De laudibus legum Angliæ writen by Sir Iohn Fortescue L. Ch. Iustice, and after L. Chancellor to K. Henry VI. Hereto are ioind the two Summes of Sir Ralph de Hengham L. Ch. Iustice to K. Edward I. commonly calld Hengham magna, and Hengham parua. Neuer before publisht. Notes both on Fortescue and Hengham are added — De laudibus legum Angliae. English and Latin

De laudibus legum Angliæ writen by Sir Iohn Fortescue L. Ch. Iustice, and after L. Chancellor to K. Henry VI. Hereto are ioind the two Summes of Sir Ralph de Hengham L. Ch. Iustice to K. Edward I. commonly calld Hengham magna, and Hengham parua. Neuer before publisht. Notes both on Fortescue and Hengham are added — De laudibus legum Angliae. English and Latin

Table of contents

Title page

To the Reader.

§

In the preface before Hengham.

In the Notes.

[1]

Pio Lectori.

To the right Worshipfull Iohn Walshe, Esquire, one of the Queene her learned Iusticers of her Highnesse Court of common Plees, Robert Mulcaster, wisheth life and health.

The introduction into the matter.

First he moueth the prince to the knowledge of the lawe. Chap. 1.

¶ The Princes replie to the Chancellours motion. Chap. 2.

Here the Chauncelour fortifieth his assertion. Chap. 3.

¶ Here the Chancellour proueth that a Prince by the laws may be made happie and blessed. Ca. 4.

¶ Ignorance of the Law causeth the contempt thereof. Cap. 3.

¶ Heere the Chauncellour briefely repeateth the effect of all his perswasion. Cap. 6.

¶ Now the Prince yeeldeth himselfe to the studie of the Lawes, though he bee yet disquieted with certaine doubts. Cha. 7.

So much knowledge of the Law as is necessarie for a Prince, is soone had. Chap. 8.

A King, whose gouernement is politike, cannot change the Lawes of his Realme. Chap. 9·

Heere the Prince demandeth a question. Cha. 10.

The answer to this question is here omitted, for that in an another worke it is handled at large. Chap. 11.

How kingdomes ruled by royall gouernment only first began. Chap. 12.

¶ How Kingdomes of politique gouernance were first begun. Chap. 13.

Here the Prince compendiously abridgeth all that the Chauncellor afore hath discoursed at large. Cha. 14.

That all Lawes are the law of nature, customes, or statutes. Chap. 15.

The Law of nature in all countries, is all one. Chap. 16.

¶The Customes of England are of most ancient antiquitie, practised and receiued of v. seuerall Nations, from one to another, by succession. Chap. 17.

¶ Here he sheweth with what grauitie Statutes are made in England. Chap. 18.

¶ Here hee deuiseth a meane how to know the diuersitie, betweene the Ciuill Lawes, and the Lawes of England. Chap. 19.

¶ The first case wherein the Ciuill Lawes, and the Lawes of England doe differ Chap. 20.

¶ Here are set forth the inconueniences proceeding of that Law, which no otherwise then by witnesses admitteth trials. Cha. 21.

¶ Of the crueltie of Rackings. Chap. 22.

Here he sheweth that the Ciuill Law oft faileth in doing of Iustice. Chap. 23.

Here he declareth, how Counties are deuided, and Shirifes chosen. Chap. 24.

¶ How Iurours must be chosen and sworne. Ch. 25.

¶ How Iurers ought to be informed by euidences and witnesses. Chap. 26.

¶ Here he sheweth, how causes criminall, are determined in England. Chap. 27.

¶ The Prince granteth the Lawes of England to be more commodious for the subiects, then the Ciuill Lawes in the case now disputed. Chap. 28.

¶ Why inquestes are not made by Iurers of xij. men in other Realmes, as well as in England. Chap. 29.

¶ Heere the Prince commendeth, the Lawes of England, of their proceeding by Iuries. Chap. 30.

¶ The Prince doubteth, whether this proceeding by a Iurie, be repugnant to Gods law, or not. Chap. 31.

Here is shewed, that the proceeding by a Iurie, is not repugnant to the Law of God. Chap. 32.

¶ Wherefore, certaine Kings of England, haue had no delight in their owne Lawes. Chap. 33.

¶ Here the Chancellour openeth the cause, which the Prince demandeth Chap. 34.

¶ The inconueniences, that happen in the Realme of France, through regall gouernement alone. Chap. 35.

¶ The commodities, that proceede of the ioint gouernement, politique and regall, in the Realme of England. Cap. 36.

¶ A comparison of the worthinesse of both the regiments▪ Chap. 37.

¶ The Prince breaketh the Chancellour of his tale. Chap. 38.

¶ The second case, wherein the Ciuill Lawes, and the Lawes of England, disagree in their iudgements. Chap. 39.

¶ Speciall causes, why base borne children, are not legittimate in England by matrimonie ensuing. Chap. 40.

The Prince alloweth the Lawe, which doth not legittimate children borne before matrimonie, Chap. 41.

The third case wherein the Lawes aforesaid disagree. Chap. 42.

¶ The Prince approueth the Law, whereby the issue followeth not the wombe. Cha. 43.

¶ The fourth case, wherein the said Lawes varie. Chap. 44.

¶ Here, the Prince commendeth the education of Noble mens children being Orphanes. Chap. 45.

¶ Yet he rehearseth other cases, wherein the foresaid Lawes differ. Chap. 46.

¶ The Prince regardeth not the cases now rehearsed Chap. 47.

¶ Heere the Chancellour sheweth, why, the Lawes of England are not taught in Vniuersities. Chap. 48.

¶ Here he declareth the disposition of the generall studie of the Lawes of England, and that the same in number of students passeth certaine vniuersities. Cap. 49.

¶ Of the estate and degree of a Serieant at Law, and how he is created. Chap. 50.

After what manner, a Iustice is created, and of his habite and conuersation. Chap. 51.

¶ The prince findeth fault with delaies, that are made in the Kings Courts. Chap. 52.

¶ Delayes, that happen in the Kings Courts are necessarie and reasonable. Chap. 53.

¶ The Lawes of England are right good, the knowledge whereof is expedient for kings. Yet it shall suffice them to haue but a superficiall knowledge of the same. Chap. 45.

The Table.

Notes vpon Sir IOHN FORTESCVE Knight, L. Chiefe Iustice of England, De laudibus legum Angliae.

Ad CAP. III.

Ad CAP. VIII.

Ad CAP. XIII.

Ad CAP XVII.

Ad CAP. XXI.

Ad CAP. XXIV.

Ad CAP. XXV.

Ad CAP. XXVI.

Ad CAP. XXXII.

Ad CAP. XXXIII.

Ad CAP. XXXIV.

Ad CAP. XXXIX

Ad CAP. XL.

Ad CAP. XLII.

Ad CAP. XLIV.

Ad CAP. XLVI.

Ad CAP. XLVII.

Ad CAP. XLVIII.

Ad CAP. LI.

[2]

Title page

Ad Lectorem.

Radulphi de HENGHAM Summa Magna.

CAP. I. Breue de Recto cum suis Branchijs.

CAP. II. Quae placita pertinent ad Maiorem Curiam Domini Regis, & quae ad Vicecomites provinciarum pertinent placitanda.

CAP. III. De iurisdictione Curiae Baronis & qualitur procedendum est in eadem.

CAP. IIII. Qualiter procedendum est in Comitatu post Curiam Baronis alicuius falsa•am. Breue de Pace. Recordum Comitatus. Falsum iudicium in Comitatu. Sectatores.

CAP. V. De officio summonitorum. Lex vadiata. Essonia,

CAP. VI. Modus essoniandi & reddendi essonia & dies communes in breui de Recto. Essoniatores. Atturnati.

CAP. VII. De Attornatis faciendis.

CAP. VIII. Secundus dies placiti. Defaltae. Magnum Cape. Paruum cape. Non Pleuine. Legis vadiatio.

CAP. IX. Placiti Tertius dies. Essonij calumniatio. Fourcher. Pleuine. Recouery sur default. Breue de Scias. Paruum & magnum cape. Essoniorum formulae. De malo lecti. Languor. quatuor milites missi ad infirmum. Defalt puis essoin de mal de lit, & auters defaults. Visores. Uiew de terre.

CAP. X. De Exceptionibus. Visu petendo.

CAP. XI. Quartus dies placiti. E••onium de seruicio domini Regis.

CAP. XII. Quintus dies placiti. Capere languorem semel tantum licet.

CAP. XIII. Sextus dies placiti. Uoucher. Recouerie & counterpleas sur ceo. Uoucher d'enfant. Warrantia ex Dedi. ex homagio & seruicijs receptis. Age.

SVMMA PARVA Radulphi de Hengham.

CAP. I. De Essonijs.

CAP. II. Breuia de Dote.

CAP. III. Exceptiones contra Breuia de Dote.

CAP. IV. De visu concedendo.

CAP. V. De breuibus Assisarum. & primo de breui nouae Disseisinae.

CAP. VI. De titulis. Hereditaria successione, feoffamento, & Eschaeta. quomodo acquiritur liberum tenementum.

CAP. VII. Quibus modis fit disseisina:

CAP. VIII. Quibus Personis competit assisa. Exceptiones item dilatoriae & peremptoriae. De vocando in auxilium. per eundem descensum.

Errata sic corrigenda. Lege

Notes vpon Sir Ralph de Hengham.

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DE Laudibus Legum Angliae writen by Sir IOHN FORTESCVE L. Ch. Iustice, and after L. Chancellor to K. Henry VI. Hereto are ioind the two Summes of Sir RALPH de HENGHAM L. Ch. Iustice to K. Edward I. commonly calld Hengham Magna, and Hengham Parua. Neuer before publisht. Notes both on FORTESCVE and HENGHAM are added.

LONDON For the Companie of Stationers M.DC.XVI.

To the Reader.

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THis Author, Sir Iohn Fortescue, was Chiefe Iustice to Hen: VI, as the Records of the later halfe of his Raigne, euery where shew; and that hee might Statum suum decentiùs manutenere, in Part. 1. Rot. Pat. 20. Hen. 6. membran. 10. an annuity of CLxxx markes is giuen him out of the Hamper, with Cxvj.s.xj.d. q. Percipiendum singulis annis ad Festum natalis Domini pro vna roba & furrura pro eadem, erga idem festum, and Lxvj.s.vj.d. singulis annis ad festum Pentecostes pro vna roba & linura pro eadem, erga idem festum. Hee is call'd his Chancellor also. In this booke, his title, giuen by himself, is Cancellarius Angliae, and in [Page] his Declaration, or rather Retractation, of that he had writen against the title of the house of York, himself puts in the mouth of a friend of his expostulating with him, these words, Considering that yee were the Chief Chancellor to the said late King. It seemes, being with Henry VI. driuen into Scotland, hee was made his Chancellor, the memorie whereof (as it could hardly bee otherwise) wants in the Patent Rolls. His bookes which I haue seene are three. This now newly publisht, his Difference between Dominium Regale and Dominium Politicum and regale, and that Declaration touching the title of the Crowne. Neither of the two last were euer publisht, but they remaine Mss. in diuers hands. As touching his discent; by good testimonie, hee is made sonne to [Page] Henrie Fortescue sonne of Sir Iohn Fortescue knight (Captain of Meaux and Gouernor of Brie in France vnder Hen: V.) who was second sonne of William Fortescue of Wimeston in Deuonshire Esquire. Because hee was Englisht by him that first publisht him, this, part of the title, and the Notes on him are in English. what hee hath of the Commendations of the Law of England, must not bee expected to be so copious, as if all, that might thereof haue been said, had been hunted for by him to bee here congested. Hee shewes that hee instructed the yong Prince, and onely in some such few occurences of our trialls and positions, as might bee, without difficultie, apprehended by a minde so tender and strange to the Courts of iudiciall contention. Neither giues [Page] hee enough to satisfie or the malice, or the ignorance of some foule mouth'd declaimers against it, who for the most part (if they discend to particulars and make a case to finde fault withall) either ridiculously compact things incompatible, iust like the Sycophant in that Geographie of his in Trinummus, ‘Omnium primum in Pontum aduecti ad Arabiam terramsumus’ and thence ‘Ad Caput amnis quod de coelo exoritur sub solio Iouis,’ or els, measuring an establisht and vniuersall proceeding or position only by their own damage, neuer comming neer apprehension of the true reason, raile at it, with like [Page] iudgement, as the Parasit, in a lost Comedie of Plautus, doth at the certain course of sunne Dialls, being thence only moued, because the shadow went not so fast as his stomach, which when hee was a Child was the only Diall, and that

—iste monebat esse, nisi quùm nihil erat.

Nunc etiam quod est non est, nisi SOLI lubet

But no place is here for more of this, and nos hac à scabie tenemus vngues. To this edition, are added the Sūmes of Sir Ralph de Hengham Chief Iustice to Edward I. neuer till now printed; in whom although most of the learning bee touching Essoines, Defalts, and course of proceedings in such actions which are in seldome vse at this day, yet diuers [Page] things occurre both specially obseruable in what hee hath touching those proceedings (which a professor of the Law cannot but wish to know) as also hee often otherwise giues light to the Customes or Law of his time, whence, as through an ancestor of the right line, wee must deduct that of the present. Of him in the preface to the Reader, before him, enough is said, and of his Summes. Of his language, which with the rest of our Comon Law Latin is accused of Barbarism, somewhat is there brought in excuse. That preface was thought fit to speake Latin, the autor of the booke himself being publisht only in that tongue. But the Notes are English. For what other readers then English are to bee expected? Many an ignorant [Page] had been deterred by pure Latin, and to haue vsed Barbarism in them would haue turn'd the stomach of a polite Reader. Though diuers Copies of Hengham were examin'd in preparing this, yet could not a perfect one bee extracted from them all. As one helpt another, choise was so made that this might bee the best; which yet is not without many faulty passages. So faithfully it is publisht from the Mss. that euen the false language, which by consent of old Copies appeard not to bee the transcribers, but proceeded from the ages either negligence or ignorance, is religiously retain'd▪ so should the lost monuments of ancient writers bee giuen to the publique; so should wee abstaine from wronging their Manes. Some places, that the erring hands [Page] of such as anciently Copied him corrupted, are by way (mongst other obseruations collected in the heat of the presse) noted, and either by coniecture restored, explaned, or, marked with asteriskes, left to better Iudgement. The varying of letter, in the print, is only to lead the Readers eie the sooner to what hee may looke after. Farewell from the Inner Temple, September XXIV.M.DC.XVI.

§

§

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In the preface before Hengham.

F. 4. l. 9. read ambae velut agendi normulae

In the Notes.

Pag. 127. l. 16. Read as Litleton also notes. But by ancienter autoritie Carruca is not a plough, but a chariot, or such like. as Carrucâ cum iunctura Legatâ, mulae quo (que) legatae, which is found in Iul. Paull. Recept. sentent. lib. 3. tit. 7. where the old Interpreter hath Carpentum for Carruca. In like sense is Carruca in Martial, Plinie, and others. And to pag. 143. touching being compell'd to oth without warrant of the King see the case of T. 35. Ed. 1. recited in Titles of Honor pag. 263.

§

§

§

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He that first publisht Fortescue added the epistle and dedication following.

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Pio Lectori.

IStius non minus pij, quam eruditi opusculi exemplar, nactus, quum antiquitatem venerandam, vnà cum eruditione ac pietate coniunxerim: Non potui optime lector, aut patriae tam ingratus, aut antiquitatis tam inofficiosus cultor esse, vt te illius lectione diutius fraudarem. Continet enim in se (vt caetera taceam) politicarum & ciuilium nostrae [Page] Angliae legum, quibus praeclara & florentissima haec respublica sub illustrissimo & nunquam satis laudato principe nostro rege Henrico sexto, eiusque progenitoribus regibus Angliae hactenus felicissime fuerit erecta, instituta & gubernata, doctissimum encomion. Vnde easdem nostras leges non solum Romanorum Caesarū, sed & omnium aliarum nationum constitutiones, multis parasangis, prudentia, [Page] iustitia, & equitate, praecellere, facile perspicias. Eme ergo, lege, & fruere, ac labores nostros boni consule.

Vale.

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To the right Worshipfull Iohn Walshe, Esquire, one of the Queene her learned Iusticers of her Highnesse Court of common Plees, Robert Mulcaster, wisheth life and health.

IT hapned me of late (Right Worshipfull sir) to light vpon this little Treatise, which I incontinent desired to runne ouer, because it seemed to discourse vpon some points of the Lawes of our Countrie, wherof I my selfe then was and am now a Student. When I had ouer-runne it, my desire to reade it, became nothing counteruailable with the gladnesse that I had read it, for my desire to read it came vpon hope, to finde some profitable lessons for my studie, but my gladnesse after reading sprang of the excellencie of the argument, whereon I did not dreame, neither to finde so rich a treasure in so simple an habit. And [Page] because I wished al men to haue part of my delight, me thought it good to translate it into English forth of Latin, in which tong it was first writen. The author of the book was one master Fortescue Knight, Serieant at the Law, and for his skil and vertues preferred by king Henrie the sixt, to be Chancellor of this Realm. The entry of the book it self sheweth, where, and vpon what occasion, it was writen. It was writen in Berrie in France, where Prince Edward, sonne to Henrie the sixt, afterward slain at Tewkesburie by Edward the fourth, did then remaine with his mother Queen Margaret in the house of Renate her father Duke of Angew & king of Cicile, during the time that Edward the fourth reigned in the Realme, and Henrie the sixt was fled into Scotland. The occasion was this: The Chancellor being fled into Frāce with the yong prince, and perceiuing his delight to be all bent to Chiualrie as a thing of greatest need, considering he meant by force the restitution of his father, and thereby his owne, to the kingdome of England, tooke occasion (for that his hope was to see the Prince raigne [Page] here) to moue him to a diuisiō of his affairs, and as he armed himself against the enemy, so to adorne himself against his being king, with skill of Lawes, which doe preserue each state so in peace, that it may, if need be, warre; and so gard it in warre, that it may haue peace in it. The argument is this, that the skill of the Countrie lawes is needfull for the Prince, although not so deepe as for purposed professours, yet so full as to their honor may and ought to fall in Princes. And for that the Prince should think the thing to be a princely knowledge, hee taketh occasion (by comparing the gouernment of this realm with others, & the lawes of this land with the Ciuill, with whom it is of all men lightly compared, and the betternesse of points wherein they both trauel, and prouisions by the one wiselier foreseene then by the other) to proue the singularitie of this state which it behooued the Prince to learne, seeing hee was like to succeed his father, and to vnderstand the Lawes, which maketh the state to bee singuler. The particulars I refer to the booke, whereof thus much I doe and no lesse [Page] could wel say, Why I did choose your worship to be protector of my labours, I shall not need tediously to touch, it shall bee sufficient to say that in choise of many, I picked you alone, not doubting your liking in allowing, seeing mine election in dedicating: And so committing to the Almightie the good preseruation of your worship, I humbly take my leaue,

Robert Mulcaster.

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The introduction into the matter.

§

DUring the cruel rage of the late mortall warres within the realm of England, when the most vertuous and godly King Henrie the sixt with Queene Margaret his wife, the Kings daughter of Ierusalem and Scicile, & their only sonne Edward Prince of Wales, were forced to flie the land: and the king himselfe afterward in the same ciuil tumult falling into the blody hands of his deadly enemies his own subiects, was of them cōmitted to prisō, where he a lōg time remained in strait captiuity, the Quéen & the prince her son thus banished out of their country, making their abode in the Duchy of Berrie, a dominiō of the foresaid king of Ierusalē.

[Page]The Prince shortly after growing to mās state, applied himself wholy to the feates of armes, much delighting to ride vpō wilde & vnbrokē horses, not sparing with spurs to break their fiercenes. He practised also sometimes with the pike, sometimes with the sword, & other warlik weapons after the maner and guise of warriors according to the vse of martiall discipline, to assaile and strike his companions, I meane the young men that attended vppon his person. Which thing when a certaine ancient knight, being Chancellor to the foresaide king of England saw, who also in the miserable time did there remaine in exile hee spake thus to the Prince.

§

SEuiente dudum in regno Angliae nefandissima rabie illa, qua pijssimus ibidem Rex Henricus sextus, cum Margareta Regina consorte sua, filia Regis Ierusalem & Sciciliae, ac eorum vnigenito Edwardo principe Walliae, inde propulsi sunt sub qua & demum Rex ipse Henric' a subditis suis deprehensus, carceris diutinum passus est horrorem, dum Regina ipsa cum sobole, patria sic extorris, in Ducatu Berren̄ praedicti regis Ierusalem dominio, morabantur.

[Page] Princeps ille, mox vt factus est adultꝰ, militari totū se cō tulit disciplinae, & saepe ferocibus & quasi indomitis insedens caballis, eos calcaribus vrgens, quandoquelancea, quādo (que) mucrone, alijs quoque instrumentis bellicis, sodales suos, iuuenes sibi seruientes, bellantium more inuadere ferireque, iuxta martis gimnasij rudimenta delectabatur. Quod cernens miles quidam grandae [...]us, praedicti regis Angliae Cancellarius, qui etiam ibidē sub hac clade exulabat: prī cipem sic affatur,

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First he moueth the prince to the knowledge of the lawe. Chap. 1.

§

YOur singuler towardnesse, most gracious Prince, maketh me right glad, when I behold how earnestly you do embrace martiall feates: For it is conueniēt for your grace to be thus delited, not only for that you are a souldier, but much rather for that you shall bee a King. For it is the office & dutie of a King to fight the battailes of his people, & also rightly to iudge them, as in the viii. chapter of the first book of kings you are plainely taught. Wherefore I would wish your grace to be with as ernest zeale giuen to the study of the laws, as you are to the knowledge of armes, [Page] because that like as warres by force of chiualrie are ended, euen so iudgemēts by the Lawes are determined. Which thing Iustinian the Emperour well & wisely & aduisedly pondering, in the beginning of the preface of his book saith thus: It behoueth the imperiall maiestie not only to be garded with armes, but also to bee armed with lawes, to the end that he may be able rightly to execute the gouernment of both times aswel of war as of peace. Howbeit for your most earnest endeauour to the studie of the Law, the exhortation of the chiefest lawmaker Moses, sometime captaine of the Synagogue, ought to be of much more force with you, then the [Page] words of Iustinian wheras in the xvii. Chapter of the booke of Deuteronomie hee doth by the authoritie of God straitly charge the Kings of Israel to be readers of the law all the daies of their life saying thus: When the King shall sitte vpon the princely seate of his kingdome, hee shall write him out this lawe in a booke, taking the copie thereof of the priests the Leuites: and he shall haue it with him, and hee shall reade it all the daies of his life, that he may learne to feare the Lord his God, and to keepe his Commandements and ordinaunces written in this Lawe, And Helynandus expounding the same saith thus: [Page] A Prince therefore must not be ignorant of the law, neither is it tollerable that he vnder the pretence of warfare should be vnskilfull in the Lawe. And a little after hee is commanded, saith hee, to receiue the coppy of the law of the priests the Leuites, that is to say, of catholike and learned men, Thus much hee: For the booke of Deuteronomie is the booke of the lawes, wherwith the kings of Israel were bound to rule and gouerne their subiectes. This booke doth Moyses command kings to read, that they may learne to feare GOD, and keepe his Commaundements, which are written in the Lawe.

[Page]Beholde the effect of the law is to feare God, whervnto man cannot attain, vnlesse hee first know the will of God, which is written in the Law. For the principall point of all seruice is to knowe the will and pleasure of the▪ lord or master to whom seruice is due. Howbeit the lawmaker Moyses first in this charge mentioneth the effect of the Law, that is the feare of God, and next he allureth vs to the keeping of the cause therof, that is to say, of Gods commaundements. For in the mind and intent of the exhorter, the effect goeth before the cause. But what feare is this, which the Lawes doe propone to the obseruers thereof? [Page] Surely it is not that fear whereof it is written: that perfect charitie or loue expelleth feare. Yet this same feare, though it be bond and seruile, oftentimes prouoketh kings to the reading of the lawes: but it proceedeth not out of the law. But that feare wheerof Moses here speaketh, which also proceedeth out of the Lawes, is the selfe same feare, that the prophet speaketh of, saying: The feare of the Lord is holy, and endureth for euer and euer. This is such a louing feare as naturally children bear to their dear parēts, cōmonly tearmed the reuerence of the child towards his parēts. Whereunto there is no punishment due as a thing wrought by loue. [Page] For this feare procéedeth out of the Lawes, which teach to doe the will of God, so that it deserueth no punishment. But the glorie of the Lord is vpon them that feare him, and he doth glorifie them. Yea this feare, is euen that same, feare whereof Iob, after that he had diuersly searched for wisdome, saith thus: Behold the feare of the Lord is perfect wisdome, and to forsake euill is vnderstanding. That the forsaking of euil is the vnderstanding of the feare of God, this doe the Lawes teach, wherby it followeth that the same feare proceedeth out of them.

§

GAudeo verò, serenissime prī ceps, super nobilissima indole tua: videns quanta auiditate militares tu amplecteris actꝰ, conuenit nam (que) tibi taliter delectari, nedum quia miles es, sed amplius quia Rex futurus es. Regis nempe officium pugnare est bella populi sui, & eos rectissime iudicare, vt primo regum capitul .cviij. clarissimè tu doceris. Quare vt armorum, vtinam & legū studiis, simili zelo te deditum contēplarer, [Page] cum vt armis bella, ita legibus iudicia peragantur. Quod Iustinianus Augustus, aequissima librans mente, in initio prohem [...]j libri sui institutionum, ait: Imperatoriam Maiestatem non solum armis decoratam, sed & legibus oportet esse armatam, vt vtrumque tempus bellorum & pacis recte possit gubernare. Tamen vt ad legum studia feruide tu anheles, maximus legislator ille Moyses, olim Synagogae dux, multo fortius Caesare te inuitat, dum regibus [Page] Israel diuina auctoritate ipse praecipiat, eorum leges legere omnibus diebus vitae suae, sic dicens: Postquam sederit Rex in solio regni sui describet sibi Deuteronomij Leges in volumine, accipiens exemplar à sacerdotibus Leuiticae tribus & habebit secum, leget▪ que illud omnibus diebus vitae suae, vt discat timere Dominum Deum suum, & custodire verba & ceremonias eius quae in lege scripta sunt, Deuteron. capit. decimo septimo, qd exponens Helynandus dicit: [Page] Princeps ergo non debet iuris ignarus esse, nec praetextu militiae legem permittitur ignorare. Et post pauca, a sacerdotibus Leuiticae tribus assumere iubetur exemplar legis, id est a viris Catholicis & literatis, Haec ille: Liber quippe Deuteron. est liber legum, quibus Reges Israel subditum sibi populum regere tenebātur. Hunc librum. legere, iubet Moyses Reges, vt discant timere Deum, & custodire mandata eius, quae lege scripta sunt.

[Page]Ecce timere Deum effectus est legis, quem non consequi valet homo, nisi prius sciat voluntatem Dei, quae in lege scripta est. Nam principium omnis famulatus, est scire voluntatem domini cui seruitur. Legis tamen lator Moyses, primo in hoc edicto effectū legis videlicet timorem Dei commemorat: deinde ad custodiam causae eius, videlicet, mandatorum dei ipse inuitar. Nam effectus prior est quā causa, in ani mo exhortātis. Sed quis est timor iste, quē ꝓmittūt leges obseruatoribꝰ suis? [Page] Veré non est timor ille, de quo scribitur: Quod perfecta charitas foras mittit timorem. Timor tamen ille, licet seru [...]lis, saepe ad legendum leges, reges concitat. sed non est ipse proles legis. Timor vero, de quo hic loquitur Moyses, quem & pariunt leges, est ille de quo dicit propheta: Timor Domini sanctus▪ permanet in seculum seculi. Hic filialis est & non nouit paenam, vt ille qui per charitatem expellitur. [Page] Nam iste à legibus proficiscitur, quae docent facere voluntatem Dei, quo ipse paenā non meretur. Sed gloria do mini est super metuentes eū, quos & ipse glorificat. Timor autem iste, timor ille est, de quo Iob, postquam mul tifarie sapientiā inuestigat, sic ait: Ecce timor domini, ipsa est sapiētia, & recedere a malo intelligentia. Iob ca. 28. Recedere à malo, qd intelligentia timoris dei est, leges docent, quo & timorē hanc ipsae parturiunt.

¶ The Princes replie to the Chancellours motion. Chap. 2.

§

[Page]

HAEc vt audiuit princeps, erecto in senem vultu, sic locutus est. Scio, Cancellarie, quòd liber deut. quem [...]u commemoras, sacrae scripturae volumen est; leges quoque & ceremoniae in eo conscriptae, etiam sacrae sunt, à domino edi [...]ae, & ꝑ Moysen promulgatae: quare eas legere sanctae contēplationis dulcedo est. Sed lex, ad cuius scientiam me inuitas, humana est, ab hominibus aedita, & tractās terrena: quo, licet Moyses ad Deuter lecturam Reges Israel astrinxerit, eum per hoc reges alios, [Page] ad consimiliter faciendum in suis legibꝰ, concitasse, omnē effugit rationē, cū vtrius (que) lecturae non sit eadem causa.

§

[Page]

THe Prince hearing this, and stedfastly beholding the old man, spake thus to him. I know good Chancellour that the booke of Deutronomie, wherof you speak, is a booke of holy Scripture: The lawes also and ordinances therein contayned are holy, of the Lords making, and published by Moses: Wherefore the reading of them is a pleasant act of holy contemplation. But that Law, to the knowledge whereof you counsell me, is humane, made by men, and intreating of worldly matters: wherefore though Moyses bind the Kings of Israell to the reading of Gods Law, yet that thereby he forceth all other Kings [Page] [...] doe the like in their owne lawes, that standeth by no good reason, seing that of both the readings the cause is not like.

Here the Chauncelour fortifieth his assertion. Chap. 3.

§

I Perceiue (ꝙ the Chancellour) by your aunswere, most worthye prince, how earnestly you haue considered & weighed the qualitie of my exhortation: So that hereby you doe much encourage mee, both more plainely, more largely, and also more déepely to discourse ye same. Wherefore you shall vnderstand, that not only Gods Lawes, but also mans, are holy, for so much as the Lawe is defined by [Page] these words: The law is a holy sanction or decrée, commanding things that be honest, and forbidding the contraries: Now the thing must néeds be holy, which by diffinition is determined to bee holy. Right also, by description is called the Art of that which is good & streight, so that in this respect a man may well call vs Sacerdotes, that is to say, giuers or teachers of holy things (for so by interpretation doth sacerdos signifie.) Forsomuch then as ye lawes are holy, it followeth that the ministers and setters forth of them may right well be called Sacerdotes, that is giuers & teachers of holy things. Furthermore all lawes published by men haue also their authoritie frō God. [Page] For as the Apostle saith: All power is from ye Lord God. Wherefore the lawes, that are made by man, which thereunto hath receiued power frō the Lord, are also ordained of God, as also appeareth by this saying of the Author of all causes: What soeuer the secōd cause doth the same doth the first cause by a higher and more excellent meane. Wherefore Iosaphat the king of Iuda saith to his Iudges: The iudgements, which ye execute, are the iudgements of God, in the ninetéenth Chapter of the second Booke of Cronicles. Wherby you are taught, that to learne Lawes, though they bee Mans lawes, is to learne holy lawes and the ordinaunces of God: so that the [Page] study of them is not with out a pleasant sweetnesse of holy cōsolatiō. And yet such sweet pleasure was not the cause, as you suppose, wherefore Moyses commanded the kings of Israel to read the lawes of Deut. For this cause mooueth not kinges no more then the common sort to ye reading of it, nor to the Booke of Deuter. more then of any of the other books of Moyses, in which, aswel as in ye book of Deuteronomy, is plentifull store of godly lessōs & holy instructiōs, wherein to bee deuoutly occupied is a holy thing. Wherfore yt there was none other cause of this cōmandement, thē for yt ye laws, wherby the king of Israel is bound to rule his people, are more precisely cō tained [Page] in the Booke of Deutronomie then in the other books of the old testament, the circumstaunces of the same commandement do manifestly inform vs. For which cause you ought, most worthie Prince, no lesse then the kings of Israel to be moued and prouoked, to be a diligent trauailer in the study of those laws, wher by hereafter you shal rule your people. For that which was spoken to the king of Israell, must bee vnderstoode to be figuratiuely spokē to euery king hauing dominiō ouer godly people. And haue I not then well & holsomly propounded vnto you the cō mandement giuen to the kings of Israel, cōcernīg the lerning of their law?

[Page]Forasmuch as not onely his example, but also his like Authoritie, hath taught you, and bound you to the like doing in the Lawes of the Kingdome, which Godwilling you shall inherite.

§

AT Cancellariꝰ. Scio (inquit) per haec quae iam dicis, princeps clarissime, quāta aduertētia, ex hortationis meae tu ponderas qualitatē, quo me non infime cōcitas suꝑ inceptis ne dū clarius, sed & ꝓfūdiꝰ quodāmodo [...]ecū disceptare: Scire igitur te volo, quod nō solū Deut. leges, sed & omnes leges humanae sacrae sunt, quo lex sub [Page] his verbis definitur: Lex est sanctio sancta, iubens honesta, & prohibens contraria: sanctum etenim esse oportet, quod esse sanctum definitum est. Ius etiam describi perhibetur, quod illud est ars boni & aequi, cuius merito quis nos Sacerdotes appellat. Sacerdos enim, quasi sacra dans, vel sacra docens, per etimologiam dicitur, quia vt dicunt, iura, leges sacrae sunt quo eas ministrantes & docentes, Sacerdotes appellantur. A deo etiam sunt omnes leges editae, quae ab homine promulgantur. Nam cum [Page] dicat Apostolus, quod omnis potestas a Domino Deo est, leges ab homine conditae, qui ad hoc a Domino recipit potestatem, etiam a Deo constituuntur, dicente Auctore causarum: Quicquid facit causa secunda, facit & causa prima, altiori & nobiliori modo. Quare Iosaphat Rex Iuda, ait Iudicibus suis: Iudicia, quae vos profertis, iudicia Dei sunt, secundo Paralipo. xix. Capitul. Ex quibus erudiris, quod leges, licet humanas, addiscere, est addiscere leges sacras & editiones dei, quo earum [Page] studium nō vacat a dulcedine cōsolationis sanctae. Nec tamen, vt tu conjicis, dulcedo hm̄odi cau sa fuit, cur Moyses reges Israel Deut. legere praeceperat. Nam causa haec, non plus reges quā plebeios, ad eius lecturam prouocat, nec plꝰ Deut. librū, quā alios Pentateuchi libros legere, pulsat causa ista, cum non minus libri illi, quā Deut. sacris abundant carismatibus, in quibus meditari ꝑsanctū est. Quare non aliā fuisle causam mandati huius, quam quia in Deut. plus quam in alijs libris veteris testamenti, leges inferuntur, [Page] quibus rex Israel populum regere obnoxius est, eiusdem mandati circumstātiae manifeste nos informant. Quo, & te, princeps, eadem causa, non minꝰ, quam reges Israel exhortatur, vt legū, quibus populum in futurū reges, tu sis solers indagator. Nam, quod regi Israel dictū est, omni Regi populi videntis deum, typice dictum fuisse intelligendū est. An tunc non conuenienter vtiliterque proposui tibi mandatum Regibus Israel latum, de eorum lege addiscenda?

[Page]Dum nedū eius exemplum, sed & eius auctoritas figuralis, te erudiuit & obligauit, ad consimiliter faciendū de legibus regni, quod annuente Domino haereditaturus es.

¶ Here the Chancellour proueth that a Prince by the laws may be made happie and blessed. Ca. 4.

§

NOn solū vt deū timeas, quo & sapiens eris, princeps colendissime, vocant te leges, cū propheta dicente, Venite filij, audite me, timorē domini docebo vos: Sed etiā vt felicitatem, beatitudinem (que) (prout in hac vita nancisci poteris) adipiscaris, ipsae leges ad earum disciplinatū te inuitant. Philosophi nam (que) [Page] omnes, qui de felicitatetā varie disputabāt, in hoc vno conuenerūt, vz▪ qd felicitas siue beatitudo finis est, oīs humani appetitus, quare & ip̄ā sūmū bonū appellāt, peripatetici [...]n̄ cōstituebāt eā in vir tute: Stoici in honesto: et Epicuri in voluptate. Sed quia Stoici honestū definiebāt esse qd bene fit & laudabilit ex virtute, & Epicuri as serebāt nihil esse vo luptuosū sine virtute, Oēs sectae illae, vt dicit Leonardꝰ Aretin' Ysagogico moralis disciplinae, in hoc concordauerūt, qd sola virtꝰ est, quae felicitat operatur. Quo & Philosophꝰ [Page] definiēs) dicit, quod ipsa est perfectꝰ vsus virtutū. His [...]ā p̄sup positis, cōsiderare te volo etiā ea quae sequentur. Leges humanae nō aliud sunt quā regulae, quibus ꝑfecte iusticia edocetur. Iustitia vero, quā leges reuelant, non est illa, quae cō mutatiua vel distributatiua vocatur, seu alia quaeuis particularis virtꝰ sed est vir tus ꝑfecta, quae iusticiae legalis nomine designatur. Quam Leonardus praedictus ideo dicit esse ꝑfectā, quia omne viciū ipsa eliminat, & omnem virtutem ipsa docet: quo & omnis virtus ipsa merito nuncupatur. [Page] De qua Homerꝰ dicit, similiter & philosophus quinto Ethicorū, Quod ipsa est praeclarissima virtutū, &, nec Lucifer, nec Hesperus, vt illa, est admirabilis. Iusticia vero haec, subiectum est omnis regalis curae, quo sine illa Rex iuste non iudicat, nec recte pugnare potest. Illa vero adepta, perfecté (que) seruata, aequissimè peragitur omne officium Regis. Vnde cum perfectus vsus virtutum sit foelicitas, & Iusticia humana, quae non nisi per legem perfecte nāciscitur, aut docetur, [Page] nedum sit virtutum effectus, sed & omnis virtus: Sequitur, quòd iustitia fruens, foelix per legem est, quo & per eam ipse fit beatus, cum idem sit beatitudo & foelicitas in hac fugaci vita, [...]uius & per iustitiam ipse summum habet bonum. Tamen non nisi per gratiam lex poteritista operari, neque legem aut virtutem sine gratia tu addiscere poteris, vel appetere. Cum, vt dicit Pariss. in libro suo de Cur Deus homo, virtus hominis appetetiua interior, [Page] per peccatū originale ita viciata est, vt sibi viciorū sua [...]ia, & virtutum aspera opera sapiant. Quare, quod aliqui ad amorem sectationémque virtutis se conferunt, diuinae bonitatis beneficiū est, & non humanae virtutis. Num tune leges, quae, praeueniente & comitante gratia, omnia prae [...]nissa operātur, toto conamine addiscendae sunt? dum faelicitatē, quae secū dum Philosophos, est hic finis & complementum humani desiderij, earum apprehensor, obtinebit, quo & beatus ille erit in hac vita, [Page] eius possidens summum bonum. Verè, etsi non haec te moueant, qui regnum recturus es, mouebunt te & arctabunt ad disciplinatū legis Prophetae verba dicentis: Erudimini, qui iudicatis terram: non enim ad eruditionem artis factiuae, aut mechanicae, hic mouet Propheta: Cum non dicat, Erudimini, qui colitis terram, nec ad eruditionem scientiae tantum theoricae, quamuis oportuna fuerit incolis terrae, quia generaliter non dicit, erudimini qui inhabitatis terram, [Page] sed solùm ad disciplinam legis, qua Iudicia redduntur, Reges inuitat Propheta in his verbis, Cum specialiter ipse dicat: Erudimini, qui iudicatis terram. Et sequitur: Ne quādo irascatur Dominus, & pereatis de via iusta. Nec solúm legibus, quibus iustitiam consequeris, (fili Regis) imbui te iubet sacra Scriptura, sed & ipsam iustitiam diligere, tibi alibi praecipit, cum dicat: Diligite Iustitiam, qui iudicatis terram, Sapientiae capitulo primo.

§

NOt only to the intent you should feare God and so become wise, doe the Lawes with the Prophet call you saying, Come Children, heare mee, I will teach you the feare of the Lord: but also that you may aspire vnto felicitie and blessednesse (as farre forth as in this life they may bee attained) do the Laws will you, most gratious Prince, to bee studious of them. For all the Philosophers, [Page] which haue so diuersly reasoned of felicity, haue al agreed toge [...]her in this one point, that felicitie or blessednesse is the end of all mans desire, and therfore they call it chiefe goodnesse. How bee it the Peripatetikes placed it in Uertue, the Stoikes in Honesty, and the Epicures in Pleasure. But seeing the Stoikes defined Honestie to bee that, which is well and laudably done with vertue, and the Epicures held nothing to bee pleasant without vertue, therfore al those sects, as saith Leonard Aretine in his Introduction to Morall Philosophie, agreed in this, that it is only vertue that causeth felicity. Wherefore Aristotle also in the 7. booke of his politiques [Page] defining Felicitie sayth, that it is the perfect vse of Uertues. Thus much being now presupposed, I would haue you to consider these thinges also that follow. Mans lawes are nothing else but certaine rules, whereby Iustice is perfectly taught. But that Iustice, which the Lawes doe shewe, is not the same that is called Commutatiue or distributiue, or any other particular vertue, but it is a perfect vertue expressed by the name of Iustice legall. Which the foresaid Leonard doth therfore affirme to be perfect, because it excludeth all vice▪ & teacheth all vertue: For which cause also it is worthily called by the name of all vertue. [Page] Whereof Homer sayth, and likewise Aristotle in the fifth Booke of Morall Philosophie, that it is the chiefest of all vertues, and that neither Lucifer nor Hesperus are so bright and beaming as it is. Moreouer this iustice is the thing whereuppon all Princely care dependeth and resteth, without the which the King can neither rightly iudge, nor yet duly fight. But this being once obtained & perfectly kept, then al the whole duty required in a king is iustly performed. Now then seeing that the perfect vse of vertues is felicity, and that Iustice vsed amongst men, which cannot be obtained vnto nor learned but by the Law, [Page] is not onely the effect of vertues, but is all vertue it selfe: hereof it followeth, that the practiser of Iustice is by the Lawe happie, and so thereby he is made blessed, forsomuch as blessednesse or happinesse and felicitie are both one in this short and transitorie life, of the which▪ life through Iustice hee enioyeth the chiefe & principall goodnesse. And yet the lawe is not able to performe these thinges without the assistaunce of grace, without the which also you cannot learne nor couet either Lawe or vextue. For, as sayth Pariss. in his booke intituled Cur deus homo, the inward vertue of mā, wherin his desiring is placed, is so [Page] through originall sinne defaced & corrupt, that it esteemeth vitious works for pleasaunt, & vertuous workes for vnpleasant. Wherefore, in that some men applie and endeuour themselues to the loue & following of vertues, it procéedeth of the boūtiful goodnes of God, & not of ye power of man. Is there not thē speciall cause why ye lawes, which being preuented, & accompanied wt grace, do performe all the promises, should with all diligent trauel be lerned? Seeing that who so hath perfectly attained therevnto, the same shall enioy felicitie, the end & performaunce, as the Philosophers say, of mans desire, by means wherof he shall in this life be blessed, in ye [Page] he now possesseth ye chiefe goodnes therof. Doubties if these things moue you not, which shall haue the rule and gouernment of a kingdom, yet the words of the Prophet shal moue you, yea and force you to the studie of the Lawe, which wordes bee these: Bee yee learned you that are Iudges of the Earth: Heere the Prophet exhorteth not to the learning of a base art or a handicraft, for hee saith not: Be yee learned you that are thinhabiters of the earth, neither doth hee counsell to the lerning of knowledge speculatiue, though it bee not vnnecessary for ye inhabiters vpon the earth, For hee sayeth not generally: Be ye learned you that dwel vpon the earth, [Page] but by these words doth the Prophet call Kinges onely to the learning of ye law, wherby iudgements are executed, forsomuch as he specially saith, be ye learned you that are Iudges of the earth. And it followeth: least the Lord ware angrie, & so you perish from the way of righteousnes. Neither doth holy scripture (O kings sonne) cōmand you onely to be skilfully instruct in the Lawes, whereby you shall purchase and obtain the possessiō of iustice, but also in an other place it biddeth you vnfainedly to loue iustice, wher it saith: O set your loue & affection vpon Iustice, you that are Iudges of the Earth, in the first chapter of the booke of Wisedome.

[Page]

¶ Ignorance of the Law causeth the contempt thereof. Cap. 3.

§

SEd quomodo iustitiam diligere poteris, si non primó legum scientiam, quibꝰ ipsa cognoscatur, vtcunque apprehēderis? Dicit namque Philosophus, quod nihil amatum nisi cognitum. Quare Fabius Orator ait, Quod felices essent artes, si de illis soli artifices iudicarent. Ignotum vero non solum non amari, sed & sperni solet. Quo poeta quidam sic ait. ‘Omnia quae nescit, dicit spernenda colonus.’ [Page] Etnon coloni solum vox haec est, sed & doctorū peritissimo rum quo (que) virorū. Nam si ad Philosophum naturalē qui in Mathemat. nunquam studit, metaphisicus dicat, qd sciētia sua cōsiderat res separatas ab omni materia & motu secundum esse et secundū rationē: Vel Mathematicꝰ dicat, ꝙ sua scientia considerat res cōiunctas materiae, & motui, secundū esse, sed separatas secūdū rationē: ābos hos, licet philosophos, philosophus ille naturalis qui nunquam noui [...] res aliquas separatas a materia & motu, [Page] essentia vel ratione, spernet, eorumque scientias, licet sua scientia nobiliores, ipse deridebit, non alia ductus causa, nisi quia eorum scientias ipse penitus ignorat. Sic & tu, Princeps, legis Angliae peritum miraberis, si dicat, quod frater fratri sibi nequaquam vterino, non succedet in haereditate paterna, sed potius haereditas illa, sorori integri sanguinis sui descendet, aut capitali dn̄o feodi accidet vt escaeta sua: Cum causam legis huiꝰ tu ignores, in lege tamen Angliae doctū, huiꝰ casus difficultas nullatenus [Page] perturbat. Quare & vulgariter dicitur: quod ars non habet inimicum nisi ignoranten [...].

Sed absit a te, fili Regis, vt inimiceris legibus Regni, quo tu successurus es, vel vt eas spernas, quum iustitiam diligere, praedicta sapientiae lectio te erudiat. Iterum igitur atque iterum, Princeps inclitissime, te adiuro, vt leges Regni patris tui, cui successurus es, addiscas. Ne dum vt inconuenientias has tu euites: Sed quia mens humana, [Page] quae naturaliter bonum appetit, & nihil potest appetere, nisi sub ratione boni, mox vt per doctrinam bonum apprehenderit, gaudet & illud amat, ac quanto deinceps illud plus recordatur, tanto amplius delectatur in eodem, quo doceris, quod si leges praedictas quas iam ignoras, intellexeris per doctrinam, cum optimae illae sint, amabis eos. Et quanto plus easdem mente pertractaueris, delectabilius tu frueris.

Nam omne, quod amatur, vsu trahit [Page] amatorem suum in naturam eius. Vnde, vt dieit Philosophus, vsus altera fit natura: sic ramunculus pyri, stipiti pomi insertus, postquam coaluerit, ita pomum trahit in naturam pyri, vt ambae deinceps, merito pyrus appellentur, fructusque producant pyri, Sic & vsitata virtus habitum generat, vt vtens ea deinde a virtute illa denominetur, quo modestia praeditus, vsu modestus nominatur, continentiae continens, & sapientiae sapiens. [Page] Quare & tu princeps, postquam iustitia delectabiliter functus fueris, habitumque legis indutus fueris, merito denominaberis iustus, cuius gratia tibi dicetur, Dilexisti iustitiam, quo & odisti iniquitatem, propterea vnxit te dominus Deus tuus oleo letitiae prae consortibus tuis regibus terrae.

§

BUt how can you loue Iustice, vnlesse you first haue a sufficient knowledge in the lawes, whereby the knowledge of it is won and had, for the Philosopher sayth, that nothing can bee loued except it bee knowen. And therefore Quintilian the Oratour saith, That happie should Arts bee, if Artificers onely were Iudges of them. As for that which is vnknowne, it is wont not onely not to bee loued, but also to be dispised. And therefore a certaine Poet thus saith:

The plowman doth despise and skof,

The thing he is not skilfull of.

[Page] And this is the saying not of Plowmen alone, but also of learned and right skilfull men. For if vnto a naturall Philosopher, that neuer st [...]ided the Mathematicall sciences, a supernaturall philosopher should say, that this Science considereth things seuered from all matter and moouing, according to their substantiall being and reason: or the Mathematicall man should say that this Science considereth things ioyned to matter, and mouing, after their substāce, but seuered according to reason: both these, though Philosophers, will the naturall Philosopher, which neuer vnderstood thinges seuered from matter and motion, either [Page] in being or in reason, vtterly despise, and their sciences, though in déede more excellent then his, will hee laugh to scorne, mooued so to doe by none other cause, but that he is altogether ignorant in their sciences. Likewise you, most worthy Prince, would wonder at one skilfull in the Lawes of England, if he should say, that the brother shall not succéede his halfe brother in their Fathers inheritance, but rather his inheritance shal discend to the sister of the whole bloud, or else it shall be intituled to the chiefe Lord of the fée as his escheat: Hereat you would much maruel, because you know not the cause of this law, howbeit the difficultie of this case [Page] nothing troubleth him that is learned in ye laws of England. Wherfore it is a common saying, that an Art hath no foe but an ignorant person.

But God forbid, O noble Prince, yt you should be an enemie to the Lawes of that Realme, which you shall by succession inherite: or that you should despise them, seeing that ye aforecited text of scriptu [...]e instructeth you to the loue of Iustice. Wherefore, most Soueraigne Prince, I doe with most earnest affection require you to learne the laws of your fathers kingdome, whom you shall succeede, not only to the intent you may the rather auoyde these inconueniences, but also because mans [Page] minde, which naturally desireth the thing that is good, & can desire nothing but in respect that it is good, as soone as by learning it hath taken hold of that which is good, it becommeth ioyfull and loueth the same: & the more that it is afterward occupied in the remembrance of the same, so much it is more delighted therein: Whereby you are taught yt if you once by learning attain to ye vnderstanding of ye foresaid lawes, wherin you are now ignorant, seeing they bee perfectly good, you must needs loue thē. And ye more yt you record thē in your mind, so much ye more delite & pleasure shall you haue in thē. For whatsoeuer it is that is loued, the same draweth [Page] the louer of it into the nature therof. So that as the Philosopher saith, vse or exercise becommeth an other nature: So a slip of a Peare trée being graffed into the stock of an Apple trée, after yt it hath taken, it so draweth ye apple tree into ye nature of the peare trée, yt they both for euer after are rightly called a pear trée, & do bring forth the fruit of a peare tree. In like sort, continuall vse and practise of vertue causeth a full perfection thereof, in so much that the practiser of the same is afterward named therby: as a man indued with modestie, of the vse thereof is named modest, Hee that vseth continencie is called continent, and one garnished with wisdome [Page] is called wise. Wherfore you also, most mightie prince, when you are plesantly delited in Iustice, and therewith indued, in respect of the perfectiō of the law you shal worthily be called Iust, For which cause it shall be said vnto you: Thou hast loued Iustice & hated iniquity, and therfore the Lord thy God hath annointed thee with the oyle of gladnes aboue the Kings of the earth thy companions.

¶ Heere the Chauncellour briefely repeateth the effect of all his perswasion. Cap. 6.

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NOw, most gratious Prince, is not all this inough to mooue your Highnesse to the studie of the Law? Séeing that thereby you shall indue your selfe with Iustice, which shall yeeld vnto you the name of a iust man, And shall also eschewe the infamie of ignoraunce in the Lawe, And further by the Lawe you enioying felicitie, shal be blessed in this life, And finally being furnished with a louing feare, which is the wisedome of God, you shall obtaine and possesse Charitie, which is a stedfast loue to God-warde, and by the meane thereof cleauing to God, you shall by the Apostles saying, Be made one Spirit with him.

[Page]But forasmuch as the Law without grace cannot accomplish these things, it is necessary and requisite, that aboue all things you make earnest intercession for it: and also that you becom a studious sercher of Gods law, and of the holy scripture. For Scripture saith, that all men are vaine, in whom is not the knowledge of God, in the xiij. chapter of the booke of Wisdome. Wherefore, most noble Prince, while you are yet young, & while your soule is as it were a smooth blanke table, write in it these things, least hereafter you happen to take pleasure in writing lessōs of lesse profit therein.

For as a certaine wise man saith:

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Whereof the vessell new, did first receiue the tast,

Therein, when it is old, the sent will euer last.

What handicraftes man doth so negligētly regard the profit of his childe, whom whiles he is yong, he will not see brought vp in such an occupation, as therby he may afterward obtaine to leade a merrie life? So ye Carpenter teacheth his son to cut with an axe: the smith to strike with an hammer: & whom hee entendeth to make a spiritual minister, him he procureth to bee trained vp in learning: So likewise is it conuenient, that a Kings son, which shall gouerne the people after his father, be in his youth instructed in the lawes. [Page] Which order if the Rulers of the world would obserue, then the world should be gouerned with much more▪ Iustice then now it is, Unto whom, if you will follow mine exhortation, you shall minister no small example▪

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NOnne tunc, Princeps serenissime, haec te satis concitant ad legis rudimenta? cum per ea iustitiam induere valeas: quo & appellaberis iustus, ignorantiae quoque legis euitare poteris ignominiam: ac per legem foelicitate fruens, beatus esse poteris in hac vita, & demum filiali timore indutus, qui Dei sapientia est, charitatem, quae amor in deum est imperturbatus, consequeris, qua Deo adhaerens, per Apostoli sententiam, Fies vnus spiritus cum eo.

[Page]Sed quia ista, sine gratia lex operari nequit, tibi illam super omnia implorare necesse est, legis quoque diuinae & sanctarum scripturarum indagare scientiam.

Cum dicat scriptura sacra, quod vani sunt omnes, in quibus non subest scientia Dei, Sapientiae cap. xiij.

His igitur, Princeps, dum adolescens es, & animatua velut tabula rasa, depinge eam, ne in futurum ipsa figuris minoris frugi delectabilius depingatur.

Quia etiam (vt Sapiens quidam ait)

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Quod noua testa capit,

Inueterata sapit.

Quis Artifex tam negligens profectus suae prolis est, vt non eam, dum pubescit, artibus instruat, quibus postea vitae solatia nansciscatur? Sic lignarius faber secare dolabro, ferrarius ferire malleo, filium instruit: & quem in spiritualibus ministrare cupit, literis imbui facit: Sic & principi, filium suum, qui post eum populum regulabit, legibus instrui, dum minor est conuenit. [Page]Qualiter si fecerint Rectores orbis, mūdus iste ampliori, quam iam est, institia regeretur, quibus, si tu, vt iam hortor, facias, exemplum nō minimum ministrabis.

¶ Now the Prince yeeldeth himselfe to the studie of the Lawes, though he bee yet disquieted with certaine doubts. Cha. 7.

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SIlente extunc Cancellario, Princeps ipse sic exorsus est. Vi [...]sti me, vir egregie, suauissima oratione tua, qua & animum meum [Page] ardore non minimo, legis fecisti sitire documenta. Sed tamen duobus, me huc illucque agitantibus, animus ipse affligitur: vt tanquam in turbido mari Cimba, nesciat quorsum dirigere proras. Vnū est, dum recolit quot annorum curriculis leges addiscentes, earum studio se conferunt, antequam sufficientem earundem peritiam nanciscantur: quo timet animus ipse ne consimiliter ego praeteream annos iuuentutis meae. Alterum est, an Angliae Legum vel Ciuilium, [Page] quae per orbem percelebres sunt, studio operam dabo. Nam non nisi optimis legibus populum regere licet, etiam vt dicit Philosophus, Natura deprecatur optima, Quare libenter super his, quod tu consulis, auscultaremus. Cui Cancellarius. Non sunt haec, fili Regis, tantis celata mysterijs, vt deliberatione egeant ingenti, quare, quid in his mihi visum est prodere, non differemus.

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THus whē ye Chancellor had said, hee held his peace, to whom the Prince began on this wise to speake. You haue ouercome mee, welbeloued Chancellour, with your most pleasant talk, wherwith you haue inflamed [Page] my minde with a feruent desire towarde the knowledge of the Lawe. Howbeit two things there bee, that doe tosse my minde too and fro, and so disquiet it, that like a Shippe in the raging waues it knoweth not which way to encline for ease. The one is, while it considereth how many yeeres the students of the lawes bestowe therein before they can attaine to sufficient knowledge of the same: Which causeth my minde also to dread, least that I should likewise spend the yeeres of my youth. The other is, whether I shall apply my selfe to the studie of the Lawes of England, or of the Ciuile [Page] laws, which through out the whole Worlde are chiefely esteemed: For people may not bee gouerned but by right good Lawes, and as the Philosopher saith, nature coueteth that which is best. Wherefore I would gladly heare your councell in this behalfe. To whom the Chancellour made this answer. These matters, O Kings sonne, are not hidde vnder so deepe and darke mysteries, that they require any great deliberation, or aduisement. And therefore what I thinke best heerein I will not hyde

So much knowledge of the Law as is necessarie for a Prince, is soone had. Chap. 8.

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ARistotle in the first Booke of his naturall Philosophie saith, that then wee suppose our selues to haue the knowledge of euery thing, when wee know the causes and beginnings thereof euen to the principles, vppon the which text the Commentatour saith, that the Philosopher by beginnings or principles did vnderstād the causes efficient, by the terme Causes hee vnderstood causes finall, and by Elements, matter and forme. But in the Lawe there are not matter and forme, as in things naturall and compound. How bee it there be in them certaine Elements, out of ye which they proceede as out of [Page] matter and forme, these are customes, statutes, and the Law of nature, of the which al the lawes of the realme haue their beginning, euen as all naturall things haue of matter & forme, and as all things that are written and read do cōsist of letters, which also are called elements. But principles, or beginnings, which are as the Commentarie saith, causes efficient, they are certaine vniuersal propositiōs, which they, that be learned in the Lawes of England, & likewise the Mathematicals do terme Maximes: the Rhethoricians doe call the same Paradoxes: & the Ciuilians terme them rules of the law. These in deede cannot be proued by force of [Page] arguments, or by demonstrations Logicall: But as it is said in the second booke of Posterioum, they are knowne by induction by the way of sense and memorie. Wherefore in the first booke of his naturall Philosophy, Aristotle saith, that principles are not made of others, nor one of them of another, but all other bee made of them, And according thereunto in the first booke of his Topikes he writeth, that euery principle is a sufficient proofe of it selfe. And therefore the Phylosopher saith, that such as denie them, ought not to be disputed or reasoned withall: because that as hee writeth in the sixth booke [Page] of his Moral phylosophie, there is no reason to be giuen for principles. Wherfore whatsoeuer they bee that couet to profit in the knowledge of any faculties, they must néeds first be furnished with principles. For by thē are opened the causes final, vnto the which by y• direction of reason, through the knowledge of the principles, we do attaine; wherfore these thrée, viz. Principles, Causes, and Elements, being vnknowne, the science, whereof they are, is altogether vnknowen. And the same thrée being known, the science also, whereof they are, is thought to bee knowne, not determinatly or precisely, but superficially [Page] after a confuse & vniuersall sort.

Thus wee thinke our selues to haue the knowledge of Gods Lawes, when wee vnderstand our selues to know saith, charitie, and hope, and also the Sacraments of the Church, and the Commaundementes of GOD, leauing to the Prelates of the Church the other misteries of Theologie. Wherefore the LORD saith vnto his Disciples: To you it is giuen to knowe the mysterie of the kingdome of GOD, but to others in Parables, that seeing they may not see, &c. And the Apostle saith, Not to bee wiser, then it behooueth. And in an other place, [Page] Not being high in wisedome. In like manner, O most worthy Prince, it shall not bee needfull for you with long studie to search out the secret mysteries of the Law of England, It shall suffice for you, as you haue profited in grammer, so also to profit in Law, Unto the perfection of Grammer, springing out of Etimologie, Orthographie, Prosodie, and Construction, as out of foure fountaines, you haue not exactly attayned▪ and yet you are so sufficiently grounded in grammer, that you may well bee called a Grammarian. Likewise shall you bee well worthie to be called a Lawier, if you search out the principles [Page] and causes of the Lawes, euen to the elements, after the manner of a scholar or a learner. For it shall not be needful or expedient for you by the trauell of your owne wit, to studie out the hid mysteries of the Law, But let that geare be left to your Iudges and men of law, which in the Realme of England are called Serieants at Law, and to other professors of ye Law commonly called Apprentices: For you shall better execute iudgements by other, then by your selfe: Neither hath it been seen that any King of England hath pronounced iudgement with his own mouth, And yet neuerthelesse ye iudgements of the Realme are his, though [Page] by other they bee vttered and pronounced, Like as also King Iosaphat affirmed the sentences of all the Iudges to be the iudgements of God. Wherfore, most gracious Prince, you shall in short time with little labour bee sufficiently learned in the Lawes of England, so that you doe apply your minde to the optaining thereof. For Seneca in an Epistle to Lucillus, saith: There is nothing which earnest trauell and diligent care atchiueth not. And so well doe I know the prompt towardnesse of your nature, that I dare bee bolde to say, that in those Lawes (though the exact knowledge of them such as is required in iudges [Page] can skant bee gotten in the space of xx. yéeres) you shal sufficiētly in one yere attain to so much vnderstanding as is conuenient for a prince. Neither in the meane time shal you neglect and omit the study of martiall discipline, whereunto you are so feruently giuen, but during all the same yere in stead of recreatiō you shall vse the practise thereof at you pleasure.

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PHilosophus in primo Phisicorum dicit, quod Tunc vnumquodque scire arbitramur, cum causas & principia eius cognoscamus vsque ad elementa. Super quem textum commentator dicit, quod Aristoteles per principia intellexit causas efficientes, per causas intellexit causas finales, & per Elementa materiam & formam. In Legibus vero non sunt materia & forma, vt in Phisicis & compositis. Sed tamen sunt in eis Elementa quaedam, vnde ip sae profluunt▪ vt ex [Page] materia & forma, quae sunt consuetudines, statuta, & ius naturae, ex quibus sunt omnia iura regni, vt ex materia & forma sunt quaeque naturalia: & vt ex literis, quae etiam elementa appellantur, sunt omnia quae leguntur. Principia autem, quae Commentator dicit esse causas efficientes, sunt quaedam vniuersalia, quae in legibus Angliae docti, similiter & Mathematici, Maximas vocant: Rethorici, Paradoxas: & Ciuilistae, Regulas iuris denominant. Ipsa reuera non [Page] arg [...]mentorum vi, aut demonstrationibus logicis dignoscuntur: Sed vt secundo Posteriorum docetur, inductione, via sensus & memoriae, adipiscuntur. Quare & primo Phisicorum phylosophus dicit, quod principia non fiunt ex alijs, neque ex alterutris, sed ex illis alia fiunt, quo primo Topicorū scribitur, quod vnumquodque principiorum est sibi ipsi fides. Vnde, cum nega [...]tibus ea, dicit Phylosopus, non est disputandum: quia, vt scribitur [Page] vj. Ethicorum, ad principia non est ratio. Igitur principijs imbuendi sunt, quiqui gliscunt aliquas intelligere facultates. Ex eis etenim, reuelantur causae finales, ad quas, rationis ductu, per principiorum agnitionem, peruenitur; vnde, his tribus, videlicet, Principijs, Causis, & Elementis ignoratis, scientia, de qua ipsa sunt, penitus ignoratur. Et his cognitis, etiam scientiam illam cognitam esse, non determinaté, sed in confuso & [Page] vniuersaliter arbitratur.

Sic Legem diuinam nos nosse indicamus, dum fidem, charitatem, & spem, sacramenta quoque Ecclesiae ac Dei mandata, nos intelligere sentiamus; cetera Theologiae mysteria Ecclesiae presidentibus relinquentes. Quare dominus discipulis suis ait: Vobis datum est nosse mysterium regni Dei, caeteris autem in parabolis, vt videntes non videant, &c. Et Apostolus dixit, non plus sapere quam oportet sapere. Et alibi, [Page] non alta sapientes. Sic & tibi, Princeps, necesse non erit misteria legis Angliae longo disciplinatu rimare, sufficiet tibi, vt in Grammatica tu pro [...]cisti, etiam & in legibus proficias. Gammaticae vero perfectionem, quae ex Ethimologia [...], Ortographia, Prosodia, & Syntaxi, quasi ex quatuor fontibus profluit, non specie tenus induisti, & tamen grāmatica sufficienter eruditus es, ita vt merito grā maticus denomineris. Consimiliter quo (que) denominari legista mereberis, si legum principia [Page] & causas, vsq ad elementa, discipuli more indagaueris. Non enim expediet tibi, propria sensus indagine, legis sacramenta rimare, sed relinquātur illa iudicibus tuis & aduocatis, qui in regno Angliae seruientes ad legem appellantur similiter & allis peritis, quos Apprenticios vulgus denominat: melius enim per alios, quam per teipsum iudicia reddes, quo, proprio ore, nullus regum Angliae iudicium proferre vsus est, & tamen sua sunt omnia iudicia regni licet per alios ipsa [Page] reddātur, sicut & Iudicū omnium sententias, Iosaphat asseruit esse iudicia dei. Quare, tu princeps serenissime, paruo tēpore, parua industria, sufficienter eris in legibus regni Angliae eruditus, dummodo ad eius apprehensionem tu cōferas animū tuū. Dicit nā (que) Seneca in epistola ad Lucillum: Nil est qd pertinax opera, & diligens cura, nō expugnat. Nosco namque ingenij cui per [...]picacitatē, quo audacter pronuncio, qd in legibus illis, licet earum peritia, qualis iudicibus necessaria est, vix, xx. [Page] annorum lucubrationibus acquiratur, tu doctrinam Principi congruam in anno vno sufficienter nancisceris, nec interim militarem disciplinam, ad quam tam ardenter anhelas, negliges, sed ea, recreationis loco, etiam anno illo, tu ad libitum perfrueris.

A King, whose gouernement is politike, cannot change the Lawes of his Realme. Chap. 9·

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THe secōd point, most worthy prince, wherof you stand in feare, shal in like maner, & as easely as the other, be confuted. For you stand in doubt, [Page] whether it bee better for you, to giue your mind to the studie of the lawes of England, or of the Ciuile lawes, because they thorowout the whole world are aduanced in glory and renowne aboue all other mans lawes. Let not this scruple of minde trouble you, O most noble Prince: For the king of England cannot alter nor change the lawes of his Realme at his pleasure. For why, hee gouerneth his people by power, not only royall, but also politique. If his power ouer thē were roial only, thē he might change the lawes of his realme, & charge his subiects with Tallage & other burdens without their consent, & such is the dominion that the ciuill Law purporte, [Page] whē they say, The Prince his pleasure hath the force of a Law. But from this, much differeth the power of a King, whose gouernment ouer his people is politique, For he can neither change Lawes without the consent of his subiects, nor yet charge them with strange impositions against their wils. Wherfore his people do franckly and freely enioy and occupie their own goods, being ruled by such lawes as they themselues desire, Neither are they pilled either of their owne king or of any other, Like plesure also & freedome haue the subiects of a king ruling only by power royal, so long as hee falleth not into tyrannye. Of such a King speaketh Aristotle [Page] in the third Booke of his Ciuill Philosophie, saying, that it is better for a Citie to bee gouerned by a good King, then by a good Lawe. But forasmuch as a King is not euer such a man, therefore Saint Thomas in the Booke, which hee wrote to the King of Cyprus, Of the gouernance of Princes, wisheth the state of a Realme to bee such, that it may not bee in the kings power to oppresse his people with tyrannie, Which thing is performed onely, while the power Royall is restrained by power politique. Reioice therefore, O soueraigne Prince, and bee glad, that the Lawe of your Realme, wherein you shall succeed, is such, [Page] For it shall exhibite and minister to you and your people no small securitie and comfort. With such Lawes as saith the same St. Thomas should al man kinde haue beene gouerned, if in Paradise they had not trāsgressed Gods commandement, with such Lawes also was the Sinagogue ruled, while it serued vnder God only as King, who adopted the same to him for a peculiar kingdome, But at the last, when at their request they had a man king set ouer them, they were then vnder royall Lawes onely brought very lowe, And yet vnder the same Lawes, while good Kings were their Rulers: they liued wealthily, and when wilfull and tyrannous [Page] Kings had the gouernmēt of them, then they continued in great discomfort and misery, as the booke of Kings doth more plainly declare. But for so much, as I suppose, I haue sufficiētly debated this matter in my worke which at your request I compiled of the nature of the law of nature, therfore at this time I surcease to speake thereof any more.

