Author) committed in the subversion of so many Religious Houses. And indeed even they who con­fesse the rowsing of so many vnprofitable Epicures out of their dennes, and the abolishing of Super­stition, wherewith the Divine Worship had by them beene polluted, to have beene an act of sin­gular Iustice and Piety; do notwithstanding com­plaine of the losse of so many stately Churches de­dicated to Gods service, the goods whereof were no otherwise imploied, then for the satisfaction of pri­vate mens covetousnesse: and although many have abused the Vaile of Religion, yet was that Monasti­call life instituted according to the pious example of antient Fathers, that they who found them­selves vnfit for the execution of worldly affaires, (as many such there are) might in such their volun­tary retirements spend their dayes in Divine Wri­tings or Meditations: and are verily persuaded, that for the taking away of these things, God was of­fended both with the King and CROMWELL. But SLEIDAN peradventure comes neerer the matter, touching the immediate cause of his death.

Lady Anne of Cleve re­pudiated. About this time (saith hee) the King of England beheadeth THOMAS CROMWELL, whome hee had from fortunes answerable to his low parentage, raised to great Honours; repudiates the Lady ANNE of Cleve, and marrieth CATHARINE HO­WARD [Page 176] Daughter to the Lord EDMOND HO­WARD, who was Brother to the Duke of Nor­folke. CROMWELL had beene procurer of the Match with ANNE. But the King loving CA­THARINE, is thought to have beene persuaded by her to make away CROMWELL, whome shee suspe­cted to be a Remora to her advancement. The actions of Kings are not to be sifted too neerely, for which we are charitably to presume they haue reasons, and those inscrutable.

But let vs see the procesle of this divorce. Six mo­neths this coniugall band lasted firme without scru­ple, the King and Queene giving daily testimonies of their mutuall love. On the twentieth of June the Queene is willed to remove from London, (where the King staied by reason of the Parliament) to Richmond, a place pretended in reguard of the scituation and aire, to be more for her health.

On the sixth of Iuly reasons are proposed by certaine Lords purposely sent to the lower House of Parliament, demonstrating the invalidity of the Kings marriage with the Lady ANNE, so that it was lawfull for them both to marry where they pleased. The same reasons are alledged in the Con­vocation house, and generally approved. Where­upon the Queene also (whether forced or willing) consenting, the Parliament pronounced the mar­riage void.

What the allegations were is vncertaine. Some relate disability by reason of some defects to be obie­cted to her, which seemes the more probable, for that in her Letters wherein shee submitted her selfe to the iudgement and determination of the Par­liament, shee affirmed that the King never knew her carnally. Whether for this, or for that Nature ha­ving not over liberally endowed her wtih beauty; [Page 177] but a private woman she became, and as such (not en­during to returne to her friends with dishonor) shee lived vpon some lands assigned her by the King, (who alwaies vsed her respectively) vntill the fif­teenth of Iuly Annv 15 [...]7, at what time shee ended her discontented life, and lieth buried at Westminster on the South side of the Quire in a Tombe not yet finished.

Scarce had the resolution of the Convocation House, and the Decree concerning it passed both Houses, when this lusty Widower with as good suc­cesse as before, marrieth his fifth Wife CATHA­RINEThe King marrieth Catharine Howard. HOWARD. When their nuptialls were celebrated is not knowne, but on the eighth of Au­gust in Royall habiliments shee shewed her selfe as Queene.

The fautors of Reformation were much dismaied at the sudden vnqueening of ANNE: fearing (not without cause) least it proving occasion of enmity betweene HENRY and the Princes of Germany, he must of necessity rely on them who misliked our di­vorce from Rome. But the King proceeding still in the course he had begun, like a torrent bearing all before him, not onely caused three Anabaptists to be burned, but also many sincere Professors of the Truth▪ for not subscribing to the Six Articles. Among whome three Divines were most eminent, viz. ROBERT BARNES Doctor of Divi­nity,Protestants and Papists alike perse­cuted. THOMAS GERARD, and WIL­LIAM IEROM Bachelors, who by Parliament (vnheard) being condemned for Heresie, were on the one and thirtieth committed to the [...]orments of the mercilesse fire. At the same time and place three other Doctors of Divinity, viz. POWELL, ABIE, and FETHRSTON were hanged for denying the Kings Supremacy▪ the sight whereof made a French [Page 178] man cry out in these words, Deus bone, quomodo hic vivunt gentes? Suspenduntur Papistae, comburuntur, Antipapistae; Good God, how do the People make a shift to live here, where both Papists are hanged; and Anti­papists The Prior of Dancaster & fox others hanged. burned? In August the Prior of Dancaster and six other for defending the Institution of the life Mo­nasticall (a crime now become as capitall as the grea­test) being also condemned by Act of Parliament, were hanged.

The Lord Hungerford hanged. The same day with the Lord CROMWELL, the Lord HVNGERFORD was also behea­ded. As their causes were divers, so died they alike differently. CROMWELLS conscience quietly welcommed Death: to the other suffering for that most vnnaturall crime of Sodomy, Death pre­sented it selfe with that horror, that the apprehension of it made him as impatient, as if hee had been seized with a frenzy.

Anno Dom. 1541. Reg 33.

Beginnings of a Com­motion in Yorke-shire. THe late Yorke-Shire Rebellion was not so throughly quenched, but it againe began to shew it selfe; but by the punishment of the chiefe Incendiaries it was quickely suppressed. Fourteene of the Conspirators were put to death; LEIGH a Gentlenan, THORNTON a Yeoman, and TATTERSHALL a Cloa­their, at London: Sir IOHN NEVILL and ten others at Yorke. Which Commotion whether raised in favour of Religion, or being suspected that it had any abettors beyond the Seas, is thought to have hastened the death of the long si­thence condemned Countesse of Sarisbury, who [Page 179] on the seven and twentieth of May was beheaded in the Tower.

Lord Leo­nard Grey beheaded. The eight and twentieth of Iune the Lord LEO­NARD GREY Deputy of Irland, did on the Tower hill publiquely vndergo the like punishment. Hee was Sonne to the Marquis of Dorset, neere allied to the King, and a brave martiall man, having of­ten done his Countrey good service. But for that he had suffered his Nephew GERARD FITZ-GERARD (brother to THOMAS lately execu­ted) proclaimed enemy to the Estate, to make an escape, and in revenge of some conceived private iniury had invaded the lands of the Kings friends, hee was arraigned and condemned, ending his life with a resolution befitting a brave Souldier.

The Lord Dacres han­ged. The same day THOMAS FINES Lord Da­cres of the South, with some other Gentlemen, for the death of one BVSBRIG slaine by them in a fray, was hanged at Tiburne. Many in re­guard of his youth and Noble Disposition, much lamented his losse, and the Kings inexorable rigour.

Anno Dom. 1542. Reg. 34.

BY this time HENRY began to finde the conveniency of his change, having married one as fruitfull in evill, as his former wives were in good: who could not containe her selfe within the sacred limits of a Royall marriage bed, but must be supplied with more vigorous and active bodies, then was that of the now growing aged and vnweildy King. Alas, what is this mo­mentary pleasure, that for it wee dare hazard a tre­ble life, of Fame, of Body, of Soule? Heaven may be mercifull, but Fame will censure, and the inra­gedQueene Ca­tharine be­headed. Lyon is implacable: such did this Queene finde him, who procured not only her to be condemned by Act of Parliament begun the sixteenth of Ia­nuary, and with her the Lady IANE Wife to the Viscount ROCHFORT, (behold the thrift of the Divine Iustice, which made her an Instrument of the punishment of her owne and o­thers wickednesse, who by her calumnies had be­traied her owne Husband and his Sister the late be­headed Queene ANNE) but two others also long since executed, FRANCIS DERHAM and THOMAS CVLPEPPER, in their double condemnation scarce sufficiently punished. DER­HAM had beene too familiar with her in her vir­gin time, and having after attained to some pub­lique offices in Irland, was by her now Queene sent for and entertained as a houshold servant, in which time whether hee revived his former familiarity is [Page 181] not manifest. But CVLPEPPER was so plainly convict of many secret meetings with the Queene by the meanes of the Lady ROCHFORT, that the adultery was questionles. For which the Queene and the Viscontesse ROCHFORT were both beheaded within the Tower on the twelfth of February. DIRHAM had beene hanged, and CVLPEPPER beheaded at Tiburne the tenth of the preceding December.

Irland made a Kingdoms. Hitherto our Kings had stiled themselves Lords of Irland, a Title with that rebellious Nation not deemed so sacred and dreadfull, as to force obedi­ence: The Estates therefore of Jrland assembled in Parliament enacted him King of Irland; according to which Decree he was on the three and twentieth of Ianuary publiquely proclaimed.

The Viscont Lisle decea­sed of a sur­feit of ioy. About the same time ARTHVR Viscont Lisle naturall Sonne of EDWARD the Fourth, out of a surfeit of sudden ioy deceased. Two of his Ser­vants had beene executed the preceding yeare for having conspired to betray Calais to the French, and the Viscont as being conscious committed to the Tower. But vpon manifestation of his inno­cence, the King sent vnto him Sir THOMAS WRIOTHSLEY Principall Secretary of Estate, by whom he signified the great content he received in the Visconts approved fidelity, the ef­fects whereof hee should finde in his present liber­ty, and that degree of favour that a faithfull and beloved Vnkle deserved. The Viscont receiving such vnexpected newes imbelished with rich pro­mises and Royall tokens (the King having sent him a Diamond of great value) of assured favour; be­ing not sufficiently capable of so great ioy, free from all symptomes of any other disease, the ensu­ing [Page 182] night expired. After whose decease Sir IOHNSir Iohn Dudley made Ʋis­cont Lisle. DVDLEY was created Viscont LISLE, clai­ming that honour as hereditary in the right of his mother Lady ELIZABETH Sister and Heire to the Lord EDWARD GREY Viscont LISLE Wife to the late deceased Lord ARTHVR, but formerly married to EDMVND DVDLEY one of the Barons of the Exchequer, beheaded the first yeare of this Kings raigne. Which I the rather remember, for that this man afterwards memora­ble for his power and dignities, might have pro­vod more happy in his Issue, then his greatnesse, had not his owne ambition betraied some of these faire sprouts to the blast of vnseasonable hopes, and na­ture denying any (at least lawfull) issue to the rest, the name and almost remembrance of this great Family hath ceased. Of which here­after.

Scotland had beene long peaceable, yet had it of­ten administred motives of discontent and jealou­sy. IAMES the Fifth, King of Scots, Nephew to HENRY by his Sister, having long liued a Ba­chelor, HENRY treated with him concerning a marriage with his (then only) Childe the Lady MARY, a Match which probably would have vnited these neighbour Kingdomes. But God had reserved this Vnion for a more happy time.

War with Scotland. The antient League betweene France and Scot­land had alwaies made the Scots affected to the French, and IAMES prefer the alliance with France, before that of England, where the Dowry was no lesse than the hopes of a Kingdome. So he marrieth with MAGDALEN a Daugh­ter of France; who not long surviving, hee a­gaine matcheth there with MARY of Guise, [Page 183] Widow to the Duke of Longueville. HENRY had yet a desire to see his Nephew, to which end he de­sired an enterview at Yorke or some other oportune place. IAMES would not condiscend to this, who could notwithstanding vndertake a long and dangerous voyage into France, without invitation. These were the first seeds of discord, which after bladed to the Scots destruction. There having been for two yeares neither certaine peace, nor a iust War, yet incursions from each side; Forces are assigned to the Duke of Norfolke to represse the insolency of the Scots, and secure the Marches. The Scot vpon newes of our being in Armes, sends to expostulate with the Duke of Norfolke, concerning the motives of this war, and withall dispatcheth the Lord GORDON with some small Forces to defend the Frontiers. The Herauld is detained vntill our Army came to Berwick, that hee might not give intelligence of our strength. And in October the Duke entring Scotland, continued there ransacking the Countrey without any opposition of the Ene­my vntill the middle of November. By which time King IAMES having levied a great Ar­my, resolved on a battaile, the Nobility persua­ding the contrary, especially vnwilling that hee should any way hazard his Person, the losse of his Father in the like manner being yet fresh in memory, and Scotland too sensible of the calami­ties that ensued it. The King proving obstinate, they detaine him by force, desirous rather to ha­zard his displeasure, than his life. This tender­nesse of him, in the language of rage and indig­nation hee termes cowardise and treachery, threa­tening to set on the Enemy assisted with his Fa­mily only.

The Lord MAXWELL seeking to allay him, [Page 184] promised with ten thousand only to invade Eng­land, and with far lesse then the English Forces to divert the war. The King seemes to consent: But offended with the rest of the Nobility, he gives the Lord OLIVER SAINTCLARE a pri­vate Commission not to be opened vntill they were ready to give the on [...]et, wherein hee makes him Generall of the Army. Having in England dis­covered five hundred English horse led by Sir THOMAS WHARTON and Sir WIL­LIAM MVS GRAVE, the Lord SAINT­CLARE commanded his Commission publique­ly to be read, the recitall whereof so distasted the Lord MAXWELL and the whole Army, that all things were in a confusion, and they rea­dy to disband.

The Scots overthrowne. The oportunity of an adioining hill gave vs a full prospect into their Army, and invited vs to make vse of our advantages: Wee charge them furiously, the Scots amazedly fly, many are slaine, many taken, more plunged in the neighbouring fens, and ta­ken by Scotish Freebooters sold to vs. Among the Captives were the Earles of Glencarne and Cassells, the Lords SAINTCLARE, MAXWELL Ad­mirall of Scotland, FLEMING, SOMERWELL, OLIPHANT, and GRAY, besides two hundred of the better sort, and eighthundred com­mon souldiers. The consideration of this overthrow occasioned (as hee conceived) by the froward rash­nesse of his owne Subiects; and the death of an En­glish Herauld slaine in Scotland, so surcharged him with rage and griefe, that hee fell sicke of a Fe­ver,The death of Iames the Fift, King of Scotland. and died in the three and thirtieth yeare of his age, and two and thirtieth of his raigne, leaving his Kingdome to the vusally vnhappy governement of a Woman, a Childe scarce eight [Page 185] dayes old. The chiefe of the captives being conveied to the Tower were two dayes after brought before the King's Counsaile, where the Lord Chancellour reprehended their treachery, who without due de­nunciation of war▪ invaded and spoiled the territories of their Allies, and committed many outrages, which might excuse any severe courses, which might in iu­stice be taken with them: Yet his Maiesty out of his naturall Clemency was pleased to deale with them beyond their deserts, by freeing them from the irke­somenesse of a strict imprisonment, and disposing of them among the Nobles, to beby them entertained, vntill He should otherwise determine of them.

By this time King IAMES his death had posses­sed HENRY with new hopes of vniting Britaine vn­der one Head. England had a Prince, and Scotland aHopes of a match be­twe [...]ne `Prince Ed­ward and the Queene of Scots. Queene, but both so young that many accidents might dissolve a contract before they came to suffici­ency. Yet this seeming a course intended by the Di­vine Providence to extirpate all causes of enmity and discord betweene these neighbouring Nations, a mar­riage betweene these young Princes is proposed. With what alacrity and applaufe the proposition was on both sides entertained, wee may conceive, who have had the happinesse to see that effected, which they but intended. Which being a matter of so sweet a consequence, it is to be wondred at, that the con­spiracy of a few factious spirits should so easily hin­der it. The hope of it prevailed with the King for the liberty of the Captives, conditionally, that they should leave hostages for their returne, if peace were not shortly concluded; which, as also the furtherance of this so wished coniunction, they faithfully pro­mised.

Anno Dom. 1543. Reg. 35.

AFter their short Captivity, the Scottish Lords (having beene detained onely twelve dayes atThe Scottish captives set at liberty. The Earle of Angus re­turneth into Scotland. London) on New yeares day began their iour­ney towards Scotland, and with them ARCHIBALD DOVGLAS Earle of Angus, whom his Sonne in law King IAMES had a little before his death intended to recall. Fifteene yeares had hee and his brother GEORGE lived exiles in England, HENRY out of his Royall Bounty allowing to the Earle a pension of a thousand markes, and to his brother of five hun­dred. The sudaine returne of these captive Lords cau­sed in most as sudaine a ioy. Only the Cardinall of Saint ANDREWS (who had by forgery made him­selfe Regent) and his faction could willingly have brooked their absence. They came not as freed from a Captivity, but as Embassadours for Peace by them ernestly persuaded, which by the happy coniunction of these Princes might be concluded to perpetuitie. But the Cardinall with his factious Clergy, the Queene Dowager, and as many as were affected to the Flower de Lys interposed themselves for the good of France. Yet notwithstanding the Cardinals fraud being detected, hee is not only deposed from his Re­gency, and IAMES HAMILTON Earle of Arren substituted, but also committed to custody, whence afterwards making an escape hee was the authour of more garboiles. In the meane time the marriage of the young Queene and other conditions proposedThe league and match concluded. to the Estate of Scotland by Sir RALPH SADLER the Kings Embassadour, are fully assented vnto, and hostages promised for the performance of them. But the adverse Faction became so prevalent, that the ho­stages were not delivered at the day, neither did the [Page 187] Captive Nobility render themselves in England. Only GILBERT KENNEDA Earle of Cassels, like ano­ther REGVLVS, had rather commit himselfe to the mercy of his enemies, then prostitute his Honour to the fowle taint of base infidelity. His brethren had be­come pledges for his returne: the importunity, nay violence of his friends could not deterre him from redeeming them. So to London he ca [...]e, where the bountifull King duly honouring him for his constan­cy, in steed of receiving a ranson gave him one, dis­missing him and his brothers fraught with honour and rewards. The Scots falling off from their late a­greement, the King commandeth stay to bee made of all their ships, and confiscateth their goods: sends let­tersThe Scottish shipping de­tained. full of threats and iust complaints to the Estates at Edinborough, bla [...]ing them for arrogantly re [...]ecting his Alliance, the want whereof must needs be preiudiciall to them; neither had they onely reiected it, but vnmindfull of former benefit [...] had sowen seeds of new warre, and forced him to armes. But letters proving in effectuall, Scotland War with Scotland. is by the frontier Garisons invaded in three severall places, forty Scots making resistance are slaine, five and fifty Villages burned, five hundred and sixtie pri­soners taken, and a booty brought into England, of three thousand five hundred head of cattell, eight hundred horses, and seven thousand sheepe beside great provision of houshold stuffe.

But this obstinacy of the Scots proceeded not one­ly from themselves. France and Scotland were everWar with France. combined against England, so that to invade one, was to draw on a war with both. Wee had beene often victorious in France, wherof many portions anciently belonged to Vs if we should make any claime to all or part of our Inheritance, Scotland would serve either to distract our forces, or to transfer the seat of the war ne [...]rer home. The vniting of England and Scotland [Page 188] would by securing vs at home facilitate our enter­prises vpon France. These were motives sufficient for FRANCIS, notwithstanding the long inviolate a­mity betweene him and HENRY, secretly to crosse our designes in Scotland. Whereof HENRY could not long be sensible, and not revenge. Wherefore heeA League with the Emperour. proclaimes open hostility with France, as he had alrea­dy with Scotla [...], and reconciles himselfe with the Emperour (before thought irreconciliable in reguard of his Aunts disgrace) who professed, that all causes of difference betweene them were buried with her: yet is it certaine that vnto the Pope he accused HENRY to have dispatched her by poison. But now they areLandrecy besieged, but in vaine. become Confederates, and an aide of ten thousand English sent to ioyne with Imperialls. Landrecy (a towne lately taken from the Emperour by the French) is the first exercise of our Armes. The Emperour also comming in Person, it is invested with forty thousand men, is furiously battered, and the souldiers brought to the distresse of halfe a provant loafe of bread a day, and to drinke water. FRANCIS being certi­fied of their wants assembles his forces, drawesneere the Emperour feeding him with hope of a Battaile, entertaining him with skirmishes relieves the besie­ged, and without any more adoe vnder the covert of the night retreats.

The people licensed to eat White Meates in Lent. Let vs now conclude the yeare at home. And to begin with the Church; In February the people by Proclamation is licenced to eate White Meates in Lent, but vnder a great penalty enioyned to abstaine from Flesh.

The third of Iune, MOROGH O BRIEN a Nobleman of Irland, descended from the Kings of Limrick submit­ted himselfe to the King, and was shortly after made Earle of Twomond, which honour his posteritie at this day enioyeth, having given ample proofe of their loy­alty to succeeding Princes.

[Page 189] The twelf of Iuly the King married his sixt Wife the Lady CATHARINE PARR Widow to the LordThe Kings sixt marri­age. Will am Parr Earle of Essex. Another of the same name made Lord Parr. LATIMER, and sister of WILLIAM PARR lately created Earle of Essex in the right of his Wife sole Daughter and heire to the late Earle HENRY BOVR­CHIER. At what time another of the same name, Vnckle to the Queene and the Earle, was created Lord Parr, and Chamberlaine to the Queene.

The eight and twentieth of Iuly for the profession of their Faith were ANTHONY PARSONS, ROBERT TESTWOOD, and HENRY FILMER burned at Lon­don. MARBECK was also condemned, but after­ward pardoned.

Anno Dom. 1544. Reg. 36.

The Lord Chancellour dieth. THe Lord THOMAS AVDLEY Chancellour of England deceasing the last of Aprill, the Lord WRIOTHSLEY chiefe Secretary of Estate is designed his successor. And the Earle of Hertford made Lieutenant of the North, is sent thither with an Army to represse the incursions of the Scots.

An expedi­tion into Scotland. The Viscount Lisle Admirall of England, with a Navy of two hundred saile entred the Forth of Scot­land, landed ten thousand men, forced the rich towne of Leith, and then marched toward Edenburg the Me­tropolis of the Kingdome. The Regent was there with the Cardinall (at whose dispose hee now wholy was) and many other Nobles, guarded with six thou­sand horse and a great number of foote, who vpon sight of an invading Army betooke themselves to flight, and left the City voide of defendants. The Pro­vost craving parley, offred to yeild the city vpon con­dition of departure with Bag and Baggage, and saving the towne from fire. But the breach of League, and [Page 190] insolencies of the inhabitants of Leith and Edenburg had inspired vs with revenge, so that no Conditions were to be admitted, but what the Victor should im­pose. This drives the Provost to a desperate resoluti­on of defence. The English give a furious assault, en­ter at the Canygate, put the inhabitants to the sword, pillage and fire it. The like calamitie felt the Country round about, fire and sword cruelly feeding vpon Villages, Castles, and Noblemens houses. Leith had hitherto beene reprived from the like misery; but at our returne to the Navy, it is made its owne funerall pile, and the Peere of the haven vtterly consumed.

New imployments call home our Admirall. HEN­RY resolves once more to transport his Armes into France, there to ioyne with the Earles of Reux and Bares Imperiall Commanders. It was agreed be­tweene the Emperour and the King, that the one should invade Champaigne, the other Picardy, and ha­ving vnited their forces (which should amount to fourescore thousand foote, and eighteene thousand horse) to march directly to Paris, thereby either to force the French to fight with disadvantage, or to suf­fer the ruine of his Countrey. HENRY lands at Ca­lais, and finds Picardy vnfurnished of men, FRAN­CIS having withdrawne his forces towards Cham­paigne to oppose them against the Emperour. Hee therefore sends the Duke of Norfolke with the Earles of Reux and Bures to beseege Montrueil. The Marshall of Biez seeing which way we turned the point of our Army, being commanded by his King to have an especiall care of that Territory, puts himselfe into Montrueil, and left the Lord of Vervein his sonne in law, a man of small experience, to command in Bouloigne. This oportunity invites HENRY to in­campe before Boloigne a towne neere to Calais, and many wayes commodious. Hee causeth the Duke of [Page 191] (now in danger to be surprised by the French Army) to arise from before Montru [...]il; and omitting his in­tended voyage to Paris (frustrated by the Emperours peace with the French, to enter into which HENRY was invited by the Cardinall BELLAY, RAYMOND President of Rouen, and AVBESPINE Secretary of Estate, sent of purpose) hee investeth Boloigne. The Duke of Suffolke had first encamped vpon a hill on the East of Boloigne, from whence hee after made his approches into the valley: And the King encam­ping on the North, shutvp the towne on all sides. The first assault is given on the Suburbs or Base Towne, which the French vnder the covert of a made smoke had forsaken. They pretend it to have beene purpose­ly fired as vnprofitable, and the fire quenched by our industry. Next the Tower of the Ordre (called by vs the Old man) defended by twenty Souldiers is yeil­ded, and the Towne continually battered in foure places, whereof the most forcible was the battery from the hill on the East side, which beat downe the steeple of our Ladies Church, rent the houses, and scowred the streets of the Towne. The breach made by the Canon being not sufficient, they fall to mining, which happily succeeding, they blow vp a great part of the wall. We give a furious assault, and are repulsed with losse, yet did this assault carry the Towne, that brave Captaine PHILIP CORSE being slaine in it, whose valour alone had hitherto preserved it. VERVEIN vpon the losse of this man, at his wits end, sounds the intention of the King, and yeilds him the Towne vp­on composition: That the Souldiers and Citizens might depart with their Baggage; and that all the Artillery, Mu­nition, and Ʋictuals (whereof there was great store) should remaine to the King. The inhabitants refuse this bad composition, and the Mayor with the Townes­men offer to keepe the Towne: which had they ac­cordingly vndertaken, Boloigne in all probabilitie had [Page 192] continued French. For the Capitulation was no fooner concluded (hostages not yet given) but a horrible tempest of winde and raine overthrowes our Tents, and the soile being fat and slippery, wee should not have had any meanes to mount to an assault. More­over the Daulphin was on march with great forces for their succour, whose approach would have forced HENRY to have changed his designe. But VER­VEIN professing that hee would keepe touch even with his Enemy, continued constant in his promise, for which he soone lost his head on a scaffold at Paris. The foure and twentieth of September, the City was delivered to the Duke of Suffolke, and the French de­parted to the number of threescore and seven horse, a thousand five hundred threescore and three able foot, and a thousand nine hundred, twentie and seven women and children, many of the infirmer sort not able to depart, staying behinde. The next day the King entred triumphantly, and caused our Ladies Church to be demolished, and in place thereof a Fortificati­on to be raised, and having ordered his affaires to his minde, making the Viscount Lisle Governour, set saile for Dover, where hee arrived on the first of O­ctober.

But the King's hasty departure permitted not all things to be sufficiently setled. Part of the Artillery, Victuals and Munition by the Capitulation left in Boloigne, were not removed from the Base Towne, which was fortified only with some small trenches: for the surprisall whereof, the Daulphin in the night sends some troupes, who before morning enter the place, cut all in pieces they meet, win the Artillery and Munition▪ and thinke to have gotten an absolute victory: but being intent to pillage, some Ensignes issue from the higher Towne, finde them in disorder, set vpon them and rout them. Many of the Enemies [Page 193] were slaine, among whom was FOVQYESSOLLES, another sonne in law of BIEZ, the victory not being without bloud on our side.

Neither was our Fleete idle in the meane, which scowring the seas brought three hundred Prises so fraught with Merchandise, that the three spatious Churches of the Augustine, the Gray, and the Blacke Friers in London, whose Monasteries had lately beene suppressed, were stored withnothing but hogsheads of wine.

The Earle of Lenox lately dispatched out of France for the managing of the affaires of Scotland, to the behoofe of the French found not entertainment there according to his expectation. The Queene Mother and Cardinall, as long as they had need of him, de­luded him with hopes of marrying the Queene Mo­ther, and by their secret calumnies rendred him sus­pected to the French. At length finding his safety que­stionable, he flies for refuge into England, accompa­nied with ALEXANDER sonne and heire to the Earle of Glencarne, WALTER GRAHAM brother to the Earle of Montrosse, and Sir IOHN BORTH­WICKE with others, and were honourably received by HENRY, who most happily repaired the Earles losses of revenues in France fallen by the death of ROBERT STVART of Aubigny, and of his marriage in Scotland, with that most successefull Match with that beautifull Lady MARGARET Neipce to the King, and Daughter to the Earle of Angus, and an an­nuall pension of seven hundred markes. And once more he resolved to try his fortune in Scotland atten­ded by Sir RICE MANSELL, and Sir PETER NEWTAS, WINTOR, AVDLEY, and BROOKES with others, who with eight ships set sai [...]e from Bri­stoll, and hanging over the coast of Scotland like a cloud vncertaine whereto disburthen it selfe, deter­red [Page 194] the Scots from enterprising any thing vpon Eng­land in the absence of the King.

The Church of late had daily felt some change or other. And this yeare in Iune the Letany set forth in English was commanded to be vsed in all Churches.

Anno Dom. 1545. Reg. 37.

OVr late Expeditions had without doubt beene v [...]y chargeable. So that I should not wonder that the King began to want supplies, if I did not consider the incredible summes raised of the spoiles of the late suppressed Religious Houses. All which notwithstanding, whether it were that God not pleased with this authorized sacriledge did not inlarge them with his blessing, which onely (saith SALOMON) maketh rich: or that a great part thereof was other­wise divided either among his Courtiers, or for the maintenance of the [...]iected religious persons; the Trea­sury was certainly very bare. To which former rea­sons wee may adde the six new erected Bishoprickes, and the like number of Cathedrall Churches, as also the stipend [...] conferred on both Vniversities for the publique Professors of the H [...]rem & Greeke tongues, Divinity, Law, and Physicke, to each whereof he al­lotted an annuity of forty pounds. Howsoever it were, certaine it is, that levies being made in Germany for the King, the souldiers disbanded for want of pay. The Parliament had alreadie granted him great Sub­sidi [...], so that thence hee could expect no more. Yet moneyes must be had. HENRY therefore resolves on an hones [...] kind of rapine. The Intreaties of Princes little differ from Commands, vnlesse perhaps in this, that they worke more subtilly, and render them plia­ble [Page 195] with whom Commands would not have prevai­led: Which manifestly appeared in the execution of this proiect. He had twenty yeares since comman­ded money by Proclamation, a course so far from ta­king as w [...] desired, that it had like to have beene the cause of much mischiefe: but now by some fit Com­missioners informing his subiects of his necessities, and desiring the richer sort one by one to contribute towards his support, hee quickly replenished the Ex­chequer. The Commissioners begin first with the Citizens of London, among whom two were more straight laced then the rest, viz. RICHARD READ and WILLIAM ROCH: but their parsimony shall cost them deare. For READ being an old man and vtterly vnexpert of Martiall Discipline is comman­ded to serve in person in the wars of Scotland, is taken by the Scots, and forced to ranson himselfe at a high rate. ROCH, as having vsed some vncivill language before those of his Maiesties Counsaile who sate Com­missioners, was for some moneths punished with straight imprisonment, and at length (not improba­bly) bought his libertie.

