The picture of a perfit common wealth describing aswell the offices of princes and inferiour magistrates ouer their subiects, as also the duties of subiects towards their gouernours. Gathered forth of many authors, aswel humane, as diuine, by Thomas Floyd master in the Artes.

The picture of a perfit common wealth describing aswell the offices of princes and inferiour magistrates ouer their subiects, as also the duties of subiects towards their gouernours. Gathered forth of many authors, aswel humane, as diuine, by Thomas Floyd master in the Artes.

Table of contents

Title page

HONORAtiss. & magnifico Domino, D. Thomae Egertono, Equiti aurato, D. Custodi magni sigilli Angliae, ac Regii Senatus dignissimo Cōciliario: Necnon D. Ioanni Egertono, vnico eius filio & Haeredi. S. P. D.

To the Reader.

A Table of all the contents and matter contained in this booke.

VVhat is a Common wealth. Cap. 1.

How many sortes are there of Common wealths. Cap. 2.

VVhat is an Aristocratie. Cap. 3.

VVhat is a Democratie. Cap. 4.

VVhat is a Monarchie. Cap. 5.

VVhich of these sorts is the best. Cap. 6.

VVhat things are requisite in a King. Cap. 7.

Magistrates ought to see iustice administred. Cap. 8.

VVhat is a tyrant. Cap. 9.

VVhat is the nature and condition of an Oligarchie. Cap. 10.

VVhat difference is betweene an Oligarchie, & a Democratie. Cap. 11.

Of Lawe. Cap. 12.

Of Magistrates. Cap. 13.

Of Counsailours. Cap. 14.

Of Iudges. Cap. 15.

Of Oeconomikes, or domesticall Gouernment. Cap. 16.

Of Vertue. Cap. 17.

Of Prudence. Cap. 18.

Of Fortitude. Cap. 19.

Of Patience. Cap. 20.

Of Constancy. Cap. 21.

Of Temperance. Cap. 22.

Of Modesty. Cap. 23.

Of Chastity. Cap. 24.

Of Iustice. Cap. 25.

Of Charity. Cap. 26.

Of Obedience. Cap. 27.

Of Hope. Cap. 28.

Of Faith. Cap. 29.

Of Trueth. Cap. 30.

Of Friendship. Cap. 31.

Of Liberality. Cap. 32.

Of Clemency. Cap. 33.

Of Peace. Cap. 34.

Of Idlenes. Cap. 35.

Of Pleasures and delight. Cap. 36.

Of Intemperance and Gluttony. Cap. 37.

Of Lust, and Lawlesse delights. Cap. 38.

Of Enuy. Cap. 39.

Of Couetousnes. Cap. 40.

Of Vsury. Cap. 41.

Of Ambition. Cap. 42.

Of Anger. Cap. 43.

Of Sedition. Cap. 44.

Of VVarre. Cap. 45.

A Conclusion to the Magistrates. Cap. 46.

§

§

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THE Picture of a perfit Common wealth, describing aswell the offices of Princes and inferiour Magistrates ouer their subiects, as also the duties of subiects towards their Gouernours.

Gathered forth of many Authors, aswel humane, as diuine, by Thomas Floyd master in the Artes.

Printed at London by Simon Stafford, dwelling on Adling hill. 1600.

HONORAtiss. & magnifico Domino, D. Thomae Egertono, Equiti aurato, D. Custodi magni sigilli Angliae, ac Regii Senatus dignissimo Cōciliario: Necnon D. Ioanni Egertono, vnico eius filio & Haeredi. S. P. D.

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QVI celeberrimum iurisprudētiae stadium studium (que) siue philosophiae, quam vulgo Ethicen appellant, ac aliqua saltem politices notitia contingere [Page] autumāt: aut alternatim in Ethicis disciplinis, & politica philosophia se anteire posse sine iurisprudētiae adminiculo arbitrantur: certe, illi, veluti pisces hamo irretiuntur, decipiuntur, & toto aberrant coelo. Omnium rerum est vicissitudo, discolor (que) vsusrerū, & vnares adiumento alterius indiget: sic mercatores vicissim nobis aduehunt commoda.

Mercibus ac Anglis mutant sub sole recenti.

Rugosum piper, & pallentis grana cumini.

[Page]Quippe iurisprudētiae abs (que) Ethicis & politicis disciplinis, leuidensis, horridula, & semianimis quaedam facultas, dicenda, & ducenda est. Illarumque praecepta nisi iurisprudentiae typo, ceu gemelli vrsarum foetus formentur, etiamque atque etiam lambantur minus, fermentata censentur, & veluti veratro seu helleboro atro inebriantur. Nec iniuria itaque Bartalus, aliique iurisprudentiae antesignani vtrasque facultates tanquam [Page] speculatiuas cum practicis copulandas esse iudicant. In eo proculdubio iudicio tu (Nobilissime heros omnimodisque literarū dotibus insignite Iudex) es constitutus, qui ad nominis tui sempiternam gloriā cum practicis speculatiuasfa cultates semper coniūxisti, idque non in philosophia solū, sed etiā (vt inquit Cicero de seipso) in dicēdi exercitatione fecisti, ita vt iam, te esse in vtraque facultate parem quis nisi luscus neget? [Page] Quae quidem cum ego mecum alta mente reputauerim, hominum (que) huius tempestatis mores tam incultos, & tam rudes esse animaduerterim, cōmouebar animo, & quasi oestro extimulabar, vt illis, quantum in me esset, consulerem, vt (que) hoc qualecun (que) sit opusculum, construerē, constructum (que) tibi, tuoque Gnato & Haeredi, praeclarae indolis & magnae spei Iuueni coniūctim consecrarē. Quis enim in tanto morum [Page] naufragio tacere potest? Ne ego quidem. Accipite igitur placida & placata mente (magnifici DOMINI) hoc ingenioli mei symbolum, accipite (inquam) & meipsum, cui cordi erit quicquid vobis & honori & gloriae fuerit, toto animo perficere. Deus optimus maximus amplitudines vestras et dignitatē prorogare, fulcire, et cōseruare dignetur. Oxonii, e collegio Iesu, Anno a partu virginis. 1600.

V. A. Thomas Floyd.

To the Reader.

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EVEN as the musike of an Instrument, whose harmonious sounde either delighteth or displeaseth the hearers, according to the skill of him that plaieth thereon: So these my first fruits, proceeding from my barren inuention and shallow wit, do yeeld like content or discontent, resembling well my sillie Muse, which makes mee more to feare, that it wil be as hard for mee to obtaine thy plausible fauour, as it was for hard conceited Anthonie to gaine the good wil of the Senatours, when his deeds had proued him a peremptorie [Page] foe to Rome. Neuerthelesse, Aristotle, who all his daies in a maner had bin an Atheist, yet crying, O Ens entium miscrere mei, in his last and lost day, caused the people to thinke yt he had some knowledge of God. Whereupon afterward being dead, they eternized his name. So now I in like sorte doe hope, thou wilt suspence thy fauourable censure, and grant me a pardon of course, that I may vse the like excuse, differing in effect, as an aunswere for my defence: which if it seem sero to any one, yet serio, as obserued of the Philosophers & husbandmen, who with one assent agreed, perfectionē prioris esse aliquam priuationem consequentis, proceeding frō the selfe same stocke: for the [Page] tree yt beareth twise a yeere, or oft, first bringeth fruit sauouring of sweetnes, the last tasting somewhat sowre. So this my little one and first borne hath more imperfections (I confesse) and therefore craueth some pardon: for as Hercules, which conquered and ouercame by his wreathes and victories, the most part of the world, and when hee could proceede no further, thereat ending and making a full period, caused pillers to bee set vp, which were termed after his name, on which was written non vltra: But of late daies, Christophorus Columbus, finding a farther passage, and going beyond Hercules his non vltra, in respect thereof there were other pillers set vp, on [Page] which was written, Plus vltra. So I in like maner (gētle Reader) with Hercules, being equal in number, though farre interiour in qualitie, wading as far as my simple abilitie could affoord, and my slender wit allow, according to that small talent of learning and knowledge I had, hauing more perfectly composed and compild this my little pamphlet, that I might well with Hercules say, Non vltra. Of which I was by some domestical yonker priuily bereft, beeing thereat not a little mooued, & almost discomfited, vnlesse the entire loue and feruent affectiō I bare towards my high renowned Lord, & towards the young vertuous Gentleman his sonne, M. Iohn Egerton, [Page] who ioyntly as a Paracelsiā Quintessens, reedified the wracke of my decay, and caused mee againe to take heart of grace, & to redouble my courage, that I was therby rather enforced by affection, than perswaded by reason, to attempt with Columbus, the finding out of Plus vltra, fearing to incurre the backbiting of the enuious, which might say, that my sting was lost in the first assault, and my courage was quailed in the bud; applying that saying vnto mee, that Milo Crotoniates vsed to apply to himselfe, beeing not able to attempt and performe any Chiualrie or Act, which before hee vsed: and thereupon beholding his armes and thighes, lamented [Page] and cried, At hi iam mortui sunt. So should it be saide of me, His spirits are dead, his courage abated, that hee can performe and accomplish no more. Entring (courteous Reader) with a strict regard of these considerations, iam tandem clasping hold on me, that I deemed it better to aduenture this my torn, rent and lacerated ship into the maine sea, than to bee carped at, or to desist from my intē ded purpose: which considerations caused mee rashly to reach aboue my pitch, and to aduenture the more, presuming vpon thy gentle curtesie, to pardon this my rude and barbarous stile, beeing willing (according to the prouerbe) to bee beaten on the anuill by Vulcane, & withall, [Page] to yeelde my selfe to the censure of thy verdict to cō iecture, committing thee to the tuition of Almightie God.