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SEcundum vero, Princeps, quod tu formidas, consimili nec maiori opera elidetur. Dubitas nēpe, an Anglorum [Page] legum, vel ciuilium studio te conferas, dum Ciuiles supra humanas cunctas leges alias, fama per orbem extollat gloriosa. Non te conturbet, fili Regis, haec mentis euagatio: Nam non potest rex Angliae, ad libitum suum, leges mutare regni sui. Prineipatu nam (que), nedum regali, sed & politico, ipse suo populo dominatur. Si regali tantum ipse praeesset eis, Leges regni sui mutare ille posset, Tallagia quoque & caetera onera eis imponere ipsis inconsultis, quale dominiū denotant leges [Page] ciuiles, cum dicant qd principi placuit, legis habet vigorem. Sed longe aliter potest Rex, politice imperās genti suae, quia nec leges ipse sine subditorum assensu mutare poterit, nec subiectum populum renitentē onerare impositionibus peregrinis, quare populus eius libere fruetur bonis suis, legibus, quas cupit regulatus, nec per Regem suum, aut quemuis alium depilatur, consimī liter tamen plaudit populus, sub Rege regalit tantum principante, dummodo ipse in tyrannidem non labatur. [Page] De quali rege dicit philosophus iij. politicorū, quod melius est Ciuitatem regi viro optimo, quam lege optima. Sed quia non semper contingit praesidentē populo, huiusmodi esse virum, sanctus Thomas in libro, quem Regi Cipri scripsi [...], de tegmine principum, optare censetur, regnū sic institui, vt rex non libere valeat populum tyrannide gubernare, quod solum fit, dum potestas Regia lege politica cohibetur: Gaude igitur, princeps optime, talem esse legem regni, in quo tu successurus [Page] es, quia, & tibi, & populo, ipsa securitatem praestabit non minimā & solamen. T [...]li lege, ut dicit idem sanctus, regulatū fuisse totū genus humanum, si in paradi [...]o Dei mandatū non praeterijsset tali etiā lege regebatur Sinagoga, dum sub solo Deo, Rege, qui, eam in regnum peculiare adoptabat, illa militaba [...], sed demum eius petitione, rege homine sibi constituto, sub lege tantum regali ipsa deinceps humiliata est. Sub qua tamen, dum optimi Reges sibi praesuerunt, ipsa plausit, & dum [Page] discoli ei praeessebant, ipsa incōsolabiliter lugebat, vt regum liber haec distinctus manifestauit. Tamen quia de materia ista in opus culo, quod tui contemplatione de natura legis naturae exaraui, sufficienter puto me desceptasse, plus inde loqui iam desisto.

Heere the Prince demandeth a question. Cha. 10.

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TVnc princeps il lico sic ait. Vnde hoc cancellarie, quod Rex vnus plebem suam regaliter tantū regere valeat, & regi alteri potestas huiusmodi denegatur, aequalis fastigij cum sint Reges [Page] ambo, cur in potestate sint ipsi dispares nequeo non admirari.

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IMmediatly the Prince thus said. How commeth this to passe, good Chancellour, that one King may gouerne his people by power Royall onely, & that another king can haue no such power, seing both these Kinges are in dignitie equall, [Page] I cannot chose but much muse & marueile why in power they should thus differ.

The answer to this question is here omitted, for that in an another worke it is handled at large. Chap. 11.

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I Haue sufficiently, quod the Chancellor, declared in my foresaid worke, that the King, whose gouernmēt is politike, is of no lesse power, thē he that royally ruleth his people after his owne pleasure, howbeit they differ in aucthority ouer their subiects, as in the same work I haue shewed, and say I still. Of which difference I will open vnto you the cause as I can.

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CAncellariꝰ. Nō minoris esse potestatis, regē politicè imperantem, quā qui, vt vult, regaliter regit populū suū, in supradicto opusculo sufficiēter est ostēsum, diuersae tamē auctoritatis eos in subditos suos ibidēvt iā nullatenꝰ denegaui, cuius diuersitatis causam, vt potero, tibi pādam.

How kingdomes ruled by royall gouernment only first began. Chap. 12.

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Men in times passed, excelling in power, [Page] gredy of dignitie & glorie, did many times by plaine force subdue vnto them their neighbors ye nations adioyning: & cōpelled thē to do them seruice & to obey their cōmandements, which commandements afterward they decréed to be vnto those people very lawes. And by long sufferāce of the same, the people so subdued, being by their subduers defended from ye iniuries of other, agreed and consented to liue vnder the dominiō of the same their subduers, thinking it better for thē to be vnder the empire of one man, which might be able to defend thē against other, then to bee in danger to bee oppressed of all such as would violently offer them any wrong. [Page] And thus certaine kingdomes were begun, And those subduers thus ruling the people vnto them subdued, tooke vpon them of ruling to bee called rulers, which our language termeth kings, And their rule or dominion was named onely royall or kingly. So Nemroth was the first that got vnto himself a Kingdome, And yet in the holy Scriptures he is not called a King, but a stout and mightie hunter before the Lord: For like as a Hunter subdueth wilde beastes liuing at their libertie: so did he bring men vnder his obedience. So did Belus subdue the Assirians, & Ninns the most part of Asia. So also did the Romans vsurpe the Empire of the [Page] whole world, & thus almost were the kingdoms of all nations begunne. Wherefore ye Lord, being displesed with ye childrē of Israel requiring to haue a king, as thē al other nations had, cōmanded the law regall to bee declared vnto thē by the Prophet. Which law regal was no other thing, but the pleasure of the king their gouernor, as in ye 1. booke of the kings more fully it is cōtained. Now you vnder stand, as I suppose, most noble Prince, the forme & fashion of ye beginning of those kingdomes, yt be regally possessed and ruled. Wherfore, now I wil assay to make plain to you, how & by what meanes ye gouernmēt of ye kingdom politique, tooke his first [Page] entrance & beginning, to the end & intent, that whē you know the beginnings of them both, it may bee right easie for you thereby to discerne the cause of the diuersitie, which in your questiō is conteined.

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HOmines quō dam, potentia [Page] praepollentes, auidi dignitatis & gloriae, vicinas saepe gentes sibi viribꝰ subiugarunt, ac ipsis seruire obtemperare quo (que) iussionibus suis cō pulerūt, quas iussiones extunc leges ho minibꝰ illis esse ipsi sancierūt. Quarum perpetione d [...]utina, subiectus sic populus, dū per subijciē tes à ceterorū iniurijs defēdebatur, in subijciētium dominiū consentierunt: Oportunius esse arbitrātes, se vniꝰ subdi imperio, quo erga alios defenderē tur, quam omnium eos infestare volentium oppressionibꝰ exponi. Sic (que) regna [Page] quaedam inchoata sunt, & subijcientes illi, dum subiectum populum sic rexerunt, a regaendo sibi nomen regis vsucparunt, eorum quo (que) dominatus tantum regalis dictꝰ est. Sic Nēbroth primus sibi regnum cōparauit, tamen non rex, ipse, sed Robustut venator coram domino sacris litteris appellatus est: Quia vt v [...]nator feras libertate fruētes, ipso ho mines sibi compescuit obedire. Sic Belus Assyrias: & Ninus quam magnam Afiae partem, ditioni suae subegerunt. Sic & Ronani orbis imperium [Page] vsurparunt qualiter feré in omnibus gē tibus regna inchoata sunt. Quare, dum filij Israel regē postulabant, sicut tunc habuerunt omnes gentes, dominus inde offensus, legem regalē eis per Prophetam explanari mandauit. Quae nō aliud fuit, quam pla citum regis eis praeessentis, vt in primo Regum libro plenius edoceretur. Ha bes nunc (ni fallor) Princeps clarissime, formā exordij regnorū, regaliter possessorum. Quare, quomodo regnum politice regulatum, primitus erupit, etiam iam propalare [Page] conabor, vt cognitis amborum regnorum initijs, causam diuersitatis, quam tu quaeris, inde elicere tibi facillimum sit.

¶ How Kingdomes of politique gouernance were first begun. Chap. 13.

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SAint Augustine in the xxiii. chapter of his xix booke de Ciuitate Dei, saith, That a people is a multitude of men associated by the consent of law, & communion of wealth. And yet such a people being headlesse, that is to say, without a head, is not worthy to bee called a bodie. For as in things naturall, when the head is cut off, the residue is not called a bodie [Page] but a truncheon, so likewise in things polititique, a communaltie without a head is in no wise corporate: Wherefore, Aristotle in the first booke of his ciuill philosophie saith, that whensoeuer one is made of many, among the same, one shall be the ruler, and the other shall be ruled, wherfore a people that will raise themselues into a kingdome, or into any other bodie politique, must euer appoint one to be chiefe ruler of the whole bodie, which in kingdomes is called a King. And this kinde of order, as out of the embrion riseth a bodie naturall, ruled by one head, euen so of a multitude of people ariseth [Page] a kingdome, which is a bodie mystical, grounded by one man as by an head And like as in a naturall body, as saith the Philosopher, the heart is the first that liueth, hauing within it bloud, which it distributeth among al the other members, whereby they are quickned and doe liue: semblably in a body politique, the intent of the people is the first liuely thing, hauing within it bloud, that is to say, polititique prouision for the vtilitie and wealth of the same people, which it dealeth forth and imparteth aswell to the heade as to all the members of the same bodie, whereby the bodie is nourished & maintained. Furthermore the law vnder [Page] the which a multitude of men is made a people, representeth ye semblance of sinewes in the body natural: because that like as by sinewes the ioyning of the body is made sound, so by the Law, which taketh the name a ligādo, that is, to wit of binding, such a mistical body is knit & preserued together: & the mē bers & bones of ye same body, wherby is represented the soundnes of ye wealth wherby ye body is sustayned, do by the laws, as the natural body by sinewes, retein euery one their proper functions: And as the head of a body natural cā not change his sinewes, nor cannot deny or wthold from his inferior mēbers their peculiar powers, & seuerall nourishments of [Page] blood, no more can a king, which is the head of a bodie politike, change the Lawes of that bodie, nor withdraw from the same people their proper substance against their wils and consentes in that behalfe. Now you vnderstand, most noble Prince, the forme of institution of a Kingdome politique, whereby you may measure the power, which the King thereof may exercise ouer the Law and subiects of the same. For such a king is made and ordained for the defenc [...] of the law of his subiects & of their bodies, and goods, whereunto he receiueth power of his people, so that he can not gouerne his people by any other power. Wherefore [Page] to satisfie your request, in that you desire to be certified, how it cō meth to passe that in the powers of Kings there is so great diuersitie: Surely in mine opinion the diuersity of the institutions or first ordināces of those dignities, which I haue now declared, is the onely cause of this foresaide difference, as of the premises by the discourse of reason you may easely gather. For thus the Kingdome of England out of Brutes retinue of the Troyanes, which hee broughte out of the Coastes of Italie and Greece, first grewe to a politique and regall dominion: Thus also Scotlande, which sometime was subiect to [Page]Englande as a Dukedome thereof, was aduanced to a politique and royall Kingdome. Many other kingdomes also had thus their first beginning not onely of regall but also of politique gouernment. Wherefore Diodorus Siculus in his second booke of old histories, thus writeth of the Egyptians: The Egyiptian kings liued first, not after the licentious manner of other rulers, whose will and pleasure is in steade of law, but they kept themselues as priuate persons in subiection of the laws, And this did they willingly, being perswaded that by obeying the lawes they should bee blessed. For of such rulers, as followed their owne lustes, [Page] they supposed many thīgs to be done, whereby they were brought in danger of diuers harms & perils. And in his fourth Booke thus he writeth: The Ethiopian king as soone as he is created, hee ordereth his life according to the laws, & doth al things after the maner & custome of his countrie, assigning neither reward nor punishmēt to any mā, other then the law made by his predecessours appointeth. Hee reporteth likewise of the king of Saba in Arabia the happy, & of certain other kings which in old time honorably reigned.

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SAnctus Augustinus in libro xix. de Ciuitate Dei, cap. xxiij. dicit, Quod populus est caetus hominū, iuris consensu & vtilitatis cōmunione sociatus. Nec tamē populus hm̄odi dux acephalus, (.i.) sine capite, esse corpus vocari meretur. Quia vt in naturalibus, capite detrūcato, residuū non corpus, [Page] sed truncum ap pellamus, sic & in politicis, sine capite communitas nullatenus corporatur: Quo, primo polit. dicit Philosophus, quod quādocunque ex pluribus constituitur vnū inter illa, vnum erit regens, & alia erūtrecta, Quare populum se in regnū aliunde corpus politicum erigere volentē, semper oportet vnum praeficere totius corporis illius regitiuum, quem Regem nominare solitū est. Hoc ordine, sicut ex embrione corpꝰ surgit phisicum, vno capite regulatum, sic ex populo erūpit regnum, [Page] num, quod corpus extat mysticū vno homine vt capite gubernatum. Et sicut in naturali corpore, vt dicit Philosophus, cor est primū viuens, habens in se sanguinē, quē emittit in omnia eius membra, vnde illa vegetātur & viuunt: sic in corpore politico intēsio populi primum viuidum est, habens in se sanguinem, viz. prouisionē politicam vtilitati populi illius, quā in caput & in omnia membra eiusdem corporis, ipsa transmittit, quo corhus illud alitur & vegetatur. Lex vero sub qua [Page] caetus hominum, po pulus efficitur, neruorū corporis phisici tenet rationem: Quia sicut per neruos compago corporis solidatur, sic per legem, quae à ligando dicitur, corpus huiusmodi misticū ligatur & seruatur in vnū, & eius dē corporis mēbra acossa, quaeveritatis qua cōmunitas illa sustētatur, soliditatē denotant, per legē, vt corpus naturale per neuos propria, retinent iura: Et vt nō potest caput cor porisphisici, neruos suos cōmutare, neque mēbris suis pro prias vires, & propria sanguinis alimēta [Page] denegare, nec rex, qui caput corporis polici est, mutare potest leges corporis illius, nec eiusdē populi substātias proprias sub trahere, reclamantibus eis aut inuitis. Habes ex hoc iam, princeps [...], instituti omnis politici regni formā, ex qua metiri poteris potestatē, quā Rex eius in leges ipsius, aut subdi tos valeat exercere. Ad tutelā nā (que) legis subditorū, ac eorū corporū, & bonorū, rex huiusmodi erectus est, & ad hāc, potestatē a populo effluxā ipse habet, quo ei non licet potestate alia suo [Page] populo dominari: quare vt postulationi tuae, qua certiorari cupis, vnde hoc ꝓuenit qd potestates regū tā diuersimode variantur suc cinctius satisfaciā. Firme cōiector, qd diuersitates institutionū dignitatū illarū, quas ꝓpalaui, p̄dictādiscrepantiā solūmodo operantur, ꝓut rationis discursu, tu ex praemissis poteris exhaurire. Sic nam (que) Regnum Angliae, qd ex Bruti comitiua Troianorū, quā ex Italiae & Graecorū finibus ꝑduxit, in dominiū politicū, & regale, ꝓ rupit: Sic & Scotia, quae ei quondā vt ducatꝰ[Page]obediuit, in regnū creuit politicū & regale. Alia quo (que) plurima regna, nedū regaliter sed & politice regulari, tali origine ius sortita sunt. Vnde Diodorꝰ Siculus in secundo libro historiarū priscarum de Egyptijs, sic scribit: suam primum Egyptij reges vitam non aliorum regnantium, quibus voluntas pro lege est, traducebant licentia, sed veluti priuati tenebantur legibus, neque id egre ferebant, existimantes parendo legibus, se beatos fore. Nam ab his, qui suis indulgerent cupiditatibus, [Page] multa censebant fieri, quibus dampna pericula (que) subirent. Et in quarto libro sic scribit: Assumptus in Regem Ethiopum, vitam ducit statutam legibꝰ omniaque agit iuxta patrios mores, neque premio, neque pena afficiens quenquam, praeter per traditam a superioribus legem. Consimiliter loquitur de rege Saba in foelici Arabia, & alijs quibusdam regibꝰ qui priscis temporibus feliciter regnabāt.

Here the Prince compendiously abridgeth all that the Chauncellor afore hath discoursed at large. Cha. 14.

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CVi Princeps, Effugasti, Can [Page] cellarie, declarationis tuae lumine tenebras, quibus obducta erat acies mē tis meae, quo clarissime iam conspicio, quod non alio pacto gens aliqua, proprio arbitrio, vnquam se in regnum corporauit, nisi vt per hoc, se & sua, quorum dispendia formidabant, tutius quam antea possiderent, quasi proposito gēs huiusmodi fraudaretur, si exinde facultates eorum eripere possit Rex suus, quod antea facere vlli hominum nō licebat. Et adhuc grauiꝰ multo populus talis laederetur, [Page] si deinde peregrinis legibus, etiam ipsis forsan exosis, regerentur. Et maxime, si legibus illis, eorum minoraretur substantia, pro cuius vitāda iactura, vt pro suorum tutela corporum, ipsi se Regis imperio, arbitrio proprio, submiserunt, non potuit reuera potestas huiusmodi ab ipsis erupisle: & tamen si non ab ipsis, Rex huiusmodi super ipsos nullam obtineret potestatem. E regione, aliter esse concipio de regno, quod Regis solum auctoritate & potentia incorporatum est, [Page] qui non alio pacto gēs talis ei subiecta est, nisi vt eius legibus, quae sunt illius placita, gens ipsa, quae eodem placito regnum eius effecta est, obtemperaret & regeretur. Neque, Cancellarie, a mea hucusque memoria elapsum est, quod alias in tractatu de natura legis naturae, horum duorū regū aequalem esse potē tiam, doctis rationibus ostendisti, dum potestas, qua eorū alter perperam agere liber est, libertate hm̄di nō augetur, vt posse languescere, moriue, potentia nō est, sed propter priuationes inadiecto, [Page] impotentia potius denominandum. Quia vt dicit Boetius, potentia non est nisi ad bonum, quod posse male agere, vt potest Rex regaliter regnans, liberius quam Rex politice dominans populo suo, poti us eius potestatem miniut, quam augmentat. Nam sancti spiritus, iam confirmati in gloria, qui peccare nequeunt potentiores nobis sunt, qui ad omne facinus liberis gaudemus habenis. Solum igitur mihi iam superest a te sciscitandum, si Lex Angliae, [Page] ad cuius disciplina [...]um me prouocas, bona & efficax est ad regimen regni illius, vt lex ciuilis, quasacrum regulatur imperiū ▪ sufficiens arbitratur ad orbis regimen vniuersi? Si me in hoc, demonstrationibus congruis, indubium reddideris, ad studiū legis illius ilico me cō [...]erā nec te postulatio nibꝰ meis super his, amplius fatigabo.

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TO whom the Prince thus answered. You [Page] haue, good Chancellour, with the cleare light of your declaratiō quite driuen away the cloudy mist, wherewith the brightnes of my mind was darkned: so that I do most euidētly see that no natiō did euer of their owne voluntarie minde incorporate themselues into a kingdom for any other intent, but only to the end, yt thereby they might with more safetie then before maintaine thē selues, & enioy their goods from such misfortunes & losses as they stood in fear of, And of this intēt shuld such a natiō be vtterly defrauded, if then their king might spoile them of their goods, which before was lawfull for no man to do. And yet should such a people be much more iniured, [Page] if they should afterward bee gouerned by forreine and straunge Lawes, yea and such as they peraduenture deadly hated and abhorred. And most of all, if by those Lawes, their substance should bee diminished, for the safegard whereof, as also for the defence of their own bodies, they of their owne free will submitted themselues to the gouernance of a King, no such power surely could haue proceeded frō them: And yet if they had not beene, such a King could haue had no power ouer them. Now on the other side I perceiue it to stande muche otherwise with a kingdome, which onely by the authoritie of a king is incorporate, [Page] For such a Nation is no otherwise subiect vnto him, but that the same Natiō which by his pleasure is made his kingdome, should obey his Lawes, and bee ruled by the same beeing nothing else but his like pleasure. Neither haue I yet, good Chauncellour, forgotten that, which in your treatise of the nature of the Lawe of Nature, you haue with pithie reasons clarkely prooued: concerning that the power of these two kings is equal. Howbeit ye power of the one, whereby hee is at liberty to deale wrōgfully, is not by such liberty augmented and increased, as to be of habilitie to decay and dy, is no hability, but in respect of ye priuation [Page] and feblenes in the thing, it is rather to be called a dishabilitie. Because that as Boetius saith: hability and power is not but to good: So that to bee of habilitie or power to doe euill, (as is the king that Regally doth rule, and that with much more libertie, then the King that hath a politike dominion ouer his people) is rather a diminution then an increase of power. For the holy spirits, which are now established in glorie, and cannot sinne, doe in power far excell and passe vs which haue a delight & pleasure to run headlōg into all kinde of wickednes. Now therfore I haue but this one only questiō to demande of you, whether the law of England, [Page] to the studie whereof you exhort me, be as good and effectuall for the gouernment of that kingdome, as the Ciuill law, whereby the holy empire is gouernned, is thought sufficient for the gouernment of the whole world? If wt sound reasons and apparant demonstrations you resolue me in this point, I will streight yeeld mee to the studie of the Lawe, without further troubling you with my questions in this matter.

That all Lawes are the law of nature, customes, or statutes. Chap. 15.

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THe Chācelor answered saying: you haue wel cōmitted to memory, most worthy Prince, all that I haue hitherto declared vnto you, Wherefore [Page] you are well worthy to haue this doubte opened, whereupon now you haue mooued your question. You shall therefore vnderstand, that all humane Lawes are either the Law of nature, or customes, or els statutes, which are also called constitutions. But customes and the sentences of the Law of nature, after that they were once put in writing, and by the sufficient authoritie of the Prince published & commaunded to bee kepte were changed into the nature of constitutions, or statutes, & did after that more penally, then before, binde the subiectes of the Prince to the keeping of thē, by the seueritie of his commandemēt, [Page] Of this sorte are the most part of the Ciuile lawes, which of the Romane Princes are digested in great volumes & by their authoritie commanded to bee obserued. And not they onely are called by the name of the Ciuill Law, but also al the other statutes of Emperours. Now then, if that among these three welsprings of all Law, I proue the preeminence of the Lawe of England to excell aboue the rest: I shall therewith proue the same Law to be good and effectual for the gouernment of the kingdome. And further, if I doe shew it to be as commodious for the wealth of that Realme, as the Ciuill Lawes are for the wealth of the Empire, [Page] then shal I make euidēt & plain not only yt this law is of much excellency, but also that it is an elect and chosen law, as well as the Ciuill laws are: which is ye thing that you require. Wherefore to the proofe and declaratiō of these ij. points, thus I proceede.

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CAncellarius, memoriae tuae, Princeps optime, commendasti, quae tibi hucusque suggessi, quare & [Page] quae iam interrogas, meritus es vt pandam. Scire te igitur volo, quod omnia iura humana, aut sunt lex naturae, consuetudines, vel statuta, quae & constitutiones appellantur. Sed consuetudines & legis naturae sentētiae postquā in scripturā redactae, & sufficienti auctoritate principis promulgatae fuerint, ac custodiri iubeātur, in constitutionū siuestatutorū naturam mutantur, & deinde penalius, quā antea subditos principis ad earum custodiam constringunt, seueritate mādati illius, [Page] qualis est legum ciuiliū pars non modica, quae a Romanorum principibus in magnis voluminibus redigitur, & eorum auctoritate obseruari mādatur▪ Vnde legis Ciuilis, vt caetera Imperatorū statuta, iam pars illa nomen sortita est, Si igitur in his tribus quasi omnis iuris fontibus, legis Angliae praestantiā probauerimpraefulgere, legem illam, bonam esse & efficacem, ad regni illius regimen, etiam comprobaui. Deinde si eam, ad eiusdem regni vtilitatem, vt leges ciuiles ad imperij bonum, [Page] accommodam esse lucide ostenderim, nedum tunc legem illam praestantē, sed &, vt leges ciuiles, electam (vt tu optas) etiam patefeci. Igitur haec duo tibi ostendere satagens, sic progredior.

The Law of nature in all countries, is all one. Chap. 16.

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LEges Angliae in his, quae ipsae sā ciūt legis naturae ratione, non meliores peioresue sunt in iudicijs suis, quā in cōsimilibꝰ sunt omnes leges caeterarum nationū. Quia, vt dicit Philosophus 5. Ethicorū: Ius naturale est, quod apud omnes homines[Page]eandem habet potentiam, quare de ea amplius disceptare non expedit. Sed quales sunt Angliae cōsuetudines similiter & statuta, est amodo perscrutādū, & primo consue [...]udinū illarum visitabimus qualitates.

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THe laws of Englad, in those thīgs, which they by force of the Law of nature do ratifie & establish, are neither better nor worse in their iudgements, then the lawes of all other nations are in ye like cases. For as Aristotle in the 5. booke of his Morall Philosophie saith: The Law of nature is that which among all people [Page]hath like strength and power, wherefore hereof to reason any longer it shall not auaile. But now henceforth we will search out what manner of Customes & Statutes these of England are. And first the quallitie of those customes wee will consider.

¶The Customes of England are of most ancient antiquitie, practised and receiued of v. seuerall Nations, from one to another, by succession. Chap. 17.

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THe Realme of England, was first inhabited of the Britons, next after them the Romanes had the rule of the land and then againe the Britons possessed it, after whom the Saxons inuaded it, who changing the name thereof did for Britaine call it England, after [Page] then for a certain time the Danes had the dominion of the Realme, and then Saxons againe, but last of all the Normans subdued it, whose discent continueth in the gouernment of the kingdome at this present. And in all the times of these seueral nations & of their kings, this realme was stil ruled with the selfe same customes, that it is now gouerned withall. Which, if they had not been right good, some of those kings mooued either with Iustice, or with reason or affection, would haue changed thē, or els altogether abolished them, & especially the Romans, who did iudge all the rest of the world by their owne lawes. Likewise would [Page] other of ye [...]oresaid kings haue done, which by the sword, only possessing the realme of Englād, might by the like power & aucthority haue extinguished the Lawes thereof. And touching the antiquitie of the same, neither are the Romane Ciuile lawes, by so long continuance of ancient times, confirmed, nor yet ye Laws of ye Venetiās, which, aboue al other are reported to be of most antiquity, forsomuch as their Ilād in ye beginning of ye Britons was not thē inhabited, as Rome then also vnbuilded, neither ye laws of any Paynim nation of ye world, are of so old & ancient yeeres: Wherefore the contrarie is not to be said nor thought, but that the English customes [Page] are verie good, yea of all other the verie best.

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REgnū Angliae, primo per Britanos inhabitū est, deinde per Romanos regulatum, iterum (que) per Britanos, ac deinde per Saxones possessum, quī nomen eius ex Britannia, in Angliam mutauerunt: extunc [Page] per Danos idē regnum parumper dominatum est, & iterum ꝑ Saxones, sed finaliter per Normannos, quorum propago regnū illud obtinet in praesenti. Et in omnibus nationum harum & regum earū temporibus, regnum illud eisdem, quibus iam regitur, consuetudinibus continue regulatum est. Quae, si optimaenon extitissent, aliqui regum illorū, iustitia, ratione, vel affectione concitati eas mutassent, aut omnino deleuis sent, & maxime Romani, qui legibꝰ suis quasi totū orbis reliquū iudicabā. Similiter [Page] & alij regū praedictorū, qui solùm gladio regnum Angliae possiderunt, quo & potentia simili, ipsi, leges eius exinanissevaluerūt. Ne (que) vero tantorū tēporum curriculis, leges ciuiles, in quā tum Romanorum, inueteratae sunt, neque Venetorū leges, quae suꝑ alias antiquitate diuulgantur, quo rum tum insula, in initio Britonum, inhabitata non fuit, sicut nec Roma cōdita, nec vllorū mūdi regnorū deicolarū leges tanto aeuo inolitae sunt: Quare nō bonas, immo non optimas esse, Anglo rum consuetudines, [Page] sicut non dicere, ita nec suspicari fas est.

¶ Here he sheweth with what grauitie Statutes are made in England. Chap. 18.

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STatuta tunc Anglorū, bona sint necne, solum restat explorandum. Non enim emanant illa a principis solum voluntate, vt leges in regnis, quae tantum regaliter gubernantur, vbi quando (que) statuta ita constituentis procurant cō modum singulare, quod in eius subditorū ipsa redundant dispendium, & iacturam: Quando (que) etiam inaduertētia principū huiusmodi, & sibi consulentium inertia, ipsa [Page] tam inconsulte edūtur, qd corruptelarum nomina potius, quā legum, illa merentur. Sed non sic Angliae statuta oriri possunt, dum nedum principis voluntate, sed & totius regni assensu, ipsa conduntur, quo populi laesurā illa efficere nequeunt, vel non eorū cōmodū procurare. Prudentia, etiā & sapientia necessario ipsa esse referta putandū est, dum non vnius, aut centū solū consultorū virorū prudentia, sed plusquā trecentorū electorum hominum, quali numero olim senatus Romanorū, [Page] regebatur, ipsa editasūt, vt hij qui par liamēti Angliae formā, conuocationis quo (que) eius ordinem & modum, nouerunt, haec distinctius referre norūt. Et si statuta haec, tanta solemnitate & prudentia edita, efficatiae tantae, quantae cōditorū cupieba [...] intentio, non esse contingāt: concito reformari ipsa possunt, & non sine cō munitatis & procerum regni illiꝰ assē su, quali ipsa primitus emanarūt: patēt igitur iam tibi, princeps, legum anglorum species omnes. Earum quo (que) qualitates, vt si bonae [Page] ipsae sint, metiri tu poteris prudentia tua, comparatione etiam aliarum legum: & cum nullam tantae praestantiae in orbe reperies, eas nedum bonas, sed tibi optabilissimas fore, necessario confiteberis.

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NOw whether the statutes of England be good or not, that onely remaineth to bee discussed. For they proceed not only from the Princes pleasure, as doe the lawes of those kingdomes that are ruled onely by regall gouernement, where sometimes the statutes doe so procure the singular commodity of the maker, that they redound to the hinderance and dammage of his subiects: Sometimes also by the negligence & ouersight of such princes, and their sleight regard, respecting onely their owne commodities, they [Page] are so vnaduisedly made, that they are more worthy to haue the name of disorders, then of well ordered Lawes: But statutes can not thus passe in England, for so much as they are made not only by the Princes pleasure, but also by the assent of the whole Realme: so that of necessitie they must procure the wealth of the people, and in no wise tende to their hinderance. And it cannot otherwise be thought but that they are replenished with much wit and wisdome, seeing they are ordained not by the deuise of one man alone or of a hundred wise Councellers onely, but of moe then thrée hundred chosen men, much agréeing with the number of the ancient [Page] Senatours of Rome: as they that know the fashion of the Parliament of England, and the order and manner of calling the same together, are able more distinctly to declare. And if it fortune these Statutes beeing deuised with such great solemnity and witte, not to fall out so effectually, as the intent of the makers did wish: they may bee quickely reformed, but not without the assent of the commons, and states of the Realme, by whose authority they were first deuised: Thus most worthie Prince, you doe plainely vnderstand all the kindes of the Lawes of England. And touching their qualities, as whether they bee [Page] good or no, you shall be able to mesure that, as wel by your owne wit, as by comparing them with other lawes: And when ye shall finde non in ye whole world of like excellencie, you must of force grant them to be not only good, but also on your behalfe most to be embraced.

¶ Here hee deuiseth a meane how to know the diuersitie, betweene the Ciuill Lawes, and the Lawes of England. Chap. 19.

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ONe only doubt, wherwt your mind is troubled, remaineth now behind vndiscussed, And yt is this: whether as the ciuill laws, so likewise ye lawes of England, bee fruitfull and effectuall, these for the Realme of England, [Page] as the other for the Empire, and whether they may worthily bee iudged fitte and meete. Comparisons, most noble Prince, (as I remember I heard you once say) are compted odious. Wherefore I am loath to meddle with them: but whether they bee both of like worthynesse, or that the one deserueth an higher commendation then the other heereof you may gather a pithier argument, out of those points, wherein their sentences do differ, then by my declaration. For where bothe the Lawes doe agree, the praise of them is equall. But in cases where they disagree, the worthier Law is most praise worthy. [Page] Wherefore we will now propound some such cases, to the intent you may indifferently ponder and weigh, whether of these doth most iustly and better define the same: And first, wee will put foorth examples of cases of much weight.

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SOlum iam vnū de his, quibus agitatur animꝰ tuus, restat explanandū vz. an, vt Ciuiles, ita & Anglorum leges, frugi sint & efficaces, isti Angliae regno, vt illae imperio, [Page] etiā & accommodae iudicari mereantur. Comparationes vero, Princeps, vt te aliquādo dixisse recolo, odiosae reputantur: quo eas agredi non delectator: tu, an ae qualis sint ambae leges meriti, vnaue altera celsius praeconium mereatur, non ex meo iuditio, sed ex his, in quibus earum differunt sentētiae efficatius carpere poteris argumentum, Nam vbi conueniunt leges ambae, aequalis laudis ipsae sunt, sed in casibus, vbi ipsae, dissentiunt, praestā tioris legis praeconia, digna pensatione [Page] refulgent. Quare casus hm̄di aliquos iam in mediū proferemus, vt que legū illarum, eos iustius melius (que) definiat, aequa lance valeas pōderare & primo ex casibꝰ maximi ponderis, exempla proponamus.

¶ The first case wherein the Ciuill Lawes, and the Lawes of England doe differ Chap. 20.

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IF they that haue a matter of controuersie depending before a Iudge, come to the contestation of the suit vpon the matter of the deede, which the Lawiers of England call the issue of the plea: the truth of such an issue, by the ciuill Lawes, must be tried by the deposition [Page] of witnesses wherein two allowable witnesses are sufficient. But by the Lawes of England, the truth of the matter cannot appeare euident to the Iudge, without the oathes of twelue men neighbours to the place, where such a deed is supposed to bee done. Now therefore the question is, whether of these two so diuers procéedings ought to bee esteemed more reasonable and effectuall for the opening of the truth, which thus is sought for. For ye Law, that can more certainely and better shew the truth is in this behalfe of more excellency, then the other that is of lesse efficacie & force, wherefore in the search of this matter thus we proceed.

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SI coram Iudice contēdentes, ad litis perueniāt contestationem super materia facti quam Legis Angliae periti, exitum placiti appellant: Exitus huiusmodi veritas, per Leges Ciuiles, testiū depositione [Page] probari debet, in qua duo testes idonei sufficiunt: Sed per leges angliae veritas illa, non, nisi 12. hominum de vicineto, vbi factū huiusmodi supponitur, sacramēto, Iudici cō stare poterit. Quaeritur igitur, quis horum duorū processuū tam diue [...]sorū, rationabilior cēseri debeat & efficatior ad veritatē, quae sic quaeritur, reuelandā Quia lex, q̄eā certius melius (que) ostendere potest, praestā tior in hoc est lege altera quae non tantae efficatiae est & virtutis, quare in hu ius rei indagine sic procedimus.

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¶ Here are set forth the inconueniences proceeding of that Law, which no otherwise then by witnesses admitteth trials. Cha. 21.

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BY the Ciuill Lawes, the partie which in the issue holdeth the affirmatiue, must bring forth witnesses, which hee himselfe at his own pleasure shall name. But the negatiue cannot bee proued directly, though indirectlie it may. For the habilitie of him is thought to bee very small and weake, and his witte much lesse, which among all the men that hee knoweth, is not able to find two so voide of conscience and trueth, which for dread, loue, or profit, will not be readie to gainsay all truth. Such then may hee produce for witnesses on his side. [Page] And if the other partie would obiect any thing against them, or their sayings, it chanceth not euer, that they and their conditions & doings are knowen to the contrary partie, so that by reason of their foule liues & vicious behauiour such witnesses might be reproued. And while their sayings conteine ye affirmatiue, it shal bee very hard to reprooue thē by circūstances, or any other indirect meanes: who then shall be able to liue in surety of his goods or of himself vnder such a law, that ministreth such aide to euery busie body ye lusteth to troble another? And what 2. wicked men are so vnwary & vncircū spect, which touching the deede, whereof, they shal [Page] be examined in iudgemēt, will not, before they are called forth for witnesses, secretly imagine & deuise a forme and fashion therof, & frame therūto al circumstances, euen such, as must needs haue bin so, if the thing had bin true indeed? For the children of this world (saith the Lord) are wiser then the children of light. So the most wicked Iesabel brought foorth 2. witnesses of the children of Belial in iudgmēt against Nabot, wherby he lost his life, & King Achab her husband obtained ye possession of ye vinyarde. So the most chaste matron Susanna should haue died for aduoutrie by the witnes of two old dotards being iudges, if the Lord had not marueilously [Page] deliuered her by a wōderful feat of prudēce, which of nature the yong childe had not, being yet vnder age. And though ye same childe by their altering & doubling in their depositions did conuict thē to be false wretches, yet who (saue onely the Lord) could haue known that in their sayings they would thus haue disagreed? Seeing their was no Lawe that did mooue them to haue in remembrance what kind of tree it was, whereunder the fact was supposed to bee done. For the witnesses of euerie wicked deede are not thought to consider al circumstances apperteining to the same, beeing such as doe nothing helpe to [Page] the aggrauation and detection of the fault. But while those wicked Iudges, willingly swearing, did alter touching the kindes of trees, their owne wordes prooued them to bee false varlets: Wherefore they worthely suffered the same punishment themselues. You also, most gracious Prince, doe know how that lately Master Iohn Fringe, after that hee had continued three yeeres in the order of Priesthoode, was compelled by the deposition of two wicked persons, which witnessed that hee had, before hee was made Prieste, betrothed himselfe to a certaine yong woman, to forsake the holy order of Priesthoode, [Page] and to marrie the same woman. With whom when he had liued foureteene yeeres, and had begotten seuen children of her, at the last being conuicted of Treason, conspired against your Highnesse, hee confessed before all the people euen at the very point of death, that those witnesses were hyred, and that their depositions were false. And thus many times are iudgements peruerted by the meane of false witnesses, yea and that vnder the verie best Iudges, as vnto you it is not vnheard, nor to the worlde vnknowne, while this wickednesse (the more is the pittie) is often committed.

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PEr leges Ciuiles, pars, quae in litis contestationē affirmatiuādicit, testes ꝓ ducere debet, quos ipsemet ad libitum suū nominabit. Negatiua autē probari nō potest, vz. directe, licet possit ꝑ obliquū. Exilis quippe creditur esse potētiae, minoris quo (que) industriae, qui de oī bꝰ quos noscit hoībꝰ duos reperire nequit, ita conscientia & veritate vacuos, vt timore, amore, vel cōmodo, omni velint cōtraire veritati. Hos potes tunc ipso in testes produ cere in causa sua. [Page] Et si cōtra eos pars altera dicere velit, vel contra eorū dicta, non semper cō tinget, eos eorū quo que mores aut facta apud contradicere volentē, agnosci, vt ex eorū feditate & vitijs, testes illi possint reprobari Et dū eorūdicta affirmatiuā cōtineāt, nō facile poterūt illa ꝑ circumstantias aut obliqua alia improbari: Quis tūc poterit suorū aut sui [...]psius, sub lege tali, viuere securus, dū cuilibet, sibi inimicari volēti lex tale praestat subsidium? Et qui iniqui duo tam incauti sunt, quo facti, de quo ipsi examinabuntur [Page] in initio, non, antequā in testes producātur, occulte fingāt imaginem & figurā, componant quo (que) eidē oēs circumstantias, quales sibi fuissent, si illud in veritate constitisset? Prudē tiores nam (que) vt dicit dominus, sunt filij huius mundi quam filij lucis, Sic Iesabel sceleratissima, testes duos, filios Belial contra Nabot in iuditio produxit, quo ipse vitam perdidit, & Achab rex, eius vineā possidebat. Sic duorum senum etiam Iudicū testimonio, mortua fuislet pro adulterio, vxor castissima [Page] Susanna, si non eam miraculose liberasset dominꝰ inexcogitabili prudentia, quam a natura non habuit puer iunior, nondum aetate prouectꝰ. Et si ipsos, depositione sua varia, cōuicerat puer ille, esse falsarios, quis, nisi solū dominos, nouisse poterat eos in dictis suis taliter variaturos? dū, non de arboris natura, sub qua imputatum facinus fiebat, lex aliqua eos arctabat reminisci. Quia testes sceleris cuius (que) cōsiderare nō putā tur omnia vmbracula & caetera vicina illi facto, quae ad aggrauationē vel detectionēcriminis [Page] illiꝰ minimè operātur Sed dum de arborū speciebꝰ, iudices illi nequam vltro deponētes, variabant, eorum dicta ipsos veritatis fuisse praeuaricatores demōstrabant: quo & talionis paenā merito incurrerunt. Nosti & tu, Princeps diuine, qualiter iam tardé magister Iohannes Fringe, qui, postquam annis tribus sacerdotali functus est officio, duorum iniquorum depositione qui eum antea iuuenculam quandam affidasse testati sunt, sacrū presbiteratus ordinē relinquere cōpulsus est, [Page] & matrimoniū cū femina illa consummare. Cū qua, postquam annis 14. moratus, sobolē septimā suscitauerat, demū de crimine laesae maiestatis in tuā celsitudinem cōiurato conuictus, subornatos fuisse testes illos, & falsū dixisse testimonium, in mortis suae articulo, coram omni populo, fassus est. Qualiter & saepe peruerti iudicia, falsorum testium medio, etiam sub optimis iudicibus, non est tibi inauditum, nec incognitum mundo, dum scelus illud (proh dolor) creberrime commitatur.

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¶ Of the crueltie of Rackings. Chap. 22.

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THerefore the law of France, in offences criminal, wherupon death dependeth, is not content to conuict the party accused by witnesses least by the testimony of false persons, innocēt bloud should be condemned. But that law choseth rather to torment such offenders with racking, vntill they themselues confesse their own fault, rather then by the deposition of witnesses, which manye times through wicked affections, & sometimes by the subornation of euill men, are mooued to periurie. Upon this, and such like cantels & respects, offenders and suspect persons are in that realme with so many kinds of rackings [Page] tormented, that my penne abhorreth to put them in writing. For some are stretched out vpon a horse in such wise, that their sinewes breake and their vaines gushe out with streames of bloud: Again other some haue diuers great weightes hanged at their feete, whereby their lymmes and ioynts are dissolued and vnloosed: Some also haue their mouthes so long gaged open till such aboundance of water bee powred in, that their belly swelleth like a hill or a tonne, to the intent that then the belly being piersed with some boring instrument, the water may issue & spout out thereat, and at the mouth streamwise, not much vnlike a [Page] Whale, which, when he hath supped vp, and swallowed downe a great quantitie of Sea water, with herrings and other small fishes, gusheth out the same water againe, as high as the toppe of any Pine apple tree. My penne is both wearie and ashamed to rehearse the outragiousnes of torments deuised in this behalfe: For the number of them is so great, that it can skant well be noted in a whole skinne of parchement. Moreouer the Ciuill Lawes, for want of witnesses, doe fetch out the trueth by such rackinges: And so doe diuers other Countries too. But who is so harde harted, which being once [Page] released out of so cruell a Racke, though he bee innocent & faultlesse, would not yet rather accuse himselfe of all kindes of offences, then againe to commit himself to the intollerable crueltie of the torment once proued: and had not rather die at once (seeing death is the ende of all miseries) then so often to bee killed, and to sustaine so many hellish furies, painfuller then death it selfe? And did not you, most worthy Prince, know a certaine offender, which in such torments accused a worshippefull, yea a right good and faithfull Knyght of Treason, wherein, as hee saide, they two had conspired together, [Page] which treason, he himself beeing released from the racke, afterward attempted & accomplished, thereby to acquite himselfe from comming to the torture againe. But at the last, by meane of those torments beeing so maymed in his bodie, that thereby hee was brought in despaire of his life, and thereupon receiuing his howsell, he then swore by the same body of the Lord and by the death which he beleeued that hee should foorthwith die, that the said knight was innocent and guitlesse in all things whereof hee had accused him, howbeit the paines, wherein hee was at the time of that his accusation, hee said were so extreme, that rather then he [Page] would feele the same againe, he would not sticke to accuse the said Knight againe, yea and his owne Father to, This he said being then at the verie point of death, which hee beleeued hee could not then escape, no, nor hee escaped not the death which hee then feared. But afterward beeing hanged, at the time of his death hee cleared the saide Knight of all crimes whereof beefore hee had defamed him. Thus (O pittifull case) doe many other wretches, not for the truthes sake, but forced thereunto by the extremitie of torments, And what certainetie then can arise of the confessions of miserable tormented persons? [Page] But if some innocent bodie, hauing his minde fixed vpon eternall saluation, would in such a Babylonicall Fornace, with the three Children blesse and magnifie the LORD, and not lye to the damnation of his owne▪ soule, in that the Iudge pronounceth him vnguiltie, doth not that Iudge by the selfe same iudgement iudge himselfe guiltie of all the cruelty and paines, wherwith hee hath tormented the innocent? O how cruell is such a Lawe, which in that it can not condempne the syely innocent, condempneth the Iudge? Surely such a custome is not to bee accompted a law, but rather the highe [Page] way to the Deuill. O Iudge, in what Schoole hast thou learned to bee present, while ye offendor is tormented. For the executiōs of iudgemēts vpon offendors ought to be done by men of base degrée: the doers wherof do purchase to thēselues present infamie by the deede doing, insomuch that euer after they are disabled frō the prefermēt of a iudge: neither doth ye Lord God execute his iudgements, pronounced against the dampned, by angels, but by deuils. Yea & in Purgatory ye soules there remaining, though they bee predestinate to glorie, yet are they not tormented with good angels, but of euill. Those also are euill & wicked men by whom [Page] the Lord in this world doth minister to wretched sinners deserued punishment. For, when God said in the two and twentith Chapter of the third booke of Kings: Who shall deceiue Achab? It was an euil spirit that answered: I will be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his prophets. For it becommeth not a good spirit to take vpon him the execution of such thinges, though this iudgement proceeded from the Lord, that Achab should bee deceiued by a lye. But the Iudge peraduenture will say: I with mine owne hands did nothing in these torments. But what differeth it, whether one be a doer with his owne hands, or els bee present [Page] at the dooing, and the thing that is done to exasperate it vy his commaundement. It is onely the Master of the ship that bringeth it to the Hauen, though by his commandement an other bee the stirresman, I beleeue that the wound wherewith the minde of the Iudge thus tormenting any man is plagued, will neuer bee healed againe, especially while hee remembreth the extremitie of the paines sustained by the poore wretch in those miserable torments.

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NOn igitur cō tenta est lex Franciae in criminalibus, vbi mors imminet, rerum testibꝰ conuincere, ne falsidicorū testimonio sāguis innocēs condemnetur. Sed ma [...]ult lex illa reos tales torturis cruciari, quous (que) ipsi eorum reatum cōfiteātur, quā testium depositione qui saepe passionibus iniquis, & quando (que) subornatione malorum, ad periuria stimulantur. Quali cautione & astutia, criminosi etiam & de criminibus suspecti, tot torturarum in regno illo generibus [Page] affliguntur, quod fastidit calamus ea, literis designare▪ Quidam vero in equuleis extenduntur, quo eorum rumpuntur nerui, & venae in sanguinis fluēta prorumpūt: Quorundam vero, diuersorum ponderum pendulis dissoluuntur compagines & iuncturae: Et quorundam gaggantur ora, vsque dum per illa, tot aquarum infundantur fluenta, vt ipsorum venter montis tumescat more, quo tunc vēter ille, fos [...]orio vel simili percussus instrumē to, per os aquam illā euomat, ad instar [Page] Balenae, quae, cum halecibus & alijs pisciculis mare absorbuit, aquam despumat ad altitudinem arboris Pini. Piget (proh pudor) iam penna exquisitorum ad haec cruciatuū enarrare immania. Nam eorum variatus numerus vix notari poterit magna in membrana. Leges etiam ipsae Ciuiles, deficiente testium copia, in criminalibus, veritatem consimilibus extorquent tormentis: Qualiter & faciunt etiam quàm plurima Regna. Sed quis [...]am duri animi est, qui semel [Page] ab atroci tanto torculari laxatus, non potiús innocēs ille, omnia fateretur scelerum genera, quàm acerbitatem sic experti iterum subire tormenti, & non semel mori mallet, dum mors sit vltimum terribilium, quam toties occidi, & totidem gehennales furias morte amariores sustinere? Et nonne, princeps, tu nouisti criminosum quendam qui inter tormenta huiusmodi, militem nobilem, probum, & fidelem de proditione quadam, super qua, vt asseruit, ipsi duo insimul coniurarunt, [Page] accusare, qd & constāter postmodum ipse fecit, a torturis illis relaxatus, ne ite rum eadem tormenta ipsa ipse subiret. Sed demum, cū ex paenis illis laesus vs (que) ad mortis articulū infirmaretur, vltimū quo (que) viaticū, christi videlice [...] corpꝰ sumpsisset: Iurauit tunc super corpus illud, & ꝑ mortem, quā tunc protinus credidit se passurum, militem illū innocentē fuisse & immunemde omnibus in quibus eum accusauit, tamen ait paenas, in quibus ipse tempore delationis suae fuerat, ita atroces extitisse, qd [Page] priusquā eas iterū experiretur, etiā eū dem militē ille iterum accusaret, similiter & patrem proprium, licet tunc in mortis limine, quā non credidit se posse euadere, fuerit cō stitutus, necvero, ipse mortem, quā tūc metuit, euasit. Sed demum suspensus, tempore mortis suae ipsum militem purgauit ab omni crimine, de quo dudū defamauit. Taliter, proh dolor, & quā plures alij miseri faciunt, non veritatis causa, sed solum vrgentibꝰ torturis arctati, quid tunc certitudinis resultat, ex confessionibus taliter [Page] compressorum? Caeterum si innocē [...] aliquis non immemor salutis eternae in huiusmodi Babilonis fornace, cum tribus pueris benedicat domino, nec mentiri velit in perniciem animae suae, quo iudex eum pro nunciat innocentē, nōne eodē iudicio, Iudex ille, seipsum reum iudicat omnis saeuitiae & paenarum, quibus innocentem afflixit? O quā crudelis est lex talis, quae dum innocentem dampnare nequit, iudicē ipsa cō demnat? Vere non lex ritus talis esse perhibetur, sed pot [...] us semita ipsa est ad [Page] gehennā. O iudex quibus in Scholis didicisti, te praesentem exhibere, dum paenas luit reus? Exe cutiones quippe iudiciorum in criminosos, per ignobiles fieri conuenit: Nam earum actores, infames solent esse ipso facto, quo & ipsi de inde ad iudicialem apicem redduntur indigni: non enim per angelos, sed per daemones, exequi facit dominus iudicia sua reddita in damnatos. Nec reuera in purgatorio cruciāt animas, quā uis praedestinatas ad gloriam angeli boni, sed mali. Maligni etiā homines sunt perquos [Page] dominus in hoc mundo, miseris tribuit malum paenae. Nam, cū dixerat Deus iij. Regum in Capitulo vicesimo secundo: Quis decipiet mihi Ahab? malus erat spiritus, ille, qui respondit: Ego ero spiritus mē dax in ore omnium Prophetarum eius. Non enim decuit spiritum bonū exequi talia, licet a domino prodijt iudicium, quod Achab mendacio deciperetur. Sed dicet Iudex forsan: Ego nihil egi manibus meis in cruciatibus istis. Sed quid refert proprijs facere manibus, an [Page] praesentem esse, & quod factum est, mandato suo iterum atque iterum aggra [...]are: Solum magister nauis est qui eam ducit ad portum, licet eius mandato alij agitent proram. Credo quod vulnus, quo sauciatur animus iudicis paenas huiusmodi infligentis, nunquam in cica [...]cem veniet, maxime dum recolit a [...]erbitatem paena [...]u [...] miseri sic afflicti.

Here he sheweth that the Ciuill Law oft faileth in doing of Iustice. Chap. 23.

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PRaeterea, si ex contractibus, illatisue[Page]iniurijs, vel haereditatis titulo, ius accreuerit homini agendi in iudicio: si testes non fuerint, vel, si qui fuerint, moriantur, succumbet ipse agens in causa sua, nisi ius suū probare valeat ineuitabilibus coniecturis, qd facere crebro non contingit. Quare de domi nijs & alijs possessionibus iure ciuili regulatis, similiter & in omnibus actionibus cadentibus sub eodē iure, actiones agentium pro defectu testium quam pluries suffocantur, ita quod earum vix pars media optatum finem sortiatur. [Page] Qualis tunc est lex huiusmodi, quae iniuratis, taliter deficit in iustitia reddenda? dubito an [...]usta vocari mereatur, quia in eadem lege scribitur quod Iustitia vnicuiqu [...] tribuit quod suum est, quod non faciat lex talis.

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MOreouer, if by reasō of bargaining, or by[Page]suffering of iniuries, or by Title of inheritance, right doe accrewe to a man, to pleade in Iudgement: If there bee no witnesses, or if such as were witnesses bee deade, the Plaintife must needes let his Action fall, except hee bee able to prooue his right by ineuitable coniectures, which is seldome seene. Wherefore concerning Lordeshippes, and other possession ruled by the Ciuill Lawe, And in all Actions falling vnder the same Lawe, the Actions of the Plaintifes, for want of witnesses, many times are choaked, so that scante the halfe part of them attaineth to the desired [Page] ende. What manner of law then is this, which to them that sustain wrong thus faileth in yeelding Iustice? I doubt whether it deserueth to be called a iust Lawe, because in the same Law it is written, that Iustice rendreth to euerie man that which is his owne, But this cannot such a Law doe.

Here he declareth, how Counties are deuided, and Shirifes chosen. Chap. 24.

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EXposita iā forma, qua leges Ciuiles de veritate facti in Iudicio deducti iudicem erudiunt, superest vt modum, quo leges Angliae huiusmodi facti eliciunt veritatem etiā doceamus. [Page] Nam ambarum legum formulis contigue positis, qualitates earundū lucidius eminebunt: cum dicat Philosophus, quod opposita iuxta se posita magis apparent, Sed in hoc, Oratorum more (Prohemij loco) quaedam praenarrare congruet, quorum agnitione, deinde tractanda clarius patere queant, quare sic procedimus. Regnum Angliae per Comitatus, vt regnum Franciae per Balliuatus, distinguitur, ita vt non sit locus in Anglia, qui non sit infra [Page] corpus alicuius comitatus. Comitatus quoque diuiduntur in Hundreda, quae alicubi Wapentagia, nuncupantur. Hundreda vero diuidū tur per Villas, sub quarū appellatione cōtinētur & Burgi atque Ciuitates. Villarum etinim metae, non muris, aedificijs, aut stratis terminantur, sed agrorum ambitubꝰ, territorijs magnis, Hamiletis quibusdā & multis alijs, sicut aquarum, boscorum & vastorum terminis, quae iam non expedit nominibus designare, quia vix in Anglia est locus aliquis, [Page] qui non infra villarum ambitus contineatur, licet priuilegiati loci quidam infra villas de eisdem villis pars esse non censentur. Praeterea in quolibet comitatu est officiarius quidam vnus, regis vicecomes appellatus, qui inter caetera sui Officij ministeria omnium mandata & iudicia curiarum regis in comitatu suo exequenda, exequitur, cuius officium annale est, quò ei post annum, in eodem ministrare non licet, nec duobus tunc sequentibus annis ad idem officium reassumetur. [Page] Officiarius iste sic eligitur. Quolibet anno in crastino animarū, cōueniunt in scaccario regis omnes cōsiliarij eius tā domini Spirituales & tēporales, quam alij oēs iusticiarij, omnes Barones de scaccario, Clericus rotulorū, & quidā alij officiarij, vbi hij oēs cōmuni assēsu, nomināt de quolibet comitatu tres milites vel armigeros, quos inter caeteros eiusdem comitatus ipsi opinantur melioris esse dispositionis & famae, & ad officium vicecomitis comitatus illius melius dispositos: ex quibus Rex [Page] vnum tantū eligit, quem per literas suas patentes constituit Vicecomitē comitatus, de quo eligitur pro anno tunc sequente: sed ipse, antequam literas illas recipiat, iurabit super sancta dei Euangelia, inter articulos alios, quod bene fidelitet & indifferenter exercebit & faciet officiū suū toto anno illo, ne (que) aliquid recipiet colore aut causa officij sui, ab aliquo alio quam a rege.

His iam sic praesuppositis, ad eorum, quae quaerimus, indaginem procedamus.

§

NOw that we haue opened, after what maner the Ciuill Lawes doe enforme a Iudge of the trueth of a matter brought into iudgement, it is consequēt to declare by what meanes the lawes of England doe boult out the trueth of such a matter. [Page] For the orders of both the Lawes beeing laide together, the qualities of them both will more plainely appeare: forsomuch as the Philosopher saieth, that contraries, placed one by an other, will shewe themselues more euidently. But herein, after the manner of Oratours, in steade of a Proheme, it shall not be amisse, that wee open certaine thinges before, the knowledge whereof will giue light to things which heereafter shall come in talke, wherefore thus wee doe proceede. The Realme of England is deuyded into Counties, as the Realme of France, is into Baylywickes, so that in England there is no place [Page] that is not within the bodie of some Countie. Counties also are deuided into Hundreds, which somewhere are called Wapentages. And Hundreds are deuided into Villages, vnder which appellation are conteined Borowes, and Cities. For the boundes of Uillages are not conteined within the circuit of Walles, Buildinges, or Streets, but within the compasse of Fieldes, great Territories, certeine Hamlettes, and many other, as of Waters, Woods and waste Groundes, which it is not needefull now to set foorth by their names: because that in Englande there is skant any place, [Page] which is not contained within the compasse of Uillages, though certaine Priuiledged places within villages, are supposed to bee no parcell of the same Uillages. Moreouer in euerie Countie there is one certaine officer called the Kings Sheriffe, which among other duties belonging to his Office, putteth in execution all the commandements and iudgements of the kings courts, that are to be executed within his counties: His office endureth but for one yeere, so that after the expiration of the yeere, hee may not minister in that Office, Neither shall hee, within two yeeres next ensuing, bee admitted to the same Office againe. [Page] This officer is thus chosen. Euerie yeere, the morrow after All soules daye, all the Kinges Counsellers meete together in the Kings Exchequer, aswel the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, as all other Iustices, all the Barons of the Exchequer, the Master of the Rolles, and certaine other Officers, where all these with one common assent doe name of euery Countie three Knights or Esquires, whom among other of the same Countie they take to bee of good disposition & fame, and best disposed to the Office of Sheriffe of that Countie: Of the which three the Kinge [Page] chooseth one, whom, by his letters patents, hee appointeth Shyrife of the Countie, that hee is chosen of, for the yeere then following: But he, before hee receiue his patent, shall sweare vpon the holy Gospell, among other articles, that hee shall well and faithfully and indifferently exercise and doe his office all that yeere, and that hee shall receiue or take nothing of any other man then the King, by colour or meane of his office.

These things beeing thus now presupposed, let vs proceede to the search of those thinges that we seeke for.

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¶ How Iurours must be chosen and sworne. Ch. 25.

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QVotiescunque contendentes in curijs regis Angliae, ad extiū placi ti suꝑ materia facti deuenerint, concito Iusticiarij ꝑ breue Regis scribūt vicecomiti comitatus in quofactū illud fieri supponitur, qd ipse venire faciat coram eisdem Iusticiarijs, ad certū diē ꝑ eos limitatū, duodecim probos & legales homines, de vicineto, vbi illud factū supponitur: qui neutrā partiū sic placitant [...]ū vlla affinitate attingunt, Ad recognoscendū suꝑ eorū sacramēta, si factum illud factū fuerit, sicut [Page] vna earū dē partiū dicit: vel non, sicut altera parsnegat Quo adueniēte die, vicecōes returnabit breue p̄dict' corā [...] isdē Iusticiarijs, vna cū panello nominū eorū, quos ipse ad hoc sūmonu [...], quos (si venerint) vtra (que) pars recusare poterit, dicēdo qd vicec' panellūillud fauora biliter fecit ꝓ parte altera▪ vz. de personis minus indifferē tibꝰ: Quae exceptio, si cōꝑta fuerit vera per sacramentū duorū hominū de eodē panello ad hoc ꝑ Iusticiar' electorū mox panellū illud quassabitur, & Iusti ciarij tunc scribent [Page] Coronatoribꝰ eiusdē cōitatꝰ qd ipsi nouū faciāt panellum. Qd cū fece [...]īt, si & illud cōsimiliter reꝑtū fuerit viciatū, etiā & illud quassabitur: Et tūc Iustic' cligēt duos de clericis curiae illius, vel alios de codē comita tu, qui in p̄ ētia curiae ꝑ eorū sacramē ta faciēt indifferens panellū, qd deinde per nullam partium illarū calumniabitur: Sed cū venerint sic impanellatiin cu ria, quaelibet part [...]ū excipere potest contra personam cuiuscun (que) eorū, sicut & potest in omni casu & omni [...]ēpore quo aliquis qualitercū (que) [Page] impanellatꝰ, cōpatuerit in cur̄super veritate exitus huiusmodi iuraturus, dicendo, qd impanellatus ille, est consanguineus, vel affinis parti alteri, velamicitia quacun (que) tali sibi cō iunctus, qd indifferens ipse non est ostēdere inter eos veritatē ▪ qualiū exceptionum tot sunt genera & species, qd non licet eas breui explicare sermone. Quarum si aliqua repe [...]ta fuerit vera, nō tunc iurabitur ille contra quē exceptio illa proponitur, sed cancel [...]abitur nomen eius in panello. Sic quo (que) fiet de omnibus nominibus impannellatorum, quousque xij. eorum iurē tur ita indifferentes, [Page] quod versus eos neutra partium habeat aliquā materiam calumpniae: horum autē xij. ad minus iiij. erunt de hundredo, vbi villa in qua factum de quo contē ditut, fieri suponitur, sita est: & quilibet iuratorū huiusmodi habebit terras vel redditus pro termino vitae suae, adminus ad valorem annuum xl.s. Et hic ordo obseruatur in omnibus actionibus & causis criminalibus, realibus, & personalibus, praeter quam vbi damna vel debitum in personalibus non excedunt xl. marcas monetae Anglicae, quia tunc non requiritur, quod iuratores in actionibus huiusmodi tantum [Page] expēdere possint. Habebunt tamen terrā vel redditū, ad valorē cōpetentem, iuxta discretionē iusticiariorū, alioquin ipsi minime iurabuntur, ne ꝑ inediā & paupertatem iuratorum huiusmodi, de facili val [...]ant corrumpi aut subornari. Et si per tales exceptiones, tot iuratorū nomina in panello cancellentur, qd non remaneat numerus sufficiens ad faciendam inde iuratam tunc mandabitur vicecomiti per breue regis, quod ipse apponat plures iuratores, qd & sepius fieri potest, ita quod inquisitio veritatis suꝑ exitu placiti non remanebit ob defectum iuratorum. [Page] Et haec est forma, qualiter iuratores & veritatis hm̄ [...]i inquisitores eligi debēt in curia regis similiter & iurari [...]: quare, quomodo ipsi de veritate illa dicenda onerari debent & in formari, iam restat vt quaeramus.

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AS oft as suters in the courts of the King of England, are come to the issue of their plea vpon the matter of the fact, foorthwith the Iustices by vertue of the Kings writ, doe writ vnto the Shirife of the Countie, wherein the deede is supposed to be done, that hee doe cause to come before the same Iustices at a certaine day by them limited, xij. good and lawfull men, neighbours to the place where the fact is supposed to bee done: the same to be such as bee of no kin to either of the pleaders, to the ende that by their othes it may certainely be knowne, whether the deede were done as the one partie affirmeth, [Page] or els as the other partie denieth. Upon the day aforesaid, the Shirife shall returne the said Writ before the same Iustices, together with the pannell of their names, which hee heereunto hath summoned: When they are come, either partie may refuse them, alleaging that the Shirife hath made that pannell fauourably for the other partie, of persons not indifferent: Which exception, if it bee found true by the oath of twoo men of the same pannell chosen therevnto by the Iustices, that pannell shall immediately bee quassed: and then the Iustices shall write to the Coroners [Page] of the same county, that they shall make a new pannell. Which whē they haue done, if it bee likewise found faultie, it shall also be quassed: And then the Iustices shall elect and choose two of the Clerkes of the same court, or other of the same Countie, which in the presence of the court vpon their oathes shal make an indifferent pannell, which by neither of the parties shall bee challenged: Howbeit, when the men so impannelled are come into the court, either of the parties may make exceptions against the parson of any of them, as hee may also doe in all cases and at all times, when any man by any meanes [Page] impanelled that appere to be sworne in ye court vpō the truth of such an issue: saying, that the persō impanelled is cosin or alied to the other party, or by any kind of amity so knit vnto him that he is not indifferēt to declare the truth betwéene thē: and of these exceptions there are so many kinds and sorts, that they cannot bee in few words rehearsed. Whereof if any one be found true, thē shal not hee be sworne, against whom the exception is proposed, but his name shal be cancelled in the pannel. So also shal be done of all ye names of ye persons impanelled vntil xii. of them so indifferēt be sworn, that [Page] neither party can haue against thē any matter of exceptiō or challēge: Also of these xii.iiii. at ye least shalbe of the hū dred, where the village standeth, wherin ye fact whereupon the suit riseth, is supposed to bee done: And euery such Iurer shal haue lands or reuenues for terme of life, at the least, to the yerely value of xl.s. And this order is obserued & kept in all actons and causes criminall, reall, and personall, sauing where the dammages or debt in actiōs personall exceedeth not the summe of xl. marks of English money: For then it is not requisite, that Iurers in such actions, shall bee able to [Page] dispende so much. Yet they shall haue land or rents to a cōpetent value after ye discretion of the Iustices, Otherwise they shall not bee sworne, lest for néede & pouertie, such Iurers might easily be corrupt & suborned. And if by such exceptions so many Iurers names bee cancelled in the pannell, that their remaineth not a sufficient number to make thereof a Iurie, then the Shirife by the Kings Writte shall bee commanded to adioyne moe Iurers, which thing ma [...] often bee done, so that for lack of Iurors, the inquisition of the trueth vpon such a plea shal not remain. [Page] And this is ye form, how iurers, & inquisitors of trueth ought to be chosen in ye kings court, & likewise to be sworne: Wherefore, how they most be charged and in formed of ye vttering of ye same truth, this now resteth to be discussed.

¶ How Iurers ought to be informed by euidences and witnesses. Chap. 26.

§

IVratis demū in forma praedicta xij. ꝓbis & legalibꝰ hominibus habentibus vltra mobilia sua possessiones, vt praedicitur▪ sufficientes, vnde eorū statum ipsi continere poterunt, & nulli partiū suspectis nec inuisis, sed eisdē vicinis, legetur [...]n anglico corā eis per curiā, totum recordum & processus placiti, [Page] quod pēdetinter partes, ac diludice exponetur eis exitꝰ placiti, de cuiꝰ veritate iurati illi, curiā certificabūt: quibꝰ peractis, vtra (que) partium ꝑ se vel cōsiliarios suos, inp̄sentia curiae, referet & manifest [...] bit eisdē iuratis, oēs & singulas materias & euidētias, quibꝰ eos docere se posse credit veritatē exitꝰ taliter placitati. Et tūc adducere potest vtraque pars corā eisdē iusti ciarijs & iuratis, oē [...] & singulos testes, quos pro parte sua, ipsa ꝓducere velit, qui super sancta dei Euangelia, per Iusticiarios one [...]ati, [Page] testificabuntur omnia quae cognoscūt probantia veritatem facti, de quo partes contendūt. Et si necessitas exegerit, diuidātur testes huiusmodi, donec ipsi de posuerint quicquid velint, ita qd dictū vniꝰ, nō docebit aut cōcitabit eorū aliū ad cōsimiliter testificandū. Quibꝰ consummatis, postquā iuratores illi deinde ad eorū libitū, suꝑ veritate exitꝰ hm̄di, deliberatione, quan tā ipsi obtabūt, colloquiū habuerint: in custodia ministrorū curiae, in loco eis ad hoc assignato, ne interim eos aliqui subornare valeant, [Page] reuenient illi in curiam, & certificabūt iusticiarios suꝑ veritate exitus sic iuncti, in praesentia partium (si interesse velint) & maxime petentis. Quorū iuratorum dictū ꝑleges Angliae, veredictum nuncupatur, & tunc secundum hm̄di veridicti qualitatē, iusticiarij reddent & formabunt iudiciū suum. Tamē, si pars altera, contra quam veredictum hm̄di ꝓlatum est, conque raturse ꝑ illud iniuste esse grauatū, ꝓseq tūc potest pars illa, versus iuratores illos, & versus partem quae obtinuit, breue de attincta, [Page] Virtute cuius, si cō pertū fuerit per sacramentum xxiiij. hominum ▪ in forma praenotata retornatorū, electorū & iuratorum, qui multo maiora habebūt patrimonia, quam iuratores primi▪ quod [...]dē primi iuratores falsum fecerunt sacramentū, corpora eorundē primorum iuratorū prisonae regis cōmit ē [...]ur, bona eorū con [...]scabūtur, ac omnes possessiones eorundē in manus regis capientur, domus quoque eorum & aedificia prosternētur, boscisuccidentur, & prata arabuntur, ipsi etiam iuratores primi [Page] extunc infames erunt, nec alicubi recipientur in testimonium veritatis: & pars, quae succub [...] it in priori placito, restituetur ad omnia, quae ipse perdidit occasione eius. Quis tunc (etsi immemor salutis animae suae fuerit) non formidine tātae poenae, & verecundia tantae infamiae, veritatem non diceret sic iuratus? & si vnus forsan tantus sui ho [...]ris prodigus esse non pepercerit, aliqui tamen iuratorum tantorum famā suā non negligent, ne (que) bona & possessiones suas taliter distrahi patientur, [Page] propria culpa sua. Nonne iam, hic ordo reuelandi veritatem, potior & efficatior est, quam est processus, qualem pariunt Ciuiles leges? Non hic periunt causae aut ius alicuius, per mortem aut ob defectum testium, non hic producuntur testes ignoti, conducticij, pauperes, vagi, inconstantes, aut quorum cōditiones vel maliciae ignorantur. Vicini sunt testes isti, de proprijs viuere potētes, famae integrae, & opinionis illaesae, non per partem in curiam ducti, sed per officiarium nobilē & indifferentē [Page] electi, & coram iudice venire compulsi. Isti omnia sciunt, quae testes deponere norunt, & isti testium ꝓductorum agnoscunt cōstantias, incōstātias (que) & famā. Quid vltra? verè nihil est, quod veritatē dubij, de quo cō tendi poterit, detegere valebit, quod iuratoribus talibus latere quomodo libet potest aut ignorari, dummodo possibile sit, illud venire posse in agnitionem humanā.