In the meane time Boloigne was a great eyesore to the French. They try to regaine it by stratagems and surprisals, but in vaine. They betake themselves to force with the like successe. The Marshall of Biez Governour of Boloignois comes with a great Army to the Port, a Towne two miles from Boloigne, and be­gins to build a Fort on this side the river vpon the point of the Tower of Ordre, but is by the Earle of Hertford forced away, and leaves his Castle in the Aire. His intent was by this Fort to have kept the gar­rison of Boloigne within their wals, to have comman­ded the haven, so to cut off all succours by sea, and from Calais by land. Which being done, FRANCIS resolved in Person to besiege Guisnes, and there to [Page 196] fortifie, thereby to famish Boloigne, and to keepe Ca­lais and the land of Oye in subiection. But these de­signes proving fruitlesse, he prepares his navall forces, giving forth, that he intended to invade England, ho­ping that this alarme would have made vs have a care of the maine, and neglect those pieces abroad, so that Boloigne for lack of aide should easily be reduced. The noise of an invasion made HENRY arme, who ha­ving gathered together a sufficient Fleet, awaited the Enemie at Portsmouth, intent to all occasions. Nei­ther did the French onely intend an alarme, landing in three severall places in England, but were every where with losse driven aboard their ships. Two dayes after they fall downe to the Channell that divi­deth the Isle of Wight from the rest of Britaine; they seeme to threaten Portsmouth, where the King then was, and seeke to draw our Fleet to fight. The French, beside a sufficient Fleet of other ships had twenty five Gallies, no way probably vsefull in these [...]empestuous and rough seas not brooking this flat kinde of ship­ping, but by their bulke and number to terrifie vs: yet at this time an vnusuall calmnesse of the sea with­out winde or current, put them in hope of effecting wonders by their Galleyes. But our Fleet was not to be drawne to fight, much lesse to bee forced without apparent danger to the Enemy, who must sl [...]p downe a narrow Channell, where but few ships could go in front, and the like number opposed might easily de­fend it: where they could not enter, but with the tide and winde, and the first ships repulsed, in their falling backe would have disordered the rest of the Fleet: where of necessitie they must fight vnder the favour of our Forts and Cannon, which would easily have hindred their approach. The Enemy being put off heere, consult of fortifying the Isle of Wight, where at Saint Helens point they land two thousand men, re­solve [Page 197] forsooth to make that the seate of the warre, and there to build three Forts, but the valour of the inha­bitants made them change their designe, and forced them againe to their ships. Thus every where affron­ted to their losse, without any memorable act they set saile for Normandie. The French Fleet consisted of a hundred and three saile of all sorts, ours of only sixtie, so that it was no way sae for vs to incounter them. Some light proffers were made on both sides, wherein we alwayes came of with the better. As for the Mary Rose, a ship which with her losse buried Sir GEORGE CAROW the Captaine, and seven hundred men; the French do well to make vse of casualties to their owne glory: But it was not the valour of the French or fury of their Cannons that sunke her, but the supine negligence of the Marinets, being wracked in the very haven in the presence of the King.

Boloigne was not idle the while. Vpon hope of a Fort to be built by the Marshall of Biez, FRANCIS had made great preparations for an enterprize vpon Guisnes. but was diverted by the death of the Duke of Orleans his younger Sonne, and the lost hopes of his intended Fort neere Boloigne, and having for a while encamped atAlias Bon­lamberg. Mont-Lambert, retired at last toward Amiens. The neernesse of the Kings Campe at Mont-Lambert did daily invite both Nations to make triall of their valour, the English sometimes, sometimes the French having the better. One day among the rest the English hotly charging the French, the Duke of Au­male comes to relieve them, who being strooken with a Lance vnder his right eye, it breakes in pieces and leaves the tronchion halse a foot within his head. It was a token of an excellent spirit in this young No­bleman, that for so rough a charge hee lost not his stirrups, and endured the torture whereto they put him in drawing out the three square head, with such [Page 198] an invincible constancy, as if they had picked a thorne from out his finger, and beyond all expectation of the Chirurgians recovered. The victory remained to the English. Who could not long bragge of it, afterward seeking to cut off a Convoy of the Enemies defeated by the Ringrave with the losse of sixteene Captaines, and seven or eight hundred men. The Earle of Surrey, who led them, saved himselfe by flight. And were it not discourtesie in vs not to requite the late visit of the French? The Lord Admirall therefore landed six thousand men at Treport in Normandie, burned the Towne and Abbey with thirtie Ships and a Barke in in the Haven, and returned with the losse of only fourteene men.

Neither were our imployments lesse or fewer in Scotland, then among the French. Scotland had so ma­ny enemies at home, that it needed not any abroad. But their homebred dissentions had caused war from vs, and the way to set them at peace was, to invade them. In the beginning of March Sir RALPH E­VERS, by the death of his Father Lord Evers, with an Army entred Scotland, making all the Countrey desert about Iedbury and Kelson. Thence marching to Coldingham fortified the Church and Tower, and leauing a Garrison there, departed. The Garrison partly out of couetousnesse, partly to distresse the Enemy if he should lay siege to them, pillaged and wasted all the neighbouring Countrey. The Regent according to their expectation besiegeth the Church with eight thousand men, and batters it a whole day and a night. But sudainly, making none of the No­bles partakers of his determinations, whether out of feare to be betraied by his Army, or some other cause, tooke horse and passed away to Dunbar, which occa­sioned the disbanding of the Army, and the free­dome of the besieged. Our often successe hauing em­boldened [Page 197] vs, we adventure vpon another impression, the fury whereof disburdened it selfe in Merch, T [...]ifi­dale, and Lauden, the Inhabitants being either forced to yeild, or fly, and leave their goods to be seized on by Bellonas Ha [...]bingers. The Scots at length make head and although of more then equall number, they betake themselves to stratagems. They vnderstand by their Scouts of our approach: and to deceive vs, by the advise of WALTER SCOT send their horses to the adioyning hils. Neither indeed was the place so advantageous for Horse as for Foot. The horses bac­ked by the Groomes that kept them, did from the hils make shew of an Army, and that flying. We advance, as loath to let our enemies escape, in the pursuit of whom we vnawares fall among the whole Army not disorderly flying, but prepared to receive vs. It is not vnusuall to encounter men: but if Heaven and the E­lements oppose vs, how can we hope for victory? Wee finde the number of our adverse Army great beyond our expectation, the Sun farre declining to the West darted his rayes in our faces, and a violent winde drives the smoke of the shot into our mouthes, which not onely made the most necessary sence vnusefull, but with a foule stench corrupted the aire, and hin­dred the breathing of the already panting Souldiers. The many advantages give them the victory. Wee leave two hundred in the place, and among them the Lord EVERS; a thousand are taken, whereof Alder­man READ was one.

A little after this victory, FRANCIS sent into Scotland a supply of five hundred French Horse and three thousand Footmen vnder the command of the Lord of Lorges Earle of Montgomery, not so much to crosse our attempts against the Scots, as to distract our forces, that the violence of them vnited might not at once fall on France.

[Page 200] This yeare among other accidents is al [...]o memo­rable through the death of the King's Brother in law CHARLES BRANDON Duke of Suffolke, a man of a mighty spirit, yet so tempering it with mildnesse and faire demeanour, that hee was generally beloved both of Prince and people: Who in that height of fa­vour carried him so evenly as to die quietly in his bed. A happinesse vnder this Prince rare even to For­tunes and His Favourites.

A Parliament assembled in November granted the King the Disposall of all Colledges, Chantries, and Hospitals, the demeasnes, salaries and stipends there­to belonging, or given to Priests to say Masse for the soules of the departed. The King personally gave thankes to both Houses, promising to have a care that they should be imployed to the honour of God and the publique good. But we finde not the effect of his promises.

Anno Dom. 1546. Reg. 38. & vltimo.

WE are now come to the last yeare of HEN­RY his Raigne. Who having tired him­selfe with the French wars, began at length seriously to bethinke himselfe of peace. Neither was FRANCIS lesse desirous of his friendship. To this end Deputies from both sides meet often betweene Guisnes and Ardres: For HENRY, the Earle of Hert­ford, GARDINER Bishop of Winchester, the Viscount Lisle Lord Admirall, Sir WILLIAM PAGET Se­cretary of Estate, and Doctour WOTTON the first Deane of Canterbury: For FRANCIS, the Admi­rall ANNEBAVLT, RAYMOND first President of [Page 201] Rouan, and BOVCHEREL Secretary. After many consultations a Peace was concluded on these Con­ditions:

That Francis within eight yeares should pay fourescore hundred thousand Crownes to the King, as well for the arrerage of his Pension, as for many other expenses made by him in war, in the fortification of Boloigne and of the Countrey: and vpon receipt of the said summe, Henry should deliver vnto the King of France Boloigne and all the Countrey belonging to it, with the ancient places or newly edified by him, Mont-Lambert, the Tower of Ordre, Am­bleteul and others, with all the Artillery and Munition in them.

For the confirmation whereof, the Viscount Lisle was sent Embassadour into France, and from thence came the Admirall ANNEBAVLT to receive the oathes of each King, and the Peace was proclaimed in London.

On the sixteenth of Iuly were burnt at London for their Religion IOHN LASSELS, NICHOLAS OTTERDEN, IOHN ADLAM, and ANNE AS­SKEW, a young Gentlewoman aged twentie five, of an ancient Descent, excellent beauty, and acute wit, whose examinations, writings, tortures, and patient suffering are at large set downe by Master FOX, be­ing before their execution by Doctour SCHAX­TON exhorted to recant, as he then was forced, who some yeares passed had resigned his Bishopricke to enioy his Conscience.

And here I may not omit an addition to the sep­tenary [Page 202] number of Sleepers WILLIAM FOXLEY a Potmaker in London, who without any touch of any preceding infirmity was seised with such a dead sleepe, that for fourteene daies and fifteene nights no force nor invention could awake him; on the fifteenth day this miraculous sleepe forsaking him, he was as it were restored to life, and found as sound and entire as if he had taken no more then an ordinary repose: Neither would he believe that he had taken other, but that the building of a certaine wall made it apparant to him how much time he had slept away. Hee lived above forty yeares after, viz. to the yeare 1587.

Let vs conclude this yeare with the death of MAR­TIN LVTHER that famous impugner of the Church of Rome, who being sent for by the Counts of MANSFEILD to compose some differences be­tweene them concerning their inheritance, died a­mong them in his Climactericall yeare, and after much contention for his body, lieth buried at Wir­tenberg.

Anno Dom. 1547.

HENRY long since growne corpulent was be­come a burthen to himselfe, and of late lame by reason of a violent vleer in his leg, the in­flammation whereof cast him into a lingering fever, which by little and little decaying his spirits, hee at length began to feele the inevitable necessity of death. The cogitation of many things (as in the like exigents vsually happeneth) oppressed him, and chiefly of his Sonnes nonage, but now entring into his tenth yeare, an age infirme and oportune to treacheries, against which he found small provision in his friends, having [Page 203] none amongst those on whose loyalty hee chiefly re­lied, of so sufficient eminency, as to vnderprop his weake Estate with those supporters of Royalty, Power and Authoritie. His Brother in law the Duke of Suf­folke was lately deceased: SEIMOVR the yong Prin­ces Vnkle was a man whose Goodnesse was not tem­pered with Severity, and being descended of a Fami­ly more ancient then noble (as having vntill now ne­ver transcended Knighthood) would be subiect to contempt. They who more neerly participated of the Bloud Royall, as they any way excelled in Power or Vertue, were the more suspected and hated by him. The Family of the HOWARDS was then most flou­rishing, the chiefe whereof was THOMAS Duke of Norfolke, a man famous for his exploits in France, Scotland, and elsewhere, long exercised in the schoole of Experience, many wayes deriving himselfe from the Crowne, popular, of great command and reve­nues. But the edge of the old mans disposition made milde and blunted with age, administred the lesse cause of suspition. Of his eldest Sonne HENRY Earle of Surrey, the King was certainly iealous, and resolved to cut him off. Hee had lately in the wars of France manifested himselfe heire to the glory of his Ancestors, was of a ripe wit, and endued with great learning, so that Elogy afterwards given to his sonne HENRY, that hee was the Learnedst among the Nobility, and the Noblest among the Learned, might have as fitly beene applied to him, was very gracious with the people, expert in the Art Military, and esteemed fit for publique Government. These great Vertues were too great Faults, and for them hee must suffer. Treason is obiected to him, and vpon the surmise hee and his Father sent to the Tower. On the thirteenth of Ianuary he is arraigned, the chiefe point of his ac­cusation whereon they insisted being, for bearing [Page 204] certaine Armes, which only belonged to the King, and consequently aspiring to the Crowne. Of other things hee easily acquitted himselfe, and as for those Armes, he constantly affirmed that they hereditarily pertained vnto him: yet notwithstanding hee would not have presumed to have borne them, but being warranted by the opinion of the Heralds, who onely were to give iudgement in these cases. The Iudges not approving of his answer condemne him, and so the Flower of the English Nobilitie is on the nineteenth of Ianuary beheaded, the King lying in extremity, and breathing his last in Bloud. The Duke was adiudged to perpetuall imprisonment, where he continued vn­till he was by Queene MARY set at libertie.

The King, his disease growing on him, at last makes his Will, wherein (by vertue of a Law lately enacted) hee ordaines Prince EDWARD his Suces­sour in the first place, and in the second (Prince ED­WARD dying iss [...]lesse) substitutes the Lady MARY begotten of CATHARINE of Arragon, and vpon the like defect of issue in MARY in the third place substitutes the Lady ELIZABETH. These three raigned successiuely, and accomplished the number of fiftie six yeares, at the expiration where of Queene ELIZABETH ended her long glorious Raine, and left the Diadem to King IAMES, in the many re­guards of his Learning, Religion, Goodnesse, peace­able and happy Raigne the Mirrour of late ages. The next care was of his Executors, whom hee also ap­pointed (Tutors shall I say or) Counsailours to his Sonne, and were in number sixteene, viz.

  • Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury.
  • Thomas Wriothsley Lord Chancellour.
  • William Pawlet Lord Saint-Iohn.
  • [Page 205] Iohn Russel Lord Priuy Seale.
  • Edward Seimour Earle of Hertford.
  • Iohn Dudley, Ʋiscount Lisle Lord Ad-Admirall.
  • Cuthbert Tonstall Bishop of Duresme.
  • Sir Anthony Browne Master of the Horse.
  • Sir Edward Mountague Chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas.
  • Sir William Paget.
  • Sir William Harbert.
  • Sir Thomas Bromley.
  • Sir Anthony Denny.
  • Sir Edward North.
  • Sir Edward Wotton.
  • Doctor Wotton Deane of Canterbury and Yorke.

To whom hee added as Assistants especially in matters of great consequence.

  • Henry. Earle of Arundell.
  • William Earle of Essex.
  • Sir Thomas Cheny Steward of the Kings Houshold.
  • Sir Iohn Gage Comptroller.
  • Sir Anthony Wingfield Ʋice-chamber­laine.
  • Sir VVilliam Peter Secretarie.
  • Sir Richard Rich.
  • [Page 206] Sir Iohn Baker.
  • Sir Ralph Sadler.
  • Sir Thomas Seimour.
  • Sir Richard Southwell.
  • Sir Edmond Pecham.

He ordained his body should be interred at Windsore in a Monument (yet imperfect) erected by Cardinall WOLSEY, not for himselfe (as many falsly sur­mise) but for the King, as by the Inscription is mani­fest, which cannot be of later date. For therein HEN­RY is stiled Lord of Irland without any mention of Supreme Head of the Church, which two particles it is manifest were changed in the Title after WOL­SEY his death. In the same his last Will he comman­ded that the Monuments of HENRY the Sixt, and EDWARD the Fourth (both interred in Windsore) should be made more magnificent and stately, and o­ther things of le [...]s [...] moment, most of which were neglected. This last Will aud Testament hee confir­med, subscribed, and sealed the last of December, and survived a moneth after, dying at Westminster the eight and twentieth of Ianuary, and that in this man­ner: The King having long languished, the Physi­cians finding apparant symptomes of approaching death, wished some of his friends to admonish him of his estate, which at last Sir ANTHONY DENNY vndertooke, who going directly to the fainting King, told in few (but those plaine) words, That the hope of humane helpe was vaine, wherefore he beseeched his Maiestie to erect his thoughts to Heaven, and be­thinking him of his forepassed life, through Christ to implore Gods Mercy. An advise not very acceptable to him. But finding it grounded vpon the iudgement of the Physicians, hee submitted himselfe to the hard law of necessitie, and reflecting vpon the course of [Page 207] his Life (which hee much condemned) he professed himselfe confident, that through Christ his infinite Goodnesse all his sinnes, although they had beene more in number and waight, might bee pardoned. Being then demanded whether he desired to confer with any Divines; With no other (saith he) but the Arch­bishop CRANMER, and not with him as yet; I will first repose my selfe a little, and as I then finde my selfe will de­termine accordingly. After the sleepe of an houre or two finding himselfe fainting, hee commanded the Archbishop (then at Croydon) should be sent for in all hast. Who vsing all possible speed came not vntill the King was speechlesse. As soone as he came, the King tooke him by the hand, the Archbishop exhorting him to place all his hope in Gods Mercies through Christ, and beseeching him, that if hee could not in words, he would by some signe or other testifie this his Hope: Who then wringed the Archbishops hand as hard as he could, and shortly after expired, having lived fiftie five yeares and seven moneths, and thereof raigned thirty seven yeares nine monethes and six dayes.

Thus ended HENRY the Eighth his Life and Raigne, which for the first yeares of his Government was like NERO'S Five yeares, Admirable: for often Victories and happy Successe in war, Glorious: for the many Changes vnder it, Memorable: For the Foundation of the Churches Reformation, Lauda­ble: to Queenes, most vnhappy: for the Death of so many (for the most) great Personages, Bloudy: and for the frequent Exactions and Subsidies, and Sacri­legious Spoile of the Church, much Preiudiciall to the Estate, Grievous and Burthensome to the Sub­iect.

FINIS.
ANNALES OF ENGLAND.E …

ANNALES OF ENGLAND.

EDVVARD THE SIXT.

The Second Booke.

LONDON, Printed by Adam Islip, and William Stansby, 1630.

Vae tibi Jerra cuius Rex Puer est

ANNALES OF ENGLAND.
The second Booke.

EDWARD the Sixt.
Anno Dom. 1547. Reg. 1.

ROyalty like a Pythagorean Soule transmigrates. Al­though HENRY were dead, the King was still alive, and survived in the person of young EDWARD, who be­gan his Raigne the eight and twentieth of Ianuary, then in the tenth yeare of his age; and having beene on the last of the same moneth proclaimed King, came the same day from Enfield (where the Court had then beene) to the Tower, there [Page 212] according to the ancient custome of our Kings to a­bideThe Earle of Hertford Protector. vntill his Inauguration at Westminster. The next day the Counsaile assembled for the managing of the Estate, conferred on the Kings Vnckle, EDWARD SEIMOVR Earle of Hertford the honour and power of Protector of the King's Person and Kingdome. Who to season his new Dignitie with some memora­ble act, on the sixt of February, dubbed the King Knight, the King presently imparting the same Ho­nour to RICHARD HOBLETHORNE Lord Maior of London.

King Hen­ry's Fune­rals. On the fifteenth of February King HENRY his Funerals were solemnized, and his Body Royally interred in the middle of the Quire in the Church at Windsore.

Two daies after were some of the Nobilitie digni­fied with greater Honours, some new created. The Lord Protector Earle of Hertford, was made Duke of Somerset: WILLIAM PARR Earle of Essex, Mar­quis of Northampton: IOHN DVDLEY Viscount Lisle, Earle of Warmicke: and the Lord Chancellour WRIOTHSLEY, Earle of Southampton. Sir THO­MAS SEIMOVR brother to the Protector and Lord Admirall, Sir THOMAS RICH, Sir WILLIAMThe Coro­nation. WILLOVGHBY, and Sir EDMOND SHEF­FEILD were inrolled among the Barons. Other two daies being fled after their Predecessours, the King passed triumphantly from the Tower through London to Westminster, where he was solemnely crow­ned, anointed, and inaugurated by CRANMER Archbishop of Canterbury. At what time also with incredible indulgence pardon of all crimes whatsoe­ver was publiquely proclaimed and granted to all persons throughout the Realme, six only being ex­empted from the benefit thereof, namely, the Duke of Norfolke, Cardinall POOLE, the lately beheaded [Page 213] Marquis of Excester his eldest Sonne, one THROC­MORTON, FORTESCVE, and RICHARD PATE late Bishop of Worcester, who least hee should be constrained to acknowledge the King Head of the Church, had some yeares passed fled to Rome.

The death of Francis King of France. On the nineteenth of Iune in the Cathedrall Church of Saint PAVL in London were celebrated the Exequies of FRANCIS King of France. He decea­sed the two and twentieth of the precedent March, having beene after the death of our HENRY much disposed to melancholy, whether for that hee failed in the hope of strengthening their late contracted amity with some stricter tie: or that being some few yeares the younger, hee was by his death admoni­shed of the like approaching fate. They were also of so conspiring a similitude of disposition and nature, that you shall hardly finde the like betweene any two Princes of what ever different times. This bred a mutuall affection in them, and as it were forcibly nourished the secret fire thereof betweene them, vn­lesse peradventure when emulation or the respect of publique vtilitie swaied them the contrary way, so that the death of the one could not but much grieve the surviver. He therefore in the Cathedrall at Paris celebrated the Funerals of HENRY, though excom­municated by the Pope. He also left one only Sonne named HENRY inheritor of his Crowne, whose Raigne lasted but to the beginning of Queene E­LIZABETH.

And now the affaires of Scotland, which have with­out doubt beene great and memorable, crave a part in our History. Wee have before made mention of our League with Scotland, wherein it was determi­ned concerning the marriage betweene the now King EDWARD and the Queene of Scots. The times since then were full of continuall iarres. Wee at length re­solved [Page 214] not to dally with them, but to vndertake the war with forces agreeable to the cause. The Duke of Somerset by consent of the Privie Counsaile is sent in­to Scotland with ten thousand Foot and six thousand Horse (beside pioners and artificers thirteene hun­dred) and fifteene peeces of brasse Ordnance. To the Lord CLINTON is assigned a Navy consisting of foure and twenty men of war, one Galley, and thirty Ships of burthen, wherewith hee was to scowre the Seas, and infest the maritime parts of Scotland. On the third of September the Duke of Somerset made an hostile entrance vpon the Enemies Countrey, and forthwith dispatched letters to the Earle of Arren, Regent of Scotland, much to this effect: That he wished the Scots would consider, that this war was waged among Christians, & that our ends were no other then a iust Peace, whereto the endevours of all good men should tend. An oc­casion not only of a League, but of a perpetuall Peace was now happily offred, if they would suffer the two differing and emulous Nations by vniting the Head to grow toge­ther. This as it had beene formerly sought by vs, so had it beene generally assented to by the Estates of Scotland. Therefore he could not but wonder why they should rather treacherously recurre to Armes (the events of war being v­sually even to the Ʋictor sufficiently vnfortunate) then maintaine in violate their troth plighted to the good of both Nations. They could not in reason expect that their Queene should perpetually live a Virgin life. And if shee married, where could shee bestow her selfe better, then on a puissant Monarch inhabiting the same Island, and parlying the same language? They saw what inconveniences were the conse­quents of foraine matches, whereof they should rather make triall by the examples of others, then at their owne perill. He demanded nothing but equity; yet he so much abhorred the effusion of Christian bloud, that if hee found the Scots not vtterly averse from an accord, hee would endevour that [Page 215] some of the Conventions should be remitted: he would also permit that the Queene should abide and be brought vp a­mong them vntill her age made her marriageable, at what time she should by consent of the Estates her selfe make choice of a Husband. In the meane time there should be a Cessation of Armes, neither should the Queene be transpor­ted out of her Realme, nor entertaine treatise of marriage with the French or any other forainer. This if they would faithfully promise, he would forthwith peaceably depart out of Scotland; and whatsoever damages the Countrey had suffred by this invasion, he would according to the esteeme of indifferent Arbitrators make ample satisfaction. The Scottish Army consisted of thirty thousand Foot, some speake a greater number. The chiefe Commanders whereof puffed vp with confidence of their strength (although they had lately lost eight hundred in a tu­multuary skirmish) and misconceiving our offers to proceed out of feare, reiect all Conditions of Accord: and least vpon knowledge of the equitie of our de­mands, the Counsaile should encline to resolutions of peace, they conceale our letters▪ And not only so, but vpon assurance of victory spred a rumor, that no­thing would content the insolent English, but the deli­very of the Queene, which if they could not other­wise, they would by force obtaine, and proceed to the absolute conquest of the Kingdome. This report in­raged the Souldiers, whom no motives could disuade from present ingaging themselves in battaile. The wi­ser sort were not ignorant of the necessities that long since began to presse vs, who were brought to that passe, that by reason of the difficulties of passages we could not make a safe retreat, nor force the Enemie to fight in reguard of the strength of the place where he was incamped. But the vaine hope of victorie had possessed the mindes of the greater part, and exclu­ded reason. Necessitie forced vs to a resolution brave Mussel­burgh Feild [Page 216] and expedient, which was, to seeke the Enemy in his lodging, and endevour to draw him to combat. But the hot-spurre Scots issuing from out their fastnesses, seemed willing to prevent vs. So both Armies enter­taine a mutuall resolution. A little before the ioyning of the Armies an accident happened, which did not a little make way to our victory. The Enemy mar­ching along neere the sea shore, a piece of Ordnance discharged from out Gally tooke away five and twen­tie of their men, whereof the eldest sonne of the Lord GRIMES was one. Foure thousand Archers terrified with so vnexpected a slaughter made astand▪ & could never after be brought on. The two armies approching each other, the Duke of Somerset commanded the Lord GRAY with the Cavallery to charge the Scots▪ and finde them imployment vntill the Infantery had seized on an adioyning hill, and if he [...] could without much hazard, to disorder the Enemy. But they were gallantly received by a strong Squadron of Pikes, whereon some of the formost having too far ingaged themselues were cast away, the rest retreated affir­ming, that it was as casie to force a wall, as through the Scottish rankes. The Duke makes a second triall by the light Horse seconding them with the Ordnance and the Archers. The Enemy either not able to stand so violent a charge, or (as some relate) to draw vs from the favour of our Canon, begins to giue ground, which we perceiving give a shout, crying out withall, They fly, they fly; which so amazed them, that some began to fly indeed, and at length the whole Army was routed. The Scots complaine, that we tyrannized over the Captives, especially the Priests and Friers (whereof many served in this Feild) because by their instigation chiefly our Conditions were so arrogant­ly reiected. Of the Enemies were slaine thirteene thousand, and among them (beside the Earle of [Page 217] Lohemor and the Lord FLEMING, the chiefe of the Scottish Gentry, with their Tenants, who thought it a disgrace to survive their Lords. In the chase were taken fifteene hundred, among whome were the Earle HVNTLEY Chancellour of Scotland, the Lords HESTER, HOBBEY, and HAMIL­TON, beside many other persons of Quality. This lamentable overthrow was given the tenth of Sep­tember.

The English become Victors beyond their expecta­tion, ransacked the Countrey five miles about, for­tified in the Forth the forsaken Islands Keth and Hay­mon, tooke Brocth Castle, by their terrour forced the Garrisons of Humes and Fastcastle to yeeld, and ha­ving built a Fort at Lauder, and repaired the ruines of Roxburgh, by their departure recreated the deiected mindes of the distressed Scots.

Reformati­on in the Church. Our affaires thus succeeding abroad, the Church at home had her changes. Many of the Counsaile, but especially the Protector, much endeavoured Re­formation in point of Religion. The rest, who were addicted to the Doctrine of Rome, could for private respects temporize, fearing indeed restitution of Church goods (wherein each of them shared) vnles an irreconcileable breach were made with that Sea. So that whiles some eagerly oppose Popery, and others coldly defend it, not onely what had beene enacted by HENRY the Eighth concerning the abrogation of the Popes authority is confirmed, but many other things are added, whereby our Church was so purged from the dregs of Superstition, that for Purity of Doctrine, and Institution of select Ecclesiasticall Rites, it excelled the most Re­formed Churches of Germany. All Images are pulled downe, Priests are permitted to marry, the Liturgy set forth in the English Tongue, the Eucharist admini­stred, [Page 218] vnder both kindes, Auricular-Confession forbid­den, no man prohibited the reading of the Scrip­tures, no Masses to be said for the Soules of the de­parted, and many other things ordained, so far diffe­ring from the Institution of our Forefathers, that it administred matter to the common people (who are won [...] to judge not according to Reason, but Cu­stome) of breaking out into Rebellion. And it is somewhat remarkable, that the same day wherin the Images, wherof the Churches were dispossessed, were publiquely burned at London, we obtained that me­morable victory over the Scots at Musselburgh.

This yeare at Archbishop CRANMER his in­vitation came into England PETER MARTYR a Florentine, MARTIN BVCER of Selestadt, and PAVLVS PHAGIVS borne in the Palatinate: who being very courteously received by the King and Nobles, having reposed themselves some while at Canterbury, were sent, MARTYR to Oxford, BV­CER and PHAGIVS to Cambridge, there publique­ly to read Divinity: but PHAGIVS having scarce saluted the Vniversity, deceased of a Quartane Ague the twelfe of November in the five and fortieth yeare of his age. Neither did BVCER long survive him, who died at Cambridge the last of February 1551, be­ing then threescore yeares old. MARTYR shortly after his comming to Oxford, maintained publiquely in the Schooles, and that with solid arguments, against TRESHAM and CHEDSEY Opponents, that the Popish Transubstantiation was but a meere fi­ction; which Disputation he after published and in­larged.

Anno Dom. 1548. Reg. 2.