T. F.

A Table of all the contents and matter contained in this booke.

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FIrst, what is a Common wealth, cap. 1. f. 1.

2 How many sorts are there of Common wealths. cap. 2. f. 11.

3 What is an Aristocratie, cap. 3. f. 12.

4 What is a Democratie, cap. 4. f. 14.

5 What is a Monarchie, cap. 5. f. 20.

6 Which of these sorts is best, cap. 6. f. 24.

7 What things are requisite in a king, cap. 7. f. 46.

8 Magistrates ought to see iustice administred, cap. 8 f. 47.

9 What is a Tyrant, cap. 9. f. 48.

[Page]10 What is the nature and condition of an Oligarchie, cap. 10. f. 53.

11 What differēce between an Oligarchie and a Democratie, cap. 11. f. 54.

12 Of law, cap. 12. f. 55.

13 Of Magistrates, cap. 13. f. 65.

14 Of Counsailors, cap. 14. f. 76.

15 Of Iudges, cap. 15. f. 85.

16 Of Oeconomikes or domesticall gouernment, cap. 16. f. 93.

17 Of Vertue, Cap. 17. f. 106.

18 Prudence, cap. 18. f. 111.

19 Fortitude, cap. 19. f. 123

20 Patience, cap. 20. f. 135.

21 Constancie, cap. 21. f. 142.

[Page]22 Of Tēperance, cap. 22. f. 150.

23 Modestie, cap. 23. f. 158

24 Chastitie, cap. 24. f. 164.

25 Iustice, cap. 25. f. 172.

26 Charitie, cap. 26. f. 182:

27 Obedience, cap. 27. f. 187.

28 Hope, cap. 28. f. 196.

29 Faith, cap. 29. f. 207.

30 Truth, cap. 30. f. 207.

31 Friendship, cap. 31. f. 212.

32 Liberalitie, cap. 32. f. 220.

33 Clemencie, cap. 33. f. 227.

34 Peace, cap. 34. f. 235.

35 Of Idlenes, cap. 35. f. 239.

36 Pleasures and delights, cap. 36. f. 246.

37 Intemperance and gluttonie, cap. 37. f. 253

[Page]38 Lust and lawlesse delites, cap. 38. f. 258.

39 Enuie, cap. 39. f. 264.

40 Couetousnes, cap 40. f. 271.

41 Vsurie, cap. 41. f. 276.

42 Ambition, cap. 42. f. 281.

43 Anger, cap. 43. f. 288.

44 Sedition, cap. 44. f. 244.

45 Warre, cap. 45. f. 297.

46 Conclusion to the magistrates, cap. 46. f. 303.

FINIS.

VVhat is a Common wealth. Cap. 1.

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A Commō wealth is a liuing body compact of sundry estates and degrees of mē: this body is cōposed of two sorts, namely of the soule the worthiest wight, and of the members or parts.Aristotle The soule is the king or supreame gouernour: which I so terme, for two cōsiderations: first by a simile, in respect of his authoritie: for as Aristotle saieth, that anima is tot a in toto, Aristotle de anima lib. 2. et tota in qualibet parte. That is, is wholly in the whole body, and in euery part therof: so the king in regard of his authoritie is accounted. The [Page] second & last reason, is in respect of his being & ending, who is no sooner said a king, then a king of some Cōmon wealth, nor no Common wealth can be rightly a common wealth, without a king: so the body is no liuing body without the soule, nor no longer liueth, then the soule remaineth. For as Augustine saith,August. Anima in hominem creando infunditur, infundendo creatur. Or as some would haue it, A common wealth is a cōgregation, or a multitude of inhabitants; beyng as it were,Arist. politic. the mother of vs all. Which we ought to hold so deare, that in defence therof we shuld not feare, to hazard our liues.Cicer. off. lib. 1. For (as Cic. saith) wee are borne not for our selues, but for our countrey, [Page] kindred, friends & parents: childrē, parents, and friends are deare to vs: but our coū trie chalēgeth a greater loue, and exacteth a farther duty. This word Common wealth is called of the Latine word, Respublica, quasi res populica, the affaires of the people: which the latines cal the Gouernmēt of a cōmon wealth, or of a ciuill societie, and is termed of the Greciās a politicall gouernment, deriued of the Greeke word Polutia, which signifieth the regimēt and estate of a citie, disposed by order of equitie, and ruled by moderation of reason, which answereth and concurreth most fitly to this my present discourse & purpose, as the order & estate wherby one or many townes are gouerned, [Page] administered, ordained, to that end, that euery societie should by due order or policie be framed.Arist po [...]. Al men are naturally borne to affect societie, whereof there be 3. sortes; the one being giuen to the engendring and procreating of humane race, as that of man and woman and this is wholy by nature, Nam omnium societatum nulta est magis secundū naturam, quam maris & foeminae. Plato. The other addicted to policie and ciuil gouernment, as lawmakers within their seueral precincts & limits; & this proceedeth partly by nature, partly by other causes. The 3. to lewdnes, and wickednes, as that of pyrates, theeues and conspirators, which societie nature needeth not: this hapneth in [Page] many places, either for want of lawe, or the execution therof. This naturall inclination of societie in generall, is in it selfe rude and barbarous, vnles it be gouerned by counsel, and tempered by wisedome: wherefore some of themselues, eyther by instinct of nature, or by diuine essence or secrete influence from aboue, haue deliuered vnto their posterities, a perfect way and sure reason, as a sugred potion or sweete balme of their beneuolence, to mitigate this humane societie, among whome many were termed authors: but God alone hath so framed the state of the whole cōmon wealth & the gouernment thereof, by his owne eternall prouidēce, & also cōstituted [Page] & appointed Moses, as an instrumēt, to publish the same, for our instructiōs & knowledge, by which meanes, many profitable things, for the due ordering of a common wealth, may be reaped & gathered, for whose preseruations, as amōgst the Grecians, Persians, Iewes, & in these our daies, many were accoū ted authors of reformations: yet howsoeuer, wee ought somewhat to restraine our libertie, diminish our credit, & endammage our liues, in the greatest ieopardy, for the safetie hereof. So deare was the loue of Vlysses to his coūtry,Homer Odiss. that he preferred his natiue soile Ithaca, before immortalitie. Camillus a noble Romane, being Dictator six times, & though banished, [Page] yet when the Frenchmen had taken the Citie of Rome, & compelled the Romās to redeeme their heads with golde; he with the Ardeats, with whom hee liued exild, slewe the Frenchmen, & saued the citie from bondage. So Horatius Cocles a valiant Romane, with two more, at a bridge that entred into Rome, kept backe, and caused the whole armie of Porsenna to retire, vntill the bridge was broken downe behind them; & then in spite of his enemie, armed as hee was, did swim safe into the citie, and saued his countrie. So likewise Cynegirus a man of excellent vertue, willing to incurre any torture or torment for his countries safety: who after many conflicts [Page] had with his enemies, whom hee put to flight, and hardly pursued, vntill they were cō pelled to take shipping, yet this valiant man being not willing to let them saile scot-free, fastened his right hand on one of their shippes, not letting goe his hold, vntill it was cut off, and then he held with his left hand: of which also he being depriued, held at last with his teeth. Such was his excellencie,Trogus Pomp. and loyaltie towards his countrey, that no enterprise how great soeuer, could cause him to desist, to patronize the safety therof. But cōtrariwise, Coriolanus, whome if the fates had prescribed his end in his infancy, had not so treacherously, & vnnaturally borne armes to the ruine of his own [Page] naturall countrey.Dictis Cretens. Plutarc. Antenor also blemished with this detestable vice, & spotted with this staine, most caitifly fled, with two thousand men, into Italie, and yeelded his natiue citie into the handes of his enemies the Grecians. And no maruaile, seeing neyther the loue of their countrey, nor their owne loyalty could moue them to desist from so lothsome & detestable a fact. Alas, who is hee that would not lament, to see the wrack and ruine of his owne countrie, and the happy stay therof turned into hellish state? much more, peruerting the lawes of nature, yeeld his cō sent to leuell at the bitter bane, and lay a plotte for the finall destruction of his natiue soyle, considering and [Page] calling to minde the payne due to such gracelesse disobedient conspirators, & lewd caterpillers, who neuer mist to suppe of the same sorrow, and tast of the first fruite of their dismall misery. Happie then is that commō wealth, whose safetie is no lesse ioyfull to it selfe, then to all, and whose loyaltie may bee said with Syllas host to crie out, to Sylla, Solus ego extinct a patria non relinquar, now that my countrey is destroied, I wil not liue alone. Most happy then is the citie and common wealth, where the people in generall do obserue the customes and rightes of law, fearing them as a tirant.