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Twelue good & lawful men being at ye last sworn in form aforsaid hauing beside their mouables, sufficiēt possessiōs as afore is declared wherby they may be able to maintaine their owne states, & being to neither par [...]y suspect or hated, but neighbors to thē both, thē shal be red before them in English by ye court, al the record [Page]& processe of the plea depending betwéene ye parties, with a plaine declaration of the issue of the plea, touching the trueth wherof those sworne men shall certifie the Courte: which things being done, either party by himself or his Counsellors, in ye presence of the Court, shall vtter and open to the said sworne men, al & singuler matters and Euidences, whereby he thinketh hee may best informe them of the truth of ye issue so impleaded. And then may either party bring before ye same Iustices and sworn men, al and singular such witnesses on his behalfe, as hee will produce, Who by the Iustices being charged vpon the holy Gospel of God, shal testifie [Page] all things proouing the trueth of the facte, whereupon the parties contend. And if neede so require, those witnesses shall be seuered and deuided, till they haue deposed all that they will, so that the saying of one shall not mooue or prouoke another to testifie the like. The premisses being done, then after that those Iurors haue had talke at their pleasure, vppon the trueth of that issue, with as much deliberation as themselues shall require, in the keeping of the ministers of the Court, within a place to them for the same purpose assigned, to the intente that no man in the meane time may corrupt them, they shall [Page] returne into the Court, and certefie the Iustices vpon the veritie of the issue so ioyned, in the presence of both the parties, (if they will be there) and specially of the plaintife. The report of which Iurers, by the lawes of England, is called a verdict, by the which word is meant, a true report, or a report of the truth: And then according to the qualitie of that verdict the Iustices shall frame and forme their iudgement. Notwithstanding, if the other partie, against whō the verdict is giuen, complaine, that he is thereby vniustly grieued, then the same party may sue a writ of attainte against those Iurors, and against the party that hath preuailed [Page] By force of which Writ, if it shall be found by the oath of twentie and foure men, in forme aforesaide returned, elect, and sworne, which shall bee men of much greater liuings, then the first Iurers were, that the same first Iurers haue made a false oa [...]he, then the bodies of the same first Iurers shall bee committed to the Kings Prison, their goods shall bee confiscate, and all their possessions shall bee seised into the Kings hands, their Houses also and Buildings shall bee rased and throwne downe, their Woodes felled, and their Meadowe grounds plowed, And also the same first Iurers [Page] shall for euer after be noted for infamed persons, and shall in no place bee receiued to testifie the trueth: And the partie, which in the former plea had the ouerthrowe, shall bee restored to all things, which by occasion thereof he hath lost. Who then, though bee regard not his soules health, yet for feare of so great punishment, and for shame of so great infamie, would not vppon his oath declare ye truth? And if one man peraduenture haue so little respect to his honour or estimation, yet some of so manie Iuroures will not neglect their owne good fame, nor will not thorough their owne default, suffer themselues [Page] thus to be spoiled of their goodes and possessions. Is not this order now for the boulting out of the trueth better and more effectuall, then the processe which the Ciuill lawes doe procure? Here no cause, for no mans right quaileth through death or for want of witnesse, Heere are not brought foorth vnknowen witnesses, hyred persons, poore men, vagabonds vnconstant people, or such, whose condition and naughtinesse is vnknowne. These witnesses are neighbours able to liue of their owne, of good name and fame, of honest report, not brought into the Court by the partie, but by a worshipfull and indifferent [Page] Officer chosen, and so compelled to come before the Iudge. These know all, that the witnesses are able to depose, and they knowe also the constancie and vnconstancie of the witnesses, and what reporte goeth vppon them. And what will yee haue more. Doubtlesse, there is nothing, that may disclose the trueth of any doubt falling in contention, which can in any wise bee hidde from such Iurers, so that it bee possible for the same to come to mans knowledge.

¶ Here he sheweth, how causes criminall, are determined in England. Chap. 27.

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SEd quomodo in criminalibꝰ leges Angliaescrutātur veritatem etiā rima re pernecessariūest, ve & in eis plenarie agnita ambarū legū forma, quae earū efficacius latentem reuelat veritatē certius agnoscamus. Si reus quispiam de felonia aut proditione in Anglia rettatus, crimen suum coram iudicibꝰ dedicat, mox vicecomes comitatus, vbi facinus illud cōmissum est, venire faciet coram eisdem iudicibꝰ, viginti quatuor probos & legales homines de vicineto villae, vbi illud factū est, qui rettatū [Page] illū nulla affinitate attingunt, & quorū quilibet C.s. habeat terrae & redditꝰ ad certificādum Iudic' illos suꝑ criminis il liꝰ veritate. Quibus cōparētibꝰ, rettatus ille eos calumpniare potest, eadē forma, qua in actionibꝰ realibꝰ fieri debere superiꝰ describitur. Et insuꝑ reꝰ ipse in fauorē vitae suae calūpni are potest 35. hōines, quos ipse maxime for midat, qui ad eiꝰ calumpniā cancellabunt̄ in panello aut signis talibꝰ notabū tur, quod (vt verbis legis vtar) illi super eum nō transibunt, licet ipse nullā causā assignare sciat exceptionis [Page] seu calumpniae suae. Quis tunc mori posset inique in Anglia pro crimine, cum tot iuuamina habere ille poterit ob fauorem vitae suae, & non nisi vicini eius, probi & fideles homines, versꝰ quos ipse nullam habet materiā excaeptionis, eum condemnare poterunt? Mallem reuera viginti facinorosos mortem pietate euadere, quam iustum vnum iniuste condemnari. Nec tamen reum quēpiam sub hac forma, reatꝰ sui paenā euadere posse suspicandum est, dum eius vita et mo res timori deinceps [Page] erunt eis, qui eū sic purgarūt a crimine. In hoc equidē processu, nihil est crudele, nihil inhumanum, nec laedi poterit innocens in corpore aut membris suis: Quare nec formidabit ille calūpniā inimicorum eius, quia non tor (que) bitur iste ad arbitriū ipsorū. Sub hac igitur lege viuere quietu et securū est. Iudica ergo, Princeps optime, quae legū harū tibi electissima foret, si tu priuatā spirares vitam.

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BUt it is also necessarrie to discusse, how in matters criminall, the lawes of England doe fetch out the truth, that perfectly vnderstanding the forme of both the Lawes, wee may the more certainely perceiue and knowe, whether of them both doth more effectually discouer the hidden trueth. If any man accused of felony or treason in Englande, doe at his arraignement before the same Iudges denie the offence, forthwith the Sherife of the Countie, where the deed was done shall cause to come before the same Iudges foure & twentie good and lawfull men dwelling nighe to the village, where the fact was done, such men as [Page] to the partie accused bee nothing allyed: and such as euerie of them hath an hundreth shill [...]nges of Landes and Reuenues, to certifie the Iudges vppon the trueth of the crime. Which at their apparance the partie accused may challenge, in like sort as in actions reall may bee done, as afore is described. And moreouer the same partie in fauour of his life may challenge fiue and thirtie men such as hee most feareth: which vppon his challenge shall bee cancelled in the pannell: or shall bee noted with such markes, that they shall not passe vppon him: though hée bée not able to shewe any cause of his exception [Page] and challenge. Who then can vniustly die in England for any criminall offence, seeing hee may haue so many helpes for the fauour of his life, and that none may condempne him but his neighbours, good and lawfull men, against whom hee hath no matter of exception. Indeede I would rather wish twentie euill doers to escape death through pittie, then one man to bee vniustly condempned. And yet it is not to bee suspected, that any offendour can vnder this forme, escape the punishment of his offence, forasmuch as his life and conuersation shall bee afterward a terrour to them that haue [Page] thus cleared him of the crime. In this kinde of proceeding there is no cruelty or extremity vsed, Neither can the innocent & vnguilty person be hurt in his bodie or limmes: Wherefore hee shall not stand in feare of the slander of his enemies, because hee shall not be racked or tormented at their will and pleasure. Thus vnder this Lawe a man may passe his life with quietnesse and safetie. Iudge you therfore, most noble Prince, whether of these lawes ye had rather chuse, if you should liue a priuate life.

¶ The Prince granteth the Lawes of England to be more commodious for the subiects, then the Ciuill Lawes in the case now disputed. Chap. 28.

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CVi Princeps, arduu ambiguumue, Cancellarie, non conspicio, qd morosum me titubantemue redderet in electione rei, quā interrogas. Nam quis non sub lege, qua secu [...]am ducere posset vitam, viuere po [...]ú [...] eligeret quā sub legetali, sub qua inermem, inde [...]ensum (que) sesēper redderet sae [...]ae omnium [...]corū eius? Vere tutus quisquā esse non poterit in corpore aut in bonis, quem [...]imicus eius (in omni causa) conuincere poterit, testibꝰ d [...]obus etiā ignotis, ꝑ [...]p̄mmet electis & ꝓductis. [Page] Et licet quis mortē, per dicta eorum, subire nō cogatur, parum tamē releuatur ipse qui mortem euasit, contractione neruorum, & membrorum suorū, at (que) corporis eius languore ꝑpetuo. Tali reuera discrimini impellere potest inimici astutia omnē hominē qui sub lege degit, quā tu iam dudum explicasti. Sed tale ma [...]ū operari nequiūt testes, qui depositiones su as faciūt, in p̄sentia duodecim fide dignorū viro [...]ū, facto vicinorum, de quo agitur, & circūstantijs eius: qui & noscunt eorundē testium [Page] mores, maxime si vicini ipsi fuerint, noscunt etiam, & si ipsi sint ctedulitate digni. Omnes etiam duodecim tales latere omnino non poterit, quicquid actum est, per, aut inter vicinos eorum. Nosco namque ego certius, quae iam aguntur hic in Barro, vbi sum modo conuersatus, quam quae in Anglia fiunt. Nec effugere posse puto notitiam probi viri ea, quae aguntur, licet quodammodo occulte, prope domicilium eius. Sed tamen cur praedicta lex Angliae quae tam frugi & optabilis est [Page] non est toti mundo communis, vehementer admiror.

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WHereunto the Prince answered and saide: I sée no hard or strange matter, good Chancellour, that should make mee doubtfull or dangerous in the election and choise of the thing that yee aske. For who would not rather choose to liue vnder that Lawe, wherevnder hee might liue in securitie, then vnder that Lawe, which would set him naked and succourlesse against the crueltie of his enemies? Uerely, no man can bee safe in bodie or goods, whom his aduersarie may conuince in euerie cause, with twoo vnknowne witnesses of his owne choosing and bringing foorth. [Page] And though a man be not compelled by their sayings to die, yet is he little relieued, y• hath escaped death, being shronke in al his sinnewes and lim [...]nes and cast into a perpetuall impotencie of his bodie, And truely into such danger may the craft of a spitefull person bring any manne, that liueth vnder the Lawe, which here while you speake of. But such mischiefe and inconuenience cannot bee wrought vy witnesses, yt make their depositions in the presence of twelue credible men, neighbours to the deede, that is presently in question, and to the circumstances of the same: which also know the manners and conditions of the same witnesses, [Page] especially if they bee nigh dwellers, and know also, whether they bee men worthy to bee credited or no. And further all those twelue can not bee ignorant in those thinges, that were done by and among their neighbours. For I know more certainely the thinges that are donne heere in Berry, where I am nowe remaining, then those thinges that are done in Englande. Neither doe I thinke, that things can bee kept from the knowledge of a good and honest man, being done nigh to his house and almost vnder his nose, be they neuer so secretly done. But yet I maruell much, why th [...] foresaid law of England, [Page] which is so good and commodious, is not common to all the whole world.

¶ Why inquestes are not made by Iurers of xij. men in other Realmes, as well as in England. Chap. 29.

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YOur highnesse came verie young out of Englande (quod the Chancellour) so that the disposition and qualitie of that lande is vnknowen vnto you. Which if yee know, and should compare therewith the commodities and qualities of other Countries, you would nothing maruaile at these things, which now doe trouble your minde. Indeede England is so fertile and fruitefull, that comparing quantity to quātity, [Page] it surmounteth all other landes in fruitefulnesse, Yea it bringeth foorth fruite of it selfe, scant prouoked by manns industrie and labour. For there the Landes, the Fieldes, the Groues, and the Woodes, doe so aboundantlye springe, that the same vntilled doe commonly yeeld to their owners more profite then tilled, though else they bee most fruitfull of Corne and Graine. There also are Fieldes of pasture inclosed with Hedges and Ditches, with Trees planted and growing vppon the same, which are a defence to their heardes of Sheepe, and Cattell, against stormes and heate of the Sunne, [Page] And the pastures are commonly watered, so that Cattell shutte and closed therein, haue no neede of keeping, neither by day, nor by night. For there bee no Woolues, nor Beares, nor Lyons, Wherefore their Sheepe lye night by night in the Fields vnkept within their Foldes wherewith their Land is manured. By the meanes whereof, the men of that Countrie are [...]cant troubled with any painefull labour, Wherefore they liue more spiritually, as did the aun [...]ient Fathers, which did [...]ather choose to keepe and feede Cattell, then [...]o disturbe the quietnesse of the minde with care of Husbandrie.

[Page]And heereof it commeth, that menne of this Countrie are more apte and fitte to discerne in doubtfull causes of great examination and triall, then are menne whollye giuen to moyling in the ground: in whome that rurall exercise ingendereth rudenesse of witte and minde. Moreouer the same Countrey is so filled and replenished with Landed menne, that therein so small a thorpe cannot bee founde, wherein dwelleth not a Knight, an Esquire, or such a Housholder, as is there commonly called a franklayne, enryched with greate possessions. And also other Freeholders, [Page] and many Yeomen able for their liueloodes to make a Iurye in fourme afore mentioned. For there bee in that Lande diuers Yeomen, which are able to dispende by the yeare aboue a hundred poundes, Wherefore the Iuries afore declared, are there verie oft made, specially in great matters, of Knights, Esquires, and others, whose possessions in the whole amounteth yeerely aboue the summe of fiue hundred markes.

Wherefore it cannot bee thought, that such menne can bee suborned, or that they will bee periured, not onely for that they haue before their eyes the feare of God, but also, for that they [Page] haue a carefull regarde to the preseruation of their Honours, and to the eschewing of reproach, and dammage thereupon ensuing, and also that their heiers bee not impeached thorough their infamie. After this manner, O mightie Prince, are none other Realmes of the world disposed and inhabited.

For though there bee in them men of greate power, of greate riches, and possessions, yet they dwell not one nigh to another, as such greate men doe in England, Neither so many inheritours and possessours of Land are elsewhere, as in England.

[Page]For in a whole towne of any other Countrie, it is hard to finde one man, whiche for his liueloode is able to bee receiued into a Iurie. For there, except it bee in Cities, and walled Townes, verie fewe there bee, beside Noble men, that haue any possessions of Landes or other immoueables. The Noble menne also haue there small store of pasture, And to labour in vineyards, or to put their handes to the plough, that is vnfitte for their estate and degree, And yet in Uineyardes, and eareable grounde, consisteth the Substance of their possessions, sauing onely a fewe fieldes next adioyning to great riuers, [Page] and sauyng also certeine Woodes. the pastures whereof are common to their tenants and neighbours. Howe then can a Iurye bee made in suche Countries of twelue substantiall menne, nigh adioyning to the place of any deed brought in iudgement, seeing they cannot bee called neighbours that dwell so farre a sunder. Truely twelue sworne men, there, must needes bee farre distant from the place of the deede, when the defendant in those Countries hath challenged thirtie fiue menne of the nexte dwellers, without shewing any cause whye: Wherefore, in those landes a Iurie [Page] must bee made, either of such, as dwell farre off from the place of the deede that is in controuersie, and therefore cannot attaine to the knowledge of the trueth thereof, or els it must be made of poore men, that bee not ashamed of infamie, neither doe feare the losse of their goods, which they haue not, They also blinded wi [...]h rusticall and brute rudenesse, are not able to behold the cleare brightnes of the truth.

Marueyle not therfore most worthy Prince, if the Law, whereby the trueth is sifted out in England, bee not frequented and vsed in other nations, For they are not hable to make sufficient and [Page] like Iuries, as bee made in England.

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CAncellarius, Iuuenis recessisti (Princeps) ab Anglia, quo tibi ignota est dispositio, & qualitas terrae illius, quas si agnoueris, & caeterarum regionum emolumenta qualitates (que) eisdem comparaueris, non admirareris ea, quibus iam agitatur animus tuus Anglia sane tam fertilis est, quod quantitate ad quā titatem comparata, [Page] ipsa caeteras omnes quasi regiones exsuperat vbertate fructuum, etiam suum vltro ipsa ꝓfert, vix industria bominis concitata. Nā agri e [...]us, campi, saltus, & nemora, tanta fecunditate germina ebulliunt, vt inculta illa, saepe plus commodi afferant possessoribꝰ suis, quam arata, licet fertilissima ipsa sint segitum, & bladorum. Includuntur quo (que) in terra illa pasturarum arua, fossatis, & sepibus, desuper arboribus plantatis, quibus muniuntur a procellis & aestu solis, eorum greges & armenta, [Page] ipsae que pasturae vt plurimum irriguae sunt quo infra earū claustra reclusa animalia, custodia non egent, per diem, nec per noctem. Nam ibi lupi nō sunt, vrsi, nec Leones, quare de nocte oues eorū incustoditae in campis recumbunt, in caulis, & ouilibus, quibus impinguantur terrae eorum. Vnde homines patriae illius, vix operis sudore grauātur, quare spiritu ipsi magis viuunt, vt fecerunt patres antiqui, qui pascere malebāt greges quam animi quietē agriculturae solicitudine turbare.

[Page]Ex quibꝰ, homines regionis istius, apti magis redduntur & dispositi ad discernendum in causis, quae magni sunt examinis, quam sunt viri, qui telluris operibus inhabitantes, ex ruris familiaritate mentis contrahūt ruditatem. Regio etiā illa, ita respersa, refertaque est possessoribus terrarum & agrorum, quod in ea, villola tā parua reperiri non poterit, in qua non est miles, armiger, vel paterfaīlias, qualis ibidē Franklain vul gariternuncupatur, magnis ditatus possessionibus, necnon libere tenentes alij, [Page] & Valecti plurimī, suis patrimonijs susficientes, ad faciendum iuratā in forma praenotata. Sunt namque valecti diuersi in regione illa, qui plusquam sexcenta scuta per annum expendere possunt, quo iuratae superius descriptae, saepissime in regione illa fiunt, praesertim in ingentibus causis, de militibus, armigeris, & alijs, quorum possessiones in vniuerso excedunt duo millia scutorum per annū. Quare cogitari nequit, tales subornari posse, vel periurarī velle, nedum ob timorē Dei, sed & ob [Page] honorē suum conseruandū, & vituperium, dampnum quoque inde consequu [...]iuū euitandum, etiam, ne eorum haeredes ipsorum laedantur infamia. Taliter, fili regis, disposita, inhab [...]tata que non sunt aliqua alia mundi regna.

Nam licet in eis sint viri magnae potentiae, magnarum opum & possessionum, non tamen eorum vnus prope moratur ad alterum, vt in Anglia tanti morantur viri, nec tanta, vt ibi, haereditatorum est copia & possidentium terras.

[Page]Vix enim in villata vna regionum aliarū reperiri poterit vir vnꝰ pàtrimonio sufficiens, vt in iuratis ipse ponatur. Nam raró ibidem, aliqui praeter nobiles reperiunt [...]r, possessores agrorū, aliorumue immobilium, extra ciuitates & muratas villas. Nobiles quoque ibidem, pasturarum copiam non habēt, & vineas colere, aut aratro manus apponere statui eorum non conuenit, tamen in vineis & terris arabilibus cōsistit substā tia possessionū eorum, exceptis solum pratis quibusdā, adiacētibus magnis riparijs [Page] & exceptis boscis, quorum pasturae cōmunes sunt tenētibus, & vicinis suis. Quomodo tunc in regionibus talibus iurata fieri poterit, ex duodecim probis hominibus de vicineto, vbi factū aliquod in iudicio deducitur, cum vicini dici non poterunt, qui tanta distantia distinguuntur? Vere remotos multum a facto duodecim iuratos ibidem esse opportebit, postquam reus in regionibus illis, triginta quin (que) (sine assignata causa) de propinqūioribꝰ calumniauerit: quare aut [Page] de multum remotis a facto, de quo contenditur, qui veritatem facti non agnoscunt, in regnis illis oportebit facere iuratam, aut de pauperibus, quibus non est verecundia infamiae, nec timor iacturae bonorum suorum, cum ipsa non sint, ipsi etiam rusticitatis ruditate obcecati, veritatis claritatem nequeunt intueri.

Non igitur mireris, Princeps, si Lex, qua in Anglia veritas inquiritur, alias non peruagetur nationes, ip sae namque, vt Anglia, facere nequeunt [Page] sufficientes cō similésque iuratas.

¶ Heere the Prince commendeth, the Lawes of England, of their proceeding by Iuries. Chap. 30.

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TVnc Princeps, Comparationes odiosas esse licet dixerimus, lex tamen Ciuilis, in comparatione per te facta, omni se purgabit à crimine: quia, licet ei Legem Angliae tu praetulcris, odium inde ipsa non meretur, dum neque eam, neque cōditores eius increpasti: sed solum patriam, [Page] vbi illa regit, causam esse demonstrasti, quod non tam optabili processu, vt lex Angliae, ipsa in dubijs elicit veritatē. Legem vero Angliae, in casu iam per te disputato, accōmodatiorem esse regno illi, quam est lex Ciuilis, ambigere non sinimur, quo, eam pro Ciuili commutare non appetimus: Sed tamen haec Leges Angliae praeeminentia, ab alterius crimine non euenit, solum enim eam, Angliae fertilitas sic causauit.

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THough we haue said, (ꝙ the Prince) that compa [...]isons are odious, [...]et the Ciuile Lawe in the comparison by you made, hath cleared it selfe from all blame: For, though you haue prooued the Lawe of England to bee of more excellencie then it, yet it deserueth not thereby to bee odious, for so much as you haue blamed neither it, nor the makers thereof: But haue shewed the [Page] countrie, where it ruleth to be the onely cause, why it doth not, in matters of doubt trie out the trueth with so commendable a kinde of proceeding, as the Lawe of England doth. But as touching that the Lawe of England, in the case by you now discussed, is more fit and méet for that realme, then the Ciuill law, hereof wee may not doubt: Wherefore, wee are not desirous to chaunge it for the Ciuill law: Howbeit thys preeminence of the Law of England, proceedeth not of the fault of the other, for it is onely the fertility of England, that hath caused it to bee such as it is.

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¶ The Prince doubteth, whether this proceeding by a Iurie, be repugnant to Gods law, or not. Chap. 31.

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SEd, licet non infimé, Cancellarie, nos delectet forma, qua leges Angiae in contentionibus reuelant veritatem, tamen, an modus ille sacrae repugnet scripturae, vel non, paululum agitamur: Ait namque Dominus Phariseis, Iohan̄ viij. In lege vestra scriptum est, quia duorum hominum testimonium verum est, & huic applaudens [Page] Dominus inquit: Ego sum, qui testimonium perhibeo de me ipso, & testimoniū perhibet de me, qui misit me, pater. Pharisaei quippe Iudaei erant vnde idem erat dicere, in lege vestra scriptū est, & in lege Moysaica (quae à Domino, per Moysen filijs Israel, prolata fuit) scriptum est. Quare huic legi cō traire, legi est diuinae refragari, quo sequitur, qd lex Angliae, si ab hac lege discedat, a lege diuina, cui reluctari non licet, ipsa discedit. Scribitur etiam Matth. xviij. [Page] Quod dominus (loquens de correctione fraterna) inter alia sic ait: Si autem non te audierit frater tuus, adhibe tecum adhuc vnum aut duos, vt in ore duorum vel trium, stet omne verbum. Si in ore duorum vel trium, Dominus omne verbum statuerit, frustra plurium hominū quaeritur in dubijs veredictum. Nemo enim potest, melius, aut aliud fundamentum ponere, quam posuit dominus.

Haec sunt, Cancellarie, quae me, de [Page] legis Angliae processu in ꝓbationibus, aliquantulum conturbant. Quare, quid his respondē dum est a te, doceri deposco.

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BUt, though wee bee greatly delited in the forme, which the Lawes of England vse in sifting out the trueth in matters of contention, yet whether the same law be contrarie to holy Scripture or not, that is to vs somewhat doubtfull: For our LORD saieth to the Phariseis, in the eight chapter of Saint Iohns Gospell: In your Lawe it is written, that the testimonie of two men is true: And the LORD confirming [Page] the same saith: I am one that beare witnesse of my selfe, and the Father that sent mee, beareth witnesse of mee. Now Sir, the Pharasies were Iewes, so that it was all one to say: It is written in your Lawe, and it is written in Moyses Lawe, which God gaue to the childen of Israell by Moyses. Wherefore to gaynesay this Lawe, is to denie Gods Lawe: Whereby it followeth, that if the Lawe of England swarue from this Law, it swarueth also from Gods Lawe, which in no wise may bee contraried. It is written also in the eighteenth Chapter of Saint Mathewes gospel, [Page] Where the Lord, speaking of brotherly admonition, among other things sayeth thus: But if thy brother heare thee not, then take yet with thee one or two, that, in the mouth of two or three witnesses, euerie matter may bee established. If the Lord haue appoynted euery matter to be established in the mouth of twoe or three witnesses, then it is in vaine for to seeke for the verdict of many men in matters of doubt. For no man is able to lay any other or better foundation then the Lord hath laide

These are the doubtes, good Chauncellour, which, touchyng the [Page] pooceeding of the lawe of England in the triall of matters doe somewhat trouble me. Wherefore, what answere may herevnto bee made, I woulde gladly learne of you.

Here is shewed, that the proceeding by a Iurie, is not repugnant to the Law of God. Chap. 32.

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THe Lawes of England ꝙ the Chancellor, are nothing at all repugnant to these things y• trouble you, most worthy Prince, though they in matters of doubt do somwhat otherwise boult out the truth. The law of the generall Councel, wherin it is prouided that Cardinals shall not be conuicted of criminal offēces, otherwise then by the depositiō[Page]of twelue witnesses, is it any hinderance to the testimonie of two men? If the testimonie of two men bee true, of more force must the testimonie of twelue men bee iudged true, according to a rule of the Law that saith: The more, euer containeth in it, that which is lesse. The Inholder was promised to bee rewarded with an ouer-plus, if hee bestowed vppon the cure of the wounded man, more then the two pence, which hee receiued. A man that laboureth to prooue, that hee was absent at the time of the offence, wherewith hee is charged, shall i [...] not bee needefull for him to bring foorth moe then [Page] two or three witnesses, when his aduersarie hath prooued, or is readie to prooue the same, by two or three witnesses? And so hee, that trauelleth to cōuince witnesses of periurie, must of necessitie bring foorth many moe then they were, so that the testimonie of two or three men shall not euer be iudged true: But that Lawe must thus bee vnderstanded, that by a lesser number of witnesses then two, the truth, in matters doubtfull, ought not to bee searched for, as appeareth by Bernarde assygning diuers cases, wherein by the Lawes moe then three witnesses must needes bee produced: As in some of them fiue, and in [Page] and in some seuen. Nor yet the Lawes of England bee not against it, but that the trueth may be prooued by two witnesses, when it cannot otherwise be tried. For if thinges bee donne vppon the Sea without the bodie of any Countie of that Realme, which afterward bee brought in plea before the Lord Admiral, the same things by the decrees of the lawes of England must bee prooued by witnesses. In like maner it hath bin accustomed to bee donne before the Constable and Marshall of England, touching a fact that was donne in an other Royalme, so that the heareing thereof appertaineth to the Constables court. [Page] Moreouer, in the Courts of certaine Liberties in England, where matters proceede by Lawe Merchant, contractes or bargaines, made among Merchaunts in another Realme, are prooued by witnesses. And this commeth to passe, because that in these cases there be no neighbours found, by whose oathes, Iuries of twelue men may bee made, as in contractes, and other cases, arising within the Realme of Englande is accustomed to bee done. Likewise if a deede, wherein witnesses are named, bee brought into the Kings Court, then processe shal [...]ee made against those witnesses: and they toge [...]her with twelue Iurers [Page] shall by their oathes recognise, whether the same bee his deede or no, whose it is supposed to bee. Wherefore the Lawe of Englande reprooueth not the Lawe, which by witnesses tryeth out the truth, specially when necessitie so requireth: For so doe the Lawes of Englande too, not onely in the cases now mentioned, but also in certiane other cases, whereof here to make rehersall it shall not be materiall. Howbeit this Lawe neuer determineth a controuersie by witnesses onely, that may be determined by a Iury of xii men: forsomuch as this way is much more auaileable and effectuall for the tryall of the truth [Page] then is the forme of any other Lawes of the worlde, and further from the daunger of corruption and subornation. Nor this forme of proceeding, cannot in any cause faile for want of witnesses, nor the testimonies of witnesses (if any bee) cannot chose but come to their due ende and effecte: Neither can such twelue men bee forsworne, but that for their offence they must suffer most sharpe punishment, and neuerthelesse the partie, by their depositions grieued, shall obtaine due remedye: And these things shall not bee done by the will and sayings of strange or vnknowne [Page] men, but by the oathes of good, of worshipfull, and of credible men, neighbours to the parties, in whom the same parties haue no cause of challenge or mistrust, touching their verdict. O how horrible and detestable dangers happen manie times through the forme of proceeding by witnesses! If a man make a priuie contracte of matrimonie, and afterward before witnesses, doe betroth or assure him selfe to another woman, shall hee not in the contentious court bee compelled to marrie her, and also after that in the Penitenciall court, bee iudged to lye with the first, if hee bee duely required, and to do pennance, as oft as by [Page] his owne motion and procurement hee lyeth with the second, though in both Courtes the Iudge be one and the self same man. In this case, as it is written in Iob, are not the sinewes of Leuiathan perplexed and intricate? Fie for shame they are intricate in deed: For, this man can carnally companie with neither of these two women, nor with any other, without punishment eyther by the contentious Court, or by the Penitentiall Courte, Such a myschiefe, inconuenience, or danger, can neuer happen in any case by the way of proceeding by the Law of England, no not though Leuiathan himselfe would labour to [Page] procure the same. Doe yee not nowe see, most noble Prince, that the more you obiect against the Lawes of Englande, the more worthy they appeare?

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CAncellariꝰ. Nō his, quibus turbaris, Princeps, cō trariātur leges Angliae, licet aliter quodammodo ipsae in dubijs eliciant veritatē. Quid duorum hominum testimonio obest lex illa generalis Concilij, qua cauetur, vt non nisi duodecim testium depositione [Page]cardinales de criminibus conuincātur? Si verum est duorū testimonium, a fortiori, testimonium duodecim verū iudicari debet, dicente iuris regula: Plus, semper in se continet, quod est minus. Supererogationis meritum promittebatur stabulario, si plus quam duos, quos re cepit, denarios, ipse in vulnerati curationē erogasset. Non ne plus quam duos aut tres testes producere oportebit quempiam, qui absentem se fuisse ꝓbare nititur, tempore criminis sibi impositi, quod per duos aut tres testes [Page] aduersarius eius ꝓbauit, vel probare paratꝰ est? Sic & qui testes de periurio conuincere satagit, multo illis plures, producere necesse habet, quo nō sēꝑ ij.v [...]liij. hominū testimoniū verū esse iudicabitur: sed intelligenda est lex illa, qd minore testiū numero quamij. veritas in dubijs non debet exquiri, vt pa tet per Bernardum extra▪ de testi. ca. licet in glossa ordinaria, vbi ipso assignat diuersos casus, in quibꝰ per leges, plures quam tres oportet producere, testes: Vz. in aliquibus eorum v. [Page] & in aliquibꝰ septē: per duos etiā testes veritatē ꝓbari posse, cū non aliter ipsa pateret, vti (que) leges Angliae affirmant. Nam si quae supra altum mare extra corpꝰ cuiuslibet comitatus regni illius fiant, quae postmodū in placito corā Admirallo Angliae deducantur, per testes illa iuxta legū Angliae sanctiones probari debent. Consimiliter quo (que) corā cōstabulario et mariscallo Angliae fieri solitū est de facto, qd in regno alio actum est, dūmodo ad iurisdictionē curiae Cōstabularij, cognitio eius pertineat. [Page] Etiam & in curijs quarundā libertatum in Anglia, vbi per legem Mercatoriā proceditur, probant per testes, contractꝰ inter mercatores extra regnum factos. Quia in casibus his non reperiuntur vicini, ꝑ quorum sacramenta, iuratae ex duodecim hominibꝰ fieri possunt, prout de contractibus & alijs casibus, infra regnum Angliae emergentibus, est fieri consuetum. Similiter, si carta, in qua testes nominantur, deducatur in curia Regis, processus tunc fiet erga testes illos, ipsi [Page] quo (que) recognoscēt simul cū xij. iuratoribꝰ per eorū sacramēta vtrū carta illa sit factum eius, cuiꝰ supponitur, an non. Quare, legē, qua testibꝰ veritas extorquetur, lex Angliae nō condēnat, maxime cum necessitas id deposcat: quia & sic faciunt ipsae leges Angliae nedū in casibus iā notatis, sed etiā in q [...]ibusdā casibus alijs, quos nō expedit hic notare. Sed per testes solū, lex ipsa nūquā litē dirimit, quae per iuratamxij. hominum decidi poterit, cum sit modus iste ad veritatem eliciendā multo potior & [Page] efficatior, quam est forma aliquarū aliarum legum orbis, & remotior a corruptionis & subornationis periculo. Nec potest haec ꝓcedendi forma in causa aliqua, ob defectū testiū deperire, ne (que) testium (si quifuerint) attestatio, effectū debitū non sortiri, nec periurari possunt duodecim homines hum̄di, quin pro eorū crimine, ipsi acerbissime puniātur, & nihilominꝰ pars, ꝑ eorum depositionē grauata, remedium debitum consequetur: ac, non fient haec per extran [...] orum aut ignotorū [Page] hominū arbitriū aut dictamē, sed ꝑ proborū, nobiliū & fide dignorū, vicinorū partibus, sacramētū, quibꝰ partes illae nullā habent causam calumpniae aut diffidētiae de eorum dicto▪ O quā horrendum & detestabile discrimē saepe accidit, ex forma ꝑ depositionem testium procedendi! Nonne, si quis clandestinum cōtrahat matrimoniū, & postea corā testibꝰ mulierē aliā ipse affidauerit, cum eadē cō summare matrimonium arctabitur in foro contencioso, & postea in penitētiali [...]oro iudicabituripse [Page] cōcumbere cū prima, si debite requiratur, & penitere debet quoties ex actione propria cō cubuerit cū secūda, licet in vtro (que) foro iudex fuerit homo vnus & idē. Nonne in hoc casu, vt in Iob scribitur, perplexi sunt testiculi Leuiathā [...] Proh pudor, ve re perplexi sunt, nā, cum neutramulierū harū, ne (que) cum alia, contrahens iste, extunc concumbet, sine animaduersione in foro contendentium aut penitentium: quale malum, inconueniens, aut discrimen per modum & formā processus legis Angliae [Page] impossibile est in casu aliquo euenire, etiā si Leuithiā ipse ea generare nitatur. Nōne vides iā, princeps clarissime, leges Angliae tanto magis clarescere, quanto [...]isdem tu amplius reluctaris?

¶ Wherefore, certaine Kings of England, haue had no delight in their owne Lawes. Chap. 33.

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PRinceps, video, inquit, & eas inter totius orbis iura (in casu, quo tu iam sudasti) praefulgere considero, tamen progenitorum meorum Angliae regum quosdam audiuimus, in legibus suis minime delectatos, [Page] satagentes proinde, leges ciuiles ad Angliae regimē inducere, & patrias leges repudiare fuisse conatos: horum reuera consilium vehemē ter admiror.

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I See plainely, quod the Prince, that in the case, wherein you haue nowe trauailed, they haue the preeminence aboue all other Lawes of the world, yet wee haue heard, that some of my progenitors, Kings of England, haue not bin pleased with their owne Lawes, and haue therefore gone about to [Page] bring in the Ciuill lawes to the gouernement of England, and to abolishe their owne Countrie Lawes. For what purpose & intent they so did, I much maruell.

¶ Here the Chancellour openeth the cause, which the Prince demandeth Chap. 34.

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YOu woulde nothing maruaile heereat, quod the Chauncellour, if you did deepely consider with your selfe, the cause of this intent. For you haue heard afore, how that, among the Ciuill Lawes, that maxime or rule is a sentence most notable, which thus singeth: The Princes pleasure standeth in force of a Lawe: quite [Page] contrarie to the decrees of the Lawes of Englande, whereby the King thereof ruleth his people, not onely by Regall, but also by Politique gouernement, In somuch that at the time of his coronation, hee is bound by an oath to the obseruance and keeping of his owne Lawe, which thing some Kings of Englande not well brooking, as thinking that thereby they should not freely gouerne their Subiectes as other Kings doe, whose rule is onely regall, gouernning their people by the Ciuile Lawe, and chiefely by that foresaide Maxime of the same law, whereby they at their pleasure change Lawes, [Page] make newe Lawes, execute punishments, burden their subiectes with charges: and also, when they lust, doe determine controuersies of suters, as pleaseth them. Wherefore, these your progenitours went about to cast off the yoke politique, that they also might likewise rule, or rather rage, ouer the people their subiectes in regall wise onely: not considering that the power of both kings is equall, as in the foresaid Treatise of the Lawe of Nature is declared: and that to rule the people by gouernement politique, is no yoke, but libertie, and great securitie, not onely to the subiectes but also to the King himselfe: and further [Page] no small lightning or easement to his charge. And that this may appeare more euident vnto you, ponder and weigh the experience of both regiments, And begin with the King of France, perusing after what sort he ruleth his subiectes by Regall gouernement alone: And then come to the effecte of the ioynt gouernance, regall and politique, examining by experience, how and after what maner, the King of England gouerneth his subiects.

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CAncellarius. Nō admirareris, Princeps, si causam huiꝰ conaminis mēte solicita pertractares. Audisti nam que superius, quomodo inter leges Ciuiles praecipua sententia est, maxima siue regula, illa quae sic eanit, quod Principi placuit, legis habet vigorē, [Page] qualiter non sanciunt leges Angliae, dum nedum regaliter, sed & politice rex eiusdē dominatur in populum suum, quo ipse, in coronatione sua ad legis suae obseruanciam astringitur sacramento, quod reges quidam Angliae aegre ferentes, putā tes proinde se non libere dominari in subditos, vt faciunt reges regaliter tantum principantes, qui lege ciuili, & potissime praedicta legis illius maxima, regulant plebem suam, quo ipsi, ad eorum libitum, iura mutāt, noua condunt, paenas [Page] infligunt & onera imponunt subditis suis, proprijs quoque arbitrijs, contē dentium, cum velint dirimunt lites. Quare, moliti sunt ipsi ꝓgenitores tui hoc iugum politicū abijcere, vt consimiliter & ipsi in sub iectum populū regaliter tantū dominari, sed potius debacchari queāt: nō attendentes, quod aequalis est vtrius (que) Regis potētia, vt in praedicto tractatu de Natura legis naturae docetur, & qd non iugū sed libertas est politicé regere populū, securitas quoque maxima nedū plebi, sed & ipsi regi, [Page] alleuatio etiam non minima solicitudinis suae. Quae vt tibi apertius pa teant, vtrius (que) regiminis experientiam percunctare, & à regimine tantum regali, qualiter Rex Frāciae principatur in subditos suos, exordium sumito [...] deinde à regalis & politici regiminis effectu, qualiter Rex Angliae dominatur in sibi subditos populos, experientiam quaere.

¶ The inconueniences, that happen in the Realme of France, through regall gouernement alone. Chap. 35.

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CAll to remembrance, most worthy Prince, after what sort you sawe the wealthy Uillages and Townes (as touching store of Corne) in the Realme of Fraunce, while you were there a soiourner, pestered with the Kings men at armes and their horses, so that skant in any of the great townes there you could get any lodging: Where, of the inhabiters you learned, that those men, though they continue in one village a moneth or two, doe not, nor will paye any thing at all, either for their owne charges, or for the charges of their horses, But which is worse, they compelled the inhabytants of the Uillages [Page] and towne dwellers, whether they came, to prouide of their owne proper costes, out of the villages adioyning, wine and flesh for them, and other thinges that they needed, at dearer prices, then they might haue bought the same at home. And if any refused thus to doe, they were anonne by plaine Stafford Law forced to do it: And when they had spent all the victuals, fewell, and horsemeat, in one towne, then those men went to an other towne, wasting the same in like manner, not paying one penie for any necessaries, either for themselues or else for their concubines and harlots, whereof they euer carried about with them [Page] great abundaunce, nor for hosen or shooes, and other like, euen to ye lest point or lace but they compelled ye townsmē where they tarried to beare al their expenses. And thus were al ye villages & vnwalled townes of ye land vsed, so yt there is not ye least village there, frée frō this miserable calamity, but that it is once or twise euery yere beggered by this kinde of pilling. Furthermore ye King suffreth no man to eate salt wtin his kingdome, except hee buy it of the king at such price, as pleaseth him to assesse. And if any poore man had rather eat his meat fresh thē to buy salt so excessiuely deare, he is [Page] immediatly cōpelled to buy so much of ye kings salt at ye kings price, as shall suffice so many ꝑsōs as he kéepeth in his house. Moreouer al the inhabiters of ye realme, giue yerely to ye king, ye iiij. part of all the wines yt their groūds beareth: and euery Vintener the fourth peny of ye price of the wine that he selleth And besides all this, euery village & borough paieth yerely to ye king great summes of mony assessed vpon them for the wages of men at armes, so that the charges of the kings army, which is euer very great, is maintained by ye poore people of the villages, boroughes, & townes of the realme. [Page] And yet moreouer, euery village findeth cōtinually ij. Crossebowes at ye least, & some moe, with al furniture & habiliments, requisit for the kings seruice in his wars, as oft as it pleaseth him to muster thē which he doth very oft: And, these things not considered, other exceeding great tallages are yerely assessed vpon euery village of ye same realme to ye kings vse, wherof they are no yere relesed. The people being wt these & diuers other calamities, plaged & oppressed, doe liue in great misery, drinking water daily, Neither do the inferior sort tast any other licor, sauing only at solemne feasts. [Page] Their shamewes are made of hēp, much like to sackcloth. Wollen cloth they weare none except it be very course & ye only in their coates vnder their said vpper garments, neither vse they any hosen, but frō ye kne vpward: the residue of their legs go naked. Their women go barefoot sauing on holidaies, neither men nor women eate any flesh there, but only larde of bacon, wt a smal quātity whereof they fatten their pottage & broths. As for rosted or sodden meat of flesh they taste none, except it be of the inwards sometimes & heades of beastes, that be killed for gentlemē and marchants. [Page] But the men at armes, they deuoure & consume all their pulleine, so, that they haue scant the egges left to eat for special dainties. And if they fortune at any time to grow some what welthy in substāce, so that any of them bee counted rich, hee is by and by charged to the Kings Subsidie, more deepely then any of his neighbors, so that within short time he is made equall in pouerty with the rest of his beggerly neighbours. And this, as I suppose is the state of the cō mon and rascall people of that nation. But Gentlemen and Nobles are not so oppressed, & ouercharged with exactions. But if any of them chaunce to be accused of any crime, [Page] though it be by his enemies, he is not euer wont to be cited or called before an ordinarie Iudge: But many times it hath béene seene, that he hath in that behalfe beene talked with in the Kinges Chamber, or elsewhere in some priuate place, and sometimes onely by a Purseuant or Messenger: And immediately as soone as the Princes conscience hath, through the report of others, iudged him guiltie, hee is without any fashion of iudgement put in a Sacke, and in the night season by the Marshalls seruants hurled into a Riuer, and so drowned. After which sort you haue heard of many moe put to death, then that haue beene by [Page] ordinarie processe of the Lawe condemned. Howbeit the Princes pleasure, as say the Ciuill lawes, hath the force of a Lawe. Also, while you were abyding in Fraunce, and nigh to the same Kingdome, you hearde of other great enormyties like vnto these, and some much worse then these detestable and damnable, done no otherwise but vnder the colour of that Lawe, which heere to rehearse would continue our talke too long a time. Now therefore, let vs see, what the effecte of the Law politique and Regall, which some of your progenitors would haue changed into this ciuill, hath wrought in the [Page] Realme of Englande, that you being instructed with the experience of both Lawes, may the better by their effectes iudge, whether of them ye ought rather to choose, Seeing the Philosopher, as afore is rehersed, doth say, that contraries laid together do more perfectly appeare.

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REminiscere (prī ceps diuine) qualiter villas & oppida regni Frāciae frugum opulentissima, dum ibidē peregrinabaris, cōspexisti, Regis terrae illiꝰ hominibus ad arma, & eorum equis, ita onusta, vt vix in eorum aliquibꝰ quā magnis oppidis tu hospitari valebas: vbi ab incolis didicisti, homines illos, licet in villa vna per mē sem aut duos perhendinauerint, nihil prorsus, pro suis aut equorum suorum expensis, soluisse, aut soluere velle, sed quod peius est, arctabāt incolas villarū [Page] & oppidorū, in quae descēderant, sibi de vinis, carnibus, & alijs, quibus indigebant, etiā carioribꝰ necessarijs quā ibi reperiebantur, à cir cumuicinis villatis, suis proprijs sūptibꝰ ꝓuidere. Et siqui sic facere renuebāt, cōcito fustibꝰ caesi, properè hoc agere cōpellebātur: ac de mū cōsūptis, in villa vna, victualibꝰ, focalibꝰ, & equorum p̄bēdis, ad villā aliā homines illi properabāt, eam cōsimiliter deuastando, nec denarium vnum ꝓ aliquibꝰ necessarijs suis, etiam aut concubinarum suarum, quas in magna copiasecū [Page] sēper vehebāt, vel pro sotularibꝰ, caligis, & alijs hum̄di, vs (que) ad minimā earū ligulā soluerunt, sed singulas suas qualescun (que) expē sas habitatores villarū, vbi moras fecerunt, soluere coegerūt. Sic (que) & factū est in omnibꝰ villis & oppidis nō muratis totius regionis illiꝰ, vt non sit ibi villula vna, expers de calamitate ista, quae non semel aut bis in anno, hac nephanda pressura depiletur. Praeterea non patitur rex quenquam regni sui salem edere, quem non emat ab ipso Rege, precio, eius solum arbitrio, assesso. Et si insulsum pauper, quiuis mauult edere, quam salem excessiuo, [Page] p̄cio cōparare, moxcō pellitur ille, tātū de sale regis ad eius preciū emere, quantū congruet tot personis, quot ipse in domo sua [...]ouet. Insuꝑ omnes regni illiuꝰ incolae, dant omni anno, regi suo, quartam partē omniū vinorum, quae sibi accrescunt, & omnis caupo quartū denariū p̄cij vinorū, quae ipse vēdit, & vltra haec oēs villae & burgi soluunt Regi annuatim, ingentes summas super eos assessas, pro stipendijs hominum ad arma, sic quod armata regis, quae quam magna semper est, pascatur annuatim de stipendijs suis per pauperes villarum, burgorū, & ciuitatum regni. [Page] Et vltra haec, quaelibet villa semper sustinet sagittarios duos ad mī nus, & aliquae plures, in omni apparatu, & abilimentis sufficientibus ad seruiendum regi in guerris suis, quoties sibi libet eos summonere, qd & crebro facit: ac, hijs non pōderatis, maxima tallagia alia, sunt omni anno assessa ad opus regis, suꝑ quā libet villam eiusdem regni, de quibus non vno anno ipsi alleuiantur. Hijs & nonnullis alijs calamitatibus, plebs illa lacessita, in miseria non minima viuit, aquam cotidie bibit, nec alium, nisi in solemnibus festis, plebeij gustant liquorem. [Page] Froccis siue collobitis de canabo admodū pā ni saccorum teguntur. Panno de lana, praeterquam de vilissima, & hoc solum in tunicis suis subtus froccas illas non vtuntur, ne (que) caligis nisi ad genua, discooperto residuo tibiarum. Mulieres eorum nudipedes sunt exceptis diebus festis, carnes non comedunt, mares aut faeminae ibidē praeter lardū baconis, quo impinguant pulmentaria sua in minima quantitate. Carnes assatas coctasue alias ipsi non gustant, praeterquam interdum de intestinis & capitibus animalium, pro nobilibus & mercatoribus occisorum: [Page] Sed gentes ad arma comedunt alitilia sua, ita vt vix oua eorum, ipsis relinquantur, pro summis vescenda delicijs. Et si quid in opibus, eis aliquando accreuerit, quo locuples eorum aliquis reputetur, concitoipse ad regis sub sidium, plus vicinis suis caeteris oneratur, quo, ex-tunc conuicinis caeteris ipse aequabitur pa [...] pertate. Haec, ni fallor, forma est status gentis plebanae regionis illius. Nobiles tamen, non sic exactionibus opprimuntur. Sed si eorum aliquis calumniatus fuerit de [Page] crimine, licet ꝑ inimicos suos nō semper coram iudice ordinario ipse conuocari solet: Sed quam saepe, in regis camera, & alibi in priuato loco, quandoque vero solum per internuncios, ipse inde aloqui visus est, & mox vt criminosum eum principis consciētia, relatu aliorum, iudicauerit, in sacco positus, absque figura iudicij, ꝑ praepositi mariscalorum ministros noctanter in flumine proiectus, submergitur, qualiter & mori audi [...]sti maiorem multo numerum hominum, quam qui legitimo [Page] processu iuris conuicti ex [...]iterūt. Sed tamē, qd principi placuit (iuxta leges ciuiles) legis habet vigorem. Etiam & alia enormia, hijs similia, ac quaedam hijs deteriora, dum in Francia & prope regnum illud conuersatus es, audisti, non alio, quā legis illius, colore, detestabiliter damnabiliter (que) perpetrata, quae hic inserere, nostrum nimium di alogum protelaret: Quare, quid effectꝰ legis polliticae & regalis, quam, quidā progenitorū tuorū, pro lege hac ciuili, cōmutare nisi sunt, operatus est in regno [Page] Angliae, a modo visitemꝰ, vt vtraque legum experientia doctus, quae earum tibi eligibilior sit, ex earum effectibꝰ elicere valeas, cū (vt supra memoratur) dicat Philosophus, quod, opposita, iuxta se po [...]ita, magis apparent.

¶ The commodities, that proceede of the ioint gouernement, politique and regall, in the Realme of England. Cap. 36.

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IN regno Angliae, nullus perhendinat in alterius domo, inuito domino, si non in hospioijs publicis, vbi tunc pro omnibus, quae ibidem expendit, ipse plenariè [Page] soluet ante eius abinde recessum: nec impune quis (que) bona alterius capit sine voluntate proprietarij eorundem, ne (que) in Regno illo, prepeditur aliquis, sibi de sale, aut quibuscunque mercimonijs alijs ad proprium arbitrium, & de quocunque ven ditore, prouidere. Rex tamen, necessaria domus suae, per rationabile precium, iuxta constabulariorum villarum discretiones assidendum, inuitis possessoribus, per officiarios suos capere potest: sed nihilominus precium illud in manibus, vel ad [Page] diē per maiores officiarios domus suae limitandum soluere per leges suas obnoxiꝰ ē: quia nulliꝰ subditorū suo [...] bona iuxta leges illas, ipse deripere potest sine satisfactione de bita ꝓ eisdē. Ne (que) rex ibidē, ꝑ se, aut ministros suos, tallagia, subsidia, aut quaeuis onera alia, imponit legijs suis, aut leges eorū mutat, vel nouas cōdit sine cōcessione vel assensu totiꝰ regni sui, in parliamēto suo ex p̄sso. Quare incola omīs regni illiꝰ, fructubꝰ quos sibi parit terra sua, & quos gignit pecꝰ eiꝰ, emo lumētis quo (que) omnibꝰ, [Page] quae industria ꝓpria, vel aliena, ipse terr̄ mari (que) lucratur, ad libitū ꝓpriū vtitur, nulliꝰ p̄ peditꝰ iniuria vel ra pina, quī ad minꝰ in de debitas consequi tur emēdas: vnde in habitātes terrā illā, locupletes sūt abū dātes auro & argēto & cūctis necessarijs vitae. A quā ipsi non bibūt, nisi q, ob deuotionis & penitē ciezelū, aliqādo ab alijs potubꝰ se abstinēt, oī genere carniū & pisciū, ipsi in copiavescuntur, quibꝰ patria illa nō modice est refert̄, pannis de lanis bonis ipsi induuntur in omnibus operimētis suis, [Page] etiam abundant in lectisternijs, & quolibet suppellectili cui lana congruit, in omnibus domibus suis, necnō opulenti ipsi sunt in omnibus hustilimentis domus, necessarijs culturae & omnibus quae ad quietam, & felicem vitam exiguntur, secundum status suos. Nec in placit [...] ipsi ducuntur, nisi coram iudicibus ordinarijs, vbi illi per leges terrae iuste tractantur. Nec allocuri siue implacitati sunt de mobilibus aut possessionibus suis, vel a [...]retta [...]i de crimine aliquo, qualiter cū (que) magno & [Page] [...]normi, nisi secundum leges terrae illius, & coram Iudicibus antedictis. Et hij sunt fructus, quos parit regimen politicum & regale: Ex quibus tibi iam apparent experientiae effectus legis, quam quidam progenitorum tuorum abijcere conati sunt. Superius quoque tibi apparent effectus legis alterius, quam tanto zelo, loco legis istius, ipsi nisi sunt inducere, vt ex fructibus earum tu agnoscas eas: Et, nonne ambitio, luxus, & libido quos p̄dicti [Page] progenitores tui, regni bono praeferebant, eos ad hoc commercium concitabant? Considera igitur, Princeps optime, & iam alia, quae sequentur.

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WIthin ye Realme of England, no man soiorneth in an other mans house, without· the loue & the leaue of the good man of the same house: sauing in common Innes, where before his departure thence, he shall fully [Page] satisfie and pay for all his charges there: Neither shal he escape vnpunished whosoeuer he be, that taketh another mans goods without the good will of the owner thereof, Neither is it vnlawfull for any man in that Royalme, to prouide and store himself, of salt, and other merchandises, or wares, at his owne will & pleasure, of any man that selleth the same. Howbeit, the King, though the owners would say nay, may by his Officers take necessaries for his house, at a reasonable price, to bee assessed by the discretions of the Constables of the towns: Neuerthelesse, he is bound by the Lawes to pay therefore, either presently in hand, or else [Page] at a day to bee limitted and set by the higher Officers of his house: For by his Lawes hee may take away none of his Subiectes goods, without due satisfaction for the same. Neither doth the King there, either by himselfe, or by his Seruants and Officers leuie vppon his subiectes, Tallages, Subsidies, or any other burdens, or alter their laws, or make newe Lawes, without the expresse consent and agreement of his whole Realme in his Parliament. Wherefore euery inhabiter of that Realme, vseth and enioyeth at his pleasure, all the fruites that his lande or cattel beareth, with al the profits and commodities, [Page] which by his owne trauell, or by the labour of others, hee gaineth by lande or by water: not hindered by the iniurie or wrong detainement of any manne, but that hee shall bee allowed a reasonable recompence: And heereby it commeth to passe, that the men of that Lande are rich, hauing aboundaunce of Gold and Siluer, and other things necessarie for the mainetenance of mans life. They drinke no water, vnlesse it bee so, that some for deuotion and vpon a zeale of pennance, doe abstaine from other drinke, They eate plentifully of all kindes of flesh and fishe, They weare fine wollen cloth in all their apparell, [Page] They haue also aboundance of bedde couerings in their Houses, and of all other wollen stuffe, They haue great store of all hustlements and implementes of householde. They are plentifully furnished with al instruments of husbandrie, and all other things, that are requisite to the accomplishment of a quiet and wealthie life, according to their estates and degrees. Neither are they sued in the Law, but only before ordinarie Iudges, where by the Lawes of the Land they are iustly intreated. Neither are they arrested or impleaded for their moueables or possessiōs, or araigned of any offence criminall, bee it neuer so great and [Page] outragious, but after the Lawes of the Lande, and before the Iudges aforesaid. And these are the fruits, which, gouernement politique and regall conioyned, doth beare and bring foorth: Whereof now appeare euidently vnto you the experiences of the effects of the Law, which some of your progenitors trauelled to abolish. Before also you saw plainly the effectes of the other Lawe, which they with such earnest endeuour laboured to aduance and place in steade of this Lawe, so that by the fruites of them both, you may know, what they are: And did not ambition, riot, and wanton lust, which your said [Page] progenitors esteemed aboue the wealth of the Realme, mooue them to this alteration? Consider therefore, most worthy Prince, and that earnestly this that followeth.

¶ A comparison of the worthinesse of both the regiments▪ Chap. 37.

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SAnctus Thomas in libro, quem Regi Cipri de regimine principū scripsit, dicit: quod Rex datur propter regnum, & non regnum propter Regem, quo omnis potestas regia referri debet ad bonum regni sui, quod effectiue con sistit, in defensione [Page] eiusdem ab exterorum incursibus, & in tuitione regnicolarum, & bonorum suorum ab indigenarum iniurijs & rapinis. Quare, Rex, qui haec peragere nequit, impotens est necessario iudicandus. Sed si ipse, passionibus propriis, aut penuria, ita oppressus est, quod manus suas cohibere nequit à depilatione subditorum suorum, quo ipsemet eos depauperat, nec viuere sinit & sustentari proprijs substantijs suis: quanto tunc impotentior [Page] ille iudicandus est, quam si eos defendere, ipse non sufficeret erga aliorum iniurias? Reuera, Rex talis, nedum impotens, sed & ipsa impotentia, dicendus est: & non liber iudicari potest, tantis impotē tiae nexubus vinculatus. E regione, Rex liber & potens est, qui incolas suos erga exteros, & indigenas, eorum quoque bona & facultates, nedum erga vicinorum & conciuium rapinas defendere sufficit, sed erga propriam oppressionem, & rapinam, [Page] licet sibi passiones necessitatesque huiusmodi reluctētur. Quis enim potentior liberiorue esse potest, quam qui, non solum alios: sed & se ipsum sufficit debellare? quod potest, & semper facit, Rex politice regens populum suum. Quare experientiae effectu tibi constat, princeps, progenitores tuos, qui sic politicum regimen abijcere satagerunt, non solum in hoc non potuisse nanciscipotentiā, quam optabant, videlicet ampliorem, sed & sui bonum, similiter & bonum Regni sui, per [Page] hoc, ipsi discrimini exposuissent, & periculo grādiori. Tamen haec quae iā de experientiae effectu practicata, potentiam regis, regaliter tantum praesidētis, exprobrare vidētur non ex legis suae defectu processerunt, sed ex incuria negli gētia (que) taliter principantis. Quare, ipsa, dignitatem illam potentia non minuunt, a dignitate regis politice regulātis, quos paris esse potentiae, in praedicto tractatu de Natura legis Naturae, luculenter ostendi. Sed potentiam regis regaliter tantum principantis difficilioris [Page] esse exercitij, ac minoris securitatis sibi & populo suo, illa clarissime iam demonstrant, quo optabile non for [...]t regi prudenti, regimen politicum pro tantum regali commutare. Vnde & sanctus Thomas supradictꝰ optare cē setur, vt omnia mū di regna politice regerentur.

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SAint Thomas in his booke which he wrote to the king of Cyprus, of the regiment of Princes, saith, that the King is giuen for the kingdome, and not the kingdome for the King, Whereupon it followeth, that all kingly power must bee applyed to the wealth of his kingdome, Which thing in effect consisteth, in the [Page] defence thereof from forreine inuations, and in the maintenance of his subiects, and their goods, from the iniuries and extortions of the inhabitants of the same. Wherfore, that king, which is not able to performe these things, must of necessitie bee iudged impotent and weake. But if he be so ouercome of his owne affections and lustes, or so oppressed with pouertie, that hee can not withhold his hands from the pilling of his subiects, whereby himselfe impouerisheth them, and suffereth them not to liue and to be sustained vpon their owne substances: how much more weake or feeble is hee in this [Page] respect to be iudged, then if he were not able to defend them against the iniuries of others: Truely, such a King may well be called, not only feeble, but euen verie feeblenesse it selfe: nor is not to bee iudged free, being tied with so many bandes of feeblenesse. On the other side, that King is free and of might, that is able to defend his subiectes, aswell against straungers, as against his owne people: and also their goods and possessions, not onely from the vyolent and vnlawfull inuasions of their owne countreymen and neighbours, but also from his owne oppression and extortion, [Page] though such wilfull lusts and necessities do mooue him to the contrarie. For who can bee more mightie or more free, then hee, that is hable to conquer and subdue, not onely others, but also himselfe? Which thing a King, whose gouernance is politique, can doe and euer doth. Thus, most worthy Prince, it appeareth vnto you by the effecte of experience, that your progenitours, which were thus minded to renounce their politique gouernement, could not thereby not onely not obtaine the might and power, which they wished, that is to say, increase thereof, but rather they should haue endaungered, and greatly hazarded, the wealth [Page] as well of themselues, as also of their kingdome. Notwithstanding these thinges now practised, which, as touching the effect of experience, doe seeme to blemish the power of a king ruling al alone regally, neuer procéeded of the default of their law, but of the careles demeanour, and negligent loosenes of such a Ruler. Wherfore, that dignitie is not heereby in power imbased, vnder the dignitie of a politique Gouernour, which both, in my foresaid treatise of the Nature of the Law of Nature, I haue plainely prooued to be in power equal. But the premises doe most euidently declare it to bee a matter of much more diffcultie for a king [Page] whose rule is only regal, to exercise his power, and that both he and his people, stand in much lesse securitie, and therefore it were not to be wished of a wise king, to change a politike regiment into that gouernement, which is onely regall. And according to this, the foresaide Saint Thomas, wisheth that all the kingdomes of the world were ruled by politique gouernance.

¶ The Prince breaketh the Chancellour of his tale. Chap. 38.

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BEare with me, I beséech you good Chancellour, quod the Prince, [Page] in that with my questions I haue drawne you so far from your purpose: For, the things, which by this occasion you haue discussed, are to mee right profitable, though they haue somewhat staied you, and pulled you backe from the ende of your intent, Whereunto I pray you now make haste: and first as you promised, and as you haue begunne, open vnto me some other cases wherein the sentences of the lawes of England, and of the Ciuill lawes, doe disagree.

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TVnc Princeps, parce, obsecro, Cancellarie, [Page] quod te ad tantam a proposito tuo digressionem compuli quaestionibus meis, mihi namque perutilia sunt, quae hac occasione exarasti, licet te parumper retardauerint a meta intētionis tuae ad quam vt tu iam celerius properes, flagito, & primo, vt aliquos alios casus, in quibus, legū Angliae, & Ciuiliū discrepant sentētiae, vt promisisti & coepisti, mihi [...]narres.

¶ The second case, wherein the Ciuill Lawes, and the Lawes of England, disagree in their iudgements. Chap. 39.

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ACcording to your request, most noble Prince (quoth the Chancellour) I will open vnto you certaine other cases, wherein the said Lawes disagree. Howbeit, whether of the same Lawes in their iudgements, excelleth the other, that will I leaue to your owne determination. The Ciuill Law doth legittimate the childe borne before matrimony, as well as that which is borne after: and giueth vnto it succession in the Parents inheritance: But to the childe borne out of matrimony, the Lawe of England alloweth no succession, affirming it to be naturall only, and not lawfull. The Ciuiliās in this case, aduance their Lawe, [Page] alleaging that by meane thereof, the sacrament or state of matrimonie comming in place, extinguisheth the former sinne, whereby else the soules of two persons should haue perished: And it is to be presumed, say they, that they were at their first copulation both so minded, as the sacrament ensuing afterward declareth. The Church also accepteth such children for legitimate. These, I trow, are the three strongest reasons, whereby they mainetaine and defend their Lawe. Which are thus answered by the Lawiers of Englande: First, they say, that the sinne of the first carnall action, in the case propoū ded, is not purged by the [Page]matrimonie ensuinge, though by the worthines therof, the sinners punishment is somewhat abated. They say also, that they, which thus do sinne, are so much the lesse repentant therefore, in as much as they perceiue the Lawes to fauour & beare with such transgressors: And vpon this consideration, they are made the redier to commit sinne: therby breaking the commandement both of Gods and of the Church. Wherfore this Lawe doth not onely participate with the offence of sinners, but also swarueth from the nature of a good Lawe. Forasmuch as a Law is a holy stablishment, commaunding things honest, and forbidding the contrarie: [Page] Which this Lawe doth not, but rather allureth the mindes of sinners to dishonestie. Neither can it bee any defence to this Law, that the Church accepteth such Children for legittimate. For that louing mother dispenseth in many things, which shee licenceth to be done, And it was by way of dispensation, that the Apostle setteth Uirgines at liberty, wherunto hee would not counsell them, rather wishing all to continue Uirgines like himselfe. And God forbid, that so great a mother, should in this case withdraw her tender loue from her children, which by the intisement of this Law doe many times fall into sinne.

[Page]And by the matrimonie ensuing, The Church is informed, that the parties so marrying are penitent and sorry for the offence passed, and are willing in time to come, through matrimonie, to liue continent. But the Lawe of England, in this case, worketh a much contrarie effect, For it prouoketh not to sinne, nor cherisheth or maintaineth sinners, but putteth them in feare, and to keepe them from sinne threateneth punishment: For the wantonnesse of the flesh hath no neede of allurement, but rather of discouragement: because the lustes of the flesh are wanton, and almost vntameable. And forasmuch as it is impossible for mā to liue euer in himselfe, [Page] hee naturally coueteth to liue euer in his like, because euery liuing thing desireth to be like the first and chiefe cause, which is perpetuall & euerlasting. And heereof it commeth, that man hath more delite & pleasure in the sense of feeling, wherby his kind is preserued, then in the sense of taste, which preserueth only the particular man. Wherfore Noe, executing vengeāce vpon his sonne which vncouered his priuities, did curse his Nephew the offenders child, that thereby the offender might bee more grieued then with his owne mishap: Wherefore the Law that punisheth the offenders issue, doth more penally prohibite sinne, then that, which plagueth[Page]but the offender alone. Wherby it may easily be considered with what zele the Lawe of England abhorreth vnlawfull coniunctions, which doth not onely iudge the childe so gotten to be illegittimat, but also prohibiteth it to succeed in the parents inheritance. Is not this law then chaste & pure? And doth it not more forceably and more earnestly suppresse sinne, then the foresaid ciuil Law, which winketh at the sinne of lecherie, and leaueth it vnpunished?