THe English having this yeare fortified and put a strong Garrison into Hadinton a Towne sea­ted in the most fertile soile of all Scotland, did from thence and Lauder make often inrodes vpon the bordering Countrey, burning and spoiling whatsoever might be vsefull to the Enemy, from whome they expected a siege. In the meane time had the French sent six thousand (ten thousand say we) men into Scotland, wherof three thousand were Lansquenets led by the Reingrave. The Lord of Essé a man of tried valor, famous in the siege of Landrecy and other expeditions was chief of the Army. TheseThe Scots & French be­siege Hadin­ton. advēturers lāding at Dunbar, march speedily for Ha­dinton, & ioining with the Scottish Forces consisting of eight thousand men, straightly besiege it. At the Abbey neere the Towne they call a Counsaile, treat of transporting the Queene into France, and marrying her to the Daulphin. They whome the respect of private ends had not corrupted and with­drawne from the care of the publique weale, obie­cted, That they should so draw on them a perpetuall war from England, and betray themselves to the slavery of the French: That the propositions made by the English were reasonable, who offered a ten yeares Truce, and sought not to intrap the Scot in any bands or preiudiciall compacts, their demands being none other then this, That if within the ten yeares either the King of England, or the Queene of Scots should decease, all things should on each side remaine entire and in their former estate: Delay had often in the like cases proved advantageous, wheras speedy repentance commonly followeth precipitated haste. [Page 220] The Popish Faction (especially the Clergy, to whom the amity of England was little pleasing, in reguard of the differences in Religion) and some others ob­lieged to the French either in respect of received be­nefits or future profit, with might and maine inter­posed to the contrary, and chiefly the Regent, bought with a pension of foure thousand crownes and the Command of one hundred Lances. The French Faction prevailed for her transportation. The Fleet from Leith, where it harboured, setting saile as if for France, fetching a compasse round about Scotland, put in at D [...]nbritton, where they em­barquedThe Queene of Scots transported into France. the six yeare old Queene, attended by IAMES her base Brother, IOHN ARESKIN, and WILLIAM LEVISTON, who being put backe by contrary windes, and much distressed by tempest, arrived at length in Little Bretaigne, and from thence set forward to the Court of France, so escaping our Fleet which hovered about Calais to intercept them, if (as we were persuaded they needs must) they crossed those neighbouring Straights. Hadinton in the meane time being straightly belea­guered, Sir ROBERT BOWES and Sir THO­MAS PALMER are with seven hundred Lan­ces and six hundred light Horse sent to relieve it. BVCHANAN saieth there were but three hun­dred Horse, the rest Foote. Of what sort soever they were, it is certaine that before they could reach Hadington, they were circumvented and slaine al­most to a man. Yet did not the besieged let fall their courages, but bravely defended themselves, vntill FRANCIS Earle of Shrewsbury with an Army of twelve thousand English and foure thou­sand Lansquenets disassieged them, and forced the French to retreat. The Earle having supplied the [Page 221] Towne with necessaries, and re-inforced the Gar­rison, returned to Berwicke. What they could not by force, the Enemy hopes more easily to effect by a surprisall. To this end D' Essé with some select Bands arrives at Hadinton about the breake of day, where having killed the Centinells and taken an halfe moone before the Port, some seeke to force the gates, some invade our adioining Granaries. The noise and shouts of the assailants gives an alarme to the Garrison, who give fire to a Canon planted before the Port, the bullet whereof pene­trating the gate, makes way through the close ranks of the Enemies, and so affrights them, that they seeke to save themselves by flight.

Humes Ca­stle Fortune was not so favourable to the garrisons of Humes and Fastcastle, where by the negligence of the Centinells, the designes of the Enemy were crowned with succes. At Humes, being conducted by some that knew all the secret passages, they climeand vp a steepe rocke, enter, massacre the secure Garison, and enioy the place. At Fastcastle the Governor hadFasteastle gained by the Ene­my. commanded the neighbouring Husbandmen at a prefixed day to bring in their contribution of corne and other necessary provision. The Enemy makes vse of this oportunity. Souldiers habited like Pea­sants at the day come fraught with their burthens, wherof easing their horses, they carry them on their shoulders over the bridge, which ioined two rockes together, and so gaine entrance: the watch-word being given, they cast downe their burthens, kill the Centinells, open the gates to their fellowes, and become masters of the place. Neither were our na­vall enterprises fortunate, being at Saint Minian and Merne repelled with losse.

In Autumne the Earle of Rutland with three [Page 222] thousand Lansquenets and some bands drawne out of the frontier Garrisons arrives at Hadington. Who duly considering that this Towne could not be kept any longer without the excessive charges of iust Army, forasmuch as the Countrey about being miserably fo [...]raged, it could not be victualled with­out great difficulty and danger; rased the walls, fi­red the houses, brought away the Artillery, and fin­ding no resistance, returned in safety to Berwick. BVCHANAN refers it to the ensuing yeare, but I follow the record of our owne Historians.

Gardiner Bi­shop of Win­chester com­mitted to the Tower. And having thus far spent the yeare abroad, I at length returne home, where I finde STEPHEN GARDINER Bishop of Winchester in the Tower. He was a man very learned, and no lesse subtle, ad­hering to the Popish Faction, yet so, as that hee would be content to accommodate himselfe to the current of the times. King HENRY had em­ploied him in many Embassages, and that with am­ple authority, vnder whom he durst not oppose the proceedings confirmed by enacted Lawes. And vnder EDWARD hee repressed himselfe for a time, seemingly consenting to the commenced Re­formation. But his dissimulation was at length ma­nifestly discovered to the Privy Counsaile, who had commanded him in a Sermon at Pauls-Crosse to signify his approbation of the present estate of the Church: which he accordingly did on the nine and twentieth of Iune, but so ambiguously and obscure­ly, that he satisfied them not. And being expressely forbidden to speake any thing concerning the Eu­charist, he knowing that by the Lawes nothing was definitively determined in that point, did so eagerly assert that Papisticall (I will not say Capernaiticall) Corporall and Reall Presence of CHRIST in the [Page 223] Sacrament, that he wonderfully offended the mindes of many, but especially of the Lords of the Counsaile. Wherfore he was on the thirtieth of Iune committed, and obstinately refusing to acknowledge his errour, was two yeares after deprived of his Bishopricke, andanddeprived. (as he was of a turbulent spirit) least hee should pra­ctise any thing against the Estate, detained neverthe­lesse in prison vntill the death of EDWARD. In the meane time Archbishop CRANMER by writing oppugned that grosse and carnall assertion of the Church of Rome concerning CHRISTS Presence in the Sacrament: whom GARDINER secretly answered vnder the fictious name of M. Constantius.

Boner Bishop of London committed also. Neither did that Bloud-sucker BONER Bishop of London (who in Queene MARYES raigne so heated the Kingdome with the funerall piles of so ma­ny Saints) speed any better then Winchester. For be­ing likewise enioined to preach at the Crosse, hee did it so coldly, omitting many of those points wherof he was commanded to speake, that hee was likewise committed, deprived of his Bishopricke, and so li­ved vntill Queene MARY set them both at liberty. What the objections were against CVTBERT TONSTALL Bishop of Duresme, and GEORGE DAY Bishop of Chichester, I do not finde, but that they ran the same fortune is manifest▪ They were both very learned Prelates, but especially▪ TON­STALL, a milde man, and of most sweet conditi­ons, in reguard wherof I do not a little wonder that he was so hardly dealt with. But the drift of the pu­nishments of such men, who in HENRY'S time were accounted the chiefe Lights of our Church, I conceive to have beene, that the rest of that Order might by their example be admonished, without dis­simulation either to resigne their Bishoprickes to others that were thought more worthy, or be indu­ced [Page 224] to conforme themselves to the present Reforma­tion of the Church, according to the prescript of the Lawes in that behalfe lately enacted. And yet I would there were not sufficient cause to suspect, that this was but a made oportunity, the removall of these obsta­cles making way for the invasion of these widow Seas. For as soone as TONSTALL was exautora­ted, that rich Bishopricke of Duresme by Act of Parli­ament was wracked, the chiefe revenues and cu­stomes of it being incorporated to the Crowne, and and the rest in despight of the Tenants so guelded, that at this day it scarce possesleth the third part of it's antient revenues. Yet did Queene MARY seriously endeavour the restitution of those religious porti­ons: Queene ELIZABETH would hardly con­sent that it should lose any of it's plumes, (yet some it did) and King IAMES hath lately enacted against the Alienation of Church lands, yea even to the Crowne, otherwise then vpon reservation of a reaso­nable Rent, and the returne of them to the Church after the expiration of three lives or one and twenty yeares. The hungry Courtier finding how good a thing the Church was, had now for some yeares be­come acquainted with it out of a zealous intēt to Prey: neither could the horridnesse of her sacred skeleton as yet so worke on him, as to divert his resolutions, and compassionately to leave the Church to her reli­gious poverty. Beside, the infancy of the King in this incertaine ebbe and flow of Religion, made her opor­tune to all kinde of sacriledge. So that we are deser­vedly to thanke the Almighty Guardian of the Church, that these Locusts have not quite devoured the maintenance of the Laborers in this English Vine­yard. For we yet retaine that antient forme of go­vernment in the Primitive Church by Bishops, who have for the most part wherwith to support their ho­norable [Page 225] Function, as likewise have other those subor­dinate Prelats, Deans, Archdeacons, & Canons of Ca­thedrall Churches: & as for our Preachers of the more polite & learned sort, we thinke him little befriended by Fortune, who long liveth in expectation of a com­petent preferment. I would the residue of the Refor­med Churches of Christen dome had not beene pa­red so neere the quicke by precise hands, that but some few of them might in this kinde be paralelled with ours.

Discord be­tweene the Duke of So­merset and his Brother the Lord Admirall. And now behold two Brothers acting their seve­rall Tragedies. Iealousy, Envy, and Ambition infer­nall Furies, had armed them against each other, and the Pride of the Feminine Sex prepared them for the Lists. A lamentable exigent, wherein the losse of his Adversary must be the destruction of each; wherein the Kingdome must groane at the losse of one, both being in the Estate incompatible: wherin the King himselfe must (as most suspect he did) suffer, that he might not suffer. THOMAS SEIMOVR Lord Ad­mirall had married CATHARINE PARR the Widow of the deceased King. What correspon­dence there might be betweene Her (who had beene the Wife of the late Soveraigne) and the Duchesse of Somerset, whose Husband being Protector of the Realme, in point of command little differed from a Soveraigne, and had over his Brother the Admirall the advantages of Age, Dignity, and generall Esteeme, if any man cannot without difficulty con­iecture, I refer him to the first booke of HERODI­AN, where let him observe the contentions arising betweene CRISPINA the Wife of COMMO­DVS, and LVCILLA, who had beene formerly married to L. VERVS the Emperour. But in this the divers dispositions of the Brothers set on edge on the emulous humors of their Wives. The Duke was [Page 226] milde, affable, free, open, and no way malicious: the Admirall was naturally turbulent, fierce, ambiti­ous, and conceived himselfe to be of the two the fitter for publique government. Presently after the death of HENRY, the Admirall thrust on by the flattery of his overweening conceits, resolved to ad a lustre to his good parts, by marrying the Lady ELIZA­BETH, as yet indeed scarce marriageable. But the Protector wisely considering how rash and perilous this proiect was, frustrated that designe. By his after marriage with CATHARINE a most beautifull and noble Lady, and aboundiug with wealth befit­ting her dignity, most men were confident, that the gulfe of his vast desires would have beene satisfied; but the Law wherby he was condemned (though peradventure enacted by strength of Faction) will manifest the contrary. What notice I have received, and what the publique Records testify concerning this, being persuaded, that they swarve not much from the truth, I thinke I may without blame relate. The Admirall having now fortified himselfe with money and friends, and deeming his Brothers Leni­ty, Sluggishnesse; began to behold him with the eye of contempt, and to cast about how to dispossesse him of the saddle, and (being of like degree of consan­guinity to the King) to enioy the seat himselfe. To the furtherance of this proiect it would be conduci­ble, secretly to vi [...]ify and traduce the Protectors acti­ons, to corrupt the Kings Servants, especially if in any degree of favor, by faire words and large promi­ses by degrees to assure himselfe of the Nobility, to secure his Castle of Holt with a Magazine of warlike provision, but above all to take care for money the nerves of War and assurance of Peace. These things having beene ordered with exact diligence, and for supply of coigne the Exchequer mightily [Page 227] pilled, he vnmaskes himselfe to some of the Nobi­lity, signifying his intent of setling himselfe at the Sterne, of forcibly ceasing on the Kings person. Nay his madnesse so far transported him, that to one of them, conditionally that his assistance were not wanting to the advancement of his designes, he promised that the King should marry his daugh­ter. In the meane time the Queene his Wife being in September delivered of a Daughter, died in childe­bed, and that not without suspicion of poison. For after her death he more importunately sought the Lady ELIZABETH then ever, eagerly endeavo­ring to procure her consent to a clandestine mar­riage (as was that with the deceased Queene) and not vntill after the Nuptialls, to crave the assent of the King or the Lords of the Counsaile.

Anno Dom. 1549. Reg. 3.

BVt the Admiralls proiects being oportunely discovered, and a Parliament lately assem­bled, he is by the authority thereof commit­ted to the Tower, and without triall condemned. The Parliament being on the fourteenth of March dissolved, he is on the sixt day after publiquely be­headed,The Lord Admirall beheaded. having first vehemently protested, that hee never willingly did either actually endeavour, or seriously intend any thing against the Person of the King, or the Estate. Concerning his death the opi­nions of men were divers, their censures di­vers. Among some the Protector heard ill, for suffering his Brother to be executed without ordi­nary course of triall: as for these faults proceeding [Page 228] from the violence of youthfull heat, they might better have beene pardoned, then the King be left destitute of an Vnkles helpe, or himselfe of a Bro­thers. Nay (they say) there wanted not those that before this severe cou [...]se taken with the Admirall, admonished the Protector to have a heedy reguard to this action: Some peradventure might be con­tent to let a Brother shed teares; to shed his bloud, when they might prevent it, scarce any: it was much to be feared least his Brothers death would be his ruine, and the losse of such Friends, a ha­zard to the King. Others highly extolled his im­partial proceeding, whom fraternal affection could not divert from righting his Countrey: for if Con­sanguinity or Alliance to the King should be a suf­ficient cause to exempt them from punishment, who should plot and contrive the change of go­vernement in the Estate; vpon what tickl [...]sh termes should we all stand, whiles nothing could be c [...]r­taine and sure in the publique governement? Others maintained the necessity of cutting off the Admirall, and that it stood the Protector vpon so to do, if he either reguarded his owne or the Kings safeguard. For at what other marke did the Admi­rall aime, but that having seised on the Kings Per­son, removed his Brother from the Protectorship, and married the Lady ELIZABETH, he might by poison or some other meanes make away the young King already deprived of his Friends, and as in the right of his Wife invest himselfe in the Regall Throne, wherto the Lady MARY (al­though the elder Sister) as incestuously begotten, could make no claime? And thus much was in a Sermon delivered before the King by HVGH LATIMER, who having ten yeares since resig­ned [Page 229] his Bishopricke, had also hitherto abstained from preaching, vntill after the death of King HENRY this Light was againe restored, that by his rayes he might illustrate Gods Church. But how true his coniectures were concerning the Lord SEIMOVR, I will not vndertake to determine. Whether faulty in his ambition, or overborne by his envious adversaries, thus ended the Admirall his life, who was indeed a valiant Commander, and not vnfit for a Consultation, in whose ruine the Protector was likewise involved.

An Insur­rection Not long after this great mans fall, the People throughout almost the whole Realme brake out into a Rebellion, wherto the frequent vsurpations and avarice of the Gentry, who in many places en­closed the common and waste grounds for their owne pleasure and private profit, had incited them. The Lords of the Counsaile vpon notice of the Peoples discontents, and the probability of an In­surrection vnles speedy course were taken to ap­pease them, dispatched some into Kent (the Foun­taine of this generall Vprore) who should vpon due examination of the causes of the Peoples grie­vances, admonish those that were in that kinde faulty, by throwing open the Inclosures to restore to the People what had beene vniustly taken from them; otherwise they should be Authority Royall be forced therunto, and by their punishments serve to deterre others from the like insolencies and op­pressions. The most part obey, and (a most grate­full spectacle to the People) cause their new made Inclosures to be againe laid open. Wherwith Re­port acquainting the neighbouring Shires, the vn­ruly multitude inraged, that like restitution had not as yet beene made to them, not expecting the neces­sary [Page 230] direction of the Magistrate, but as if each one were authorized in his owne cause, both to iudge of and revenge received iniuries, taking armes levell the Dikes, assert the inclosed Lands, and give hope that there their fury would be at a stand. But as the Sea having once transgressed the iust limits of it's shore, by little and little eats it's way to an Inunda­tion, and is not but with excessive toile to be forced within it's vsuall bounds: So these having once transcended the prescripts of the Lawes, let them­selves loose to all kinde of licentiousnesse, over-run and spoile the Countrey, murther those that favour not their proceedings, and at length by the conflux of the baser sort and malcontents so increase their numbers, that it was not to make head against them with small Forces. And although this plaguein Nor­folke. raged more in Norfolke-Shire then any where els, yet had it so spred it's contagion over the most part of the Kingdome, that it was scarce any where sincere and free from infection. For the Counties of Kent, Oxford, Surrey, Buckingham, Essex, Cambridge, Yorke, Lincolne, but especially Devon and Somerset were im­broiled in these tumults. In Norfolke only had twen­ty thousand assembled, who now confident of their strength, did no more talke of Inclosures, but stretched their complaints to a higher straine; as that, The free-borne Commonalty was oppressed by a small number of Gentry, who glut themselves with pleasure, whiles the poore Commons wasted with daily labour do like pack-horses live in extreme slavery. But howsoever the calamities incident to this present life may with a constant patience be endured, the Soule is to be redeemed even with a thousand deaths. Holy Rites established by antiquity, are abolished, new ones are autorized, and a new forme of Re­ligion obtruded. To other evills death gives an end: but [Page 231] if they suffer their soules to be contaminated and polluted by this kinde of impiety, what thing is there that can equall them in miseries, to whom the end of these present ones is but the beginning of some more horrid, namely of the paines infernall, which no death can ever terminate. Why then should they not go to the Court, and appoint the King yet in his minority new Counsailours, removing those who now ruling as they list, confound things sacred and prophane, reguarding nothing els but the enriching of them­selves with the publique Treasure, that they may riot it amid the publique calamities?

This was the common complaint and resolution, especially of the Devonshire Rebells, who having among them made choice of their Chieftaines, did indevour to vnite themselves with the rest of their fellow Rebells. But to keepe them from ioyning, Forces are dispatched, some into Norfolke, some in­to Devonshire. For Norfolke are designed onely fif­teene hundred vnder the conduct of the Marquis of Northampton, who for a time bravely defended that spacious but weake City Norwich against the insolent Clownes. But his small troupes being much dimini­shed by the losse of the Lord Sheffeild and some others, he was at last faine to quit the City to the Ene­my, who after spoile barbarously set it on fire, and consumed a great part of the edifices. This ill suc­cesse drave the Lords of the Counsaile to a more seri­ous apprehension of the danger, who therupon sent the Earle of Warwicke wi h more competent Forces, who (as he was an excellent Commander) not only forced the Rebells to relinquish the City, but also pressed them so hard in their retreat, that he compel­led them to fight. They seeing a necessity of battaile imposed, placed all their Captives (for the most part Gentlemen) manacled and chained togeather, in front, that they alone might beare the fury of the on­set, [Page 232] and dull both the swords and courages of the Royallists. But their loyalty was not so ill recom­penced, as to suffer for it, scarce any of them falling by the sword. The Rebells were neverthelesse over­throwne, and all either taken or slaine except a very few, who rallying themselves, seemed desperately resolved to renue the fight. But the proposall of a Pardon made them cast away iheir armes, and peace­ably to depart. The number of the chiefe authors of this Commotion, who were hanged, was great. But ROBERT KET a Tanner, who in those times, and by that trade had gathered a fortune of a brace of thousands, was above all as in Fault, so in Execution remarkable. He had beene the Chieftaine in this Re­bellion, and was not in reason to be obscured among the common sort: wherfore it being thought fit that he should surmount them in the glory of a more no­torious punishment, he was fairely hanged in chaines on the verv top of Norwich Castle.

and in De­vonshire. While the Easterne parts of the Kingdome were thus possessed, the Westerne parts were not lesse tor­mented with the same Furies. Devonshire and Corn­wall with some additions out of Somersetshire, had on the same pretences armed fifteene thousand men, who after they had licentiously ransacked the Coun­trey, at length sate downe before the famous City of Excester. Forty dayes they besieged it, and were re­pulsed by the Inhabitants, though vtterly destitute of warlike provision. On the sixt of August, IOHN Lord Russell (after Earle of Bedford) entring the City with forces and munition, disassieged it, pursued the Rebells, slew some, tooke others, to the number of foure thousand, whereof many were after execu­ted; but especially HVMFREY ARVNDELL Captaine of S. Michaels Mount in Cornwall, a man of antient descent and sufficiently ample revenues: so [Page 233] that I cannot sufficiently wonder, what madnesse drave him to associate himselfe with this desperate and vnruly rabble. With him were hanged RO­BERT BOCHIN, IO. TOMSON, ROGER BARRET, IO. VLCOCKE, WILL. ASA, IAMES NORTON, IO. BARON, and RI­CHARD BENET Priests, and besides them, IOHN and IAMES ROSOGAN, IO. PAYNE, THO. VNDERHILL, and IO. SOLMAN, all prime incendiaries and chiefe authors of this tumult. The City of Excester in memory of this their delivery hath ever sithence with an anniversary solemnity kept the sixt of August holy. As for the other Counties infe­sted with the reliques of this rebellion, the evill be­ing tempestively supprest before it spred it selfe, and the ringleaders punished, they were quickely redu­ced to their former temper.

Some Forts lost in Bo­loignois. Neither were our affaires more peaceable abroad then at home. For HENRY King of France taking advantage of our domestique sedition, not reguar­ding the League concluded betweene vs and his Fa­ther, invaded Boloignois, where his successe was such, that he was animated to greater attempts. He sets forth a Fleet for the taking in of the Isles of Iersey and Guarnesey the sole portions remaining to the English of the Duchy of Normandy. At these Isles the French are with great losse driven abord their ships. At the landing they lost a thousand men, and we very few. About Bouloigne, Corruptly Bonlamberg., Mont Lambert, Sellaque, and Am­bleteul were lost. Sellaque was defended by two En­signes: But having beene battered by the Enemy, while we vnwarily parley with MONTMOREN­CY, was on the five and twentieth of August forced by them. At Ambleteul were six Ensignes of Foote, who for some dayes made good the place: But fin­ding themselves vnable long to hold out against so [Page 234] great forces, vpon no other termes then grant of lives, yeelded the Fort to the French. The losse of these places so daunted the Garrison at Blanconet, that having beene scarce saluted by the Enemies Cannon, vpon condition of life and goods they quitted the place. Neither was this the last important effect of our conceived terrour: for the English at Mont-Lam­bert not so much as attending the comming of the Enemie, fired their lodgings, made their provision vnusefull, and retreated to Guisnes, The Fort at the Tower of Ordre fortified both by nature and art, gave a period to this yeares successe; standing resolutely vpon defence vntill the extremity of Winter forced the French to raise their siege.

Enmity be­tweene the Protector & the Earle of Warwick. The losse of these small pieces set the Protector in the wane of the vulgar opinion, and afforded suffici­ent matter for Envy to worke on. Among the Lords of the Privy Counsaile the most eminent was the Earle of Warwick [...], a man of a vast spirit, which was the more inlarged by the contemplation of his great Acts performed both abroad and at home. He had long looked asquint vpon Somersets greatnesse, whom in a favorable esteeme of himselfe he deemed far be­neath him; and was withall persuaded, that could he but remove the Duke, due reguards would cast the Protectorship on him. The consideration also of the Dukes nakednesse (disarmed of that metalsome peice the Admirall)

—(En quo discordia Fratres
Perduxit miseros)—

made his hopes present themselves in the more lively shapes. He seekes about for sufficient matter where­with to charge the Duke, who could not be long ig­norant of these practises against him. The Duke fin­ding [Page 235] himselfe aimed at, but not well discerning whether the Earle intended a legall or military pro­cesse against him, on the sixt of October, from Hamp­ton-Court where the King then resided, sent letters to the City of London, requiring from thence an aid of a thousand men, who should guard the King and him from the treacherous attempts of some ill-affe­cted Subiects. And in the meane time presseth in the adiacent Countrey; where having raised a rea­sonable company, he the same night carried away the King, attended by some of the Nobility and some of the Counsaile, from thence to Windsore, a place, because fortified, more safe, and convenient for resistance. But the Earle had made a greater part of the Counsaile, who accompanied him at London. To them he makes a formall complaint against the Protector, beseeching them, by their assistance to secure him from the Protectors ma­lice, who sought to intrap him for his life. These Lords send a contre-letter to the Londoners, deman­ding aids of them for the delivery of the King out of the hands of his Enemy (for so they were pleased to terme the Duke.) Then they send abroad Pro­clamations, wherein they insert the chiefe heads of their accusation; as that By sowing seeds of discord, the Duke had troubled that setled and peaceable estate wherin King HENRY had left this Kingdome; and had beene the chiefe cause that it had lately beene ingaged in Ciuill wars to the losse of many thousand lives: That many Forts conquered by HENRY with hazard of his Person, were by the Dukes either cowardise or treachery regained by the Enemy: That he reguarded not the advice of the rest of the Lords of the Counsaile, and had plainely neglected King HENRY'S instructions concerning the governement of the Kingdomes of England and Irland: [Page 236] That his chiefe studies, and wherein he was most seene, were to rake vp wealth, to maintaine a Faction a­mong the Nobility, and yet comply with both parties for his owne advantages, to build stately Palaces far exceeding the proportion of a Subiect, and that even in the very in­stan that the Estate did shrinke vnder the burthen both of intestine and foraine wars.

The Duke certified of their proceedings, and see­ing himselfe forsaken (for the Londoners being pre­possessed, were so far from supplying him, that they at the same time afforded his Adversary five hun­dred, and the greatest part of the Nobility had by ioining with the Earle made their cause one) at last forsooke himselfe also; and craving of the adverse party, that they would abstaine from violence to­ward him, and proceed only according to the vsu­all courses of Legall tryall; delivered the King to their Tuition, and remitted himselfe to their dispo­sall;The Prote­ctor commit­ted. by whom on the fourteenth of October he was committed to the Tower, together with Sir MI­CHAEL STANHOP, Sir THOMAS SMITH, Sir IOHN THIN, and some others.

The death of Paul the Third, Pope. On the tenth of November died PAVL the Third, having sate Pope neere about fifteene yeares. The Conclave of Cardinalls consulting about the election of a new Pope, began to have reguard of Cardinall POOLE, in whome the greatnesse of his Extract, his Vertuous Life, Gravity, and admira­ble Learning, were very considerable motives. The Conclave was at that time divided, some were Im­perialists, some French, and a third Part (wherof the Cardinall FARNESE was principall) stood Neuter. Cardinall Poole ele­cted Pope. These lator at length ioining with the Imperialists cast their vnanimous Votes vpon POOLE. Who [Page 237] vpon notice of his Election, blamed them for their rashnesse, advising them againe and againe, that they should not in their Consultations be mis-led by perturbation of minde, or do any thing for friend­ship or favour, but totally to direct their cogitations to the honor of God and the profit of his Church.

POOLE himselfe having thus put off the mat­ter, the French Cardinalls began to alledge, That in reguard of the difficulties of wayes and distance of places, many of the Colledge were yet absent, and that there was no reason why they should with such precipitation proceed to a partiall Election before the Conclave were full. The Cardinall CA­RAFFA (who some yeares after was Pope, by the name of PAVL the Fourth) a waiward old man, whose cold spirits were set on fire by Envy and Ambition, sought to make vse of POOLE'S modesty to his owne advantage, ho­ping himselfe as eminent and in as faire a way as any of the Colledge (POOLE excepted) might be advanced to the Chaire. And to lessen the fa­vour of the Conclave towards POOLE, he be­tooke himselfe to calumnies, accusing POOLE of suspicion of Heresy and Incontinency, that In Germany and his Legacy at Trent, he had too much fa­voured the Lutheraus, had often entertained IMMA­NVEL TREMELLIVS, had inrolled ANTO­NIO FLAMINIO suspested of Lutheranisme, in his Family, and promoted him to many Ecclesiasticall Digni­ties; and in his Legacy at Viterbo vsed not that severity against that sort of men, that was requisite. Neither could that composed gravity so free him from the taint of loosenesse, but that many were of opinion he had cloistered a Virgin of his owne begetting: That he wondred what the Conclave meant, with so impetuous a current to pro­ceed [Page 238] to the election of this one man, and he a forainer: as if Italy it selfe were so barren of deserving men, that we must be faine to send for this man out of Britaine, almost the farthest part of the knowne World, to invest him in the Papacy: wherof what would be the effect, but that the Emperour, at whose devotion this man wholly was, might once againe make himselfe Master of Rome, now by in­dulgence, as before by force.

To these allegations POOLE'S reply was such, that he not only cleered himselfe, but also quicken­ed the almost extinguished desires of the Conclave to elect him. The major part wherof assembling at his chamber by night, wished LVDOVICO PRIVLO the Cardinalls bosome friend (betweene whome the correspondence of their dispositions had bred a mutuall affection) to awake him, for that having elected him, they were purposely come (an accustomed ceremony) to Adore him, and dissolve the Conclave. PRIVLO having signified to him with testimonies of excessive ioy, the intent of these Cardinalls, was greatly blamed by him, and they dismissed with this answer, That a matter of so great consequence (carrying with it so great a burthen, that it would deterre an ingenuous man from the acceptation of it) was not to be tumultuously, but vpon mature deliberation orderly to be transacted: as for the season it was vtterly vnfit, for asmuch as God was the God of Light, and not of Darkenesse: they should therfore do well to defer it vntill the next day, and if then their resolutions proved the same, he would submit himselfe to their pleasures. The Italian Cardinalls conceiving these delayes to proceed out of stupidity, began to contemne him; and changing their determinations, a little after pitched vpon Car­dinall MONTANVS, whome they created Pope, by the name of IVLIVS the Third.

Anno Dom. 1550 Reg. 4.