1 That life which is due to death is canonized; & reaped double reward, if eclipsed [Page] in the defence of his countrey.

2 All men are by nature bound to embrace their natiue soile, not in regard of the possessions which they enioy therein, but for the meere loue thereof.

3 In the loue of our coū try we ought to perseuer, as being not sufficient once to haue loued it, vnlesse we cō tinue to the end.

How many sortes are there of Common wealths. Cap. 2.

OF Cōmon wealths there are three sortes,Arist. Po lit. lib. 3. Aristocratie, Democratie, and Monarchie.

VVhat is an Aristocratie. Cap. 3.

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ARistocratie is a gouernment, or empire, depē ding on the arbitrement of the best nobilitie, deriued of the Greeke worde Aristocratiae, in Latin, Optimorum potentia, in English, the rule of men of the best dispositiō, from which regiment Kings were discarded and excluded. Such was the gouernment or estate of Rome, wherein the Senators ruled: this in the originall had experience, of the Empire of Kings, which within a litle after was changed into an Aristocratie, as into a wors & meaner estate: at which time Tarquinius was banished, [Page] for the detestable cryme and rape of Lucrecia, committed by his sonne: after which time, the tried moderation of nobles or ancient Pieres of Rome steeded as a lawe: for all the authoritie and iurisdiction consisted in the hands of Senators or Aldermen, which were in number a hū dred; who were accustomed to creat two yeerely consuls, so named, for the prouision and consultation that they made for the cōmon wealth. The Thebans of a long time obserued this gouernment. This maner of gouernment is this day in Venice, howbeit there is a Duke, which stā deth for naught els but for a vaine cipher. Such hath bene ye imperial state of Carthage. In this Aristocraticall gouernment, [Page] mercenarie craftsmen, haue not bene thought worthy, to haue any place of any desert or estimation, appertaining to this or the like gouernment.

VVhat is a Democratie. Cap. 4.

DEmocracie is a popular regiment, tending to the common good. [...] de origine iur. [...] ex [...] vsqu [...] ad §. This worde Democratie is deriued of the Greek word Democratia, in Latine Popularis potentia, in English, the Rule of the Comminalties, who obtained the superiority. This Empire was sustained by gentlemen, whō we this day in England doe terme Esquires, such a gouernment is at this present time at Switzerland, where [Page] the people are deuided into Cantons or hundreds, from whence the nobility haue bin reiected and excluded. Such sort of gouernment was at Florence, vntil 60. yeares agoe, which afterwardes was changed into a Monarchie. So likewise was that Empire of Athens, in which Democratie aforesaid the seede of rashnes & lawlesse lust held the superioritie: because in a disordinate multitude the fruites of displeasure, as hate, rebellion, sectes, & factions, and other heynous crimes must needs be nourished, by a confusion of misgouernment, for defect of one sole soueraigne, in whose handes the first & chiefest forme of gouernment depēded: which beyng rightly established, is [Page] termed a kingdome, or royaltie, which falling into these vices, hauing most affinitie therewith, and being nearest vnto it, as into a tyranny of their abolition, ariseth an Aristocratie, which is commō ly or often changed into an Oligarchie & when the people conspireth reuengement of the iniustice of the gouernours, there hapneth this inferior gouernmēt of Democratie, because the vertue of commanders are not alwaies alike. Those men are accoū ted good mēbers of the Cō mon wealth, which to themselues liue least, and most to their citizēs, & is hardly to be found in the pernicious state of Democratie, because it is thought a cruell conflict in diuers, combred with sundry [Page] cogitations, to leuell & ayme at the self same marke: insomuch that the desire of the one is the content of the other, & al their desire tend to the cōmoditie of the Cōmon wealth: In which there are 3. principal things to be noted in the gouernors therof: First their loue towards it that is now established: Secondly, their authority in gouerning: Thirdly, their vertue and iustice: all which are banished out of a Democratie. Wherefore I worthily iudge this sort of gouernment, to be the meanest and worst of the three, because there are many that see the beginning of the miseries which arise, but few respecting their own commoditie least, that seeke to suppresse the same. There [Page] is no Common wealth more loose then that wherein the common people haue most liberty,Cicero. which is their wished desire, Nihil enim magis cupit popularis multitudo, quam potestatem viuendi vt velit, Cicero et Floren. The common people doe desire nothing more, then libertie to liue at their plesure, which argueth & sheweth their immoderate vanitie and lightnes, their head-long doings, and vnaduised dealings, void of discretion, which procureth deadly sedition, mutinies, & vproares, to the vtter destruction of their kingdome. Wherefore there can no greater daunger ensue, or happen to a Commō wealth then to tollerate the rude, & common sorte to rule, who (as their propertie is) are alwayes [Page] noted to be vnconstāt and wauering, tossed with euery sudden blast, and carried with euerie light chaffe, as the Prouerbe is, Scinditur in contrarium semper instabile vulgus. The weatherlike vulgar are prone to admire euery thing, & ready to turne as often as the tide. Wherefore they are rightly accounted to resemble the vgly Hydra, which is sayd, no sooner to lose one head, then immediatly another groweth. Herehence they are called the monsterous beast of many heads, whose Empire beginning Ordine retrogrado resembling the Hebrew, Chaldeake, and Syriake, that are written frō the right hand to the left with points in stead of vowels: so this Democraticall [Page] gouernment beginneth topsie turuy, frō the meanest to the highest, and as wanting vowels, with the Hebrewes, that is, imperiall o [...] royall gouernment, endeth without any point or period, with Fiat destructio.

VVhat is a Monarchie. Cap. 5.

A Monarchie is the royall estate of an empire or gouernment, where one sole Prince most magnificently raigneth, assigned vnto vs as a perfect caulme of permanent felicitie, against sturdy stormes of pinching misery. This word Monarchy is deriued of the Greek word Monos & Archos, which in Latine is Vnius principatus, in [Page] English the gouernment of one, in which Cōmonwelth many cannot fitly gouerne,Homer. wherfore it is thought expediēt, that one should be created soueraigne. In the beginning of the world, al people were willing to subiect themselues vnto a Monarch which was Nimrod;Gen. 11. and so they became ciuill, calling to minde, that mighty men did lay engines, traps & deuices to rifle them. Not long after, being sundry times annoyed by fierce and sauage beastes, betooke themselues to societies, frequēted & resorted vnto consorts of a setled stay, fenced and inuironed within one circuite as their defence and safegard, which were termed Cities. Likewise euery country [Page] as hope of safety, desire of securitie, enforced them to chuse a Monarchy, the Iewes only excepted, who were gouerned by Iudges and Commissioners especially elected to administer Iustice, & continue peace: but they after the custome and manner of other nations desired to haue a king, to whom Saul, according to their wished desire was graunted, and then were al people gouerned by kings, and one king of al the world was the Monarch, which Empire or Monarchie first began in Babilon and Assyria, consequently to the Persiās, than to the Grecians, last to the Romanes it was translated. Plato that diuine and famous Philosopher, wished that there were on earth but [Page] one King, as there is in heauen but one God, to the end that humane gouernment might resemble the diuine, which Lord of the world, as a true Messias or shepheard of mankind, should affect & loue all men alike, as his naturall subiects, guiding them with good maners, lawes & iudgements, affording them a secure entercourse in all places, so mightie a Soueraigne or Potentate, enuiyng no person, and desiring no occasion to enlarge has frontiers by ambition, which would bee a meanes of ceasing so many enormities, warres, slaughters spoiles & robberies, incident to men, in respect of pluralitie and dissentions of gouernment.Plato de legibus. Likewise Zeno the first and [Page] chiefest author of the sectes of the Stolkes, imagined one vniuersall forme of gouernment, tending to this effect, that all men should not liue by people & nations, being separated by particular laws, rites, and customes, but that they shoulde acknowledge themselues fellow citizens: & as there was but one sort of life, as there was but one world, none otherwise than as it were but one flock, feeding vnder one shepheard in common pastures, which is more easily to bee wished than effected, cōsidering the disorder amongst men.