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CAncellarius. Quosdā casus alios, in quibus dissentiunt Leges praedictae, vt petis princeps, detegere conabor. Sed tamen quae legū earū praestātior sit in iuditijs suis, non meo sed arbitratui tuo relinquam. Prolem ante matrimonium natā, ita vt post, legitimā, lex ciuilis, & succedere facit in haereditate parentum: sed prolem, quam matrimoniū non parit, succedere non sini [...] lex Anglorum, naturalē tantū eam esse, & non legititimam proclamans. Ciuilistae in casu hoc, legē eorum extollunt, [Page] quia incitamētū eā esse dicunt, quo matrimonij sacramēto cesset peccatum, ꝑ quod alias duorum animae interirēt: prae sumendum quoque esse dicunt, tales fuisse contrahentium animos in primo eorum concubitu, quales esse demō strat subsequens sacramentum. Ecclesia etiā, foetus hm̄di habet ꝓ legitimis, haec, ni fallor, tria fulcimēta sūt maiora, quibꝰ ipsi appro bant, defenduntque legē suam. Ad quae, sic respondent legis Angliae periti: primo dicunt quod peccatū primi concubitus, in casu proposito, [Page] nō purgatur per subsequens matrimonium, licet eiꝰ merito delinquentiū quodam modo minuatur poena. Dicūt etiā qd peccati illius cōscij, tāto minꝰ inde poenitent, quo leges trāsgressoribus illis fauere considerant: Quali etiam consideratione, procliuiores ipsi redduntur ad cōmittendū peccatū, ꝑ qd, nedum Dei, sed & ecclesiae praecepta negligūt. Vn de lex illa, nedum delinquentiū participat culpā, sed & legis bonae naturā ipsa declinat: cum lex sit sanctio sancta, iubens honesta, & prohibens contraria: [Page] qualia ipsa non pro hibet, sed potius ad inhonesta animos labētium inuitat. Nec vallari potest lex ista ꝑ hoc, qd ecclesia foetus hm̄di pro legi [...]is habet. Pia namque mater illa, in quāplurimis dispensat, quae fieri ipsa non cōcedit, dispensatina enim laxauit Apostolꝰ virginitatis fraena qd cō sulere noluit, cū oēs ipse voluerit, vt se virgines permansisse. Et absit, vt mater tanta, a filijs suis in casu isto pietatem suā cohiberet, dum saepe ipsi, etiā legis huius ciuilis fomento cōcitati, incidūt in peccatum.

[Page]Et per matrimonium subsequens docetur Ecclesia, contrahentes poenitere de preterito, & de futuro per matrimonium se velle cohibere, Sed longè alium, in hoc casu, lex Angliae effectum operatur, dum ipsa non concitat ad peccatum, neque peccantes [...]ouet, sed terret eos, & ne peccent, minatur poenas: carnis etenim illicebrae fomento non egent, egent verò froenis, quia irritamēta carnis lasciua & quasi infatigabilia sunt. Et homo, quum indiuiduo perpetuari nequit, perpetuari [Page] naturaliter appetit in specie sua, quia omne, qd viuit, assimilari cupit causae primae, quae perpetua est & aeterna. Vnde fit, quod plus de [...]ectatur homo in sensu tactus, quo seruatur species eiꝰ, quā in sensu gustus, quo conseruatur indiuiduum. Quare Noe, vlciscens in filium qui eius pudenda reuelauit, nepoti suo, filio delinquētis, maledixit, vt inde plus cruciaretur reus, quā ꝓprio possit incōmodo: quare lex, quae vindicat in progeniem delinquentis, penalius prohibet peccatum, quam quae solum delinquentem[Page]f [...]agellat. Ex quibꝰ cōsiderare licet, quātozelo lex Angliae illicitos ꝓsequitur concubitꝰ, dū ex eis editā prolē, ipsa, nedum iudicat non esse legittimā, sed & succedere prohibet in patrimonio parentū. Nū quid tunc, lex ista casta non est? & nō fortiꝰ firmius (que) repellit peccatū, quā facit lex praedicta ciuilis, quae cito, & quasi inultū luxuriae crimē remittit?

¶ Speciall causes, why base borne children, are not legittimate in England by matrimonie ensuing. Chap. 40.

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MOreouer, the Ciuill lawes say, that your [Page]naturall or bastard sonne is the sonne of the people. Whereof a certaine Metritian writeth in this wise.

To whō the people father is, to him is father none and all:

To whō the people father is, well fatherlesse wee may him call.

And while such a childe had no Father at the time of his birth, surely nature knoweth not howe he could afterward come by a Father: For, if one woman should beare two childen of two Fornicatours, and the one of them should afterwarde marry her: Whether of these two children should by this marriage be legittimate? Opinion may somewhat perswade, [Page]but reason cannot finde: seeing the time was once, when both those children, beeing iudged the children of the people, did not know their fathers. It were therefore vnreasonable, that a child afterward borne in the same wedlocke, whose generation cannot be vnknown, should bee disherited, and that a child which knoweth no father, should be heire to the father & mother of the other, specialally in the realme of Englande, where the eldest sonne onely inioyeth the fathers inheritance, And an indifferent Iudge would thinke it no lesse vnreasonable, that a base borne childe should bee equally matched with a lawfull begotten child in [Page] the inheritance, which by the Ciuill lawes can bee diuided but onely among male children. For Saint Augustine in the xvi. book de Ciuitate Dei writeth thus: Abraham gaue all his substance to his sonne Isaac: and to the sonnes of his concubines he gaue gifts: Whereupon seemeth to be ment, that to bastarde children there is no inheritance due, but onely a necessarie liuing. Thus saith hee. And vnder the name of a bastard childe, S. Augustine vnderstandeth all vnlawfull issues, and so doth holy Scripture also in diuers places, calling none by the name of a bastard. Loe, Saint Augustine thinketh no small difference to bee, [Page] and so thinketh Abraham too, betweene the succession of a bastard, and of a sonne lawfully begotten. Yea, holy Scripture reprehendeth all vnlawfull children vnder this Metaphor, saying, bastard slippes shall take no deepe roote, nor lay any fast foundation, in the fourth chapter of the booke of Wisdome. The Church also reprooueth the same, in that it admitteth them not to holy orders, And if so bee, that the Church doe dispense with such a one, yet it permitteth not him to haue any dignity or preeminence in the Church, Wherefore it is conuenient, that mans lawe in the benefite of succession, should cutte them short, [Page] whom the Church iudgeeth vnworthy to bee receiued in holy orders, and reiecteth from all prelacie: yea whom holy Scripture iudgeth, as touching their birth, much inferiour to them that be lawfully begotten. Wee reade, that Gedeon the puissant begat threescore and tenne sonnes in wedlocke, and but one onely out of wedlocke, yet this misbegotten childe wickedly slew al those lawfully begotten children, one onely excepted, Iudges the ninth chapter: Whereby it is perceiued, that there was more wickednesse in one Bastard childe, then in lxix. lawfull sonnes. For it is a common saying: [Page] If a bastard be good, that cōmeth to him by chance, that is to witte, by special grace, but if hee bee euill that commeth to him by nature. For it is thought, that the base childe draweth a certaine corruption and staine from the sinne of his parents, without his owne fault, as all we haue receiued of the sinne of our first parents, much infection, though not so much, Howbeit the blemish, which bastards by their generation doe receiue, much differeth frō that wherein lawful children are borne, For their conception is wrought by the mutuall sinnefull lust of both parents, which in the lawfull and chaste copulation of married couples taketh no place, The [Page] sinne of such fornicators is committed by the mutuall consent of them both, Wherefore it is likened to the first sin, and cleaueth more cruelly to the childe, then the sinne of such as doe otherwise offend alone: so that the Childe so begotten deserueth to bee called the childe of sinne, rather then the childe of sinners, wherefore the Booke of Wisdome making a difference betweene these two generations, of the lawfull generation it saith thus: O how faire is a chaste generation with vertue! The memoriall thereof is immortall: For it is knowne with GOD and with men. But the other is not knowne with men, [Page] so that the children thereof borne, are called the children of the people. Of which base generation, the same booke thus speaketh: All the children, that are borne of wicked parents, are witnesses of wickednesse against their parentes, when they bee asked. For beeing demaunded of their parentes they open their sinne, euen as the wicked sonne of Noe vncouered his fathers priuities. It is therefore beleeued touching the blind borne, of whom the Pharisies in the ninth Chapter of Saint Iohns Gospell said: thou art all together borne in sinne: that hee was a bastarde, who wholly is borne of sinne: & wher it followeth [Page] doest thou teach vs, It seemeth that thereby may bee vnderstanded, that a bastard hath no like naturall disposition to knowledge and learning, as a lawful child hath. Wherfore, that law maketh no good diuision, which in the fathers inheritaunce maketh equall bastarde children and lawfull children, whom the Church in Gods inheritance maketh vnequall, Betweene whom also Scripture putteth a difference in forme aboue mentioned: & when nature in her gifts seuereth, marking the natuall or bastard children, as it were, with a certaine priuie marke in their soules. Whether therefore of the two lawes, English or Ciuill, do you now imbrace, [Page] most noble Prince, and iudge to haue the preheminence in this case.

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PRaeterea leges ciuiles dicūt, filiū[Page]naturalem tuum esse filium populi, de quo metricꝰ quidā sic ait Cui pater est populus, pater est sibi, nullus, & omnis. Cui pater est populus, non habet ipse patrem. Et dum proles talis patrem non habuit tempore natiuitatis suae, quomodo ex postfacto ipse patrem nanscici poterit, natura non nouit: quò, si ex fornicatoribus duobꝰ, mulier vna filios pe perit duos, quā postea, vnus ex concubinarijs illis ducat ī vxorē, quis ex filijs hijs duobꝰ, per matrimonium illud legittimatur? Opinio suadere potest,[Page]sed ratio reperire nequit, dum ambo filij illi populi foetus iudicati, semel parentes ignorabant. Inconsonū propterea videretur, quod in matrimonio illo extunc ab eadē muliere natus, cuius generatio ignorari nō poterit, expers esset haereditatis, & filius nescius genitoris suī succederet patri & matri eius, maxime infra regnū Angliae, vbi filius senior solus succedit in haereditate paterna, & nō minus incongruum esse sentiret abiter aequus, si filiꝰ ex stupro, aequaliter perticiparet cum filio ex legitimo thoro, [Page] haereditatem, quae iure ciuili inter masculos diuidēda est. Nam sanctus Augustinus xvj, lib. de Ciuitate Dei, sic scribit: Abraham omnem censum suum dedit Isaac filio suo, filijs autem concubinarum dedit dationes: Ex quo videtur innui, qd spurijs non debetur haereditas, sed victꝰ necessitas. Haec ille. Sub nomine vero spurij, denotat Augustinus, omnē foetū illegittimū, qualiter & saepius facit scriptura sacra, quae neminem vocat bastardum. Ecce, differentiam non minimam sentit Augustinus, [Page] sentit & Abraham, inter successionem spurij, & filij ex legittimo concubitu. Caeterùm, omnes filios illegittimos reprehendit Scriptura sacra, sub Metaphora hac, dicens: spuria vitulamina non dabunt radices altas, nec stabile fundamentum collocabunt, Sapientiae iiij. Reprehendit & ecclesia, quae eos à sacris repellit ordinibus, & si cum tali dispensauerit, non eum tamē permittit dignitate praeesse in ecclesia Dei cōgruit. Idcirco legi hominum in successionis beneficio, minuere, [Page] quos ecclesia indignos iudicat sacro ordine, & quos ipsa repellit ab omni praelatia: ipsos etiā, quos Scriptura sacra in natalibus, minoratos iudicat a legittimè procreatis. Gedeon autem virorum fortissimus, lxx. filios in ma [...]rimoni o legitur ꝓcreasse, & nō nisi vnum solum habuisse ex cō cubina filius tamen ipse concubinae, omnes filios illos legittimos nequiter peremit, excepto vno solo, Iudicūix. Quo in notho vno, plus malitiae fuisse depre hēditur, quāin filijs legiti [...]s lxix. Tritū etenim ꝓuerbiū est [Page] si bonus est bastardus hoc ei venit a casu, videlicet gratia speciali, si autem malus ipse fuerit, hoc sibi ac cidit a natura. Corruptionē nam (que) & maculam quandam censetur illegitimus partus contrah [...]re a peccato genitorum suorum sine culpa eius vt maximā nos cōtraximus omnes a crimine primorū parentum, licet non tantam: aliam tamē nothi quam legittimi, contrahunt maculam ex genitura sua, eorū nam (que) generationē mutua vtrius (que) parētis libido culpabilis opera tur, qualiter in legiti mis castis (que) amplex [Page] ibus coniugatorum ipsa nō solet debacchari, mutuum sane & cōmune est peccatum taliter fornicātium, quo primo similatum peccato magis seuit in fetū, quam peccatum aliter solitarie (que) peccātiū vt ex inde natꝰ, potiꝰ peccati filiꝰ dici mereatur, quā filiꝰ peccatorū. Qua re sapientiae liber, generationes has duas distinguens, de generatione legittima sic affatur: O quam pulchra est casta generatio cum claritate! Immortalis est enim memoria illius, quoniam apud deum nota est & apud homines. Altera vero [Page] nō est nota apud homines, quo filij ex ea nati, filij populi nominātur. De generatione vti (que) illa altera, liber ille dicit: ex iniquis oēs filij qui nascuntur, testes sunt nequitiae aduersus parentes suos in interrogatione sua. (Sapientiae eodē iiij cap.) interrogati ete nim de parētibꝰ suis, eorū ipsi reuelāt peccatū, vt filiꝰ Noe nequā reuelauit pu dēda patris sui. Cre ditur id circo, cecū illum natum de quo Pharisei, Io. ix. dixe runt, tu in peccatis natus es totus, fuisse bastardū, qui nascitur totaliter ex peccato, & dum subditur, [Page] & tu doces nos, videtur eos intellexisse, bastardū non vt legittimum, in naturalibus esse dispositum ad sciē tiam & doctrinam. Non igitur bene diuidit lex illa, q bastardos a natiuitate, & legittimos, parificat, in haereditate paterna, cum eos dispares iudicet ecclesia in haereditatedei, similiter & distinguat sacra scriptura in forma p̄notata, di uidat (que) natura in do nis suis, signans naturales, tantū, naeuo quasi naturali quodam, licet latente, in animis suis. Quā igitur legū istarū, Anglicarum, viz. & Ciuilium, [Page] in casu hoc, tu princeps illustrissime, amplecteris & iudicas praeferendā.

The Prince alloweth the Lawe, which doth not legittimate children borne before matrimonie, Chap. 41.

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SUrely, euen to that law doe I giue the preferment, quoth the Prince, which is of more force to abandon sinne out of the Realme, & to aduance vertue. Those also in the benefit, of mans law doe I suppose abiect & base, whō the Law of God considereth vnworthy, & whom the Church in her benefits reiecteth, and nature also iudgeth more prone vnto sinne. I thinke you do not iudge amis, ꝙ the Chancellour. Wherfore I will rehearse yet other cases, [Page] wherein the said Lawes disagree.

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PRinceps, Reuera eam quae fortius a regno peccatū eliminat, & firmius in eo virtutē conseruat. Arbitror etiā illos in legis humanae beneficijs minorandos, quos lex diuina indigniores cōsiderat, & quos postponit ecclesia in beneficijs suis, natura quo (que) procliuiores iudicat ad peccādū. Cancellarius. Recte estimo te sentire, quare & casus alios [Page] memorabor, in qui bus discrepant hae leges duae.

The third case wherein the Lawes aforesaid disagree. Chap. 42.

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LEges ciuiles fā ciunt, quod partus semper sequitur ventrē, vt si mulier seruilis conditionis nubat viro cōditionis liberae, Proles eorum seruꝰ crit: & e conuerso, seruus maritatꝰ liberae, nō nisi liberos gignit. Sed lex Angliae nū quā matris, sed semper patris conditionē imitari partū iudicat. Vt ex libera, etiā ex natiua, nō ni si liberū liber generet, & nō nisi seruū in matrimonio procreare potest seruꝰ. [Page] Quae, putas, legum harum melior est in sentēcijs suis? crude lis est lex, quae liberi prolē sine culpa subdit seruituti. Nec minus crudelis censetur, quae liberae sobolē sine merito redigit in seruitutem. Legistae vero dicunt, leges Ciuiles p̄ualere ī hijs iudicijs suis. Nā dicunt, quod nō potest arbor mala fructus bonos facere, Neque arbor bona fructꝰ malos facere. Acomnis legis sentētia est, qd plātatio quae libet cedit solo quo inseritur, Certior quo (que) multo est partus, quae eū fuderūtviscera, quā quis eū pater ꝓcreauit. [Page] Ad haec, legis Angliae consulti dicūt q [...]od partus ex legittimo thoro, non certius noscit matrem quam genitorem suum. Nam ambae leges, quae iā contendunt, vniformiter dicunt, quod ipse est pater, quem nuptiae demonstrant. Nunquid tunc magis est conueniēs, vt filij cōditio ad patris, potius quam ad matris cōditionem referatur, cum de coniugatis dixerat Adam? erunt ipsi duo in carne vna, qd dominus exponens in Euangelio ait: Iam non sunt duo, sed vna caro, & cum masculinum concipiat faemininum, [Page] ad masculinum quod dignius est, referri debet tota caro sic facta vna, Quare Adam & Euam vocauit dominus, non Euam sed quia caro [...] ipsi erāt▪ ambo [...] eos vocauit ipse nomine vi [...]i, videlicet, Adam: vt pa [...]et Genesis quinto capitulo. Ipsae quo (que) ciuiles leges dicunt: quod mulieres semper coruscāt, radijs maritorum suorum. Vnde C. qui professione se excusant, libro nono, l. fi. textꝰ sic loquitur: Mulieres honore maritorum crigimus, & genere nobilitamꝰ, & forum ex eorum [Page] persona statuimus, & domicilium mutamꝰ. Sin autem minoris ordinis virū postea sortitae, priore dignitate priuatae, posterioris mariti consequantur conditionem & domicilium. Et cum nomen patris, & non matris, gerat proles omnis, & maxime masculina, Vnde tunc prouenire poterit, qd filiꝰ, ratione matris, amitteret honorē, conditionemue patris sui mutaret, cuiꝰ tamen nomen ipse retinebit praesertim dum honore patris eiusdē ac conditione resplendeat mater eius, & dum viri honor vel conditio [Page] nunquā per vxoris vitium denigratur. Crudelis nēpe censeretur lex, quae sine causa, filiū liberi seruituti committit & terrā, pro qua liber ille innocens à crimine, sud auit innocētis filij sui titulo, non sudanti, tradet extraneo possidendam, ac patris nomen, etiā filij seruitutis nota cōmaculat. Crudelis etiā necessario iudicabitur lex, quae seruitutem augmentat, & minuit libertatem. Nam pro ea natura semper implorat humana. Quia, ab homine, & pro vicio, introducta est seruitus. Sed libertas [Page] à Deo hominis est indita naturae. Quare ipsa ab homine sublata, sēper redire gliscit, vt facit omne, quod libertate naturali priuatur. Quo ipse & crudelis, iudicādꝰ est, qui libertati non fauet. Haec considerantia Angliae iura, in omni casu libertati dāt fauorē. Et licét iura illa iudicent eum seruum, quem seruus in coniugio ex libera procreauit, non per hoc, iura illa rigida, crudeliaue sentiri poterunt. Nam mulier, quae coniugio seruo se subiecit facta ei caro vna, quo ipsa, vt dicunt leges suprascriptae, [Page] ciꝰ consequitur cō ditionem, & ꝓprio arbitrio se fecit ancillam, sed potiùs seruam, nullatenus à lege coacta, qualiter & faciunt, qui se seruos reddunt in curijs regum, vel in seruitutem se vendunt, nulla tenus ad hoc compulsi. Quo modo tunc, liberū sancire possunt leges filium illum, quē mater talis, taliter est enixa? Nunquam enim sic subiectus est vir vxori, licet maxima Domina ipsa fuerit, v: subiecta est libera haec seruo, quē ipsa facit dominum eiꝰ, dicente Domino vxori omni, Eris sub [Page]potestate viri, & ipse dominabitur tibi, Et quid est, quod dicunt legistae illi de fructu arboris bonae vel malae, nonne cō ditionis liberae vel seruilis, est vxor omnis, qualis est maritus eius? Et in cuius solo plantauit maritus, dū vxor eius est sibi caro vna? Nonne in proprio? Quid si surculū dulcis naturae inseuerit ipsesti piti arboris acerbae: Dūmodoarbor illa eius est, nōne fructus (licet ex stipite redolent) sēper sint fructus eius: Sic ex muliere genita proles, mariti est ꝓgenies, fuerit mater libera vel ancilla. San [...]ūt [Page] tamē leges Angliae▪ qd dominus natiuae à libero in matrimoniū sumptae ipso incō sulto, cum eā repudiare nequeat, dicē te Euangelio: quos deus coniunxit, homo non separet: recuperabit versus liberum illum, omne damnū, qd ipse sustinuit ratione deperditī seruitij, & amissae ancillae. Haec iā vt aestimo, est sūma & forma legis Angliae, in casu iā enarrato. Quid igitur iā tibi videtur, Princeps, in casu isto? & quae legū p̄dictarū praestantior aut eligibilior à te iudicatur?

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THe Ciuil Lawes decrée, that the issue euer followeth the wombe, that is to say, the mother. As for example, if a bond woman be married to a free man, their issue shall bee bond: And contrariwise if a bond man marieth a frée womā, he begetteth none but free children. But the Lawe of England neuer iudgeth that issue to follow the mothers condition, but alway the fathers. So that a free mā begetteth free childrē aswell of a bondwomā, as of a frée woman, & a bondman in wedlocke can beget none other but bond children. [Page] Whether of these laws is better thinke you in their sentences? It is a cruell law, which without offēce subdueth the free mans childe to bondage. And no lesse crueltie is to bee thought in the law, which without any desert oppresseth the free womans child with bondage. Yet the Ciuilians say, that the Ciuil Laws in these their iudgements do excel. For an euill tree, say they, can not bring foorth good fruites, nor a good tree beare euill fruites. And by the consent of all Lawes it is agreed, that euerie plant yeeldeth to the nature of the ground wherein it is planted, the childe also hath much more certaine & sure knowledge of the mother, then of the [Page] father. Whereunto the Lawiers of England answere on this wise: That a childe lawfully begotten hath no more certaine and sure knowledge of the mother then of the father. For both these laws thus disagreeing, agree yet in this point, that hee is the father, whom wedlocke declareth. And is it not then more conueniēt, that the condition of the child should haue relation rather to the fathers condition, then to the mothers, Seeing that Adam speaking of married couples, said: They shall be two in one flesh, which our Lord expounding in the Gospel saith: Now are they not two but one flesh. And forsomuch as the male, as more worthy, containeth [Page] the female, thē the whole flesh so vnited must haue relation to the male as to the worthier, wherefore the Lord called Adam & Eue not by the name of Eue, but because they were both one flesh, hee called them both in the name of Adam, the man, as it appeareth in the fift chapter of Genesis. The Ciuill Lawes also holde that women doe euer glister with the shining beames of their husbāds. Wherefore in the title beginning with these words: Qui se professione excusant, in the 9. Booke L. fi. the text saith thus, we auaunce women with the honour of their husbands, and with the kinred of their husbands we worship them, in the court [Page] we decre matters to passe in the name of their husbands, & into the house & surname of their husbāds do we trāslate thē. But if afterward a woman marie with a man of baser degree, then loseth shee her former dignitie, & followeth the condition of her latter husband, And forsomuch as all children, specially male childrē, beare the fathers name, and not ye mothers, whereof then should it come, that the sonne by reason of the mother should lose the honor, or change the condition of the father, whose name neuerthelesse he shall still keepe, Specially seeing the mother her selfe receiueth of the same Father, honor, worship & dignitie which honor, worship and [Page] dignity of the husbād can neuer be desteined or impeached through the fault of ye wife. Truly that law may wel be deemed cruel, which without any cause, cōmitteth to bondage the fremans son, & which, disheriting the innocent son of the innocēt free father, adiudgeth his land to an vnworthy strāger, which also with the base state of bondage in the sonne defaceth the name of the fre father. Cruell also of necessity must that lawe bee counted, which augmenteth thraldome, and diminisheth libertie or freedome. For libertie is the thing that mans nature euer coueteth. For, by man and for sinne, did bondage first enter. But freedome is graffed in mans [Page] nature of God. Whereof if men be depriued, he is euer desirous to recouer the same again, like as al other things doe, that are spoiled of their naturall libertie. Wherefore wicked and cruell is hee to be deemed that fauoreth not libertie. Which things the Lawes of Englande, duely considering doe in all respects shew fauour to libertie. And though the same lawes iudge him thrall, whom a bondman in wedlocke begetteth of a free woman, yet hereby cannot these lawes bee reputed seuere and cruel. For a woman, which by marriage hath submitted herselfe to a bondman, is made one flesh with him, wherefore as the foresaid Lawes determine, [Page] shee followeth the state of his condition, and of her owne free will hath made her selfe a bond woman, not forced there to by the Lawe, much like to such, as in Kings Courts become bondemen, or sell themselues into bondage without any compulsion at all. And how then can the Lawe determine the childe to bee free, whom such a mother hath thus borne? For the husband can neuer bee in so much subiection to his wife, though shee bee a right greate Ladye, as this woman is subiect to the bond man, whom she hath made her Lord, insomuch as the Lord saith to all wiues: Thou shalt bee vnder the power of thy [Page]husband, And hee shall haue dominion ouer thee, And what is it that these Ciuilians say of the fruit of a good or euill tree, Is not euery wife of a free or thrall condition, according to the state of her husband? And in whose ground hath the husband planted, while his wife is one fleshe with him? Not in his owne? And what then if he haue graffed a slip of a sweete nature in a stocke of a sower tree: So that the tree be his owne, shall not the fruites, though they euer sauer of the stock, be his owne fruites? So the childe, which the wife beareth is the husbandes issue, whether the wife bee free or thrall. Howbeit the Lawes of England [Page] decree, that if a bond woman, without the consent of her lord, be married to a free man, though they cannot bee deuorced, because the Gospell saith, whom God hath conioyned, let no man seperate, yet shall her lord recouer against the same freeman all the dammages, that he hath sustained by reasō of ye losse of his vassal or bōd woman. This now, as I suppose, is the summe & forme of the law of England in the case now declared. What therefore is your opinion most excellent Prince, in the same case? And whether of these two lawes do you esteem to be of more worthinesse and excellencie?

¶ The Prince approueth the Law, whereby the issue followeth not the wombe. Cha. 43.

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PRinceps, Anglo rum legē in hoc casu Romanorū legi praestare dubitare nos ratio nō permittit. Et optatior mihi semꝑ est lex, quae fauorem potius quā rigorē, partibꝰ administrat. Recolo nā (que) illiꝰ iuris reg [...]iā, quae sic dicit: O [...]a perstringi, & [...] conuenit ampl [...]ari. Can [...]ellarius, Et bene quidem. Aliū adhuc casum tibi referam, princeps, in quo concertant leges istae, & nō multum postea, tūc desistā, ne onerosū tibi sit, tātis solicitari scismatibꝰ, etiā ne in fastidiū tibi veni at desceptatio mea [Page] diutius protelata.

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REason suffereth vs not to doubt (quod the Prince) but that in this case the law of England surmounteth the Romane Law. And that Lawe is to mee more allowable, which vnto children sheweth fauour, rather then rigour. For I remember a rule of the Lawe, that saith: It is behooueable that cruell hate bee repressed, and fauour aduanced. And good reason (quod the Chancellour) Yet will I e [...]presse vnto you an other case, wherein these Lawes are repugnant, And shortly after I will make an end, least it be tedious to you, to bee troubled with so many disagreeings, and lest you happen to be wearied [Page] with my ouer long talke.

¶ The fourth case, wherein the said Lawes varie. Chap. 44.

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THe Ciuil lawes commit the tuition of Orphans to the next of their bloud, whether the kinred grow on the fathers side, or on ye mother side, that is to say, to euery man according to the degree and order, wherein his turne is next to succeede the pupill in his inheritāce. And the reason of this lawe is for that no man will behaue himselfe more tenderly or more fauourably in the carefull education of the Infant, thē he that is next of his bloud.

[Page]Neuerthelesse the Lawes of England, touching the custodie of Orphanes, doe determine much otherwise. For there, if an inheritance, being holden in Socage descende to an Orphane, from any of the kinred of his Fathers side, the same Orphane shall not be vnder the keeping of any of that kinred but he shall bee gouerned by his cosins or kinsfolke of his mothers side. And if the inheritance come to him from any kinesman of his mothers side, then the pupill with his inheritance shall bee in the custodie, till hee come to lawfull age, of him that is next of his kinne of his fathers side, and not of any kinesman of the mothers side. For our lawes [Page] say, that to commit the tuition of an infant to him, that shall next succeede him, is like as if one should betake a lambe vnto a Wolfe to bee deuoured. But if the inheritance be not holden in socage, but by Knights seruice, then by the Lawes of the same land, the child with his inheritance shall bee in the keeping of none of his kindred of neither side, but in the custodie of the Lord of the fee, vntill hee come to the age of one and twentie yeeres. And thinke you, that anye man can or will better instruct and traine vp the childe in feates of Armes, which, by reason of his tenure, hee is bounde to yeeld to ye Lord of his fée, [Page] then the Lord himselfe, to whom such seruice is by him due? Which is also to be iudged of more power and honour, then the friends and kinsfolke of his tenaunt. For hee, to the intent hee may in time to come bee the better serued of his tenaunt, will vse the more diligence towardes him, And it is to be presumed, that hee is more expert & skilfull to trade him in these things, then his other friends, rude peraduenture & vnpractised in martiall feates, specially if his patrimonie bee but small. And what can bee more profitable for the childe, which by reason of his tenure, shall in the seruice of his Lord, endanger his life [Page] and all that hee hath, in the actes of Chiualrie, then in his nonage, to be brought vp in the discipline and practise of the same, seeing that in his ripe age hee shall not bee able to auoide the aduenture thereof? And to say the truth, it shall bee no small commoditie for the Realme, that the inhabiters of the same bee well expert in the knowledge of Armes. For, as saith the Philosopher, euery man doth the things boldly, wherein hee assureth himselfe to be skilful. And do you not then, most noble Prince, allow this Lawe, and commende it aboue the other now described?

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LEges ciuiles, impuberum tutelas, proximis de eorum sanguine, committunt, agnati fuerint seu cognati, vnicuique videlicet secundum gradum & ordinem, quo in haereditate pupilli successurus est. Et ratio legis huius est, quia nullus, tenerius fauorabiliusue infantem alere sataget quam proximus de sanguine eius.

[Page]Tamen longe aliter de impuberum custodia statuunt leges Angliae. Nam ibidem, si haereditas, quae tenetur in Socagio, descendat impuberi ab aliquo agnatorum suorum, non erit impubes ille, sub custodia alicuius agnatorum eius, Sed per ipsos cognatos, videlicet, consanguineos ex parte matris ipse regetur. Et si ex parte cognatorum haereditas sibi descenderit, pupillus ille cum haereditate sua, per proximū agnatum, & non cognatū eiꝰ custodietur, Quous (que) ipse fuerit adultus. Nam leges illae [Page] dicunt quod cōmittere tutelam infantis illi qui est ei proxime successurus, est quasi agnum committere lupo ad deuorādum. Sed si haereditas illa, non in socagio, sed teneatur per seruitium militare, tūc per leges terrae illiꝰ, infans ipse & haereditas eius non per agnatos ne (que) cognatos, sed per dominum foeodi illius custodientur, quousque ipse fuerit etatis viginti & vnius annorū. Quis, putas, infantē talē, in actibus bellicis, quos facere, ratione tenurae suae, ipse astrī gitur domino feodi sui, melius instruere poterit, aut velit, [Page] quam dominus ille, cui ab eo seruitium tale debetur? & qui maioris potentiae & honoris estimatur, quā sunt alij amici propinqui tenentis sui? Ipse nam (que) vt sibi ab eodem tenente melius seruiatur, diligentē curā adhibebit, & meliꝰ in his eum erudire expertus esse censetur, quam reliqui amici iuuenis rudes forsan & armorum inexperti, maxime si non magnum fuerit patrimonium eius. Et qd vtilius est infanti, qui vitam & omnia sua periculis bellicis exponet in seruicio domini sui ratione tenurae suae, [Page] quam in militia actubusque bellicis imbui, dum minor est, cum actus huiusmodi ipse in aetate matura declinare non poterit? Et reuera, non minime erit regno accommodum, vt incolae eius in armis sint experti. Nam, vt dicit Philosophus, audacter quilibet facit, quod se scire ipse non diffidit. Nunquid tunc legem hanc, tu approbas, fili Regis, & collandas super Legem alteram iam descriptam?

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¶ Here, the Prince commendeth the education of Noble mens children being Orphanes. Chap. 45.

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PRinceps, Immo, Cancellarie, legem hanc, plusquā alteram, ego laudo. Nam, in eius parte prima quam tu notasti, caute magis, quam ciuilis, ipsa prouidet securitati pupilli. Sedtamē in eius parte secunda, multo magis ego delector▪ nam ab ea est, qd in Anglia, nobilium progenies de facili degenerari nō potest, sed probitate potius, strenuitate, & morum honestate, antecessores suos ipsa transcendet, dum in altiori, [Page] nobiliorique curia, quam in domo parentum, illa sit imbuta, licet in domo consimili forsan parentes eius educati erant: Quia consimilis adhuc non erat, domus parentum illorū, domui Dominorum, quibus, ipsi parētes, & ipsi infantes, seruierūt. Principes quoque regni sub hac lege regulati, similiter & domini alij a rege immediate tenentes, non possunt de leui in lasciuiam ruditatemue labi, cum in pueritia, dum Orphani fuerint ipsi, in do mo regia nutriūtur. Quare non infime [Page] domus regiae opulentiam magnitudinem (que) collaudo, dū in ea gimnasium supremū, sit nobilitatis regni schola quo (que) strenuitatis, probitatis, & morum quibꝰ regnū honoratur, et floret ac cō tra irruentes securatur, etiam formido, ipsa erit, inimicis & amicis regni. Hoc reuera bonum accidisse non potuisset regno illi, si nobilium filij, orphani & pupilli, per pauperes amicos parentum suorum nutrirentur. Nec regni bono officere potest, licet burgensium filij & aliorū libere tenentium, [Page] qui in focagio tenēt tenementa sua, quo ipsi ad militiam nō astringuntur, in domo consimilium amicorū suorū educātur, vt perspicue consideranti, lucide apparere potest.

§

YEs, good Chancellor, quoth the Prince, this Law I doe allow much more then the other. For in ye first part of it, which you noted, it prouideth much more warily for the securitie and safegard of the pupill, then the Ciuill law doth. Howbeit in the second part of the same, I do take more delight. For thereof it cōmeth to passe, that in England Noble mens children cannot easily degenerat, but rather passe and surmount their auncestors in vertue, in courage, and in honest conditions, forsomuch as they are brought vp and instructed in an higher [Page] & an honourabler Court, then in the houses of their Parents, though their Parents were peraduenture brought vp in the like places: For their Parents house was neuer yet like the Lords house, whom as well the Parents, as also the Children serued. The Princes also of the Realme, being ruled by this Lawe, and likewise other Lordes, holding their Lande immediately of the King, cannot lightly fall to wantonnesse and vnseemelinesse, seeing that in their childhoode, while they bee Orphanes, they are brought vp in the Kinges house, wherefore I must needes highly praise and commende the riches [Page] and high porte of ye Kings Court, in that it is the chiefest schoole within the Realme, for the Nobility of the Land. It is also the Schoolehouse of manhood, of vertue, and of good manners, whereby the Realme is honoured, and flourisheth, & is preserued against inuasions: so that it is dreaded both of friends and foes. And to be plaine, this great commoditie could not haue happened to the Realme, if Noble mens children, being Orphanes and pupilles, had beene nourished and broughte vp by the poore friends of their Parents. Neither can this bee preiudiciall or hurtfull to the wealth of the Realme, that the Children of Burgesses, [Page] and of other freeholders, which holde their tenements in [...]ocage, & are not therby bound to warfare, are brought vp in ye houses of their like friends, as to him, that shall thoroughly weigh ye matter, it may euidently appeare.

¶ Yet he rehearseth other cases, wherein the foresaid Lawes differ. Chap. 46.

§

THere bee yet diuers other cases, quod the Chancellour, wherein, the Lawes aforesaide doe varie. As in that the Ciuill Lawes doe iudge, open Theft, to bee satisfied by the recompence of foure-folde, and priuie Theft, by the recompence of double. But the Lawes of England suffer neither of [Page]those offences to bee more fauourably punyshed, then with the offendours death, so that the value of the thing stollen, bee aboue the value of twelue pence. Also a libertine, that is to say, a freeman, that sometime was bonde, if hee become vnkinde or churlishe, the Ciuill Lawes reduce him into his former state of seruitude againe: But by the Lawes of England he, that is once made free, bee hee grate or ingrate, is adiudged to enioy his Freedome still. There bee other like cases also not a fewe, which at this time for breuites sake I ouerpasse. Neither in these two cases, doe I dispute the excellencie of the foresaide Lawes, [Page] seeing the qualities of thē require no great searche. And I doubt not, but the quicknesse of your wit is such, that it can sufficiētly discusse the same▪

§

TVnc Cancellariꝰ. Sunt & alij casus nonnulli, in quibꝰ differūt leges antedictae. Vt quia leges ciuiles iudicāt furtum manifestum, ꝑ redditionē quadrupli: & furtum nō manifest [...]m, per dupli recōpensationē, expiari. Sed leges Angliae, neutrum [Page]facinorum illorum, mitius quam cōmittentis morte puniri permittunt, dummodo ablati valor, duodecim denariorū valorem excedat. Item libertinum, ingratum, leges ciuiles in pristinā redigunt seruitutē: sed leges Angliae semel manumissū, semper liberum iudicāt, gratum & ingratū. Alij quoque sunt casus huiuscemodi non pauci, quos iam, studio breuitatis, praetereo. Et neque in hijs duobus casibus, praedictarum legum praestātias, ego iam describo, cum nō magnae sint ind [...]ginis, [Page] eorum qualitates, nec diffido, ingenij tuisolertiam eas sufficienter posse rimari.

¶ The Prince regardeth not the cases now rehearsed Chap. 47.

§

NO nor it booteth not, good Chancellour heerein much to tarrie, ꝙ the Prince. For though in England, aswell open, as priuy theeues, are commonly put to death, yet cease they not there from stealing, as though they had no feare of so great a punishment. Howe much lesse then woulde they withholde their handes from theft, [Page]if they foresawe once that the punishment were mitigated? And God forbid, that hee, which once hath escaped miserable seruitude, should euer after tremble and quake at the threatnings of bondage, specially vnder the colour of ingratitude or vnkindnesse, seeing the kindes of ingratitude are so many, that they can skante well bee numbred: and mans nature in the cause of libertie of freedome, more then in other causes, requireth fauour. Wherefore at this time, good Chauncellour, I beseech you hartily meddle no more with the examination of any such cases. But now explane & open vnto me, why the laws of England, being so good, [Page] so fruitfull, and so commodious, are not taught in the Vniuersities, as the Ciuill and Canon lawes are: and why in the same, none are commenced Bachelers and Doctors, as in other faculties and sciences it is accustomed.

§

PRinceps. Nec ex pedit Cācellarie, in hijs multū sudare: qa, licet in Anglia [...]ures clandestini & manifesti passim morte plectantur, non cessant ipsi ibidē omnino praedari, ac si paenā tantam illi minime formidarent. Quanto tunc minus, se abstinerent a crimine[Page]si paenam praeuiderent mitiorem? Et absit, a seruitute semel euasum, semper deinde sub minis tremere seruitutis, maxime ingratitudinis colore, cum ingratitudinum species, vix po terint, prae multitudine, numerari, & humana natura, in libertatis causa fauorem semper, magis, quam in causis alijs, deprecetur. Sed iam, Cancellarie, obnixe te imploro, vt amodo amissa plurium casuū huiusmodi examinatione, mihi edi cas, quare leges Angliae, tam bonae, frugi, & optabiles, in [Page]vniuersitatibus non docentur, vt Ciuiles similiter & Canonū leges: & quare in e [...]sdem, non datur Baccalariatꝰ & Doctoratus gradus, vt in alijs facultatibus & scientijs est dari consuetum.

¶ Heere the Chancellour sheweth, why, the Lawes of England are not taught in Vniuersities. Chap. 48.

§

IN the Uniuersities of England, quod the Chancellour, sciences are not taught but in the Latine tōgue: And the lawes of that land are to be learned in iij. seueral tōgues: to witte, in the English tongue, the French tōgue, and the Latine tongue. [Page] In the english tongue, because ye law is most vsed, & longest cōtinued amōgst the Englishmen. In the Frēch tōgue, because that after the French men vnder William the Conqueror of England had obtained ye lād, they suffred not their men of law to plead their causes, but in ye tong which they knew, and so doe all the men of law in France, yea in the court of Parliamēt there. Likewise the Frenchemen, after their comming into Englād, receiued not the accōpts of their reuenues but in their owne language, lest they should be deceiued therein, Neither had they delight to hunt, and to exercise other sports and pastimes, as dice play, and the hand [Page]ball, but in their owne proper tongue. Wherefore the Englishmen by much vsing of their companie, grewe in such a per [...]ectnesse of the same language, that at this day in such plaies and accompts they vse the French tongue, And they were wont to pleade in French till by force of a certaine Statute, that manner was much restrained, But it could neuer hitherto, bee wholly abolished, aswell by reason of certaine Termes, which pleaders doe more properly expresse in French, then in Englishe, as also for that declarations vpon originall writts cannot bee pronounced so agreeably to the nature [Page] of those writtes, as in French, And vnder the same speech the formes of such declarations are learned. Moreouer, all pleadings, arguings, and iudgements passed in the kings court, and entered into bookes, for the instruction of them that shal come after, are euer more reported in the French tongue. Many Statutes also of that realme are written in French. Whereof it hapneth that the common speech, now vsed in France, agreeth not, nor is not like the French vsed among the Lawyers of England, but it is by a certaine rudenesse of the common people corrupt. Which corruption of speech chanceth not in the French [Page] that is vsed in England, forsomuch as the speech is there oftner written then spoken. Now in the third of the said three tongues, which is the Latine tongue, are written all Writs originall and iuditial: and likewise al the Recordes of plees in the Kings Courts, with certaine Statuts also. Wherfore, while the Lawes of Englande are learned in these three tongues, they cannot conueniently bee taught or studied in the vniuersities, where onely the Latine tongue is exercised. Notwithstanding the same Lawes are taught and learned, in a certaine place of publique or common studie, more conuenient and apt for attayning to the [Page] knowledge of thē thē any other vniuersity. For this place of studie is situate nie to the Kings courts, where ye same lawes are pleaded & argued, & iudgemēts by ye same giuen by Iudges, men of grauitie, auncient in yeares, perfit and graduate in the same lawes. Wherefore, euery day in court, ye students in those Lawes resort by great nūbers into those courts wherein the same Lawes are read and taught as it were in common scholes. This place of studie is set betweene the place of the said Courtes, and the Citie of London, which of all things necessarie is the plentifullest of all the Cities and townes of the Realme. So that the said place of studie is not [Page] situate within the Cittie, where the confluence of people might disturbe the quietnes of ye studentes, but somewhat seuerall in the suburbes of the same Cittie, and nigher to the said Courts, that the studentes maye dayelye a [...] their plesure haue accesse and recourse thether with out wearinesse.

§

CAncellariꝰ, In Vniuersitatibꝰ Angliae, non docentur scientiae nisi in Latina lingua: Et leges terrae illius in triplici lingua addiscuntur: videlicet, Anglica, Gallica, & Latina. [Page]Anglica, quia inter Anglos lex illa maxime inoleuit. Gallica, quia postq̄ galli, Duce Wilhelmo Angliae cōquestore terrā illā optinuerūt, nō ꝑmiserunt ipsi eorū aduocatos placitare causas suas, nisi in lingua, quā ipsi nouerunt, qualiter & faciūt omnes aduocati in Frācia, etiā in curia parliamēti ibidē. Consimiliter gallici post eorū aduētum in Angliam, ratio cinia de eorum prouētibus non receperunt, nisi in proprio idiomate, ne ipsi inde deciperentur. Venari etiā, & iocos alios exercere, vt talorū & pi[Page]larū ludos, nō nisi in ꝓpria lingua delectabuntur. Quo, & Anglici ex frequē ti eorū in talibꝰ comitiua, habitū talē cōtraxerūt, qd hucus (que) ipsi in ludis huiusmodi, & cōpotis, linguā loquūtur gallicanā & placitare in eadē lingua soliti [...]u erūt quous (que) mos il le, vigore cuiusdam statuti quāplurimū restrictꝰ est, tamē in toto hucus (que) aboleri nō potuit, tū ꝓpter terminos quosdam, quos plꝰ ꝓprie placitantes in gallico, quā in Anglico, exp̄mūt, tū quia decla rationes super bria originalia, tā cōueniē ter ad naturābreuiū [Page] illorū ꝓnūtiari ne (que) ūt, vt in Gallica, sub quali sermone declarationū huiusmodi formulae addiscūtur. Reportantur etiā ea, quae in curijs regijs placitātur, disputātur, & iudicātur ac in libros ad futurorū eruditionē redigūtur in sermone sēꝑ gallico. Quāplurima etiā statuta regni illiꝰ, in gallico cō scribūtur. Vnde accidit, qd lingua iam in Francia vulgaris, non concordat aut consimilis est gallico inter ligisperitos Angliae vsitato, sed vulgariter quadam ruditate corrupta. Qd fieri nō accidit in sermone gallico [Page] infra Angliā vsitato, cū sit sermo ille ibidē saepiꝰ scriptus quā locutꝰ. Sub tertia vero linguarum praedictarū. vz. sub latina, omnia breuia originalia & iudicialia, similiter & omnia recordae placitorū in curijs regū, etiā & quaedam Statuta scribuntur. Quare, dum leges Angliae in his tribꝰ addiscū tur linguis, ipsae in vniuersitatibꝰ, vbi solū exercetur lingua latina conuenienter erudiri non poterūt aut studeri. Leges tamen illae in quodā studio publico ꝓ illarū apprehensione (omni vniuersitate conuenientiore & [Page] ꝓniore docētur & addiscūtur. Studiū nā (que) istud sitū est prope curiā regis, vbileges illae placitantur, disputantur & iudicia p̄ easdē redduntur ꝑ iudices viros graues, senes, in legi bꝰ illis ꝑitos & graduatos, quo in curijs illis, ad quas omni die placitabili cō fluūt studētes in legibus illis, quasi in scolis publicis, leges illae legūtur & docē tur. Situatur etiā studiū illud, inter locū curiarū illarū & Ciuitatē Lōdon, quae de omnibꝰ necessarijs opulētissima est omniū ciuitatum & oppidorū regni illius, Nec in ciuitate illa, [Page] vbi cōfluētium turba, studentiū quietē ꝑturbare possit, sicum est studiū istud sed-seorsum parumper, in ciuitatis illiꝰ suburbio, & propiꝰ Curijs praedictis, vt ad eas sine fatigatio nis incōmodo, studētes, indies ad libi tū, accedere valeant

¶ Here he declareth the disposition of the generall studie of the Lawes of England, and that the same in number of students passeth certaine vniuersities. Cap. 49.

§

BUt to the intent, most excellent Prince, yee may conceiue a form and an image of this study, as I am able, I will describe it vnto you. For there bee in it tenne lesser houses or Innes, & sometimes moe, [Page] which are called Innes of the Chancerie, And to euery one of them, belongeth an hundred students at the least, and to some of them a much greater number, though they be not euer al together in ye same. These students, for the most part of them, are yong men, learning or studying the originals, and as it were the elements of the Lawe, who profiting therein, as they grow to ripenesse, so are they admitted into the greater Innes of the same studie, called the Innes of Court. Of the which greater Inns there are foure in number. And to the least of them belongeth, in forme aboue mentioned, two hundreth Studentes or there aboutes.

[Page]For in these greater Innes, there canne no Student bee mayntayned for lesse expenses by the yeare, then twenty Markes, And if hee haue a seruant to waite vppon him, as most of them haue, then so much the greater will his charges be. Nowe, by reason of this charges, the children onely of Noble men doe studie the Lawes in those Innes. For the poore and common sort of the people, are not able to beare so great charges for the exhibition of their Children. And Marchaunt men can seldome finde in their hearts to hinder their marchandise with so great yearely expenses.

[Page]And thus it falleth out that there is scant any man founde within the Realme skilfull and cunning in the lawes, except he be a Gentleman borne & come of a Noble stocke. Wherfore they more, thē any other kinde of men haue a speciall regard to their Nobilitie, and to the preseruation of their honor & fame. And to speake vprightly, ther is in these greater Innes, yea, and in the lesser to, beside the study of the laws, as it were an vniuersity or schoole of all cōmendable qualities requisite for Noblemen. There they learn to sing, & to exercise themselues in all kinde of harmony. There also they practise dauncing, & other Noble mens pastimes, as they vse [Page] to doe, which are brought vp in the Kings house: On the working daies, most of them apply themselues to the studie of the Lawe, And on the holy daies to the studie of holy Scripture: and out of the time of Diuine seruice, to the reading of Cronicles. For there indeede are vertues studied, and vices exiled. So that, for the endowment of vertue, and abandoning of vice, Knights and Barons, with other States and Noble men of the Realme, place their Children in those Innes, though they desire not to haue them learned in the Lawes, nor to liue by the practise thereof, but onely vppon their fathers allowance. [Page] Scant at any time is there heard amongst them any sedition, chiding or grudging, And yet the offendours are punished with none other paine, but onely to be amooued from the companye of their fellowship. Which punishment they do more feare, then other criminall offendors doe feare imprisonment and yrons: For he that is once expelled from any of those fellowships, is neuer receiued to bee a fellow in any of the other felowshippes, And so by this meanes there is continuall peace: and their demeanour is like the behauiour of such as are coupled together in perfect amitie. But, after what manner and sort the [Page] laws are learned in those Innes, thereof heere to make rehearsall, it is not needfull, forsomuch as it is not for your estat, most noble Prince, to put the same in vre. Yet knowe ye this, that it is pleasant and delectable, and in any wise expedient, for the learning of the Law, and worthy with all affection to be embraced. But one thing there is, yt I would haue you to know, yt neither at Orleance, where aswell the Canō, as ye Ciuill laws, are taught, and whether, out of many coū tries, scholars do repaire, nor at Angeo, or at Cane, or any vniuersity of Frāce (Paris onely excepted) are found so many students past childehoode▪ as in this place of studie, [Page] notwithstanding that all the studēts there are English borne.

§

SEd, vt tibi constet princeps huiꝰ studij [...]orma & imago, illam, vt val [...]o, iam describā. Sunt nam (que) in eo, decem hospitia minora, & quādo (que) vero plura [Page] quae nominātur hospitia Cancellariae ad quorū qd libet ꝑtinēt cētū studētes ad minus, & ad aliqua eorū maior in multo numerꝰ, licet nō oēs sēꝑ in eis fimul cōueniant. Studētes etenim isti, ꝓeorū part̄maiori, iuuenes sunt, originalia, &, quasi legis elemēta addiscētes, qui in illis ꝓficiētes, vt ipsi maturescunt, ad maiora hospitia studij illius, quae hospita curiae appellantur, assumuntur, Quorū maiorum, quatuor sunt in numero, & ad minimum eorū pertinent in forma praenotata, ducenti studētes aut prope. [Page] In hijs enim maiori bus hospitijs, nequa quā potest studens aliquis sustētari minoribus expensis in anno, quam octoginta scutorū, & si seruientem sibi ipse ibidem habuerit, vt eorum habet pluralitas, tanto tunc maiores ipse sustinebit expēsas. Occasione vero sūptuū hm̄di, ipsi nobiliū filij tā tū in hospitijs illis leges addiscunt. Cū pauperes & vulgares, pro filiorum suorum exhibitione, tantos sumptus nequeant sufferre. Et mercatores raro cupiant tantis oneribus annuis attenuare mercādisas suas. [Page] Quo fit vt vix doctus in legibus illis reperiatur in regno qui non sit nobilis, & de nobilium genere egressꝰ. Vnde magis alijs consimilis status hominibꝰ, ipsi nobilitatem curant & conseruationē honoris & famae suae. In his reuera hospiciijs maioribus, etiam & minoribus, vl [...]ra studium legū, est quasi gimnasiū omnium morū, qui nobiles decent. Ibi cantare ipsi addiscunt similiter & se exercent in omni genere harmoniae. Ibi etiam tripudiare, ac iocos singulos nobilibus conuenientes qualiter in [Page] domo regia exerceresolēt, enutriti: in ferialibus diebꝰ, eorū pars maior, legalis disciplinae studio, & in festiualibus sacrae scripturae, & cronicorū lectioni, post diuina obsequia, se confert. Ibi quippe disciplina virtutum est & vitiorum omnium exiliū. Ita vt propter virtutis acquisitionem, vitij etiam fugam, milites, barones alij quo (que) magnates & nobiles Regni, in hospitijs illis ponunt filios suos, quamuis non gliscant eos legum imbui disciplina, nec eīus exercitio viuere sed solum ex patrocinijs suis [Page] Ibi vix vnquam seditio, iurgium, aut murmur resonat, & tamen delinquētes nō alia poena quam solum a communione societatis suae amotione plectūtur, quia poenam hanc ipsi plus formidant, quam criminosi alibi carcerem timent, aut vinc [...]la, nam semel ab vna societatum illarum expulsus, nunquam ab ali qua caeterarum societatum earundē, recipiturin socium, quo ibi pax est cō tinua, & quasi amicitia coniūctorum, est eorum omnium conuersatio. Formā vero, qua leges illae in his discuntur [Page] hofpitijs, hic exprimere non expedit, cum tibi, princeps, eā experiri nō liceat. Scito tamen, qd delectabilis ipsa est & omni modo expediēs legis illiꝰ disciplinae, omni quo (que) affectione digna. Vnum tamen te scire desidero, qd ne (que) Aurelianis vbi tam Canones addiscuntur, quam ciuiles leges, & quò, a quā pluribus regionibꝰ confluunt scolares, ne (que) Andaginis, aut in Cadomo, aliaue vniuersitate Franciae, praeterquam solū Parisijs, reperiuntur tot studentes infantiam euasi, sicut in hoc studio, [Page] licet ibi addiscētes omnes, solū ab Anglia sint oriundi.

¶ Of the estate and degree of a Serieant at Law, and how he is created. Chap. 50.

§

SEd cum tu, princeps, scire deside res, cur in legibꝰ Angliae nō dātur Baculariatꝰ & Doctoratꝰ gradꝰ, sicut in vtro (que) iure in vniuersitatibꝰ est dare cōsutum: Scire te volo, qd licet gradus huiusmodi, in legibus Angliae, minime cō ferātur: datur tamē in illis, nedū gradus, sed & status quidā, gradu doctoratus nō minus celebris aut solemnis, qui gradus seruiētis ad legē appellatur. Et cōfertur sub hac, quae subsequitur, [Page] forma. Capital' Iusticarius de communi banco, de cōsilio & assēsu omniū Iusticiarior̄, eligere solet, quoties sibi videturoportunum, 7 vel 8 de maturioribus personis, qui in praedict' generali studio maius in legibus profecerunt, & qui eisdem iusticiarijs optimae dispositionꝭ esse vidētur, & nomina eorum ille deliberar̄ solet Cācellar' Angliae in scriptis, qui illico mandabit per breuia regis, cuilibet electorū illorū, ꝙ sit coram rege, ad diē ꝑ ipsū assignatū, ad suscipiendum statum & gradū seruientis[Page]ad legem, sub ingēti paena, in quolibet breuiū praedictorum, limitata: ad quem diē quilibet eorū cōparens, iurabitur (suꝑ sancta dei euangelia) fore para [...]ū, ad diē & locum tūc sibi statuendos, ad recipiēdū statū & gradū praedictum, & qd ipse in die illo dabit aurū secundū cōsuetudinē regni in hoc casu vsita [...]ā ▪ Tamē, qualiter ad diem illum, quilibet electorum praedictorū se habebit, necnō formam & modum, qualiter status & gradus huiusmodi conferentur & recipientur, hic inserere omitto: [Page] cum scripturā maiorem illa exigant, quam cōgruit operi tam succincto. Tibi tamen, ore tenus, ea aliàs explicaui. Scire tamen te cupio, quod, adueniēte die sic statuto, electi illi, inter alias solemnitates festū celebrant & conuiuiū ad instar coronationis Regis, quod & continuabitur ꝑ dies septem, nec quisquam electorum illorum, sumptus sibi contingentes circa solemnitatem creationis suae, minoribus expensis perficiet, quam mille & sex centorum scutorum, quo, expensae, quas [Page] octo, sic electi, tunc refundent, excedūt summā 3200 marcarū expēsarū: pars quaedā inter caetera, haec erit. Quilibet eorum dabit annulos de auro, ad valenciam in toto, 40. libra rum (ad minus) monetae Anglicane: Et bene recolit Cācell' ipse, ꝙ, dū ille statū & grad hm̄odi recepera [...], ipse soluit ꝓ anulis, quos tūc distribuit, 50. libras, quae sunt 300. scuta. Solet nam (que) vnusquisque Seruiētium hm̄odi, tēpor̄ creationis suae, dare cuilibet Principi, Duci, & Archiep'o, in solē nitat' illa presēnti, ac Cancellario; & Thesaurario [Page] Angliae, anulū ad valorē 26. s 8. d', & cuilibet Comiti & Ep̄o cōsimiliter p̄sētibꝰ, necnō Custodi priuat' sigilli vtri (que) capitali Iustic' & capitali Baroni de scaccario regis anulū ad valorē 20. s. & oī dn̄o baroni perliamēti, & oī Abbati & notabili Praelato, ac magno Militi, tūc p̄senti, custodi etiā Rotulorū cancellarie regis, & cuilibet Iustic', anulū ad valētiā 1. marcae, Similiter & omni Baroni de scacc' regis, camerarijs, etiā omnibꝰ officiarijs, & notabilibꝰ viris ī eurijs regis ministrātibus, anulos minoris praecij, [Page] cōueniētes tamē statibꝰ eorū, quibus donātur. Ita qd, nō erit clericꝰ, maxime in curia cōmunis bā ci, licet infimꝰ, quin anulū ipse recipiet conuenientē gradui suo. Et vltra hos ipsi dant anulos, alijs amicis suis. Similiter & libratā magnam panni vnius sectae, quā ipsi tunc distribuent in magna abundantia nedū familiaribꝰ suis, sed & amicis alijs & notis, qui eis attendent & ministrabūt tēpore solēnitatis praedictae Quare, licet in vniuersitatibus in gradum doctoratus erecti, expensas non modicas faciant tē pore [Page] creationis suae, ac birreta, alia quoque donaria quam bona erogent: non tamen aurum ipsi conferunt aut alia donaria, sumptusue faciunt, his expensis similia. Neque in regno aliquo orbis terrarum, datur gradus specialis in legibus regni illiꝰ, praeterquā solum in regno Angliae. Nec est aduocatus in vniuerso Mundo, qui ratione officij sui, tantum lucratur, vt seruiens huiusmodi. Nullus etiam, licet in legibus regni illius scientissimus fuerit, assumetur ad officium & dignitatem iusticiarij, in curijs placitorum coram ipso Rege, & communis banci, quae [Page] sunt supremae curiae eiusdem Regni ordinariae, nisi ipse primitus statu & gradu seruientis ad legem fuerit insignitus. Nec quisquam, praeterquā seruiens talis, in curia communis banci, vbi omnia realia placita placitantur, placitabit. Quare ad statum & gradum talem, nullus hucusque assumptus est, qui nō in praedicto generali legis studio, sexdecim annos ad minus, antea compleuit, & in signum, quod omnes iusticiarij illi taliter extant graduati, quilibet eorum semper vtitur dum in curia regis sedet, birreto albo de serico, quod primū & [Page] precipuū est de insignibꝰ habitꝰ, quo seruiē tes ad legē, in eorū creatione, decorātur. Nec birretū illud Iusticiariꝰ sicut nec seruiēs ad legē vnquam deponet, quo caput suū in toto discooperiet, etiā in presentia regis licet cū celsitudine sua ipse loquatur. Quare, Princeps preclarissime, tu amodo haesitare non poteris, qui [...] leges istae, quae tam singulariter supra ciuiles leges, leges etiam omnium aliorum regnorum honorātur, & tam solemni statu eruditorum & ministrantium in eis venerantur, praeciosae sint, nobiles, & sublimes, ac magnae prestantiae maximae (que) scientiae & virtutis.

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BUt forsomuch as you desire to know, most gracious Prince, for what cause the degrees of Bachelars and Doctors are not giuen in the Lawes of England as they are accustomably giuen in both Lawes within vniuersities, your Maiestie shall vnderstand, that, though there degrees are not giuen in the Lawes of England, yet there is giuen in them not a degree onely, but also a state no lesse worshipfull and solemne, then the degree of doctors: which [...] called the degree of a Serieant at Lawe. And it is [Page] giuen vnder the manner and form following. The Lord chiefe Iustice, of the Common Bench, by the counsell & assent of all the Iustices, vseth, as oft as hee thinketh good, to chose seuen or eight of the discréetest persons, that in the foresayd generall studie haue most profited in the Lawes, and which to the same Iustices are thought to bee of best disposition, and their names hee presenteth to the Lord Chauncellour of England in writing, Who incontinent, by vertue of the Kings Writ, shall charge euery of the persons elect, to be before the king at a day by him assigned, to take vpon him the state & degree of a serieant[Page]at Lawe, vnder a great penaltie in euerie of the saide Writtes lymitted: On the which day, euerie one of them appearing, shall bee sworne vpon the holy Gospell of GOD, to bee readie, at the day and place then to bee appointed, to receiue the state and degree aforesaid, and that he the same day shall giue Golde according to the custome in that behalfe vsed. How be it, howe and after what sort, euerie of the saide personnes shall that day demeane himselfe, and also the forme and manner, howe, that state and degree shall bee giuen and receiued, for so much as the same can not [Page] so briefely be written, as to the shortnesse of this worke is requisite therefore at this time, I will leaue these points vntouched. And yet I haue declared the same to you ere now by way of talke. But this you must vnderstand, that when the day appointed is come, those elect persons among other solemnities, must keepe a great dinner, like to the feast of a Kings Coronation, which shall continue and last by the space of seauen dayes, And none of those elect persons shall defray the charges growing to him about the coastes of this solemnitie, with lesse expences, then the summe of foure hundred markes, so that the expences, which [Page] eyght men, so elect, shall then bestow, will surmount to the sum of three thousand and two hundred Markes: Of the which expences, one parcell shall bee this. Euery of them shall giue ringes of gold, to the value of fortie poundes sterling at the least: And your Chauncellour well remembreth, that at what time hee receiued this state and degree, the rings which hee then gaue, stood him in fiftie pounds. For, euerie such Serieant, at the day of his creation, vseth to giue vnto euerie Prince, Duke, and Archbishop, being present at that solemnitie, and to the Lord Chauncellour, and Lord Treasorer [Page] of England, a ring of the value of xxvi. shillings viij. pence. And to euery Earle and Bishop being likewise present, and also to ye Lord Priuie seale, to both the Lords chiefe Iustices, and to the Lord chiefe Baron of the kings Eschequer, a ring of the value of xx. shillings. And to euery Lord Baron of the Parliament, and to euery Abot & notable Prelate, & worshipful Knight, being then present, & also to the Master of the Rolls, and to euerie Iustice, a ring, of the value of a Marke, And likewise to euery Baron of the Exchequer, to the Chamberlaines, and to all the officers and notable men seruing in the Kinges courts, rings of a smaller [Page] price, but agreeable to their estats, to whom they are giuen. Insomuch that there shal not be a Clerke, specially in the court of ye cōmon bench, but he shall receiue a ring conuenient for his degre. And besides these, they giue diuers rings to other of their friends. They giue also liueries of cloth of one sute or colour in great aboundance, not onely to their houshold meany, but also to their other friends and acquaintance, which, during the time of the foresaid solemnity, shal attēd and waite vpon them. Wherefore▪ though in the Uniuersities, they, that are promoted to the d [...] gree of Doctors, doe sustaine no smal charges at the time of their commencemēt [Page] as in giuing of bonets and other rich giftes, yet they giue no gold, nor do bestow any other gifts or costs like vnto these expenses. Nether in any countrie of the world, is there anie speciall degree giuen in the Lawes of the same Land, but onely in the realme of England. Neither is there any man of Lawe through out the vniuersal world, which, by reason of his office or profession, gaineth so much as one of these Serieants. No man also, be hee neuer so cunning and skilful in the lawes of the realme, shalbe exalted to the office & dignitie of a Iustice in the court of plees before the king, or in the court of the comen bench, which [Page] are the chiefe ordinarie Courts of the same realme, vnlesse hee bee first promoted to the state & degree of a Serieant at Law. Neither shal any man, but onely such a Serieant, plead in the Court of the Common bench, where al reall actions are pleaded. Wherefore to this state and degree hath no man beene hitherto admitted, except he hath first continued by the space of sixteene yeares in the said generall studie of the law, and in token or signe, that all Iustices are thus graduat, euery of them alwaies, while he sitteth in the Kinges court, weareth a white Quoife of silke: which is the principal and chiefe [Page] insignement of habite, wherewith Serieants at law in their creation, are decked: and neither the Iustice, nor yet the Serieant, shall euer put of the quoi [...]e, no not in the kings presence, though hee bee in talke with his maiesties highnesse. Wherefore, most noble Prince, you cānot heereafter doubt, but ye these lawes, which so singularly aboue the Ciuile laws, yea and aboue ye laws of al other Realms are honored, & with so solemne a state of such, as are learned therein, & doe professe ye same, are worshipped must néeds be precious, noble and high, and of great excellencie, and of speciall knowledge and vertue.

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After what manner, a Iustice is created, and of his habite and conuersation. Chap. 51.

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SEd vt Iusticiariorum (sicut & serui [...]ntum ad legem) status Tibi innotescat, eorum formam officiumque (vt potero) iam describam. Solent nā que in communi Banco quinque Iusticiarij esse, vel sex ad maius: E [...]n Banco regis, quatuor vel quinque, ac quoties eorum aliquis per mortem vel aliter, cessauerit, Rex, de aduisamento consilij sui, eligere solet vnum de seruientibus ad legem & cum per literas [...]uas patentes constituere in Iusticiarum, loco iudicis sic cessan [...]is, & tunc Cancellariꝰ [Page] Angliae adibit curiā, vbi iustic' sic deest, deferēs secum literas illas, ac sedēs in medio iustic' Introduci facit seru [...]ē tē sic electū, cui in plena curia, ipse notificabit voluntatē regis, de officio, iudiciario sic vacāte, & legi faciet in publico literas p̄dictas: Quo facto, custos rotulorū cācellariae regis leget corā eodē elcto, iusiurandum quod ipse facturus est, qd & cum suꝑ sancta Dei Euangelia ipse iurauerit, cancellarius sibi tradet literas regis p̄ dictas, & capitalis iusticiarius curiae illius assignabit sibi [Page] locū in eadē, vbi deincep [...] ille sedebit, & mox eū sedere [...]aciet in eodē. Sc [...]ēdu tamē tibi est, Princeps, ꝙ Iusticiarius iste inter caet [...]ra [...]ūc iurabit: se iusticiam ministraturū indifferēter omnibus hominibꝰ, corā eo placitatibꝰ, inimicis & amicis, nec sic facere differet, etiamsi rex per literas suas, aut ore tenus contrariū [...]usserit. Iurabit euā qd extunc nō recipiet ipse ab aliquo praeter quam a rege, feodum, aut pensionē aliquā, seu liberatā, ne (que) donū capiet ab habente placitū coram eo, praeterquā esculenta & poculenta, [Page] quae nō magni erūt precij. Sciēdū etiā tibi est, ꝙ Iusticiar' sic creatꝰ, conuiuiū, solēnitatēue, aut sūptus aliquos, nō faciet tempore, susceptionis officij & dignitatis suae, cū non sint illa gradus aliqui in facultate legis, sed officiū suum illa sint & magistratus, ad regis nutum duratura, habitū tamen indumenti sui (in quibusdā) ipse extunc mutabit, sed non in omnibus insignijs eius. Nā seruiens ad legem ipse existens, roba longa ad instar sacerdotis, cum capicio penulato circa humeros eiꝰ & desuꝑ collobio, cum [Page] duobꝰ labelulis, qua litervti solēt doctores legū in vniuersitatibꝰ quibusdā, cū supra descripto birreto vestiebat. Sed Iustic' factꝰ, loco col Iobij, clamide inductur, firmata super humerū eiꝰ dexterū, caeteris ornamentis seruientis adhuc ꝑmanentibus, excepto quod stragulata veste, aut coloris bipertiti, vt potest seruiens▪ Iusticiarius non vtetur, & capicium eius non alio quam mene [...]ero penulatur, Capicium tamen seruientis pellibus agninis semper albis implicatur qualem habitum te plus ornare optarē, [Page] cū potestas tibi fuerit, ad decorē status legis & honorē regni tui. Scire te etiam cupio, quod iusticiarij Angliae nō sedēt in curijs regis, nisi per tres horas in die .s. ab hora viij. ante meridiē, vs (que) horam vi. completam, quia post meridiem curiae illae non tenentur. Sed placitantes tunc se deuertunt ad peruisum, & alibi consulentes cū seruientibus ad legem & alijs consiliarijs suis. Quare Iusticiarij, postquam se refecerint, totum die [...] residuum pertrāseunt, studēdo in legibus, sacrā legēdo scripturam, & aliter ad [Page] corum libitū cōtemplādo, vt vita ipsorū plꝰ contēplatiua videatur quā actiua. Sic (que) quietā illi vitā agunt ab omni solicitudine & mundi turbinibꝰ semotam: nec vnquā cōpertū est, eorum aliquem, donis aut muneribꝰ fuisse corruptū. Vn de & hoc genꝰ gratiae vidimꝰ subsecutum, quod vix eorū aliquis sine exitu decedat, quod iustis magnae & quasi appropriatae benedictionis dei est, mihi quo (que) non minimi muneris diuini censetur esse pensandū, quod ex iudicū sobole, plures de proceribus & magnatibus[Page]regni hucusque prodierunt, quam de aliquo alio statu hominum regni, qui se prudentia & industria propria opulentos, inclitos, nobilesque fecerunt. Quanquam mercatorum status, quorū aliquī sunt, qui omnibꝰ iusticiarijs, regni praestāt diuitijs, iudicū numerū in millibus hominum excedat. Nam fortunae, quae nihil est, istd ascribī nō poterit: sed diuinae solū benedictioni fore arbitror tribuēdum. Cum ipse per prophetā dicat: quod generatio rectorum benedicetur. Et alibi de iustis loquens propheta ait: [Page] quod filij eorum in benedictione erunt. Dilige [...]gitur, (fili Regis) iusticiam, quae sic ditat, colit, & perpetuat fetus colentium eam Et. zelator esto legis, quae iustitiam parit, vt à te dicatur, quod à iustis scribitus: & semen eorum in aeternum manebit.