THe Duke of Somerset having now for three moneths continued a prisoner, and not con­victed of any crime which might touch his life; it being not thought fitting that so great a man, lately Protector of the King's Person and Realme, should for a small offence be condemned to perpetuall imprisonment; is vnder-hand dealt with to submit himselfe, with acknowledgement that hee had deserved this or whatsoever greater punishment the King should be pleased to inflict on him, and withall to implore the favour of his Maiesties Roy­all Clemency. To this he easily condiscended, and was on the sixt of February set at liberty, but not re­storedThe Duke of Somerset set at liberty. to the dignity of Protector, onely contenting himselfe with the ranke of a Privy Counsailor. But it being conceived, that revenge might draw the Duke to new practises, by mediation of Friends hee is re­conciled to the Earle of Warwicke, and that this at­tonement might be the more firme and sincere, the Dukes Daughter is on the third of June married to the Viscont Lisle the Earle of Warwicks Sonne, the King gracing the Nuptialls with his presence. THVA­NVS (I know not vpon what grounds) writeth, That the Earle by a kinde of counterfeit shew that he was desirous of the restitution of the Romish Re­ligion, had setled himselfe in the good opinion of the vulgar, who had not yet learned to renew themselves by casting off the old skin, but reverenced Supersti­tion for it's reputed Antiquity: and that his dissimula­tion being discovered, fearing least he should be for­saken of them whom he had with false hopes deluded, the consideration thereof, and of the Dukes milde and [Page 240] free disposition, would indeere his Adversary to them: to prevent this danger he contrived this alli­ance with the Duke, and procured his liberty.

In the meane of these passages, on the nineteenth of January the Lord Russell Lord Privy Seale, was cre­ated Earle of Bedford, WILLIAM Lord Saint-John Earle of Wiltshire, and Sir WILLIAM PAGET Lord Paget.

Peace with the Scots and French. The Earle of Bedford and the Lord Paget were within three dayes after with Sir WILLIAM PE­TERS and Sir IOHN MASON dispatched into France for the Treatie of a Peace with the Deputies appointed by the French, who were MONTMORE­CY Gouernour of Picardy, GASPER COLIGNY Lord of Chastillon afterward Admirall of France, AN­DREW GILLAR MORTAIR and WILLIAM BOVCHERELLE. The Lord Paget not long be­fore had beene sent to the Emperor to signifie how we were distressed on the one side by the Scots, and on the other by the French, and miserably rent at home by intestine dissensions, that our necessities re­quired speedy succours, or would force vs to con­descend to an inconvenient Peace with France. But perceiving nothing was to bee obtained of him, wee stroke hands with the French vpon these conditions.

That Boloigne and all the Forts in Bo­loignois should be surrendred to the French, together with the Artillery and other mili­tary provision:

That in lieu thereof the King of France should pay vnto EDVVARD foure hundred thousand crownes by equall portions at two payments:

[Page 241] That the English should restore to the Scots, Lauder and Douglas: and (if the Queene of Scots should desire it) should rase their Fortifications in Haymon and at Roxburgh.

The Emperour was on both sides comprehen­ded in the League, and the Queene of Scots by the French. The two Kings presented each other with their military Orders; and (as one writeth) it was on both parts agreed on, that EDWARD should marry one of the Daughters of France. For the rati­fication of the Articles, on the eight of Aprill Hostages were given:

By Vs,
  • The Duke of Suffolke,
  • The Earle of Hertford Sonne to the Duke of Somerset,
  • The Earle of Arundell,
  • The Earle of Derby,
  • The Earle of Bath.
By the French,
  • IOHN of Bourbon Duke of An­guien,
  • CLAVD of Loraine Marquis of Mayenne,
  • FRANCIS Sonne to the Constable MONTMORENCY,
  • [Page 242] LEWIS of Tremoville,
  • FRANCIS of Vendosme Ʋidame of Chartres,
  • CLAVD d' Annebalt.

This Peace betweene vs and France was on the third of March solemnely proclaimed in London, and on the five and twentieth of Aprill, Bouloigne being accordingly surrendred to the French, our Hostages were returned.

On the thirtieth of Iuly died the Lord WRI­OTHSLEY Knight of the Garter, late Lord Chan­cellour of England and Earle of Southampton. He had about the beginning of this Kings Raigne delivered vp the Seale, the Custody wherof was committed to the Lord Rich. But having beene about halfe a yeare past removed (as was also the Earle of Arundell, but for what cause is vncertaine) from the Counsaile Ta­ble, he at length (whether out of griefe or some other cause, fell sicke and died. He was father to HEN­RY the second Earle, and Grandfather to HEN­RY the third Earle of Southampton not long since de­ceased, who having tasted of both fortunes, did her­tofore as generously behave himselfe in adversity, as he did since moderately in prosperity, whereto by the Clemency of our late Soveraigne he was restored.

Anno Dom. 1551. Reg. 5.

The Swea­ting Sicke­nesse. MEntion hath formerly beene made concer­ning the Sweating Sickenesse, a disease to which England hath given a name, as well in reguard of it's originall, as of the knowne dispo­sition of our bodies to admit of this virulent con­tagion. England had beene formerly afflicted with it, but never so mortally as this present yeare. Shrewsbury was now the first place acquainted with this Pestilence, there it began in Aprill, and thence diffusing it selfe over the most part of the King­dome, at length it vanished away in the North about the beginning of October. The fury of it was such, as if it would never end but by it's proper cruelty, when it should not have left subiects wher­on to feed. The dead whome it swept away were numberlesse. In London only eight hundred was scarce a seven nights stint. It made it's first entry into this Island in the Reigne of HENRY the Seventh Anno 1486. and from hence it tooke it's progresse to other Nations. The Infected flowed away, and within the space of twenty foure houres when this malignant disease was most mercifull in it's execution, peradventure within twelve, did sweat out their soules. Women, children, and old men it for the most part overpassed, and wreaked it selfe on the robustious youth and well compact middle age, who, if in the beginning of their sicke­nes did but slumber, perished instantly. If it seized on any that were full gorged, the recovery was in a manner desperate. Nay and of others whatsoever [Page 244] they were, scarce one of a hundred escaped, vntill time had found out a remedy: the manner wherof was thus: If any be taken in the day time, hee must without shifting of his apparell betake himselfe to bed: If by night and in bed, let him not stir thence, vntill twenty foure howers be run▪ In the meane let the coverture be such, that it provoke not sweat, but that it may gently distill of it selfe: if it be pos­sible for him so long to forbeare, let him not eat nor drinke more then may moderately serve to ex­tinguish thirst: But above all, let him so patiently endure heat, that hee vncover not any part of his body, no not so much as a hand or a foot. The strangenesse of this disease I do not so much ad­mire; for that PLINY in his twenty sixt Booke the first Chapter witnesseth, and daily experience teacheth vs, that every age produceth new and Epidemicall diseases. But that which surpasseth the search of humane reason is this, that this Pestilence afflicted the English in what part of the world soe­ver, without touching the Natives, but in England alone. This dire contagion promiscuously impo­verisht the Land of people of all sorts: amongThe death of the Duke of Suffolke. those of especiall note were HENRY Duke of Suffolke, and his Brother, who were the Sonnes of CHARLES BRANDON, and the Kings Cou­zins germane, young Noblemen of great and live­ly hopes: by the death of HENRY, the Duchy was for some few howers devolved to the younger Brother, who had the vnhappy honour but to beA creation of Dukes and Earles. seized of the Title and dy. The Lord Gray Mar­quis of Dorset having married FRANCIS the eldest Daughter of CHARLES BRANDON, in the right of his Wife made claime to the Duchy, and was on the eleventh of October invested in it. [Page 245] At▪ what time also IOHN DVDLEY Earle of Warwicke was created Duke of Northumberland: WILLIAM POWLET Earle of Wiltshire, Mar­quis of Winchester: and Sir WILLIAM HER­BERT Lord Cardif Master of the Horse, Earle of Pembroke. The masculine Line of DVDLEY and GRAY hath beene long since extinct: Of the Family of the POWLETS we have spoken already▪ the Lord HERBERT Brother in law toThe descent of the Earles of Pembroke Queene CATHARINE PARR, derived him­selfe from WILLIAM HERBERT in the time of EDWARD the Fourth Earle of Pem­broke, and was succeeded in the Earledome by his Sonne HENRY Father to WILLIAM the moderne Earle (whose mature wisedome and gra­vity even in his greener yeares, long since ranked him in the sage Senate of the Privy Counsaile to two successive Kings) and to PHILIP by King IAMES created Earle of Montgomery. Then also were knighted Sir IOHN CHEEKE the King's Schoolemaster, Sir HENRY DVDLEY, Sir HENRY NEVILL, and (whome I cannot mention but with due honor) Sir WILLIAM CECILL. CECILL I say, who then Secretary of Estate, was afterward by all Europe held in admi­ration for his wisedome; whome Queene ELI­ZABETH made Lord Treasurer of England and Baron of Burleigh, and was whilest he lived a se­cond prop of this Estate; who on the fourth of Au­gust 1598. piously ended his long, but for the pub­lique weales sake ever restlesse life, leaving two Sonnes, THOMAS by King IAMES created Earle of Excester, and ROBERT out of the same Fountaine of Royall Goodnesse Earle of Sarisbury and Lord Treasurer of England.

[Page 246] And now the ill cemented affections of theEnmity be­tweene the Dukes of So­merset and Northum­berland re­vived. Dukes of Somerset and Northumberland dissolved in­to open enmity. In the prosecution wherof, Somer­set, otherwise of a most milde disposition (but Pati­ence abused, oft runneth into the extreme of Fury) provoked by continuall iniuries, resolved (as some write) to murther Northumberland. To this end, but vnder colour of a visite, privily armed, and well at­tended by Seconds who awaited him in an vtter chamber, he comes to his Adversary at that time by reason of some indisposition of body keeping his Chamber, hath accesse vnto him naked as hee was in his bed, but is so courteously entertained, and with such smooth language, that the Duke of Somerset good man repenting himselfe of his blou­dy resolutions, would not execute what he pur­posely came for. At his departure one of his con­spirators is reported to have asked him, Whether he had done the feat? and vpon his denial to have added, Then you are vndone. This his intent being by his owne Party bewraied, a second accusation is in­grossed against him. The matter is referred to the Counsaile Table, and he on the sixteenth of October againe committed to the Tower together with the Duchesse his Wife, the Lord Gray of Wilton, Sir RALPH VANE, Sir THOMAS PALMER, Sir MILES PARTRIDGE, Sir MICHAEL STANHOP, Sir THOMAS ARVNDELL, and many other of his Friends.

On the first of December the Marquis of Winche­ster being for that day high Steward, he is arraig­ned for Treason against the Estate, which hee had not onely ill but treacherously managed; and for conspiracy against the Duke of Northumberland. Of Treason he cleered himselfe, and his Peeres acquit­ted [Page 247] him. For the Conspiracy he was by his owne confession condemned, and that by vertue of a Law enacted 3. HENR. 7. which made the very intent, nay imagination of killing a Privy Counsailor, puni­shable by death. But howsoever the Law (enacted as some conceive vpon somewhat differing intents and meaning) were extended to the highest of it's rigour, yet can I not but wonder, how a man so great in the reguards of his Reigning Nephew, of his Ho­nors, of the popular Favour, should be so destitute of Learned Advice, as not to exempt himselfe from a felonious death by his Clergy. But such were the times, such his misfortunes in the minority of his Prince; from whose revengefull hand how could the adverse Faction presume themselves secure in the future? Neither could they choose but be somewhat terrified with that ecchoing testimony of the peoples ioy, who seeing that fatall Virge the Axe (vsually mar­shalling Traitors to the Barre) laied aside vpon his freedome from the guilt of Treason; from Westmin­ster Hall certified that part of the City by their loud festivall acclamations, of the gladsome tidings of their Favorite's conceived Absolution. And these peradventure might be causes that his execution was deferred.

Certaine Bi­shops depri­ved. Hitherto had the Estate patiently indured the ob­stinate opposition of some Bishops in point of Re­formation, who for their non-conformity are at length deprived and others substituted in their Bishopricks. Of some of them we have occasionally already spo­ken, whose censures notwithstanding fall in with this yeare. GARDINER Bishop of Winchester was de­prived the fourteenth of February; DAY of Chi­chester, and HEATH of Worcester on the tenth of October: TONSTALL of Duresme on the twenti­eth of December committed to the Tower; and [Page 248] BONER of London on the first of October 1549. had beene already exautorated. All of them for feare of practising against the Estate were deteined in Prison.

Some of the Seruants of the Lady Mary com­mitted. And on the last of October FRANCIS INGLE­FIELD, WALGRAVE, and ROCHESTER Servants to the Lady MARY, as also FRANCIS MALLET Doctor of Divinity her Chaplaine, were committed. I cannot speake any thing certaine of the causes of any of their imprisonments, excepting Do­ctor MALLET'S only. At the Emperours request he was permitted to celebrate Masse, but with this li­mitation, In the presence of the Lady MARY, not otherwise: for adventuring to celebrate in her ab­sence, it was thought fit he should be punished for his presumptuous transgression. With the Lady her selfe all meanes had beene vsed to conforme her to the Times: the King himselfe had taken much paines with her by often suasory Letters, the Counsaile had done the like, and personally to satisfie her with rea­son, divers learned men had beene imploied. But their labours were vaine; for hatred to our Religion for her Mothers, for her owne sake, and some politique respects (for by the Decrees of our Religion she was made illegitimate, and consequently cut off from the Succession to the Crowne, if her brother should dy issulesse) confirmed her in that Superstition which she had sucked from her Mother.

An Arrian burned. On the fourteenth of Aprill one GEORGE PA­RIS a Gormane was at London burned for Arria­nisme.

An Earth­quake. On the five and twentieth of May, Croydon and se­ven or eight other Villages in Surrey were terribly shaken with an Earthquake.

The Queene of Scots in-England. Toward the beginning of November, MARY Dowager of Scotland arriving at Portsmouth, sent to [Page 249] the King and craved leave to passe through England into Scotland. Which being granted, and she invited to London, entred the City on the second of Novem­ber, where her entertainment was generall and Roy­all. On the sixt of November she departed for Scot­land, and had the charges of her whole Retinue borne vntill she arrived there in safety.

The Earle of Arundell & the Lord Pa­get commit­ted. About the same time also the Earle of Arundell and the Lord Paget were (but for what causes is vncer­taine) committed to the Tower. In the ensuing Aprill the Garter was taken from the Lord Paget, and con­ferred on the Earle of Warwick the Duke of Northum­berlands eldest Sonne. As for the Earle o [...] Arundell he was on the third of December in the next yeare set at liberty.

The Bishop of Ely Lord Chancellor. On the one and twentieth of December was the Lord Rich removed from the Chancellorship, and THOMAS GOODRICH Bishop of Ely made Lord Chancellor.

Anno Dom. 1552. Reg. 6.

The Duke of Somerset be­headed. THe Duke of Somerset had now continued two moneths in prison since his condemnation. At length the violence of his enemies (notwith­standing the Kings desire to save his Vnkle, vnder whose tuitio [...] he had passed his childehood) drew him to the Scaffold. Being on the twenty foure of Ianuary brought to the place of execution, he in this manner bespake the Assembly:

Being by the Law condemned, I here wil­lingly submit my selfe, by exemplary punish­ment to satisfie it's Rigour. That God hath beene pleased to grant me so long a prepara­tive [Page 250] to my end, I humbly thanke his eternall Goodnesse: But in that he hath beene far­ther pleased to inspire me with the knowledge of his Truth, and to make me an instrument for the propagation of the same, J can never sufficiently magnify his Mercies. Jn this do J reioice, in this only do J triumph: besee­ching him, that his Church in this Realme be­ing now reformed according to the Jnstitution of the antient Primitive, the Members therof may conforme their lives to the purity of it▪s received Doctrine.

More he would have said, but a strange tumult and sudden consternation of the Assembly interrup­ted him. The People possessed with a Panique ter­ror, as it were with an vnanimous consent cried out, Fly quickely, fly: insomuch that of that infinite multi­tude which the expectation of the Dukes death had drawne together, as many as well could seeking to shift for themselves, many are troden to death, and others in the throng as vnfortunately prest, the rest amazedly expect their owne destruction, when their owne feares were the greatest danger. The cause of their feares no man could certainly speake: one said he heard a terrible cracke of thunder; ano [...]er the noise of a troup of horse. & some over credulous, according to the sway of their affections, ioyfully affirmed that messengers were come with a pardon for the Duke. But certain halberdiers appointed to guard the Duke to the scaffold; but comming tardy, & crying to their fellows, Away, away, were more probably the occasion of this tumult. The true meaning of this amphibolo­gicall word, which commandeth haste to and from, [Page 251] being mistaken, and withall a company of armed men bending themselves (as was supposed) against the multitude, filled all with terror and confusion. The affrighted people being at length with much ado pacified; the Duke entreating them for a while to containe themselves, that he might with a more setled minde depart out of this world; by prayer commended his soule to God, and then suffered with admirable constancy, neither by voice, gesture, nor countenance shewing himselfe any way deiected or moved at the apprehension of death, vnles peradven­ture you might take this for a token of feare, that when he covered his eyes with his handkerchiefe, his cheekes had a little more tincture of red then vsuall.

That his death was generally lamented, is manifest. Many there were who kept handkerchiefes dipped in his bloud, as so many sacred Reliques. Among the rest a sprightfull Dame two yeares after, when the Duke of Northumberland was led captive through the City for his opposition against Queene MARY, ran to him in the streets, and shaking out her bloudy handkerchief before him, Behold (said she) the bloud of that worthy man, that good Vnkle of that excellent King, which shed by thy treacherous machination, now at this instant begins to revenge it selfe vpon thee. And Sir RALPH VANE, who on the twenty sixt of Fe­bruary was with Sir MILES PARTRIDGE han­ged at the same place where the Duke had suffered, at what time also Sir MICHAEL STANHOP and Sir THOMAS ARVNDELL were there behea­ded, going to his execution said, that His bloud would make Northumberland's pillow vneasy to him. These foure Knights being to be executed, did each of them take God to witnesse, that they never practised any thing against the King nor any of his Counsaile.

To returne to the Duke, such was his end. As for [Page 252] his life, he was a pious just man, very zealous in point of Reformation, very sollicitous of the King's safety, every way good, and carefull of the Weale publique, only a little tainted with the Epidemique of those times, who thought it Religion to reforme the Church, as well in it's exuberancy of meanes, as of superstitious Ceremonies, wherof not a few of our Ca­thedralls to this day complaine.

Many prodigies ensued his death, wherby many did presage the calamities of succeeding times. In Au­gust six Dolphins (a fish seldome seene in our seas) were taken in the Thames, three neere Quinborough, and three a little above Greenwich, where the water is scarce tainted with the Seas brackishnesse. On the seventh day of October were three Whales cast vp at Gravesend. And on the third of Au­gust A Monster. at Middleton in Oxford-shire was borne a Monster, such, as few either Naturalists or Histo­rians write of the like. It had two heads and two bodies as far as the navill distinct, where they were so conioined that they both had but one way of egestion, and their heads looking alwaies contrary waies. The legs and thighes of the one did alwaies ly at the trunke of the other. This (female) Monster lived eighteene dayes, and might have lon­ger peradventure, if it had not beene so often ope­ned to satisfie curiosity, that it tooke cold and died.

This yeare the Monastery of the Franciscan Friers in London was converted into a brave Hospitall, wherin foure hundred poore boyes are maintained, and have education befirting free borne men. It is at this day called Christ-Church.

In South warke also was another like place provided for the reliefe of poore sicke persons, and is dedicated to the memory of Saint Thomas.

Anno Dom. 1553. Reg. 7.

The King sickeneth. THis yeare sets a period to yong EDWARDS Reigne, who by the defluxion of a sharpe rheume vpon the lungs shortly after became hecticall, and died of a consumption. Some attri­bute the cause of his sicknesse to griefe for the death of his Vnkles; some to poison, and that by a nose­gay of sweet flowers presented him as a great dain­ty on New yeares day. But what hopefull Prince was there ever (almost) immaturely taken away, but poison or some other treachery was imputed? Our deluded hopes being converted into griefe, out of passion we bely Fate. Had there beene the least suspition of any such inhumane practise, Queene MARY would never have suffered it to have pas­sed as an act of indifferency without an inquest. It was doubtlesse a posthumous rumor purposely rai­sed to make the Great Ones of that Raigne distate­full to the succeeding times. Howsoever it were, the Nobility vnderstanding by the Physitions, that the King's estate was desperate, began every one to proiect his owne ends. The Duke of Northumber­land as he was more potent than the rest, so did his ambition fly higher. It was somewhat strange, that being not any way able to pretend but a shadow of Right to the Crowne, he should dreame of confir­ming the Succession of it in his Family. But he shall sore so high, that he shall singe his wings, and fall no lesse dangerously than he whome the Poêts feigne to have aspired to a like vnlawfull governe­ment. As for the Ladies MARY and ELIZA­BETH, [Page 254] two obstacles to be removed, he doubted not by reasons drawne from their questionable Births to exclude them. The next reguard must be of the Daughters of HENRY the Seventh. But of the Queene of Scots (who was Niepce to MAR­GARET the eldest Daughter of HENRY the Seventh) he was little sollicitous. For by reason of our continuall enmity with the Scots, and thence in­veterate hatred, he imagined that any shew of rea­son would put her by, especially shee being contra­cted to the French, whose insolent government hee was confident the English would never brooke. In the next place consideration is to be had of Lady FRANCIS Daughter to CHARLES BRAN­DON Duke of Suffolke by MARY Dowager of France the second Daughter of HENRY the Seventh, who, her two Brothers then alive, had beene married to HENRY GRAY Marquis of Dorset. The two Brothers (as before) dying of the late mortality, the Marquis is in the right of his Wife created Duke of Suffolke; and this was ano­ther stop to his Ambition. For the removall whereof he intends this course: He imparts his de­signes to the Duke of Suffolke, and desires that a Match may be concluded betweene the Lord GVILFORD DVDLEY his fourth Sonne, and Lady IANE GREY the Duke of Suffolke's eldest Daughter. And because, if onely right of in­heritance should be pretended, the Duchesse of Suffolke were in reason to be preferred before her Daughter; he vndertakes to persuade the King not only to disherit his Sisters by Will and Testament, but also by the same to declare the Lady IANE his next and immediate Successor. Suffolke biting at this bait, they complot by drawing the chiefest of the [Page 255] Nobility, to contract Affinity either with the one or tother to procure the generall assent of them all. So on the same day that Lady IANE vnder anvn­happy Planet was married to Lord GVILFORD, the Duke of Suffolk's two youngest Daughters are married, CATHARINE to Lord HENRY el­dest sonne to the Earle of Pembrooke, and crouch backed MARY to MARTIN KEYES Groome Porter. Northumberlands eldest Daughter also na­med CATHARINE was married to the Lord HASTINGS eldest sonne to the Earle of Hun­tington. These marriages were in Iune solemnized at London, the King at that time extremely languish­ing.

Hauing thus brought these things to a desired passe, nothing now remained but to act his part with the weake King. To Him he inculcates, In what danger the estate of the Church would be, if He dying, provision were not first made of a pious Successour, and such a one as should maintaine the now established Religion. How the Lady MARY stood affected was well knowne. Of the Lady ELIZABETH there might be peraduenture better hopes. But their causes were so strongly connexed, that either both must be excluded, or the Lady MARY be admitted. That it was the part of a religious and good Prince to set apart all respects of Bloud, where God's Glory and the Subiects weale might be indangered. They that should do otherwise, were after this life (which is short) to exspect revenge at God's dreadfull Tribunall, where they are to vndergo the tryall either of eternall life or eternall death. That the Duke of Suffolke, had three Daughters neerest to him in degrees of Bloud: they were such as their Vertues and Birth did commend, and from whome the violation of Religion, or the danger of a forraine yoke by any match was not to be [Page 256] feared, for asnuch as their education had beene Religious, they had as it were with their milke suckt in the spirituall food of true Christian Doctrine, and were also matched to Husbands as zealous of the Truth as themselves; He could wish and would advise, that these might be successively called to the Crowne, but with this caution, That they should maintaine the now established Religion. And although Lady IANE the eldest of the three were married to his Sonne; he would be content that they should be bound by oath to performe whatsoever his Maiesty should decree: for he had not so much reguard to his owne as the generall good.

His Will, wherin he disinheri­teth his Sisters. These reasons so prevailed with the young King, that he made his Will, and therin as much as in him lay, excluded both his Sisters from the Succession to the Crowne, and all others whosoever, beside the Duke of Suffolke's Daughters. This Will was read in presence of the Counsaile and the chiefe Iudges of the Realme, and by each of them confirmed, with a strict command that no man should publish the contents of it, least it might prove an occasion of sedition and civill tumults. The Archbishop CRANMER did for a while refuse to subscribe to it, not deeming it any way agreeable to equity, that the right of lawfull Succession should vpon any pretences be violated: But the King vrging him, and making Religion a motive, which was otherwise likely to suffer, after a long deceptation he was at length drawne to assent. But these delaies of his were so little reguarded by Queene MARY, that vnder her scarce any man was sooner marked out for destruction. Some few daies after these pas­sages,He dieth. on the fixt of Iuly in the sixteenth yeare of his age King EDWARD at Greenwich surrendred his soule to God, having vnder his Tutors reigned six [Page 257] yeares, five moneths, and nineteene daies, and even in that tender age given great proofe of his vertue; a Prince of great devotion, constancy of minde, love of the Truth, and incredibly studious; vertues which with Royall Greatnesse seldome concur. Some three howers before his death, not thinking any one had beene present to over-heare him, he thus commen­ded himselfe to God:

His Prayer.
O Lord God, free me Ibeseech thee out of this miserable and calamitous life, and re­ceive me among the number of thine Elect, if so be it be thy pleasure: although not mine but thy will he done. To thee O Lord do J com­mend my Spirit. Thou knowest O Lord how happy J shall be, may I live with thee in Hea­ven: yet would I might live and be well for thine Elects sake, that I might faithfully serve thee. O Lord God, blesse thy People, and save thine Jnheritance. O Lord God, save thy people of England, defend this King­dome frome Popery, and preserve thy true Religion in it, that Iand my People may blesse thy most Holy Name for thy Sonne IESVS CHRIST.

Then opening his eyes, which he had hitherto closed, and seeing Doctor OWEN the Physition, (from whose report we have this Prayer) sitting by, Are you there? (quoth he) J had not thought you had been so neere: who answered, I heard you speake, but could not collect your words: Jndeed (replied the King) J was making my prayer to God. A little after, he suddenly [Page 258] cried out, I faint, Lord have mercy vpon me, and receive my Soule: which words he had scarce spoken ere hee departed. Much might be spoken in praise of this Prince, but reguardfull of my intended brevity, I will Cardanus Lib. de Ge­nituris. only give you a taste of him out of CARDAN, who about a yeare before travailing through England to­ward Scotland, was admitted to his presence. The conference betweene them he thus describeth. Ade­rant illi (speaking of the King) Gratiae: Linguas enim multas callebat puer, &c. He was stored with Graces: for being yet a Childe he spake many Languages, his native En­glish, Latine, French, and as I heare, was also skilled in the Greeke, Italian, Spanish, and peradventure some others. He wanted neither the rudiments of Logicke, the principles of Philosophy, nor Musicke: He was full of Humanity the relish of Morality, of Gravity befitting Roy­alty, of hopes great as himselfe: A Childe of so great wit, and such expectation could not be borne, without a kinde of miracle in nature. I write not this Rhetorically with the excesse of an Hyperbole; for to speake all the truth were to spake far more. Being yet but in his fifteenth yeare, he spake Latine as readily and politely as I could. What (saith he) is the subiect of your Bookes De Rerum Varietate? (I had dedicated them to his Maiesty) CARD. In the first Chapter I shew the long hidden and vainly sought after causes of Comets. KING. And what is the cause? CARD. The concourse and meeting of the lights of the er­ratique Stars. KING. But being the Planets are mo­ved with severall motions, how comes it to passe, that the Comet doth not either presently dissolve and scatter, or move with their motion? CARD. It moves in­deed, but with a far swifter motion then the Planets, by reason of the diversity of the aspect, as we see in Chry­stall and the Sunne when a Rainebow rebound vpon a wall, for a little change makes a great difference of the place. KING. But how can that be done with­out [Page 259] a subiect? for the wall is the subiect to the Rainbow. CARD. As in the Galaxia or Milky way, and in the reflection of lights when many candles lighted are set neere one another, they do produce a certaine lucid and bright meane. You may know the Lion by his paw, as they say. For his ingenuous nature and sweet conditions he was great in the expectation of all either good or learned men. He began to favour learning before he could know it, and knew it before he knew what vse to make of it. O how true is that saying,

Jmmodicis brevis est etas, & rara senectus:

Immoderate growths short liv'd are, aged seld.

He could give you only a taste of his Vertue, not an exam­ple. When occasion required a Maiestique gravity, you should see him act an old man: in his affability and mildnesse he shewed his age. He plaied on the Lute, accustomed him­selfe to publique affaires, was liberally disposed, &c. So much CARDAN. His Corps was on the ninth of August with no very great pompe interred at West­minister neere to his Grandfather HENRY the Seventh.

And here had I with this King's death conclu­ded this second Part, had not the consideration of a memorable enterprise of this Kings occurred. To SEBASTIAN CABOTA a Portugall, for his ad­mirable skill in Cosmography and the art of Navigation, hee allowed an annuity of an hundred sixty six pounds. EDWARD by this CABOTA'S persuasi­on on the twelfth of May set forth three ships vnder Sir HVGH WILLOVGHBEY for the discovery of vnknowne Regions in the North parts of the world. The maine hope of this voiage was, that way to open a shorter passage to those vast Countries of [Page 260] the East, Catay and China. Neere vpon the coast of Norway these Ships were so severed by tempest, that they never met againe. One of these great Ships ter­ [...]ified with the greatnes of irresistable dangers, quick­ly returned home. Sir HVGH WILLOVGHBY arrived at last at a Countrey vnder the Latitude of se­venty foure degrees, not inhabited, hitherto to vsSir Hugh Willoughby frozen to death. vnknowne, and was forced to winter there, where he & all his company were frozen to death. The Ship was afterward found by some the like English Adven­tures, and in his Deske a writing relating the adven­tures of each day, his Will also, by which it appeared that he lived vntill Ianuary. RICHARD CHAN­CELLER with the third Ship making a more pro­sperous voyage, after many dangers and incer [...]ainties arrived at last among the Russes and Muscovites. To these parts some few yeares after he made a second voyage: but in his returne suffered wracke on theCommerce with the Muscovite. Scottish coast, where seeking to save the Muscovite Embassador, he himselfe was drowned. Howsoever he were vnfortunate, he opened a rich veine of traf­fique to succeeding times, wherby we have an exact discovery of that Countrey, and of the Manners of those Heathen Christians.

FINIS.
ANNALES OF ENGLAND.Q …

ANNALES OF ENGLAND.

QVEENE MARY.

The Third Booke.

LONDON, Printed by Adam Islip, and William Stansby, 1630.

Fortissimi quique interfecti sunt [...].

ANNALES OF ENGLAND.
The third Booke.

Queene MARY.
Anno Dom. 1553. Reg. 1.