VVhich of these sorts is the best. Cap. 6.

THere is no estate so highly established, or so perfectly [Page] ordered & managed, to be compared to the royall scepter of a Monarchie guarded with good and wholesome lawes, preuenting perils, by imposing penalties on such as haply in tract of time eclipsed with lasciuious perturbations of the minde, might otherwhiles infringe the rights of Iustice, and derogate from equitie & truth, if the seueritie of lawes did not somewhat bridle their haughty mindes, & represse their frowarde dispositions, whereupon that the Empire of a Monarch is the soueraignest and chiefest, if my censure may stand for a sentence, may be euidently proued by foure reasons. First, in that the peace, vnity, concord and tranquillity of the [Page] communalties,ff de off. presil. cō gruit in princ. & autem de mendatis princ. §. deinde conueniens col. 3. is said and accounted to be the finall end of the gouernour. But this peace, vnity & concord, may rather be maintayned and augmented through the rule of one, then of many: therefore a Monarchie is best. Secondly, by the rule and gouernment of one, the power of the Common wealth is rather fortified, which may be thus proued:Vt autem de cōsangui. & vt e. infra. § quia igitur col. 6. Vertue by how much more it is vnited, is so much the more corroborated, then if it were dispersed into many partes. If therefore the Common wealth be guided by the handes of one supreame gouernour, it is the rather munified, and by this meanes the Prince shal with greater power, pompe, and might rule.Vt. l. si pri. in. fi. cum l. sequent. ff. de adop. Thirdly, arte or [Page] handicraft is the more excellent, by how much more it doth imitate nature. But an vniuersall Common wealth, is nothing els sauing an imaginary,ff. de iure. l. preponebat & de fideius. l. mortuo. or artificiall perpolited bodie, seyng that in such a naturall body, we do coniecture and see one head and many members: wherefore a Citie or Monarchie, if it be so gouerned, it farre exceedeth:Ad idem ex de off. oc. c. quoniā plerisque & hoc ver. determinatū vii. q. I. cum apibu [...]. because it more imitates & resembles nature. Fourthly, prouinces which are subiect vnto many, cannot enioy peace & tranquillitie, but are the rather molested & cumbred with iarres, bickerings, turmoiles, neuer liuing in quietnes, or possessing rest. But contrariwise, in a Monarchie men are ignorant of quarrels, liuing in [Page] safetie & securitie voyd of all annoiances,Bart. tract. de regimine ciuitat. incombred with no care, abounding with store, & flowing with plentie of all aboundance: to which if any will obiect, that by how much the more the number of rulers are, by so much the more excellent is the gouernmēt,L. hac cōsultissima infi. et ar. c. de testi. l. iure. because many are more prouident to foresee and preuent casualties which might happen to ensue, & withall, one is easier to be corrupted than many: Therefore the gouernment of many is to bee preferred before the gouernment of one: To which I answer, that although a king or Prince is but one, yet hee ought to haue many prudent and wise Counsellours, and in respect thereof he seemeth as many: [Page] and amongst many, one who cannot possibly bee corrupted, vnlesse all be corrupted, peruerted, and proue mutable. Shal we then proue farre inferior, and more sencelesse than the vnnaturall bruite beastes, which onely are by sence guided? they do create & elect one to be their king and chiefe gouernour, as experiēce of the Bees teacheth vs, which do make choise of the chiefest Bee, to be a king ouer all the hieue,l. hac cō sultissima infi. et ar. c. de testi. l. iure. by which the whole swarme are ledde and guided, as being more prouident and wise than the rest.

VVhat things are requisite in a King. Cap. 7.

[Page] If. de iust. & iure [...]. 1. FIrst a king ought to haue reason and knowledge to distinguish Iustice from iniustice, trueth from falshood, lawfull from vnlawfull, allotting no priuiledge to defraude any of his right, remē bring dominion, power, and superiority not onely graunted him: but withall confidence and trust to be reposed, not to that end he might at his pleasure condemne whom hee lust, and effect what hee wished;Cicero. but what both law & religion should require, abandoning cruell feare: for the Prince, that is feared of many, needes most to feare manie. Quis enim cum diligat quem metuit, aut cum à quo se metui putet? Secondly, a king should haue free will, a right and a true [Page] meaning to leuy euery one, not according to affection, but to desert & Iustice, euery man by euen portion his owne:Aristot. for as the minde of man in it selfe is more precious and excellent then all the other partes, as beyng voyde of indignitie and blemish: so ought the iudgement and sentence of a king be incorrupt and irreprehensible in all points. Also hee should haue a perfect constācy to perseuere in wel doing, that at al times his deeds might proue his doctrines; for cōstancie & temperance in all points maketh vertue strōg. This is proued by the definitiō of iustice,Instit. li. 1. Arist. Ethic. li. 1. cap. 4. which is a cōstant & a perpetual will, yeelding euery one his own. For the better accōplishmēt [Page] hereof, foure things herein are to be noted: first, the subiect wherein this Iustice is contained, which is Mens omnium pars nobilissima. Secondly, the consideration of the parties in behalfe of whō it is put in vre, who are the most deere and louing creatures of God: Thirdly, in respect of the originall cause from whence it proceedeth, that is to say, from the omnipotent God, from whom all good thinges doe proceed: Fourthly, in respect of the authoritie of the person whō he representeth, which is the most glorious father. Also it is expedient for a K. to haue wisedome to decide controuersie, fortitude to defend his Common wealth, valour to patronize his communalties [Page] securitie. Wisdome without iustice, is but craftines, iustice without temperāce is meere cruelty, temperance without fortitude is extreme sauagenes. To the first, Nunquam enim temeritas cum sapientiae comitatur, Cicero. neque ad consilium casus admittitur. Rashnes neuer accompanieth wisdome, neither is blindhap admitted to coūsaile. Except wisemen be made gouernours, or gouernours wisemen, mankind shall neuer liue at rest, nor vertue be able to patronize and defend her selfe.Plato. To the second, it behoueth a Prince to haue such a zeale & godly courage, that he may alwaies shew himselfe a strong wall for the defence of the trueth and securitie of his subiects. Quis enim non obstare cupiat, Cicero. [Page] quis non tantum quantum audet et potest, conferat ad cōmunem salutem. It is requisit for a king to haue seueritie tempered with lenitie, to represse the furie of the froward and wicked men, as a scourge allotted to extirpate and roote out al iniquity, carying a maiestie in his thought, which might gard his mid frō cowardice, as the only priuiledge to contēpt. Maiesty is accoū ted to resemble the lightening from the East; and the threats of a king, the noise of a thunder: wherefore it behoueth a king to place such in authoritie, as are of an exquisite vertue, & ayme least thereat, and to repell them from gouernmēt, that presse most forwardes to attayne the same. Also it is expedient [Page] for a King, in executing of iustice,Aristot. Ethi. in diuerse matters to make no procrastination or delay, which causeth oftentimes great daungers to happen: which had it beene obserued at the first, might easly haue bin preuēted, whē as letters were sent from Athens to Archias gouernour of Polemarches, detecting the treason of certain outlawes who had conspired against him, which letters after the receipt thereof, carelesse without any perusing hee layed all night vnder his pillowe, saying, Because I iudge they are waightie matters, I wil adiourne them till the morrow. But before the morning his life was takē frō him. Which caueat Cicero did put in practise beyng [Page] consull, hauing a decree and an order to suppresse rebels: who assoone as Fuluia the paramour of Quintus Curius had disclosed their intēt, preuented it, otherwise hee had the same night bin slain in his owne house, and the whole Citie fired. It is necessarie for a King to bee stout & rich,Plutarc. that by the one he may boldly challenge his owne, and by the other represse his enemies, which for want thereof many become tyrants, and of ouer aboundance become enuious.Agesilaus. A King ought to gouerne his realme and reigne ouer his people, as a Father ouer his children, and consider the cause of the innocent, folowing the example of God, in hearing and regarding the [Page] complaint of the distressed & needy, whō God regardeth and pittieth, and as he wil not suffer the reprobate to escape vnpunished, so will he not permit the iniuries done to the innocent, to escape the graue without reuenge. Also it is expedient for a prince to haue a charie care to his coū sellors, in noting who soothe his lust, & tender the publike commoditie, for therby shall he decerne the good frō the bad.Plutarc. In decerning good frō euill, he may eschew al enormities and vices, as enuy, anger and other odious crimes: for enuie is a filthy slime and an impostume of the soule, a perpetuall torture to him in whome it resteth, a venome, a bitter bane, a caterpiller or fretting corasiue, which consumeth [Page] the flesh,Socrat. and drieth vp the marrow of the bones. What destroyed coū tries? subdued kingdomes? depopulated Cities? but enuie. Iulius Cesar waged war with his owne sonne in lawe Pompeius, beyng mooued with enuie. Qui summum imperium in Repub. gesturi sunt, tria habere debent, primo, amorem erga Rempub. iam constitutam, secundo facultatem adminisirandi et gubernandi: tertio virtutem et iustitiam, according vnto that of Deutronomie,Deut. ca. 16. Thou shalt do according as they teach thee, and not bowe either to the right hand,August. or to the left. Iustice is to God the chiefest incense, and equitie without guile is a sacrifice of ye sweetest sauour, whereby gouernours [Page] must measure nothing by report, but by the way of cōscience: for it litle auaileth a Prince to be Lord of many Monarchies, if on the otherside he become a bondslaue to vice: wherefore a Prince ought to abandon anger as a notorious vice. For as Salomon saith, Anger in a King is death: grimme & terrible is his countenance, when he is puffed with wrath, hurtful to many, odious to al is the sight thereof. Alexander waxed so furious and angry,Valerius li. 9. c. 3. that hee could not permit his deare friend Clitus, to cōmend his owne father king Philip of Macedony. O witlesse wil, O fancie fraught ful of phrensie & furie, in stouping without a stall, to such a frantike & vaine furie, which in whosoeuer [Page] it resteth, enforceth either to breake or bend: as therefore holding the flagge of defiāce against these lewd vices, let vertue be thy life, Iustice thy loue, honor thy fame, & heauen thy felicitie.