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BUt to the intēt the state of Iustices as well as the Serieants at Law, may be known to your grace, as I can, I will describe vnto you their forme & office. In the comon bench there are customable v. Iustices or six at ye most. And i [...] the Kings bench iiij. or fiue. And as oft as the place of any of them by death or otherwise, is voide, the King vseth to choose one of the Serieaunts at Lawe, and him by his Letters Patents, to ordaine a Iustice, in the place of the Iudge so seasing, And then the Lord Chancellour of England [Page] shall enter into the Court, where the Iustice is so lacking, bringing with him those letters patents, & sitting in the middest of the Iustices causeth the Serieant so elect to bee brought in, to whom in the open Court he notifieth the Kings pleasure touching the office of the Iustice then voide & causeth the foresaid letters to be openly reade. Which done, the Master of the Rolles shall reade before the same elect person, the oath yt he shal take, which when he hath sworne vpon the holy Gospell of God, the Lord Chancellor shall deliuer vnto him the Kings letters aforesaid, And the Lord Chiefe Iustice of the Courte shall assigne vnto him a [Page] place in the same, where he shall then place him, & that place shall hee afterward kéepe. Yet you must know, most noble Prince, that this Iustice shall then among other thinges, sweare, that he shall indifferently minister Iustice to all men, as well foes as friends, that shall haue any suite or plea before him, And this shall he not forbeare to do though the king by his letters, or by expresse word of mouth, would command the contrary. He shal also sweare yt frō ye time forward, hee shal not receiue or take any fee, or pēsiō, or liuery of any man but of the King only, nor any gift, reward or bribe of any man hauing suite or Plea before him, sauing meate & [Page] drink, which shal be of no great value. You shall also knowe, that a Iustice, thus made, shall not be at the charges of any dinner or solemnity, or any other costes at the time when he taketh vpon him his Office and dignitie, Forsomuch as this is no degree in the facultie of the Law, but an office onely and a roome of authoritie, to cōtinue during the kings pleasure, Howbeit the habite of his raiment, he shal from time to time forwarde, in some pointes change, but not all the ensignements thereof. For beeing a Serieaunt at Lawe, hee was cloathed in a long roabe priest like, with a Furred Cape about his shoulders, and therevpon a Hood [...] with [Page] two Labels such as Doctours of the Lawes vse to weare in certaine Uniuersities, with the aboue described Quoyfe. But being once made a Iustice, in steede of his Hoode, hee shall weare a Cloake cloased vppon his right shoulder, all the other Ornaments of a Serieaunt still remaining: sauing that a Iustice shall weare no partiae couloured Vesture as a Serieaunt may, And his Cape is Furred with none other then Meneuer, whereas the Sereiaunts Cape is euer Furred with white Lambe. And this Habite I woulde wish your Grace to bring into highe estimation, [Page] when it shall be in your power, for the worship of the state of the Law, & the honour of your Realme. Furthermore, I would ye should know, that the Iustices of Englande sit not in the kings courts aboue iij houres in a day, that is to say, from viij. of the clock in the forenoone til xj. complete, For in the afternoones, those courtes are not holdē or kept. But the Suters then resort to the perusing of their writtings, & elsewhere consulting with the Serieants at law, & other their Coū saylors ▪ Wherefore the Iustices, after they haue taken their refection, doe passe & bestow all the residue of the day in the study of the lawes, in reading of holy Scripture, and vsing [Page] other kind of contemplation at their pleasure, So that their life may seeme more contemplatiue then actiue. And thus doe they lead a quiet life, discharged of all worldly cares and troubles: And it hath neuer beene knowne, that any of them hath beene corrupt with gifts or bribes. Whereupon we haue seene this kinde of grace following, that skant any of them dieth without issue, which vnto iust men is a token of the great and peculiar blessing of God, And in mine opinion it is to bee iudged for no small point of the bountifull goodnesse of God, that out of the generation of Iudges there haue hitherto sprung vp moe States and Peeers [Page]of the Realme, then out of any other state of men: which by their owne wit & pollicy haue aspired vnto great wealth, nobilitie & honour. Yea though the state of Merchants surmount the nūber of Iudges by many thousands, being men of such singular wealth, that among them comonly there bee such, as one of them in riches passeth all the Iustices of the Realme. For this cānot be ascribed vnto Fortune, which is nothing, But it is to bee attributed (as I take it) only to the blessing of God. Forsomuch as by his prophet he saith, that the generation of righteous men shalbe blessed. And ye prophet in an other place, speking of iust men, saith, [Page] that their children shal be in blessing. Wherefore, O most magnificēt Prince, be you in loue with Iustice, which thus enricheth, exalteth to honor & aduāceth to perpetuity the children of thē that haue her in veneration. And be you a zelous louer of the Law, the very welspring of iustice, that by you it may be said yt it is writtē of the righteous, And their seede shall remaine for euer.

¶ The prince findeth fault with delaies, that are made in the Kings Courts. Chap. 52.

§

PRinceps. Vnū iā solū suꝑ est, Cācellarie, declarādū: quo parūper adhuc fluctuat, inquietat̄ quo (que) mens mea, In quo, fi eā solidaueris, nō ampliꝰ te quae stionibus fatigabo. [Page] Dilationes ingētes, vt asseritur, patiuntur leges Angliae in processibꝰ suis plusquam leges aliarum nationum qd pe [...]ē tibꝰ, nedū iuris sui prolatio est, sed & sumptuū quādo (que) importabile onꝰ, & maxime in actionibꝰ illis in quibꝰ dā na petentibus non redduntur.

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THere remaineth now but one thing, good Chauncellour, quod the Prince, to bee declared, wherwt my mind sōewhat yet wauereth & is disquieted, wherein▪ if you stay & satisfie me, I will trouble you with no mo questiōs. [Page] The Lawes of England as the report goeth, suffer great delayes in their processes, more then the Lawes of other Nations, which vnto suters is not onely a hinderance of their right, but also many times an importable burden of charges, and chiefly in those actions, wherein dammages are not allowed

¶ Delayes, that happen in the Kings Courts are necessarie and reasonable. Chap. 53.

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IN actions personall, quod the Chancellour out of Cities and Townes of marchandize, where the manner of proceeding is according to the customes and liberties of the same, there the proceedings are ordinarie. And though they suffer great [Page] delayes, yet they bee not excessiue. But in the same Cities and Townes chiefely when any vrgent cause so requireth, there is quicke dispatch made, like as in other parts of the world, and yet not with such hot haste as in some other places, that the partie bee thereby endammaged. Againe, in actions reall, the proceedings are very slow, almost in all parts of the world, but in England, somewhat speedier. For, within the Realme of Fraunce, in the highest Court there, which is called the Court of Parliament, there bee certaine processes that haue hanged there avoue thirtie yeares. And I know [Page] yt a cause of apeale, which in ye court betwéen Rich: Heron an English merchāt, & other merchāt mē, for a transgression made, hath bin debated within ye iurisdiction of that court, hath already hāged by the space of x. yeres, And it is not yet like, that it can be decided wtin other x. yeres While I was lately abiding in Paris, mine hoste shewed me his processe in writing, which in ye court of Parliam̄t there he had then followed ful 8 yeres, for iiij. s̄. rēt, which in our money maketh not aboue viii. d. & yet he was in no hope to obtain iudgmēt in 8. yeres more: & I know other cases ther, like vnto these, So that ye Lawes of Englād, as séemeth to me, cause not so great delaies, [Page]as do the Lawes of that countrey. But to speake vprightly it is necessarie that delaies he had in the processes of al nations, so that the same bee not too much excessiue. For by reason therof, the parties, and chifely the partie defendant, doe oftentimes prouide thēselues of good defences, and also of coū sels, which else they shuld lack. And in iudgements, there is neuer so great danger toward, as when processe goeth forward with ouer much haste. For I saw once in the Citie of Salisburie, before a certaine Iudge, at a gaole deliuerie there, with the Clerke of the assises, a woman attainted and burned for the death of her husband within a yeere, [Page] after he was slaine, In ye which case, it was in the Iudges power to haue repriued, or respected ye womans araignment till the end of the yere, And about a yeere after that, I saw one of ye seruants of the slaine man, conuict, before the same Iustice, of the death of the same his master. Who then openly confessed, that he himselfe alone slue his master, & that his master his wife, which before was burned, was altogether innocent of his death. And hee for the same was drawne and hanged. And stil, euen at ye point of death, hee lamented the woman burned, as one cleare frō that offence. [Page] O wha [...] ꝑplexity & remorse of cōscience it is to be thought, yt this so hasty a Iustice had of this déed, wc might iustly haue staied ye ꝓcesse? He himself (alas) often confessed vnto me yt he shuld neuer during his life be able to clear his conscience of this fact: For many times, in deliberations, iudgements grow to ripenes: but in ouerhasty proces, neuer. Wherefore ye lawes of Englād admit essoyne, & so do no other lawes of al the world. Are not vouchings to warrant right ꝓfitable, are not the aides of them profitable to whom the reuersion of tenements brought in plea belongeth, & which haue the [Page] euidences of ye same. Are not also the aides of copertners profitable, which shall pay according to the rate of a tenement, allotted to their copertner by force of the Law euicted from him, And yet all these are delayes, as you, most noble Prince, by my talke at other times doe well knowe: and the like delayes to these doe no other Lawes admit, neither doe the Lawes of England admitte trifeling and vnfruitfull delaies. And if any such fonde delaies should bee vsed they maye at euerie Parliament bee cut away. Yea and other Lawes vsed in the same Realme, when in any point they begin to halt, they may at euerie [Page] Parliament be reformed. Wherefore, it may well bee concluded, that all the Lawes of that Realme are right good, either in deede, or in possibilitie, So that if they bee not presently good, they may easily bee reduced to the present perfection of goodnesse. To the performance whereof, as oft as equitie so requireth, euery king there is bound by an oath solemnely taken at the time of his Coronation.

§

CAncellariꝰ, In actionibus personalibꝰ extra vrbe [...] & villas mercatorias, vbi proceditur secundum consuetudines & libertates earundem, processus sunt ordinarij. Et quantaslibet dilationes [Page] patiuntur, non tamen excessiuas. In vrbibus veró & villis illis, potissimū cū vrgens causa deposca [...], celeris, vt in aliis mūdi partibꝰ fit processus, nec tamē (vt alibi) ipsi nimiū aliquando festinantur, quo subsequit partis laesio. Rursus in realibꝰ actionibꝰ, in omnibꝰ fere mū di partibus, morosi sunt ꝓcessus, sed in Anglia, quodāmodo celeriores. Sunt qppeī regno Frāc' in curia ibidē sup̄ ma, quae curia parliamēti vocitat̄ ꝓcessus quidā, qui in ea plꝰ quā triginta annis pepēderunt. Et noui ego appellationis [Page] causā vnā, q in curia illa agitata fuit, iā per decē ann̄ suspēsā fuisse & adhuc verisimile, non est, eā infra annos x. alios posse decid [...]. Ostēdit & mihi dudū, dū Parisiis morabar, hospes meus ꝓcessū suū in scrip tis, q̄ in curia parlia mēti ibidē ipse tūc 8. ann̄, ꝓ 4.s' redditus, qui de pecunia nostra 8. d'. nō exce dunt ꝓsecutus est, nec sperauit se in 8. ann̄alijs iudiciū inde obtēturū. Alios quo (que) nōnullos noui casus ibidem, his similes, sic ꝙ leges Angliae, non tantas, vt mihi visū est, dilationes sortiuntur [...][Page]faciūt leges regionis illiꝰ. Sed reuera ꝑnessariū est, dilationes fieri in ꝓcessibꝰ oīu actionū, dūmo do nimiū ipsae non fuerint excessiuae. Nā sub illis partes & maxime pars rea, quāsaepe sibi prouidēt de defensionibꝰ vtilibus, similiter & consilijs, quibꝰ alias ipsi carerēt. Nec vn quā in iudicijs tātū imminet periculū, quantū parit processus festinatus. Vidi nēpe quondā apud ciuitatē Sarū, corā iudice quodam ad gaolā ibidē deliberandā, cum clerico suo assignato, mulierem de mor [...]e mariti sui infra annum, [Page] de interfectione eiꝰ attinctā similiter & cōbustam, in quo casu licuit iudici illi, vs (que) post annum illū arretamentū siue disrationē mulieris illius respectuasse, & post annū illū, vidi vnū de seruiētibꝰ interfecti illiꝰ, corā eodē iusti ciario, de morte eiusdē magistri sui cōuictum, qui tunc publice fatebatur, ipsummet solum magistrum suum occidisse, & magistram suam, vxorem eius, tunc combustam, innocentē omnino fuisse de morte eius: quare ipse tractus & suspensus fuit. Sed tamē omnino, etiā in ipso mortis articulo, mulierem combustam immunem a crimine illo fuisse, ipse lugebat. [Page] O quale putādū est ex hoc facto cōsciētiae dis crimē & remorsū euenisse iusticiario illi tam praecipiti, qui potuit processū illū iuste retardasse? Saepiꝰ proh dolor, ipse mihi fassus est, qd nunquā in vita sua animumeius de hoc facto ipse purgaret: crebro etenim in deliberationibus, iudicia maturescunt: Sed in accelerato processu, nunquā. Quare leges Angliae essonium admittunt, qualia nō faciunt leges aliae mundi vniuersi. Non ne quam vtiles sunt vocationes ad warrantum? Auxilia de his ad quos spectat reuersio tenementorum, qui in placitum deducunt, & qui habent euidentias [Page] eorūdē. Auxilia etiā de coperticibus qui reddēt pro rata, si tenemētū cō participi allottatū, euincatur, & tamen haec dilationes sunt, sicut, tu Princeps, alias nosti ex doctrina mea: Et dilationes his similes, leges aliae nō admittūt, ne (que) leges Angliae friuolas & infructuosas ꝑmittunt inducias. Et si quae in reg no illo dilationes in placitis, minus accommodae, fuerint vsitatae, in omni parliamento amputari illae possunt, etiam & omnes leges aliae, in regno illo vsitatae, cum in aliquo claudicauerint, in [Page] omni Parliamento poterunt reformari. Quo recte cōcludi potest, quod omnes leges regni illius optimae sunt, in actu vel potentia, quo faciliter in actū duci poterunt & in essentiam realē. Ad quod faciendum, quoties aequitas id poposcerit, singuli reges ibidem, sacramento astringuntur solemniter praestito tempore receptionis di adematis sui.

¶ The Lawes of England are right good, the knowledge whereof is expedient for kings. Yet it shall suffice them to haue but a superficiall knowledge of the same. Chap. 45.

§

PRinceps. Leges illas, nedū bonas [Page] sed & optimas esse cācellarie, ex ꝓsecutione tua in hoc dialogo certissime deprehēdi. Et si (que) ex eis meliorari deposcāt, id citissime fieri posse, parliamentorū ibidē formulae nos erudiunt. Quo, realiter, potēti aliterue, regnū illud sēꝑ p̄stātissimis legi bus gubernatur, nec tuas in hac concionatione doctrinas, futuris Angliae regi bꝰ, inutilis fore cō ijcio, dum nō delectet regere legibus, quae non delectant. Fastidit nam (que) artificē, ineptio instrumenti: & militē igna uū reddit, debilitas lanciae & mucronis. [Page] Sed sicut ad pugnā animatur miles, cū, nedū sibi prona sint arma, sed & magis, cum in actibus bellicis ipse sit expertꝰ, dicēte Vegetio de re militariqd, sciētia rei bellicae, dīicādi au daciā nutrit. (Quia nemo facere metuit qd se benedidicisse confidit.) Sic & rex omnis, ad iustitiā animatur, dū leges, quibus ipsa fiet, nedum iustissimas esse agnoscit, sed & earum ille expertus sit formam & naturā, quas tantum in vniuersali, inclusiue▪ & in confuso, Principi scire sufficiet, remanente suis iudicibus, earum discreta determinataque [Page] peritia & sciētia altiori. Sic equidē & scripturarum diuinarum peritiam, vt dicit Vincentius Beluacensis in libro de Morali institutione Principum, Omnis princeps habere deberet, cum dicat scriptura superius memorata, quod vani sunt omnes, in quibus non est scientia dei, & Prouer. xvi. scribatur: Diuinatio, id est diuina sententia, vel, sermo diuinus, sit in labijs regis: & tunc in iudicio non errabit os eius. Non tamē profūde, determinateue intelligere tenetur Princeps scripturas [Page] sacras, vt decet sacrae Theologiae professorem: sufficit namque ei, earū in confuso degustare sentētias, qualiter & peritiā legis suae. Sic et fecerunt Carolus Magnꝰ, Lodouicꝰ filiꝰ eius, & Robertus quondā rex Frāciae, qui hāc scripsit seqētiā (Sancti spiritꝰ adsit nobis gratia,) & quā plures alij, vt in xv. cap̄. lib. p̄dicti Vincētius praedictus luculenter docet. Vnde & doctores legum dicūt: qd Imperator gerit omnia iura sua in scrinio pectoris sui, nō quia omniaiura ipse noscit realiter & in actu sed dum principia [Page] eorū ipse ꝑcipit, for mā similiter & naturā, omnia iura sua ipse intelligere censetur, quae etiā trāsformare ille potest, mutare & cassare: quó in eo potētialiter sunt omnia iura sua, vt in Adā erat Eua, antequam plasmaretur. Sed quia, Cancellarie, ad legum Angliae disciplinatum mihi iam conspicio sufficienter esse suasum, qd & in huiꝰ operis exordio facere promisisti: Nō te amplius huius praetextu, solicitare conabor, sed obnixè deposco, vt in legis huius principijs, vt quondam incepisti, me erudias: [Page] docēs quodāmodo eius agnoscere formā & naturā, quia lex ista mihi semper peculiaris erit inter caeteras leges orbis, inter quas ipsam lucere cōspicio, vt lucifer inter stellas. Et dum intentioni tuae, qua ad collationem hanc concitatus es, iam satisfactum esse non ambigo, tempus postulat & ratio, vt nostris colloquijs terminum cō feramus: reddentes ex eis, laudes ei & gratias, qui ea incepit, prosecutus est, & finiuit Alpha & O. quem dicimus, quem & laudet omnis spiritus. Amen.

§

[Page] I Haue well and euidētly perceiued, ꝙ the prince [Page] by the proces of your talk good Chācellor, that those Lawes are not only good but also of most perfect & excellent goodnes. And if any of thē haue need to be amēded, yt may quickly be done, as ye formes & orders of ye Parliamēts there do plainly proue. Wherefore ye realme is euer, really, or potentially, gouerned by most excellēt & most worthy Lawes, and I doubt not, but that your instructions, in this our talk, shal be profitable for the kings of England, which hereafter shall be: so that they haue no pleasure in gouerning by vnpleasant laws. For the vnhansomnes of the tool or instrumēt wearieth the workman: & a blūt pike or a dull sword maketh a cowardly soldiour. [Page] But like as a soldiour is encoraged to fight, not only, whē he hath handsome & fit weopōs in a redines, but also much more, whē he is expert and skilful in warlike acts, according to ye saying of Vegetiꝰ in his booke of chiualry, ye knowledge & cunning in Martial feats ministreth boldnes in fighting (for no man feareth to doe that, which he trusteth he hath well learned) in like manner euery King hath a feruent zeale, & earnest desire to the maintenance of Iustice, not onely knowing the Lawes, whereby that must be done, to be most iust, but also being skilful in the forme & nature of the same: Wherof it shall suffice the Prince to haue only an vniuersal, a superficiall [Page] & a confuse knowledge, ye discreete & determinate perfectnes, & deep vnderstanding of ye same, being left to his Iudges. So also, ought all princes to be well seen in the holy scriptures of God, as saith Vincentius Beluacensis in his booke of the Moral institution of Princes, Forasmuch as the Scripture aboue mentioned saith, ye vaine are all they, in whom is not the knowledge of God, and for that in the sixteenth Chapter of the Prouerbs it is thus written: Let prophesie, or the Word of God, bee in the lips of the King, & then his mouth shall not go wrong in iudgement. And yet is not a King bound to haue profound knowledge and determinate vnderstanding [Page] in the holy Scriptures as it becommeth a professour of Diuinitie: For it shall be enough for him, superficially to taste the sentences thereof, as also of his Lawes. Thus did Charles the great, Lewes his sonne, and Robert sometime King of France who wrote this sequence. (Sancti Spiritus adsit nobis gratia) and diuers other Princes, as the foresaid Vincentius in the fifteenth Chapter of his Booke aforesaid plainely sheweth. Wherefore the Doctors of the Lawes doe say, that an Emperour beareth all his Lawes in the boxe of his breaste: not for that hee knoweth all the Laws really and in deed, but for that hee vnderstandeth [Page] the Principles of them, likewise their forme and their nature, in which respect he is iudged to bee skilfull in all his Lawes, Which also he may altar, change, and repeale: So that in him are potentially all his lawes, as Eue was in Adam before she was made. But now, good Cancellour, seing I perceiue my selfe sufficiently perswaded to the studie of the lawes of England, which thing in the beginning of this worke you promised to performe, I will no lō ger trouble you in this behalfe, But thus I instantly desire you that ye will instruct mee in the principles of the Lawe, as you once began to do: and that you will teach [Page] mee to knowe and vnderstand the forme and nature thereof, For this Lawe, shall bee euermore peculiar to me among all other Lawes of the world, among the which I see it shine, as Lucifer among the Starres. And forsomuch as I doubt not but your intent, where by you were mooued to this conference, is fully satisfied: both time and reason requireth, that we make an end of our talke, yeelding therefore lauds and thanks to him, which beganne, furthered, and hath finished the same, Whom we call Alpha & O. who also bee praised of euery liuing creature. Amen.

FINIS.

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The Table.

AN Introductiōn to the matter. Fol. 3

The Chancellour mooueth the Prince to the knoweledge of the Law. 4

The Princes reply to the motion 7

The Chancellour fortifieth his assertion. 8

The Chancellour prooueth that a Prince by the Law may be made happy and blessed. 10

Ignorance of the Law causeth contempt thereof. 14

The Chancellour briefely repeateth the effect of his perswasion. 17

The Prince yeeldeth himselfe to the study of the Lawes, though he be yet disquieted with certaine doubts. 19

So much knowledge as is necessarie for a Prince is soone had. 20

A King whose gouernment is politique cannot change his Lawes. 25

The Prince demandeth a question. 27

The answer is omitted for that in an other worke it is handled at large. 28

How kingdomes ruled by royall gouernment onely first began. 28

How kingdomes of politique gouernance were begun. 30

[Page]The Prince compendiously abridgeth all tha [...] the Chauncellour before hath discoursed at large. 33

All Lawes are the Law of Nature, Customes, or Statutes. 36

The Lawe of Nature in all Countries is one. 37

The Customes of England are of most auncient antiquitie, practised and receiued of fiue seuerall Nations from one to another by succession. 38

With what grauitie Statutes are made in Englande. 39

A meane to know the diuersitie between the Ciuill Lawes and the Lawes of England. 41

The first case wherein the Ciuill Lawes and the Lawes of England differ. 42

Inconueniences that commeth of that Lawe, which no otherwise then by witnesses admitteth trialls. 43

Of the crueltie of Rackings. 46

The Ciuill Lawe oft faileth in doing of Iustice. 50

How Counties are deuided and Sheriffes chosen. 51

How Iurers must be chosen and sworne. 54

[Page]How Iurers ought to be informed by euidences and witnesses. 57

How causes criminall, are determined in England. 61

The Prince granteth the Lawes of England to be more commodious for the subiects, then the Ciuill Lawes in the case disputed. 63

Why Enquests are not made by Iuries of xij. men in other Realmes, aswell as in England. 65

The Prince commendeth the Lawes of England of their proceeding by Iuries 69

The Prince doubteth, whether this proceeding by Iuries be repugnant to Gods Law, or not. 70

That the proceeding by a Iurie, is not repugnant to the Law of God. 72

Why certaine Kings of England haue had no delight in their owne Lawes. 76

The Chancellour openeth the cause which the Prince demandeth. 77

The inconueniences that happen in the Realme of France, through regall gouernement alone. 79

The commodities that proceede of the ioint gouernement politique and regall, in the Realme of England 83

A comparison of the worthynesse of both the regiments. 86

[Page]The Prince breaketh the Chancellor of his tale. 89

The second case, wherein the Ciuill Lawes, and the Lawes of England, disagree in their iudgements. 89

Speciall causes why base borne children are not legittimate in England by matrimonie ensuing. 93

The Prince alloweth the Lawe, which doth not ligittimate children borne before matrimonie. 98

The third case wherein the Lawes aforesaid disagre. 98

The Prince approueth the Lawe, whereby the issue followeth not the wombe. 103

The fourth case wherein the said Lawes varie. 104

The Prince commendeth the education of Noble mens children being Orphanes. 106

Other cases wherein the foresaid Lawes differ. 108

The prince regardeth not the cases last rehearsed. 109

The Chancellour sheweth why the lawes of England are not taught in the Vniuersities. 110

The disposition of the generall studie of the Lawes of England, and that the same in number [Page] passeth certaine Vniuersities. 113

Of the estate and degree of a Serieant at Law, and how he is created. 116

After what manner a Iustice is created, and of his habite and conuersation 121

The Prince findeth fault with delayes that are made in the Kings Courts. 125

That delayes which happen in the Kings Court are necessarie and reasonable. 129

That the Lawes of England are right good, the knowledge whereof is expedient for kings, and tha [...] it shall suffice them to haue but a superficiall knowledge of the same. 129

FINIS.

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Notes vpon Sir IOHN FORTESCVE Knight, L. Chiefe Iustice of England, De laudibus legum Angliae.

Ad CAP. III.

1 AVctore causaruns.] Questionlesse hee ment the author of the little booke De causis, put in some latine editions at the end of Aristotle's workes with some other ridiculously attributed to Aristotle. There are, who thinke it to be done by Alpharabius, others by Auempace, others by Proclus. It was turn'd out of Hebrew into Latine, but is not extant in Aristotles language. It's ancient, but cleerely beneath the age of Aristotle. In proposit. 1. the substance is of what he cites.

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Ad CAP. VIII.

2 APprenticios.] From Apprendre. i. to learne, comes Apprentice de la ley; which will denote as much as Discipulus applied by Iustinian to somewhat a like degree in his law. For after hee had reckon'd his Dupondij or Iustiniani novi (that is, students of two yeeres standing) his Papinianists (students of three yeeres) his Lytae (those of foure yeers) and his prolytae (for them of fiue) to whom the reading of the whole course of that law and an able vnderstanding was imputed, he then, comprehending the prolytae and the rest labouring to that degree, addes; Discipuliigitur omnibus eis legitimis arcanis reseratis, nihil habeant absconditum, but that they might afterward be Iustitiae satellites & iudiciorum optimi tam athletae quam gubernatores, in omni loco aeue (que) faelices. So hee writes C. tit. de veteri iure enucl. l. 1. Deo auctore. §. 6. The antientest mention of an Apprentice in this sens which our publisht bookes haue is in 1. Ed. 3. fol. 17. a pl. 3. But in the monuments of Parlament of 20. Ed. 1. extant [Page] in the Tower, this testimonie is of them: De Atturnatis & Apprenticijs, D. Rex iniunxit Iohanni de Mettingham & sociis suis, quod ipsi per eorum discretiones provideant & ordinent certum numerum de quolibet cōitatu de melioribus & legalioribus & libentiùs addiscentibus secūdū quod intellexerint quod Curiae suae & populo de regno melius valere poterit & maius cōmodū fuerit, & quod ipsi quos ad hoc elegerint Curiā sequantur, & alij non. Et videtur Regi & eius consilio quod septies-viginti sufficere poterint &c. Apponant tamen praefati Iustitiarij plures si viderint esse faciendum vel numerum anticipent, & de alijs remanentibus fiat secundū discretionem Iustitiariorum. Mencion is of them also in Fleta lib. 2. cap. 37. Part of that of 20. Ed. 1. is transcrib'd in the Epistle of the 9. reports, where more is out of antiquity touching these Apprentices. The name was vs'd for Practisers, and Apprenticij ad Barros are Barristers in the ridiculous verses of Andrew Horn before his Mirrour aux Iustices. These are they,

Hanc legum summā, si quis vult mira tueri,

Perlegat, & sapiens si vult orator haberi;

Hoc Apprenticijs ad Barros ebore munus,

[Page]Gratum iuridicis vtile mittit opus

Horn mihi cognomē, Andreas est mihi nomē.

This Horn liu'd about Ed. 2. His certain age I yet know not. The verses I transcrib'd out of an ancient copie of him, extant in Bennet College Librarie in Cambridge, and writen, as it seems by the hand, about Edw. 3. or Rich. the seconds time.

3 Proprio ore nullus Regam Angliae.] Yet certainly the Kings themselues often sate in court (in the Kings Bench:) and in the rolls of Charters vnder King Iohn and the time neere him, often occurre grants that such or such English should not bee impleded or put to answere nisi corā nobis vel capitali iustitia nostra, and to Normans nisi coram nobis vel capitali senescallo nostro. For example, in Rot. Chart. 1. Reg. Ioh. Chart. 171. memb. 28. the king giues to one Iacob a Iew of London and a priest of the Iews, presbyteratum omnium Iudaeorum totius Angliae for life, and the patent hath in it, prohibemus etiā ne de aliquo ad se pertinente ponatur in placitum nisi corā nobis aut coram capitali Iustitia nostra sicut Charta Regis Richardi fratris mei testatur. Here coram capitali Iustitia is deuided from coram [Page]Rege; the last signifying before the Kings person; although now pleas held in the Kings Bench before the successor of the Capitalis iustitia, are enter'd coram Rege, and some rolls (as of 44. Hen. 3.) haue placita corā Domino Rege de Tempore Hugonis Bigod Iustitiarij Angliae, and also in the same bundle Placita coram Hugone le Bigod Iustitiario Angliae. And Bracton lib. 3. tract. de Actionibus cap. 5. si actiones criminales sint, in curia Domini Regis debent terminari, & hoc coram ipso Rege si tangant personam suam. and in 2. Ed. 4. the king sate in person.

Ad CAP. XIII.

4 SCotiam, quae ei quondam vt ducatus.] Of that matter see Guil. Malmesburiens. de gest. reg. lib. 2. cap. 6. Roger. de Houeden fol. 311. b. & 377. a & b. & 461. Matth. Paris sub anno 1072. & 1175. & 244. pag. 208.872. & 1124. sub anno 1252. Matth. Westmonasteriens. sub anno 1054. and what hee hath with Thomas of Walsingham sub anno 1290. & seqq. and Edward Hall in his Henry 8. out of old monumēts, also Walsinghā pag. 85.133. & 171. Edit. Francofurt, & Florence of Worcester & [Page] Henry of Huntingdon where they speake of King Athelstan, and authority enough wil appeare against what Buqhanan writes in lib. 6. & 8. Rerum Scoticarum, touching the english Empire. For autorities in law of the same thing, see 11. Edw. 3. tit. Breife 473. 39. Edw. 3. fol. 35. & 36.42. Edw. 3. fol. 2. b. 13. Hen. 4. Brook tit. Appeale 153.6. Rich. 2. tit. protection 46.8. Rich. 2. tit. Continuall claime 13.13. Elizab. Dyer fol. 304. a Rot. Parlamēt. 21. Ed. 1 in Arce London fol. 51. & seqq. beside diuers originals of matters of that nation yet remaining in the Treasuries of Records. Neither is that of Godfrey of Malmesburie vnnecessarie to be here rememberd. He relates that whē William 11 was offended with Malcolm 111. of Scotland, that he would not secundum iudicium Baronum suorum in curia sua rectitudinem Regibus Anglorū facere, the Scottish King id agere nisi in regnorum suorum confinijs vbi reges Scotorum erant soliti rectitudinem facere regibus Anglorum, & secundum iudicium primatum vtriusque regni nullo modo voluit, & sic impacati ad inuicem discesserunt. He places this in 7. Willielmi 2. When this Godfrey liued I know not, his Annales begin with the Saxons, and end in 29. Hen. 1. [Page] He hath much of Northern matters, & the same that is in Roger of Houedē. oftē & this very passage also is in Houeden, pag. 265.

Ad CAP XVII.

5 ALiqui Regum] But questionlesse the Saxōs made a mixture of the British customes with their own; the Danes with old British, the Saxon and their own; and the Normans the like. The old laws of the Saxōs mencion the Danish law (Danelage) the Mercian law (Mercenlage) and the Westsaxon law (Westsaxonlage) of which also some Counties were gouerned by one, some by another. All these being considered by William 1. comparing them with the laws of Norway (which he most of all affected, mainly, as I thinke, because by them a Bastard of a Concubine, as himselfe was, had equall enheritance with the most legitimat sonne. You may see for it Roger de Houeden fol. 347. & 425.) hee quasdam reprobauit (as the words of Geruase of Tilburie in his Dialogue de Scaccario are) quasdam autem approbans illis transmarinas Neustriae leges quae ad regni pacem tuēdam efficacissimè videbātur adiecit, but so indeed, that [Page] such laws as he in writing allowd, are, by a denomination from the greater part called bonae & adprobatae antiquae regni leges by Matth. Paris in his Ms. life of Fretherique Abbot of S. Albons, and leges Edwardi Regis quae prius inuentae sunt & constitutae in tempore Adgari aui sui by Roger of Houeden, and leges aequissimi Regis Edwardi by Ingulphus Abbot of Crowland, who liued vnder the Conqueror, and brought a copie of them from London to his Abbey, as he remembers in his printed storie. And in a Ms. copie, communicated to mee, mongst diuers other, by that liuing Treasure of Antiquitie and most exquisit monuments, my noble and much deseruing friend Sir Robert Cotton, and continued by Peter of Blois, after that which is in the print, succeed those laws of William 1. there spoken of with this title in broken french, Ces sont leis & les Cus [...]umes qui li Reys William grātast a tutle puple de Engleterre apres la conquest de la terre ice les meismes que le Reys Edward sun Cosin tint deuant lut. Ceo est a sauoir, pais a saint Egglise &c. the context of them throughout being much corrupted. They were you see called S. Edwards laws, and to [Page] this day, are. But cleerly, diuers Norman customes were in practice first mixt with them, and to these times continue. as succeeding ages, so new nations (comming in by a Conquest, although mixt with a title, as of the Norman Conqueror, is to be affirmed) bring alwaies some alteration. by this wel cōsiderd, That of the laws of this realm being neuer changed will be better vnderstood.

6. Et maximè Romam] Vnderstand not this neither otherwise, but that the Romans had their laws in such parts of this land, as they had their most ciuill gouernment in. I meane in Colonies hither deduced. For euery Colonie was but as an image of the mother Citie, with like holie rites, like Courts, Laws, Temples, places of publique commerce, and for the most part with Duumviri in steed of Consuls, & Aediles and Decuriones in lieu of a Senat: and it is cleer that diuers Colonies from Rome were in Britain, as at Camalodunum (now Maldon in Essex) that was deduced to be subsidium aduersus rebelles (as Tacitus sayes) & imbuē dis socijs ad officia legū. And an old inscription remembers one Aurelius Bassus to be Censitor ciuium Romanorum Coloniae victri [Page]censis quae est in Britannia Camalodunum. At Yorke was also a Colonie. an old piece of money of Seuerus, thus, ‘COL. EBORACVM. LEG. VI. VICTRIX.’

Another inscription is iustifying the same in Camden, pag. 572. although Aurelius Victor calls it Municipium in his life of Seuerus. Likewise one was at Chester, anciently called Deuana, Deua, or Deuuana, (as wee see in Ptolomy and Antoninus) from the Riuer Dee. witnesse an old coine of Septimius Geta thus inscribd.

COL. DIVANA LEG. XX. VICTRIX.

And a fragment of a stone in Bathes walls hath

DEC. COLONIAE GLEV. VIXIT ANN. LXXXVI.

Glev, is Glocester, as the most learned Clarentius Camden teaches. Some thinke Colchester had a Colonie too. But here are enough to shew, that the laws of Rome were vsd in Britain, as in other places where the Romans conquered. Seneca ad Albinam [Page]cap. 7. Hic denique populus Colonias in omnes prouincias misit vbicunque vicit Romanus habitat: and Gildas of this land, non Britannia sed Romania censebatur. So one anciently speaking to Mars, Romulus, and Claudius, (vnder whō the first Colonies were deduced hither) in Catalect. vet. Poet. lib. 1. tit. 7.

Cernitis ignotos Latia sub lege Britannos.

After Claudius, the Britons began to learne the arts, to exceed the Gaules in wit and learning, and they that at first did Linguam Romanam abnuere (as Tacitus speaks in the life of Agricola) did at length eloquē tiam concupiscere. Inde etiam (sayes hee) habitus nostri honor & frequens toga; paullatimque discessum ad delinimenta vitiorum porticus & Balnea & conuiuiorum elegantiam; idque apud imperitos humanitas vocabatur, cum pars seruitutis esset: and this is spoken of naturall Britons, not Colonies. They affected, we see, Roman language, Rhetorique, Roman habit, Roman pleasures, diet, and the like. Neither needed Tacitus to haue mentioned their, affecting the laws of Rome, when they were subiect to them as a conquerd people. And no doubt is, but they that imitated their Conquerours, and neighbour Colonies in the rest, were not [Page] backward in affecting those laws, for which the languages and rhetorique were most vsefull. Iuvenal speaking of Gaule which hee calls in Satyr. 7. —nutricula Causidicorum, saies in Satyr. 15.

Gallia Causidicos docuit facunda Britannos,

De conducendo loquituriam rhetore Thule.

The easier might the vse and studie of the laws of Rome be receiued here, after this Claudius his conquest, in regard that those which before & in ancient time had the determining of controuersies, and the learning of that kind in their hands, were by him forbidden to vse any longer their religion, for which they were most of all reuerenced and regarded. I meane the Druides. and when their holy rites were prohibited by the Emperor, it's likely enough that the nations gouerned by them in point of law (as the Gaules and Britons were) grew regardlesse, at lest remain'd nothing so respectfull of them as before, and so became prone to receiue the laws of Rome which had both conquer'd them, and also taken away the reuerence before giuen to the Druides. That the [Page] Druides before Claudius were the lawiers and determin'd controuersies I. Caesar is witnesse lib. 5. and 6. de bello Gallico, compar'd with the Catholique opinion in antiquity of an identity (at least in their office, actions and learning) in Gaule and Britain. That Claudius tooke away their religion, Sueton is autor in his life cap. 25. Druidarum religionem apud Gallos dirae immanitatis, & tantùm ciuibus sub Augusto interdictam, penitus aboleuit. With him agrees Seneca in his Apocolocyntosis. It may well enough be imagin'd, that the taking it away in Gaule extended to Britain which was both the nurs [...]ry of it, and mother too, as Iulius Caesar writes. If only to Gaule; yet it's probable enough that the Druides in Britain could not but suffer by it, at least in reputation. For that of Pliny nat. hist. lib. 30. cap. 1. Tiberij Caesaris principatus sustulit Druidas Gallorum; it's to bee refer'd only to Rome as Lipsius well takes it in Comment. ad Tacit. Annal. 12. num. 98. and in such sense as Sueton speakes of Augustus his forbidding thē tantùm ciuibus. And indeed although after Claudius, mention bee in Tacitus, Lampridius, and Vopiscus of them, yet shall you not [Page] find any signe of their legall power extant either in those, or in Ammianus Marcellinus that specially remembers them, but only attributs a studie of the mysteries of nature and a Pythagoricall learning to them, vnder Constantius and Iulian, as you see in his 15. booke. For the matter of Colonies before spoken of; he that desires accurat instruction of their nature and particular rights, may see, besides what such as writing of the Roman State vniuersally haue of it, Lips. de Magnitud. Romana lib. 1. cap. 6. and Marc. Velser lib. 2. Antiquit. Augustae Vindelicorum.

7 Leges Ciuiles in quantum Romanorum inveteratae sunt.] The antiquity which he means of our Laws before the Ciuill of Rome, is only vpon these conditions. First that the story of Brute bee to be credited, and then that the same kind of law and policy hath euer since continu'd in Britain. That Storie supposes him here CCC. yeers and more before Rome built. But (with no disparagement to our common laws) we haue no testimony touching the inhabitants of the Isle before Iulius Caesar, nor any of the name of it till Polybius, in Greeke, nor till Lucretius in Latine. [Page]Polybius lib. 3. speakes of the British Isles, and Lucretius lib. 6. hath Caelum Britannum. Neither is the booke de Mundo attributed to Aristotle of like age with the falsely supposed autor. In that, Albion is spoken of, but Polybius was before that was spoken, if I deceiue not my selfe. All testimony of later time, made of that which long since must be, if at all it were, is much to bee suspected. And though the Bards knew diuers things by tradition, which they only sung, and so a specious argument is made vsually for that common storie, because they sung it, yet I see not why any, but one that is too prodigall of his faith, should beleeue it more then Poeticall story, which is all one (for the most part) with a fiction. For what were Bards but such as sung the praises of old suppos'd Heroes at their pleasure? As Athenaeus and Marcellinus, of them▪ and, for later autority, you may see in Leg. Howeli Dha cap. 25. That the chiefest dignity mongst thē was the Pēkert of the country, whose place was of great eminencie before others in the welsh court, & his office (when the King was pleas'd to heare any songs) was Duo Carmina scilicet vnū[Page]de Deo, alterum de regibus in interiore parte aulae decantare. Nor he nor the rest were bound to truth of Story, but free to vse invention, which they did in making a founder of the British name out of a community of sound. 'Twas as easie to fetch Brute out of Brutaine, as it's often called, as it hath beene to make Francio out of Francia or Franci, Hispanus or Hispalus out of Hispania, Scota out of Scotia, Angela for a queene out of Anglia, Bato out of Batauia, Italus out of Italia, and diuers such, which are all neere fictions or impostures. Scarce indeed is there a nation in Europe, whose deduction from a like name of the first autor, is of sufficient credit. All testimonies any thing neere the suppos'd time of those first autors being lost. This writer stands on Brutes arriuall, and speakes of it Cap. XIII. Yet if that would make so much for this side of antiquity of our laws, much more is to be had from the ancienter & true origination of the Britons, which is frō Iaphet and his Posterity. See Camden. and in the Greeke Scaligeran Chronicle of Eusebius, the British Isles, with all the west, are giuen by Noah's last will and testament to Iaphet, [Page] But so is Italy too, and the rest of Europe. This way, might an equally strong argument be for the like antiquitie of both laws, of those of Italy and Britain. And it would be such a one as this autor vses from Brute. For questionlesse, if Iaphet and his posteritie possest these parts of Europe (as they did) their gouernment was not without laws. But in truth, and to speak without peruerse affectation, all laws in generall are originally equally ancient. All were grounded vpon nature, and no nation was, that out of it took not their grounds; and nature being the same in all, the beginning of all laws must be the same. As soone as Italy was peopled, this beginning of laws was there, and vpon it was grounded the Roman laws, which could not haue that distinct name indeed till Rome was built, yet remaind alwaies that they were at first, sauing that additions and interpretations, in succeeding ages increased, and somewhat alterd them, by making a Determinatio iuris naturalis, which is nothing but the Ciuill law of any Nation. For although the law of nature be truly said Immutable, yet its as true that its limitable, and limited law [Page] of nature is the law now vsd in euerie State. All the same may bee affirmd of our British laws, or English, or other whatsoeuer. But the diuers opinions of interpreters proceeding from the weaknesse of mans reason, and the seueral conueniencies of diuers States, haue made those limitations, which the law of Nature hath sufferd, verie different. And hence is it that those customs which haue come all out of one fountain, Nature, thus varie from and crosse one another in seuerall Common welths. Had the Britons receiud the X. or XII. Tables from Greece (which in Rome was, as Liuy saies, in immenso aliarum super alias aceruatarum legum cumulo, fons omnis publici priuatique iuris) cleerly the interpretations, and additions which by this time would haue been put to them here, must not be thought on as if they would haue fell out like the body of the Roman Ciuill law. Diuers nations, as diuers men, haue their diuers collections, and inferences; and so make their diuers laws to grow to what they are, out of one and the same root. Infinit laws we haue now that were not thought on D. yeers since. Then were many that D. yeers before had [Page] no being, and lesse time forward alwaies produced diuers new; the beginning of all here being in the first peopling of the land, when men by nature being ciuill creatures grew to plant a common societie. This rationally considerd, might end that obuious question of those, which would say somthing against the laws of England if they could. 'Tis their triuiall demand, When and how began your common laws? Questionlesse its fittest answerd by affirming, when and in like kind as the laws of all other States, that is, When there was first a State in that land, which the common law now gouerns: then were naturall laws limited for the conueniencie of ciuill societie here, and those limitations haue been from thence, increased, altered, interpreted, and brought to what now they are; although perhaps (sauing the meerly immutable part of nature) now, in regard of their first being, they are not otherwise then the ship, that by often mending had no piece of the first materialls, or as the house that's so often repaired, vt nihil ex pristina materia supersit, which yet (by the Ciuill law) is to be accounted the same still, as we see in π. tit. de legat. 1. l. 65. [Page] si ita §. 2. Little then follows in point of honor or excellency specially to be attributed to the laws of a Nation in generall, by an argument thus drawn from difference of antiquitie, which in substance is alike in all. Neither are laws thus to be compar'd. Those which best fit the state wherein they are, cleerly deserue the name of the best laws. And none are best or worst but secundum quid. But vpon this ground more to the purpose might haue been said for the English common laws, compard with the ciuill of Rome. For it appears that the Emperors from Iustinian, who died in D.LXV. of Christ, vntill Lothar the 11. in the yeer M.C.XXV. so neglected the bodie of the Ciuill law (which now, against an expresse Constit [...]on of Iustinian, commanding that it should not be read nor taught in any place sauing Rome, Berytus, and Constantinople, is profest in euerie Vniuersity) that all that time none euer profest it. But when Lothar took Amalfi, he there found an old copy of the Pandects, or Digests, which as a precious monument he gaue the Pisans (by reason whereof it was called Litera Pisana) from whom it hath bin since translated to Florence, where [Page] in the Dukes Palace it is neuer brought forth but with Torch-light, and other reuerence. Vnder that Lothar, began the Ciuill law to be profest at Bologna, and Irner or Werner (as some call him) first made Glosses on it about the beginning of Frederique Barbarossa in M.C.L. of Christ, and Bologna was by Lothar constituted to be Legum & Iuris Schola vna & sola. And this was the first time and place of profession of it in the Western Empire. You may see Odofredum apud Sigonium de regno Italiae lib. 11. & 7. & Paul. Merul. Cosmogr. part. 2. lib. 4. cap. 23. Why were they so neglected neer DC. yeers in the Empire, if their excellēcy were so beyond others, as is vsually laid by many, that, to the purpose, know nothing of either them or ours? This part of story of them I haue noted elsewhere in the Preface to the Titles of Honor. And cleerly you see the profession of them is not so ancient in the Western Empire, as the latest of time, to which som most ignorantly refer the beginning of the common law; I mean as the Norman William, who arriu'd in the yeer M.LXVI. I think not, that good discretion can out of any of this or the like add much honor to, or detract [Page] from either Common or Ciuill law; yet its sit to be rememberd in answer of such as ignorantly fetch a reason out of the antiquity of the profession of the one. As if the profession begun vnder Lothar, and since thus continued, were not meerly new, and not a recontinuance of what was in vse vnder Iustinian. But hereof too much.

Ad CAP. XXI.

8 TEstes.] But some trialls by our law haue also Witnesses without a Iurie: as of the life and dea [...]h of the Husband in Dower, and in Cui in vita. Examples thereof are in Bracton lib. 4. tract. 6. cap. 7. 2. Ed. 2. tit. Triall 46.8. Ed. 2. eod. tit. 95.9. Ed. 2. tit. Iudgement 231.2. Elizab. Dyer fol. 185. a. and in 13. Elizab. Dy. fol. 301. a. in Error by an infant to reuerse a fine, both inspection and the testimonie of foure witnesses concurre to proue his infancie. & in 26. Ed. 3. fol. 70. a pl. 6. a death in Bretagne, is said, shall be tried by proofs. But all this is of issues, which properly haue no visne, whence a Iurie may be. The course of Declarations also at this day shew, that witnesses were respected in the [Page] beginning of euerie action. The conclusion is alwaies Et inde producit sectam. Which secta or suit, in law-language, is nothing but witnesses to proue his action, as in the Counts of writs of Right they were wont to declare, & hoc paratus sum probare per hunc liberum hominem meum A. B. & si quid, &c. Which was a tender of Battel, as the other is of suit or witnesses. See Glanvil. lib. 2. cap. 3. And those proofes of the death of the husband in dower are called secta by Bracton fol. 302. a, and in Nou. Narrat. suit & darraign bon, is only secta & disrationatio bona .i. good proof to maintain the count. In ancient time this suit, or witnesses were examind before any other issue, as in 18. Hen. 3. Coram Rege apud Windsore rot. 13. in dors. in Turr. Lond. In a Recordare loquelam that was in the Bishop of Salisburies court at Sunnings, the action being for a Mare, by Walkelin de Stok against William de la Guilhalle, the entrie is; Et Willielmus producit sectam suam & ipsi quos produxit per se discordantes sunt in multis, & in tempore, & in alijs circumstantijs, quia quidam dicunt quod quaedam equa mater ipsius pullani empta fuit &c. & quidam dicunt &c. Et Walkelinus producit sectam [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] qui concordati sunt in omnibus & per omnia & dicunt omnes quos ipsi producit per se &c. The proofs of both sides are called secta. It was either this or some like case, that Shard entended in 17. Ed. 3. fol. 49. b in Iohn Warreins case, speaking of a Iustice that examind the suit▪ and it appears there that vnder Ed. 3. the tendering of suit or proofs was become only formall, as at this day, like the plegij de prosequendo. But in Hill. 44. Hen. 3. Coram Rogero de Thurkelby & socijs suis Iustitiarijs de Banco Rot. 16. in dorso. One Gilbert Chyteine brought a Repleuin against William le Fouler, and the defendant pledes non cepit &c. Et hoc offert de fendere contra ipsum & sectam suam sicut Curia Considerauerit. Et quia praedictus Gilbertus nullam sectam producit versus praedictum VVilielmum, consideratum est quod praedictus Willielmus eat inde sine die, & Gilbertus in misericordia. See ad cap. 32. I omit, that in Englesherie anciently, in a Natiuo habendo, in prouing a deed denied, and such like, witnesses by the common law are required as the speciall triall.

[Page]

Ad CAP. XXIV.

9 WApentagia.] In Ethelreds laws, which the Abbot Iohn Brampton hath in a Ms. storie, cap. 4. Habeantur placita in singulis Wapentakis, vt exeant seniores XII. thay [...]i & praepositus cum eis & iurent super sanctuarium quod eis dabitur in manus quod neminem innocentem velint accusare velnoxium concelare. And the laws called the Confessors, cap. 33. say that Yorkshire, Lincoln, Notingham, Leycester, and Northampton, call that Wapentachium quod Anglivocant Hundredum & non sine causa. For he that was praefectus VVapentachij, or high Constable of the VVapentach, came amongst them at the Hundred or Wapentach court, and with regardfull entertainment, they all cum lanceis suis ipsius hastam tangebant, & ita se confirmabant per contactum armorum, pace palàm concessa. Anglice n. (so say those laws) arma vocantur Waepun, & taccare confirmare, quasi armorum confirmatio, vel vt magis expresse secundum linguam Anglicam dicamus, Wapentac armorum tactus est. Waepun n. arma sonat, tac tactus est. Doubtlesse this deduction [Page] of the name sauors of the truth. For amongst the old Germans (whence our Anglo-Saxons came) that vsd to meet armed in their courts, when any one had spoken, if he were dislik'd, fremitu aspernabantur, if lik'd, frameas concutiebant (as Tacitus witnesses) which well includes this touching or striking together of weapons. Honoratissimum (saies he) assensus Genus est, armis laudare. The Wapentakes, Hundreds, and Counties were first instituted by K. Alfred, about the yeer DCCC.LXXX. Of him, Ingulphus p. 495. b, Totius Angliae pagos & provincias in Comitatus primus omnium Commutauit. Comitatus in Centurias, id est, Hundredas & in Decimas, id est, Tithingas diuisit. See also Malmesburiens. de gest. reg. lib. 2. cap. 4.

10 Villas.] Villa & Villata de Norwich, de Wallingford and the like are in old Rols, which also somtime call like places, & the same, Burgi or Ciuitates. And the citie of Chichester is Villata de Cicestria in Itin. Sussex. 47. Hen. 3. rot. 25. in dorso. And there rot. 44. Burgus de Horsham venit per XII. Villa de Brembre venit per XII. Villa de Shoreham venit per XII. yet Bramber and Shoreham are Boroughs as well as [Page] Horesham. Parlamentarie Boroughs. But also Rot. 38. is Burgus de Seford venit per XII. which is no Parlamentarie Borough. The rest all which now send Burgesses to Parlament in Sussex, as Lewes, Midhurst, Stening, Grenstede and Arundel, are in that Eire called Boroughs.

11 Hamletis.] Hameau or Hamel is a member or part of some ville or town, as you may see in 14. Assis. pl. 9. & 3. & 4. Ph. & Mar. Dyer fol. 142. it came first from Ham or Heim in old Saxon, signifying a circuit or territorie, Circulum vel septum quo Pagi siue Territorij cuiuspiam limites includuntur, as the most noble Hans Douze notes out of the Records of Holland in Annal. Holland. lib. 2. & 7. fol. 388.

12 Annale est.] but before the statut of 14. Ed. 3. cap. 7. Shrifes continued vsually in their offices longer.

13 Nec duobus.] It should be nec tribus by Stat. 1. Rich. 2. cap. 11.

Ad CAP. XXV.

14 DE Hundredo.] For the number of the Hundredors at this day, see the statuts of 35. Hen. 8. ca. 6. & 27. Eliz. c. 6

[Page]

Ad CAP. XXVI.

15 FAlsum fecerunt sacramentum.] The ancient punishment in Attaint was as its here describ'd, and the like in conspiracie for periurie See Glanvil. lib. 2. cap. 19.4. Hen. 5. tit. Iudgment 220.27. Assis. pl. 59. & 46. Assis. pl. 11. The iudgment is called the villanous iudgment in 24. Ed. 3. fol. 34. b. See Bracton also lib. 4. tract. 5. cap. 5. & Flet. lib. 5. cap. 21. & Stamford fol. 175. And the case in Temp. Ed. 1. tit. Attaint 70. is more large in my Ms. Report of 21. Ed. 1. fol. 58. it is brought against the Abbot of Westminster, as there its shewed, but the iudgment by Weylond is in these words, Pur ceo agarde cest court que ceux de l' enquest perdent franche ley de ceo iour en auant a tous iours e lour terres & leur chateus a la volonte le Roy, & lour cors a la prison, e Iohn seit assous de cele rent & seit restore de ses damages. But see now Stat. 23. Hen. 8. cap. 3. another iudgment in attaint.

16 Nec alicubi recipientur in testimonium veritatis.] Our books expresse that, by [Page] que mise ne soit en testimoignance de veritye, 24. Ed. 3. fol. 34. b. 33. Hen. 6. fol. 55. a. It is titled the losse of frank law, franch ley in 27. Assis. pl. 59. & 46. assis pl. 11. that is, he which is thus convict of periurie, shal be no more Otheswurth as Bracton calls it lib. 4. tract. 4. cap. 5. & cap. 19. §. 2. where his words are of such a one. Legem amittit, & ideo dicitur quod non est vlterius dignus lege quod Anglicè dicitur, He ne is othes worthe that is enes gylty of oth broken. Which agrees with K. Knout his law cap. 33. that one so convicted ne beo thanon forth athes wyrthe, the selfe same words almost, being in leg. Edwardi senioris cap. 3. & leg. Athelstan cap. 25. That which is legem amittere in this sense in Bracton, is liberam legem amittere (answering to the losse of frank law) in the entries of iudgment against them, and legem terrae amittere in Glanvill, and sometime in Bract. & Fleta. See also Regiam Maiestatem lib. 1. cap. 14. §. 5. Hence may bee truly vnderstood that of the grand Charter cap. 29.—nec super eum ibimus nec super eum mittemus, nisi per legale iudicium Parium suorum vel per begem terrae. I would English it thus: Neither will we enter on his possession nor commit[Page]him (for in that place of the Charter of 17. of K. Iohn by which this was made, it is nec eum in carcere mittemus, perhaps it should be carcerem, as the language requires) but legall iudgment of his Peers, or men of his condition (that is by Iury) or by triall of him by oth, or wager and doing his law. Lex terrae here is only as it signifies in amittere legem terrae. And Ley gager and a Iury are the two trialls, as I suppose, there thought on. And indeed in old rolls nothing is more vsuall then in criminall actions (not capitall) and ciuill, of any kind to admit Ley gager, as in Attachments vpon prohibitions, quare impedits and the like, which is against all knowledge and practise of law in later ages. Euerie one knows that at this day Vadiare legem is to offer the oth vpon triall that way, and facere legem is to make the oth. all vvhich shew that lex and lex terrae signifie in this notion only the Oth of a man not disabl'd by law. And, in that statut, it is meerly the oth vpon Ley gager.

17 Calumniare potest 35. homines.] Peremptorie challenge is now reduced to xx. by stat. of 22. Hen. 8. cap. 14.

[Page]

Ad CAP. XXXII.

18 SI quae supra altum mare &c. coram Admirallo.] As then, so now, the Admiraltie hath Iurisdiction of things don vpon the main sea. & what that court might or may do is shewed and limited by the statuts of 13. Rich. 2. cap. 5. & 15. Rich. 2. cap. 3. & 2. Hen. 5. cap. 6. The first case in our law extant touching marine iurisdiction is in Temp. Ed. 1. tit. Avowry 192. in a Repleuin brought of a ship vpon the coste of Scarborough, where no mention is of the Admiralls autority, as the print is in the Abridgment, but conisans of it is allowed to the common law. Yet in my Ms. Report of 25. Ed 1. fol. 82. b the case is thus more at large, and expressely speaks of the Admirall. William Crake de Holtham fuit sommon a respondre a Robert de Beufo de play pur que il auoit pris vne sune neef pris de xl. l. en la mer iuste la costere de Scardburn & de yleke le amena a Holtham en le County de Norff. Mutford. del hore qu'il avute Conte de vne prise fete en la mer que est hors del conte issi que si pais se ioyn fist, il ne sauereint a quel viscont[Page]mander pur fere vener pays e dd iudgment si eeyns pussont de ceo conuster. Ed'autre part, il lysont assigne Admirall de par le Roy sur la mer a oyer & terminer les pleynts de chose fait in mer, e nentendons point que vous volys a eux tolyr iurisdiction &c. Bery Nous auons poer general per my tut Engleterre, mes del poer des Admirals dont vous parles ne sauons rien, ne rien de nostre poer a eux volomus assigner, si ceo ne seist per commandment le Roy de quey vous ne monstres rien &c. Mutf. sire le luy on ils dient la neef este pris nest in nul visnee de que &c. Haward. il est issint visne que si vne home occist vn auter la il serra pris & a mesn al terre e pende ausi ben come pur fet fet sur la terre. Metingham. nous vous dions que nous avons ausi ben poer de conisans de fet fet en mer come sur terre, dont agard que vous respondes ouster. Vnlesse they ment there, that the visne might be out of the adioyning countie, as in old trialls of issues in Wales, I conceiu not their disallowance of the exception against the place, whence properly no visne could be. For such trialls of issues rising in Wales, or in Counties Palatin [Page] by the adioyning Counties, see especially 18. Ed. 2. tit. Assise 382.24. Ed. 3. fol. 33. b. 30. Hen. 6. fol. 6. b. 35. Hen. 6. fol. 30. a 45. Ed. 3. tit. Uisne 50. I haue transcribd the case according to the very letters of my copy. It seems by this that in those times the common law had conisans of things done vpon the British sea▪ howeuer it afterward kept its limits infra corpus Comitatus, leauing the Sea to the Admiralty. Some cases in old records iustifie it also. In Placit. 37. & 38. Hen. 3. Rot. 10. Deuon. One Galfredus de Leysina brings trespas against Ralf de Valle torta, and others, quare asportauerunt bona quae fuerunt in naui quae fuit Clementis de Bolan quae nuper periclitabatur in Costera de Brikesham quae bona dominus Rex dedit predicto Galfredo tanquam wreccum maris &c The defendants plead, in effect, the general issue, & sic ad patriam. although, through want of forme in the declaration it appears not whether [...] goods were taken being in or out of the Sea, yet it seems they held that matter indifferent. So in Itin. Sussex apud Cicestriam 47. Hen. 3. Rot. 10. A fragment of a torne roll left in the bundle, hath this signe of a declaration remaining. Rogerus de Louere, [Page]& Radulphus de Leuere queruntur de Ricardo de Hatfeuld . . . . . . . . proxima ante festum sancti Martini hoc anno sè credebant saluo . . . . . . . . . . . . ibidem fregerunt nauem suam super quendam locum . . . . . . . . . . . . . nauis & socij sui circiter quinque submerserunt. These words are only left vpon the 9. roll, the rest being by some wicked hand, purposely, it seems, torne off. But its easily coniectur'd that this was an action on the case, brought by one that had committed himself or his goods to the defendants care for his passage, with his company, ouer sea, and that the offence was, that the defendant had by negligence made shipwrack on the sea, or some such like; and though the Assumpsit at land might make such an action at this day, maintainable at common law, according to the learning in Dowdales case Rep. 6. fol. 47. yet in those times so ancient, I cannot imagin the difference of a contract at land from one at sea was thought on. Likewise in Trin. 50. Hen. 3. apud Westm. in Banco rot. 22. the entrie is, Suff. Abbas Westmonasterij per atturnatum suum obtulit se quarto die versus Petrum filium Iohannis, Richardum fratrem eius, Walterum Cheyney, [Page] Augustinum filium Iocei, Iohannem fratrem eius, Richardum Andred, Anthonium Clunch, & Richardum Silkento de placito cum homines ipsius Abbatis nuper duci fecissent quandam nauem suam per Costeram maris prope Dunwicū, bonis & catallis ipsius Abbatis & hominum suorum cariatum, ijdem Petrus & alij simul cum Augustino filio Iohannis nauem praedictam cum bonis & catallis praedictis ab hominibus suis praedictis abstulerunt, & nauem & bona & catalla sic Ablata detin [...]nt ad damnum ipsius Abbatis & hominum suorum sexaginta librarum & contra pacem &c. Vnlesse here the ship were taken vpon the sea super Costeram maris I vnderstand it not. But touching their trialls in the Admiralty, in som hands is extant a Ms. del' Office del Admiralty, translated into Latin by one Thomas Rowghton, calling it De officio Admiralitatis (the vse of two copies of it, with the roll of Oleron, written all about Hen. 6. was communicated to me by that learned and truly sufficient Sir VValter Raleigh knight) where enditements and trialls are supposd to be by a Iurie of XII. as at common law. But the book it self is rather a monument of antiquitie (yet not aboue about Hen. 6.) [Page] then of autority, and rather as a purpose of what was in some failing proiect, then euer in vse and iudgment held authenticall. Most of it is against both the now receiu'd and former practise. Yet these things hath it worth obseruation▪ that is, constitutions often mencioned touch [...]g the Admiralty of Hen. 1. Richard. 1. King Iohn, & Edward 1. which are elsewhere hardly found. In rot. Pat. 23. Ed. 1. VVilliam Leyburn is Admirall, and often mention is after that of the Admiralls of the North and South seas, the distinction being the Thames mouth, as Trent was wont to be for the generall Escheatorship, and is for the Iusticeship of the Forests. The first mention of the Admirall in our printed law, is in 8. Ed. 2. Itin. Canc. tit. Corone 399. with that, see 40. Ed. 3. fol. 44.40. Assis. pl. 25. Stamford cap. des Coroners, Sir Henry Constables case in Rep. 5. fol. 107. & Hill. 2. Iacob. Philipps case in Com. Banco, & 19. Hen. 6. fol. [...]. a. and note that in 7. Rich. 2. Statham tit. Trespas 54. a iustification is in trespas in these words nous les prisomous en le haue mere oues (que) les Normans queux sont enemies le Roy, iudgment si action, and held good. If this issue offerd rising wholly [Page] on the main sea, might not be tried at the common law, how could it be good? either a trauerse must haue been to the taking in the count, or else the replication must haue made the issue vpon two affirmatiues (which is against the course of our law) or els questionlesse they took it in those times triable, as it was pleded by a Iury of the visne, either adioining to the coast (which is fittest) or of the place where the action was laid. See also 46. Edw. 3. Statham tit. Trespas 38.

19 Curiae Constabularij▪] That court & the great Officer, chief Iustice of it, hath been long discontinued. Neither was any continuing High Constable of England since 12. Hen. 8. when Edward Duke of Buckingham was beheaded. He was the last High Constable, and by inheritance of tenure from the Bohuns, as you see in 6. Hen. 8. Kel. fol. 170. & seq. & 11. Eliz. Dy. 285. b. & vide Rot. Fim. 3. Ed. 1. memb. 14. The Court is that which was titled the Court of Chiualrie, wherein all matters of Armes, Treason committed beyond sea, Warre, and the like, which could not bee tried at the common law, were determinable summariè & de plano sine strepitu & figura[Page]iudicij, as the words are in Part. 1. patent. 7. Ed. 4. memb. 9. where it appears the office had been giuen to Iohn Earl of Worcester, to hold plea of [...]uch things quae in Curia Constabularij ab antiquo videlicet tempore Domini Willielmi Conquestoris quondam Angliae progenitoris nostri seu aliquo tempore citra tractari audiri examinari & decidi consueuerunt aut de iure debuerunt, who surrendering his patent, in the same termes with particulars of the office, it is granted to Richard Wideuill Earle of Riuers, the Kings father in law, for life, and after his death to Anthony Wideuill. By the 1. statut of 13. Rich. 2. cap. 2. & 1. Hen. 4. cap. 14. the office and iurisdiction of the court is best describ'd. you may see 37. Hen. 6. fol. 3. & 20.30. Hen. 6. fol. 5.6. Hen. 8. fol. 171. b Brook tit. Prerogatiue 31. Some Records are extant of the whole formall proceeding by the law of armes in this Court, as specially that of 17. Rich. 2. in the Tower concerning the Castell of Brest, between Hanley and Roches. Their trialls were by Battell or Witnesses. Speciall commissioners haue now good part of this iurisdiction. In 2. part. rot. Patent. 23. Hen. 6. memb. 20. Thomas Kent Doctor of Law [Page] is made sub constabularius Angliae for life.