WHen the Lady MARY, long since acquainted with Nor­thumberland's secret practi­ces, was also certified of her Brother's decease; not thin­king it safe to abide neere London, where her Enemies were in their full strength; pretending a feare of the Plague by reason of the suspitious death of one of her houshold, she sudainly departed from Saint Edmunds­bury, Lady Mary flies into Suf­folke. and came in one day to Framingham Castle in [Page 264] Suffolke, distant from London fourescore miles, and seated neere the Sea, from whence if Fortune frow­ned on her, shee might make an easie escape into France. Here she tooke vpon her the Title of Queene, and by letters to her Friends, and the Nobles, wished their speedy repaire vnto Her.

In the meane time Northumberland having for two dayes together consulted with his friends concerning the managing of this great businesse, the King's death being not yet published, sent command to the Lord Maior of London, to repaire forthwith to Greenwich with six Aldermen, and twelve other Citizens of chiefest account. To them he declares the King's de­parture, and the seating of Lady IANE in the Throne of Soveraignety, shewing withall the King's Testament vnder Seale, which did import no lesse then the setling the Succession on her and that Fami­ly: He causeth them either by terrour or promises to sweare Allegiance to Lady IANE, with command, and that vnder a great penalty, that they should not as yet divulge these secret passages. What a furtherance it might be to his affaires if he could assure himselfe of this Citie, hee was too wife to be ignorant of: and as for suppressing the report of the King's death; hee thought it might prove a meanes to facilitate the sur­prisall of the Lady MARY, as yet probably secure for lacke of notice of her Brother's decease. But vn­derstanding that shee had made an escape into Suf­folke; Lady Iane proclaimed Queene. Lady IANE was by almost all the Peeres of the Realme pompously conducted to the Tower, and with great solemnity publiquely proclaimed Queene. Shee was of age about sixteene, of feature not admi­rable but handsome, incredibly learned, very quick­witted, and wise both beyond her Sexe and above her Age, wonderfully devoted to purity of Doctrine, and so far from desire of this advancement, that shee [Page 265] began not to act her part of Royalty without teares, manifesting it to the world, that she was sorced by her parents and friends ambition to this high but dange­rous ascent. At her going through the Citie toward the Tower, the concourse of the People was great, their acclamations few, as if the strangenesse of some new spectacle had drawne them together, rather then any intent of gratulation. Which Queene MA­RYES (for so we must henceforth call her) friends hitherto distrustfull more of successe then the cause, accepted of as an happy omen, and were incou­raged to assist her as occasion should invite them. But the presence of Northumberland a man quicke, watchfull, and very politique, was yet a remora to their proceedings: Him they must send farther of, or be content to si [...] still.

The same day that Lady IANE entred the Tower letters sent from Queene MARY are read openly at Counsaile Table, wherein she commands the Lords to repaire to her, as being the next in Succession to the Crowne, and that they at last should take example from the generall votes of the Kingdome, shee being now every where acknowledged the lawfull Sove­raigne. And indeed the Norfolke and Suffolke men were become hers; and the wiser sort did easily dis­cerne, that the affections of the people were hers. Wherefore it was thought at first expedient speedily to levie an Armie, and that▪ while yet the hearts of the people were free from any impression, and their minds yet equally poised in the ballance of irresolu­tion, were either way to be swayed: By this course they might be peradventure too strong for the Queene, and preventing her plea by Armes, force her to plead more necessarily for her li [...]e. And an Army was raised, whereof the Duke of Suffolke was appoin­ted Generall.

[Page 266] But the fau [...]ors of MARYES cause, whose maine proiect was to remove that grand obstacle the Duke of Northumberland, slily insinuating themselves with Ladie IANE, persuaded her not to part with her Fa­ther, but to dispatch Northumberland for this imploy­ment, the very terrour of whose name (his late victo­rie over the Norfolke Rebels being yet fresh in memo­rie) would effect more, then the other could either by policie or armes: And indeed to whose trust could a daughter be better committed then to her Fathers? As for the Citie, the Faith and wonted Wisdome of the Counsaile now with her, would containe it in o­bedience, and worke it to her best advantages. Shee poore Lady swaied with these reasons, ernestly besee­chedNorthum­berland for­ced to be Ge­nerall. Northumberland himselfe to vndergo this bur­then, who at length though vnwillingly consented. His chiefe feare was, least the advantage of his absence might incourage opposite practisers to raise some tu­mults: But finding either excuses or absolute denials no way available, he prepares himselfe for this expe­dition, and on the thirteenth of Iuly sets forth from London, with an Army of six thousand. At hi [...] depar­ture it is reported hee should say to the Lord GRAY of Wilton who then accompanied him, Do you see (my Lord) what a conflux of people here is drawne together to see vs march? And yet of all this multitude, you heare not so much as one that wisheth vs successe. The Londoners stood very well affected in point of Religion, so did also for the most part the Suffolke and the Norfolke men, and they knew MARY to be absolute for Po­pery. But the English are in their due respects to their Prince so loyally constant, that no reguards, no not pretext of Religion, can alienate their affections from their lawfull Soveraigne, whereof the miserable ca [...]e of Lady IANE will anon give a memorable exam­ple. For although her Faction had laid a strong foun­dation, [Page 267] and as may appeare by the premises, had most artificially raised their superstructure; yet as soone as the true & vndoubted Heire did but manifest her re­solution to vindicate her Right, this accurate pile pre­sently fell, and dissolved as it were in the twinckling of an eye, and that chiefly by their ind [...]vour, of whom for their Religions sake Ladie IANE might have presumed her selfe assured. Neither were the people made any thing the more inclinable by publikely im­pugning Queene MARYES Right in the Pulpit, a course wherein Northmmberland ingaged many a Preacher. Nay, even in the City of London, that lear­ned and godly Prelate NICHOLAS RIDLEY vpon the deprivation of BONER consecrated Bishop of London (who I wish had not erred in this matter) was scarce heard out with patience. As for Queene MARY, if that Rule of the Civilians bee not true, thatL. qui [...]e pro­vinci [...] § Divus ff. de Rit. Nupt. L. [...]. C. d. Jncest. Nupt. & Glo [...] ibid. [...] ▪ [...]um in [...]er. &c. ex t [...]nore▪ Extr. qui sil. sint legit. Matrimony contracted without any conceived impediment, although it after chance to be dissolved as v [...]l [...]wfull, is of such force, that the Children begotten in such wedlocke are to be accounted lawfull: yet why they should seeke to exclude the Ladie ELIZABETH, I cannot but wonder, neither can I thinke that any probable reason therefore could be yeilded by them, who deemed Queene MARY illegitimate. To let passe also in the meane time MARY Queene of Scots, to whom without doubt, the Issue of HENRY the Fighth be­ing extinct, the Crowne properly belonged. Whatsoe­ver the reasons vrged by these Preachers were, they were so farre from making any impression in the mindes of the People, that they every where flocked abundantly to Queene MARY: and this not out of a vulgar levity, many of the Nobility and other prime men having followed her partie even from the begin­ning; such were the Earles of Bathe and Sussex, the Heires of the Lords WHARTON and MORDANT, [Page 268] Sir WILLIAM DRVRY, Sir IOHN SHELTON, Sir HENRY BEDINGFEILD, Sir HENRY IER­NEGAM, SVLIERD, FRESTON, and others. But above all Sir EDWARD HASTINGS brother to the Earle of Huntingdon was most famous, who ha­ving Commission from the Duke of Northumberland to raise foure thousand Foot, after hee had levied them, revolted to Queene MARY: For which act she afterward created him Baron of Lowborough, ho­nouring also Sir IOHN WILLIAMS with ano­ther Baronie, as a reward of his faithfull service. And Serieant MORGAN not comming short of these in his devoir, became afterward one of the chiefe Iud­ges of the Realme.

But an vnexpected accident did most advantage Queene MARYES affaires. Six ships had Northum­berland set forth on that part of the Kingdome, where it is confined with the German Ocean, that he might intercept the Queene, if shee sought to make an es­cape, and to have them readie for all occasions. These ships were then by tempest driven in at Yarmouth, when in the Towne there was a presse of souldiers for the Queene. The mariners and souldiers induced partly by threats, partly by intreatie, yeild the ships to Sir HENRY IERNEGAM for Queene MARYES vse, and associate themselues with the new raised companies. This was to her a matter of great conse­quence, and that such she deemed it, her ioy well te­stified. And now incouraged with these accessions of men, ordnance, and munition, shee feared not Northumberland, and resolued not so much her owne defence, as the speedie suppression of her Com­petit [...]ix.

The Lords who had hitherto adhered to Ladie IANE were somewhat terrified with this adverse ac­cident. And the Queenes friends living at Court [Page 269] who had reserved themselves for oportunity and were as yet concealed, were now so imboldened as to re­veale themselves to each other, desiring nothing more then that being set at liberty (for yet the Tower was the Court) they might but gaine entrance into the Citie, that they might more freely discover them­selves. But they must either make the way, or be con­tent to pray only for her, whom they could not otherwise advantage. It happened that Northum­berland had written for more aides. At his setting forth he was, besides his foure sonnes▪ accompanied with the Marquis of Northampton, the Earle of Hun­tingdon, the Lord GRAY, and many other persons of note: and had when he came to Cambridge an Ar­mie consisting of eight thousand Foot and two thou­sand Horse. Removing thence toward Saint Edmons­bury, hee found that many of his souldiers had forsa­ken their Colours, and was wonderfully iealous least of the remainder many would doe the like. Where­fore returning to Cambridge, hee plied the Lords ofNorthum­berland for­saken by his souldiers. the Counsaile with continuall demands of supplies to fill his companies growne thinne by the departure of so many fugitives. The Lords that favoured MARIES cause laying hold on this occasion, obsequiously ten­dring their services for the furtherance of the Dukes designes, decree speedie aides for him; but pretend, that it were dangerous to imploy any other in these levies, then such of whose loyalty they might rest as­sured, least the like treacherie might be committed as had beene already by Sir EDWARD HASTINGS; and profer themselues for the execution of this affaire. So by the Duke of Suffolke his permission they all let loose as it were out of prison, disperse themselves o­ver the Citie. The chiefest of them that were resolved for the Queene, were the Marquis of Winchester Lord Treasurer, the Earle of Pembroke, the Earle of Arun­dell [Page 270] (whom after a yeares imprisonment with the Lord PAGET, the Duke of Northumberland had late­ly set at liberty) and Sir THOMAS CHEYNEY Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports. By the industry of these, as many of the Lords of the Counsaile as were within call (excepting the Duke of Suffolke) and as many other of the Nobilitie as were knowne to be at least not enemies to Queene MARYES cause, had a meeting at Bainards Castle, vnder pretence of con­ference with the French Embassadour LAVALL, a­bout I know not what important businesse: But in­deed to consult of a meane how to reduce Ladie IANE to her first originall of a private fortune. There HENRY Earle of Arundell bitterly inveighing against the Duke of Northumberland, after he had ripped vp the acts of former times, and burthened him with all that had beene done vniustly, cruelly, or a­misse in the Raigne of King EDWARD; hee at last comes to that treacherous act of the disherison of the Children of HENRY the Eighth, professing that hee wondred how he had so inthralled such personages (intima­ting those Nobles present) as to make them instruments of his wickednesse: For by their consent and suffrages it came to passe, that the Duke of Suffolkes Daughter, the same Northumberland's Daughter in Law, did now per­sonate a Queene, the grosse and power of Soveraignetie re­maining indeed with Northumberland, that hee might freely wreake his tyranny on their lives and fortunes. Re­ligion is indeed the thing pretended: But suppose wee haue no reguard to these Apostolicall Rules, Evill must not be done that good may come thereof, and wee must o­bey even evill Princes not for feare, but for conscience sake, yet how doth it appeare, that MARY intends any alteration in Religion? Certainly having beene lately petitio­ned vnto in this point by the Suffolke men, She gave them (and that was true) a very hopefull answer. And what a [Page 271] mad blindnesse it is, for the avoidance of an vncertaine danger, to precipitate our selves into most certaine destructi­on? I would we had not erred in this kind. But errours past cannot be recalled, some may peradventure be amended, wherein speedy execution oftimes happily supplieth former defects. Recollect your selves then, and so make vse of your authority, that MARY the vndoubtedly lawfull Heire The Lords resolue for Queene Mary, may be publiquely proclaimed. After hee had spoken to this purpose, the Earle of Pembroke readily and gene­rously professed that hee subscribed to the Earle of Arundel's motion, and grasping his sword, signified his resolution to maintaine the right of MARY against all opposers. The rest take after them, and decree the same. So commanding the repaire of the Lord Ma­ior and the rest of the Aldermen, they in Cheapside proclaime Ladie MARY Queene, with addition al­so of the title of Supreme Head of the Church. And to adde more maiesty to their act by some devout solemnitie, they go in Procession to Pauls sing­ing that admirable hymne of those holy Fathers Saint AMBROSE and Saint AVGVSTINE, com­monly knowne by its first words, Te Deum. Then they dispatcht away some companies to seize on theAnd to sup­pr [...]sse Lady Iane. Tower, and command the Duke of Suffolke to render himselfe. The Duke as easily deiected at the newes, as he had formerly beene elevated by vaine hope, en­tring his Daughters chamber, forbad the farther vse of Royall ceremonies, wishing her to be content with her returne to a private fortune. Whereto shee answered with a setled countenance: Sir, I better brooke this message, then my forced advancement to Roy­alty; out of obedience to you and my mother I have grieuous­ly sinned, and offred violence to my selfe: now I do willingly, and as obeying the motions of my soule, relinquish the Crowne, and indevour to salve those faults committed by others, if at least so great an errour may be salved by a wil­ling [Page 272] relinquishment and ingenuous acknowledgement. Ha­ving spoken thus much, shee retired into a withdraw­ing roome, more troubled at the danger she had in­curred, then the defeasance of so great hopes. The Duke himselfe presently repaired to the rest of the Counsaile, and subscribed to their Decree. This Pro­clamation was on the nineteenth of Iuly published, and entertained with such acclamations, that no part of it could be heard, after the first mention of Queene MARYES name. The Earle of Arundell and the Lord PAGET having thus ordered this waightie af­faire, accompanied with thirty horse, rid post that night vnto the Queene, to certifie her of the glad­some tidings of her subiects loyall intentions.

Northum­berland pro­claimes Ma­ry Queene at Cam­bridge. In the meane time the Lords of the Counsaile certifie Northumberland of these passages, comman­manding him withall to subscribe to the Decree, and dismisse his Army. But hee out of the presage of his owne fortune had before the receipt of their letters proclaimed her Queene at Cambridge, where in a counterfait ioy he threw vp his Cap with the sincerer multitude. Then hee cashiered the rest of his wave­ring companies, and almost all the Lords, who had hitherto followed him, with a legall revolt passing o­ver to the Queene, and making Northumberland the sole author and cause of these disloyall distractions, were vpon their submission pardoned.

Ladie IANE, having as on a Stage for ten dayes only personated a Queene, was committed to safe cu­stodie and the Ladies who had hitherto attended her, were commanded each to their homes. The Duke of Northumberland was by the Queenes command ap­prehended by the Earle of Arundell, and committed to the Tower. The manner of his taking is reported to have beene thus: After so many checkes vncertaine what course to take, resolved to flie, but not knowing [Page 273] whether, the Pensioners (who with their Captaine Sir IOHN GATES had followed him in this expediti­on) while he was pulling on his boots seized on him, saying, that it was sit they shou [...]d excuse themselves from the imputation of treason by his testimony. The Duke withstanding them, and the matter being likely to grow to blowes, at the very instant came those letters from the Counsaile, which commanded them all [...]o lay aside their armes, and peaceably to repaire to their homes. These letters tooke vp the matter, and set the Duke at liberty, which notwithstanding lasted not long. For the next morning, as he was readie to takeNorthum­berlaud, and some other Lords taken. horse, the Earle of Arundell intercepted him, and with him apprehended the Earle of Huntingdon, the Earle of Warwicke Northumberland's eldest sonne, and two o­thers younger Lord AMBROSE and Lord HENRY DVDLEY, Sir ANDREW DVDLEY the Duke's brother, Sir THOMAS PALMER, Sir IOHN GATES, his brother HENRY GATES and Do­ctour EDWIN SANDS, who on the five and twentieth of Iuly were brought to London, and pre­sently committed to the Tower. The Earle of Hun­tingdon was, not long after, set at liberty, but his sonne was presently. Sir IOHN GATES, whom Nor­thumberland accused to have beene the contriver of all this mischiefe, and Sir THOMAS PALMER were after executed. The Earle of Warwicke died in prison. The Lords AMBROSE and HENRY DVD­LEY were pardoned. HENRY was afterward slaine with a shot at the siege of S. Quintin; but AMBROSE finding fortune more propitious, out-lived MARY, and by Queene ELIZABETH created Earle of Warwicke, long flourished in the happinesse of her fa­vour. Sir ANDREW DVDLEY after his condem­nation was also pardoned. Doctour SANDS being then ce-chancellour of the Vniversitie of Cambridge [Page 274] had by Northumberland's command in the Pulpit pub­liquely impugned Queene MARYES cause, and de­fended that of Ladie IANE; but with that wisdome and moderation, although vpon the short warning of some few howers, that hee abundantly satisfied the Duke, and yet did not so deeply incurre the displea­sure of the adverse part, but that his friends prevailed with the Queene for his pardon. So that after a yeares imprisonment he was set at libertie, and presently fled over into Germany: after the death of Queene MARY returning from his voluntary exile, hee was consecra­ted Bishop of Worcester, from which Sea he was trans­lated to London, and thence againe to the Archbisho­prick of Yorke: a man for his learning, vertue, wis­dome, and extract very famous, but most especially happy in his Issue, whereof many were admirable for their indowments both internall and externall, and of whom wee have in our age seene three honoured with Knighthood.

On the six and twentieth of Iuly, the Marquis of Northampton (afterward condemned, and pardoned) Doctour RIDLEY Bishop of London, (who two yeares after was burned at Oxford) and beside many others, Lord ROBERT DVDLEY that great Earle of Leicester vnder Queene ELIZABETH, were brought to the Tower. On the seven and twentieth, the Duke of Suffolke (to whom the Queene with ad­mirable clemency within foure dayes restored his li­bertie) Sir IOHN CHEEKE King EDWARD'S Schoolemaster, Sir ROGER CHOLMELEY chiefe Iustice of the King's Bench, and Sir EDMOND MOVNTAGVE chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas, were committed to the same place, who were all on the third of September set at libertie.

On the thirtieth of Iuly the Ladie ELIZABETH accompanied by a great traine of Nobles, Knights, [Page 275] Gentlemen and Ladies (to the number of five hun­dred, some say a thousand) set forward from the Strand through London, and so to Wansted, towards the Queene to congratulate her happy successe in vin­dicating her right to the Crowne. Who on the third of August having dismissed her Army (which had not yetQueene Ma­ry comes to London. exceeded the number of 13000.) attended by all the Nobilitie made a triumphant entrance through Lon­don to the Tower, where the Duke of Norfolke, EDWARD COVRTNEY sonne to the Marquis of Excester behea­ded in the yeare 1538. GARDINER late Bishop of Winchester, and ANNE Duchesse of Somerset pre­sented themselves on their knees, and GARDINER in the name of them all spake a congratulatory Ora­tion; which ended, the Queene courteously raised them, and kissing each of them said, These are all my owne prisoners, and gave order for their present dis­charge▪ EDWARD COVRTNEY she restored to his Fathers honours, making him Marquis of Ex­cester. As for GARDINER, shee not only reseated him in the Bishopricke of Winchester, but also on the thre [...] and twentieth of August made him Lord Chan­cellour of England, notwithstanding that he had notGardiner made Lord Chancellour. only subscribed to the Divorce from CATHARINE the Queenes Mother, but had published bookes, wherein hee had defended King HENRY'S pro­ceedings.

Deprived Bishops re­stored. On the fift of August, BONER and TONSTALL who had beene formerly deprived of their Bisho­prickes, the one of London, the other of Duresme, and shortly after DAY of Chichester, and HEATH of Wor­cester were inlarged and restored to their Bishopricks, the present Incumbents being without due processe of Law eiected.

King Ed­ward's Fu­nerall. On the tenth of August, were celebrated the Exe­quies of King EDWARD, DAY Bishop of Chiche­ster [Page 276] preaching, executing in English, and administring the Sacrament according to the manner and forme received in the Raigne of EDWARD. For as yet no­thing had beene determined concerning any change in point of Religion. So that when BOWRNE a Chanoin of Pauls (afterward Bishop of Bath & Wells) preaching at the Crosse, did inveigh against the Refor­mation in King EDWARD'S time, and did in vp­brading manner argue the iniustice of those times, which condemned BONER to perpetuall imprison­ment for matter delivered by him in that place that time foure yeare, who was now by a more iust cle­mency restored to his libertie and dignitie: the peo­ple inured to the Protestant Religion, and could ab­staine from stoning him, and one of them ayming a poniard at him, missed him very narrowly: the affe­ctions of the Assembly may by this be conceived, that during the Raigne of Queene MARY, the Authour of this bold attempt, notwithstanding the diligence of ernest inquisitors, could neuer be discovered. The vproare increasing, and divers pressing toward the Pulpit, BOVRNE protected by two Protestant Prea­chers (BRADFORD and ROGERS, who were greatly reverenced by the people, and afterward bur­ned for their Religion) was with great difficultie con­veied to the Schoole at Pauls.

The Duke of Nor­thumberland the Earle of Warwicke, & the Mar­quis of Nor­thampton condemned. And now at length on the eighteenth of August, the Duke of Norfolke sitting as high Steward of England, were the Duke of Northumberland,) his sonne the Earle of Warwicke, and the Marquis of Northampton arraigned at Westminster: where the Duke of Northumberland pleading, that he had done nothing but by authority of the Counsaile, his plea being not admitted for sufficient, he was condemned of high Treason. The sentence being pronounced, he craved the favour of such a death as was vsually exe­cuted [Page 297] on Noblemen, and not the other: He beseeched also, that a favourable reguard might be had of his children, in respect of their age: Thirdly, that hee might be permitted to confer with some learned Di­vine for the setling of his conscience: And lastly, that her Maiesty would be pleased to send vnto him foure of her Counsaile for the discovery of some things, which might concerne the Estate. The Marquis of Northampton pleaded to his inditement, that after the beginning of these tumults hee had forborne the exe­cution of any publique office; and that all that while, intent to hunting and other sports, he did not partake in the conspiracie: But it being manifest, that he was party with the Duke of Northumberland, sentence pas­sed on him like wise. The Earle of Warwicke finding that the Iudges in so great a cause admitted not ex­cuse of age, with great resolution heard his condem­nation pronounced, craving only this favour, that, whereas the goods of those who are condemned for treason, are totally confiscated, yet her Maiesty would be pleased, that out of them his debts might be dis­charged. After this, they were all againe returned to the Tower. The next day Sir ANDREW DVDLEY, Sir IOHN GATES (who was thought in Northum­berland's favour to have proiected the adoption of La­dy IANE) Sir HENRY GATES, and Sir THOMAS PALMER were likewise condemned. On the two and twentieth of the same moneth, the Duke with theThe Duke of Northum­berland be­headed. rest (having two daies before received the Sacrament of the Lords Supper) were conducted to the place of execution: where Northumberland (saith that excel­lent Historiographer, THVANVS) by the persua­sion of NICHOLAS HEATH (afterward Bi­shop of Yorke) making his owne funerall Oration to the people, acknowledged himselfe guilty▪ and craving pardon for his vnseasonable ambition, admonished [Page 278] the Assembly, That they should embrace the Religion of their forefathers reiecting that of later date, which had oc­casioned all the miseries of the forepassed thirty yeares: and for prevention for the future, if they desired to present their soules vnspotted to God, and were truly affected to their Countrey, they should expell those trumpets of sedition, the Preachers of the Reformed Religion: As for himselfe, what­soever he might pretend, his conscience was fraught with the Religion of his Fathers, and for testimony hereof he appealed to his great friend the Bishop of Winchester: but being blinded with ambition, hee had beene contented to make wracks of his conscience by temporizing, for which hee pro­fessed himselfe sincerely repentant, and acknowledged the desert of his death. Having spoken thus much, he cra­ved the charitable devotions of the Assembly, & com­mending his soule to God, prepared his body for the stroake of the axe. This recantation did variously affect the mindes of the multitude, who wondred that he should at last apostatize from that Religion which he had for sixteene yeares professed, and in favour whereof chiefly, he persuaded King EDWARD to endeavour the exclusion of his Sisters from their law­full Succession. Some write, that being desirous of life, hee did it craftily out of hope of impunity: but that hope being frustrated, to have repented it after­wards. He was suspected (neither were the presump­tions small) to have administred a poisonous potion to King EDWARD: but in his Inditement there was no mention of it, and that the rather, for that the Iud­ges had authority only to inflict punishment on him for his conspiracy against the Queene. At the same time and place were also executed Sir IOHN GATES and Sir THOMAS PALMER.

Bishops im­prisoned. Many Bishops also, who were thought to have beene too too opinionate in point of Religion, were sent for to London, and there imprisoned, viz. HOO­PER [Page 279] of Glocester, FARRAR of Saint Davies (who were both crowned with martyrdome) and COVER­DALE of Excester, who at the request of CHRISTI­ERNE the third King of Denmarke was pardoned. But the Clergy of what ranke soever, who would not forsake their wives, or were invested in Livings, wher­of any one had been for defence of Popery deprived, or that would not by oath promise the defence of the Romish Religion, were generally forced to relinquish their Benefices.

Peter Mar­ty [...] ▪ PETER MARTYR was then Professor at Oxford, who presently vpon the death of King EDWARD, was confined to his house. But after some time his friends so far prevailed, that he might come to London, where he betooke himselfe to his Patrone the Archbishop of Canterbury. But hee could not prove a Sanctuary to him. The Archbishop himselfe began now to totter. The Queene, beside that shee was wholy swayed by GARDINER, who extremely hated him, had resol­ved to wreake her selfe on him for the Divorce of her Mother.

—Manet altámente repostum
Iudicium latum, spretae (que) iniuria Matris.

It is reported, that King HENRY having determined to punish his Daughter the Lady MARY with impri­sonment for her contumacy, was by the sole interces­sion of CRANMER diverted from his resolutions: And when she was by her Brother King EDWARD to be disinherited, the Archbishop made a long sua­sory Oration to the contrary; neither could he be in­duced to subscribe to the Decree, vntill the Iudges of the Realme generally affirming, that it might law­fully be done, the dying King with much importuni­tie prevailed with him. In ingratefull persons the con­ceit (I will not say the feeling) of one iniurie makes deeper impression, then can the remembrance of [Page 280] a thousand reall benefits. It was now bruited, that with his fortune CRANMER had also changed his Reli­gion, insomuch that to gratifie the Queene, hee had promised to celebrate the Exequies of the deceased King after the Romish manner. To cleere himselfe of this imputation, hee by writing declares himselfe rea­dy to maintaine the Articles of Religion set forth by his meanes vnder King EDWARD his Raigne, to be consonant to the Word of God and the Doctrine of the Apostles: in which resolution he being confirmed by PETER MARTYR, required him for his Second in this religious Duell. But words are not regarded where violence is intended. His death was absolutely deter­mined; but how it might be fairely contrived, was not yet resolved. First therefore they deale with him as a Traitor. And having for some while continued priso­ner in the Tower, to alienate the minds of the people who held him in high esteeme, he is on the thirteenthThe Arch­bishop Cran­mer, Lady Iane, Lord Guilford & Lord Am­brose Dud­ley condem­ned. of November together with the Lords AMBROSE and GVILFORD DVDLEY, and Lady IANE, condem­ned for treason. But the machinators of this mischiefe against CRANMER were so ashamed of their sha­dowlesse indevour, that they themselves became in­tercessors for his pardon and yet afterwards most ir­religiously procured him to be burned for pretended heresie. Before hee was committed to custodie, his friends persuaded him, after the example of some o­ther of his religious Brethren, who had long since es­caped into Germany, by flight to withdraw himselfe from assured destruction: to whom hee answered; Were I accused of theft, parricide, or some other crime, al­though I were innocent, I might peradventure be induced to shift for my selfe: But being questioned for my allegi­ance not to men, but to God, the truth of whose holy Word is to be asserted against the errours of Popery; I have at this time, with a constancie befitting a Christian Prelate, [Page 281] resolved rather to leave my life, then the Kingdome. But▪ we will now leave CRANMER in Prison, whose farther troubles and martyrdome wee will in their due places relate. Concerning PETER MARTYR, it was long controverted at the Counsaile Table whether, having so much preiudiced the Catho­lique Religion, it were [...]it hee should be procee­ded against as an heretique. But it was at length determined, that because hee came into England vpon publique assurance, hee should have liber­tie to depart with his Family. So having letters of passe signed by the Queene, hee was transported with his friend BERNARDINE OCHINVS, and came to Antwerp, from thence to Colen, at last to Strasburg, from whence hee first set forth for England.

In the meane time on the first of October, the Queene was with great pompe crowned at Westmin­ster The Corona­tion. by STEPHEN GARDINER Bishop of Win­chester, and that after the manner of her Ancestours.

On the fift of the same moneth a Parliament is called at Westminster, wherein all the Lawes enacted against the Pope and his adherents by HENRY and EDWARD, were repealed. And in the Convoca­tionA Dispu­tation in the Convocation house. house at the same time was a long and eager dis­putation concerning the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, the Prolocutor Doctour WESTON with many others maintaining CHRISTS Corporall re­all presence in the Sacrament: Among those few who sided with the Truth, were IOHN AILMER and RICHARD CHEYNEY (both by Queene ELI­ZABETH made Bishops, the one of London, the o­ther of Glocester) IOHN PHILPOT Archdeacon of Winchester, who confirmed this doctrrine with the te­stimony of his bloud, IAMES HADDON Deane of Excester, and WALTER PHILIPS Deane of Rochester. [Page 282] At length the Truth was oppressed by Multitude not Reason. Wherevpon the restitution of Romish rites is againe concluded, and on the one and twentieth ofPopery re­stored. December, Masse beganne againe to bee celebrated throughout England.

The same day also the Marquis of Northampton and Sir HENRY GATES not long since condem­ned, were set at libertie and pardoned: And the Lords AMBROSE and GVILFORD DVDLEY with Lady IANE had their imprisonment more at large, with hope of pardon also.

Anno Dom. 1554. Reg. 1. & 2.