1 Kings ought to be the shelters to pouertie, their seats the sanctuaries for the distressed.

2 As a king excelleth in pompe, power and riches, so ought he to exceed in vertue and wisedome.

3 Rulers doe more heynously offend, in tolerating the companie of vitious persons, yeelding ill example, because the offence that is committed in his companie, is accompted euill.

4 The dutie of a king is to listen & consider the complaint [Page] of his people without respect of person.

Magistrates ought to see iustice administred. Cap. 8.

THe greatest parte of the office & dutie of kings in auncient time, was to see the administratiō of Iustice. Homer the poet may be a sufficient witnesse, when he faieth of Agamemnon, that the Scepter & law was committed to him by GOD, to doe right to euery man: answerable to the which (Virgil describing the Queene of Carthage) saith she sate in iudgement in the middest of the people, as if there nothing beseemed such a person, but such an action, and therefore [Page] the poets not without a cause fame Iupiter alwaies to haue Themis, that is, Iustice, at his elbow: signifying, not that whatsoeuer Kinges or Princes did, was iustice and lawfull, be it neuer so vile in his owne nature, (as that wantō flatterer Anaxarchus said to Alexander) but that equitie and iustice should alwaies accompanie them, and neuer depart frō their sides: & hereupō it was that Adacus, Minos, and Rhadamanthus, the first king of Grecia, were so renowned of olde antiquitie, because of their true and vpright execution of Iustice; and therfore were not honored with greater title, than with the name of Iudges. It is said of K. Alexander, that although he was [Page] alwaies busied in the affaires of the wars & in giuing battels, yet he would sitte personally in iudgement to heare criminal causes & matters of importance pleaded; & whilest the accused laid open his accusation with one hand he would stop one eare, to the end the other might be kept pure, & without preiudice for the defence & answer of the accused. The Roman Emperors also were very careful & diligent in this behalf: as first Iulius Cesar, who is recorded to haue taken great paines in giuing audiēce to the parties, & in dealing iustice between thē. In like maner Augustus Cesar is cōmēded for his care in this behalfe, for he would ordinarily sitte in iudgement vpon causes and cōtrouersies [Page] of his subiects, and that with such delight & pleasure, that oftentimes night was fayne to interrupt him before he would giue it ouer: yea, although he found himself not well at ease, yet would he not omit to apply himselfe to the diuision of iudgement, or els calling the parties before him to his bedside. Iorā king of Israel sonne of Achab, though a man that walked not vprightly before GOD, but gaue himselfe to worke abominatiō in his sight, yet he despised not the poore. A famished womā of Samaria, when she demaunded iustice at his hands, although it was in the time of warre, whē lawes vse to be silent, and in the besieging & famishment of the citie, neyther did he [Page] request the Sunamite for the recouerie of her house and lands, but caused them to be restored vnto her. So that then it is manifest, that those which in old time raigned ouer the people of God, albeit they had in euery citie Iudges, yea, and in Ierusalem also, as it appeareth in the 19. chapter or the 2. booke of Chronicles, yet they ceased not to giue eare to suites and complaints that were made vnto them, and to decide cō trouersies that came to their knowledge: & for this cause it is that Wisedome saieth, That by her kings raigne, & Princes decree iustice: whervnto also belongeth that which is saide in an other place, that a King setting in the throne of iudgemēt, chaseth [Page] away all euill with his eyes.

VVhat is a tyrant. Cap. 9.

A Tyrant is a superiour Gouernour that ruleth as he listeth, who onely raigneth to pleasure a few, & not to the publike profit,Aristot. who is accoūted a rigorous ill disposed king, that persisteth in extreames, perseuering in moodlesse modesty, accustoming to chastice many for the fault of one, which is amōgst euils the greatest euil, & amongst tyrants the greatest tyranny, that they of thē selues will not liue within the precincts, & vnder the rights of law & iustice, nor yet consent that malefactors should [Page] receiue punishmēt: he esteemeth it better to haue his own palace costly furnished, & the common weale poore, than his palace poore, & the common weale rich. A tyrāt is a king chosen by popular & ambitious election, on the behalf of the cōmunalties, to patronize their cause against the chiefest citizens, preuenting iniuries, whose property is not to respect the publique vtilitie, but onely his priuate cōmoditie, whose glory consisteth in riches & delight, in pleasure and pompe. Such a one was Dionisius the tyrāt chosē of the Syracusiās. The like king was Atreus, brother to Thyestes, & sonne to king Pelops, who tyrānously slew without compassion three sons of his brother Thyestes, [Page] whose bloud hee caused his brother and their owne Father to drinke vnawares, and hauing hidden their bodies in a caue, cut off their members, and made their Father to eate thereof. So likewise Astyages played the tyrant, enforcing Harpagus to eate his owne sonne,Trogus Pomp. dressed and serued at his table before Harpagus, of which as being ignorant he fed: but not long after, as a reward for this detestable tyranny, Harpagus caused his owne nephewe young Cyrus to wage warre against him: of whome hee was ouercome & exiled out of his kingdome. Like as a battered or a crazed ship by letting in of water, not only drowneth her selfe, but all that are in her: so a king or a [Page] vitious tyrant, by vsing detestable enormities, destroyeth not himselfe alone, but all others beside that are vnder his gouernment; and though vniust offences escape for a time without penaltie, yet neuer without reuēge: wherfore, as many haue beene remembred through equitie & iustice, aduanced to great honor, euen so iniurious inuasions, oppressions, cursed and reprobated speeches, & sūdry enacted cruelties, haue bene the vtter wrack, ruine, and endles decay of famous men, and honorable peeres: therfore the miserable wretchednes almost of all sauage tyrants, may wel yeeld a sufficient testimony: for not only they were bereued of their liues, and depriued of dignities, [Page] but such as were alied vnto them by blood & consanguinitie, or adherents by confederacy, in so much that the greatest died the like death, & the rest being spoiled of their goods and possessiōs, hardly escaped death by banishment, neuerthelesse they could not happely escape, and auoid the spot of slaunder and shamefull obloquie: and that I may here without offence speake of Phalaris the lewdest and vnsatiablest bloudsucker that euer nature yeelded, against whome rebelled the whole multitude of the citie Agrigētinum; & that I may lightly passe ouer diuerse others with silence, whose maners were infected with the like barbarous cruelty, as beyng [Page] nulled with vice, and weaned from vertue, assuredly al the blood & race of Phistratus by this onely way lost their gouernment & principalitie. What should I speak of the Tarquines? were not they traced in the same vice, and trayned in the same ininiquitie, and for the same cause banished Rome, because they regarded no right, but doing all by violence and extreame crueltie? and whereas Sextus Tarquinius, imitating the lewde and abominable steps and wickednesse of his Father, had after many iniuries, whereby he had wronged the Romanes, before committed, and vsed violence to chaste Lucretia, liued with his Father and brethren as an [Page] outcast and a stragling straū ger in a straunge countrey.Aristot. Wherefore it may be well imagined, that such an Empire cannot long endure, because all the gouernment therof cōsisteth in extreames & violence, doing all things without the consideration of iustice, truth & equitie. Lastly, amōgst gouernmēt or soueraintie, a tyrannicall gouernment is the worst, Democratie the second; but amōgst these euils, Oligarchie is the least euill.