20 Legem mercatoriam.] that is such as the law of the staple in stat. 2.27. Ed. 3 cap. 2. Mencion is of it in Regist. Orig. in Computo fol. 135. a & Fitzh. Nat. Br. fol. 117. D. Indeed the nature of this law is well exprest by Bartol. in π. tit. Mandati vel contra l. 29. §. quaedam 4. speaking of the Merchants court (which name may well be giuen to the court of Pee poudrous.) Nota, saith he, quod in Curia Mercatorum debet iudicari de bono & aequo, omissi [...] iuris solennitatibus. Hoc non dico quod debeat intelligi non habito respectu ad iura ciuilia quod esset contra l. bona fides tit. Depositi, sed debet intelligi non inspectis solennitatibus iuris, hoc est non inspectis apicibus qui veritatem negotij non tangunt, vt si esset intentata actio directa cum competebat vtilis, vel non erat contestata lis & similia. For in common societie of Marchants, and mutuall contracts, equity and good conscience rather then strict law is required. Tryphonius π. tit. Depositi vel contra l. 31. Bona fides quae in contractibus exigitur, aequitatem summam desiderat. A speciall case of this law Marchant is in Itin. Derb. 2. Edw. 2. Ms. where Iohn Combton brings debt secundum legem mercatoriam [Page] vpon a tally, against another marchant, and tenders suit by two witnesses: the defendant wages his law, but the iudgment is thus by Ornesby pronounced. Iohn de Combton Marchand port vn brief ciens vers vn Rauf Marchand & demande vj. marks par vn Iusticies forme selon la ley Marchand (it had been commenc't. by Iusticies, and came out of the common place into the Eire) & ad mis auāt vn taille la que [...]le il tender a prouer per ij [...]. per Richard & par G [...]ffrey que es [...]eyent al blee mesurer (the debt was due for corne) & al liuerer, mes vous per vostre ley vous voudres couerer la quele cest cort en ceo ras ne voet my res [...]eiuer & refuses la ꝓue que il vous tend selon ley Marchand & selon la nature de sun breife, per que agard cest court q̄ Iohn rescouere sa debt vers vous come vers non defendu & ses dammages de cent sous. See for this matter of suit Ad cap. 21.

Ad CAP. XXXIII.

21 SAtagentes proinde leges Ciuiles ad Angliae Regimen producere.] I confesse I here vnderstand him not. What [Page] Kings of England euer desired the Ciuill laws of Rome? I haue read of a protestation against them in Parlament by the King and Lords, which you may see in Rot. process. & iud. of the appeale of Thomas Duke of Glocester, and others, against Alexander Archbishop of York, Robert de Veer Duke of Ireland, Michael de la Pole E. of Suffolk, and Robert Tresilian cheif Iustice, in Parlamento Westm. 3. Febr. anno 11. Rich. 2. where vpon default of the appellees, the appellants desire that the court would proceed to iudgment, sur quoy les dits Roy nostre seignior & seigniors du Parlament pristront deliberation tan (que) lendemain le marcedy prochein ensuant, a quel temps les Iustices & Sergeants & autres sages du ley de roialm & auxint les sages de la ley Ciuill feuront charges de par le Roy nostre dt sn̄r, de doner loiall Counseill as sn̄rs du Parlement de duement proceder en la cause de l' appel susdit, les queur Iustices Sergeants & sages de la ley du roialm & auxintles dits sages de la ley Ciuill pristront ent deliberation, & responderont, as dits sn̄rs du Parlement q̄ ils auoient veue & bien entendue le tenor du dit appell, & disoient que mesme l'appele ne fust[Page]pas fait ne afferme solon (que) l' ordre que l'une ley ou lautre requireit. sur quoy les dits sn̄rs du Parlem̄t pristeront ent deliberation & auisement, & ꝑ assent du Roy nostre dit sn̄r & de lour common accord estoit declare que en ci haut crime come est pretendue en cest appelle que touch le person du roy nr̄e dit sn̄r & lestate de tout son roialme, ꝑpetre per persons que sont peers du roialme oues (que) autres, la cause ne serra ailors deduc (que) en parlement, ne ꝑ autre ley (que) ley & cours du parlement & q'il apꝑtient as sn̄rs du parlem̄t & a lour franchise & libertie d' ancien custume du ꝑlement destre iuges en tieur cas, & de tieux cas aiugger ꝑ assent du roi & (que) ensi serra fait en cest cas ꝑ agard du parlem̄t, pur ce (que) le roialme d' Engleterre n' estoit deuant ces heures ne al' en [...]ent du roy nostre dit seignior & seigniors du parlement vnques ne serra rule ne gouerne per la ley Ciuill, & auxint leur entent nest pas de reuler ou gouerner [...]y haute cause come cest appell est, (que) ne serra ailors trie ne termine (que) en parlem̄t come dit est, ꝑ cours processe & ordre vse en ascun court ou place plus [...]as deins mesme le roialm, queux courts & places ne sont (que) executors d' aunciens[Page]leys & custumes du roialme & ordinances & establishements du parlem̄ts. & feust auise au mesmes les sn̄rs du parlement ꝑ assent du roy nostre dit sn̄r, (que) cest appel fuit fait & afferme bien & assets duement & le ꝓcesse d'ycelle bone & ferme solon̄ les leys & cours du parlement, & pur tiel l'agarderoit & aiuggeroit. I remember also King Stephen his publique edict against the laws of Italy, but remember not any storie or autority teaching that any of our Kings would haue had them here vsd. That of Stephen is related by that noble and most learned Frier Roger Bacon in his Compendium Theologiae, or his Opus minus (both those names are of one Ms. book) where speaking of the Ciuill laws of Italy, and that they are abusd, and too much affected by Clergie men, leauing their profession to study those laws, he thus adds; Praeterea omne regnum habet sua iura quibus laicireguntur; vt iura Angliae & Franciae; & ita fit iustitia in alijs regnis per constitutiones quas habent sicut in Italia per suas. Quapropter cum iura Angliae non competant statui clericorum, nec Franciae, nec Hispaniae, nec Almanniae, similiter nec iura Italiae [...]llo modo. Quod si debeant clerici vti legibꝰ patriae, tunc[Page]est minus inconueniens vt Clerici Angliae vtantur legibus Angliae & Clerici Franciae vtantur legibus Franciae, quapropter maxima confusio Clericorū est quod huiusmodi constitutionibus laicalibus subduntur colla. Rex quidam Angliae Stephanus allatis legibus Italiae in Angliam publico edicto prohibuit, n [...] ab aliquo retinerentur. si igitur laicus princeps laici principis alterius leges respueret, multo magis omnis clericus deberet respuere leges laicorum. Addo etiam quod magis concordant iura Franciae cum Angliae & econvers [...] propter vicinitatem regnorum & communicationem maiorē gentium istarum quam Italiae & illarum. Quare deberent magis clerici Angliae subijcere se legibus Franciae & e converso quam legibus Lombardiae. This was a kind of invectiue against the receiuing of the Ciuill law mongst the Clergie in any other nation, sauing that wherin it was first bred▪ that is the Italian. Our stories haue no mention of this edict of Stephen. But it is in an autor of better autoritie (in regard of his time) then Frier Bacon. I mean Iohn of Salisbury liuing vnder Hen. 2. He in his De Nugis Curialium lib. 8. cap. 32. speaking of such as too prophanely medled with what the Clergie had to do, [Page] goes on with alios vidi qui legis libros deputant igni nec scindere verentur, si in manus eorum pervenirent iura vel Canones. Tempore Regis Stephani a regno iussae sunt leges Romanae quas in Britanniam domus venerabilis patris Theobaldi Britanniarum primatis asciuerat. Ne quis etiam libros retineret edicto regio prohibitū est, & vicario nostro indictum silentium. Sed, deo faciente, eò magis virtus legis invaluit, quò eam amplius nitebatur impietas infirmare. Wheras Frier Bacon takes it cleer that he prohibited the Ciuill laws, this Iohn of Salisbury (a man of great place and autoritie both with the King & Pope) seems to affirme it only of the Canon law. For he remembers it as an offence to the Church. Indeed in Archb. Theobalds time both the Canons and Ciuill law began to be publisht, & its like enough that he might bring in Iuo's or Gratian's Decree. Iuo's was written in time of Hen. 1. and Gratians vnder K Stephen. That Theobald was before Abbot of Bec in Normandie, and went to Rome for his Pall, and so, it seems, brought those laws home with him in 3. Stephani Regis. Its maruaile that our stories are so silent of this of K. Stephen. But see the Monks sub anno 1139. and specially [Page] Guil. Malmesb. hist. Nouell. 2. fol. 103. b. touching the councell of Winchester, where the ground of his Prohibition perhaps shews it self.

Ad CAP. XXXIV.

22 QVod Principi placuit.] That is Vlpians in π. tit. de Constit. Princip. l. 1 Quod Principi placuit legis habet vigorem, vtpote cum lege Regia, quae de imperio eius lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem conferat. The same is in Instit. tit. de Iure nat. §. sed & quod. and thence haue the Greek Lawiers their [...], as Harmenopulus a Iudge of Thessalonica expresses it Procheir. lib. α. tit. α. and the Emperor is in Near. Diatax. 105. cap. [...]. titled [...], a liuing law. The two Codes of Theodosius and Iustinian, the Gregorian and Hermogenian Codes, the Nearae Diataxeis or Authentiques, and the rest of the Nouellae are nothing but Constitutions by the Emperors, to whom the State of Rome permitted all by the lex Regia that was before in the people of Rome.

[Page]

Ad CAP. XXXIX

23 PRolem ante matrimonium.] This point of Ciuill law, is text in C. tit. de Naturalibus lib. l 10. cum quis. Quomodo (saies Iustinian) non est iniquissimum ipsam stirpem secundae posteritatis priorem quasi iniustam excludere, cum gratias agere fratribꝰ suis posteriores debeant, quorum beneficio ipsi sunt iusti filij, & nomen & ordinem consecuti. For the birth of the first is often cause of the mariage following. But it is limited by some Doctors, that the woman be before in concubinatu, in familia retenta, that there be indubitatus affectus sicut in vxore &c. as you may see in Bartol. ad finem π. de Concubinis. Mynsinger. ad Instit. de Nuptijs §. Aliquando. Gothofred. ad Nouell. 89. cap. 15. The Canon law agrees with the Ciuill in this matter, as is shown in an Epistle of Pope Alexander 3. to the Bishop of Excester in Ext. tit. Qui filij sint legit. c. 6. Tanta est vis.

Ad CAP. XL.

24 SIbonus est bastardus.] yet see Tiraquell. de Nobilitate cap. 15. & Pontus[Page]Heuterus his collection touching Bastards at the end of his De veteri Belgio, & you shall find, that most of the braue spirits and able, of the former times, are in the catalogue of famous Bastards. Remember Euripides in his Andromache ‘Many Bastards are better then legitimats. [...], saies he, [...].’

Ad CAP. XLII.

25 PArtus semper sequitur ventrem.] That is in respect of being free or bond. In liberali causa, matris non patris inspicitur conditio C. tit. de lib. causa l. 28. aui & l. 42. placuit & de rei vendic l. 7. Partum. where the DD. dispute this point. But in matter of honor, or, as it were, hereditarie office their law is otherwise, as you may see in C. tit. de Decurionibus l. 22. eos. l. 36. Exemplo l. 44. nul [...]ꝰ. & tit. de Murilegulis l. 15. qui aut. But the true reason was vpon this; that where mariage or iura connubij could not be, there alwaies partus sequebatur ventrem, in regard no legall father was of such a birth. and the iura connubij extended, before Christianity receiu'd, only to free men. Vlpian in his Tituli, tit. de his. qui [Page]in potestate sunt hath these words, which are more worth then all the barbarous Doctors comments. Connubio interveniente, liberi semper patrem sequuntur; non interveniente connubio, matris conditioni accedunt, excepto eo qui ex peregrino & ciue Romana, peregrinus nascitur: quoniam lex Mensia (from whom that law is so called I remember not) ex alterutro peregrino natum deterioris parentis conditionem sequi iubet. Ex ciue Romano & Latina, Latinus nascitur, & ex libero & ancilla, seruus, quoniam quum his casibus connubia non sunt, partus sequitur matrem. For his speech of a Roman's marying with an Italian woman (not a Roman,) beleeue it not without examination of such storie as you may find collected in Carol▪ Sigon. de antiq. iure Ciu. Rom. lib. 1. cap. 9. and others dealing with that subiect. But cleerly its true generally, that where iura connubij were not, there the Roman law makes the issue follow the mother, as the law of nature▪ requires, which the same Vlpian saith also in π. tit. de statu hominum l. 24. lex. in which title l. 19. Celsus agrees with what wee haue transcribd from Vlpian. And the mariages with bond persons, were alwaies accounted but contubernia, and not [Page] connubia, & they were stiled contubernales, not coniuges, as appears in π. tit. de legatis 3. l. 41. vxorem §. 2. Codicillis, & C. tit. de incest. nuptijs l. 3. cum ancillis.

26 Mulieres honore maritorum.] The text is not voucht out of the true place. it is in C. tit. de incolis l. fin. and also in C. tit. de Dignit. l. 13.

Ad CAP. XLIV.

27 PRoximis de eorum sanguine.] The Ciuill law first gaue the wardship (of males till XIV. of females till XII.) to the adgnati, or those qui per masculos coniunguntur, and this was by the laws of the XII. tables, as appeareth π. tit. de legitimis Tutoribus l 1. Instit. de legit. tutela. But the difference twixt adgnati and cognati both in inheritance, as also in wardships, Iustinian took away in Authent. 118. cap. 5. and this is that which is here spoken of, and so is that law at this day.

28 Ex parte matris.] This matter of socage wardship is grounded vpon that ancient ground, held to this day regularly. Nunquam custodia alicuius de iure alicui remanet de quo habeatur suspicio quod possit[Page]vel velit aliquod ius in ipsa hereditate clamare. Glanvil hath it lib. 7. c. 11. & Bracton lib. 2. c. 37. §. 6. which is the same in substance in Litleton §. 123. and Breton cap. 66.

29 In actibus bellicis] For, the ground and cause of Knight seruice wardships, was in this, that the Lords of whom the infants held, might bring them vp till full age, and instruct them in militarie performances, that so they might be better able to do their seruices by which they held; which because they could not doe in their infancie, the profits of the land was, as at this day, taken by the Lords to supply the defect of seruice. Neither is this custome of Wardship so new, as Randolf Higden in his Polychronicon, or rather some others not vnderstanding him, ignorantly make it, by supposing the beginning of it here vnder Hen. 3. Cleerly Wardships were before and from the Normans, at lest. See the Grand Custumier, and Glanvil lib. 7. cap. 9. Neither, if Higden himselfe had vnderstood those words in his Chronicle, which he took out of a former, written by an other Monk of Chester, which I haue seen, had any autority there been for Henry the thirds beginning them. His words are these, sub [Page]anno 1224. & 6. Hen. 3. Magnates Angliae concesserunt Regi Henrico Wardas haeredum & terrarum suarum quod fuit initium multorum malorum in Anglia. An old Chronicle in that inestimable Library of Sir Robert Cotton, written by another of Hiagens covent, vnder the same yeer; Magnates Angliae reddiderunt Wardas suas Regi quod suit initium malorum. This Monk knew what he said, and vsd the word Wardas cheifly for Forts, Castells, Honors, and the like. by which the possessors preserued their safety in those troublesome times. For at Northampton all such were rende [...]d to the king by the Nobility, vpon the exaction of Hubert de Burgo cheif Justice, as both Matthew Paris, and Florilegus expresse in these words, reddiderunt singuli castella, municipia, honores & custodias Regi quae ad coronam suam spectare videbantur. Perhaps custodiae might here comprehend the wardship too of some heires: But if so, yet they were such as some great men possest by reason of ancient tenures, and the King would then haue with the Castells, and Fortresses by others held, that he might enioy them with their enheritances, as part of securitie against the Barons. No such intent is in any [Page] of the elder Monks, as some would extract out of Polychronicon. Neither was that giuing of Wardships to the King, other then as if the Nobilitie should now giue all their Wards to the King; supposing that the storie were cheifly of giuing Wardships of body and land in the common sense of Wardae, as Higden misreports it. But for the true vnderstanding of that in storie, take Rot. Fin. [...]. Hen. 3. memb. 4. where a recitall is provisum est de consilio Archiepiscopi Cant. & Episcoporum Angliae & H. de Burgo Iustitiarij nostri & Comitum & Baronum nost [...]orum quod à die sci Barnabae Apostoli proximo praeterito caperentur in manum nostram omnia dominica nostra &c. & hereupon writs go into all Shires, to seise into the Kings hands all such lands, castles, forts, mannors &c. But for the antiquitie of Wardships in Britain, both England and Scotland, See also Hect. Boet. l. 11. Buchanan Rer. Scot. l. 6. & 10. & leges Malcolmi 2

Ad CAP. XLVI.

30 DVodecim denariorum valorem excedat.] So is it vnderstood in the statut of West. 1. cap. 15. that speaks of [...]nditements [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] of petit larceny que n' amount ouster le value de xij. deniers. And therewith agrees Itin. Canc. 8. Ed. 2. tit. Corone 404.406. & 415. But by Breton cap. 15. value of XII. d. without more, makes it capitall felonie. So are also opinions in 18. Assis. pl. 14.22. Assis. pl. 39. See Stamford lib. 1. cap. 15.

Ad CAP. XLVII.

31 IN vniuersitatibus.] Indeed the study of the common law hath not place in our vniuersities of Oxford or Cambridge, because another vniuersitie (the Innes of Court) is appointed for it. Yet the statuts of the Vniuersitie of Cambridge, Earum legum (saies Doctor Cowell in his Epistle before his Institutions, as he calls it, of the laws of England) quas habet patria nostra, imperitos nos esse prohibent, vt differentias exteri patrijque iuris sic cognoscamus.

Ad CAP. XLVIII.

32 GAllica.] Touching this, Ingulphꝰ Abbot of Crowland, at the conquest, thus: Ipsum etiam idioma (Normanni) [Page] tantùm abhorrebant, quod leges terrae, statutaque Anglicorum regum linguâ Gallicâ tractarentur: & pueris etiam in scholis principia literarum grammatica gallicè, ac non Anglicè traderentur, modus etiam scribendi Anglicus omitteretur & modus Gallicus in chartis & in libris omnibꝰ admitteretur. And Robert Holkot a learned Dominican Frier in lect. XI. super Sapientiam. Narrāt historiae quod cum Willielmus Dux Normannorum regnum Angliae conquisiuisset deliberauit quomodo linguam Saxonicam posset destruere & Angliam & Normanniam in idiomate concordare, & ideo ordinauit quod nullus in Curia regis placitaret nisi in Gallico, et iterum quod puer quilibet ponendus ad literas addisceret Gallicā et per Gallicam Latinam, quae duo vsque hodie obseruantur. He saies the French continued till his time. For he died in the great plague 24. Ed. 3. But by statut of 36. Edw. 3. cap. 15. it was alterd, which is the Statut this autor speaks of.

Ad CAP. LI.

33 AD Peruisum.] This, Chaucer remembers in his Sergeant.

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A Sergeant at law ware and wise,

That often had been at the Peruise.

It signifies an afternoons exercise or Moot, to the instruction of yong Students, bearing the same name originally (I ghesse) with the Paruisiae in Oxford, as they call their sitting Generalls in the scholes in the after noon; which ingenuously I confesse, I first learned out of Mr Wake his Musae Regnantes pag. 125. where he deuides the Quodlibets or Disputationes Magnae, which are their exercises of Regent Masters in the forenoon, from Paruae, that is, Scholers exercise in the after noon. Has (are his words) quia ijs inferiores, Paruas, iam etiam corrupto nomine, Paruisias dicere consucuimus.

§

§

§

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Radulphi de HENGHAM Edwardi Regis 1. Capitalis olìm Iustitiarij Summae.

Magna Hengham, & Parua, vulgò nuncupatae nunc primùm ex vett. Codd. Mss. in lucem prodeunt.

LONDINI Bibliopolarum corpori excuditur. M.DC.XVI.

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Ad Lectorem.

HAùt importunum est, vt de Scriptore isthoc iam nunc publici iuris facto, de Opere ipso, de Sermone deni (que) Aristarchis satis inviso, & instar portenti (vt reliquus ferè, quo ius Anglicanum conscribitur) habito, paucula praelibentur. Ex iis erat RADVLPHVS de HENGHAM Iustitiarijs qui, quòd lites suas fecissent postulati, & repetundarum damnati, non modò grauissimè anno XVI. Edwardi primi, cum in Angliam ex Aquitania remearet, multabantur, sed etiam ordinem amittebant. Priuatis, siue [Page] Centumviralibus, iudicijs, hac tempestate, praeerat iudex primarius (quem Capitalem Iustitiariū de Communi Banco phrasi dicimus forensi) Thomas de Weylond, Publicis Radulphus; Capitalis Angliae Iustitiarius vulgò nuncupatus. Vterque ordine summotus. Radulphus VII.M. libris luebat. verùm Thomas ille bonis omnibus exutus exulabat, quod veteri etiam iure Romanorum erat nonnunquam repetundarum poena, vti ad legem Iuliam docet Iulius Paullus. Hic autem, postquā in principis redierat gratiam, summus iudiciorum priuatorum suffectus est praefectus. Et hunc & illum ita [Page] memorat vetustus annalium scriptor,

Thomas de Weylōd en banc prīes nome

Per agard de court, le reign ad foriure

Sir Raufe de Hengham ad tant dispute

Que du Banc le Roy perdu ad le see.

Plura de ijs, caeterisque, sub id tempus, Iustitiarijs poenae obnoxijs, habes apud rerum Anglicarum consarcinatores vernaculos. Ex eadem ortus esse videtur familia, ex qua Willielmus filius Adae de Hengham & Richardus de Hengham; qui in pago Norfolciensi, plerunque Thetfordiae, Iustitiarij ad assisas capiendas & ad Gaolam deliberandam, sub initijs Henrici tertij, in Rot. Pat. 11. Hen. 3. Memb. 11. & alibi eodem Rot. & Claus. 11▪ Hen. 3. memb. 8. Archiuis saepius memorantur. Obijt anno salutis [Page] reparatae M.CCC.IX, hoc est anno Edwardi secundi secundo; quod ex actis publicis transactionum, quas Fines appellamus, cognoscitur. Marmore eius sepulchrali, in D. Pauli aedibus, restant inscripti, literis fugientibus, versiculi hi miseri.

Per versus patet hos, Anglorū qd iacet hîc flos;

Legum qui tuta dictauit vera statuta,

Ex Henghā dictꝰ Radulplꝰ vir benedictꝰ.

Summas hasce, Magnam Hengham, & Paruam Hengham vocant. Vtraque in ius vocandi seu vadandi, excusationum, & exceptionum, in actionibus maximè de Recto, de Dote, & de Assisa, formulae & verba solennia [Page] continentur. quae tametsi aeuo nostro vix sint in vsu, praxi nimirùm iuris aliò plerunque vergente, inde tamen colligas licet quanta fuerint apud priscos iuris Anglicani peritos autoritate, quòd in optimae notae Codd. vett. statt. mss. ambas velut agendi normulas olìm à pragmaticis circum ferebantur. Accedit etiam, quòd quisquis ille fuerit qui Magnam Chartam & quae sequuntur Latinè & Francicè conscripta in notissimo illo iuris enchiridio, primùm Anglico donauerit idiomate, has etiam Radulphi, vt lectore ante alia dignas, transtulerit, alteramque Michele Hengham [Page] alteram Luttle Hengham inscripserit. Manuscriptum exemplar illius versionis aetatem Edwardi siue 11. siue 111. redolentis, penes est virum CL. multijugae item eruditionis, & vetustatis peritissimū Franciscum Tate ICtum. Stylus scriptoris, vel potiùs ipsa styli vocabula, satis sunt à latinitate aliena, v [...]i & veteres ferè qui restant autores, constitutiones, atque acta publica iuris Anglicani. Caeterùm, cum ante Normannos Anglicè, tempestate verò citeriori, Frācicè, actiones heic intenderentur, & solennes pro tribunali disputationes haberentur, sermo autem Latinus casu accederet; [Page] id fere necessum est eueniret eis, qui, siue publicis actis siue priuatìm conscriptis libris, ius Anglicanum latio donare sermone sunt adgressi, quod olim Theophilo Antecessori, Constantino Harmenopulo, autori Basilicôn, Athaliatae, Blastari, Photio, Theodoro Balsamoni atque eiusdem farinae alijs accidit, qui iura Romanorum & Ciuilia & Pontificia Graecè, in Orientalis Imperij vsum, verterunt, vt nimirùm quamplurima vocabula merè Latina Graeco in contextu, mutatis tantummodò elementis, retinerent. cuiusmodi sunt [...] [Page] [...] pro Interdictum de quorum Bonorū, Aedilis actio, Bonorum raptorū, de Dolo malo, De inofficioso, In rem, Ipso iure, emancipare, vniuersitas, Fidei commissum, atque id genus sexcenta alia passim occurrentia. Minimè enim ignari erant, non tam atticismos in oratione, nec graecas voces in nominum versione sectari se debere, quam Iuris peritorum quorum Responsa, atque imperatorum, quorū Sanctiones interpretarentur, mentem seruare. Ridiculum est, pharmacum à poculi materie aestimare. Insanum, Decembri eò repudiare lacernam, quòd [Page] non ex lana sit siue Apula, siue Attica, siue Lemsteriana. id quod faciunt fermèij, qui ob orationis barbariem res ipsas reijciunt. quod optimè olim notauit magnus Plutarchus longè etiam charissimus Musarum alumnus, in eos, qui rebus seu docendis seu dicendis sermonis puritatem fastidiosi anteferunt. Inter ea autem scripta forsan haec Radulphi fuerint censenda, quae in antiquariorum loculis seruata non tam reconditū quid aut inauditum docent, quam ideò maximè desiderantur, vt quae, quanta, & cuiusmodi doceant, cum nimirùm magna prae se ferant nomina, studioforū [Page] votis innotescat. Nec tamen desunt Radulpho, quae valorem ei concilient. Abs (que) illo esset & Henrico de Bractona (qui etiam plurima, nec tamen quae scitu digna omnia heic habentur, nec tam certo formularum ordine, tradidit) haùt pauca de Excusationibus praesertim & vadimonijs desertis (Essoins & Defalts in foro vocant) prorsus forent incognita. Caeterùm his fruere quisquis es lector, & Vale. Ex aedibus Interioris Templi Prid. Cal'. Augusti▪ M.DC.XVI.

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Radulphi de HENGHAM Summa Magna.

LIcet ordo placitandi in Curia Domini Regis, secundum leges & consuetudines regni a Primicerijs nostris ꝓtinus retro statutas, aequus & iustus ac in omnibus acceptabilis extiterit, Hoc tamen, quod idem ordo in forma communis scripturae non registratur, quamplurimos ipsum scire conantes aliquantisper impedit & retardat. Nam si mens humana singula cordetenus, quod absurdum est, memorare valeret, sequeretur tunc quod scribere nil aliud esset quam laborem laboribus anticipare. Et quia frequenter scriptura & properè rememorat ea quae per labilitatem ingenij saepiùs subcidunt & vacillant, Ego non ad instruendū aliquem super huiusmodi [Page] legibus regni, verum ad materiandum futuris correctoribus quaedam introductura, non serie qua debui sed qua sciui, proposui compilare. Cernentibus ea supplicans, vt opera huic apposita, in scientiam acquietent operari & excusent. Breuia siquidem Regis de placito terrae; & qualiter & quibus dilationibus potest tenens differre litem, ante communē apparitionem in Curia. & Quomodo debet Petens opponere, & respondere tenens; In quibus casibus potest denegari visus terrae & in quibus Non; & natura exceptionum tam dilatoriarum quam peremptoriarum videlicet ante visum terrae factarum & post; & Modus Cyrograffandi si per finem factum lis decidatur necnon & exceptiones contra ipsum finem; ac Quaedam Exemplaria discussionem huiusmodi placitorum iu [...]antia suis locis continentur inferiꝰ. Et de Iurisdictione Curiae Baronis & Comitatus cum lis a tali Curia translata fuerit.

CAP. I. Breue de Recto cum suis Branchijs.

EDwardus dei gratia &c. Henrico Hussy salutem. Praecipimus tibi qu [...]d [Page] sinè dilatione plenum rectum teneas Ric. le Iay de vna Carucata terrae cum pertinentijs in H. quam clamat tenere de te per liberum seruicium vnius d. per annum pro omni seruicio quam I. de B. ei deforciat. & nisi feceris, vicecomes de Sussex faciat, ne amplius inde clamorem audiamus pro defectu recti. T. &c. vel sic vnde W. de O. quatuor acras B. de O. quinque acras & tu ipse decem acras terrae &c. Et vnde I. de D. vnam medietatem & R. de P. aliam medietatem terrae ei deforciat. Et nisi feceris &c. vel sic.

Rex tali salutem. praecipimus tibi quod sinè dilatione plenum rectum teneas Richardo le Iay de vno mesuagio vno molendino decem acris terrae x. acris pasturae, x. acr. bosci & xx. acr. marisci cum pertinētijs in H. quae clamat tenere de te per liberum seruicium vnius denarij per annum pro omni seruicio vnde W. de M. duas partes vnius mesuagij & vnius molendini, decem acras terrae, decem acras prati, x. acras pasturae & x. acras marisci, Et W. de B. tertiam partem vnius mesuagij vnius molendini x. acr. terrae x. acras prati x. acras pasturae, x. acras marisci eidem deforciat & nisi &c. vel sic.

Rex tali salutem. Praecipimus tibi quod [Page] sinè dilatione plenum rectum teneas R. le Iay de xx. acris terrae & mediet. vnius mesuagij & vnius molēdini cum pertinentijs in H. quas clamat pertinere ad liberum tenementum suū quod de te tenet in eadem villa per liberum seruitium vnius librae Piperis vel Cumini per annum pro omni seruicio, vnde W. de I. decē acras terrae & medietatem vnius mesuagij & W. de E. x. acr. terrae & medietat. vnius molendini ei deforciant. & nisi &c. vel sic.

Rex tali salutem. Praecipimus tibi quod sinè dilatione plenum rectum teneas Ric. le Iay de x. acris terrae x. acris prati x. acris pasturae cum pertinentijs in H. quas clamat esse rationabilem partem suam quae eum contigit de libero tenemento quod fuit E. de N. patris vel matris fratris vel sororis, anunculi vel amitae consanguinei vel consanguineae suae in eadem villa & tenere de te per liberum seruitium &c. quas W. de C. ei deforciat. vel quas clamat esse de rationabile parte sua quae eum contingit de libero tenemento quod fuit E. de N. patris vel matris &c. in eadem villa & tenere de te &c.

Et si terra, quae petitur, pertinet ad eam quae tenetur sub eodem seruicio, tunc sic. Quam clamat pertinere ad liberum tenementum [Page] quod de eo tenet in eadem villa per liberum seruitium &c. quam talis ei deforciat &c.

Vacante Archiepiscopatu vel Episcopatu, seu alio magnate extra regnum existente, tunc sic.

Rex Custodi Archiepiscopatus vel Episcopatus salutem. Praecipimus vobis &c. quas clamat tenere de praedicto Archiepiscopatu vel Episcopatu per liberum seruiciū &c. quas O. ei deforciat &c. & nisi &c. vel sic, Rex Balliuis I. Lincolniensis Episcopi vel Balliuis G. de Clare Com. Glocestriae vel Balliuis I. filio Alani Comiti de Arundel salutem. Praecipimus vobis quod sinè dilatione &c. tali de xx. acris terrae cum pertinentijs in N. quas clamat tenere de praedicto Episcopo vel praedicto Comite, vel de praedicto filio Alani &c. quas M. de N. ei deforciat & nisi &c. vel sic.

Rex venerabiliin Christo patri I. eadem gratia Lincolniensi Episcopo, salutem. mandamus vobis quod sine dilatione &c. A. de N. de x. acris terrae cum pertinentijs quas clamat tenere de vobis per liberū seruicium &c quas E. ei deforciat, & nisi &c. Vicecomes &c. vel sic. Rex Balliuis suis Wintoniae s. Praecipimus vobis &c. A. de N. de [Page] vno mesuagio cum pertinentijs in W. quod clamat tenere de Nobis in liberum Burgagium vel maritagium.

Hic non dicatur, per annum, nec, pro omni seruicio. vel sic.

Rex Maiori & Vicecomi. London S. praecipimus vobis &c. A. de N. de vno mesuagio cum pertinen [...]ijs in London quod clamat tenere de nobis per liberum seruitium, &c. quod O. ei deforciat. Ne amplius &c. vel sic.

Rex A. de N. S. praecipimus tibi &c. de quatuor virgatis terrae &c. quas clamat tenere de te per liberum seruicium vnius Austurconis vel vnius esperuarij sorij, vel vnius librae piperis vel Cummini per annum vel per liberum seruicium sequendi curiam tuam de N. de [...]ribus septimanis in tres septimanas vel per liberum seruicium portandi breuia infra regnum Angliae, vel infra talem comitatum, vel sequendi Comitatum talem, vel hundredum pro omni seruicio.

Hic non dicatur, per annum.

Sunt autem huiusmodi breuia infinita secundum diuersitatem eorundem seruitiorum & tenentium, quod non est opus inserere. vel sic.

Rex tali salutem. Praecipimus tibi &c. [Page] de pastura ad centum oues &c. vel ad x. oues in N. quam clamat pertinere ad liberum tenementum suum quod de te tenet in eadē villa per liberum seruicium &c. ne amplius, &c. vel sic.

Rex tali salutem. Praecipimus tibi &c. tali de tribus carucatis terrae &c. quas clamat tenere de te per seruitium vnius Militis, vel inveniendi tibi duos homines equites vel pedites ad eundum tecum cum arcu & sagittis in exercitum per tantum tempus, vel per seruitium decem solidorum quando XL. solidi capiuntur de scuto, vel per seruitium vnde decem carucatae terrae, vel tot Hydae terrae faciunt feodum vnius militis pro omni seruicio.

Hic non dicitur, per annum.

Breue de recto de dote semper debet dirigi haeredi viri vel eius custodi, si haeres infra aetatem extiterit, nisi tenementū illud denenerit in manus capitalis domini pro defectu haeredum; quia tunc debet dirigi capitali domino, vt inferius patebit suo loco.

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CAP. II. Quae placita pertinent ad Maiorem Curiam Domini Regis, & quae ad Vicecomites provinciarum pertinent placitanda.

COnstat quod placita de Crimine laesae Maiestatis, vt de Nece vel seditione personae domini Regis vel regni vel exercitus, homicidio, raptu, Incendio, roberia, pace domini Regis fracta, crimine falsi, & si quae sunt similia, vbi scilicet imminet periculum vitae & membrorum, ad Curiam domini Regis Maiorem pertinent audienda & de terminanda. Placita vero de furtis, melletis, hutesio, plagis, verberibus, transgressionibus, vbi non agitur de pace domini Regis fracta, ad Vicecomites pertinent audienda & determinanda. De placito verò terrae, similiter potest vicecomes cognoscere. quemadmodum quando placitū aliquod diuertitur a Curia Baronis propter defectum ipsus Curiae, & quando conuenitur ipse tenens in Comitatu absolute. ex quo dominus feodi non potest ex officio facere [Page] hanc Assisam in Curiam suam venire, videtur quod non defuit petenti de recto, quando non falsat. Tunc ipse petens supplicabit capitali domino vt remittat ei Curiam suam. Et tunc potest ire bene ad Comitatum si velit. Et haec est cautela necessaria.

CAP. III. De iurisdictione Curiae Baronis & qualitur procedendum est in eadem.

QVodlibet autem breue de Rect [...], praeterquam breue paruum secundū consuetudinem manerij, debet esse patens, & praecipe in capite clausum, & debet deferri in Curia ipsius Baronis de quo ipse petens clamat tenere terram petitam. Potest autem petens si voluerit in Curia illa prosequi loquelam suam vsque ad discussionem litis per narrationem narratam, vel feriationem duelli. Sed sitenens posuerit se in Magnam assisam domini Regis in Curia illa, remanebit loquela illa hoc modo. Tenens ille adibit Curiam & habebit breue Regis ad vicecomitem loci, per quod breue idem vicecomes prohibebit [Page] dicto domino feodi ne teneat placitum in Curia sua, nisi duellum fuerit inde vadiatū, eo ordine quo rex mandat quando huiusmodi placitum deducitur in Comitatum. Et tenens semper gaudebit esionijs suis tam de malo veniendi quam de malo lecti. Tamen in adoptione petentis erit, si voluerit in eadem Curia tam diu deducere placitum suum, vel non. Qui si voluerit abinde recedere, adeat balliuum Regis & probet sacramento suo vel per duos testes Curiam domini sibi de recto def [...]cisse, & sic velit nolit dominus ipsius Curiae, etiam invito ipso tenente, potest huiusmodi loquela sic transferri ad comitatum. Et quid si Curia ipsius Baronis non defece [...]t ipsi petenti de recto, qui sic transtulerit loquelam suam ad Comitatum? Certe dominus illius Curiae, si voluerit, potest retrahere loquelam illam in Curiam suam, & eam ibi terminare ordine praedicto; Dum tamen sufficientèr probare poterit Curiam suam de recto dicto petenti non defecisse. Videtur autem quod idem Dominus Curiae potest adeo simpliciter procedere in huiusmodi probatione, sicut potest dictus petens in probatione [Page] falsandi curiam suam. In Maiori autem Curia domini Regis, potest Idem Dominus facere consimilia; tamen rarò contingit. Paruum enim seu nullum dominis curiarum in huiusmodi placitis tenendis proficuum ascribitur. Et sciendum quod in Curia Baronis non debet Attornatus aliquis admitti sine breui domini Regis. Potest equidem dominus alicuius curiae si voluerit ex gratia per literas suas patentes scribere domino Regi quod remisit ei curiam suam, si tantum diligat ipsum petentem; qua litera porrecta in Cancellaria domini Regis, petens ipse habebit suum praecipe de recto ▪ diretum vicecomiti, per quod precipiet tenenti quod reddat terram petitam, & nisi tenens hoc fecerit & ipse petens fecerit ipsum vicecomitem securum de clamore suo prosequendo tunc summoneatur ipse tenens quod sit ad certum diem in Banco. Et sic ante aliquem ingressum litis in curiam comitatus vel Baronis, potest huiusmodi loquela vel placitum primo die diuerti ad Curiam domini Regis Maiorem.

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CAP. IIII. Qualiter procedendum est in Comitatu post Curiam Baronis alicuius falsa [...]am. Breue de Pace. Recordum Comitatus. Falsum iudicium in Comitatu. Sectatores.

PRobata siquidem ea solennitate qua decet, quod Curia Baronis defecerit huiusmodi petenti de recto, potest ipse p [...]tens in eadem curia prose qui loquelam suam si voluerit in omni euentu, vsque ad diffinitam discussionem litis. Hoc t [...]. excepto, si tenens posuerit se in magnam assisam domini Regis super repetita. Et si tenens sic se posuerit, ad proximum sequentem Comitatum, gaudere potest essonio, ita quod in secundo comitatu protendat in pleno comitatu breue de pace quod vocatur prohibemus. Tunc remanebit loquela ad petitionem tenentis vsque dum venerint Iustitiarij ad omnia placita. Ex hoc liquet quod nec dominus alicuius feodi, nec vicecomes regis, qui maior est in iurisdictione, pos [...]it aliquem liberum hominem ad corporale sacramentum [Page] ponere sine breui domini Regis. quod si facere possent, & tam dominus ille quam vicecomes ex officio sibi commisso huiusmodi magnas assisas caperent suis locis. Caueat rursus reus sibi qui se sic in illam assisam regalem posuerit quod dictum breue de pace deferat ad proximum comitatū vel secundum, saluato t [...]. per essonium primo Comitatu post talem positionem. Quod si non fecerit, ad calumniā petentis per praecisam amissionis defaltam, se ipsum ac perpetuam eius successionem priuare iudicabitur de petitis. Hanc vero defaltam habet Comitatus determinare & inde Recordum in omnibus al. breuibus. Curijs reportare, quicquid erit in Comitatu in huiusmodi placito, ante positionem in magnam assisam vel duelli vadiationem. Etiam, si apparentibus partibus quereletur & respondeatur, siue loquela per nontenuram vel per quemcunque al. bipartiuo cum. bipertijocum cauilletur lis illa, dummodo detur dies ad proximum Comitatum partibus, ad petitionem petentis, per breue quod dicitur pone, potest transferri negotium, siue placitum illud fuerit, coram iustitiaris in Banco vel Itinerantibus in ipso Comitatu. [Page] Et sic ad nihilabitur processus inde habitus, & stat breue. Petens autem quicunque fuerit moderatâ gratia potest habere Pone. Supponendum est n. quod procrastinatio petitionis non praeiudicat occupāti. verbi gratia. si Peterem a te fundū hodiè mihi restitui, quod me procurante differtur, possit a casu tibi occupanti proficere. ideò quia ponere aliquam loquelam extra comitatum vbi celerior litis habetur determinatio quam in banco al. congrauare & quia presumitur quod petens petitionem maturare debet. Et sic patet, quia prorogat quod al. congrauare congerere debet petens, ex gratia cursoria conceditur sibi Pone, Tenenti autem ne quaquam, nisi ex gratia maiori, & causa speciali, vtpote, si vicecomes loci fuerit de stipite consanguinitatis vel aliqua affinitate siue particeps in petitione petentis, vel aliquantisper rei offensa separauerit vicecomitem a tenente. ex dicta causa siue aliqua alia rationabili interueniente innuitur tenenti dictum Pone. A vicecomite vero prefixo die litigantibus in Comitatu, ad primum comitatum potest tenens facere defaltā. Caueat tn. quod infra XV. dies terram suam replegiet, quod si non fecerit, seisinā [Page] perpetuā, nisi aliunde recuperet, amittet. vel ad primum Comitatum potest essoniari de malo veniendi, & ad secundum facere defaltam & ad tertium de malo lecti. Essonium autem de malo lecti semper sequitur essonium de malo veniendi, & non econtra. Tamen vicecomes ex officio suo mittere debet qua [...]uor milites de eodem Comitatu ad videndum infirmum, eo ordine quo faceret si placitum esset in Banco; & ideo praecipietur ei hoc idem facere per breue de iudicio. Ipsi quoque milites, secundum quod infirmus surgere aut languorem capere elegerit, praefigant ei diem quindenae, vel vniꝰ anni & vnius diei. Breue ad videndum infirmum.

Rex vicecomiti salutem. mitte quatuor legales milites de Comitaetu tuo vsque N. ad I. qui languidus est ad videndum vtrum infirmitas quase essoniauit de malo lecti versus B. de placito terrae quod est inter eos in Comitatu tuo, sit languor necne. Et si sit languor tunc ponant ei diem a die visus sui in vnum annum & vnum diem apud Turrim London praefato B. inde responsurus, vel sufficientem per se mittat responsalem. Et si non sit languor tunc ponant ei diem a die[Page]visus sui in XV. dies quod tunc sit ad proximum Comitatum tali praefato B. inde responsurū vel sufficientem &c. Et dic quatuor militibus illis quod tunc sint ibi ad testificandum visum illum & quem diem ei posuerunt, & habeas ibi nomina militum & hoc breue.

Ante visum terrae petitum & factum, potest tenens essoniari de malo lecti, & post visum similiter, precedenti semper essonio de malo veniendi. Sed tantum vnus languor capi potest ante visum vel post, pro voluntate tenentis, & non plus, quamuis essonium de malo lecti in Maiori Curia domini Regis, vtpote ad Bancū vel in Itinere Iustitiariorum, iaci debeat tertio die ante diem placiti prefixum & per duos essoniatores. Et hoc in praesentia Cōstabularij Castri, ciuitatis, vel Burgi vbi huiusmodi placita tenentur, qui inde Recordum portat coram eisdem Iustitiarijs vel corā Maiore huiusmodi ciuitatis si Castrum non habeatur, nec per consequens Constabularius. Quia frequentèr euenit quod comitatus tenentur in siluis, & Campestribus foris, villis & al. tales seu [...]alas. alibi. videtur n. quod calumniatio essonij de malo lecti non proiecti ante tertium [Page] diem, nec per duos testes locum non tenet. quia in talibus locis nulla residet talis persona quae talia recordare vel testificare posset vel deberet. Tamen si huiusmodi placitum fuerit coram Iustitiarijs de Banco vel Itincrantibus, debet ex consuetudine & iure huiusmodi essoniū iaci ad Castrum Comitatꝰ vel Burgi coram Constabulario vel ad Turrim Londoniae ꝓ Banco, vel alibi in Itinere Iustitiariorum propter huiusmodi reseantiam. Idem dico de Curia Baronis. Non n. tenens ignorat a quo domino tenet & cui feodo est annexus. Per duos autem essoniatores solemnizari debet tale essoniū, vt vnus per essonium excuset infirmum, & alius propter priorem excusationem in essonio de malo veniendi, in hoc essonio quasi iterato de vna & eadem aegritudine, testimonium perhibeat. Et idem iaci debet tertio die ante diem litis, propter computationem dierum in anno bissextili, vt cum detur dies languido a die visus sui in vnum annum & vnum diem per ipsum diem integrum ante tertium diem, ante diē litis possit saluari dies excrescens in anno bissextili, & computari in integritate anni, quo dictum essonium [Page] proiectum fuit, Teste consilio domini Henrici Regis, ac breui suo inde directo Iustitiarijs suis de Banco anno regni regis Henrici LIIII. Essonium autem de vltra mare de iure locum non tenet nisi in prima excusatione iaceatur, & hoc intelligito nisi reus iter arripuerit versus vltra mare prius quam summonitionem receperit. si n. reciperetur huiusmodi essonium de vltra mare post essoniū de malo veniendi, vel summonitionemsaltem, frequentèr accideret quod ipse reus malitiose hoc faceret ad ꝓrogandum ius petentis. Et ideò locum tenet in prima excusatione litis. Quia ex quo implacitatus ille iter arripuerit ante summonitionem receptam, videtur quod non constabat ei dies de placito praedicto. Et quid si reus de vltra mare essoniatus tali die essonij proiecti, fuerit in regno. Certè si petens hoc eodem die calumniet, ad aliud diem placito prefixum dummodo hoc sufficientèr probare poterit, reo adiudicabitur pro defalta. Interest autem Iustitiariorum inquirere huius rei veritatem. Vicecomes autem in suo comitatu similiter faciat, aut probationem illius petentis recipiat sexta manu. Comperto siquidem [Page] ipsum reum in die dicti essonij proiecti extitisse in regno, reus ille amittet seisinā terrae petitae per defaltam. Essonium de seruicio D. Regis semper admittitur & locum tenet ad alium diem, dummodo porrigatur breue domini Regis de warranto essonij praedicti. Et si reus non porrigat sic, cadit illud breue in defaltam amittendi seisinam terrae. Et si placitum fuerit de captione aueriorū cadit in misericordiā tanquā indefensus, & petens habebit per iudicium retornum aueriorum. Quando dominus Rex est in exercitu, reo secum existente, & hoc liquet in Cancellaria domini Regis, warrantum habebit, Sed si rege non existente in exercitu miserit aliquem talem in seruicio suo, si hoc in rotulis Cancellariae non inseratur oportet quod aliquis miles compatriota ipsius sacramento testificetur ipsum reum esse tali die in seruicio domini Regis antequam breue de seruicio suo concedatur. Si n. sine rita examinatione concedetur tale breue, ordo iuris creberrimè peruerteretur. Nam in quocunque statu esset lis huiusmodi siue post vel ante positionem in magnam assisam aut duelli vadiationē, per talem warrantum posset ius petentis [Page] retardari & casualitèr imperpetuum. Et ideò tali solemnitate fiat huiusmodi warrantizatio. De plerisque autem placitis potest Comitatus ferre recordum. Vt cum quis aliquē implacitauerit in Comitatu ꝑ breue domini Regis de Consuetudinibus & seruicijs, & ipse reus dedicit in pleno comitatu ipsi petenti huiusmodi seruicia petita, & ipsum disaduocet pro domino. Tunc dominus ille posteritate dierum petierit per breue domini Regis de Recto de petendo tenementum illud de quo dedicta sunt huiusmodi seruicia petita, habendum in dominico pro seruicio sic dedicto. Si reus ille hoc in responsione negauerit, siue in eodem Comitatu id neget, siue in Maiori Curia, habet comitatus in hac causa ferre recordum. Et si Comitatus sic recordatur, petens recuperabit de praedicto tenente seisinam perpetuam, & si Comitatus econtrario recordetur, petens amittet clamium imperpetuū. De his portat Comitatus Recordum. De positionibus in magnā assisam, duelli vadiatione, defaltis post defaltam, vtpote post visum terrae factum; vt in defaltis; si reus postquam se posuerit in magnam assisam, ad proximū comitatum non tulerit breue [Page] domini Regis de pace quod vocatur prohibemꝰ; vel essoniatus fuerit ad proximum comitatum post huiusmodi positionem & ad secundum non deferat dictum breue, & in singulis placitis terrae vbi tenens amittet per defaltam. Et in vt legarijs, & in prosecutione appelli sine breui, vel cum breui, habet comitatus portare recordum in eodem comitatu, & in maiori curia domini Regis. Tamen si reus fecerit defaltā in eodem comitatu post visum terrae factum, & ad calumniam ipsiꝰ petentis summonitus esset ille reus ad audiendum iudicium suum, & deferat suum pone ad amouendam loquelam illinc coram Iustitiarijs de Banco, quod ꝑ assignationem causarum superiùs expressarum facere possit ex gratia speciali, generaliter sunt reincipienda omnia retroacta in comitatu ante positionem in magnam assisam vel duelli vadiationem. & cum per pone venerit loquela ad Bancū in praedicta defalta post visum, comitatꝰ non portat recordū. Singula placita sine breui deducta in Comitatum, extra comitatum carent Recordo ipsius comitatus. Et omnia placita deducta in Comitatum per breue transferri possunt per breue [Page] coram Iustitiarijs de [...]nco, vel Itinere, & non econverso. Quia in ipsomet Pone semper sic dicitur; Pone ad petitionem petentis loquelam quae est in Comitatu tuo per breue nostrum de recto &c. Tunc igitur sequitur ex verbo illo [per breue nostrum] quod si pete [...]s non agat per breue, quod nulla est ibi loquela. Hoc autem dico ad adnulland [...]m opinionem Rusticorum rural [...]um qui frequenter ex impetuoso garritu, vt appareant quod non sint, sustinent econversò. Sin autem placitum fuerit in Comitatu sine breui vel cum breui, executiones Iudiciorum habitorum in comitatu fient & fieri debent per Balliuos domini Regis eiusdem comitatus. Quemadmodum siue, ꝑ narrationem narratam, siue per defaltam post defaltam, adiudicetur ipsi petenti seisina de petitis, ex praecepto vicecomitis ponat dictus Balliuꝰ petentem in huiusmodi seisinam, nec oportet ipsum petentem quaerere aliud breue ad hoc faciendum. Quia vicecomes ex iudicio comitatus in hoc casu naturam & tenorem tam parui Cape quam magni ex officio sibi commisso habet sine breui. Ideo Iudicia siquidem comitatus pronunciari debent per aliquem Sectatorem [Page] ipsius comitatus. Et cum aliquotiens euenit, quod quis queratur domino Regi de falso iudicio reddito in ipso Comitatu, non intelligatur, si comperiatur ipsum iudicium falsum esse, quod vicecomes inde puniri debet, immó comitatus, id est communitas comitatus, vnde expedit huiusmod: sectatoribus tale respondere quale pro iusto potetint aduocare. Si autem vicecomes possit reddere huiusmodi iudicium, quandoque pretextu lucri, vel causa ignorantiae deuiaret, quod si sic faceret, indebitum esset & iniquum al. sectatoribus. prosequentibus huiusmodi causam impingere. Et alia subest causa. Sunt n. nonnulli vicecomites adeo simplices quod non habeant vnde respondere possint de misericordia assignata quando convincentur de tali iudicio in curia. Et ideò statuitur quod totus Comitatus reddat iudicium. Caueant nunc de iniustè procedere. Semper intelligendum est quod quaelibet summonitio fieri debet per bonos summonitores. Videamus ergo quid & quale sit officium summonitorum.

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CAP. V. De officio summonitorum. Lex vadiata. Essonia,

CVm ordo placitandi in Curia Baronis & Comitatu ꝑ breue domini Regis de recto superiꝰ in parte exprimatur, nunc cum huiusmodi loquela in pleno comitatu per breue quod vocatur Pone adiornata fuerit in Bancum, opus est docere quomodo ipsi petens & tenens de caetero debent procedere. Cursorium est autem, quod quando cunque petens fecerit defaltam, tenens eat quietus sine die. Et tam petens quam plegij sui de prosequendo in misericordia. Et ideò de tenente & eius defensionibus loquamur. Primò de placito atterminato ad Bancū foris Comitatum per Pone. In primo die potest petens essoniari de malo veniendi ab initio & gaudere eodem essonio, sed non decet propriam commoditatem differre. Duo boni summonitores adibunt tenentem dicendo sic. Nos A. & B. summonemus te quod sis tali die apud London, corā Iustitiarijs de Banco responsurus [Page] tali de tanto terrae cum pertinentijs in N. & specificare debent quantitatem. In iudicando autem essonio semper respicienda sunt breuia originalia & status placitorum, ne fortè per iterationem essonij nimis differatur petitio petentis seu per machinosam cautelam prosequentis aliquid huiusmodi essonium. sed si tale essonium irritum fuerit convertatur in defaltam. Et ideo Iustitiarij sic faciunt ad euitandum periculum & errorem. Et si summonitores non faciunt officium suum vt praedictum est, tunc non conceditur secundum legem terrae. Et hoc idem dico, quod si summonitio non sit secundum legem terrae post terram captam in manum Domini Regis, replegiare eam potest reus & omninò disaduocando omnia essonia cuiuscunque generis vel naturae fuerint & defendere summonitionem sic. Sire defaute ne poye ieo fere. Car ie ne su pas somons selounley de terre. & ceo suy prest afere quant ke cest Court agard que fere deueroye. Et tunc debent summonitores, si sint boni, esse praesentes ad testificandum summonitionem suam. Et nisi se representent ad [Page] testificandam summonitionē, licet illam decenter fecerint non sunt boni summonitores. Et tunc adiudicabitur reus ad legem suam XII. manu quam facere potest secure, si non sit summonitus secundum legem ter [...]ae. Et haec est cautela necessaria. Et si summonitores sint boni, adhuc dico potest reus esse ad legem contra eos, licet falso. Et summonitores non portant recordū in hoc causa ad destruendum legem Rei. Ista autem vltima lex potest vadiari ad saluandū autumnalia aut Redditū assisum. Et potest reus retrahere se de lege & esse in misericordia, & autumnalia lucrari. In omnibus autem curijs & singulis placitis potest fieri haec cautela. Qui rite summonent & eandem summonitionem testantur, vocantur boni summonitores per legem ter [...]ae & non aliter. Licet vero praesentia tenentis ex consuetudine regni debet in curia domini Regis vsque ad quartum diem expectari, infra quam tenens non adiudicabitur pro defalta, caueat tamen tenens quod essonium suum primo die iaceatur, aut calumniari potest & in defaltam reduci. Attamen secundo die possunt aliquando essonia intrari in rotulo; quanquam ex gratia [Page] Iustitiariorum quandoque propter nimictatem essoniorum primo die non possunt intrari.

CAP. VI. Modus essoniandi & reddendi essonia & dies communes in breui de Recto. Essoniatores. Atturnati.

MOdus essoniandi talis est. Talis versus talem de placito terrae per talem. & sic irrotulabitur. Modus reddendi essoniorum talis est. Dicat Praenotarius clamatori. Exige essoniatorem Richardi le Iay. respondeat es [...]oniator. Ecce Adsum. Irerum Praenotariu vbi est W. Husse, ac si diceret, petens, qui similiter dicat ecce adsum. Tu essoniator Richardi affida habendi hic warrantum tuum a die sancti Michaelis in XV. dies, & tu Willielme serua eundem diem. Affidatis in manibus vel super virgam clamatoris recedant vtrique si velint. Potest autem tenens essoniatus, ante redditionem essonij, apparere si voluerit, & respondere petenti si voluerit. Et si ipse tenens inuentus fuerit iuxta lege placit [...]. plebiscitum, antequam reddatur [Page] essonium ad calumniam petentis, coercetur respondere petenti, velit nolit, de de capitali placito. Et sic per propriam fatuitatem posset in prima tali apparitione amittere dilationes statutas. Sunt etiam dies communes dati, ex consuetudine regni, in omnibus placitis secundum diuersitatem naturarum breuium. In hoc autem breui de recto generaliter dentur duo dies per annum tantum. Et ratio quare in isto breui assignatur pauciores dies per annum quam in alijs breuibus; quia de quovis potes dissilire ad istud, & non econverso. Istud n. stirps est alijs, ita quod quicquid per ipsum ritâ determinatione concluditur stat imperpetuū. Et ideo per hanc moderatam dilationem parcitur tenenti. Curia namque domini Regis neminem vult decipere. De diebus omnibus in hoc breui sic distinguo. si breue primo venerit ad festum Sancti Michaelis de Octabis & Quindena Sancti Michaelis adiornetur à die Paschae in XV. dies. De tertia septimana, in III. septimanas Paschae, De mense in mensem, & quinta septimana in quintam septimanam. De in Crastino Animarum in Crastinum Ascensionis domini. De crastino [Page] Sancti Martini in crastinū Sanctae Trinitatis, de quindena Sancti Martini in quindenam Sanctae Trinitatis, vltra quod quindenam Sancti Martini in hoc termino non recipietur breue. Et si breue venerit ad terminum Sancti Hillarij hoc ordine respondeat ei terminus Sancti Iohannis Baptistae & econverso. Pascha n. Sanctus Michael, Iohannes & Hillarius in hac regula convertibilitèr se habent in omnibus breuibꝰ & placitis. Essoniator autem, absente vel praesente aduersario suo, tantū potest facere quantum Attornatus omni die, nisi eo die quo oportuerit partes litigare. Litigare autem pro domino suo non potest essoniator. Sed si petens essoniatus fuerit vel compareat essoniator tenentis, benè potest capere diem versus [...]um adeò bene sicut dominus suus vel eius atturnatus, vel si petens fecerit defaltam idem essoniator in redditione essonij potest calumniare defaltam, & sic per calumniam suam petens ꝑdet breue suum, & plegij sui in misericordia, & tenens & essoniatores quieti sine die. Et si reus deficiat in redditione essonij petentis, reuera essoniator [Page] ille potest sequi defaltam versus cum & habere breue de iudicio ad capiendam terram in manū domini Regis per magnum Cape aut per Paruum de habenda seisina vel de attachiando seu distringendo secundum qualitatem & diuersitatem breu [...]um & dierum, adeó bene sicut potest dominus suus vel eius attornatus. Aliter autem posset talis defalta transcurrere impunita frequenter ad damnum cuiuspiam & in illusionem regiae dignitatis. Quando autem essoniator sequitur defaltam pro domino suo vel pro suo atturnato, certum nomen eius irrotulabitur in Rotulatione defaltae illius, propter ita codices queis vtimur. tenerem statum ipsius essoniatoris qui in hoc casu tam solemnis efficitur in potestate. Quando autem atturnatus sequitur defaltam pro domino suo, non sic fit; nisi dubitetur de fraude atturnati.

CAP. VII. De Attornatis faciendis.

POst igitur essonium redditum, potest reus apparere in Curia & facere atturnatos. Securum est n. e [...] facere duos [Page]atturnatos pro periculo infirmitatis, seu mortis, vel etiam fraudis in quocunque statu esset lis illa. Ambo reus & petens possunt facere atturnatos & debent fieri per haec verba. Talis ponit loco suo talem versus talem de placito terrae. Et si prius fecerit attornatos quos amouere voluerit▪ sic Et amouet tales quos prius &c. Possunt autem per breue domini Regis de Cancellaria tam pro reo quam pro petente admitti Attornati. Et si reus aut petens infirmentur in provincia, & non pos [...]unt venire ad curiam coram Iustitiarijs, nec ad Cancellariam domini Regis ad faciendos attornatos, cum oporteat de necessitate facientem attornatos personaliter in Curia praesentem esse, tunc ad ꝓcurationem volentis facere attornatos, mitt [...]t Cancellarius aliquem notum clericum de Cancellaria ad infirmum coram quo faciat attornatos. Et Cancellarius quando eos recepit, mandabit Iustitiarijs per breue domini Regis de huiusmodi attornati receptione. Et quando dominus Rex ex gratia sua dat alicui potestatem recipiendi huiusmodi attornatos tunc sic. Rex dilecto & fideli suo tali salutem. Sciatis quod dedimus vobis potestatem[Page]recipiendi attornatos tales, quos loco suo atturnare voluerit, ad lucrandum vel perdendum in loquela quae est coram Iustitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium per breue nostrum, inter praefatum talem petentem & talem tenentem de tanto terrae cum pertinentijs in N. Et ideo vobis mandamus quod, cum Attornatos illos receperitis, de nominibus eorundem attornatorum constare faciatis remittentes nobis hoc breue &c. Si autem petens siue reus languidus fuerit, potest habere breue domini Regis de attornato faciendo sic. Rex vicecomiti salutem. Mitte quatuor legales milites de comitatu tuo vsque N. ad F. qui languidus est ad videndum quem Idem F. loco suo attornare voluerit ad lucrandum vel perdendum in loquela quae est in comitatu tuo coram Iustitiarijs nostris Itinerantibꝰ de tanto terrae cum pertinentijs in N. & dic quatuor militibus illis quod sint coram Iustitiarijs nostris tali die ad testificandum quem idem F. in praefata loquela loco suo attornare voluerit &c. Iustitiarij similiter in provincia possunt recipere atturnatum & hoc significare socijs suis per breue suum, & stabit atturnatus. Reus autem in nullo placito quod determinari poterit per [Page] legem, non potest facere atturnatū propter imprisonamentum quod subsequitur. quia non debet quis imprisonari pro delicto alterius. Ex quo illud est personale delictum, nec per consequens facere debet pro eo legem, nec cum reus fecerit atturnatum, oportebit petentem se es [...]oniare versus illum Atturnatum, immò versus principalem, Attornatus autem si fuerit essoniandus, semper nomine suo es [...]onietur & non in nomine principalis.

CAP. VIII. Secundus dies placiti. Defaltae. Magnum Cape. Paruum cape. Non Pleuine. Legis vadiatio.

SEcundo die placiti potest reus facere defaltam si velit ex consuetudine regni, dum tamen essoniatus fuerit primo die ordine praemonstrato. Petens autem expectans quartum diem ipso die offerat se liti sic versus ipsum reum in haec verba. Richardus le Iay se profre vers William Huse de play de terre, & ils ent iour par son essoneur iekes ore, & ceo est huy le quart[Page]magnum cape. Sed reo deficiente postquam comparauerit in Curia, capietur terra in manum domini Regis per paruum cape pro defectu rei qui summonebatur ad audiendum iudicium suum & ex hoc petens consequetur seisinam de terra petita. Caueat rursus sibi reus deficiens quod infra XV. dies terram suam captam in manum domini Regis replegiet, quod si non fecerit, ad calumniam petenti proximo die placiti amittet seisinam terrae, sicut per defaltam post defaltam. & per magnum cape returnatum fiet huiusmodi probatio scilicet fiat collatio de die captionis indorsato a retro breuis illius returnati a vicecomite, & de replegiatione. Si districto compoto comperiatur terram non esse replegia [...]am infra XV. dies post captionem, amittet seisinam per defaltam. Et de hoc seruit hoc verbū Et diem captionis &c. Et ista defalta vocatur gallicè Non ple [...]ine, & aequipollet naturalitèr defaltae post defaltam. In quibꝰ vtrisque defaltis, & defalta post primam summonitionem, defalta post visum, defalta post vadiationē duelli, defalta post positionem in magnam assisam, defalta post warrantum vocatum, & defalta si [Page] non miserit certū responsalem post consummationem languoris, semper reus amittet seisinam. Terra siquidem capta in manum domini Regis ꝑ visum, non potest replegiari nisi coram Iustitiarijs vel in Cancellari [...] & hoc mandabit dominꝰ Rex Iustitiarijs ꝑ breue suum. tamen vbicun (que) inv [...]tus fuerit aliquis de tali officio priuilegiatus, siue fuerit hic coram quo dependeat placitū siue alius coram quo terra sic c [...]pt [...] replegiabitur, ille mandabit socijs suis diem replegiationis. Sed non oportet eum in propria persona terram suam replegiare. Quilibet n. extraneus pro noto, & econtra terram alterius potest replegiare. Sciendum est autem quod vicecomes nequitiam in officio sibi commissam potest facere multipliciter. verbi gratia si reo non sūmonito testetur & indorset vicecomes in breui remisso ipsum esse summonitū, vnde magnū cape exiuit. & si iterum in magno cape testetur captionē terrae quae non capiebatur, & diē captionis p̄textu cuiusdam fraudis, vnde dicta terra non fuit replegiata, eo qd reꝰ inde nihil sciuit, & petens p̄cise se capi [...] ad defaltam non pleuinae. Et quid si testetur vltimam summonitionē quae est in le cape, [Page] reo non summonito, & petens per defaltam recuperet seisinam, cum de iure nullā potuit facere defaltam ex quo summonitus non fuit? sciendum est quod pòst defaltam irritare potest per dedicere primam summonitionem per legem se XII. manu. Captio tamen, vt sanetur defalta non pleuinae, per legem dedici non potest. Nam si reus vellet dedicere captionem oportet prius euincere fraudem captorum dictae terrae per visores dictae captionis. & hoc ad impediendā vltimā summonitionem contentā in le cape ꝑ qd reus recuperauit seisinā dictae terrae petitae, non potest dedici per legem. Quia testificatum fuit die quo petens recuperauit seisinam terrae petitae cum reus non fuerit ibidem, & licet affuisset non expediret ei dedicere summonitionem, cum non posset respondere de capitali placito nec posset vadiare legem de non summonitione contra summonitores qui tunc non fuerunt ibi & sic recuperata seisina petentis reꝰ non haberet partem adversam cui respondere deberet nec diem placiti vnde posset aliquid dicere vel legem vadiare. Hic nullum habetur remedium nisi dare domino Regi de suo pro sic, [Page] quod faceret venire summonitores ad attingendum huiusmodi falsitatem, & ita posset recuperare dictam terram suam. Et licet summonitores testantur aduersus ipsum reum, secundum Henricum de Bathoria, reus potest tunc dedicere per legem se XII. manu contra summonitores de non summonitione quam testantur se fecisse & eorum testimonium infirmare, & licet reus perdat per defaltam non pleuinae vel per defaltam post defaltam, habet tamen recuperare pro hoc per breue de recto. Essonia siquidem de vltra mare de seruitio domini Regis & malo veniendi, si terra capiatur in manum domini Regis* quod debita hora replegietur, possunt infirmari, per dedicere primam summonitionem, & sic de novo reincipiendum est. Et si terra capiatur in manum domini Regis & debitè replegiatur, tunc potest in apparentia rei petens essoniari.

CAP. IX. Placiti Tertius dies. Essonij calumniatio. Fourcher. Pleuine. Recouery sur default. Breue de Scias. Paruum & magnum cape. Essoniorum formulae. De [Page] malo lecti. Languor. quatuor milites missi ad infirmum. Defalt puis essoin de mal de lit, & auters defaults. Visores. Uiew de terre.