THe Queene, who was now thirty seuen yearesThe Queene inclines to marry. old, & hetherto thought averse from marriage, either in regard of her own natural inclination, or conscious to her selfe of the want of such beauty as might indeare a husband to her; her affaires so re­quiring, began at length to bethink her of an husband. She feared, least the consideration of her sexes imbe­cillity might bring her into contempt with her peo­ple, she being yet scarce setled in her throne, and the Kingdome still distracted in their affections to seve­rall Competitors. Fame had destined three for her bed, PHILIP Infant of Spaine the Emperou'rs Son, Cardinall POOLE, and the Marquis of Excester. The two last were proposed for their Royall descent, and the opinion of the loue of their Countrey, there being hope, that vnder them the freedome, and the pri­viledges of the Kingdome might be preserued invio­late. But besides proximity of Bloud in each of the three, Cardinall POOLE was much affected by the Queene, for his grauity, sanctimony, meeknesse, and wisdome, COVRTNEY for his flourishing youth, [Page 283] his courteous and pleasant disposition. But he I knew not how, was somwhat suspected, not to thinke sin­cerely of the late established Religion, but to haue fauored the Reformed. And the Cardinall being now in his fiftieth and third yeare, was deemed a little too old to be a father of childen. But their opinion pre­vailed, as more necessary, who thought this vnsetled Kingdome would require a puissant King, who should be able to curbe the factious subiect, and by Sea and Land oppose the French by the accrue of Scot­land become too neere neighbours and enemies to vs. Vpon these motives the ambitious Lady was easily induced to consent to a match with PHILIP. For the Treaty whereof the Emperour had about the end of the last yeare, sent on a grand Embassage LAMO­RALLE Count Egmond, with whom CHARLES Count Lalaine, and IOHN MONTMORENCY were ioyned in Commission. In Ianuary the Embas­sadours arrived at London, and in a few daies conclude the marriage, the Conditions whereofwere these,

The Arti­cles of the Queenes marriage with Philip of Spaine.
That matrimony being contracted betweene Philip and Mary, it should be lawfull for Phi­lip to vsurpe the Titles of all the Kingdomes and Provinces belonging to his Wife, and should be ioint-Governour with her over those King­domes, the Priviledges and Customes thereof alwayes preserved inviolate, & the full and free distribution of Bishoprickes, Benefices, Favors, Offices alwayes remaining intire to the Queene. That the Queene likewise should be assumed in­to the society of all the Realmes, wherein Philip either then was, or should be afterward invested. [Page 284] That if Shee survived Philip, sixty thousand pounds per annum, should be assigned for her iointure, as had beene formerly assigned to Lady Margaret Sister to Edward the Fourth and Widow to Charles Duke of Burgoigne, wher­of forty thousand should be raised out of Spaine and Arragon, twenty thousand out of the Ne­therlands and the Provinces therto belonging. And to prevent all future iars and contentions about the division of the inheritance of the King­domes and Provinces which either then were or afterward should be belonging to either, it is a­greed, That the Issue begotten by this marriage should succeed in all the Queenes Kingdomes and Dominions, and in all the Principalities of the Netherlands and Burgoigne, whereof the Emperour did stand possessed: That Charles the eldest Sonne to Philip by a former marriage should likewise succeed in all the Kingdomes as­well of his Father, as of his Grandmother, and his Grandfather the Emperour, both in Italy and Spaine, and by reason thereof should stand obliged for the payment of the forementioned forty thousand pounds. If by this matrimony no other Issue shalbe begotten then Female, the El­dest shall succeed in all the Provinces of the Netherlands, but with this caution, that by the Counsaile and consent of her Brother Charles, [Page 285] she shall make choice of an Husband either ou [...] of England or the Netherlands; if she marrie from elsewhere without his consent, shee shall be deprived of her right of Succession, and Charles be invested therin. But to her and her Sisters a convenient Dowry shall be assigned according to the Lawes and Customes of the places. Jf it hap­pen that Charles, or his Successours shall die without issue; in that case the first borne by this marriage, although it be a Female, shall succeed in all the Kingdomes belonging to both these Princes, as well of the Netherlands, as of Spaine, and in all the Principalities of Italy; and shall be bound to preserve inviolate all the Lawes, Priviledges, Jmmunities and Customes of each Kingdome. Betweene the Emperour, Philip, and his Heires, betweene the Queene, and her Children and Heires, and betweene both their Realmes and Dominions, constant Amity, Concord, a perpetuall and inviolable League shall be continued. This League, A­greement, and Articles shall be renued and con­firmed at VVestminster the two and fortieth yeare of this
Which, as I conceive, would have fallen in the yeare 1588.
Seculum, and foure yeares after on the sixteenth of Ianuary at Vtrecht.

As soone as the Decree concerning these Nuptiall Compacts was divulged, many out of a restles dispo­sition misliking the present times, but especially tra­ducing the intent of this Accord, as if by it the Spa­niard [Page 286] were to become absolute Lord of all, who should have the free managing of all affaires, and abo­lishing our ancient Lawes and Customes, would im­pose an intolerable yoake, as on a conquered Nation. This was the generall conceit of this Action. But in private, every one according to their divers humours did mutter diversly: some censuring the Queenes a­ctions, others complaining of the change of Religion contrary to her promise made to the Suffolke men: some lamented the case of Lady IANE, who had beene forcibly deposed, and cruelly condemned to an ill-deserved death. Some were swaied by pittie, some by the reguard of Religion, but most by the feare of a Spanish servitude: and others were by their owne hopes and the desire of change animated to a rebelli­on. A Chieftaine only was wanting, which defect wasSir Thomas Wyats re­bellion. quickly supplied by Sir THOMAS WYATA Knight of Kent. Who having communicated the matter with the Duke of Suffolke, Sir PETER CAROW of Devon­shire, and some others, concluded that it would not be expedient to attempt any thing vntill the arrivall of PHILIP, that so they might not seeme to have taken Armes to any other end, then to secure their Countrey from the vsurpation of a foraine Prince. So reserving themselves for oportunity, they disperse themselves into severall places: WYAT into Kent a countrey adioyning to London, and dis­ioyned from Calais by a little fret of Sea; Sir PETER CAROW into Devonshire, a part of England in the West opposite to the maine of France; and the Duke of Suffolke withdrew himselfe to his place in Warwick shire situated in the very heart of the Realme. In these severall places, they secre [...]ly furnish themselves with armes, money, and all sorts of munition, and seeke to draw others to partake in the Conspiracie. Sir PE­TER CAROW, whether thrust on by his fate, or [Page 287] thinking delaywould prove dangerous, began secretly to levie some forces in Cornwall, but the ma [...]ter being sooner detected then was hoped, & he quickly oppres­sed, he presently tooke ship, & fled into France, where he lurked some time, vntill at length being seemingly reconciled to the King, he was taken at Brussells, and brought captive into England. By what meanes hee afterward made an escape I know not. But he flou­rished many yeares vnder Queene ELIZABETH, and died at Rosse in Leinster a Province of Irland in the yeare 1577. as appeareth by his monument in the Cothedrall Church at Excester erected at the costs of his nephew PETER, who was brother to GEORGE, whom King IAMES for his many vertues not long since created a Baron.

Sir Iohn Cheeke is taken and di [...]th. With Sir PETER at the same time Sir IOHN CHEEKE, who had beene King EDWARD'S Tutour, was also taken, who came from Strasburg towards Brussells, and that not without publique li­cence, vpon no other businesse, but to visit (as saith FOX the Queenes Agents there, or rather according to THVANVS, to marry a wife. Whatsoever were the cause of his iourney, certaine it is that hee was in­tercepted, on the way from Antwerp to Brussells vn­horsed by some of the Queenes servants, and tied with cords to a cart, at last muffled, carried on ship­board, and conveied to the Tower at London, not knowing all the way for what part of the world hee was bound. There, having alwaies in conscience ab­horred the errours of Popery, he was forced to abiure his Religion, for which hee afterward became so re­pentant, that out of extremitie of griefe he languished, and shortly died. These passages I doe the more ex­actly describe, because there want not some, who re­late, that both Sir PETER CAROW, and Sir IOHN CHEEKE for their Religion suffered at a stake on [Page 288] the thirteenth of Iune this present yeare.

But to returne to WIAT; he perceiving that his intents were divulged, and that hee had nothing to trust to, no refuge but valour; incited the people in Kent to a Rebellion, and (as Rebels never want com­mon pretexts to colour their actions) that,

Because the Queene relying too much vpon the advise of bad Counsailers, had lately done, and did daily indevour many things preiudiciall to the Estate of the Realme: That therefore to prevent farther inconveniences, those Coun­sailers must be removed, and others substituted, who should so manage the Estate, as should an­swere the trust reposed in such men, whose loyal­ty should render them more carefull of the pub­lique, then their private profit▪ But above all they must endevour, that some meanes must be vsed to impeach this determined Match, by which hee plainly foresaw this free Realme would be oppressed with the mise [...]ies of a most lamentable servitude: and a floud-gate would be opened to let in a perpetuall current of Super­stition: That the effects of their Armes would prove very profitable to the Queene (for whose happinesse he should ever pray) and to the gene­rall good of the Kingdome.

But howsoever heefed the giddie multitude with specious words, the Duke of Suffolke at that time running the same courses in Warwick-shire, it was pal­pable, [Page 289] that their drift was to depose MARY, and once more to inthrone captive IANE.

By the five and twentieth of Ianuary, fame had fil­led London with the newes of this Kentish Rebellion. For the repression whereof, the Duke of Norfolke was the same day dispatched with some small forces, con­sisting for the most part of the Queenes Guard, which were a little increased by the accession of five hun­dred Londoners, who were the next day sent downe by water to Gravesend, where the Duke expected them. With these hee resolves to encounter WIAT, whom his madnesse had not yet carried beyond Rochester, which (notwithstanding its weaknesse being no way fortified he intended to make good against the Duke, and had incamped within the ruines of the Castle.

Rochester is a Citie seated vpon the River Medway, where falling into the Thames it is most violent, eb­bing and flowing like a straight, and is made passable by an arched stone bridge of excellent artifice. This bridge had the Rebels seized, and planted on it some brasse double Canons, that they might debar the Duke (whom they vnderstood by their Scouts to bee vpon march) of passage. But he nothing daunted with their proceedings sent a Herald to proclaime pardon to such as forsaking WIAT, should returne to their obedience, resolving withall to force the bridge and gaine entrance into the Citie. The Herald executed his office, but with so submisse a voice, that hee was heard by few (for indeed a Pistoll held at his brest so terrified him, that hee was content for his owne safetie to yeild to the Rebels so commanding) and was re­turned with this answer, that they knew not them­selves to be so far delinquent, as that they should need any such pardon. Only Sir GEORGE HARPER faining a revolt, made over toward the Duke of Nor­folke, but indeed with intent to persuade ALEXAN­DER [Page 290] BRET Captaine of those five hundred Londo­ners, to partake in this action of common disloyalty.Bret with 500. Londo­ners revolts to Wyat. Which he performed so effectually, that BRET, whose Company made the Vauntguard, before hee came so neere the bridge as to give an assault, sudainly draw­ing his sword turned about to his souldiers, and thus bespake them:

Ʋaliant Countrymen, wee now ingage our selves in a cause, which before wee farther pro­ceed, would require mature deliberation. We march, but against whom? Are they not our friends, our fellow-natives, with whom we seeke to make a deeper mixture of our blouds? Have they not taken armes for the preservation of the ancient glory of the English name, and to vin­dicate our common liberties against the insolen­cies of the cruell Spaniard? You whose degene­rous spirits can brooke the indignities of servi­tude, continue in God's name with your brave Generall, who without doubt will deserve the service of such Worthies: As for mee (who had rather vndergo many the most torturing deaths, then betray my liberty to the Spaniard) I here (happy and prosperous may it prove) inroll my selfe vnder VVyat's Colours, and am confident that some of you out of affection to your Countrey will follow my example.

Hee had scarce spoken thus much, when they all crying out a WYAT, a WYAT, turned their Ca­non [Page 291] against their fellowes, who followed in the Rere. Which vnexpected revolt so terrified the Duke of Norfolke, the Earle of Arundell, and Sir HENRY IER­NE [...]AM Captaine of the Guard, who followed the Duke in this expedition, that they instantly betooke themselves to flight. The remaindes of that small Army prepared themselves according to the exam­ple of their Commanders, when WYAT with some horse intercepted their flight, & seased on eight brasse peeces withall the Dukes munition: then vsed he some persuasions to pervert their loyalty, professing with­all, that if any one would be an instrument of his owne mise­rie by assisting the Queene, hee should have free licence to depart, desiring all such, that they would certifie all men, but especially her Maiestie, that WYAT calling God and men to witnesse did protest, that hee tooke not Armes any way to preiudice her, but to maintaine the liberties of his Countr [...]y inviolate against foraine machinations. The five hundred Londoners, many of the Guard, and the greatest part of the headlesse Army forth-with ioyne with WYAT, who now vpon confidence of his forces resolves to make speedily for Lon­don.

The Duke of Suffolke persuades the people to Armes in vaine. Whiles WYAT thus acts his part in Kent, the Duke of Suffolke, who with his brothers Lord IOHN and Lord LEONARD GRAY departed from Lon­don on the five and twentieth of Ianuary, did every where incite the people to take armes against the Spaniard. But finding, that this alarme tooke not, and knowing he had waded too far to hope for a second pardon, hee determined to indevour an escape by flight. But the Earle of Huntingdon sent by the Queen with three hundred Horse to take him, made him al­ter his resolution. The Duke's company consisted not of above fifty, with which small number in a [Page 292] Countrey that no way favoured his proceedings, to oppose the Earle were desperate mad [...]esse. There­fore distributing his money amongst them, faines a flight, adviseth his brothers and the rest to disperse themselves, and having thus freed himselfe from the danger of obsequious eyes, committed himselfe to the trust of one VNDERWOOD, whom hee had formerly made his Ranger at Astley▪ But benefits oblige not ignoble mindes, which either mercena­ry or timid, treacherously faile in their reposed trust. Such did this man prove, who having promised for a while to shelter his Lord, vntill hee should be­thinke himfelfe of some other expedient course, either out of feare or hope of reward, betraied him to the Earle of Huntingdon, by whom guarded with three hundred Horse, hee was brought to Lon­don, and on the eleventh of February committed to the Tower.

In the meane time the Queene iealous of the Londoners, especially since BRET'S revolt, on the first of February attended by most of the Nobilitie, came to Guild hall, where the Commons of the City were assembled in their Liveries, to whom she spake after this manner:

The Queens oration to the Londo­ners.
Although Wee doubt not of your loyaltie, and so need not give an accompt of Our acti­ons; yet having intelligence that many sedu­ced by this Arch-traitours gay pretexts, do secretly favour his designes; Wee have, to giue satisfaction to all, condiscended to this [Page 293] dayes meeting with the Infant of Spaine is that forsooth, that must colour all his villa­nies. But his actions discover his deeper practices. For having now somewhat encrea­sed his members, his madnesse hath so transpor­ted him beyond the distaste of Our Match, that hee now resolves on the custodie of Our Person, and absolute power of removing, retaining, punishing of Our Counsaile whom hee list▪ Jn this great affaire of Our Marriage, Wee have done nothing but by the advise of Our Peeres. Wee have lived the greatest part of Our age, single. Nei­ther do Wee now so long for a Husband, but that, if the Estates of Our Realme iudge it convenieut, Wee will continue Our Ʋirgin estate. For, that J should seeke to indanger England, and to confound all things by an vnfortunate Match, the love of Our native soile, the long knowledge of Our peaceable disposition, Our indevours for your good, will persuade you to the contra­rie. Persist therefore in your loyall resoluti­ons, and assist vs in executing Our due re­venge on these Monsters of men, who conspire to take away the Head which was ordained to guide them, and to suffer with them: [Page 394] Neither are Our demands other then We may in reason expect from you, who so ma­turely, so vnanimously admitted of Our Go­uernment, as deeming Ʋs the vndoubted Successour to Our Royall Father and Bro­ther.

Having thus confirmed the mindes of the Citi­zens, shee armes five hundred men (the greater part strangers) to the choisest whereof she commits the defence of London-bridge, and disposes of the rest throughout the Citie. Two dayes after to Lon­don comes WYAT with an Army of three (or foure) thousand, full of hope, that having present ad­mittance into the Citie, successe should crowne his actions, and that without either perill or paines. But things answered not his expectation. For comming to the Bridge, hee found it cut downe, the Gates shut and made good against him by armed troupes, who disdainfully bid the Traytour avaunt. Neverthelesse hee continued two dayes in Southwerke, hoping, that time and in­dustry of secret practicers might worke some al­teration.

But his hopes being here also frustrated, hee turnes his march for Kingston, there to gaine pas­sage over the Thames. But the woodden Bridge there was also brokeu, and the opposite banke de­fended by two hundred men, whom the sight of two Peeces of Ordnance readie to be planted a­gainst them so terrified, that they left their station, and gave WYAT libertie to finde out meanes to waft his Army. Having surmounted this difficul­ty, he once more resolves for that Queene of Cities, [Page 293] and reposing all the successe of this adventure in ce­lerity, without suffering his soldiers to repose them­selues, makes with a round march for London, where he hoped to arrive before day, and to surprise the se­cure Queene. But God is the Protector of Princes, who more especially are his Images and Lieutenants; so that the practises of Rebels and Traitors against their lawfull Soveraignes seldome prove successefull. WIAT had (not improbably) beene master of his desires, had not God by an vnexpected accident re­tarded him, or rather so blinded him, that by vnneces­sary delaies he overslipped his opportunity. He was now within six miles of London, when the carriages of one of his brasse pieces being broken, the piece be­came for the present vnserviceable, because immo­vable. In remounting this piece some howers were lost, notwithstanding their persuasions who advised him not to neglect more reall advantages, as indeed he did: for by this meanes he came short of the time prefixed by those Citizens who were fautors of his cause. The consideration wherof made many de­spaire of successe and relinquish him, so that his army was quickely contracted to a smaller grosse. Among the rest Sir GEORGE HARPER partaker of all WIATS stratagems, that he might wipe away the staines of Rebellion and his dissembled revolt by a loyall treachery, posted away to the Queene, and re­vealed the whole series of WIATS proiects. The Queene amazed at the apprehension of this imminent danger, gives Commission to the Earle of Pembroke for the speedy raising of some Forces, and makes him Generall of the field. WIAT hearing that the Earle of Pembroke was in armes, betooke himselfe to a flower march, least he should be forced against these fresh souldiers to oppose his panting weary ones. So by noone he approched the suburbs, and planting his [Page 294] ordnance vpon a hill beyond Saint James, left there the greatest part of his small Army to guard them. He himselfe with five Ensignes made toward Lud­gate, and CVTBERT VAVGHAN with two other Ensignes toward Westminster, leaving S. Iames on the left hand: wherin I beleeve his chiefe end was, that by terrifying that part of the City, and con­sequently distracting the Queenes forces, WIAT might gaine passage with lesse difficulty. At Charing-Crosse Sir IOHN GAGE Lord Chamberlaine, with part of the Guard and some other souldiers made head against WIAT. But at length, either the Queene for fea [...]e of VAVGHAN so commanding, or not able to withstand the shocke, wi [...]h more then an or­derly march he made toward the Court, and filled it with terror and amazement. The Earle of Pembroke followed WIAT, still cutting him off behinde: by which kinde of fight WIAT, not turning head, lost many of his souldiers. The rest of the Rebells couragiously marching vp Fleetstreet, with ioyfull acclamations cried out, Queene MARY, Queene MA­RY, God save Queene MARY, who hath granted▪ vs our petitions, and pardon. At length they came to Lud­gate and desired entrance: But by their fained ac­clamations they gained nothing but reprochfull lan­guage. Wherupon they intend to returne the same way, but are circumvented by the Earle of Pembrokes Horse. Then CLARENTIEVX persuaded him to yeeld, and not beyond all his former madnesse, to surcharge himselfe with the bloud of so many valiant men. WIAT'S souldiers seemed desperatly bent to make their way, but his courage was quailed▪ SoWiat is taken. he yeelded to Sir MAVRICE BARKLEY, who mounting him behinde him, carried him presently to the Court. Their Captaine taken, the souldiers make no resistance; some few of them escape by [Page 295] flight, but the greater part fill the prisons of the Ci­ty. These were the accidents of the sixt of Febru­ary.

The Lady Iane be­headed. Having thus supprest the Faction, the punish­ment of the Conspirators is next in execution. The first that was reflected on (as for whose sake this Rebellion had been set on foot) was Lady IANE; who having beene condemned on the thirteenth of November, had her execution hitherto deferred, not without hope of pardon. But to take away all far­ther cause of sedition, her death is now absolutely determined. Wherupon FECKNAM Deane of Pauls, afterward Abbot of Westminster, was sent vn­to her to admonish her to prepare for death, and withall to persuade her to entertaine the Romish Re­ligion. This sad message so little moved her, that she professed her selfe bound in this to acknowledge Gods infi­nite goodnesse: as for discussing matters of controversie in Religion, her time was so short, that she could not dispence with the least losse of it: that little that was allotted her, she knew she might better spend in her devotions to Hea­ven. FECNAM conceiving this answer to pro­ceed from a desire of longer date of life, prevailes with the Queene for three daies more; and retur­ning to Lady IANE, certifies her what hee had done; beseeching her to hearken vnto him, and to reforme her opinion in point of Religion. To whome she answered with a smiling countenance; Alas Sir, it was not my desire that her Maiesty should be troubled with the report of my words: For thinke not that I am touched with any desire of prolonging my dayes: No, I am so far from it, that ever since your departure life hath afflicted me with its tedious [...]esse; and as for death, being wholly intent to the attaining of life eternall, J vtterly de­spise it, and her Maiesties pleasure being such, I willingly [Page 296] vndergo it. FECKNAM againe reiterated his persuasions, that she would imbrace the Religion of the Church of Rome: to whom her replies were such, that whosoever shall read the conference be­tweene them, (for it was after published) cannot without amasement wonder, how so tender an age, especially the Sex considered, should be capa­ble of such constancy, learning, wisedome, wit. Her Husband Lord GVILFORD being first to suffer, desired leave to see her, converse with her, and take his last farewell: whereto shee would by no meanes consent, desiring him to omit this foment of griefe, rather then comfort, in death; for they should short­ly behold each other more really vnited in a better place and more happy estate. Yet she vnappalled saw him con­ducted to Tower-hill, and with the same setled spirit beheld his headlesse trunke when it was returned to be interred in the Chappell of the Tower. The death of this innocent Lady, it was conceived, would not be without almost a generall distaste. But to decline it as much as might be, it was thought good that she should not be publiquely beheaded; wherefore there was a scaffold erected within the Tower, wheron about an houre or two after her husband, on the twelfe of February shee submitted her necke to the axe. When she was con­ducted from the place of her imprisonment to the place of her suffering, the Lieutenant of the Tower desired her to vouchsafe him something or other which might serve as a monument to him, wherby to remember her; wherupon she demanded wri­ting tables, and therin writ three short sentences in Greeke, Latine, (in which languages she was admira­bly skilled) and English, wherin she signified her in­nocence; and although she confessed she had com­mitted [Page 297] an errour, which deserved death, yet igno­rance might among men without preiudice to the Lawes sufficiently excuse it. At last saluting the peo­ple as she went, with a countenance setled and void of feare, and commending her selfe to their prayers, she came to the place of execution, leading FEC­NAM by the hand, whome she kindely embraced, saying, God I beseech him abundantly reward you for your kindenesse toward me, although I must needs say it was more vnwelcome to me, then my instant death is terrible. Then having to the Assembly in very modest lan­guage discoursed of her action, she said,

J am condemned, not for having aspired to the Crowne, but because J refused it not be­ing offered: and shall serve for a memorable example to posterity, that Innocence excuseth not great misdeeds, if they any way tend to the destruction of the Weale publique; for he hath abundantly plunged himselfe in ill, who­soever even perforce hath become the Jnstru­ment of anothers ambition.

Having spoken thus much, and implored God's mercy, by the helpe of her Gentlewoman she first disrobed her selfe of her gowne, then her attire, and vailing her eyes with her handkerchief, laied her head on the blocke, and exhorted the lingring Exe­cutioner to the performance of his office, which he at length did, his action drawing teares from the eyes of the spectators, yea even of those, who from the very beginning were affected to Queene MA­RIE'S Cause. This was the end of IANE, a Lady renouned for the greatnesse of her birth, but [Page 298] far more for her vertues and excellency of wit, who swayed by the ambition of her Father-in-law and imperious Mother, tooke on her that fatall title of a Queene; and being presently hurried from a Kingdome to a Scaffold, suffered for the faults of others, having overcome all the frownes of ad­verse fortune by constancy and innocence.

Much more iust was that execution which with­in three dayes after insued. Twenty gibbets as well for terror of others as for present punishment, be­ing erected in divers parts of the City, on the four­teenth and fifteenth of February fifty of the Kentish Rebells were hanged on them. On the eighteenth of the same moneth, ALEXANDER BRET who drew those five hundred Londoners into a re­volt from the Duke of Norfolke, was with a multi­tude of others (wherof many were of the Gentry) sent into Kent, there to vndergo exemplary punish­ment. On the twentieth of February, foure hun­dred of the same crew with halters about their neckes, were presented before the Queene, all hum­ble suppliants on their knees, whome the Queene pardoned, and commanded their present liberty.

The Duke of Suffolke be­headed. On the three and twentieth of February, HEN­RY GRAY Duke of Suffolke Father to Lady IANE, having beene condemned on the seventeenth of the same moneth, was publiquely beheaded: a man whose facility to by-practises had occasioned all the troubles wherwith this Raigne had hitherto beene distracted; whose rash ingratitude (the Queene having once pardoned him beyond expe­ctation) diverted the current of the Queenes cle­mency toward his Daughter, and brought him to a deserved end.

Wiat exe­cuted. The next turne was WIAT'S, and that on the [Page 299] eleventh of Aprill. Who vpon a kinde of promise of pardon, if he would detect the rest of the Conspira­tors, suborned (as is conceived) by some malevolent persons, among the rest traduced yong COVRTNEY, as that having beene refused by Queene MARY, he aspired to marry the Lady ELIZABETH, to de­pose the Queene, and so to raigne as it were in the right of his wife. This accusation had procured their commitment, the Lady ELIZABETH'S on the eighteenth of March, COVRTEY'S on the twelfe of February. But WIAT finding himselfe deluded, and being toucht with the horridnes of so treache­rous an accusation, going to the place of his executi­on, desired the favour of a few words with the Mar­quis of Excester, which was granted him. Of the Marquis he on his knees craved pardon for that irre­parable iniury which he had done him, not out of malice, but desire of life. The Sherives of the City, with many others were then present, and after testi­fied the certainty of this acknowledgement. But the Bishop of Winchester Lord Chancellor (who out of feare of change of Religion if Queene MARY dy­ing, ELIZABETH should come to the Crowne, was content to lay hold on any occasion to cut her off) affirmed in the Star-chamber, and therto cited the testimony of the Lord Chandois, that WIAT a little before his death exhorted the Marquis to ac­knowledge his crime, and to submit himselfe to the Queenes mercy. But what apparance of truth can there be in this, it being certaine, that WIAT having ascended the fatall scaffold, seeing the instruments of death before his eyes, and having composed himselfe for another world, did with sincere protestations and religious asseverations acquit the Lady ELIZA­BETH and the Lord COVRTNEY from being any the least way conscious to his practises?

[Page 300] On the seven and twentieth of Aprill, Lord THO­MAS GRAYand Lord Thomas Grey. was beheaded for having by persuasi­ons as it were thrust on his irresolute brother the Duke of Suffolke to partake with WIAT in his sedi­tious attempts.

On the sixteenth of May the Lady ELIZABETH was removed from the Tower to Woodstock, and the Marquis of Excester to Foderingay, the place onely being altered, and nothing remitted of the strictnesse of their imprisonment.

A Disputa­tion at Ox­ford, About the same time that reverend CRANMER yet Archbishop of Canterbury, NICHOLAS RID­LEY lately deprived of the Bishopricke of London, and HVGH LATIMER who so long ago resig­ned his Bishopricke of Worcester, were removed from the Tower to Windsore, and thence to Oxford, there solemnly to dispute with the Divines of both Vniversities concerning the Eucharist. Their vsage was extreme almost beyond beleefe. Two dayes on­ly were allotted them for their preparation; and those two dayes were they in straight custody in se­verall either dungeons or places little differing, de­barred both the conference of any but their Gaoler, and the vse of their owne papers and bookes. In the Schooles the behavior toward them was as barbarous as their vsage had beene tyrannicall: Shouts and out­cries were the chiefest Arguments, many opposing one, without order, without manners, without mo­desty. On the fourteenth of Aprill from the Prison they were brought to S. Maries, and commanded to abjure; vpon their refusall, a day is prefixed for pub­lique dispute: CRANMER'S day was the sixteenth, RIDLEY'S the seventeenth, LATIMER'S the eighteenth of Aprill, each in their course to answer all Opponents; which each of them performed, & that so, that notwithstanding they were amased with rude [Page 301] clamours, and distracted with variety of Opponents, all vrging and craving answer at the same time, al­though they were scoffed at, reviled, and overborne with multitude, yet did they force their Aduersaries to admire them. CRANMER did learnedly, and according to the dignity wherein hee so many yeares flourished, gravely: RIDLEY acutely and readi­ly: LATIMER with a pleasant tartnesse, and more solidly then could be expected of a man so neere the age of fourescore. The Disputation ended, they are againe on the twentieth of Aprill brought to S. Ma­ries, and demanded whether they would persist in their opinions; vpon their reply, that they would, they were declared Heretiques, and condem­nedCranmer, Ridley, and Latimer con­demned. to the fire. Their constancy was the more mani­fested by their contempt of death. LATIMER was scarce capable of the joy he conceived, that God was pleased he should end his long life (whereto Nature would shortly set a period) with so happy a clause. As for their martyrdome, it falls in with the next yeare, and thither we remit it.