1 In vaine is that Prince which is fortified with terror, & is not garded with Iustice.

2 The tyrant that will lose many friends, to be rid of one foe, may be admired for his policie, but condemned for his impietie.

[Page]3 Tyrants, which by fained gouernment and blazed vertue doe win admirations, are said to buy iust possessions with wrongs.

4 The tyrānie of Princes openeth euery gappe for ruine to enter, which Iustice keepeth backe.

VVhat is the nature and condition of an Oligarchie. Cap. 10.

THe nature or condition of an Oligarchie is, that fewe nobles, and the chiefest rich men should haue the superioritie, because the state thereof doth consist of aboū dance of wealth and riches: therfore what cities or Common wealths were noted to flourish with sumptuous excesse [Page] of varietie, wealth and chiualrie, and therein excelled, such cities were termed an Oligarchie; as amōgst the most people of Asia.

VVhat difference is betweene an Oligarchie, & a Democratie. Cap. 11.

Aristot. Politic.THe politike gouernment of an Oligarchie is more seuere and strict, and more royall and magnificent, than the gouernment of a Democratie, being of equall authoritie in all degrees of persons, & more remisse & mild; which gouernment continued in diuerse places, & especially at Athens, vntil such tyme they sustained the heauie yoke of the thirty tyrants:Herodo. which Democraticall [Page] Empire, as Cicero saieth, is most disordinate: for there is no Common wealth more loose, than that, wherein the people haue ouermuch libertie. This sort of popular gouernment is two fold: the one consisting in the rule & gouernment of the chiefest citizens, the other consisting in the rule of free men. The first, of Theseus and Draco instituted, the second, by Aristides, Pericles and others, haunting after popular applause.

Of Lawe. Cap. 12.

XEnophon that famous philosopher, extolling the Persian laws, testifieth, [Page] that their citizens, from their very childhood, were taught to attempt, or almost imagine nothing dishonest or vnlawful: after which maner, as it were for the confirming thereof, Draco, as Gellius reporteth being a citizen of Athens, and indued with wisedome & prudence, first of all decreed a law to the Athenians, the which, as Plutarch reporteth, was so bitter and strict, imposing deadly punishment to the transgressours thereof, for euerie light offēce. Whereof proceeded this excellent voyce of Demadis, saying, The laws of Draco were written with bloud, and not with inke. Of which speach being demaū ded a reason, hee answered, that those Lawes imposed [Page] ouermuch seueritie. This or the like speaches haue beene vttered by Anaxerxes to the like effect, who hearing that Solon made a law to the Athenians, he smiled thereat, comparing it to the web of a spider, which is wont to take the lesser flies, and suffer the greater flies to escape and breake the web. Wherby he meant, that Solon had vsed parcialitie in the constituting thereof, by which meanes growe many inconueniences: for the law is not too cruel in her frowns, nor too parciall in her fauours. First, too much extremitie and ouermuch lenitie should not bee vsed, because extreame law sometimes is thought to bee extreame wrong, and ouermuch lenitie breedeth illicentiousnes [Page] and sundrie vices in all sorts. But omitting these particularities, who so deemeth of the generall nature & disposition of lawes, taketh his ayme amisse, and shooteth wide frō the marke: for doubtlesse the lawe will tolerate no parcialitie, the condition thereof beyng alike to all ages and all degrees: for as Cicero sayeth, Vera lex est recta ratio, naturae congruens, diffusa in omnes, constans sempiterna. True Lawe is a right reason of nature, agreeyng therewith in all points, diffused & spred in all Nations, consisting perpetuall: and though men erre in construyng the true meaning thereof, and albeit diuerse in the executing thereof haue vsed parciality, [Page] being moued by affection or the like occasion, as Alexander told his father Philippe of Macedonie, who hearing and iudging the cause of Macheta negligently, & giuing no right iudgement, tolde his Father that he had done amisse: against whom also Macheta exclaimed. The which Philip hearing, demaunded, Whom doest thou meane? Hee answered, I speak vnto you, desiring that you would heare my cause more attentiue, & iudge more circūspect. But for that time departing as beyng angrie, within a litle after Macheta returned vnto him, hee considered thereupon, Et quasi meliori iudicio, Taking counsell of his pillow, chaunged his [Page] former sentence and iudgemēt. Neuerthelesse the law, God himselfe beyng author thereof, cannot proue mutable: for as Plato saieth, Lex nullo affectu mouetur, non irascitur, non odit, non ambitione ducitur, diligit omnes, pariter (que) omnibus indulget. The Lawe is moued by no affection, and is not puffed vp with anger, hatred or ambition, for it loueth all men, and embraceth euery one alike, which breedeth quietnes to all, encreaseth loue, augmenteth Charitie, and continueth peace and concorde amongst all estates; whereof wee haue manifest proofe: For what caused Moses to be highly esteemed, and exceedingly beloued of the Iewes, but the [Page] establishing of their Lawe, which according to the originall hath beene inuented, both for the maintayning of equitie and Iustice, embracing of vertue, and to salue the decayed estate and frailtie of mās nature, which hath bene guided by iustice, tempered with honesty, instructed by rules, examples and exhortatiōs, from which hauing swarued to chastice the insolent and hauty behauiour of lewd persons, lawes were inuented, enacted and deuised: wherof there were three sortes: the lawe of nature, whose vertue is all one,Iustinianus institu. lib. 1. and the same euery where in all, or rather a very notice of Gods lawes, engraffed in the minde of man. The second is the law of nations, which no [Page] otherwise may be described, than of customes, maners, and prescriptions, which is of like condition to all people. Thirdly, Ciuil lawe, which is an abridgemēt derogating manie illicentious customes, which grewe by peruersnes and corruptnes of nature: and this is termed Peculiar, vsed by one kind of people;Iustinian. lib. 1. ciuill, Quasi vnius ciuitatis propriū. Besides these, there haue bin other lawes called Morall, of the x. Commandements, & ceremoniall lawes & rites enioined to the Leuites, besides the lawes of Moses, & many other iudicial statutes of natural policies, of which I need not to speake. But to draw neerer to my purpose, and to speake more proper, I thinke it not amisse, [Page] to lay downe somwhat of the law of Aristotle, which he calleth, Ius legitimū, & seemeth to haue some affinitie with this our law of England, being made by cōmon consent prescribing thereunto: wherfore in my iudgement, it may wel chalēge the name of Statute law, or Act enacted and cōcluded in a parliament: all which lawes were inuented for the vpholding of trueth, maintaining of iustice, being as a measure which God hath ordained amongst men in earth, to defēd the feeble frō the mighty, for the suppressing of iniuries, & to root out the wicked from among the good, which prescribeth these speciall points, To liue honestly, to hurt no mā wilfully, to render euery man his due carefully, as proceeding [Page] from the minde of God, furthering what is right, & prohibiting what is wrong, according to the definition therof; which is termed a singular reasō imprinted in nature, as an vnuiolable & perpetuall good, without which no house, no citie, no countrey, no estate of man, no naturall creature, nor yet the world it selfe can firmely cō sist: for those cities, in which there are no lawes, imposing penalties of sinne, and yeelding a reward to the good, may be counted rather wild forests for Tigers, then inhabitable places for men: yet the most necessary lawe for the Common wealth is, that the people amōg themselues liue in peace & vnitie, without strife and dissention.