TErtio die apparente petente, si reus essonietur proculdubio essonium illud disallo cabile est. quia non potest reus essonium gaudere, donec prima sanetur defalta postquam terra sua capta fuit. Et si sit essoniatus perdit seisinam terrae vt per defaltam post defaltam. Facto autem atturnato rei sequenti die placiti, ambo atturnatus petentis & reus essoniabuntur, atturnatus autem rei requaquam. Si reus essonietur & atturnatus suus non vel tunc petens ad alium diem potest calumniare es [...]onium illius rei, vel non. Certè secundum Henricum de Bathonia, non. Hora enim hoc faciendi iam praeterijt. Petens autem seu attornatus suus vel eius essoniator in redditione essonij illius potuit hoc fecisse & allocaretur de iure. Hic autem probatur de iure quod quando que aufertur quod differtur. licet tamen generalitèr dicatur, quod differtur non aufertur. Calumnia enim essonij proiecti die p̄ambulo hodie al. locū non tenet in ore pet. devoluta [Page] in os petentis, quia expedit debitum tempus calumniandi, hodie locum non tenet. Hic autem disputari potest quod essoniator in casu plus facere potest quam atturnatus. Si autem vir & mulier inveniātur in vno breui, quemadmodum si terra petita fuerit haereditas ipsius mulieris vel data cum ea in liberum maritagium, seu est questus illorum viri & mulieris coniunctìm, alter eorum primo die potest essoniari, & alter deficere. Congruit tamen viro primò essoniari in hoc casu. Quid erit tunc de defalta mulieris? Terra capietur in manum domini regis aut deerit ordo iuris. Et quid si replegietur hora debita? Et hoc comperiatur per indorsamentum breuis vicecomitis? Die dato essonio ipsius viri amitteturne terra petita per defaltam ipsius mulieris? Cum habeat virum sine quo de iure coniunctim non debet respondere, Certè licet vir praecellat mulierem generaliter, & in ore suo stet verbum mulieris, si terra petita fuerit de haereditate ipsius mulieris, videatur quod debeat amitti. Sed si fuerit talis terrae questus viri & mulieris coniunctim, vel si donetur cum ea in liberum [Page] maritagium, vbi vir tantum habeat in terra illa quantum mulier aut plus, non amittatur tunc per defaltam illam. Non enim conven [...]t qd quis pro alterius contumacia puniatur. Quid erit tunc de defalta ipsius mulieris? Resummoneatur vna cum viro suo quod tunc sit ad alium diem. quia hic ordo de viro primi [...]us essoniato Locus pleris (que) exempll. [...]oriuptus. in mulierem primitus essoniatam converti non potest. Caueant vir & mulier coniunctim implacitati quod semper in essonio alteriꝰ alter compareat quamdiu furcare possint, &, cum vltra non possint, concurrant eorum essonia in suis locis. Alter autem illorum tantum vnum essonium de malo lecti habere potest. Haec autem omnia dico de pluribus participibus vbi terra impertita est seu tenementum. videlicet de furcatione essonij & de defaltis inde prouenientibus; numerantur in parte in Marlbrige cap. 14. starutis domini Henrici Regis. Si autem plures participes fuerint in breui, currat ordo communis. Desun quae his signis * * hinc distincta sunt, plerisque exempll. Et cum iste erant dilationes tempore quo ista summa erat composita vbi plures erant participes tenentes per quos iusta petitio vltra quam debuit prorogabatur, illustris rex Edwardu [...] filius R. Henrici [Page] in primo parlamento suo decreuit in praemissis sicut plenius patebit in West. 1. cap. 43 sexagesimo articulo constitutionum illarum. Essonium autem de vltra mare si ritè iaceatur semper exposcit inducias XL. dierum ad minus. Et semper debet praecedere essonium de malo veniendi & non econtra. Tertio die placiti post captionem terrae per defaltam quam tenens fecit die praecurso, aut tunc ipse tenens defuit aut apparet. Siue autem appareat siue non ad pro [...]rum petentis inspiciat praenotarius indorsamentum vicecomitis a retro breuis per quod terra capiebatur. Et si reperiatur non esse replegiatam infra XV. dies post captionem tunc petens offerat se liti sic Richard le Iay se ꝓffre vers William Huse de play de terre. A tiel iour fu la terre prise in la main le rey par sa defaut de non pleuine de tout outre. Ita offerre se debet, si tenens fuerit praesens; & si se teneat ad defaltam, quod securè facere potest, hoc modo▪ irrotulabitur ꝓfrum suum. Richardus le Iay aut per se, aut per attornatum optulit se iiij. die versus Willielm. Huse de placito vnius carucatae terrae cum pertinentijs in H. quam clamat vt ius suum versus eum. & ipse non [Page]venit & alias fecit defaltam ita quod praeceptum fuit vicecomiti quod cap [...]ret praedictam terram in manum domini Regis & quod diem &c. & ipse suum &c. quod esset hic ad hunc diem. Et vicecomes mandauit diem captionis & quod summonitus fuit &c. & ideo consideratum est quod praedictus Richardus recuperet seisinam suam versus eum per defaltam & W. in misericordia. Et si tenens suerit praelens tale erit breue petentis de Iudicio quod vocatur Scias Rex vicecomiti salutem. scias quod Richardus le Iay in Curia nostra coram Iustitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium recuperauit seisinam suā versus Willielmum Huse de vna carucata terrae cum pertinentijs in H▪ pro defectu ipsius Willielmi. Et ideo tibi praecipimus quod praedicto Richardo de praedicta carucata terrae cum pertinentijs plenariam seisinam habere facias sicut praedictum est &c. Et si tenens defecerit post apparitionem, tunc exibit paruum cape sic. Rex vicecomiti salutem Cape in manum nostram vnam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs suis in N. quam Richardꝰ le Iay in Curia nostra coram Iustitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium clamat vt ius suum versus Willielmum [Page] Huse pro defectu ipsius Willielmi, Et summoneas per bonos summonitores praedictum Willielmum quod s [...] coram Iustitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium tali die ad audiendum Iudicium suum. Et habeas &c. Tunc autem ad proximum diem reo praesente petens habebit dictum breue Sci [...]s per quod adiudicetur ei [...]eisina. Et quid si vicecomes ad alium diem per magnum cape non ceperit terram in manum domini Regis vt praeceptum fuit ei, nec miserit breue ad bancum? Erit ne ipse tenens inde perdens, aut derogabitur ne in aliquo ipsi petenti? Respondeo. Tenens ob hoc non est puniendus. Nam licet contumax extiterit vicecomes, negligent [...]a vicecomitis non debet ei impingi. Petens autem amittet vnum diem. Et cadet hac negligentia vicecomitis in detrimentum vicecomitis sic. Rex vicecomiti salutem. Praecipimus tibi sicut alias tibi praecipimus quod capias per visum &c. vt supra in magno Cape & in fine sic. Et tu ipse tunc sis ibi ad audiendum iudicium tuum de hoc quod praedictam terram in manum nostram non cepisti nec praedictum Willielmum [Page] summonuisti quod esset coram Iustitiarijs &c. nec breue nostrum quod inde tibi venit, praefatis iustitiarijs nostris ad praefatum diem non misisti, sicut tibi praeceptum fuit. Et habeas &c. Terra autem post primam vel iteratam captionem, vt moris est, replegiata, tenens potest securè essoniari de malo lecti quod quidem essonium sic irrotulabitur. Richardus le Iay versus Willielmum Huse de malo lecti de placito terraeper talem & talem, et sic reddi debet. exige essoniatorem Richardi le Iay. vbi [...]st Willielmus Huse &c. vos essoniatores Richardi le Iay quia non constat vtrum dominus vester velit se capere ad languorem necne vobis non datur certus dies. Sed tu Willielme sequere breue ad vicecomitē ad faciendum venire infirmum. Rex vicecomiti salutem. Mitte quatuor legales milites de comitatu tuo vsque N. ad F. ad videndum vtrum infirmitas qua Willielmus Huse in Curia nostra coram Iustitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium se essoniauit de malo lecti versus Richardum le Iay de placito terrae in Comitatu Sussex, sit languor [...]cne, Et si sit languor tunc ponant ei diema die visus sui in vnum annum & vnum[Page]diem apud Turrim London quod tunc sit ibi responsurus vel sufficientem pro se mittat responsalem & si non sit languor tunc ponant [...]i diem coram Iustitiarijs nostris a die visus sui in XV. dies quod tunc sit ibi responsurus vel sufficientem pro se mittat responsalem. Et dic quatuor militibus illis quod tunc sint coram praefatis Iustitiarijs nostris ad praefatum diem ad testificandum visum illū & quem diem ei posuerint. Et habeas ibi nomina militum & hoc breue teste t [...]li Iustitiario &c. Ex quo autē placitum capitale est coram Iustitiarijs de Banco quare deb [...]nt visores ponere languido diem [...]ud Turrim London cum non sedeantibi Iustitiarij? Solutio. In hoc breui mitte quatuor legales milites sic dicitur si sit languor tunc ponant ei diem a die visus sui in vnum annum & vnum diem, & quia milites illi non habent certum diem videre infirmum, per consequens non potest constare quem diem praefigent languido. Ergo cum constare non potest adhuc de certo die ponendo à visoribus quia accidentalitèr posset istud essonium iaci in fine vel quasi in fine alicuius termini, sicut frequentèr, & forte infirmus deberet videri tali hora [Page] quod oporteret ei praesigere diem tempore vacationis; Et in vacationibus nullus in Banco residet priuilegiatus quod possit vel debeat admittere responsalem languidi cum surrexerit; Ideo ad Turrim London vt dictum est adiornetur languidus respondere coram Constabulario Turris London qui ibi residet per totum annum qui ipsum languidum adiornabit quod respondeat coram Iustitiarijs de Banco proximo die placiti. Et idem Constabularius testificari debet coram Iustitiarijs in Banco praesente languido, vel responsali suo. Et quid si languidus ille, die a visoribus praefixo ad Turrim non venerit nec responsalem miserit? Hoc reuera testificato coram Iustitiarijs in Banco ab ipso Constabulario, ad profrum petentis reus ex rigore iuris amittet seisinam hoc modo. Richard le Iay se ꝓffre vers William Huse de play de terre. William se fist essonier de mal de lyt a teu iour per cely e cely. Richard suist vn breif an viscont a fere le veu de IV. cheualers de counte les queux le virent e iour assisserent ꝑ languor quil prist a la Tou [...] de Londres soloun le vsage d' Engleterre. Eil ne vent pase ceo est [Page]bien testmoigne per le Constable de la tour que en ceo case port record & testmoignage, d' ont nous demandons Iudgment de se defaute tout outre. Et tunc petens habebit paruum cape, ad capiendam terram in manum domini Regis & ad summonendum reum ad audiendum iudicium suum. Et sic recuperabit petens in hoc casu. Et licet reus comparuerit in Curia vel in Banco in hac calumnia actoris, & non seruauerit diem ad Turrim tunc ad consimile proffrum petens ipse recuperabit s [...]isinam per breue scias propter praesentiam rei qui in absentia sua iudicari non debet. Quia cum reus ita defecerit quod debeat seisinam amittere si praesens fuerit exibit scias, si absens, paruum Cape. Istud autem essonium de malo lecti non iacet nisi in hoc breui patenti vel clauso scilicet praecipe in capite. Tamen secundum Henricum de Bathonia iacet in breui de consuetudinibus & seruicijs & post vadiationem duelli vel positionem in magnam assisam & non ante. Si sorores tres vel quatuor vel plures vel pauciores reae efficiantur coniunctîm, Hae omnes gaudere possunt hoc essonio [Page] tamen vna tantū pro singulis capiat languorem. Ex quo tunc generaliter oportet quod duo essoniatores [...]aceant hoc essonium pro vnico reo, & istae quatuor sorores vidēturesse quasi quatuor reae, quaero si sigillatim per duos essoniatores debent hoc essonium i [...]ctari pro illis? Solutio. Ius permittet vnam pro se & reliquis sororibus languere ad cuius languorem cessabit placitum versus sorores complices vsque ad diem a visoribus p̄ fixum. Ergo cum per languorem vnius, reliquae in hoc casu excusari possunt, Quae nam illarum debet capere languorem? Et primitus equidem visa à militibꝰ languebit▪ Et quid si disgregentur? id est si inventae non fuerint in vna villa, & prima secunda & tertia velint surgere, tunc quarta vltimò visa a militibus capiet languorem. Dico autem per languorem vltimò visae cessabit placitum ac si omnes concordarent. In fine autem languoris, an ista languida si appareat die à visoribꝰ praefixo, debeat ne pro se & alijs respondere? vel responsalem mittere, ita quod in ore aliarum sororum responsio non iacet? in hoc casu, si praesens fuerit languida, dico quod opor [...]et illas comparere. Et [Page] quic quid respondebit illa quae languebat tenebitur pro constanti. Et si miserit responsalem, aliae sorores benè possunt absentare. Esto tunc quod per collusionem inter petentem & languidam vel responsalem eius habitam, recognoscatur ius petentis in respondendo ad exhaeredacionem trium sororum huiusmodi per cuiꝰ recognitionem petens recuperet seisinā. hic nisi per remedium Curiae attingatur illa collusio & Curiae deceptio, ad restitutionem trium sororum huiusmodi nullum habetur recuperare nisi per breue de recto. Quicquid autem dico de sororibus iunctis in vno breui, dico de viro & muliere coniunctis & de participibus vbi terra impertita est. Die autem praefixo tenenti à visoribus, debent visores apparere in Curia ad testificandum visum suum, quia ex eorum testimonio procedendum est. Videlicet si testentur se vidisse infirmum tali die, & ꝑ districtum compotum liqueat tunc infirmum illum misisse responsalem suum die ab eis visoribus praefixo, de quibus visu & responsali ita in Curia computandum est vt supra in capitulo de Ordine placitandi in Curia Baronis, penitus liquet quod admittendꝰ [Page] est responsalis eiusdem. Et si non venerit tenens nec responsalem miserit, & hoc testificato à visoribus & comperto per certum compotum quod non seruauit diem ab eisdem praefixum vt suprascribitur, offerat se petens & obtinebit seisinam per paruum Cape vel per scias. Et ad proffrum petentis calumniantis defaltam rei, sic intrabitur defalta illa. Richardus le Iay petit versus Willielmum Huse vnam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs in H. vt ius suum &c. & alias se essoniauit de malo veniendi scilicet tunc, & habuit diem per essonium suum in Octabis &c. ad quem diem W. essoniauit se de malo lecti, ita quod praeceptum fuit vicecomiti quod mitteret quatuor legales milites apud &c. ad videndum vtrum infirmitas &c. esset languor vel non. Et si esset languor tunc ponerent ei diem a die visus sui in vnum annum & vnum diem apud Turrim London apud tunc esset ibi vel per se vel per sufficientem responsalem &c. Et si non esset languor, tunc ponerent ci diem hic &c. vel sufficientem &c. Et Willielmus non venit nec responsalem [...]isit. Ideò consideratum est qd praedictus Ricardꝰ recuperet seisinam suam versus eum per defaltam ipsius W. & ipse in misericordia, &[Page]praedictus Richardus sequatur breue suum ad vicecomitem ▪ Et quid si Willielmus non compareret ꝑ se vel per attornatum suum secundo saltem die sibi dato per essoniatores suos? tunc post essonium de malo lecti procul dubio petens secure & praecise se capiet ad defaltam illam sic dicens. Willielmus fecit defaltam primò die placiti eo quod solemniter vocatus non comparuit, vnde idem petens petit iudicium de defalta rei praecise. Re [...]s tamen replicando requirere debet a petente vtrum velit se tenere praecise ad defaltam illam vel ad capitale placitum. Oportet quod si se teneat ad defaltam illam quod de toto renunciet capitali placito et ecōverso. Nam inconsu [...]tum est quod quis in Curia domini Regis duplici remedio siue baculo in vno casu simul & semel gaudeat siue pugnet. Si autem petens requisitus se teneat ad defaltam illam praecise, reus potest sic dicere, qd nullam fecit defaltam, quod venit ad Bancum primo die placiti, & obtulit se versus praedictum petentem de placito praedicto & ibi morabatur quousque publico proclamatum fuit per seruientem de Banco quod omnes offerentes s [...] ibidem ad placitandum de quibuscunque[Page]placitis, exceptis placitis vnde magna assisa arramiata fuit, vel duellum vadiatum, sine occasione reced [...]rent in crastinum. Et dicit quod si solemniter vocatus fuerit per serui [...]ntē de Banco hoc fuit postquam clamatum fuit sicut praedictum est. Ista siquidem allegatio super hac defalta peni [...]us depende [...]a Recordo I [...]stitiariorū. Et si I [...]stitiarij recordarentur ipsum [...] vt dictum est publicè clamasse proff [...]um in Banco, Reus eat inde sine die & petens amittet clamium illa vice & tenens in misericordia. quia praecise se tenuit ad defaltam. Et si Iustitiarij recordarentur qd non fuit publice clamatum proff [...]um in Banco sicut praedictum est, & qu [...]d omnibus horis primi diei placiti v [...]que ad horam nonam praedictus reus solemni [...]èr vocatus non comparuit nec sufficientem pro se misit responsalem, consideratum est quod praedictus petens recuperet seisinam versus eum per defaltam, & tenens in misericordia. Sequatur autem petens breue suum. Caueat autem calumniator huius defaltae quod sit certus de recordo Iustitiariorum in hoc casu. In defalta quoque post essonium de malo lecti, post visum terrae factum, post positionem [Page] in magnam assisam & post vadiationem duelli, reus amittet seisinam per absentiam primi diei. Si visores illi non venerint ad testificandū visum suum, quid erit? semper distringantur donec venerint. Primo per vadios & saluos plegios sic. Rex vice comiti salutem. Pone per vadios, & saluos plegios A.B.C.D. visores infirmitatis talis quod sint coram Iustitiarijs nostris, &c. ad testificandum &c. Quare autem debent primò attachiari cum non summoneantur vt videtur? quia in hoc breui Mitte quatuor legales milites &c. continetur versus finem istud verbum qd vilet summoneas; Et dic quatuor militibus illis qui visui illi interfuerint quod sint &c. Et sic licet pateat quod non summoneantur, sunt quasi summoniti. Et ideo primò attachiantur ꝑ plegios ratione illiꝰ verbi in breui contenti scilicet & dic. Secundo si Non venerint ad prosecutionem petentis, sic. Rex vicecomiti, salutem. Pone per vadios & meliores plegios A.B. C.D. &c. Et tunc sunt primi plegij in misericordia. Tertio per corpora eorum; Et tunc sunt tam primi plegij quam secundi in misericordia. Quartò per terras & catalla, ita quod vicecomes habeat [Page] corpora & quod manum non apponant, & quod vicecomes respondeat de exitibus, & interim taceat tenens. Si autem tenens ad diem sibi datum a visoribus non venerit personalitèr sed responsalem pro se miserit, admittendus est & eius responsalis audiendus quicunque fuerit responsalis ille, dummodò aetatem habuerit. veruntamen si determinatiuè respondeat, vtpote si debeat iudicium fieri & loquela terminari, vt de duello vadiato vel de magna assisa summonita, vel aliquo alio modo vnde loquela debeat terminari [...] Tunc debet iudicium illud poni in respectu quous (que) per milites de nouo missos per breue domini Regis ad tenentem sciatur ab eo si aduocauerit responsalem suum praedictum an non. Quod si non fecerit reuertantur illi quatuor milites & id testentur coram Iustitiarijs de Banco & tunc procedendum est eodem modo ac si reus personaliter comparuisset & respondisset. Et si negauerit responsalem & eius responsum dedixerit, tunc erit manifesta defalta rei, sicut saepé contingit, & debet ad calumniam petentis iudicari & inde petens breue Scias habebit. Ista siquidem defalta, sicut omnes aliae, [Page] locus in plerisque cxx. depraua [...]us. per essonium de seruitio domini Regis, habito inde speciali warranto, saluari potest. Dato siquidem quod reus omisso hoc essonio de malo lecti, in adoptione sua erit quod appareat hodie & petat visum terrae sic. Richard le Iay se proffre per son attorne vers William Huse, de play de terre. Dicat Willielmus vel eius al. narrator, vt in nonnullis atturnatus v [...]ies ci William encontre Richard. Ceo vous monstre Richard que ci est &c. Et Willielmus respondet ita. Tort e force defend William que ci est & demande le oyer de breif. Lecto autem & audito breui sic. Nous emperlerons a vos congies. In regressu autem eiusdem rei sic. Tort & force defend William a son issir e si fet il vncore a son entrer &c.

CAP. X. De Exceptionibus. Visu petendo.

MOdò videndum est de naturis exceptionum. Sunt quaedam dilatoriae & quaedam peremptoriae. Exceptio dilatoria cassat breue, & non perimit ius. Peremptoria perimit ius & cassat breue. Harum [Page] quoque exceptionum quaedam sufficiunt ante visum terrae ad cassandum breue, quaedam post visum nihil operantur. quia nulla dilatoria locum habet post visum [Desuntin nonnul [...]is. nisi exceptio nontenurae quae ꝓponi debet post visum.] Nescit enim reus petitionem petentis prius, & facto visu affirmatur breue, ita quod per dilatoriam cassari non potest, nisi tantum per nontcnur [...]m. Ideo omissi [...] hic pe [...]mptorijs antequam petamus visum, proponamus dilatorias quae ta [...]es sunt. Vitium scripturae, Rasurae literae in hoc bre [...]i patenti, E [...]ror nominis pro nomine, Agnominis pro agnomine, vnius villae pro alia, & quando breue impetratur extranaturam [...]ui ipsius, & consimiles cassant breue ante visum. Excussis autem istis exceptionibus, aut tenent locum aut non. Si tenent tunc ad praesens consumitur breue. nec oporter tunc plus facere, si non teneant locum, nisi petere visum. De visu petendo l [...] quimur sic. Tort & force defend W. que cy est & demand vew de la terre ore aꝑmeismes. Concedetur, & irrotulabitur sic. Richardus le Iay petit versus Will. Huse vnam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs in H. vt ius suum, & Willielmus venit & petit [Page]inde visum & habeat; dies datus est ei & [...]iat visus per hoc breue. Rex vicecomiti salutem. Praecipimus tibi quod sine dilatione habere facias Willielmo Huse visum de vna carucata terrae cum pertinentijs in H. quam Richardus le Iay in curia nostra coram Iustitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium clamat vt ius suum versus eum. & dicas quatuor militibus illis qui visui illi interfuerunt quod sint coram praefatis Iustitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium tali die, ad testificandum visum illum, & habeas ibi nomina militum, &c. Opus est amodò exprimere in quibus casibus potest denegari visus terrae & in quibus non. Videlicet quantū ad hoc breue & consimilia. Constat quod in hoc breue et in alijs breuibus per quae potest de [...]niri ad duellum vel ad magnam assisam, vi [...]us generalitèr iacet, si petatur ante duel [...]i vadiationem, vel positionem in magnam assisam, tamen si plures fuerin [...] tenentes successiue, per vocationem ad warrantiam, nullus habebit visum nisi primus tenens. & quomodo potest tam primus tenens quam [...]uccessiuus vocati visum amittere? sic. A. petit versus B. vnam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs &c. vt ius suum, & B. venit & [Page] vocat inde ad warrantiam C. qui summonitus venit, & ante quam warrantizat vel post petit visum. Non iacet reuerà. Quia cum inculpauerit C. sic A tort ly deforce par sa garantie &c. Iuris ordo vult quod respondeat ad ca [...]am suam vel ad cart [...]m antecessorum [...]uorum, si in carta illa specificatur terrae illa petita. Et licet vocator non habuerit cartam, vocatus debet bene scire de qua terra cepit homagium & seruitium vocantis. vnde cum warrantizauerit, petens petit eandem terram quam warrantizauit, & ideo non iacet visus. Et illud idem dicendum est de decem tenentibus si de warranto in warrantum fierent tenentes. Campiones tamen si ad duellum vel ad magnam assisam ꝑuenerint habeant visum post duelli vadiationem vel positionem in magnam assisam. Et dicctur eis qd infra diem sibi dictam, terram illam videant & hoc pro sacromento suo quod facient secundum quod perpendi potest in forma sacramenti eorundem. Et possunt quidam casus accidere de campionibus in quibus denegabitur eis visus terrae. De visu quidem habendo in placitis intrusionis, dotis, & huiusmodi suis locis tractabitur inferiùs. [Page] Generaliter autem intellige quod vbi tenens potest vocare ad warrantiam, potest habere visum, nisi fuerint in casibus quibusdam specialiter exceptis vt fimulier petat dotem petens non habeat visum de tenementis vnde vir obijt seisitus, tamen potest vocare ad warrantiam & in breuibus de ingressu vbi fit mentio de gradibus ibi conceditur visus. variatim se habent hîc codd. mss. veruntamen non potest ibi vocare ad warrantiam extra lineam sed tantum respondere ad ingressum. & potest aliquando haberi visus vbi non potest vocari ad warrantiam vt in breui quod permittat. Periculum est autem ante visum vocare ad warrantiam, verbi gratia. Quidam petijt versus quendam vnam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs in H. & tenens ille habuit duas carucatas in eadem villa, petens verò non habuit ius nec ad vnam nec ad aliam. Ipse tenens cum non potuit esse certus quid ab eo peteretur, ante quam visus inde sibi fieret, venit ante quam visum petijt & vocat inde ad warrantiam C. qui summonitꝰ fuit, venit et petijt sibi ostendi ꝑ qd debeat ei warrantizare qui ꝓtulit quandā cartam ꝑ quam antecessores ipsius C. & haeredes sui debeant warrantizare vnam [Page] carucatam terrae in [...]adem villa & petens dicit quod non pe [...]t dictam carucatam terrae sed aliam, & tenens cum hoc vidit voluit respondisse de capitali placito & petens petit iudicium si, post warrantum vocatum, possit tenens respondere de capitali placito, & consideratum fuit quod non, Sed quod ille quietus de warrantia, & quod petens recuperet seisinam suam versus tenentem tanquam inde [...]ensum & tenens in misericordia. coram Henrico de Bathonia.

CAP. XI. Quartus dies placiti. E [...]onium de seruicio domini Regis.

QVarto die, remisso per vicecomitem breui, per quod visus terrae factus [...]uit, actore se liti offerente, praenotarius inspiciat indorsamentum breuis vicecomitis; & si reperiatur ꝑ nomina militum qui visui interfuerunt quod visus terrae factus fuit, tunc ad proffrum petentis clamabitur reus qui die illo iustè si velit es [...]oniari potest de malo veniendi, qd quidem es [...]onium iaci & reddi debet quemadmodum superiùs est expressum. [Page] Et quid si habita collusione inter tenentem & vicecomitem visus terrae factus non fuerit nec bre [...]e remissum? proculdubiò ita procedendum est erga vicecomitem in hoc [...]asu vt superiús distinguitur, quando vicecomes ꝑ coli [...]sionem omitt [...]t exequi magnum cape, nec ibi nec hic propter negligentiam vicecomitis r [...]us debet puniri, nec petens promoueri. Esto autem quod reus nullo modo venerit ad hunc diem▪ quid iuris? petens offerat se liti. Richard le Iay s [...] prof [...]re vers William Huse de play de terre. William auoit view de terre a teu iour, e la view est testmoniage per les quatre chiualers queux a la view fuerente il ne vient pas, d'out nes demand [...]mous iudgment de sa default. Quae de [...]alta sic intrabitur. Richardus le Iay obtulit se quarto die versꝰ Willielm Huse, de placito vnius carucatae terrae cum pertinentijs in H [...]quā clamat vt ius sunm versus eum & Willielmus petit visum terrae à die &c. & habuit diem hic post visum terrae factum ad hunc diem & per quatuor milites qui visui illi interfuerunt, testificatur hic nunc. & praedictus Willielmus non venit, & ideo consideratum est quod praedicta terra capiatur in[Page]manum domini Regis & ipse summoneatur quod sit hic tali die ad audiendum iudicium suum. & tunc exibit paruum cape quod supra scribitur. Et sciendum quod isto die & alijs diebus praeteritis & futuris, absentia rei saluari potest vt p̄dictum est, dum tamen reus ille excusetur ꝑ essonium de seruitio domini Regis, & inde praetendat tale breue. Rex Iustitiarijs suis de Banco, salutem. Sciatis quod Willielmus de H. fuit coram nobis tali die apud N. per praeceptum nostrum ita quod eo die interesse non potuit loquelae quae est corā vobis per breue nostrum de recto inter R. petentem & ipsum Willielmum tenentem de vna carucata terrae cum pertinentijs in H. & ideo vobis mandamus quod praedictus Willielmus propter absentiam suam illius diei non ponatur in defaltam, nec in aliquo sit perdens, quia diem illum quoad hoc ei warrantizamus &c. Dato siquidem quod reus sequendo huiusmodi praedictum breue defecerit die ei dato de breui illo post visum terrae factū, gratia dilationis faciendae, quid hoc proficeret ei? Ex quo autem vt de plano constat, possit ꝓrogari huiusmodi loquela de vno termino in aliam & in casu lucrari autumnalia aut redditus assisus aut vtrunque [Page] & petens possit interim decedere, & sic breue & processus irruentur de toto, ideò, quia cauti sunt homines, frequenter fit talis dilatio ex lege & principis beneficio.

CAP. XII. Quintus dies placiti. Capere languorem semel tantum licet.

QVinto die placiti, postquam reus essoniatus fuerit de malo veniendi post visum terrae factum, si reus ille hoc die sibi dato per essonium, nullo modo venerit, quid iuris? Petens se offerat liti sic. Richard le Iay se proffre vers William Huse de play de terre. William fust essoin a teu iour puis veu de terre fete, & auoit iour ieskes ore & il ne vient pas, d'unt nus demandomous iudgmēt de sa defaute. Ista siquidem defalta aꝑta est per quam petens recuꝑauit seisinam, & sic irrotulabitur. Richardus le Iay optulit se IV. die versus W. de Huse per talem de placito vniꝰ carucatae terrae cum pertinentijs in N. quam clamat vt ius suum versus cum. Et ipse non venit, & habuit diem[Page]per essonium suum postquam comparuit in Curia & petijt visum terrae. Iudicium. praedicta terra capiatur in manum domini Regis, & ipse summoneatur quod hic sic tali die ad audiendum iudicium suum, & tunc exibit paruum cape pro petente. Ex quo autem in iure permittitu [...] quod in placito terrae, vbi agatur de proprietate recti, vt in hoc breui & suis branchijs, post essonium de malo veniendi generaliter sequitur essonium de malo lecti, per hanc regulam, cum ante visum terrae (vt supra in capitulo de IV. die) per idem essonium caeperit languorem, tamen intelligatur quod languor captus sit commoditas & exitus essonij de malo locti in litis prorogatione, Quid iuris? Regula data, quod post es [...]onium de malo veniendi generalitèr subsequitur es [...]onium de malo lecti semper se tenet, sed semel potest reus tantum capere languorem & nonplus, & si reus essoni [...]t se hodie de malo lecti & prius cep [...]rit languorem, d [...]bitur ei dies per es [...]onium suum ad proximum diem placiti, & omittentur mi [...]tendi quatuor milite [...], qu [...]a non p [...]est r [...]us capere languorem p [...]squam semel. & qui [...] reus alitèr, vt dictum est, vt sentio, non potest dedicere [Page] demandam petentis quantum ad hunc diem, nisi aliquis respondeat, transeat per hoc essonium hodie & die sequenti. Ad alia decurramus.

CAP. XIII. Sextus dies placiti. Uoucher. Recouerie & counterpleas sur ceo. Uoucher d'enfant. Warrantia ex Dedi. ex homagio & seruicijs receptis. Age.

SExto die placiti si reus se essonians de malo lecti defecerit, currat lex communis contra eum sicut faciendum tertio die vt superiùs quando fecit defaltam post languorem. si autem reus appareat hodie, quid faciendum est? Si habeat warrantum est ne bonum quod vocet hodie vel non? Distinguendum est. Si iste reus ita recenter feoffatus fuerit vel antecessor eius ab ipso warranto vel antecessore suo qui nihil sciat vel possit dicere a se ipso contra tenentem, vt per quietum clamium vel huiu [...]modi, Tunc vocet hodie ad warrantiam si quem habuerit. Sed si aliquid actum fuerit inter ipsum reum & petentem vel antecessores eorum per [Page] quod petēs excludi debet ab actione sua id proponat tenens vtpote si habet quietum clameum ab ipso petente, vel si aliàs in Curia lis decidatur per aliquem finem inter eos, vel quod non possit respondere sine participibus, vel qood non teneat totam terram petitam, si ita sit & alia similia bonum est ꝓponere antequam vocet ad warrantiam. Si autem reus vocare voluerit ad warrantiam cum petens loquutꝰ fuerit per verba curiae. reus defendet vim & iniuriam & dicet. Ieo vouche a garrant per aid de cest court B. & dicit hoc verbum per l'aid de cest court quia vocator non potest facere vocatum venire ad Curiam autoritate sua propria & tunc petens habebit hoc breue ad faciendum warrantum venire. Rex vicecomiti salutē. Summon [...]as per bonos summonitores B. qd sit corā Iustitiarijs uostris apud Westmonasterium tali die ad warrantizandum W. vnam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs in H. quam Richardus le Iay in Curia nostra coram Iustitiarijs nostris clamat vt ius suum versus praedictum W. & vnde idem W. in eadem curia nostra vocat praedictum B. ad warrantū versus eum, & habeas ibi summonitores & hoc breue. Ad quem diem [Page] tenens potest essoniari de malo veniendi sic. W. qui vocat B. ad warrantum versus Richardum le Iay de placito terrae per talem. Warrantus autem vocatus appareat sed nihil faciendum eo die quia non habet partem adversam, licet principaliter sequitur essonium illud, & tunc reddat essonium tenentis. dabitur petenti idem dies vt essoniatori & consimiliter; warranto vocato vnus & idem dies. Ad quem diem warrantꝰ potest essoniari de malo veniendi, sic. B. quem W. vocat ad warrantum versus R. de placito terrae per talem. quo die tenens non appareat sed dabitur sibi & petenti & essoniatori vocati vnus & idem dies. Nec plus fiat illo die quia primus tenens iam substituit sibi alium tenentem per vocationem suam. Dato autem die per illud essonium potestne warrantus essoniari de malo lecti necne? de caetero non potest, nisi post vadiationem duelli vel positionem in magnam assisam. Vocatio autem ad warrantum sic debet irrotulari. Richardus le Iay petit versus W. de Huse vnam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs in H. vt ius suum &c. & Willielmus venit & vocat inde ad warrantum per auxilium Curiae B. & habuit dient[Page]&c. & si B. vocatus venerit & vocat alium tunc sic. Richardus petit versus B. quem W. vocat ad warrantum et qui ei warrantizet vnam carucatam terrae &c. vt ius suum &c. & quotquot fuerint warranti vocati, tot successiuè essonia iactari debent. Et primus reus post singulorum apparitionem semper potest essoniari de malo veniendi; si autem warrantus defecerit post essonium, capiatur de terra ipsius ad valentiam in manum domini Regis ꝑ magnum cape. Rex vicecomiti salutem, Cape in manum nostram per visum legalium hominum &c. de terra B. ad valentium vnius carucatae terrae cum pertinentijs in H. quam Richardꝰ le Iay in Curianostra coram Iustitiarijs nostris apud Westmonasterium clamat vt ius suum versus W. Huse, & vnde idem W. in eadem Curia vocat praedictum B. ad warrantum versus eum pro defectu ipsius W. & diem captionis &c. omnia vt supra in magnum cape in prima defalta tenentis post primum essonium. haec defalta intrabitur sic. Willielmus Huse obtulit se quarto die versus Richardum le Iay de placito vnius carucatae terrae cum pertinentijs in H. quam Richardus le Iay in Curia nostra coram Iustitiariijs nostris apud westmonasterium[Page]clamat vt ius suum versus eum. & ipse non venit. & habuit diem per essonium suum vt supra. Iudicium. de terra praedicti Richardi capiatur in manum domini Regis ad valentiam &c. ad quem diem si warrantus defecerit Richardus recuperabit seisinam versus eundem W. & W. versus B. ꝑ equipollentiam statim & sine difficultate per Scias, & hoc erit de pluribus warrantis vocatis successiue. Si primus vocatus defecerit petens per defaltam recuperabit seisinam suam versus primum tenentem & primus tenens versus primum vocatum & ille versus secundum & sic de singulis. Warrantus autem vocatus potest per exceptiones diuersas derogare ius petentis, sicut & tenens & ponere se in magnam assisam, vel defendere ius suum per duellum in omni euentu, siue determinare negotium per diuersas responsiones, vtpote per finem in Curia domini Regis finem duelli, per quietam clamiam factam, exceptionem Bastardiae, & consimilia quatenus viderit expedire. Esto quod reus vocet ad warrantiam & reo essoniato, appareat warrantꝰ, dico qd warrantus non potest intrare in warrantia sine suo vocatore, & sic per essonium [Page] ipsius rei dabitur dies ipsi vocato. ad quem diem apparente vocatore ille vocatus facit defaltam. Quid iuris? Petens autem dico sequetur defaltam illam. versus quem? Certe versus vocatum ad warrantiam & non versus vocatorem. Quia vocator vbi & quando debuit vocauit & post vocationem suam essonium habuit, & die sibi dato debitè comparuit, vnde constat quod nullus deliquit nisi vocatus ad warrantiam. Quaero tunc cuius naturae debeat esse defalta. vtrum debeat exequi per magnum cape aut per paruum per paruum cape fiat huiusmodi executio, non pro eo quod vocatus intrauit in Curiam sine responsione facienda (vt praedictum est in warrantia intrare non potest sine suo vocatore.) Sed quod die sibi dato in essonium vocatoris defecerit praecisè. Et ideo exeat super ipsum paruum cape pro vocatore & petens recuperabit seisinam versus eum de petitis. Et sciendum quod vocatus non potest habere vi [...]um terrae quòd debet benè scire vnde vocatur ad warrantiam. Et generaliter accidit quod vocator prius habet visum. Caueat rursus is qui vocat ad warrantiam quod non vocet minorem; nisi [Page] habeat cartam de feoffamento in manibꝰ per quam vocat. Quod si non fecerit amittit pro se & haeredibus suis seisinam imperpetuum. Tamen ex officio suo Iusticiarij possunt sibi facere gratiam si voluerint. Quum autem supradictum est quod essonium de malo veniendi generaliter sequitur essonium de malo lecti; inde quaero si vocatus ad warrantiam postquam essoniatus fuerit primo die de malo veniendi possit se essoniare de malo lecti. Consequentèr non potest, antequā warrantizet sed post potest. Esto quod duae sorores tanquam vnus haeres, vna videlicet maior & altera minor vocentur ad warrantiam. quid iuris? appareant ambae in Curia & minor se alleget esse infra aetatem & petat custodem & habebit. maior autem non respondebit, sine sorore minori. Et remanebit loquela illa sine die vsque ad aetatem minoris praedictae. Et cum minor maior fuerit, resummoneatur loquela in eodem statu in quo dimissa fuit. Idem dico de quibuslibet participibus terrarum, de quibus quidam sunt minores & quidam maiores. Ex iuris ordine siquidem habemus quod minor non habet legem, id est quod non potest facere [Page] legem. & hoc sequitur quod non habet essonium de malo veniendi, nec per consequens de malo lecti. Quid erit tunc cum aliquis minor implacitetur, possit gaudere huiusmodi essonio an non? si minor ille feoffatus fuerit infra aetatem, siue reus sit, si [...]e per reum vocatus ad warrantiam, ad euitandum dilationes suas non amittat propter teneritatem aetatis suae quia per feoffamentum iam efficitur maior in hoc casu & habeat essonia sua supradicta. Quum autem ple [...]ique sentiunt minus instructi in legibus terrarum quod warrantia non iacet in Chartis, vbi haec clausula Ego et haeredes mei warrantizabimus non in [...]erituro, pus est inde certitudinem exponere. In qualibet simplici charta de feoffamento per hoc verbum dedi quamuis plus de warrantia nonspecificatur, tenetur donator vel eius haeres warrantizare si ad horam vocati fuerint, nisi in feoffamento i. in carta aliquod speciale huic contrarium apponatur. Sic contigit inter A. & B. coram R. de Thurkelby vnde postea fuit duellum vadiatum & arrainatum. Non autem dico quod assignati donatoris debeant per illud verbum dedi warrātizare huiusmodi feoffato; nisi specificetur [Page] in charta donatoris, quod ille & haeredes & assignati sui debeant warrantizare. verbi gratia. Si huiusmodi donator antequam feoffasset istum qui modo vocat ad warrantiam habuisset tres acras terrae, de quibus vnam dedit isti de quo loquor & posteà residuas duas C. vel D. nulla mentione facta in carta primi feoffati quod assignati dicti donatoris debeant warrātizare. licet, dico, tertia acra annexa fuerit praedictis duabus acris, non [...]enetur assignatus ille warrantizare. Et quid si donator talis penitus donauerit & fuerit ita debilis quod non habeat vnde warrantizet, cum vocatus fuerit vt saepe contingit In hoc casu nihil scio consulere, nisi quod ille feoffatus adquirat sibī confirmationem a Capitali Domino sī fieri posset. Et si capitalis dominus illud confirmauerit & vocatus fuerit inde ad warrantiam oportet quod warrantizet, licet non nominet donatorem. tali dico ratione. Iste capitalis dominus de quo tenementum illud tenetur, cum se obligauerit ad hoc, per confirmationem suam, omnia verba in dicto feoffamento contenta tam le dedi quam le confirmaui vna cum dicto donatore simúl firmat coniungens [Page] & obligans fortitèr seipsum ad pactionem tenendam dicto feoffato quasi pro defectu ipsius donatoris. Licet autem superiùs in hoc capitulo dicatur qd minor respondere non debeat si implacitatus fuerit, nec warrantizare cum vocatus fuerit, antequam peruenerit ad aetatem, non debeat nisi in minore aetate feoffatꝰ fuerit, dico in eadem aetate respondeat. In actione siquidem dotis respondeat minor semper, siue petatur ab eo dos, siue in dote petenda si vocatus fuerit ad warrantiam. Sed ista lex videtur esse contraria illi quae supra scribitur quae dicit quod minor respondere non debet donec peruenerit ad aetatem nisi in minori aetate feoffatus fuerit. Petitio siquidem dotis non praeiudicat proprietatem iuris haeredis a quo petitur dos. Quia cum mulier petat dotem i. tertiam partem haereditatis, haeres ipse manifestatur, & quod ea decedente pars tertia reuertatur ad duas, & quod hic non iacet huiusmodi exhaeredatio haeredis. Et si mulier expectaret aetatem minoris poterit interim in fata decedere & sic per consequens semper dotem amittere, statuitur ex iure qd minor in hoc casu respondeat. Si quis [Page] autem vocauerit minorem ad warrantiam non habens in promptu cartam vel aliud per quod ipse minor si maior es [...]et respondere deberet, sine vlteriore dilatione ad calumniam minoris amittet ab eo petita. Dato siquidem quod sorores sint participes a [...]icuius haereditatis de quibus vna tantum vocata fuerit ad warrantiam quae se nihil tenere assereret nisi in propartia & peteret iudicium desicut vocata sola fuit ad warrantiam sine participe; Distinguendum est vltrum terra part [...]ta esset inter participes illas necne. Si imꝑtita fuerit, dicta responsio tenet locum, si vero partita & illa quae sola vocata fuerit ad warrantiam de proparte sua receperit homagium & seruitium vocantis, respondeo quod sine participibus respondere non debet non habet locum, sed debet warrantizare praecise. nisi aliud de nouo proponat versus ipsum vocantem. Adhuc autem de warrantia sic definio. Walterꝰ petit versus Thomam vnam carucatam terrae cum pertinentijs in H & versus R. tantum vt ius suum, & vnde quidam B. antecessor suus fuit seisitus in dominico suo vt de feodo & iure tempore &c. & Thomas venit & vocat inde ad warrantiam quendam [Page] G qui praesens est & petit sibi ostendi per quod debeat ea warrantizare & dicit quod tenet dictum tenementum de ipso G. et ei inde fecit homagium, ita quod ipse est in seisina de homagio & similiter de seruito suo scilicet de tali redditu assiso & similiter de secta ad Curiam suam ibi de tribus septimanis in tres septimanas. Et prae [...]ictus Thomas quesitus si habeat aliquam cartam vel instrumentum de dicto G. v [...]l ab antecessoribus suis per quod teneatur praedictam terram ei warrantizare dicit quod non, & dicit quod non debet ei warrantizare vt sibi videtur ratione homagij tantum de sicut nihil ostendit neque cartam neque instrumentum aliquod per quod teneatur ei warrantizare, tum quia in Cancellaria domini Regis nunquam conceditur aliquod breue de warrantia nisi expressè fiat mentio quod is qui vocat ad warrantiam habeat cartam illius quem vocat vel alicuius antecessoris ipsius, tum quia nec praedictus Thomas nec antecessores sui inde fuerint se [...]siti ab eo nec ab antecessoribus suis. Dicit enim quod quidam Richardus le Iay feoffauit quendam Widonem auum praedictae Thomae cuius haeres ipse est de praedicto tenemento per praedictum seruitium per annum. Et idem Richardus [Page] dedit cuidam Willielmo auo praedicti G. cuius haeres ipse est homagium & seruicium Widonis de praedicto tenemento ita quod idem Wido sponte & voluntate sua atturnauit se de praedicto seruicio Willielmo, & postea descendit praedictum seruicium ipsi G. iure haereditario, & dicit quod quando recepit homagium de praedicto Thoma recepit illud saluo iure cuiuscun (que) eò quòd audiuit quod Walterus qui modo petit vendicabat ius in praedicta terra, ea ratione quod antecessores sui & antecessores praedicti Thomae exierunt de duobus fratribus et idem Walterus exijt de fratre antenato vt asserebat & desicut idem G. cepit homagium & seruicium suum saluo iure vniuscuiusque, Iudicium si debeat ei warrantizare ratione praedicti homagij tantum versus ipsum Walterum qui clamat esse propinquior haeres de eodem stipite & eadem linea parentelae. Adhuc autem videtur quod non debeat ei warrantizare ratione praedicti homagij tantúm. Hac ratione homagium non obligat nec excludit aliquem ab actione nisi tantum personam illius quae illud homagium receperit. verbi gratia. si quis ceperit homagium de aliquo tenemento ratione cuius [Page] homagij excluditur quod non potest in vita sua tenementum illud petere in dominico, & si ius haberet in eodem haeredes sui non excluderentur ratione dicti homagij quin bene possint tenementum illud petere in dominico si voluerint. Et si idem G. warrantizaret praedicto Thomae praedictam terram & eandem terram per considerationem Curiae domini Regis postea amitteret versus praedictum Walterum, tunc teneretur facere praedicto Thomae Exchambium ad valentiam praedictae terrae, absque hoc quod idem G. nec haeredes sui aliquid possint recuperar [...] versus praedictum Thomam & haeredes suos de praedicto exchambio in perpetuum. & sic contingeret quod haeredes ipsius G. excluderentur ab agendo de praedicto exchambio, per praedictum homagium quod idem G. ceperit quod manifestè est contra rationem praedictam. Ex cussis quae in praesenti recoluntur quo ad vocationem warran [...] & quoad exceptiones dilatorias de peremptorijs loqui congruit isto loco. Ad primum autem distinguendum est vtrum fuerit principalis reꝰ aut per vocationem substitutus qui respondere debeat, quia vtrique competunt [Page] exceptiones futurae quae tales sunt & vigent singillatim. Praescriptio temporis probata excludit petentem & haeredes suos ab actione quae talis est in hoc breui, si dicatur quod is de cuius seisina petit actor non fuisset in seisina rei petitae al. vltra tempus Regis Richa [...]di [...] Regis He [...] ci &c. Tempore Regis Henrici patris Regis Edwardi nunc. peremptoriè discinditur actio actoris.

Radulphi de Hengham Summae magnae Finis.

Deesse videntur plurima; sed ita finiunt omnia, quae vidisse nobis contigit, exemplaria.

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SVMMA PARVA Radulphi de Hengham.

CAP. I. De Essonijs.

NOtandum quod quinque sunt essonia. Primum videlicet de vltra mare. Secundum autem de terra Sancta. Ista duo iacent in principio placitorum & non alibi. Et nisi veraciter proponantur vertenda sunt in defaltas. & quomodo Essoniatus de vltra mare vertitur in defaltam, queratur in statuto primo westmonast. cap. XLIV. Induciae primi essonij XL. dies. Induciae secundi vnius anni & diei. & continuò posteà iacet essonium de malo veniendi & non econverso. Tertium de malo veniendi, cuius adiornamentum est quindecem dies, & iacet in quolibet placito ante apparentiam & post; exceptis quibusdam casibus, vt in breuibus Assisarum, Attinctarum, & Iuratarum[Page]de Vtrum. Et intelligendum est qd post apparentiam, nec Actori nec Reo competit istud essonium, nec Reo alicubi in disseisina. Quaeratur autoritas in primo Stat. Westmonast. cap. XLII. & in secundo Stat. Westm. cap. XXXII. Item nec in appello de morte hominis iacet istud essonium vt in secundo Stat. Westm cap. XIV. Item in quolibet placito in quo allocatur istud essonium postquam partes descenderint in inquisitionem, non iacet, nisi semel & hoc ad ꝓximum diem post inquisitionē adiudicatā. Et post alias apparentias subsequentes non remanebit ꝑ istud essonium inquisitio capienda. Item post diem datum prece partium non iacet istud essonium; vt in casu quo partes concedunt venire sine essonio. Quaeratur autoritas vtriusque in secundo Stat. Westm. cap. XXXI. Item post diem datum de die in diem quod habet fieri in eodem termino non iacet continuè post defaltam in actione Reali. non competit in personali. non iacet continué post magnam districtionem, nec post magnum cape, nec postquam praeceptum est vicecomiti quod faciat aliquem venire vel quod habeat corpus alicuius, vel quod capiat aliquem, [Page] vel postquam mandatum fuerit Episcopo, quod faceret venire clericum suum. In casu etiam quando vir & vxor vel duo tenentes in communi implacitantur, non habebunt de caetero nisi vnicum essonium, quia si vnus se essoniauerit & alter compauerit ad alium diem illi qui comparuit non potest se essoniare quia sunt in statu quasi vnius personae. quaeratur autoritas in primo Stat. Westm. cap. XLIII. & in Stat. Glocest. cap. X. Et istud solum essonium & non aliud tam i [...]cet attornato quam principali personae. Ita tamen quod si quis essoniauerit seipsum & non attornatum suum, non allocabitur ei essonium suum. Et si duos habuerit atturnatos vel plures, & vnum & non alium essoniauerit vel si plures habuerit & miserit vnum essonium, non allocabitur ei essonium. Sed videtur instantiam recipere, in casu quo lex vadiata fuerit per atturnatum, postquam atturnatus se non poterit essoniare, quia post legem vadiatam dictum est per Iustitiarios atturnato quod faciat venire dominum suum in propria persona sua ad faciendum legem. Quartum essonium est de malo lecti, cuius adiornamentum est in morbo [Page]transeunti sicut adiornamentum de malo veniendi, secundum discretionem Iustitiariorum, & in languore vnius anni & vnius diei a die visus sui apud Turrim London. Et habet istud essonium quasdam proprietates quas non habent alia essonia, videlicet, quod alia essonia in ipso primo die placiti ꝓferri debent, istud in tertio die praecedenti. Item in alijs essonijs sufficit vnus es [...]oniator, in isto exiguntur duo essoniatores. Item alia essonia iacent sine essonio praecedenti immediate, istud essonium non iacet nisi immediatè praecedat essonium de malo veniendi. Praeterea in alijs essonijs datur certus dies, sed in isto essonio dicitur essoniatoribus qd eant sine die & iacet solummodo in omni breue de recto, ante apparentiam & post, exceptis quibusdam casibus, scilicet in breui in quo non iacet duellum, vel magna assisa, vt inter eos qui per eundem sanguinem & eundem discensum clamant. Item in alijs breuibus de recto, quum placitum fuerit in eodem comitatu non iacet nisi causa sit vera; quia si convincatur falsa, vertetur in defaltam. Quaeratur autoritas in secundo Stat. Westm. cap. XIX. Quintum essonium [Page] est de seruicio domini Regis & iacet in quolibet placito & loco, exceptis quatuor casibus, videlicet Nouae disseisinae, de Dote vnde nihil habet, vltimae praesentationis, & in Appello de morte hominis. In quibus non iacet, eo quod Rex non concedit protectionem suam in casibus illis & alijs casibus in quibus nullum iacet essonium. Et solummodo allocabitur istud essonium si ad diem datum proferatur warrantum Regis, et licet istud essonium videatur allocatum esse eo quod adiornatur non tamen adiornatur sine conditione sicut alia essonia, quia si ad diem datum non proferatur warrantum, sequitur paena talis. qui non habet warrantum in actione reali, vertetur in defaltam. in actione personali condemnabitur ad expensas. quaeratur auctoritas in Stat. Glocest. cap. VIII.

CAP. II. Breuia de Dote.

SCiendum quod tria sunt breuia de dote vnde nihil habet, videlicet vnum breue de communi dote quod est tale. [Page] Praecipe A. quod iustè &c. reddat B. quae fuit vxor C. rationabilem dotem suam quae eam contingit de libero tenemento quod fuit praedicti C. quondam viri sui in tali villa vnde nihil habet &c. Et per istud breue petitur tertia pars tenementi quod fuit viri sui die quo eam desponsauit & postea. Et aliquando medietas vt de socagio, & tamen non de omnibꝰ sed de antiquis & de hijs de quibus mulieres dotari consueuerint secundum consuetudinem certae patriae. Et istud breue aliquando est clausum vt in casu quando nihil habet & aliquando patens, quando aliquid habet & aliquid deficit. In quibus casibus vnum & aliud locum habent. Invenietur in Prouisione de Merton cap. I. In supradicto breui clauso adiudicari debent damna mulieri de tenementis de quibus vir obijt seisitus. De tenementis vero alienatis per virum de quacunque dote petita per breue patens non adiudicantur damna. Aliud est breue de dote nominata, quando vir dotat vxorem suam & hoc aliquando de minori quam de tertia parte, & de hoc tenebit se contentam. Et aliquando de tertia parte in certo loco & si non excedit tertiam partem remanebit [Page] illa certa dos. aliquando autem de maiori & remanebit ei quousque admensuretur & reddatur ei per breue de admensuratione dotis; & in hoc breui sicut in alijs adiudicantur damna. Et est breue de dote nominata tale. Praecipè D. quod iustè &c. reddat B. quae fuit vxor C. tale manerium de quo praedictus C. eam dotauit nominatim ad ostium ecclesiae quando eam desponsauit &c. Aliud est breue quando filius dotat vxorem suam de tenementis patris sui & de voluntate patris sui quod aliquando est de certo tenemento nominato; aliquando de tertia parte omnium tenementorum patris sui, quo similiter damna adiudicantur, & est breue tale. Praecipe A. quod iustè &c. reddat B. quae fuit vxor C. tale manerium vel tertiam partem tenementorū de quo vel de qua praedictus C. eam dotauit de assensu & voluntate E. patris ipsiꝰ C. ad ostium ecclesiae &c.

CAP. III. Exceptiones contra Breuia de Dote.

EXceptiones contra praedicta breuia, & maximè contra primum potest [Page] obijci quod demandans dotem suam habere non debet, eo quod praedictus C. quondam vir suus die quoeam desponsauit vel vnquam postea non tenuit tenementum vnde petit dotem in dominico vt de feodo. Et per hoc non excluditur, quin habebit dotem de tenemento quod per virum suum vel antecessorem dimissum fuit ad terminum ante desponsationem & remansit in manu terminarij vs (que) ad obitum viri. quia licet commodum rei fuit terminario, tamen feodum & dominicum remansit paenes virum. Item in omnibus breuibus praedictis potest obijci quum vir suus commisit feloniam, ob quam fuit suspensus, vtlagatus vel alio modo morti damnatus, vel demembratus, vel apud Douere infalistatus, vel apud Suthampton submersus, vel apud Winton demembratus, vel decapitatus vt apud Northampton, in mari supervndatus sicut in alijs partibus portuum. nec recolo in alijs casibus in quibus homo habetur pro felone, nisi in casu vbi quis mouet guerram contra Regem, vel Regnum, ita quod abiurauit regnum, vel in fugiendo tanquam publicꝰ latro fuit decollatus. Item quod inter ipsam & virum suum diuortium [Page] fuit celebratum. Item si vir suus amiserit tenem̄ [...]m vnde illa dotem petit per iudicium excepto iudicio per defaltam, de quo dicitur in secundo Stat. Westmonast. cap. IV. Item amittit vxor dotem in casu de quo dicitur in ijsdem statutis cap. XXXVIII. Item si minor existens in custodia alicuius duca [...] vxorem sine assensu domini sui, & in minori aetate obierit, dotem amittit. Secus est si expectet aetatem. Item vxor quae propter minorem aetatem suam, vel propter minorem aetatem viri sui non potest dotem deseruire ab actione dotis excluditur excepto tamen si a minori dotetur ex voluntate patris, quia licet sit inhabilis secundum ius commune, volunt [...]s tamen patris, quae firmatur secundm conventionem, facit habilitatem. Alia vero exceptio est, si obijciatur quod non suit viro legitimè dsponsata &c. Sed istius exceptionis discussio pertinet ad episcopum & ordinarium, & secundum eius responsionem procedatur ad iudicium. Sed quid erit si pro vna muliere petente dotem, cui obiecta fuerit praedicta exceptio, scribatur episcopo, & per responsum episcopi mulier illa recuperabit dotem, & post modum venerit [Page] alia mulier petens dotem de dono eiusdem mariti & similiter obijciatur quod non fuit viro legitimo matrimonio copulata, & ordinarius scribat Regi quod vltima est vxor legitima, & quod deceptus fuit in priore casu matrimonij? Dato hoc stabitur posteriori mandato Ordinarij. Sic contingit de Albraeda & Alicia de Pasham. Alia est exceptio, quod si petat dotem de muliere dotata dicitur quod de dote non debet dotem habere, sed intelligendum est quod illa exceptio non repellit quamlibet mulierem ab actione vel a petitione dotis. Quia contingit in casu. Radulphus habens vnam carucatam terrae ducit vxorem & dotat eam & postmodum dat filio suo vnam virgatam terrae qui ducit vxorem & dotat eam, mortuo filio Radulphi, vxor filij dotata est de tertia parte virgatae terrae, mortuo Radulpho vxor Radulphi petit dotem de toto. Si obijciatur ei quod de dote non debet habere dotem, non allocabitur ei exceptio illa, quia in priori contractu matrimonij inter Radulphum & vxorem suam adquisitum fuit ius vxori praedicti Radulphi de toto. nec debet ei praeiudicare secundus contractus inter filium [Page] Radulphi & vxorem suam post do [...]atam. Saecus est si Radulphus obierit ante filium suum & dotem suam recuperauerit de tenemento quod Radulphus dedit filio suo & similiter de tenementis quae remanserunt praedicto R. post illud donum, si postmodum prius mortuo R. praedicto, & postmodū filio Radulphi, veniat vxor filij & petat dotem vers [...]s vxorem Radulphi quae ius habuit in toto, obstabit ei illa exceptio, quod de dote dotem non habebit, &c.

CAP. IV. De visu concedendo.

VT sciatur in quibus casibus visus terrae concedatur sciendum est quod in omnibus breuibus quae incipiunt Praecipe tali quod reddat aliquid quod actor petit tenere ad minus ad vitam, vel ad terminum vitae alterius, vt in breuibus de recto, & ingressu, & consanguinitate, de forma donationis, de Eschaeta, & similibus in quibus tenetur in dominico, visus conceditur; exceptis quibusdam casibus. Quia per hoc quod dicitur ad terminum vitae [Page] excluditur breue de custodia. Per hoc qd dicitur breue de Recto de tenementis, excluditur breue de consuetudinibus & seruicijs, & breue de Recto de aduocatione ecclesiae, in quo visus non conceditur si tantum sit vna ecclesia in villa in breui contenta. Et si plures sint ecclesiae & nominetur ecclesia talis sancti, si plures ecclesiae de illo sancto in eadem villa non habeantur. Per hoc quod dicitur tenens in dominico, excluditur warrantus sine quo tenens se non posse dicit respondere. exceptis quibusdam casibus &c. Cuiusmodi sunt commune breue de dote vnde nihil habet de tenementis vnde vir suus objit seisitus. Item breue de dote assignata, quando filius dotat vxorem ex voluntate patris & alij sunt casus expressi ex statutis Westmonast. secundi cap. LIII. Per hoc quod dicitur Praecipe quod reddat tenementum excluditur breue de nuper obijt in quo visus non conceditur licet tenementum per illud petatur. Alia sunt pluria breuia in quibus visus conceditur, nec tamen fit Mencio quod aliquis reddat tali, sed quod permittat &c. Sicut in omnibus breuibus de ingressu, quae proveniunt & originem habent a breuibus nouae disseisinae [Page] de communia pasturae, & omnibus alijs de quibus fit mentio in vltimo statuto Westmonast. cap. XXIX. Item in omnibus alijs breuibus de ingressu de fossato de stagno &c. de quibus iacet assisa exceptis quibusdam casibus pasturae. Quia si petatur communia vbique in villa de qua fit mentio, non est necesse concedere visum, sed si in aliquo loco petatur & in aliquo loco non, necessario habet concedi. Vnum est breue de recto quod non est de forma supradictorum breuium, scilicet Quo iure in quo Nonnullis mss. non conceditur. conceditur visus, si actor dicat Reum nullo modo communicare in terris suis, sicut dictum est de Pastura. Sunt alia breuia quae ad Vicecomitem pertinent placitanda quae aliquando ponantur coram Iustitiarijs vt de Domo, muro, porta, gurgite, in quibus propter nocumentum, visus conceditur; & de quibusdam consimilibꝰ, vt de mercato, feria, Ouili non conceditur visus quia non est necessarius.

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CAP. V. De breuibus Assisarum. & primo de breui nouae Disseisinae.

SCiendum est de quibus iacet Assisa, & quibus fit modis disseisina, & quibus personis competit, & contra quos. De quibus; sciendum est quod de tenementis cuiusmodi sunt terra, pratum, Boscus, Pastura, Vastum, Piscaria separalis, ad minus versus deforciantes, Gurgites & alia quae numerantur in secundo statuto Westmonast. cap. XXIX. Quae in seisina alicuius sunt aliquo titulo in feodo, vel ad minus ad terminum vitae & hoc aliquando ad vitam possessoris, de quo non fit distinctio. Aliquando ad vitam dimittentis, super quo distinguitur. vel dimittens nihil aliud habuit quam ad terminū vitae vt Rector ecclesiae, tenens in dotē, & consimilibꝰ in quibus casibus transfertur liberum tenementū in possessorē, vel dimittens habens feodū transfert in possessorem ad vitam dimittentis reseruata reuersione haeredibꝰ vel alijs in quo casu aliquorū opinio est qd liberū tenementū non transfertur. Iacet et de Fossato prostrata, [Page] vel leuato, stagno prostrato vel exaltato, sepe prostrata, leuata, vel exaltata, via obstructa, vel arctata, aqua diuersa, pro cursu aquae ad nocumentum arctato. Quaedam sunt consimilia ad nocumentum leuata, de quibus non datur Assisa, sed pertinent ad vicecomitem placitanda, veluti Domus, Virgultum, Porta, ouile, molendinum, Gurges, & Furnus. Quaedam & hijs similia quae sunt ad nocumentum, quae coram Iustitiarijs sunt placitanda, vt feria, mercatum.

CAP. VI. De titulis. Hereditaria successione, feoffamento, & Eschaeta. quomodo acquiritur liberum tenementum.

ET quod dicitur supra de titulo, sciendum est quod veri tituli sunt Successio haereditaria, feoffamentum [perquisitum titulo feoffamenti] Eschaeta. Sed in quibusdam horum casuum, maior exigitur seisina, ad liberum tenementum perquirendum, & in quibusdam minor. Vt in successione vero haeredi per pedis positionem adquiritur liberum tenementum, quia posito pede adquiritur liberum tementum [Page] de toto tenemento quod annectitur tenemento in quo pes ponitur, vel cui illud tenementum annectitur. Non sic est de haerede non vero, veluti de vero Bastardo vel nato ante matrimonium, vel alio de longiore sanguine. Licet ante aduentum veri haeredis stet in haereditate ꝑ magnum tempꝰ, videlicet per dimidium anni vel amplius, & postea verus haeres eum eijciat, non propter hoc timere oportet verum haeredem breue nouae disseisinae, quia possessio non veri haeredis scisina vel ad quisitio dici non debet sed potiù [...] Intrusio. Si autem contingat quod post mortem alicuius intrat verus haeres, & alius qui verus non est, & similiter morantur in possessione per magnum tempꝰ, & postea verus haeres eijciat non verum, non competit non vero actio vel remedium per disseisinam. Sed si non verus eijciat verum, vero haeredi competit actio, quia cum ambo essent in seisina, seisina dicitur illius qui maius ius habet. De titulo liberi tenementi per adquisitionem per feoffamentum, multa sunt consideranda. Quia cum aliquis feoffat alium non tam cito transfertur liberum tenementum in feoffatum sicut superius dictum est in [Page] successione haereditaria. Quia primo videndum est vtrum feoffator feoffat aliū, absque alterius praeiudicio, in quo casu ꝑ bonam transmutationem adquiritur feoffato liberum tenementum; de his maximè de quibus se dimisit ad plenum, nullo sibi reseruato praeter seruicium. Et si forté in praeiudicium alterius fiat feoffamentum, non tam cito adquiritur liberum tenementum feoffato, vt in casu quo feoffator se facit medium inter Capitalem Dominum & feoffatum, vbi oportet qd plena & pacifica seisina fiat feoffato antequam competat actio ei versus feoffatorem, contra quod tamen potest subueniri per finem factum, vel per Recognitionem factam coram Rege vel Iustitiarijs, quarum virtute adquiret feoffatus liberum tenementum non obstante contradictione capitalis domini. Et similiter si vxor dotata, vir tenens ꝑ legem Angliae, vel aliter ad terminum vitae, vel per feodum talliatum. in supradictis tenuris feoffato requiritur longa seisina & pacifica antequam adquiratur ei liberum tenementum. Et in huiusmodi feoffamentis multa alia consideranda, videlicet remo [...]a absentia illius cuius interest; tempus quo [Page] ad ipsum deuenire possit notitia, potestas eius resistendi & multa alia. Similiter de Villano alienante villenagiū, & Balliuo alienante tenementum in custodia sua existens, in quibus casibus, de breui seisina, non adquiritur liberum tenementum. In titulo per Eschaetam. adquisitio quae aliquando adquiritur Capitali Domino per feloniam tenentis & in alijs casibus his similibꝰ, vt in reuersione post seodum talliatum de iure, & quod alicui competit per formam donationis, de facili adquiritur liberum tenementum ratione reuersionis ad personam à qua vel cuiꝰ antecessoribus exiuit tenementum, cessante successione reuertendi, [...]l per formam donationis alicuius remansurum. Sed in istis duobus casibus, diuersa exigitur verificatio in iudicio, quia in reuersione ratione feodi talliati vel doni sub conditione non exigitur quod clamans reuersionem scriptum aut aliquid aliud ostendat ad intentionem suam probandam, quàm patriam; eo quod carta doni paenes adquisitorem ex consuetudine remanet & non paenes donatorem. Et ideo tenementum sine ostensione cartae ad donatorem reuerti potest. In alio casu quando debet [Page] remanere extraneae personae non al. continuò. coniunctae post mortem alicuius, necesse habet petens ostendere finem vel cartam de forma doni. Et cum dicitur supra quod titulus liberi tenementi triplicitèr adquiritur, non propter hoc credat aliquis quin alia via adquiritur alicui liberum tenementum, attamen per aliquem colorem oportet quod supponatur praedictis titulis, verbi gratia. Quidam ingreditur per disseisinam quae nullum facit titulum; posteà disseisitus remittit & quietum clamat totum ius suum. Iam habet dis [...]eisitor titulum liberi tenementi per quietam clamantiam disseisiti vbi prius non habuit, [...] sic aequipollet quieta clamantia feoffamento. Praescriptio similiter & praesumptio fit aliquando loco tituli. verbi gratia. Aliquis ingreditur per disseisinam & disseisitus aetatis & suae potestatis ꝑmittit dis [...]eisitorem per magnum tempus tenere ipsum non eijciendo nec versus ipsum impetrando actionem; quare praesumitur, ex quo per tantum tempꝰ stetit in seisina per aliquem titulum clamauit tenere. Et propter hoc si post magnum tempus eijciatur, competit remedium ꝑ breue nouae disseisinae. Mulieri etiam [Page] dotatae, siue tenenti per legem Angliae, competit remedium per breue nouae disseisinae, si eijciantur quia donum viri in dote est quoddam genus perquisitionis. Similiter adquiritur tenementum ad terminum vitae viri ducendo mulierem, cuius haereditas tenementum est; & sub eodem genere comprehendi potest. Quorundam tamen ingressus cum ceperit per praedictos titulos vel sub colore eorundem titulorum nunquam alicui facit liberum tenementum. Et illis, quibus dimittitur aliquod tenementum ad voluntatem, vel ad terminum annorum, licet a tam magno tempore tenuerint, cuius dimissio non poterit haberi in memoria, nunquam adquiritur liberum tenementum, nisi per consequens factum videlicet ꝑ feoffamentū aut quietam clamantiam illiꝰ cui fuit liberū tenementū ▪ Et hoc intellige qd liberum tenementū non adquiritur illi cui supradicto modo facta fuit dimissio, sine facto illiꝰ cuiꝰ fuit liberum tenementū. sed aliquando contingit qd huiusmodi tenentes ad voluntatē vel ad terminum feoffant alios de facto, tn. de iure non possunt, & tn. ꝑ eorū feoffamentum, adquiritur feoffatis liberū tenementum, [Page] quod nunquam euenit per factum illorum qui nullam habent tenentiam. Et quod dicitur supra de felonia, sciendum quod felones sunt suspensi, vtlagati, & alij de quibus dicitur hic & supra in cap. de Dote Tertio; vti ha [...] distinguitur editione. secundo.