Presently after those forepassed tumults, the Queene sends forth summons for a Parliament to begin the second of Aprill. In this Parliament shee proposeth two things, her Marriage and Subiection to Rome in matters Ecclesiasticall; this last she could not for a while obtaine, the other was assented vnto vpon conditions, That

Additions to the former Nuptiall Compacts.
PHILIP should not advance any to any publique Office or Dignity in England, but such as were Natives of England, and the Queenes Subiects: He should admit of a set number of English in houshold, whome he should vse respectively, and not suffer them to [Page 302] be in [...]red by Forainers: He should not tran­sport the Queene out of England but at her intreaty, nor any of the Jssue begotten by her, who should have their education in the Realme, and should not be suffered but vpon necessity or some good reasons, to go out of the Realme, nor then neither but with the con­sent of the English: The Queene deceasing without Children, PHILIP should not make any claime to the Kingdome, but should leave it freely to him, to whome of right it should belong: Hee should not change any thing in the Lawes either publique or pri­vate, the Jmmunities and Customes of the Realme, but should be bound to confirme and keepe them: He should not transport any Iew­ells, or any part of the Wardrobe, nor alie­nate any of the Revenues of the Crowne: He should preserve our Shipping, Ordnance, and Munition, and keepe the Castles, Forts, and Blocke-houses in good repaire, and well manned: Lastly, that this Match should not any way derogate from the League lately concluded betweene the Queene and the King of France, but that the Peace be­tweene the English and the French should remaine firme and inviolate: onely it should be lawfull for PHILIP out of other King­domes [Page 303] and Dominions belonging to his Fa­ther the Emperour, to send aides vnto him either for propelling iniuries, or taking re­venge for any already received.

Philip arri­veth in Eng­land, All things being thus transacted, and no further impediment interposing betweene these Princes; PHILIP setting saile from the Groine on the six­teenth of Iuly, with a good Southerne gale within three dayes arrived at Southampton with a Fleet of one hundred and sixty saile, wherof twenty were English, and other twenty Flemings. Having rested himselfe there the space of three dayes attended by a great company of the English and Spanish Nobili­ty, on the fower and twentieth of Iuly being a very wet day he came to the Queene at Winchester. The feast day of S. Iames (the tutelary Saint of Spaine) was destined for the Nuptialls, which were celebra­tedand is mar­r [...]ed to the Queene. at Winchester with great pomp [...]. There Don IVAN FIGVEROA for the Emperor resigned the King­domes of Naples & Sicily, and conferred all his right thereto on PHILIP: and the Heralds proclai­med their titles in Latine, French, and English. About the beginning of August these two Princes came to Basing, and thence to Windsore, where the King was installed Knight of the Garter. On the eleventh of August they came to London, where the Citizens re­ceived them with most magnificent solemnity.

Cardinall Poole comes into Englād. O [...] the eleventh of November another Parlia­ment began at Westminster: about the beginning wherof Cardinall POOLE (who by King HEN­RY had beene proclaimed enemy to the Estate, was created Cardinall by PAVL the Third, had himselfe beene Pope if he had but consented in [Page 304] time, and in the opinion of many was thought a fit Husband for the Queene) arrived in England. Having beene put beside the Papacy by others de­fault more then his owne, craving leave of the new Pope IVLIVS, he withdrew himself to a Mona­stery in the territory of Verona called Maguzano, the Religious whereof were Benedictine Monkes, of which Order hee himselfe while hee continued at Rome had beene Patron. Having decreed there to hide himselfe and spend the remainder of his dayes, the fame of King EDWARD'S death and Queene MARY'S advancement to the Crowne, drew him againe out of the Cloister to Rome. He was not ig­norant how MARY stood affected to the Sea of Rome, and therefore hoped (not without good cause) that IVLIVS, who much favoured him having by his delaies attained the Papacy, would send him into his Countrey with the honorable title and au­thority of a Legate. And now he fained to him­selfe a double hope of a Kingdome, if not secular, at least Ecclesiasticall, by vertue of his authority Le­gatine and the dignity of Archbishop of Canterbu­ry. Queene MARY had her education for some yeares vnder MARGARET Countesse of Salis­bury the Mother of POOLE (who was then a childe) and that by Queene CATHARINES meanes, who intended (as it was thought) to mar­ry her Daughter the Lady MARY to one of the Countesses Sonnes, thereby to strengthen her Daughters claime to the Crowne, if it should hap­pen that HENRY should decease without other law­full issue, the Countesse being Daughter to GEORGE Duke of Clarence, who was brother to EDWARD the Fourth. The Cardinall, whether for this or some other reasons, knowing himselfe to be in [Page 305] deere esteeme with the Queene, was confident if not of the Crowne by marriage, yet at least of all advantages of her favour. Neither was he therein deceived; for MARY having obtained the Crowne, earnestly sued vnto him to restore him­selfe to his Countrey; and the Pope, not ignorant how much he would advantage the Apostolique Sea, at the Queenes request dispatched him with most ample authority. But the Emperour having a proiect on foot for his Sonne, was somewhat jea­lous of the Cardinall: and therefore began seriously to treat with Cardinall DANDINO the Popes Legat with him, for the conclusion of a Peace betweene him and the French, that so he might give a stop to POOLE, whose comming into England, the Em­perors affaires being not yet setled, might perad­venture make all fly asunder. DANDINO to gratify CHARLES, by FRANCISCO COMMENDONO sends Letters to POOLE, advising him not to set forth as yet, forasmuch as this Legacy vndertaken without the Emperours consent, was displeasing; and the English Nation for the most part, especially the Londoners, did so hate the name of the Pope of Rome, that his Legacy would be held in contempt among them: a Legate therfore was not to be emploied vnto them, vntill persuasions had brought them to a better temper. POOLE having received these letters in his Cloi­ster, thought it fitting to expect his Holinesse plea­sure. The Pope not brooking the increase of the Emperors greatnes by the addition of such Estates, and fretting that DANDINO had presumed to stay the Cardinall, recalled DANDINO, and conferred on POOLE alone the Legacy both in­to England for the one affaire, and to the Emperour [Page 306] and the French for the treaty of a Peace. He willing­ly vndertaking it, presently set forward from Trent, certifying the Emperour and the French of his large Commission. The Emperour perceiving that these devises would be no longer availeable, sent Don IVAN de Mendoza vnto him with letters, wherin he plainly discovered his feare, that the Cardinalls premature arrivall in England might prove an ob­stacle to his proceedings there, which were great and hopefull: wherfore it was his desire, that hee should either there attend his pleasure, or if hee would needs go further he might come to Liege, and there expect the event of his designes. The Cardi­nall vpon receipt of these letters returnes to Dilling, (not far from Trent) certifies his Holinesse of the whole carriage of the businesse, and sends expostu­latory letters to the Emperor, shewing therin what an indignity it was to the Apostolique Sea, that his Holinesse Legat sent vpon a treaty of Peace, and to reduce a Kingdome to the obedience of the Church, should so disgracefully, with contempt to his Holinesse, and that by the Emperours com­mand, be detained in the middest of Germany in the sight of the enemies of the Church. That great Di­vine DOMINGO SOTO Ordinary Preacher to the Emperour was then at Dilling. By him hee persuades the Emperour not to hinder this Legati­on, being it would so much hazard the estate of the Church, but especially of the Kingdome of England. At length with much ado, and that not vntill the Emperour had intelligence, that the Articles con­cerning his Sonnes marriage were agreed on, hee obtained leave to come to Brussells, but on this con­dition, that he should there reside vntill the Empe­rour were assured, that the marriage betweene [Page 307] PHILIP aad MARY were solemnised. So to Brussells he came, where having saluted the Emperor, who received him very courteously, and that time might not passe vnprofitably, with him he begins to put in execution one part of his Legation, which was, to draw the Emperor and the King of France to some indifferent termes of peace. The Emperor professing, that he would not reiect peace vpon any reasonable conditions, the Cardinall goes into France, to treat with HENRY concerning the same thing: who made as faire shewes as did the Emperour; but their mindes exulcerated with inveterate hate, made all his paines fruitlesse. HENRY at his departure em­bracing him, signified the sorrow he had conceived, that he had not sooner occasion to be acquainted with his worth: for had he truly knowne him, his endea­vours should have beene totally for his advancement to the Papacy.

A little after his returne to Brussells, came the Lords Paget and Hastings Embassadors to the Emperour from their Maiesties of England, who signified their joint longing to see the Cardinall, and therefore desi­red he might be forthwith dismissed, that by vertue of his authority he might rectify the Church of England wonderfully out of tune by reason of the Schisme wherwith it had beene afflicted. So in September hee had leave to go for England, but was by contrary windes detained at Calais vntill November, in which moneth he at length arrived at Dover. His entertain­ment was most honorable, the Kings and Nobles alike striving to manifest their joy. And because be­ing in the yeare 1539. by Parliament declared Ene­my to the Estate, and by the same Law condemned to dy; the Estates then assembled in Parliament re­pealed that Act, and restored him to his Bloud, the Kings themselves comming to the House extraordi­narily [Page 308] for the confirmation of the Act before his arri­vall at London. A little after his comming, both Hou­ses were sent for to the Court, where the Bishop of Winchester lord Chancellor having in the presence of the Kings and the assembly spoken something concer­ning the Cardinalls gratefull arrivall, the CardinallCardinall Pooles Ora­tion to the Farliament. himselfe began a long oration in English, wherin Hee acknowledged how much he was bound to the Kings and the Estates of the Realme, by whose favor those Lawes for his exile and proscription were repealed, and he once more made a Native of the land: he was bound by the Lawes of gratitude to endeavour the requitall of this benefit, wher­to an occasion happily offered it selfe: The late Schisme had separated them from the vnion of the Church, and made them exiles from heaven; By the authority conferred on him by the Pope Saint PETER'S Successor CHRIST'S Vicar, he would bring them backe into the Fold of the Church, the sole meanes of attaining their celestiall Heri­tage. Wherefore he exhorted them ingenuously to acknow­ledge the errors of these later yeares, and to detest them, with sincere alacrity of minde to accept of, and retaine this benefit, which God by his Vicar's Legate did proffer them. For now nothing else remained, but that hee being present with those Keyes which should open the gates of the Church, they should also abrogate those Lawes, which late­ly enacted to the preiudice of the Church, had rended them from the rest of it's Body.

Having spoken a great deale to this purpose, and ransacked Antiquity for examples of our fore-fathers devotion to the Sea of Rome; his grave delivery, ex­cellent language, and methodicall contexture of his speech wrote so effectually in the mindes of those who were addicted to Popery, that they thought not themselves vntill this day capable of Salvation. But many of the lower House, who deemed it a rare feli­city to have shaken off the yoke of Rome, eagerly [Page 309] withstood the re-admittance of it. But by the endea­vours of the King and Queene all things were at last composed to the Cardinalls liking. The authorityThe Realme freed from Interdiction. which the Popes heretofore vsurped in this Realme is restored, the title of Supreme Head of the Church is ab­rogated, & a Petition drawne by the whole Court of Parliament, for the Absolution of the People and Clergy of England from Schisme and Heresy is by the Bishop of Winchester presented to the Legate, who (they all kneeling) by the authority committed vnto him absolved them. This being done, they went to the Chappell in Procession singing Te Deum, and the next Sunday the Bishop of Winchester in his Sermon at Pauls-Crosse made a large relation of what had pas­sed.

These things being thus setled, the Queene in­tends an honorable Embassy to Rome, wherof she had at her first comming to the Crowne made promise. For having resolved to replant the Religion of Rome, she had privily written to POOLE, requiring his advice therin. The Pope was therefore pleased to send into England GIOVANNI FRANCISCO COMMENDONO his Chamberlaine (afterward Cardinall) for the more perfect notice of the estate of the Realme. To him the Queene after much privat conference did vnder her hand promise obedience to the Sea of Rome, desiring withall, that the King­dome might be absolved from the Interdict, for the obtaining wherof she would by a solemne Embassy petition his Holinesse as soone as the Estate was set­led. So now about the end of this yeare the Bishop of Ely, Sir ANTHONY BROWNE, and ED­WARD CARNE Doctor of Law, are by the Kings sent to proffer their obedience to the Sea of Rome. But these costs and paines were fruitlesse. For before they came to Rome the Pope was dead. In the meane [Page 310] time the Queene considering all her actions hitherto to have passed with full applause, began to treat with the Nobility, to condiscend, that if not the Royall, at least the matrimoniall Crowne of our Queenes might be imposed on PHILIP. But it being a matter with­out precedent, and that might perchance to an am­bitious Prince give some colour for claime to the Kingdome, they proved averse, and shee content to surcease.

The next care was of restitution of Church lands. But HENRY had so divided them, and that among the Nobility, that nothing could be done therein. Only it was decreed, that the First-Fruits and Tenths granted to the King by the Clergy Anno 1534, should be remitted: which Decree vpon consideration of the Treasuries poverty, and of the many Pensions gran­ted by HENRY to the eiected Religious Persons, was quickly revoked.

The Queene thought to be with childe. About the same time an absurd (I might say ridi­culous) accident happened by the Queens owne cre­dulity and the flattery of fawning Courtiers. By rea­son of a disease, which Physitians terme a Mole, her belly began to swell: and some other reasons giving her cause to coniecture that she was with childe, shee not entertaining the advice of any Physitians, but of Mid▪wives and old women, beleeving what she desi­red should be, affirmed that she felt the stirring of the Embryo in her wombe. To those that are affected with this malady, that fleshy and informe substance which is termed Mola, doth seeme sometimes to move, but that slowly, and with the generall motion of the whole belly. By this and other symptomes Phy­sitians would quickly have discovered her disease, which vnlesse very maturely prevented▪ is common­ly incurable: so that in processe of time her Liver be­ing over-cooled, she fell into a Dropsy, which as [Page 311] FVCHSIVS and other Physitians write, doth vsually happen. But these flattering hopes betraied her to the laughter of the world, and to her grave. For on the seven and twentieth of November the Lords of the Counsaile sent some Mandates to the Bishop of London, to disperse certaine formes of Praiers, wherein after thankes given to God for his Mercies to this Kingdome, by giving hopes of an Heire to the Crowne, and infusing life into the Em­bryo, they should pray for the preservation of the Queene and the Infant, and her happy delivery, and cause Te Deum to be sung every where. Then by Parliament many things were enacted concer­ning the education of the Babe; and much clutter was otherwise kept about preparatious for the Childes swadling clouts, cradle, and other things requisite at the Delivery; vntill in Iune in the ensu­ing yeare it was manifested, that all was little better then a dreame.

Lords cre­ated. This yeare were many Barons created. On the eleventh of March, WILLIAM HOWARD was created Lord Howard of Effingam, he was Fa­ther to CHARLES Lord Admirall and late Earle of Notingham: on the fift of Aprill, IOHN WILLI­AMS Lord Williams of Tame: on the seventh of Aprill, EDWARD NORTH Baron of Chartlege: on the eighth of Aprill, IOHN BRVGES Lord Chandois: on the fourteenth of May, GERARD FITZ-GERARD (of whome before) Earle of Kildare: and on the second of September, ANTHO­NY BROWNE Viscount Mountague: And in September deceased THOMAS Duke of Norfolke.

Anno Dom. 1555. Reg. MARIAE 2. & 3. PHILIPPI 1. & 2.

ON the eighteenth of Ianuary the Lord Chan­cellor comming to the Tower with six other Lords of the Counsaile set many brave pri­soners at liberty, viz. the Archbishop of Yorke, Sir IOHN ROGERS, Sir IAMES CROFT, Sir NICHOLAS THROCKMORTON, Sir NI­CHOLAS ARNOLD, Sir GEORGE HAR­PER, Sir WILLIAM SENTLOW, Sir GAWIN CAREW, Sir ANDREW DVDLEY the Duke of Northumberland's Brother, WILLIAM GIBS, CVTBERT VAVGHAN, HARINGTON, TREMAINE, and others. The Archbishop ha­ving married a Wife, was deprived, and NICHOLAS HEATH sometimes Bishop of Worcester, but depri­ved by King EDWARD, and (HOOPER being eiected and condemned to the fire) lately restored by Queene MARY, was substituted in his place. ROGERS and CROFT were afterward Privy Coun­sailers to Queene ELIZABETH, vnder whome they many yeares flourished in great authority. THROCK­MORTON (a▪ subtle man) was thought to have beene the plotter of WIAT'S Rebellion: his head was therefore especially aimed at. But being indi­ted, and ten whole howers spent in sifting him, he by such witty answers voided the accusation of his Adversary, that the Iurors found him not guilty; for which they were afterward soundly fined.

Lady Eliza­beth and Marquis of Excester set at liberty. About the beginning of Aprill, the Marquis of of Excester, and a little after, the Lady ELIZABETH were set at liberty. Concerning Lady ELIZABETH, it was long consulted what course to take with her, wherein the resolutions of the Papists were bloudi­ly bent to make her away when any colourable oc­casion [Page 313] should present it selfe. The Bishop of Win­chester vpon any speech concerning the punishment of Heretiques, is repo [...]ted to have said, We strip off the leaves, or lop off the branches; but vnles we strike at the Root that hope of Heretiques, (meaning Lady ELI­ZABETH) we do nothing. But after long search into her actions, no sufficient matter of accusation being found, although there wanted not those who sought to persuade the Queene, that her liberty would indanger the Queene; yet PHILIP aspiring to the opinion of clemency, by his intercession to­ward the end of Aprill she had her liberty, but so, that she was bound to admit of into her Family Sir THOMAS POPE a Privy Counsailer, GAGE, and some others, who should alwaies keepe watch over her actions.

This small sparkle of clemency was obscured by a g [...]eater flame of cruelty, a multitude of godly men su [...]fering this yeare for their conscience only. OnIohn Rogers burned. the fourth of February, IOHN ROGERS the Pro­tomartyr of those times was burned at London. He was TINDALL'S companion, after whose death fea­ring persecution, hee would not returne into his Countrey, but went with his Wife to Wirtenberg, where having attained to the Germane Tongue, hee vndertooke the Cure of a certaine Church there, which he faithfully discharged, vntill vnder King EDWARD he was recalled from exile, by RID­LEY Bishop of London made a Prebend of Pauls, and Lecturer there. Queene MARY having attained the Crowne, the Papists endeavored to affright him, and so to have once more forced him to a volunta­ry exile, commanding him not so much as to peepe into the streets: and in this manner lived he a yeare, vntill at last refusing to fly, he was imprisoned, and [Page 314] condemned to the fire; which cruell death (not­withstanding that he was to leave a wife and ten children) he did most constantly vndergo.

and Bishop Hooper. The like end on the ninth of February made IOHN HOOPER Bishop first of Glocester, and then of Worcester too, holding both Seas in Com­mendam, who tooke much paines about BONER'S deprivation, which thing now hastened him to a stake. For as soone as Queene MARY was inthro­ned, he was sent for to London, committed to the Tower, and condemned for an Heretique. HENRY reigning, he spent part of his life in Germany, where hee tooke to wife a Burguignon, and among other devout learned men, had intimate familiarity with HENRY BVLLINGER, by whome for his learning, godly and sweet conversation he was held in d [...]ere esteeme. After his condemnation hee was sent to Glocester, there to suffer, where hee was thought most to have sinned in sowing seeds of er­ror: He himselfe not a little rejoicing that he should by the testimony of his bloud confirme that Do­ctrine before their eyes, into whose eares hee had so often inculcated it.

Bishop Farrar. The same course was taken with FERRAR Bishop of S. Davids, who was brought downe frō London to his owne Dioces, there to be judged by the new Bi­shop MORGAN, by whome he was condemned, and burned at Carmarden the third of March. He was a man rigid and of a rough behaviour, which pro­cured him much trouble vnder King EDWARD, and now I beleeve proved his bane. For having been by the Duke of Somerset advanced to that Dignity, after his death this good and learned man by his sower behaviour drawing neere to arrogance (which with that Nation is a great indignity) raised against [Page 315] himselfe many accusers, two whereof vnder Queene ELIZABETH became Bishops, who after the death of the Duke of Somerset easily prevailed with the ad­verse Faction for his imprisonment. Being found in prison when MARY came to the Crowne, and brought before the Bishop of Winchester, he might (I beleeve) by pleasing answers and a little yeelding to the season, have honestly escaped their bloudy hands, as did many others, who having not waded too far in Lady IANE'S cause, nor otherwise given any grand affront to any of the Popish Prelates, by this meanes without impediment going into voluntary exile, or being taken, had their liberty easily procured at the intercession of Friends. But FERRAR according to his innate tartnesse, answering freely (I will not say waiwardly) to his interrogatories, did so inrage the Bishop of Winchester, that I do not much wonder at the hard proceedings against him.

many others, Beside these, ROLAND TAILOR Doctor of Divinity suffered at Hadley the ninth of February, LAVRENCE SANDERS an excellent Preacher, on the eighth at Coventrey, IOHN CARDMAKER Chancellor of the Church of Wells on the last of May at London, where also on the first of Iuly that godly and learned man IOHN BRADFORD vnderwent the tortures of his martyrdome.

and Bishop Ridley, and Latimer. But not to go to a particular enumeration of all that suffered for their Faith, the number of them was almost incredible, the greater part whereof were executed out of BONER'S butchery. But among others we cannot omit those Worthies RIDLEY and LATIMER, who having beene condemned the yeare before, were now on the sixteenth of Octo­ber conducted to execution, and at Oxford in the aspect of the Academiques were in the Towne ditch neere Balioll Colledge tied to a stake and burned. [Page 316] CRANMER is reported from the higher part of his prison to have beheld this dolefull spectacle, and with bended knees and elevated hands to have praied for their constancy of Hope and Faith, as also for him­selfe who was shortly hee knew to tread their path. But his execution was for a time deferred by the Bi­shop of Winchesters meanes▪ and that not out of pitty, but ambition, and reguard of his owne profit.

The death of Pope Iulius the Third. On the foure and twentieth of March died IVLIVS the Third, after whose death the Conclave elected MARCELLO CERVINO, a man of excellent lear­ning, wisedome, and [...]anctity of life, and vnder whom there was great hope of the reformation of that Church: whose that memorable saying was, That he did not see how it was possible for a Pope to be saved; who ha­ving sate two and twenty dayes only, died, and left the Chaire to Cardinall CARAFFA, of whose conten­tion with POOLE we have spoken already, whoPaul the Fourth succeedeth. Gardiner su­ [...]th to be Car­dinall. succeeded him by the name of PAVL the Fourth. GARDINER being not ignorant of this contenti­on, and the differences betweene them, deales vnder­hand with this new Pope to honour him with a Car­dinalls Hat, and to transfer on him the authority Legatine by IVLIVS conferred on POOLE. The Pope in reguard of his hatred to POOLE, ea­sily condiscended thereto, determining also to cite him to Rome, there to force him to acquit himselfe of Heresy, and to suffer as did Cardinall MORO­NO POOLE'S great Friend, whome this Pope de­tained in prison as long as himselfe lived. Hereby GARDINER well hoped to attaine to be Archbi­shop of Canterbury, the revenues of which Bisho­pricke POOLE received as a Sequestratour, and would no otherwise as long as CRANMER lived. This was the reason that CRANMER'S execution [Page 317] was deferred, to worke meanes that POOLE might not be invested in the Archbishopricke, which hee himselfe for the former reasons hoped to attaine. But while GARDINER was wholy intent to this pro­iect,Gardiner dieth. death had a proiect on him, and cut him of by the extremity of a Dropsie, which swelling from his feet and legs vp to his belly dispatched him on the twelfth of November, who was with great solemnity interred in his Cathedrall at Win [...]hester.

Charles the Emperour resignes his Crown [...]s. The Emperour CHARLES the Fi [...]t having de­termined to resigne the Empire and his Kingdome, on the five and twentieth of October at Brussels, where all the Estates of his Realmes were assembled, trans­ferred all his Kingdomes and Dominions on his Son PHILIP, whom he had formerly made King of Na­ples and Sicily, and betooke himselfe to the rest of a priuate life.

Anno Dom. 1556. Reg. Mariae 3. & 4. Philippi 2. & 3.

TO begin the yeare with its first day, on the first of Ianuary, NICHOLAS HEATH Archbi­shopThe Arch­bishop of Yorke Lord Chancellour. A Comet. of Yorke was made Lord Chancellour. In March, a Comet in the twentieth degree of Li­bra was seene from the fift to the seventeenth of the same moneth.

A counter­f [...]it Edward▪ On the thirteenth of March, a counterfait ED­WARD, whose true name was WILLIAM FE­THERSTON [...] was executed for a Traitor: he be­ing a Millers sonne, in stature and lineaments of bo­die not much vnlike the deceased King EDWARD, and his age also agreeable, had beene the last yeare publiquely whipped through London, for affirming [Page 318] himselfe to be the King. But not sufficiently terrified by the smart of this punishment, hee againe betakes him to the same imposture, privately affirmes him­selfe to be King EDWARD, and causes letters to be cast abroad, that King EDWARD was alive, for which he was at length deservedly hanged.

Archbishop Cranmer burned. And now we are at length come to the narration of the memorable Martyrdome of the Archbishop CRANMER. STEPHEN GARDINER Bishop of Winche [...]ter being dead, Cardinall POOLE as yet the Pope's Legate appointed IAMES BROOKE Bishop of Gloueester for CRANMER'S triall, forasmuch as they iudged it vnlawfull to punish an Archbishop but by leave from his Holinesse. IOHN STORY, and THOMAS MARTIN Doctours of Law Commissio­ners for the Queene, accompanied the Bishop to Oxford, that the Authority Royall might countenance the Delegates proceeding. In Saint Maries Church, they had high seates purposely erected for them, BROOKE sitting vnder the place, where the consecrated Host did vsually hang in a Pixe, beside him sate MARTIN and STORY, but a little lower, and CRANMER habited like a Doctour of Divinite, not like a Bishop, was brought before them. Being told that there were those who represented not only her Maiesties person, but also of the most holy Father the Pope, hee with due reverence saluted STORY and MARTIN, but would not so much as vouchsafe to cast his eyes toward BROOKE, and that not (as he afterward confessed) of contempt of the man, whom hee formerly loved, but that hee might not seeme to acknowledge the Popes authoritie, hee ha­ving by oath to King HENRY obliged himselfe to the contrary, especially in England, where hee could make no pretence of right. Then each of them ex­horted him to change his opinion, and returne to the [Page 319] vnity of the Church: but hee not reguarding their ad­monition, they cite him to appeare within fourescore dayes before his Holinesse, which with her Maiesties consent, he promised he would. But the Pope not ex­pecting his comming, within twenty dayes after by letters to the King and Queene commanded him to be condemned, and committed to the Secular power. After the intercourse of a few dayes, new authoritie is by the Pope granted to BONER Bishop of London, and THIRLBY Bishop of Ely for CRANMERS de­gradation from Orders both Presbyteriall and Ar­chiepiscopall and he then to be delivered over to the secular Magistrate to suffer for heresie, which was ac­cordingly performed on the fourteenth of February. Those saintlike men, CRANMER, RIDLEY, and LATIMER, as long as they lived did by letters exhort each other to a generous constancie for the mainte­nance of the truth of the Christian faith. But the other two Champions having made their way to heaven, and left him alone not plied with such firme exhor­tations, out of desire of longer life his constancy be­gan at length to be shaken, and that by the subtilty and daily persuasions of a Spanish Frier. So being se­duced with hope of pardon, he retracts what ever he had before written in defence of his Religion, which retractation was after printed & published. But that little availed him. For whether that POOLE would not be longer excluded from the possession of the Archbishopricke, or that (which seemes more proba­ble) the Queenes inveterate hate and desire of re­venge for her Mothers Divorce, which could not bee otherwise satiated then with the bloud of this grave man, were the cause: he being now confident of life is presently rapt to the place of execution, and there cruelly burned, where RIDLEY and LATIMER had five moneths before beene crowned with Mar­tyrdome. [Page 320] On the day appointed for his execution, a Sermon by the appointment of the Cardinall was preached by Doctor COLE. Thither was CRAN­MER brought, and placed conveniently neere the Pulpit, where COLE exhorted him to a constan­cy in that faith, which hee was now content to acknowledge, and that even vnto death, which was now by the appointment of the Magistrate to be in­flicted on him this very day. Gods wrath for the death of FISHER and MORE could not otherwise be ap­peased but by his bloud. But before his death, would he by a publique confession testifie his sincere con­version to the vnitie of the Church, hee should do an act most acceptable to God and men. If with this vn­expected newes CRANMER were amazed, I do not at all wonder. But he recollecting himselfe stood vp, and without any signe of feare, made a quicke Ora­tion to the assembly, wherein having premised many things concerning morality and amendment of life, he repeates the principall points of his doctrine, brief­ly explaines his Faith, affirmeth, that vnder the autho­ritie Papall the Kingdome of Antichrist was contained and established, and lastly demonstrates how much hee had offen­ded God by the abnegation of the Truth: Hee professeth therefore, that he had resolved, that his right hand, where­with he had so horribly sinned by subscribing to the doctrine proposed by the enemies of Truth, should first feele the smart of punishment; when hee would have proceeded to speake more, the multitude of Romanists whose ex­pectation he had so finely deluded, with clamors and scofs interrupted him, & hurried him away present­ly to the place of execution. There was then to be seene a sad spectacle, and such as would, I will not say, have extorted pittie from his very enemies, but have expressed teares from a flint: the chiefe Prelate of the Realme lately flourishing by reason of his power [Page 321] and favour of Princes, a man of most holy conversa­tion, for his age, aspect, feature, learning, gravitie and rare guifts of minde deservedly most Reverend, clad out of intent to expose him to mockery in an obsolete garment (for so had the Papists purposely arraied him) and bitterly taunted at to be dragged to death, and that death by the horrid tortures of fire. Being now fastned to the stake, as soone as ever the flame began to ascend, lifting vp his left hand to heaven, he thrust forth his right hand into the flame, and there with admirable constancie continued it vntill it were consumed, only once drawing it in, and with it stroa­king his beard. At length the raging flame spreding it selfe, lifting vp his eyes toward heaven, hee cried out, Lord receive my spirit, and his bodie abiding as immovable as the stake whereto hee was faste­ned, hee patiently indured the fines violence, vn­till hee at last expired. His bodie being consu­med to ashes, his heart was found intire and vn­touch't. Had any of the Romanists found the like in any one of their faction, it should have beene recor­ded for a miracle, and that miracle sufficed to have Sainted him. Give me leave, though it be contrary to the method of Historie, to insert a few verses written by RALPH SKINNER concerning this great mans Martyrdome:

Succubuit sanctus Praesul CRANMERVS, iniqud
Pontificum rabie, fraude dolo (que) perit.
Quòd Verbi in victo deiecer at Ense Papatum,
Quòd docn [...]t purâ quaerere mente Deum;
Quòd (que) Antichristi subverter at impia regna,
Regna pijs Auglis heu tolerata diù;
Hinc pius & clemens [...]rudeli addicitur igni,
Dantur & innocui membra [...]remanda viri.
Huc vbi iam ventum est, Dextram proiecit in ignem,
Proiectam (que) tenens talia dicta dedit:
[Page 322] Primùm peccasti, primùm & sentire dolorem
Debes, ah Christo dextra inimica meo.
Immotam (que) tenet dum deflagaverat omnis,
In [...]ineres totam dum cecidisse videt.
Caetera cùm pereant flammâ (mirabile dictu)
Cor manet illaesum post vbi flamma perit.
Ecce, invicta fides cor inviolabile servat,
Nec medijs flammis cor da perire sinit.