[Page]1 Euery man in generall loueth law, yet they all hate the execution thereof in particular.

2 The lawe iudgeth with extremitie, and equitie with lenitie.

3 He is much to be cō demned, that liues in feare of iudgemēt, neglecting the rights of law.

4 The heart that loueth the Prince loially, obserueth his lawes carefully, and defendeth his coūtrey valiantly, is to be commended farre aboue all others.

Of Magistrates. Cap. 13.

FOr the executing of laws, and the obseruing of Iustice, Magistrates are to bee [Page] ordained, which are the tōgs of law, and lawe a mute Magistrate, who should be both religious and godly: for the onely motions thereof, are the most speciall garde of a flourishing Commō wealth, whose propertie aboue all others, is to shewe themselues godly patterns of equity and pietie, because the people might so much the more fear to liue recklesse and ruthful: in the discharging & accomplishing wherof, they should remaine constant, & not subiect to any chaunce or transmutatiō, nor by any way led eyther by friendship or affection, or seduced by any other sinister meanes, as bribery, or riches, which though a man abound with neuer so great store, yet deserueth he [Page] not to enioy the functiō of a magistrate, vnles he be adorned with sundry vertues, and qualified with rare qualities, as diuerse learned men haue verified, waying not the outward value, but the inward vertue. Wherfore Demonax when he saw a iolly swaine sit in his Scarlet gowne, well pleasing his own humor, beholding himself placed in the Theatre of dignitie, said vnto him, Sir, this robe of yours was a sheepes coate, before it came to your backe; noting that his wealth or gay attire could not shrowde his rustick maners. Wherby we may learne, that it is not only wealth, gay attire, or gorgeous robes, nor yet grauitie of yeeres without wisdome, knowledge, prudence, and [Page] other vertues, that can cause a man to deserue that place, wherein he is to minister iustice & equitie: riches cannot alter simplicitie, nor wealth procure prudencie; and as for grauity of yeeres & ripenes of age, it is a thing which ought somewhat to bee regarded, if so bee it carieth a smacke of vertue and a taste of wisedome, for experience hath a great prerogatiue, because grauitie of yeares furthereth credite: but as for wealth onely they are not to be esteemed, neither should a Magistrate in consideratiō thereof be chosen; for aboundance of riches maketh him to liue securely, and want of wisedome, to attempt any thing wilfully, for ignorance is a blinde guide, and a rude [Page] mistres, & none proue more bold then blinde bayardes: but yet I denie not, but measure of wealth is necessarie to maintaine honor: but how soeuer, it is harde to rule, and troublesome to vndertake the charge: for the executing of iustice is an office that must be strēgthned by zeale, and zeale maketh equitie inuincible, by which meanes they must needs offēd some; for that which seemeth iust to many, is offensiue to others, and seemeth vniust: so by iudging rightly they must offend men, and in effecting the contrarie, they displease God: wherefore as being difficult, and the burden ouerweighty, it was reported, that Pompey being cōbred with his honor, exclaimed to [Page] see Scillas crueltie, beeing [...]gnorant after what sorte to behaue himself in the dignitie he had, & cried out, O perill and danger neuer like to haue an end. Whereby it appeareth, that he thought it farre better, to proceed from a meane and base stocke, that thereby he might lead a priuate and quiet life, then to be imployed in any politike gouernmēt. As therfore the consideration of the charge is great, and the execution weighty, so for the better accomplishmēt of both, should none but the worthiest approch therunto, whose worthines and dignity should as much grace the place, as the place his person. But leauing these circūstances, I will approch vnto the Magistrates, [Page] of which, as Aristotle sayeth, ther are in general two kinds which do beare office; wherof he calleth one a necessarie Magistrate, without which a citie cannot rightly stand. Of the sortes of Magistrates belonging to the first kinde, there is one politike, which is imploied about ciuil matters, as were those of the citie of Rome, conuersant about ciuill affaires, & munera municipialia, by which meanes they were partakers with the citizēs of any gift or reward, which by right they might challenge in regard of their ciuill offices. There is an other holy or godly magistrate which is busied in diuine affaires. The aforesaid politike Magistrate, is either a superiour officer, or an inferiour: [Page] superiour officers were they, in whose handes all the gouernment did depend or cō sist, as in the citie of Rome, wherein the Senatours were the superiour officers, or as some would haue, the Patricians were the superiour officers, who were made by the Centurian conuocation, and as thought necessary, confirmed Lege curia. The inferiour officer was accustomed to care and foresee common matters, and enquired of any lawfull or vnlawfull thing committed, and after what sort they were done, whether iust or vniust, & assisted other officers in executing their duties. Such officers also were in the citie of Rome, which were thought to be the common people, created [Page] Lege Tributa and this inferiour was of two sorts, either of small note or account, or of lesser regard or estimatiō ▪ they that were of small account, they againe were either in the towne, because townsemen, or without the towne and precincts, which were termed of the suburbs, The vrbane and towne officers, were those which were carefull ouerseers, prouiding all things necessarie, & supplying the want therof, instituted to make prouision, and procuring reformatiō either of dilapidations, or any decayed or ruinate thing to be amended. The Magistrates that were without the citie or suburbes, were the ouerseers of the fieldes, and prouided wood and such necessaries. [Page] The foresaid Diuine officers, were those which were busied in godly and holy matters: of which there were two sorts, either those which did accomplish holy and diuine things, or els did care and prouide for holy matters: they that busied themselues in holy matters, were Priests and Preachers: those that cared for holy and diuine affaires, were inferiour ministers, vnto whom ye charge of the holy sanctuarie was committed, and those were termed, Quaestores sacri: or High priests. The Magistrate belonging to the first kinde, that Aristotle called, Lesse needfull, was required as an ornament for ciuill life, for reformation of maners.

1. Magistrates are cōmonly [Page] called Phisicians of the publike weale, yeelding a potion for the ridding out of all distemperate humours.

2. The Magistrate that politikely intendeth the good of the common weale, may be termed vpright, but hee that practiseth onely for his own profit, is a vitious, and a lewd Magistrate.

3. A Magistrate is likened to a running or springing fountaine, which the more it runneth, the greater and wider it openeth the path: euen so a good Magistrate, the longer he ruleth, the greater sway in subuerting vices he beareth.

4. The onely scope of a magistrate, is to glorifie God in the executing of iustice, discharging of his dutie, and [Page] causing men to liue vprightly, and further the trueth.

Of Counsailours. Cap. 14.

FOr the aduising and directing of the communalties in all affaires without cō fusion, and the procuring of the securitie of the common wealth in all estates, Counsellours are necessarie to bee required, and thought expedient, to resolue al doubts, to decide debates, & deliberate wisely, as well in time of peace, as warre, what are to be effected, what enterprise to be taken in hand, lest that follie giuing the mate, the communalties by their wisedome might with more ease auoyde the checke: for hee [Page] that is forewarned by counsaile, of imminent danger, against all future mishap and calamitie, may thereby preuent perils, if it be possible, or if by sinister fortune it may not bee eschewed, then hee may beare the crosse with more patience and smaller griefe: for happie is he that is warned by other mēs harms, and such are most miserable, that are wise by their owne woes. Counsailours are called by Licurgus, The Champions of the Common wealth, and by diuers other learned authours, The keyes of certaintie, The sacred anker or defence of the Common weale, beeing one minde, seeing with many eyes, and working with sundrie handes, and [Page] for wisedome, exceeding in consultation, as being many, and yet consenting in one, and all for the prosperitie of the common wealth, to which end they are constituted, some waying & forecasting imminent perils and inconueniences, which want no dammage; others, searching out remedies, which haue their profits and emoluments. These Counsellours being garnished with learning and experience, ought deliberatly and vigilantly, to tender the securitie of the common wealth, preferring the publike profit, before their particular commoditie, as hauing these circumstances before their eyes, premeditating whether it be lawful or vnlawfull, whether necessarie, [Page] with the considerations therevnto annexed, comparing honestie and credite, as twinnes and adherents together; and in the diuersitie of these causes, which is most honest and most profitable, omitting no circūstances: for as Cicero saith, A discreet and wise Counsailour neuer yeeldeth his consent, or prescribeth to any Act or Statute, to bee promulgated & proclaimed, before hee hath some singular reason conceiued with himselfe, as a sufficient token and proofe therof, or else hath learned of others, the cause wherfore the same should be worthily executed & established. He that doth nothing without counsell or aduice, needs not to repent him of his deed: for it [Page] is the beginning and ending of euery good worke.Cicero. Hee that will not at the first hand buy counsell good cheape, shall at the second hand, buy repentance deare. Wherfore let none cōtemne the counsel of their friends,Pythago. nor reiect the aduice of the wise, preferring his wit before their wisedome, nor leane to wilfulnes, lest had I wist come too late. For none is of such perfection, that he may haue an instant remembrance of all things. Romulus the first king of the Romanes, in the first constitution of their cō mon weale, hauing of his own people, not aboue three thousande footemen, and three hundreth horsemen, yet selected and picked out of the eldest and wisest of [Page] them all, one hundred counsellours, thinking that the common wealth could not rightly bee gouerned without them.