CAP. VII. Quibus modis fit disseisina:

SCiendum, quod, cum quis tenens realiter eijcitur de tenemento. item absens, cum ingredi voluerit, eijcitur & repellitur. Item cum al. manuopere. manuopus alicuius impeditur per No [...]nullis vel [...]er [...]uperfluam; alijs, superstitiosam. superfluosam, & hoc in tenemento diu ante appruato, vel de tenemento de nouo appruando. verbi gratia. Si qui vastum suum non prius appruatum redigat in culturam, salua tenentibus & vicinis sufficiente pastura cum libero ingressu & egressu, cum inceperit appruare impediatur, impeditor pro disseisitore habetur. Item in pascendo alterius separale fit disseisina vt in vltimo statuto Westmonast. cap. XXIX. Item aliquando continuando possessionem a qua abiudicatur. verbi gratia. Diuortium [Page] celebratum est inter virum & mulierem, si post diuortium vir teneat se in haereditate perquisita in maritagio mulieris, statim cum post diuortium manuoperetur disseisitor est. Item intrando per iudicium quod non ligat. verbi gratia. A. implacitat B. de tenementis C. & fit iudicium de tenementis C. cum tria exigantur ad iudicium scilicet Actor, reus, & Iudex, & in isto iudicio deficiat vnus trium, videlicet verus tenens qui dicitur reus, ille qui recuperat pro disseisitore habetur. Eodem modo si in Curia Comitis Glocestriae recuperatur tenementum alicuius qd est de feodo Comitis Warreniae; quia defuit ibi Iudex, ille qui recuperat pro disseisitore habetur. Et tamen illa iudicia non peccant in forma, quia verus est ibi processus sed substantialia deficiunt. Non sic est in falsis iudicijs quae habent sua substantialia, scilicet actorem, reum & iudicem (& his non existentibus fit iniquum iudicium) quia istud iudicium ligat quous (que) infirmetur, & solummodo competit recuperare per breue de falso iudicio & non per breue nouae disseisinae. Item dicitur in ca [...], disseisitor quando non per factum sit sed per aduocationem [Page] in Curia. Et hoc est cum ille qui dimisit terram ad terminum posuerit se in tenementum ante terminum finitum & terminariꝰ eum eijciat, si ille qui dimisit terram ad terminum impetrauerit breue nouae disseisinae versus terminarium, clarum est quod si terminarius dicat se nihil habere nisi ad terminum & convincatur per assisam quod terminarius eiectus ante terminum finitum vim vi repellendo se reposuerit, impetrator nihil per assisam recuperabit. Sed si falso coram Iustitiarijs clamauerit feoffamentum, & contrarium convincatur per illam falsam clamationem factam in exhaeredationem illiꝰ qui tenementa ei dimisit, habeatur pro disseisitore. Eodem modo si terminarius eiectus impetret breue nouae disseisinae versus eum qui ad terminum ei dimisit, convicto quod nihil aliud habuit quam terminum, per suam falsam clamationem, amittat terminum suum. Et est disseisina de redditu in omni casu, cum tenementū aliquod alicui obligatur in aliquo redditu, siue de eo siue de alio teneatur & districtio * recusetur vel replegietur.

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CAP. VIII. Quibus Personis competit assisa. Exceptiones item dilatoriae & peremptoriae. De vocando in auxilium. per eundem descensum.

SCiendum est, qd quibuscun (que) liberis & in statu liberorum existentibus, qd dicatur ꝓ hijs qui in al. natiuitate. nayvitate ꝓcreati sunt, & cum à magno tempore fugerint & ad remota loca extra astrum se transtulerint & tenementa perquisierint, si ab illis eijciantur, competit eis remedium per breue nouae disseisinae, & contra veros dominos quia quousque natiuos in seruitutem ꝑ iudicium redigerint, ad tenementa seisienda manum apponere non possunt. Villanis quidem in Astro commorantibus non competit huiusmodi remedium versus veros dominos non magis de perquisito, quam de villenagio. Si tamen de villenagio vel de perquisitis eijciantur per extraneos competit eis remedium ꝑ breue nouae disseisinae; quia in hoc casu villanꝰ non quo ad verū dominū sed quoad [Page] extraneos ꝓ libero habetur. Eodem etiam modo Sokemannꝰ de antiquo domino, licet contra dominum vel vicinum de eodem socagio placitare non possit nisi per paruum breue de recto clausum, versus tamen extraneum si eum eijciat competit ei remedium per breue nouae disseisinae. Competit etiam liberis a magno tempore in seruitutem redactis, illis videlicet quorum patres & aui & quicunque antecessores à tempore quo currit breue de recto in seruitutē redacti fuerint. quamd [...]u enim in astro morantur competit eis remedium ad liberum al. tenementum. statum rehabendum per breue Ne Vexes. Et si a tenemento eijcian [...]ur non competit eis aliud remedium quam per breue nouae disseisinae. Sciendum est, quod contra quamlibet ꝑsonam; dum tamen verus nominetur tenens, quo in breui non nominato, nihil impetranti acquiritur. Competit etiam aliquando viro contra vxorem in casu in quo vxor profuga alienat tenementum viri sui, vel etiam tenementum vxoris. Contra impetrantem competunt exceptiones aliquando dilatoriae aliquando peremptoriae breuis. Dilatoriae; veluti sententia [Page] excōmunicationis. excipitur etiam contra impetrantem quod nihil habet nisi ratione vxoris, vel contra clericum qui nihil habet nisi ratione ecclesiae suae, de qua non fit mentio in breui, vel quod Villanus vel Sokmannus est, de quorum discussione dicitur supra. Item excipitur contra virum & vxorem, si disseisina facta fuerit mulieri ante matrimonium & conquerantur ambo disseisiri. Cassatur etiam breue si erratum sit in nominibus personarum, villae, aut Comitatus. Similiter si dominus questꝰ fuerit se disseisiri de redditu & conuincatur quod seisitus fuerit de redditu per manus villanorum, super quo iacet breue nouae disseisinae de tenemē to in dominico potius quam de redditu. Peremptoriae breuis. eo quod alias assisa transiuit; ad quod requiritur quod de eodem tenemento inter easdem personas de eodem tempore. Item si quis clamat liberum tenementum siue exprimat titulum siue non, & recognoscatur ꝑ assisam quod iure successionis intrauit, & pendet inter eos placitum in Curia Christianitatis de Bastardia; quamdiu fuerit placitum in Curia Christianitatis remanebit [Page] placitum in Curia Regis in suspenso. Competit etiam exceptio quietae clamantiae, feloniae praeiudicatae, exchambij & consimiles &c. In breuibus assisarum & in ombus alijs breuibus generaliter locum habet ista exceptio, videlicet si tenens dicat quod nihil clamat nisi cum vxore sua coniunctim. Et hoc tripliciter, vel qd fuerint similiter feoffati, & tunc habet necesse ostendere cartam, vel qd invenit vxorem suam seisitam, antequam eam desponsa [...]it, vel quod tenementum petitum vxori suae descendit iure haereditario post desponsationem. Item alia est exceptio ad cassandum breue videlice [...] si tenens dicat se nihil clamare nisi ad voluntatem talis vel se esse villanum alicuius, vel tenere de villenagio tali; quo comperto vel recognito cassatur breue. in quo casu vel oportet petentem intrudere se in tenementum si potest vel impetrare aliud breue super dominum ipsius tenentis & super tenentem. Item potest excipi quod tenens nihil clamat nisi ratione custodiae talis minoris infra aetatem, qui in breui non nominatur. Replicatio contra istam exceptionem potest esse quod antecessor illius minoris[Page]non obijtinde seisitus, nec die quo obijt habuit aliud in tenemento petito. Si tenens dicat quod antecessor illius minoris ius habuit in tenemento illo, & iterum alia proponatur replicatio quae vera est quod antecessor illius minoris aliquod habuit, sed id quod habuit dimisit ad plenum eidem petenti per feoffamentum, tunc vlterius distinguendum est, ex quo tenens cognouit antecessorem minoris aliquod habuisse &c. si antecessor illius minoris obijt &c. vel non, quod fieri non potest, sine breui in quo minor nominetur. quia dato quod assisa transierit contra minorem, minor cum ad aetatem pervenerit non posset facere attinctam, quia fuit neutra pars in breui priori, & sic cassatur breue. Alia est exceptio dilatoria quando reus dicit se non posse respondere sine suo participe; quod est in casu quando haereditas descendit duabus sororibus, aut pluribus vel exitui vnius vel ambarum, & postquam haereditas partita fuerit, si vnus haeredum de parte sua implacitatus fuerit, excipere possit qd tenet in proparte cum tali cohaerede sine quo non potest respondere & in hoc casu p̄cipiatur [Page] qd haeredes summoneantur ad respondendum cum ea si voluerint. Et si ad diē venerint & respondere voluerint cum participe audiantur & tunc ꝓcedat placitū versꝰ eos, tanquā versꝰ vnū tenentē. Et si fortè ad diem datū non venerint nec essoniatorē miserint, vel forte ad diem datum per essonium non venerint, respondeat tenens solus. Sed sanè intelligatur quod illa exceptio locum habet quando res petitur per ius quod competere posset actori ante mortem communis antecessoris. Quia si quis petat per aliquod ius quod ei competere posset per factum cohaeredis post participationem haereditatis, satis clarum est qd in hoc casu non habebit auxilium participis. quia potest esse quod cohaeredes rem vnam litigiosam vendiderint, vel excambiauerint vel per iudicium per malam defensionem amiserint, vel per feloniā forisfecerint antequam cohaeres de re litigiosa fuerit implacitatus. In quo casu dicendum est qd de nihilo non est auxilium petendum. Dictum est qualiter petitur auxilium participis quando cohaeredes implacitantur de tenementis. Sed contingit aliquando [Page] quod sectae Curiae, Iurisdictiones, libertates, seruicia, & consuetudines veniunt in iudicium inter querentem & vnū de participibus tenentem manerium vel tenementum ad quod spectant huiusmodi sectae, iurisdictiones, libertates seruicia & consuetudines in quo casu, tenendum est quod sicut tenens habere debuit auxilium participis de principali ita habebit de accessorio. Dum tamen illud accessorium ad annuum proficuum extendi posset-hoc obseruato tamen de huiusmodi supradictis quae fuerunt in possessione cō munis anteces [...]oris antequam haereditas fuerit partita & quae ad vnicum haeredē per extentam proficui devenerunt. Et sic excluditur obiectio. In casu, si vnus haeredum leuauerit iniustas exactiones & consuetudines de propria sua iniuria in quo casu non erit auxilium participis petendum. Alius est casus, quo tenens dicit quod non potest sine alio respondere videlicet cum Rector implacitatus fuerit de iure ecclesiae suae dicit quod inuenit ecclesiam suam seisitam & quod non potest sine patrono & loci Diocesano respondere, in quo casu praecipiatur patrono & [Page] loci diocesano summoneri. Et si venerint vel non venerint vel diem datum per essonium suum non servauerint, seruetur processus supradictus. Alius est casus consimilis quando tenens per legem Angliae dicit quod tenementum petitum fuit ius vxoris suae de qua procreauit quendam talem sine quo non debet respondere. Summonebitur tunc ille & post summonitionem seruetur processus supradictus. Sed differunt isti duo casus vltimi â superioribus, quia si tenens in istis duobus casibus vltimis amittat rem petitam nullum erit suum recuperare super episcopum, patronum, aut haeredes, sed in superiorib [...] casibus de participibus tenens obseruato suo ordine, si amiserit, recuperabit super cohaeredem per processum vlterius procedendi. Sed vnam proprietatem habent omne [...] isti casus supradicti quod siue cohaeres siue patronus siue haeres haereditatis quae tenetur per legem Angliae fuerint infra aetatem, generaliter remanebit loquela vsque ad aetatem haeredis, & per hoc quod dicitur supra quod rector invenit ecclesiam suam seisitam [...]atis excluditur dubitatio si rector de suo perquisito [Page] vel de sua intrusione aliquid appropriat ecclesiae suae, in quo casu non potest auxilium patroni aut Diocesani sui petere. Sed est casus quando mulier dotata implacitatur de dote sua in quo casu distinguendum est vtrum petatur versus eam tenementum vel tenemento annexum, vt iurisdictio vel secta & huiusmodi in valorem partis dotis suae extensa. In primo casu vocare potest ad warrantiam tanquam warrantum dotis suae. In secundo casu cum non iaceat vocare ad warrantiam, habet dicere quod non potest sine haerede respondere, & tunc summonebitur haeres ad respondendum ficut praedictum est si voluerit, in quo casu seruabitur processus supradictus. Et in vtro que casu si vxor pro defectu warranti haeredis amiserit, recuꝑabitmulier excambium non tamen ad plenum valorem rei amissae. Cuius ratio bene patet subtilitèr intuenti. In assisa mortis antecessoris & in alijs breuibus post visum terrae iacet exceptio de non tenura; quae sic debet proponi. dicit B. quod non debet A. ad breue suum responderi eo quod non tenet integram terram versus eum [Page]petitam, eo quod talis inde tantum tenet, & talis tantum inde tenet, quo comperto ꝑ inquisitionem vel recognitionem cassabitur breue Replicatio contra istam exceptionem. B tenuit die quo breue fuit impetratum & hoc in feodo vel in dominico vel si illa ten [...]t de B. ad terminū annorum vel in villenagio vel ad voluntatem, quo comperto, vel recognito, stabit breue. Et sciendum quod in breuibus Assisarum potest proponi ista exceptio cum alijs exceptionibus tangentibus verba breuis. Sed in alijs breuibus si proponatur cum effectu, cum ea non possunt proponi aliae exceptiones, sed secundum quod ꝑ eam compertum fuerit, fiat iudicium & hoc diuersimode. quia in breuibus Eschaetae, de ingressu, forma donationis, & consanguinitatis, & alijs in quibus non iacet duellum vel magna assisa, si inquisitio facit ꝓ excipiente, tunc cassabitur breue & sic est dilatoria. Si ꝓ parte adversa recuꝑabit petens tenem̄tum, salua tamen tenenti actione ꝑ breue de Recto. Et si in breui de Recto proponatur ista exceptio cum effectu adimit ei ius contra quem transiuit. Proponitur aliquando exceptio huic [Page] similis, cum non sit, [...]ic dicendo, quod tenens versus quem petuntur viginti, non tenet viginti eo quod tenet nisi decem. in quo casu si non possit dicere quis teneat residuum, oportet respondere de eo quod tenet. Tam in breuibus assisarum quam in alijs breuibus iacent exceptiones dilatoriae sic dicendo. Tu petis versus A. tantum & versus B tantum, ac si vterque sciret suum separale & ipsi tenent in communi, quo comperto eodem modo eri [...] vt supra. Et est alia exceptio in assisa mortis Antecessoris sic. tu petis de morte A. & verum est A. obijt seisitus sed post eius mortem intrauit B. filius vel soror vel neptis vel consanguinea & de sicut non petis seisinam vltimi seisiti peto iudicium, quo comperto cassabitur breue sed fallit hoc casu. in casu scilicet in quo non intrat verus haeres, licet habeatur pro consanguineo, de cuius seisina non cassabitur breue, ꝓ eo maximé quod si ipse inventus es [...]et tenens & seisitus potius haberetur pro iniusto deforciatore quam pro vero tenente. Item quidam pro ratione feoffamenti quod defunctus ei fecit, post mortem defuncti ingreditur tenem̄tum & sub colore feoffamenti [Page] est seisitus, licet feoffamentum sic vacuum, venit post verus haeres & eijcit sic seisitum, ꝑ quod tenementum recuꝑabitur per breue nouae disseisinae, & postmodum verus haeres ꝑ assisam mortis antecessoris sui pe [...]at, & excipiatur contra eum quod seisitus fuit post mortem antecessoris sui, replicare poterit quod illa seisina adnullari poterit vel adnullata fuerit per assisam [...]ouae disseisinae per exceptionem, quo comꝑto non valebit sua exceptio. Item duo cohaeredes sunt, vnus antecessor, & vnus ingreditur in tota haereditate & eijcitur postmodum, si nomine amborum perquiratur breue mortis antecessoris, & excipiatur quod vnus ipsorum fuit seisitus post mortem antecessoris, non ꝓpter hoc cassabitur hoc breue, pro eo quod & sunt quasi vnus haeres & per factum vnius, non adnullabitur actio amborum cum ambo non fuerint seisiti. Alia est exceptio in breui mortis antecessoris dicendo, tu petis tenementum de morte talis patris sui & bene cognosco quod obijt seisitus & post mortem eius ego intraui, vt filius suus, nepos, & sumus de eodem sanguine & clamamus per eundem descensum[Page]vnde peto iudicium. proposita exceptione praedicta, praedictis verbis, nisi in contrarium obijciatur bastard [...]a vel diuersitas consanguinis cassatur breue, & reuertetur ad breue de Recto, in quo non iacet duellum nec magna assisa. Sed quid erit si tenens vocet ad warrantiam, & warrantus postquam warrantizauerit vel vlterius alium vocauerit ad warrantum? postquam warrantizauerit, cassabitur breue per eundem descensum. Et similiter si tenens per legem Angliae dicat quod nihil clamat nisi ratione haereditatis vxoris suae. Et haeres postquam summonitus fuerit cassat breue per eundem descensum. Et si postmodum petens perquirat breue de Recto, nunquid poterit tenens defendere se per duellum vel per magnam assisam, cum non sit de sanguine petentis? certe non▪ quia ex quo alias warrantus suus cassauit breue per exceptionem eiusdem descensus, in breui de recto, non magis defendit se ꝑ duellum vel per magnam assisam, quam defenderit ille qui prius cassat si compertus fuisset tenens.

Summae Paruae Radulphi de Hengham Finis.

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Errata sic corrigenda. Lege

PA [...]. 2. l. 2. introductiua. Pag. 7 deuenerit. Pag. 34. In margine, post oportet, & summone as dictum Willie mum quod sit, &c. inde responsurus &c. Pag. 35. l. 15. paruit. in marg [...]n [...], nullis ad sum-& omninò pro annuò. Pag. p· ex. l. 11. petentis. Pag. 50. l. 21. quod tunc Pag. 59. l 3. fuerit Pag 72. l. 20. donator & eius haeredes. Pag. 79. l. 8. nunc, peremptoriè. Pag. 82. l. 19. essoniatorem.

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Notes vpon Sir Ralph de Hengham.

PAg. 1. Primicerijs.] he means Protonotaries. The word is often in Constitutions of the time of the declining Empire; as Primicerius sacri cubiculi, Lampadariorum, Officiorū Palatinorum, and the like. Mongst them was Primicerius Notariorum, that is, the Emperors cheif Notarie. Alciat. ad Cod. 12. tit. 7. Primicerius, Notarius principis dicitur, & honore inter Notarios primus, sicut sequens dicitur secundicerius. [...] n. ceram significat, [...] tabulam signatam, in qu [...] antiqui scribebant. ab huiuscemodi igitur tabulis dicti sunt primicerij. Those primicerij Notariorum in Rome, although discharg'd from their office, yet remaind in equall degree of honor with the Proconsuls, as appears in a Constit. of Gratian, [Page]Theodosius, and Valentinian in Cod. Theodos. lib. 6. tit. 10.

Pag. 2. Modus Cyrograffandi.] It seems by this, that either we haue not all his first copy, or els he neuer finisht what he here promises. For we haue no more of it.

Pag. 5. I. filio Alani Comiti de Arundel.] By mariage of a Fitz-Alan with the heire female of the D' Aubignies Earl of Arundel, came that surname, which is here, as a word literally signifying, turnd into Latine, by Filius Alani. It was vsuall in those elder times to do so. As to expresse Champernoun, by de Campo Arnulphi 7. Ed. 3. fol. 35. a & 49. b. and the rolls haue commonly Filius Petri, Filius Herberti, de Bello monte, de Bellofago, de S. Leodegario, de Monte Canisio, de Monte forti, Mortuo Mari, for Fitz-Peeter, Fitz-Herbert, Beaumont, Beaufage, S. Leiger, Mount-Chensy, Mount-fort, Mortimer, and such more. So in 29. Ed. 3. fol. 30. b. Colle beside Somersham and Colle iuxta Somersham (although Colle indeed appeard in the record to be in Somersham) are held all one in expressing the name of that place. In 30. [Page] Ed. 3. fol. 2. b. villa de Pontefracto is Pomfreit in a praecipe, and in 38. Ed. 3. fol. 28. Newark is taken in the name of the prioresse of Newark, as a name signifying a new work. But in 25. Ed. 3. fol. 38. a. Apud villam Sancti Petri is disallowed for apud Petreston, though one interpret the other. and the case of P. 11. Ed. 3. tit. quid iuris clamat 2. in the ms. is, that Iohn de Brayford brought the writ against Isabell Peuerell, grounded vpon the note of a Fine, whereby Gilbertus filius Stephani had granted the reuersion of the mannor of Wolward which Isabell held for life, to Iohn in fee; and Parning took exception to the note and writ, because this Gilberts fathers name was Richard Fitz-Esteuen which Richard gaue the mannor in taile to Isabell &c. all that is stood on, in the argument, is that of the name; and in the ms. occurres also icy fust dit que tout fust il vtlaghe per tiel nome que il ne sereit pas per tant atteint &c. & auxi sil fust endite per tiel nome que home ne irreit pas de ly arreiner &c. and so Stonar (as in the print) giues iudgment against the Conuse. This case is rememberd in 11. Assis. pl. 4. And by 11. Ed. 3. [Page] tit. Estoppell 228. Filius Thomae in Latine cannot be a surname; But, that its a good plea, to shew that the party so design'd had a father of another name, its held 40. Ed. 3. fol. 22. a. 44. Ed. 3. fol. 12. b. and the law hath been lately so taken, as you see in Osbornes case Rep. 10. fol. 132. b For other autority, how Filius may bee vnderstood either as part of a name, as for a legitimate sonne, or as a note of only natural relation, see 38. Ed. 3. fol. 22. a. 39. Ed. 3. fol. 11. a. & 25. a. 3. Hen. 4. fol. 14. a. 30. Assis. pl. 51. per Seton. 14. Ed. 3. tit. Estoppell 173.13. Rich. 2. tit Breife 645.10. Edw. 4. fol. 12. a Cursons case.

Ib. Eadem gratia Lincolniensi Episcopo.] nothing is more vsual of that time, thē to find Bishops, Abbots, Priors, & the like to haue Dei gratia in their titles. But later ages hath appropried it to Kings. Lewes XI. of France would not endure, that Francis then Duke of Bretagne should vse it. See Bodin. de Republica lib. 1. cap. 10. and others noted in the Titles of Honor pag. 116.

Pag. 6. In liberum Burgagium] As free socage in the country of lands, so free Burgage [Page] in Boroughs, and cities, is the tenure of houses, regularly▪ and they are the two base tenures in regard of Knights seruice. Burgagium, socagium, & Feodum militare make vsually Bracton's tripartit diuision. See him lib. 4. tract. de Assis. mort. antecessoris cap. 14. & in cap. praecedent. §. 3. of Burgage: Reuera terminatum est quod potest legari, vt catallum tam haereditas quam perquisitum per Barones Londoniae & Burgenses Oxoniae, & ideòverum est qd in Burgis non iacet Assisa mortis antecessoris. that must be vnderstood only of such Boroughs as had by custome their lands deuisable. see Burgages deuisables in Stat. 11. Ed. 1. Acton Burnell, Bract. fol. 272. a. and Thorpe 21. Ed. 3. fol. 21. b. Tradesmen that held these burgages are the Burgenses entended in Stat. Merton cap. 7. where an heire of a Gentleman (a tenant by Knights seruice) is disparaged, if maried to Burgensis or Villanus; i. either tradesman, or husbandman.

Ib. vel Maritagium.] Although Hengham liu'd and wrote after Westm 2. yet this, as other examples of his writs of right are, is of elder time then the statut. Bracton fol. 329. a. hath this verie writ in [Page] substance, as of his time, and thither must liberum maritagium be referd. For cleerly since the statut of Westm. 2. a writ of Right would not lie for lands held in Frankmariage.

Ib. Nec pro omni seruitiò.] But Bracton's writ with that tenure hath expressely Pro omni seruitio.

Ib. Portandi breuia.] Now breuia is appropried to the signification of the Kings writs. Vnderstand it in this tenure (which is mention'd also in Bracton fol. 328. b. and Regist. Orig. fol. 2. b.) for letters of message and the like. For, because the Kings writ was a short letter of command, therefore had it the name of Breue. So Bracton lib. 5. de Except. cap. 17. §. 2. and, in the Ciuill law, both Breue & Breuis are in like sense. you may see C. tit. de conveniendis fisci debit. l. 5. de apochis public. l. 1. & tit. 42. lib. 1. restor'd by Gothofred. Very often also for letters, Breues and Breuia occurre in Theodosius his Code, Cassiodore's Precedents, Symmachus his Epistles, other of that time. The later Grecians call'd it [...] & [...]. yet those are as ancient as Iulian and Eusebius, who vse them▪ and those, which wrote [Page] them, they called [...], or Breuiatores which I read in Iustinians Auth. 105. cap. 2. si autem §. 4. and an old Glossarie of the law interprets [...] by [...]. letters of presentation giuen by an Earle in 45. Edw. 3. tit. Exchange 10. are titled Breif de presentation.

Pag. 7. Quando XL. solidi cap. de scuto.] So in Bracton also is the seruice exprest. But the Register fol. 2. a. hath a note that makes this forme obsolet. Now it should be, per seruitium quartae partis vnius feodi militis &c. Escuage is here apparantly ment. Neither had the ancients any more particulars in denoting it, neither by them was it restrain'd to warre against the Scots or Welsh only, as by later autoritie it seems to be, where only Scotland & Wales are spoken of, as in Litleton, Fitzh. Nat. Br. fol. 83. C. Regist. Orig. fol. 88. a. 19 Rich. 2. tit. Gard 165. Plowd. Comm. c. Rice Thomas fol. 129. b. and elsewhere. In the Red book of the Exchequer, Alexander Archdeadon of Shrewsbury vnder Hen. 3. relates an Escuage of two marks out of euerie Knights see in 7. Hen. 2. for the enterprise against Tholouse, in 8. Hen. 2. one marke for the same purpose; In 18. [Page] Hen. 2. XX. [...]. pro exercitu Hiberniae, and others he hath for warre in Normandie, Poiters, elswhere vnder Rich. 1. and King Iohn. And that they were such as are now vnderstood in our tenure by escuage, will more openly appeare in Rot. Claus. 16. Iohannis memb. 24. in dorso, where the Scutagia Pictauiae are at large in a Catalogue; as, Willꝰ▪ de Cantebrigia, quia habuit milites suos cum domino Rege in Pictauia, habet scutagium. And there is also Mandatum est Domino Petro Wintoniensi Episcopo (he was then, cheif Iustice of England) qd habere faciat Willieimo Comiti Arundell Scutagium de XVI. feodis militum quae Robertus de Tateshale qui est in Custodia sua de Domino Rege tenet in capite s. de scuto 111. marcas, which passage I sufficiently vnderstand not. If Tateshale were in ward to the Earle (as so it must bee taken) either by the Kings grant or otherwise, why should he pay escuage? if his land held in capite were to him by discent, how came the Earle to the wardship? except by grant. Admit he had it by purchase, why should the Earle haue the escuage? except by way of liberate from the Kings bounty. Very [Page] many other escuages are there, as Henricus de Tayden habet Scutagium de feodo VI. militum ad opus filij sui qui est in Pictauia. Robertus de Cardman de LX. & XIV. feodis militum pro filio suo qui fuit in Pictauia. Thomas Pannell habet auxilium L. librarum Turonensium de liberè tenentibus suis & alijs de insula de Geresey. But, for the default of tenants not comming to the armie, a place in the Leiger book of Abingdon in the hands of my Noble and much deseruing friend, that best furnisht Antiquary Sir Robert Cotton, is worth obseruation. Est iuxta Abbe [...]dune Burgum (are the words) vnius militis mansio quae Lea vocatur. Hanc Willielmus Regis Camerariꝰ de Lundonia tenebat. This William held it of the Abbey, and by Knights seruice; In 2. Hen. 1. forces were leuied to encounter Robert Duke of Normandie, when Faritius Abbot of Abingdon requir'd of William his tenant to find him a man for the armie, as his tenure bound him to do, but William denied it, whereby the Abbot was driuen by other means to supply the number of his part. The Abbot afterward tamdiù (as the book saith) in praesentia sapientum, hanc [Page]rem ventilari fecit, vt ille neutrum negaret, imò fateri sic esse vera ratione cogeretur. Vnde cum lege patriae decretum processisset ipsum exortem terrae meritò deberi fieri, interpellatione bonorum qui intererant virorum reddidit terram illam illi. and so the tenant vnder faire conditions had his land again. This Lea is now called Besiles-Lee, and is of the possessions of the Fettiplaces.

Ib. Vnde decem carucatae &c.] This forme also is disallowed by the Register. But when it was in vse, no particular quantity of the seruice was exprest, because the land by reference to a Knights [...]ee shewed its own seruices. Bracton lib. 5. tract. 1. cap. 2. vbi quantitas feodi exprimitur in quantitate terrae petitae, non ponitur aliquod seruitium, quia in quantitate feodi ostenditur quantitas seruitij. it being all one in substance to say that one holds IIII. carues, wherof VIII. make a knights see, and that hee holds so many acres or carues per seruitium dimidij feodi militis. Carues and Hides are vncertain quantities, yet by that name, diuision was anciently made in leuying Hidage and Carucage. See what is noted in Titles of Honor[Page]pag. 270. & seq. and in Codice Abingdoniae pag. 42. Goffredus de Ver Albrici filiꝰ giues to the Abbey some possessions Cum duarum hidarum duodecies XX. acrarum terra disterminata. & Hen. 1. giues to Maurice B. of London, duas hidas de duodccem XX. acris, so that there 240. acres is taken for a hide. In the Monks euer with one consent almost, it is alwaies [...] Plough land. and S. Dunstan in the yeer DCCCC.LXIII. giues terrae partem septem Aratrorum quod Anglicè dicitur septem hydas. Its in Cod. Chart. Arch. Cant. Thus should Hida and Carucata be all one. for, Carucata speaks the Plough. Charou in French so signifying, as Litleton also notes. and by ancient autority Caruca is a Plough, which is found in Iul. Paul. Recept. Sentent. lib. 3. tit. 7. It seems when Hidage or Carucage was granted, the commissioners for leuying it (with aid of Iurors) vsed in euery shire to assesse how much should be in certain reckond for a Hide or Carue. As in 9. Rich. 1. when an aide of fiue shillings, of euerie Carue in the land, was to be leuied, qui electi fuerant & constituti ad hoc negotium regis faciendum, statuerunt per aestimationem legalium[Page]hominum, ad vniuscuiusque Carucae Wainagium centum acras terrae. Here 100. acres were for that purpose a Hide. See Roger de Houeden fol. 442. & 443. Neither is any difference twixt Carucata & Carucae wainagium. For wainagium is tulth as its Englisht in the ancient English of Magna Charta, or Gainage as its called Westm. [...]. cap. 17. See Bracton fol. 37. a. 4. Ed. 2. tit. Avowry 200 and especially Lowes case in Rep. 9. fol. 123. b. & seqq.

Pag. 8. Seditione personae Domini Regis.] Bracton fol. 118. b. Si aliquid egerit velagi procurauerit ad seditionem domini Regis vel exercitus sui &c. so Glanvil. l. 1. cap. 2.

Ib. Vitae & membrorum.] Iudgment de vie & de membre is v [...]d for Iudgment of death, or punishment capital, in Stat. Westm. 2. cap. 38.3. Edw. 3. fol. 19. a pl. 34. in 18. Ed. 3. fol. 32. a. pl. 5.13. Ed. 3. tit. Utlarie 49. and elswhere often. But anciently also part of it is taken for iudgement of losse of life, & part for losse of member only. as in Westm. 1. cap. 15. —pur le quel vn ne doit perdre vie ne membre. And Bracton speaking of punishments [Page] lib. 3. tit. de Actionibꝰ cap. 6. saith sunt quaedam quae adimunt vitam, vel membrum, & the like hath he in tract. de Corona cap. 36 maiora crimina aliquando vltimum inducunt supplicium aliquando membrorū truncationem. One flying to a Sanctuarie by the laws of William 1. had pais de vie & de membre, as the words of it are in the book of Crowland. And amissio membrorum was a speciall punishment of Rape before Westm. 2. as you see in Bracton l. 3. tract. de Corona cap. 28. He that was condemned lost his Eies and his Stones. but by Glanvil, before Bracton, it appears it was death, lib. 14. ca. 6. But, that the iudgment de vie & de membre in Westm. 2. cap. 38. was only iudgment to be hangd, & ment, about that time, to be so, is plain by the book attributed to Breton cap. 14. where the autor hath reference to the statut of Westm. 2. made in 13. Edw. 1. which obserue also for another purpose. Its commonly affirm'd, with one consent, that Iohn le Breton Bishop of Hereford vnder Hen. 3. and Ed. 1. wrote that book. But its cleer that this Iohn the Bishop was dead ten yeers before the stat. of VVestm. 2. here cited. For he died in 3. Edw. 1. [Page] which the storie of Florilegus the Monk of Westminster enough iustifies, yet, that no scruple in that may remain, its to bee prou'd also by infallible record. In Rot. Pat. 3. Ed. 1. memb. 203. the conge d'slier, for choise of a new Bishop there, relates quod cum ecclesia vestra Herefordensis pastoris solatio per mortem bonae memoriae Iohannis nuper Herefordensis Episcopi sit destituta, alium vobis eligendi in Episcopum &c. this was 23. Maij; and in memb. 19. of the same roll, the royall assent is giuen to the choise of Thomas de Cantilupe successor to Iohn le Breton being dead. All this is most certain. and it is as certain, that, about that time, was a Iudge of this name. for in Rot. Claus. 51. Hen. 3. memb. 12. Mandatum est Richardo de Ewell & Hugoni de Turri Emptori Garderobae domini Regis quod habere faciat dilectis & fidelibus suis Iohanni le Breton & Henrico de Monteforti Institiarijs suis Robas suas integras prout caeteris Iustitiarijs domini Regis invenire consueuit, quamdiu steterint in Officio domini Regis. & the Dors. Rot. Pat. of that yeer hath most frequent mention of Iohn le Breton, & Henry de Bracton for Iudges of special assises. [Page] He is somtimes called Bretun, then Briton, and also Breton. and Florilegus sub anno 1275. Obijt hoc anno Iohannes Bretoun episcopus Herefordensis, qui admodum peritus in iuribus Anglicanis, librum de eis conscripsit, qui vocatur le Bretoun. That there was a Iudge of that name, and that about that time one of that name was Bishop of Hereford, here appears plainly, and that a book of common law called le Bretoun was written, and by the Bishop, if you beleeue the Monk and the consent of late writers which speak of it. But what book euer the Bishop wrote, it cannot be this we haue now left vnder that name, vnlesse you will allow that one dying in 3. Edw. 1. could cite a statut of 13. Edw. 1. as our Breton doth in this of Rape, or the statut of 6. Edw. 1. of Cessauit at Glocester, as he doth in his chapter de purchase conditionel, or the stat. of Winchester of 13. Edw. 1. as he does touching high waies, in his chapter de plusors torts. Some other author then, then the Bishop of Hereford, must be sought for that volume. This, by the way. For Iudgment de membre, anciently it was in Appeales of Maihem. to this day the [Page] count is felonicè, but nothing but damages are now recouerable, nor was the law otherwise vnder Ed. 3. as appears by 22. Assis. pl. 82. 41. Assis. pl. 16. and other books But before that time, the party attainted lost membre pur membre as its said 18. Ed. 3. fol. 20. a. pl. 31. with which agrees Breton cap. 25. where is added si la pleint soit faite de femme que auera tolle a home ses membres, en tiel case perdra le semme la vne mein per iudgment, come le membre d'ont el auera trespasse. and if a Knight were strook by a Ribaud per felonie sans desert de chiualer, the Ribaud (saith the book) was to loose his hand▪ and it appears in Glanvil lib 14. cap. 1. and Bract. lib. 3. tract. de Corona cap. 24. that the trialls of mayhem were by duell or Ordells, as of capitall offences. See infra pag. 87. where if the husband had been, by iudgment, demembratus, the wife lost her dower. and, for particulars, see there more, and the notes. By K. Knouts laws cap. 50. Adulterie in the woman was punisht by losse of Nose and Eares, to which, it seems, reference is in that of William 1. his laws in thems. Ingulphus, [...] femme est iudgee a mortu[Page]a defaciun des membres Kiseit enceintee, that iustice should not bee executed till she be deliuered, which in iudgment of death is law at this day. and in Fleta lib. 1. ca. 38. for petit larcenies, or cutting of purses with nothing in them, the Pillorie and losse of Eares was the punishment. See 10. Hen. 3. tit. Corone 434. And, in Fleta lib. 2. cap. 5. of euery common whore following the Court, the Marshall, at the first apprehension, was to exact 4. d. at the second, to bring her before the Steward, who was to take her name and forbid her the Court; at the third, considerabitur quod amputetur ei tressorium, & qd tondeatur; at the fourth, amputentur ei superlabia, ne de caetero concupiscantur ad libidinem. At this day, sauing for striking in the presence of the King or his Courts, no losse of member is in vse by course of common law. Ancient and late examples are of punishment of such striking by losse of the right hand, in 22. Ed. 3. fol. 13. a. 19. Edw. 3. tit. Iudgment 174.39. Assis. pl. 1.33. Hen. 4. Br. tit. Paine 16. Stamford fol. 38. a. & 2. & 3. Elizab. Dy. fol. 188. b. By late statuts, for some offences the hand, or [Page] [...]ares are to bee cut off.

Ib. Curiam Regis Maiorem.] He calls that Curia Maior here, which hath conisans of all capitall offences. and in his following chapters the same name hee vses for the Court whither, by Pone, a suit in a writ of right is to be remoud, that is cleerly the common pleas. and Bracton fol. 105. hath loquela à Comitatu transferri potest ad magnam Curiam, vvhere often to him Magna Curia is the common pleas plainly. so doth he vse the same title in fol. 332. §. 14. & often elswhere. But it seems, that to Hengham, Maior Curia is no singular name for any one Court, but for any of those of the Kings highest Courts, which haue that name in regard of all inferior. and the subiect which he speaks of with it, may designe vvhat court he means. as here, that he means the Kings bench, or Aula Regia (as Bracton calls it fol. 105. b. §. 2.) appears by the crimes recited afterward; when he talks of a Pone to remoue the suit of a writ of right into Maior Curia, there it must bee the common pleas. and it seems in pag. [...]6. hee takes the name expressely as well for the Court of Iustices in Eire, as for the Common pleas. Note [Page] the words: Quamvis essonium de malo lecti in maiori Curia Domini Regis, vtpote ad Bancum vel in Itinere Iustitiariorum iaci debeat tertio die &c.

Ib. Placita verò de furtis.] How the law hath been since taken touching pleas of the Crown to be Viscontiel, is taught in Stamford lib. 1. cap. vlt. & lib. 2. cap. 14. No capital offence was, by this opinion, to be heard and determined in the County. For though hee name Furta here, it seems, hee means not that theft which is capitall, but as Furtum is in the Ciuill law, so he vnderstands it. that is, only for wrongfull taking away goods, as the word Roberie is vsd in Westm. 1. cap. 37. And all other kind of felonious taking our autor comprehends before, in Roberia; vvhich in those times exprest also all felonious taking, or Furtum in that sense, as its now vsd. witnesse Bracton cited by Stamford fol. 27. b. yet in Glanvil lib. 1. cap. 2. Furtum is excepted to the Shirifs Court, as out of such offences quae vltimo puniuntur supplicio aut membrorum truncatione. It's no doubt but Hengham, in writing this, had regard to Glanvil. as it may appeare by the same words in [Page] both. so had Bracton speaking of this matter, lib. 3. tract. de Corona fol. 154. b. Ad vicecomitem pertinent huiusmodi placita in Comitatu. Cognoscere quidem potest de medletis, plagis, verberibus, & consimilibus, nisi quaerens adijciat de pace domini Regis infracta, vel feloniam apponat. Extunc n. se vicecomes non debet intromittere, cum hoc tangat personam ipsius domini Regis & coronam suam. But, he saies the Coroners were to inroll Appeals of capitall offences, and present them in the Eire. So that in those times, by Bractons opinion, if one had sued criminally in the county, & concluded contra pacem domini Regis, &c. the Court had not iurisdiction, but if contra pacem vicecomiti [...], then it had. so is his difference there and pag. 145. b. For in the one case, Iudgment de vie ou de membre or imprisonment was to follow in the other only amerciament, or poena pecuniaria, as he calls it. But see this autor pag. 21. where he speaks of appells sine breui. Appeals then might be taken or commenced, but not determined, in the County, if they were de pace Regis fracta ▪ so it seems. See Stat. Mag. Chart. cap. 17. vvhich belongs hither. Neither is it [Page] amisse to remember a iudgment giuen in the time of Hengham, and before him in 30. Edw. 1. not from the matter here spoken of. It is in P. 30. Ed. 1. ms. fol. 280. a. where the Shirife of Yorkshire is commanded (que) il feist vener le appel Ion de Morton ensemblem̄t oue Ion de Thouthorp attache per su [...] appel oue to [...]e les choses meme le appe [...] touchans deuant Iustices en Bank per br̄e de la Chancelerie. Le quel retorna son br̄e que il aueit maunde au Meyre & a Bailiffes de la ville de Euerwike &c. les queux responent que Ion de Morton appela Ion de Thouthorp que il ly asseyly a saut purpense le demaine prochein deuant la feste de seint Nicholas en la ville de Euerwike en Steyngate e illenkely robba de vn tabbard pris de treis sous e de dusse deniers d' argent contra la pées &c. Demand fut au Meyre la manere del attachment, e syly fut Meinoure, & ꝑ queu garrant ils tenent teu maner de play, il dist (que) Ion de Morton leua la mene sur Ion de Thouthorp e troua pleges de suer son appel au Coroners de la ville ꝑ quex eus le attacherent e le pristent e tinorent le play en lur Gyldhalle[Page]de rest appele ꝑ vsage de la Cytie vsee de te [...]s d'o [...]t il ne ad memorie a tener sans br̄e e sans Meynouere ou pulfre &c. Et quia secundum legem & consuetudinem regni, maior & Coronatores alicuius Ciuitatis huiusmodi appella coram eis audire non possunt, & terminare, nisi eorum cognitio per Cartam domini Regis vel progenitorum eius vel per breue domini Regis de huiusmodi appello coram eis audiendo & terminando specialitèr sit cōcessa, cum ea ad dominum Regem ratione iuris sui Regij & non ad alium, in Regno Regis, pertineant, Consideratum est quod appellum praedictum coram ipsis Maiori & Coronatoribus habitum, tanquam coram eis qui nullum in huiusmodi casu habe [...]t iurisdictionem adnulletur & pro nullo habeatur. Et quia praedicti maior & Coronatores nullam in Curia hic manuopus vel pelfrum proferunt nec Idem Iohannes de Morton solempn [...]tèr voc [...]tus appellum praedictum in Curia hic prosequitur, Visum est Curiae qd ad sectam domini Regis versus praedictum Iohannem de Thouthorp in Curia hic non est proeedendum. Et ideo praedictus Iohannes de Thouthorp inde sine die. Et ad iudicium de praedictis Maiore & Coronatoribus qui [Page]appellum illud tenuerunt sine warranto. These are the words of my report verie anciently written. I transcribd it all, because diuers things are in it specially obseruable.

Ib. Melletis.] Glanvil & Bracton haue de Medletis, for suddain affraies or dislikes▪ the word is so vsd too in Regiam Maiest. l. 1. ca. 3. & hence is our Chaunce medley, corrupted from Chaud melle, vvhich signifies hot or suddain debate. whence, in Scotland, Chaud melle is opposd against Forethought felony, as Manslaughter with vs, gainst Murder. See Skene ad citat. loc. & de verb. signific. But, Chance medley is in Stamford otherwise. Skeen interprets Chaud melle by Rixa in the Ciuill law.

Ib. Hutesio] Although clamor & Hutesium or Huesium is for huy and cry in our law, yet it seems here its a word made from Hutin, i. scol [...]ing, brawling, contention, whereby the peace of the county vvas disturbd. For all the rest here spoken of are offences, mongst which you cannot vvell reckon Huy and Cry. although of that the Shirif had power to determine, if it grew in question twixt the appellant [Page] and appellee vtrum appellans hutesium leuauerit, Bract. lib. 3. fol. 145. b. §. 2.

Ib. vbi non agitur de pace domini Regis fracta] He means, when the plaintif or appellant did not complain of the kings peace broken, but only of the peace of the shirife▪ so Bracton teaches the law of that time, that if, for the like, suits vvere in inferior Lords courts the conclusion was contra pacem Domini, if in the court of a corporation, contra pacem Balliuorū, if in the shirifs, contra pacem Vicecomitis. Neither means Hengham that those offences were not in themselues contra pacem Regis, but that in the suit commenced in the Shirifs court the Kings peace broken might not be cōplaind of. which vvell agrees with, and explanes the law now, that, without writ, the shirif cannot hold plea de transgressionibus contra pacem domini Regis, as it appears in Fitzh. Na. Br fol. 47. A.

Pag. 9. hanc Assisam.] supposing the mise be put on the grand assise.

Ib falsat.] that is, by oth proue that the Lords court hath faild him of right. the two following chapters haue more of it. and see Bracton lib. 5. fol. 329. & 330. [Page] vvhere the falsifying (as it vvas calld) of the Lords court is by oth taken by the demandant, vvith two others, in the Lords court, or at his mannor house; but Hengham allows it by the oth only of the party this Bracton stiles defalta probata. Touching this obsolet vsage, a case of 11. Hen. 2. is worth obseruation. Its related in Roger de Houeden pag. 283. vvhen Thomas Becket desir'd the King, hee might, with his leaue, go visite Pope Alexander then commorant in France, the King answerd him Tu priùs respondebis mihi de iniuria quam fecisti Iohanni Marischallo meo in Curia tua. Conquestus n. erat Regi idem Iohannes quod, cum calumniatus esset in Curia Archiepiscopi terram quandam de illo tenendam iure haereditario, & diù inde placitasset, nullam inde potuit assequi iustitiam, & quod ipse Curiam Archiepiscopi falsificauerit secundum consuetudinem regni, cui Archiepiscopꝰ respondit, nulla Iustitia defuit Iohanni in Curia mea, sed ipse (nescio cuius consilio an propriae voluntatis motu) attulit in curia meae quendam Toper & iurauit super illum, quòd ipse pro defectu Iustitiae a Curia mea recessit, & videbatur Iustitiarijs curiae meae, [Page]quod ipse inuriam mihi fecit, quia sic à Curia mea recessit, cum statutum sit in regno vestro, Quod qui curiam alterius falsificare voluerit oportet eum iurare super sacrosancta euangelia. Rex quidem, non respiciens ad verba haec, iurauit, quòd ipse haberet de eo iustitiam & Iudicium. Et Barones curiae Regis iudicauerunt eum esse in misericordia Regis, & quamvis Archiepiscopus nit [...]retur iudicium illud falsificare, tamen prece & consilio Baronum posuit se in misericordia Regis de D. libris & invenit ei fideiussores. That Toper vvas a Church book of the time, and it is what in a Constitution of Robert Winchelsey is calld Troperium in Lindw. Prouinc. constit. tit. de Eccles. aedific. [...]. vt Parochiani. Of this falsifying, more in Breton fol. 275 according to Bracton. and the seruiens domini Regis in Bracton appears to be Bailife of the hundred or some such minister.

Pag. 10. vel per duos &c.] If you read &, then agrees he with Bracton and Breton.

Pag. 11. non debet Atturnatus aliquis.] examine it by Breton cap. 126. fol. 286. a. Stat. Merton cap. 10. Regist. Orig. fol. 26. et 27. Temps Ed. 1. tit. Attorney 106.

[Page] Pag. 12. Breue de Pace.] Mention is of this course Temp. Ed. 1. tit Droit 45. and precedents are of the vvrit in Glanvil lib. 2. cap. 8. and Bracton fol. 331 §. 5. See also Breton fol. 277 b & Regist. Orig. fol. 7. b.

Ib. Iustiti [...]rij ad omnia placita.] Iustices in Eires which were in som like nature to the now Iustices of assise, but had not their circuits so often. The beginning of them was in 22. Hen. 2. which was by example after followed. See Houeden pag. 3 [...]3. & 337. & Geruas. Tilburiens. in Dialogo de scaccario. But it seems great delay of iustice might so haue been. For the Eires vvere not verie frequent. and by som, the distance of them was VII. yeers. So saies Scrope in Temps Edw. 3. fol. 143. a. and see fol. 149. a. Aldenham. Glanvil speaks not of them in this case. it being not in vse in the infancie of Eires, to haue the prohibemus referrd to them. succeeding time brought in that; & about Ed. 3. the Eires were left.

Ib. ad Corporale sacramentum ponere &c.] Bracton fol. 106. a. Non potest aliquis Baro, vicecomes vel alius de liberis tenementis cognoscere, nec tenens tenetur respondere sine praecepto vel warranto domini[Page]regis nec possunt aliquem de huiusmodi ad sacramentum sine warranto compellere. See Stat. Marlb. cap. 23.44. Ed. 3. fol. 19. b. & 39. Ed. 3. fol. 35. b.

Pag. 14. * Congerere.] it may be, contrahere was the word of the autor.

Pag. 16. non plus, quamvis.] read Non plus. Quamvis &c.

Ib. alibi videtur n.] Whatsoeuer alibi should be (some copies hauing tales, som talas) continue it with videtur quod cal. &c. the reason is plain.

Pag. 17. Turrim London.] Refer hither Bracton fol. 345. & 359. a. and 3. Hen. 3. tit. Essoine 186. and the reason of day giuen at the Tower, see in Hengham pag. 45.

Ib. Anno bissextili.] The foure excresscent quadrants of a day in the Iulian yeer were & are at the end of euery foure yeers space, put into one day, which added to the 365. of the common yeer makes 366. for the Leap or bissextile yeer. the addition was not to the end of the yeer, but the day is so intercalculated in Februarie, that it falls to be ioind with the VI. Kalends of March, which being euery fourth yeer so made of two daies [Page] ioind, denominated their yeer with bissextus, because eo anno bis diceretur sexto Kl. Martias. That ordinance of the Leap yeer after spoken of, is dated apud windeshore 10. die Maij anno regni nostri 54. by Hen. 3. in the old statuts. See for this matter Bracton fol. 344. b. and 359. b. In the Roman Ciuill law, the like account was of the intercalated day, and it, with that wherewith it was ioind, was as one day. Vlpian in π. tit. de minoribus l. 3. denique §. 3. Proinde si in bissexto natus est, siue priore siue posteriore die, Celsus scripsit nihil referre. Nam id biduum pro vno die habetur, & posterior dies Kalendarum intercalatur.

Pag. 27. Reddenti esson.] More largely of that in Bracton fol. 351. & 352.

Ib. Affidatis in manibus.] read affidati. The Affidauits here are taken in manibus vel super virgam clamatoris. For that in manibꝰ see Bracton speaking of falsifying the Lords court fol. 329. b. Vadiata probatione defaltae in manum seruientis domini Regis.

Pag. 28. duo dies per annum.] but see stat. of Dies Communes in Banco, and 8. Edw. 4. fol. 4. b. where that is affirmd for a [Page] good [...]tut law.

Pag. 29. lin. 18. vel compareat.] read & comp.

Pag. 33. l. 4. delicto alterius▪ Ex &c.] read delicto alterius, ex▪ &c. What hee means by this, appears not cleer enough. Of Pleas determinable per legem n [...]w, none is wherupon imprisonment should follow. In alder times indeed Ley gager (if you take legem here for that) was a triall in many actions which now admit it not. as in attachment vpon a prohibition 24. Ed. 3. fol. 39. a. & see 28 Ed. [...]. fol. 100. a. 18. Ed. 3. fol. 4. a. 2. Ed. 3. fol. 8▪ b. 48. Ed. 3. fol. 6. a. and in Placit Assis. apud Northampt. 31. Hen. 3. Coram Rogero de Thurkelby & socijs suis Rot. 11. in dorso. Geruase de Bernake brings a writ of Mesne against Peeter de Bernake, and the tenant confesses cause of acquitall, but saies the demandant was not distraind through his default, which plea is tried by his law. And in a roll in the Tower indorsed Circa 34. Hen. 3. Rot. 7. in a writ de Fine facto by Matthew de Stratton against Ralf Mautanner about a common, in the count the defendant was charged with vsing the common otherwise then [Page] the fine would; he pleads he did [...] vse it otherwise Et offert se defendere contra ipsum & sectam suam sicut curia considerauerit. Ideo consideratum est quod vadiet ei legem se XII. manu, & veniat cum lege sua à die sancti Hillarij in XV. dies & plegij de lege Willielmus Branthe & Willielmꝰ filius Roberti. Postea à die Paschae in III. septimanas venit praedictus Radulphus & fecit legem suam; ideo Consideratum est qd praedictus Radulphus inde sine die & Matthaeus in misericordia. Thus different were ancient times from the present. But what had this Ley gager to do with imprisonment spoken of in this autor? Quaere. Or doth he mean by legem, the arrainment on criminall offences, which being not capitall are punisht by imprisonment? Poni ad legem is a vsuall phrase in old rolls, especially in that of 31. Hen. 3 now cited, for one to be arraind, or put to answer to criminall offences.

Pag. 34. Non pleuine.] This is remedied by the stat. of 9. Ed. 3. cap. 4.

Pag. 37. secundum Henricum de Bathonia.] A Iustice of Henry 3. his time is obuious in the rolls, of that name. But this point of Ley gager against the testimony [Page] of the summoners is in Henry de Bracton fol. 334. b. Hee cites him again pag. 38.47. & 60.

Pag. 48. velint surgere.] i. haue licentiam surgendi, whereof more speciall matter is in Bracton fol. 355.3. Hen. 3. tit. Essoine 186.14. Hen. 3. Essoin 190. & vide Regist. Orig. fol. 8. & 9. He that was essoind de malo lecti might not rise before his being seen by the 4. Knights, which if he did, and were not found in his bed when they came to make their view, his essoin was turnd into a default, of which also is a notable case of 16. Rich. 1. in the book of Crowland, where Henry de longo Campo Abbot, though being in possession, yet sued the Prior of Spalding for entring vpon his Marsh contra pacem Regiam, the Prior pleades, he enterd as into his own see simple, and offers 40. marks for the grand assise. and the mise is ioind so. The Abbot is essoind de malo lecti. The writ goes out to the 4. Knights to make the view. while one is comming to view him he rises, & comes towards the court. the Knight certified hee could not find him in his bed, wherupon iudgment was giuen after long consideration quod [Page]Abbas Crowlandiae qui se essoniauit contra Priorem de Spalding de malo lecti apud Crowland, & illic non est inuentus in lecto, quando visus deberet de eo fieri, amitteret ad tempus seisinam. Note, seisin was vpon his default giuen to the defendant in the suit. The whole plea and storie of it is long, but most worthy the reading, to instruct in the Courts, Courses of that time, and specially in processes sent out by the L. Cheif Iustice of England, in his own name, sitting with the Iustices in Banco. Divers whole writs from the king beyond sea, and from the Cheif Iustice at home, are in it, and the whole is verie vnderstandingly related.

Pag. 52. ad horam nonam.] See 16. Ed. 2 tit. Action sur le case 47. where so much of the day as is from nine of clock is taken for half a day. Qu [...]re.

Pag. 58. Cepit homagium & seruitium vocantis.] That homage and other seruices was cause of warranty anciently, autorities are frequent, Temp. Edw. 1. tit. Garranty 90.47. Hen. 3. Itin. Cornub. Eod. tit. 99. & Uoucher 270. Temp. Ed. 1. tit. Age 129.13. Ed. 1. tit. Per quae seruicia 23. Breton chap. 70. & 68. Bract. lib. 4. [Page] tract. de Mort. Antecessoris cap. 1. & De warrant. lib. 5. cap. 2. §. 4. Stat. de Bigamis cap. 6. & this autor cap. 13. although now only homage ancestrell bee cause of warranty.

Ib. Et hoc pro sacramento suo] see Glanvil. lib. 2. cap. 3. and Westm. 1. cap. 41.

Pag. 59. ad warrantiam] the latine of that time is rather ad warrantum, and so afterward is it often printed. the copies being indifferent.

Ib. Quod permittat] but, in Hen. 3. his time, voucher was allowd in a qd permittat, as appears 12. Hen. 3. Itin. Norff. Uoucher 282. & 33. Ed. 1. tit. Uoucher 272.

Pag ▪ 69. duellum in omni euentu] that is, Combat a tout oultrance i. battaile to the vtmost, according as the law requires. so pag. 12. supra, he hath prosequi in omni euentu, to follow the suit to the vtmost. Is not tout attrenche in the defences corrupted from tout oultrance? see Nou. Narrat. fol. 3. a. 2. Ed. 3. fol. 64. a. Basset.

Pag. 71. Cartam de feoffamento] Of the ancestor of the enfant, whose heire he is. For otherwise the tenant failes in the voucher of an enfant. See Bracton lib. 5. tract. de warrantia cap. 2. §. 2.43. [Page] Edw. 3. fol. 3. &c ▪

Ib. Minor non habet legem.] For, in the warranting the essoine, oth is to be taken. See Bracton fol. 337. & 338. and Breton cap. 125. fol. 284. b. Habere legem is here to be able to take a legall oth, and facere legem (as at this day) to take it. See in the Notes to Fortescue, of legem terrae. By Bracton also fol. 340. b. an enfant cannot haue these essoins quia iurare non potest nec essonium warrantizare. see 38. Edw. 3. fol. 8. b. 32. Ed. 3. tit. Per quae seruitia 9.26. Ed. 3. fol. 63. & 64.

Pag. 72. tenetur donator & eius haeredes] so must you read. so was the law in feofments before the statut of Quia emptores &c. when a tenure was reserud to the feoffors. See Stat. de Bigamis cap. 6.13. Ed. 1. apud West. tit. Garranty 92. & 13. Ed. 1. tit. Uoucher 290.

Pag. 73. residuas duas C. vel D.] Its supposd by this, that the other land, of which the feoffor is seisd at the feoffment might be bound by the warranty comprehended in the deed. So also was the law taken in 16. Hen. 3. in the case of Alice de Ware reported by Bracton fol. [Page] 382. a. being (it seems) the same with 17. Hen. 3. tit. Recouery en value 25. and see 32. Ed. 1. tit. Uoucher 29 [...]. But its plain now, no land is bound but what the feoffor or his heire hath at the time of the Uoucher, or Warranty de chartres brought.

Pag. 79. Tempore Regis Henrici] But that in the margine (as some copies are) agrees with the law of Westm. 1. cap. 39. vvherein, the writ of right was limited to Richard 1. his time, which limitation continued till 32. Hen. 8. cap. 2.

Pag. 83. in quo non iacet duellum &c.] See 18. Hen. 3. tit. Droit 62. & 13. Ed. 1. eod. tit. 51. Stat. de Mag. assis. eligenda, & Hengham pag. 115.

Pag. 85. si non excedit tertiam] for, by the ancient opinions, only a third part might bee assignd ad ostium ecclesiae. so Glanvil. lib. 6. cap. 1. Bracton lib. 2. de acq. rer. dom. cap. 39. & tract. de act. Dotis. fol. 315. a. Breton cap. 113. But see 9. Hen. 3. tit. Dower 190. & Fitzh. Nat. Br. fol. 150. P.

Pag. 87. infalistatus.] It appears that seuerall customs of places, made in those daies, capitall punishments seuerall. But, [Page] what is infalistatus? in regard its of a custome vsd in a Port town, I suppose it was made out of the French word Falaize, which is fine sand by the water side, or a banke of the sea. in this sand or bank it seems their execution, at Douer, was. In this place the copies varie. no one hauing all the punishments. but for the raritie of the remembrance, I took out of diuers copies all these. The old English translation here helpt not.

Ib. vel apud Winton demembratus.] that is of his Eies and Stones. For, such was anciently the punishment of Felons in Winchester; as also in Walingford. One autority iustifies both in 45. Hen. 3. Berk. Coram Gilberto de Preston & socijs suis in Oct. Purif. B. Mariae Rot. 29. the Iurors of the Borough of Walingford giue in quod nullus de natione istius Burgi pro quocunque facto quod fecerit, debet suspendi, imò secundum consuetudinem istiꝰ Burgi debet Oculis & Testiculis priuari, & tali libertate vsi sunt à tempore quo non extat memoria, & so they there say one Benedict Heruey was lately so punisht. Et, quaesiti Iuratores, si tali libertate vsi sunt; [Page]dicunt quod à tempore Henrici aui domini Regis nunc vsi fuerunt eadem libertate per Cartam eiusdem D. Regis quam eis fecit per quam eis concessit omnes libertates quas Ciuitas Winton habet &c. They challenged this libertie from a Charter of Hen. 2. who gaue them all such liberties as Winchester had.

Ib. Decapitatus.] See Regist. Orig. fol. 165. a. & Fitzh. Nat. Br. fol. 144. H. of beheading for felony.

Ib. vbi quis mouet Guerram &c.] See 8. Ed. 3. fol. 388. a. 7. Hen. 4. fol. 32. b. & 47. a. 15. Ed. 3. tit. Peticion 2. Plowd. Comm. fol. 263. a. the sadlers case in Rep. 4. fol. 57. b. Stamford fol. 189. and Park. §. 391.

Pag. 88. Item siminor &c.] By this, and what Glanvil hath lib. 7. c. 12. it appears that in those times greater preiudice was often to the heirs of both sexes, by mariage without their Lords consent, then the law since burdens them with.

Ib. dotem deseruire.] that is demereri. By such vncertainty, without limitation of yeers, those old autors iudgd of a womans dower. so Bracton l. 2. c. 39. Breton c. [Page] 109. And by the Roman law non potest videri nupta quae virum pati non potest. in so much that if a legacie be giuen to a yong girle, to be paid quando nupserit, if shee take a husband before she bee viripotens, the legacy is not yet due, by expresse text in π. tit. Quando dies legat. vel fideicomisscedat l. 30. qd pupilla. So in the Reg. Maiest. of Scotland lib. 2. cap. 17. a woman looses her dower si sit ita iuuenis, quòd non potest habere rem, hoc est, coire cum viro suo. But in our yeer books diuers cases are of later time touching a certainty of yeers, and now it is taken vsually (as Litleton saies) she must be aboue nine. Besides the common autorities, see Fleta lib. 5. cap. 22▪ and for the two cases of this matter, in 7. Ed. 2. tit. Dower 147. and 12. Edw. 2. tit. eod. 159. they are worth more obseruation in the report at large, which is extant in our Inner Temple Librarie. the first is between Symond and Benster fol. 107. a. the second is fol. 163. b. where Berry saies expressely, that it lies in the discretion of the Iudges, whether she deserue dower or no.

Ib. requiritur longa seisina & pacifica.] [Page] for in those times the law was taken, both that long seisin so added a title to a disseisin, that the disseisee might not enter, and also, by some, that short seisin of one that had right to enter, gaue him not so much freehold that he might haue his assise against a disseisor. so it appears in 12. Hen. 3. Itin. Staff. tit. Assise 428. & 429. 30. Edw. 1. Itin. Cornub. tit. Attaint. 76. Bracton fol. 160. & 161. Hengham pag. 98. But see Breton chap. 42. to which (that wee may obserue the opinions of that time) adde a case, adiudged before our Autor, vpon this point of Longa or brenis seisina, and reuerst in the kings bench. In 33. Ed. 1. ms. fol. 59. b. Iohn le fitz Aueline brought a Mort d' ancestor before Sir Ralph de Hengham & his compagnions, of the death of Iohn le Clark his vncle, against Edmond of London gardein of the house of Saint Thomas of Acres. the tenant pleads pluis darrain seisin in Aueline mother to the demandant, who was seised after the death of the vncle. Issue vpon this is ioind, and the Assise taken; they find (que) apres la mort mesme cel [...]y Ion le Clerk meme cesty Au [...]line [Page] tant come le corps fust en la bere entra & l'eins fust reclamant come heir Ion & ꝑ vn demy hour de iour ydemurra tan que sur l'emporter du corps, ou ele se voleit estre l'eins tenus, vient le dit Emon & la osta. so are the words in my copie, verie anciently written. and to Sir Ralph and his companions (saies the book) it seemd that cele petite seisin & en teu temps ne fust nul, and so they adiudged that the demandant should recouer. But by writ of error, and vpon the very point, that iudgment was reuerst quia sola (as the report is) pedis positio vero haeredi seisinam contulit, cy agard la court que Edmond reeit sa seisin &c. & ses dammages, & eit Ion son rescouerir per autre voie sil voile. And this reuersall agrees well with what our autor hath in the beginning of this chapter. See 3. Ed. 3. in Vet. Nat. Br. fol. 126. b. in Dum fuit infra aetatem. But now its plain law, that the lest time is inough for seisin to him that hath right to enter, as in 8. Assis. pl. 25.26. Assis. pl. 42. and elsewhere. The true meaning of transfertur liberum tenementum in feoffatum &c. in Stat. Westm. 2. [Page] cap. 29. may be had out of this old opinion▪ see infra pag. 99.

Pag. 103. extra Astrum] All this passage, in the same words, is in Fleta lib. 4. cap. 2. whereby, Astrum must be taken for the Lords dwelling house, or such like. See the customes of Kent; in particion, there, le astre demor [...]a al pune &c. pag. 574. The elder times had also homo Astrarius for a housholder (as I ghesse) or in such like signification. Bracton lib. 2. cap. 36. §. 7. speaking of paiment of releifs; Esto quod haeres sit astrarius, vel qd aliquis antecessor restituat haeredi in vita sua haereditatem & se dimiserit, videtur quod nullo tempore iacebit haereditas. as if he had said, suppose the heir be housholder, or, as tenant to the Lord in life of his ancestor &c. and in Fleta lib. 1. cap. 47. Frithborgh est laudabilis homo astrarius. and extra astrum in them, is to Bracton, extra potestatem dominorum fol. 165. & 166.

Pag. 104. Sokemannus.] This also is in Fleta lib. 4. cap. 2. and agrees with that which is called Tractatus de antiquo dominico, and in a verie old English translation of the statuts is titled a statut. being [Page] indeed only som lawiers answer (or in the nature of Ciuilians Consilia, or such like) to questions proposd touching ancien demesne. But the law in the yeer books is cleer, that to any reall actions or sauoring of the realty, auncien demesne is a good plea. See Bracton fol. 272. & Breton cap. 66. de Gardes.

THE END.

Information about this book

Title statement

De laudibus legum Angliæ writen by Sir Iohn Fortescue L. Ch. Iustice, and after L. Chancellor to K. Henry VI. Hereto are ioind the two Summes of Sir Ralph de Hengham L. Ch. Iustice to K. Edward I. commonly calld Hengham magna, and Hengham parua. Neuer before publisht. Notes both on Fortescue and Hengham are addedDe laudibus legum Angliae. English and Latin

Fortescue, John, Sir, 1394?-1476?

Edition statement

1616

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A01083

ID [STC]

STC 11197

ID [STC]

ESTC S102544

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

99838321

ID [PROQUEST]

99838321

ID [VID]

2695

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Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A01083)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 2695)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1202:12)

Source

— De laudibus legum Angliæ writen by Sir Iohn Fortescue L. Ch. Iustice, and after L. Chancellor to K. Henry VI. Hereto are ioind the two Summes of Sir Ralph de Hengham L. Ch. Iustice to K. Edward I. commonly calld Hengham magna, and Hengham parua. Neuer before publisht. Notes both on Fortescue and Hengham are added, De laudibus legum Angliae. English and Latin, Fortescue, John, Sir, 1394?-1476?, Mulcaster, Robert, 16th cent., Selden, John, 1584-1654., Hengham, Ralph de, d. 1311. Summae..

Extent

[16], 132, [3] leaves; 56, [12], 35, 34-159, [3] p.

[Printed by Adam Islip?] for the Companie of Stationers,. London :: M.DC.XVI [1616]. (Edited, with notes, by John Selden.) (Latin and English in parallel columns.) (The first part is a translation by Robert Mulcaster of: De laudibus legum Angliae.) (Printer's name conjectured by STC.) ("Notes vpon Sir Iohn Fortescue Knight" has separate pagination commencing on ² B1r. "Radulphi de Hengham Edwardi Regis I. Capitalis olìm iustitiarij summæ", in Latin only, has separate dated title page and pagination; register continues from the "Notes".) (The first leaf is blank except for signature-mark; the last leaf is blank.) (Reproduction of the original in the British Library.)

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