Which Verses may thus be rendred in English:

Through Papists rage & fraud good CRANMER di'd,
Because he put their doctrine to the Sword,
The two-edg'd Sword of Scripture, and descri'd
CHRIST'S Foe, instructing England with the Word:
For this, meeke man, he had a Martyrs hire,
His Soule was burnt with Zeale, his Corps with Fire.
But when he came vnto the stake, he thrust
His right hand in the flames: Thou first (he said)
Because thou first didst sinne▪ here suffer must,
Thou first thy Lord and Master hast betraid:
There held he it; his eyes did see it fall,
Soone afterward he sent those eyes withall.
But lo, a wonder! Heav'ns sacred Oracle
Had sure decreed, that so admir'd a creature
Should not be put to death Sans Miracle:
His Bodie burnt, his Heart in perfect feature
Was found vnsing'd: See, See, the Faith he cherisht,
Once in that Heart, preferv'd it still vnperisht.

This yeare eighty foure burned. Beside CRANMER, the crueltie of those times did the same yeare devoure many professors of the same Religion. Of both sexes no fewer then eighty foure were this yeare [...] by fire. Neither did their [Page 323] crueltie exercise it selfe on the living only: the bones of MARTYN BVCER and PAVL PHAGIVSThe exhu­mation of Bucer and Phagius. long since dead, were digged vp, formally accused of heresie, and no man vndertaking their cause (as who durst?) condemned, and publiquely burned in the market place at Cambridge. And PETER MAR­TYR'S wife, who died at Oxford, was disinterred, and with barbarous and inhumane cruelty buried in a dunghill. To BVCER and PHAGIVS Queene ELIZABETH did afterward with great solemnitie restore their memorie and honour: And as for PE­TER MARTYR'S wife, shee caused her bones to be translated from that vncleane place, to be reinterred in the Church, and commixed with the reliques of FRIDESWID (by Papists reputed a Saint) that the like occasion of mockage might not againe be of­fered.

Cardinall Poole conse­crated Archbishop of Canterbury. On the same day, whereon CRANMER thus en­ded his life, Cardinall POOLE was ordered Priest at Greenwich, and the next day, NABOTH being dead, tooke possession of his Vineyard, being consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury. Three dayes after, being the Feast of the Annunciation, accompanied by ma­ny Nobles, POOLE with great solemnitie received the Pall at Bow-Church.

About the same time a notable conspiracie was detected, some having proiected to rob the Exche­quer▪ at that time full of Spanish coine to the value of fiftie thousand pounds. The names of the conspira­tors were VDALL, THROCKMORTON, PEC­HAM, DANIEL, STANTON, and (besides o­thers that fled for it) WHITE, who discovered his fellowes. The rest were all taken and suffred as Trai­tors. Sir ANTHONY KINGSTON as partaker in their intentions was also apprehended, but died be­fore he could reach London.

[Page 324] In Iuly, new tumults begunne to be set on foot in Norfolke were maturely suppressed, CLEBER and three brothers called LINCOLNE the authours of it suffering for their seditious attempt.

On the one and twentieth of November, IOHN FECKNAM Deane of Pauls was installed Abbot at Westminster, which HENRY the Eighth had erected to an Archiepiscopall Sea. There being at that time no Monkes in England, fourteene were found who were content with FECKNAM to take the Religious ha­bit of Benedictines.

Anno Dom. 1557. Reg. Mariae 4. & 5. Philipi 3. & 4.

NOw after foure or five yeares we found the ef­fect of our Northerne Navigation set on footAn Embas­sage to Mus­covia. by CABOTA. About the beginning of this yeare, arrived in England OSEP NAPEA Embas­sadour from BASILIWITZ Emperour of Russia, for the Treatie of a perpetuall League betweene our Kings and his Prince. On the Scottsh coast hee had suffered wracke, and beside merchandize of infinite value, hee lost those Presents, which were from the Emperour destinated to their Maiesties. But the losse of RICHARD CHANCELLER was beyond all these inestimable, who being a most expert Pilot, first discovered the passage into those Northerne Regions, and now more sollicitous of the Embassadours safe­guard then of his owne, this man most worthy of im­mortall memory was swallowed vp in the Seas insa­tiate gulfe. I thinke the intertainment of any Embas­sadour with vs was never more royall. On the five and twentieth of May, PHILIP having about seven dayes before returned out of Flanders, he was admit­ted [Page 325] into the presence of the Kings, declared the purport of his Embassie, and continued in London, vntill the third of May: and having then got a convenient season, laden with guifts he set saile for his Countrey.

The Lord Stourton hanged. On the sixt of March, CHARLES Lord STOVR­TON for having in his house cruelly murthered one HARGILL and his sonne, with whom he had long beene at variance, was by a wholesome example to posterity hanged at Sarisbury with foure other of his servants, who were not only conscious, but actors in the cruelty. After hee had beaten them downe with clubs, and cut their throats, hee buried their carcases fi [...]teene foot deep in the ground, hoping by such sure worke to stop the voice of bloud crying for revenge; or if perad venture it were discovered, the reguard of his zealous persistance in the Religion of Rome would (he hoped) procure the Queenes pardon. But murther is a sinne that God hath by many memora­ble examples manifested, that i [...] shal not remaine vn­detected: and the Queene although blindly misled in matter of Religion, was so exact a fautrix of iustice, that she was vtterly averse from all mention of par­don. So this Nobleman had the punishment due to his offence, only in this preferred before other mur­therers and parricides, that he was not strangled with an halter of hempe, but of silke.

Thomas Stafford in­devouring an insurre­ction is ta­ken and be­headed. The seven and twentieth of Aprill, THOMAS STAFFORD landing in the Northerne parts of the Realme, having raked together a small company of exiles and some forainers, surprised Scarborough castle then, as in time of peace▪ vtterly destitute of provision for resistance: having thus seized on a place of defence, he makes Proclamation, that Queene MARY having her selfe no right to the Crowne had betraied it to the Spaniard, exhorting the people with him to take armes for the recovery of their lost liberty. But by the dili­gence [Page 326] of NICHOLAS WOTTON Deane of Can­terbury then Embassadour for their Maiesties with the French, all his designes were revealed to the Counsaile before his arrivall in England. So by the industry of the Earle of Westmerland hee was within six dayes taken, brought to London, and on the eight and twentieth of May beheaded, STRECHLEY, PROCTOR, and BRADFORD the next day fol­lowing him but in a more due punishment (being drawne, hanged and quartered) whom they had fol­lowed in their treacherous attempts.

The Emperour CHARLES having bequeathed War against France pro­claimed. the inheritance of his hate to France with his Crowne, MARY could not long distinguish her cause from her Husband's. Wherefore on the seventh of Iune, the Queene set forth a Proclamation to this effect, that

Whereas the King of France had many wayes iniured her by supporting the Duke of Nor­thumberland and Wyat in their Rebellions against her; and that his Realme had beene a receptacle for Dudley and Ashton, who with the privity of his Embassadour had in his house contrived their treacherous designes, and after their escape into France had beene relie­by Pensions from the King; as also for having lately aided Stafford with shipping, men, mo­ney, and munition, thereby if it were possible to dispossesse her of the Crowne: She gave her sub­iects to vnderstand, that they should not enter­taine traffique with that Nation, whose Prince she accompted her Enemy, and against whom [Page 327] vpon farther grievances shee determined to de­nounce war.

Although these things were true, yet had shee ab­stained from denunciation of warre, had not the five yeares Truce betweene PHILIP & HENRY by the Popes instigation beene lately broken by the French, and so warre arising betweene them, shee would not make her selfe & her Husband two. For the Pope ha­ving long since maligned the Emperour (knowing that he after the resignation of his Estates to his Son PHILIP had withdrawne himselfe into Spaine) by the Cardinall of Loraine still sollicited the French King to armes against the Spaniard, promising to invest him in the Kingdome of Naples. HENRY vpon these faire hopes vndertakes it, and MARY resolves to as­sist her Husband.

P Ole's [...] Le­gantine ab­rogated, That MARY tooke armes in the behalfe of her Husband, Pope PAVL was much displeased. And being hee could not be revenged on her (who indeed was the sole cause of our breach with France) he de­termined to powre out his wra hon POOLE, whom he ever hated; but now he thought he had more cause to manifest it, because POOLE knowing that this war was set on foot by the Pope; had by letters and Em­bassadours sought to appease him, and that (though with most humble reverence) yet roundly and accor­ding to his conscience. Having abrogated POOLE'S Legation, he repeales him to Rome; and for supply of his place hee creates one FRANCIS PETOW (a Franciscan Frier) Cardinall and Legate, and a little af­ter designed him Bishop of Sarisbury. The Queene having intelligence of these proceedings, tooke espe­ciall care, that POOLE might have no notice of them, prohibiting not only this new Cardinall to enter the Realme, but all others whom shee suspected to bring [Page 328] any Mandates to that purpose, & with exact diligence causing his letters to be intercepted▪ by her Orators at Rome certified his Holinesse what a hazard the Ca­tholique Religion not yet fully established would in­curre, if he should indevour the disgrace of so great a man, whose authority had beene much available for the conversion of the Nation. But while there is this intercourse betweene the Pope and the Queene con­cerning this matter, POOLE hauing some way or o­ther had an inkling of it, abstained from having the silv r Crosse the Ensigne of his Legation borne be­fore him, neither would he afterward exercise his au­thoritie Legantine, vntill by the intercession of OR­MANETOand restored. the Popes Datary in England, hee was re­stored to his dignitie.

By this time the warre was very hot on both sides, PHILIP besieging Saint Quint in in Picardie with thirtie five thousand Foot, and twelve thou­sand Horse, which number was after increased by a thousand Horse, foure thousand Foot, and two thousand Pioners out of England▪ vnder the Com­mandThe French overthrowne at S. Qu [...]n­tin. of the Earle of Pembrooke. For the managing of this war PHILIP set saile out of England on the seventh of Iuly. On the tenth of August, the French indevouring to put succors into the Towne are over­thrown. The Spaniard chargeth the Constable MONT­MORENCY in his retreat, routs the French, & kils two thousand five hundred: a victory not so great in the execution, as in the death and captivity of many brave men. The Constable was wounded & taken prisoner with his son, as also the Dukes of Montpensier & Lon­gueville, LVDOVICO GONZAGA brother to the Duke of Mantua, the Marshal of Saint Andrew, the Ringraue, ROCHE-DV-MAINE, the Count Rochfoucault, the Baron of Curton, with many other men of marke. The chiefe of them that were slaine were IOHN of Burbon Duke of Anguien, the Viscount of Turen, N. [Page 329] TIFRCELLIN son to ROCHE-DV-MAINE, the Lords o [...] (handenier, Pontdormy and many others, and in a man­ner all the foot Captaines. PHILIP lost only fifty men.

S. Quintin taken. The eight day after this victorie an assault is given, and the Towne carried by force, wherin were taken the Admirall COLIGNY with his brother D'ANDE­LOT who (shortly after made an escape) IARNAC, S. REMY HVMES, and many other persons of quality: the son of the Lord of Fayette, SALEVERT, OGIER, VIC [...]YES, LABARRE, ESTANG and GOVRDES were slaine. Of the English in this assault few of note were lost, beside Lord HENRY DVDLEY yongest son to the Duke of Northumberland, and Sir EDWARD WINDSORE, who were the first that advanced En­signe on the walls.

This yeare is alike memorable for the extreme dearth and contemptible cheapnes [...]e of corne. A little before harvest wheat was sold at foure markes the quarter: within the current of a moneth it fell to the low rate of live shillings. Wherin I rather admire the insuing cheapnesse then the dearth, having my selfe in the yeare 1597. paied double the former deare price.

A [...] Rain­bow. But that which I shall now relate, I should deeme far more memorable, had I not in later times my selfe seene the like. On the night which insued the seventh day of September, almost two houres after Sun-set, the Moone having risen an houre before, a Rainbow was seene in the West. That I may relate the like accident though of differing time, the like apparition was seene by me on the foure and twentieth of November 1 [...]04. when (the Sun having two houres before decli­ned to its lowest) travailing towards Colebrooke, the forme of a white cloud shaped into a fragment of a Circle, and iust opposite to the Moone then newly ri­sen appeared, which did every way resemble a true Rainbow, but that it was not diversified with colors, and in steed of the Sunne had the Moone its opposite.

Anno Dom. 1558. Reg. vltimo.

Calais besi [...] ­ged by the French. HENRY some way to repaire his losses at Saint Quintin, resolves an enterprise vpon Calais, which SENARPONT Governour of Bou­loigne persuaded him was not so fortified according to report, but that it might easily be taken. The Marshall STROSSY having vnder the favour of a disguise viewed the place, confirmed SENARPONT'S as­surance of taking it. PHILIP whether having in­telligence of HENRY'S designes, or else presaging so much, had often admonished the Queene to have an especiall reguard to that Towne, voluntarie offe­ring his assistance for the securitie of it. But wee over­wisely ielous, least PHILIP had a practice on it, it lying commodiously for his adioyning Netherlands, neglected both his advice and proffer. But the reality of his advice was manifested by the event. The Duke of Guise having by the King beene declared Lieute­nant Generall in all his Dominions, leuying a great Armie flies sudainly to the siege of Calais, before which he sate downe on Newyeares day, and intren­ched at Sandgate. Then dividing his Army into two parts he at the same time assaults Newnambridge and the Risbanke, two Forts wherein the chiefe strength of that Towne consisted, the taking whereof would have cut of all possibilitie of relieving the besieged either by land or sea. The garrisons of each place ter­rified with so vnexpected a danger, hee at his first ar­rivall gaines Newnambridge, and the next day the Ris­banke. The French then batter the wall betweene the watergate and the prison, not so much out of hope to gaine entrance that way, as to divert vs from garding that part of the Towne, where they really intended to give an assault. Having for a while battered that part, [Page 331] and we little suspecting an enterprise vpon the Castle, they sudainly with fifteene peeces make a battery vpon the Castle, and continue it with such fury, that the thunder of the Canon was all that day heard at Ant­werp, which is distant from thence more then one hundred English miles. Having by that time night drew on made a sufficient breach, and yet in reguard of the deepe dikes filled with water (wherin consisted the maine hopes of the defendants) not able to come to an assault, the Enemy with great toile and labour by a cut from thence to the sea draw the dikes so low, that by that time the tide was gone out, they march not above navell high through the dikes to the wall (which wee little feared could be done) without resi­stance: finding the place void of defendants they ea­sily make themselves masters of the Castle, and had as easily taken the Towne, if Sir ANTHONY AGER Marshall of the Towne had not with some few others made head against them, and forced them to retreat to the Castle, in which conflict that valiant Knight was slaine. The Lord WENTWORTH Governour of the Towne seeing little hopes of keeping the Towne, craved parley, which was granted; and at length yeilded the Towne vpon these Conditions: That the common souldiers and inhabitants should depart without transporting or carrying away any thing with them, and that the Lord WENTWORTH with fifty others such as the Duke of Guise should appoint, should remaine captives to be put to ranson. So was Calais lost, which had continued English above two hundred yeares:Calais yeil­ded. neither was the siege long, the Enemy sitting downe before i [...] on Newyeares day, and having it yeilded vp on Twelfe day.

Seven dayes after, the Duke marcheth toward Guisnes, which Towne he tooke without any difficul­tie, but the Castle, which the Lord GRAY comman­ded, [Page 332] not so easily. But that and Hames Castle were at length taken also and dismantled; so that of all the Kingdome of France, the greatest part whereof was for a long time held by our Kings, and whereof HEN­RY the Sixt had beene crowned King at Paris, Anno 1431. nor in the Duchies of Normandie and Aquitaine, the ancient inheritance of the Kings of England, our Kings possesse nothing, but the Isles of Iersey and Guarnesey, which have proved loyall to vs ever since the Conquest. While the French proceeded thus in Picardie, the Queene certified thereof with great dili­gence prepares her Fleet to transport succours for Ca­lais: but contrary windes kept them backe so long, vntill Calais was irrecoverably lost.

You shall not easily read of any action, wherein God hath by more manifest signes declared, how dis­pleasing those wars are to him, which vndertaken for ambition or profit do dissolve the publique peace: PHILIP (to begin with him) against whom HENRY and the Pope did most vniustly conspire, inlarged himselfe with a double victorie, each whereof were great and memorable. The Cardinall CARAFFA and the Duke of Paliane, who for their owne ends had persuaded the doting Pope to throw the ball of dis­cord betweene these Princes, were after for this very thing beheaded by PIVS the Fourth, who imme­diately succeeded PAVL. PAVL himselfe in the meane time, the French being overthrowne at Saint Quintin was exposed to the mercy of the Spaniard, whom he had irritated, the French being forced to withdraw his Army out of Italy. The rash violation of the League by MARY, was punished with the losse of Calais, and through griefe thereof (according to common beliefe) of life also▪ What happened to the French, who by the Pope's instigation first brake the five yeares Truce, wee have already declared. And [Page 333] least it might be conceived, that his losses at and of Saint QVINTIN were repaired by the taking of Calais, another overthrow given him within few moneths after, will take away much from the content of that victory.

The battaile of Graueling. In Iune the Marshall De Termes (who succee­ded STROSSY lately slaine) Governour of Calais, breaketh into Arthois and Flanders, with an Army consisting of neere about eleven thousand men, leaving Graveling and Burburg at his backe, attempts Berghes, takes it, sackes it, and so opens a way to Dunkirk, which hee also takes and spoiles; and the Countrey all about (for they feared not the French there, and the Townes which the Spaniard held tho­roughout that Tract, were ill furnished) lying open to their mercy, they ransacke it most mi­serably, and march as far as Newport.

PHILIP was affrighted with this Tem­pest, fearing especially, least the Duke of Guise then in Armes, should joine with TERMES: but having intelligence that the Duke spent his time about Arlon and Vireton, hee resolves to intercept the French in their re­turne. In this enterprise hee employes Count EGMOND, (his Lieuetenant generall in the Netherlands) who having speedily out of the neighbour Garrisons of Betune, Saint Omer, Aires, Burburg, and others, assembled an Army of fifteene thousand, puts himselfe betweene Dun­kirk and Calais. TERMES had hitherto ex­pected the Duke of Guise, but vpon notice that the Countrey was vp in Armes, he some­what too late bethought himselfe of a retreate. [Page 334] Hee was now every way inclosed, and passage not to be gained but by dint of sword. The French therefore valiantly charge their Enemies, and overthrow some Squadrons of Horse; in­deed dispaire animated them to do wonders, and the Flemings were set on fire by the desire of re­venging late injuries. The Spanish Troupes re­new the fight, which was with equall order long maintained on both sides: in the heate whereof ten English Men of War fortunately sai­ling by (for De TERMES had for his se­curity betaken him to the shore, hoping that way with much lesse hazard to have gained pas­sage) vpon discovery of the French Colours, letThe French▪ overthrowne. fly their Ordnance furiously among the French, making such a slaughter, that they began to give ground, were at last routed and over­throwne.

The French in this battaile lost five thousand. Their chiefe Commanders were almost all ta­ken: the Marshall himselfe was hurt and taken, with D'ANNEBALT the Son of CLAVD the late Admirall, the Earle of Chaune, SE­NARPONT, VILLEBON Governour of Picardy, MORVILLIERS, and ma­ny others. Two hundred escaped to our Ships, whome they might have drowned, but giving them Quarter, they were brought Captives in­to England. This battaile was fought on the thir­teenth of Iuly.

The Queene desirous by some action or other to wipe out the staine of the ignominious losse of Ca­lais, about the same time set forth a fleet of one hun­dred and forty Saile (whereof thirty were Flemings) [Page 335] the maine of the expedition being from Brest in Bre­taigne. But the Lord Clinton Lord high Admirall of England finding no good to be done there, set saileConquet ta­ken and bur­ned by the English. for Conquet, where he landed, tooke the Towne, sac­ked it and set it on fire, together with the Abbey and the adiacent villages, and returned to his ships. But the Flemings somewhat more greedy after prey, disorderly piercing farther into the Countrey, and reguardlesse of martiall discipline, which com­mands obedience to their Generall, being incoun­tred by the Lord of Ker [...]imon, came fewer home by five hundred.

PHILIP about the same time lodging neere Amiens with a great Army, HENRY with a far greater attended each motion of his. They incampe at last, HENRY on the North of the river. Somme, PHILIP on the South of the river Anthy, so neere to one another, that it might be thought impossible for two such spirited Princes commanding so great Armies, to depart without a battell. But divers considerations had tempered their heat. PHILIP being the weaker of the two, saw no reason why to ingage himselfe. HENRY had an Army which had twice felt the other victorious, and was there­fore loath on them to adventure his already shaken estate. Wherefore they so intrenched themselves, and fortified their Campes with Artillery, as if they expected a siege from each other. Some moneths thus passed without any other exploits then in­rodes and light skirmishes. At length they mutual­ly entertaine a motion of peace, both of them con­sidering, that their Armies consisting of strangers, the fruits of the victory would be to the Aliens on­ly, but the calamity and burthen of the defeat would light on the shoulders of the vanquished, or [Page 336] (which comes all to one passe) of the subiects. These motives drew together for a treaty on HENRY'S side, the Constable, the Marshall of S. Andrew, the Cardinall of Loraine, MORVILLIERS Bishop of Orleans, and AVBESPINE Secretary of Estate: for PHILIP the Duke of Alva, the Prince of Orange, RVYZ GOMES de Silva, GRANVELL Bishop of Arras and others. Much altercation was had about the restoring of Calais, which the French were resolved to hold, and PHILIP would have no peace vnlesse it were restored to MARY, whom in point of honour he could not so forsake. But this difference was ended by the death of MARY, a little before whome on the one and twentieth of September died also the Emperour CHARLES the Fift, which occasioned both the change of place and time for another Treaty.

The Daul­phin marri­ed to the Queene of Scots. And if the continuall connexion of other me­morable affaires had not transported me, I should ere this have mentioned the marriage celebrated at Paris with great pompe on the eight and twentieth of Aprill, betweene the Daulphin FRANCIS and MARY Queene of Scots. But the fruits thereof were not lasting: For two yeares after died FRAN­CIS (the Crowne by the death of his Father HENRY having beene first devolved to him) and left his bed to a more auspicious husband HENRY the eldest Sonne to the Earle of Lenox. Of these Pa­rents was borne our late Soveraigne of ever sacred memory, who was Nephew by his Mother to IAMES the Fift, by MARGARET the eldest Daughter Nephew to that wise King HENRY the Seventh, who, the Issue of HENRY the Eight being extinct, as the next vndoubted Heire, most happily [Page 340] vnited the Crownes of England, Scotland, and Ir­land.

But now at length to draw neerer home, this Au­tumne was very full of diseases, Fevers (especially quartane) raigning extraordinarily in England, wher­by many, chiefely aged persons, and among them a great number of the Clergy perished. Of the sole E­piscopall ranke thirteene died either a little before the Queene, or some few moneths after her. Among the rest Cardinall POOLE scarce survived her a day,The death of Cardinall Poole. who having beene for some weekes afflicted by this kinde of disease, and brought to extreme weakenesse of body, as if he had at the newes of the Queenes death received his deaths wound, expired at three a clocke the next morning. His corps inclosed in lead, was buried in his Cathedrall at Canterbury, with this briefe Elogy on his Tombe, in steed of an Epi­taph:

Depositum Cardinalis POLI.

He was a man admirably learned, modest, milde, of a most sweet disposition, wise, and of excellent dexte­rity in the managing of any affaires, so that hee had beene incomparable, if corrupted with the Religion of the Church of Rome he had not forced his nature to admit of those cruelties exercised vpon the Prote­stants.

The Queene dieth. The Queene died at S. Iames on the seventeenth of November some few houres before day. She was a Lady very godly, mercifull, chaste, and every way praise-worthy, if you reguard not the errors of her Religion. But her Religion being the cause of the ef­fusion [Page 338] of so much innocent bloud, that of the Prophet was necessarily to be fulfilled in her, Bloud-thirsty men &c. shall not finish halfe their dayes. For she was cut off in the two and fortieth yeare of her age, hauing raigned onely fiue yeares foure moneths and eleuen dayes; wheras her Sister, who succeeded her, most happily in a more milde gouernement ruled nine timesas long, and almost doubled her age. Con­cerning the cause of Queen MARIE'S death there are divers conjectures. To relate what I finde in approo­ved Authors, it is reported, that in the beginning of her sickenesse her friends supposing that she grieved at the absence of her husband, whome she saw so in­gaged in wars abroad, that she could not hope for his speedy returne, vsed consolatory meanes, and inde­vored to remove from her that fixed sadnesse where­with she seemed to be oppresled. But she vtterly averse from all comfort, and giving her selfe over to melancholy, told them, That she died, but that of the true cause of her death they were ignorant, which if they were desirous to know, they should after her death dissect her heart, and there they should finde Calais: Intimating thereby, that the losse of Calais had occasioned this fa­tall griefe, which was thought to have beene increased by the death of the Emperor her Father-in-law. But the truth is, her liver being over-cooled by a Mole, these things peradventure might hasten her end, which could not otherwise be far from her, and cast her by degrees into that kinde of Dropsy, which Phy­sitians terme Ascites. This Dropsy being not discove­red in time, deceived her Physitians, who beleeved that she had conceived by King PHILIP, whereas she alas did breed nothing but her owne death. So mature remedies being not applied, and she not ob­serving a fit diet, she fell into a Fever, which increa­sing by little and little, at last ended in her death. [Page 339] She lieth interred at Westminster in the midst of that Chappell which is on the North side of her Grandfa­ther HENRY the Seventh his Monument, where her sister Queene ELIZABETH was after buried with her, and over both by the pious liberality of that most munificent Prince King IAMES hath since beene erected a most stately Monument, well befitting the Majesty of such great Monarchs.

Queene ELIZABETH, Anno 1558.

HAving thus briefely run over the Reignes of these three Princes, Queene ELIZA­BETH'S times in the next place offer them­selves; which deservedly requiring a more accurate stile, I will here set a period to this worke, not so much with intent to pretermit them, as reserving them for a more exact labour. In the meane time, to give some satisfaction to the Reader, I will make this short addition.

Some few houres after the decease of Queene MA­RY, the Estates then assembled in Parliament, on the seventeenth of November declared her Sister the La­dy ELIZABETH Queene, who was Daughter to HENRY the Eighth and ANNE BOLEN. Ha­ving most gloriously reigned forty foure yeares foure moneths and seven dayes, she ended her life and Reigne on the foure and twentieth of March Anno 1603, the Crown being by her death devolved to the renouned King of Scots IAMES the Sixt, to whome it was so far from feeling it a burthen to have succeeded so good a Princesse, that never was any Prince recei­ved with greater applause and gratulation of his Peo­ple. Many thinke their condition happy, if they ex­change a CALIGVLA for a CLAVDIVS, or a NERO for a VITELLIVS or an OTHO. But that any Mortall should please after ELIZABETH, may seeme a miracle: and is a great argument both of rare vertue in the succeeding King, and of a right iudgement in the subject. For this great Lady was so farre beyond example, that even the best Princes [Page 341] come short of her; and they who most inveigh against that Sexe, contend, that Woman is incapable of those vertues (in her most eminent) Wisdome, Cle­mency, Learning, variety of Languages, and Magna­nimity equall to that of Men, to which I adde fer­uent Zeale of Piety and true Religion. But in these things peraduenture some one or other may equall her. What I shall beyond all this speake of her (and let me speake it without offence to my most excellent Soueraigne IAMES, the Paterne of Princes, the Mirrour of our Age, the Delight of Britaine) no age hath hitherto paraleld, nor (if my Augury faile not) none ever shall: That a Woman (and if that be not enough) a Virgin, destitute of the helpe of Parents, Brothers, Husband, being surrounded with enemies, the Pope thundring, the Spaniard threatening, the French scarce dissembling his secret hate, as many of the neighboring Princes as were devoted to Rome, clashing about her, should containe this warlike Na­tion not only in obedience, but in peace also, and (be­yond all this) Popery being profligated, in the true Divine worship. Hence it comes to passe, that Eng­land (which is among the rest of it selfe a Miracle) hath not these many yeares heard the noise of war; and that our Church (which she found much distra­cted) transcends all others of the Christian world. For you shall at this day scarce finde any Church, which either defiled with Popish superstitions, or despoiled of those Revenues which should main­taine Professors of the Truth, hath not laid open a way to all kinde of Errors, grosse Ignorance in lear­ning (especially Divine) and at length to Ethnique Barbarousnesse. But to what end do I insist on these or the like, they beeing sufficiently knowne even to the Barbarians themselves, and Fame having trumpetted them throughout the world. Which [Page 342] things when and how they were done, how bounti­fully she aided and relieved her Allies, how bravely she resisted, brake, vanquished her Enemies, I have a desire in a continued History to declare, and will (God willing) declare, if I can attaine to the true in­telligence of the passages of those times, have leasure for the compiling it, and that no other more able then my selfe (which I wish may happen) in the meane time ingage themselves therein.

LAVS DEO.

Errata.

PAg. 4. Lin. 20. read five dayes. p. 6. l. 36. wearying. p. 11. l. 36. dele of. p. 26. l. 27. for crave read renew▪ p. 27. l. 7. after, her part, read, the good of the. p. 31. l. 9. into Scotland. p. 32. l. 31. this debt. p. 38. l. 13. Tournay. lin. 24. sixtieth. p. 41. l. 13. oblations at Beckets tombe. p. 51. l. 1. these. p. 64. l. 6. mutem (que). l. 7. Falsus. p. 72. l. 12. doth. p. 95. l. 2. for Protector, read Proctor. pag. 97. lin. 8. Zi [...]. p. 133. l. 12. sticklers. p. 139. l. 14 & 31. SMETON. p. 142. l. 12. for just, read vnjust. p. 193. l. 33. MEVTAS. p 198. l. 34. for passed, r. posted. p. 214 l. 20. Heads. p. 223. l. 13. sictitious. p. 227. l. 3. for, of, r. by. p. 238. l. 21. for, greatly, r. gently. p. 2 [...]6. l. 28. disceptation. p. 2 [...]8. l. 14. dele, and. ibid. read▪ could hard­ly. p. 318. l. 30. read out of contempt. p. 319. l▪ 1▪ for vnity, read vnion. p. 3 [...]0. l. 13. read vnion.

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