A common wealth, is like the Celedonie stone, which retaineth her vertue no longer, than it is rubbed with golde: so the happie state of the common wealth flourisheth no longer, than it retaineth Counsellours: which whosoeuer wanteth, though he possesseth neuer so great store of riches, enioyeth care to himselfe, enuie for his neighbours, spurres for his enemies, a pray for theeues, toyle for his person, anguish for his minde, a combersome scruple and care for his conscience, daunger for his friends, woe for his [Page] children, wretchednesse to his heires, in that hee findeth readie way to heape riches, and wanteth counsaile to dispose his gettings. The Niniuites ouerweaned with wantonnesse, their surcoates being of blisse, all polished with golde, pampering themselues with palpable follies, as wanting counsell, vntill Ionas by his Ambrosian and diuine counsell, reclaimed them to a better conformitie.

The Oracle of Apollo at Delphos, beeing demaunded, Why Iupiter should bee the chiefest of the gods, sith Mars was the best souldiour? answered, Mars is valiant, but Iupiter wise: concluding [Page] by this, that counsell and policie are of more force to subdue, than valour: Parua sunt arma foris, Cicero. nisi sit consilium domi: Weapons doe little steade in warres, vnlesse there bee Counsaile at home to direct them. The necessitie whereof, the equall authoritie in all degrees of a Democratic, may bee a liuely witnesse, who did all things without counsell or aduice, voyde of discretion in their furious outrages and follies, imposing most cruell tormentes vndeseruedly vpon diuers innocent persons, and condemning most sage & wise Counsailors by false surmises, as Solō, & Phocion, [Page] to the vtter decay and ruine of their Common wealth: & therefore in no wise are coū sellers to be wāted in a common weale, that are meet for so necessarie a charge, whose worthines (no doubt) consisteth in maner, wholy in their good example of honest and godly conuersation & orderly liuing. The which saying, Demosthenes well declared to the people of Athens, when Philip king of Macedonie, vnder colour dissembled peace with the citie, and so offered truce, vpon condition, that they would deliuer Demosthenes and nine other, which hee thought of most force against him in their cōmon coūsels: of which if he had obtained his expectatiō, no doubt but [Page] he thought, the want thereof would the sooner cause him to captiuate their whole city, and endaunger their liues; which being denied, procured the cities securitie.

1 Counsell is a sweete conserue, and aduice the purest auditor.

2 In counsailes we must be hard to resolue, and constant to performe.

3 Wee are warned by the wise, not to accept the counsell of the worldly man, whose aduice wil proue to be his owne desire.

4 Counsell is the sure ground of reason, and the scourge of the wicked is law.

Of Iudges. Cap. 15.

[Page]IVdges are the Phisicions of the Cōmon wealth, ordained to administer iustice, to decide controuersies, and for the punishing of malefactors, by whose means worldly quietnes is preserued & truth maintained. In these Iudges there are 4. things to be considered: first, to heare curteously, to answere wisely, to consider soberly, and to giue iudgemēt without parciality: which are no lesse necessarie, then is the soule in a liuing bodie. For being indifferent to both parties, he reduceth that to equalitie, which he thinketh vnequall: not vnlike vnto a line cut into vnequall partes; that part which is too long is cut shorter, & added to the other. So doth the Iudge, being the liuing [Page] law, & as it were an Oracle in the common weale. The Iudge ought also to account himself an interpreter to lawmakers, a minister of iustice, and his chiefe vertue must be, to know what is iust and true: he ought therefore not to swarue from law, and the meaning therof, but giue iudgemēt as the law, equity, & iustice doth command: for which respect it behoueth him to be sworne, to the end that God may be present to witnes his intēt & cōscience, which of al other things God hath made in man most diuine. Let ye Iudge be free frō ire, and all suspition of hope, loue, and hatred, not corruptible with giftes, not fearfull of threates, nor by flatterie seduced: for where Iudges [Page] are subiect to these passions, Iustice is farre remoued frō the iudiciall seate, and the Iudge himselfe. For there is nothing that infecteth the Common wealth more with seditious hate, and iniuries, than the corruption and iniustice of Iudges, By good & equall iudgements, the loue vniuersall of men is preserued, quarels, enmities, warres and sedition are thereby appeased, because they are in euery estate of such great force, as by good iudgemēts, the whole Common wealth doth seeme to be maintained, and by euil Iudges subuerted. This Iustice which concerneth iudgement, hath greatest power to extirpate vices in all estates: for if offenders be punished, there [Page] will be no place left for violence, fraude and audaciousnes, presumption & iniuries. The person of Iudges was by the auncient Philosophers painted like vnto a faire virgin, hauing a seuere & fearful aspect, piercing eies, chast and modest countenance, inclined to grauitie: which image seemeth to represent, that Iudges ought to bee incorrupt, chast, seuere, sharpe witted, good conceiuers of all things, graue, constant, & inexorable. Cambises, king of Persia, caused the skinne of one vniust Iudge, to bee slayed from his bodie, & hanged vp in the place of iudgement, to the end that thereby, all Iudges might be warned to be iust and vpright. In like maner ought our Counsellours [Page] to take heed that their Iustice (which extendeth to all sorts of people) may bee most dutifull, and that both in making and executing of Lawes, he may shewe himselfe a man of a singular iustice: for it were shame for him not to obserue Lawes, who is the executer of them. He commandeth others, & the law cōmandeth him, not that law only which is writtē in books, & tables of brasse, but the liuing lawe of reason which remaineth in our minds. Iulius Cesar had such regard of equitie and iustice, after hee had obtained the gouernment of Rome, that he neuer omitted any paine or labour, as well in common causes, concerning the defence and assistaunce of [Page] the innocent, as also in hearing and studiously discussing all controuersies, almost daily in his own proper person. But happy were those daies wherein Basil the Emperour of Constantinople liued, that whēsoeuer he came to his iudgement seat, found neither partie to accuse, nor defendant to answere; which was a signe of an vpright liuing. Herein might that of Solon be said to be obserued, who being asked how the cōmon wealth might be preserued: answered, If the people obey the Magistrates, & the Magistrates be vigilant in executing iustice, and in obeying the Lawes. And also that of Bias verified, who said, that the Common welth might be best assured, [Page] where all men liued vprightly, not trāsgressing the laws, yet fearing thē no lesse than a tyrant. It were then a thing most vnfit and vnconuenient in all estates, that the lawe should be reputed, as the spiders webbe, to take holde of the weake or simple, and suffer the strong and mighty to passe: of which errour Iudges should be heedful, endeuouring themselues to loue, obserue, & continually be carefull, how the Lawes may inuiolably be preserued, to which all men are seruants, that they might be freemen.

1 A wise Iudge alwaies preferres consideration before conclusion.

2 Iudges ought to dispatch with speed, and answer with patience.

[Page]3 The Iudge himself incurreth the fault, when the guilty person is pardoned.

4 Happy is the coūtrey, whose Iudges are iust mē, & whose iust men are Iudges.

Of Oeconomikes, or domesticall Gouernment. Cap. 16.

HAuing handeled of the two partes of regiment, which are requisite in euery action in generall of all men, either in a Monastike life, that is solitarie, or in a politike; now it followeth next, that I should handle of that parte, which is required in a Domesticall gouernmēt, ordered for the right managing of the affaires therunto belonging, which consisteth [Page] in the well gouerning & disposing thereof, whose end is to be prudently gouerned, for the credite of euery one that is a gouernour or master thereof: for a family consisteth either of those things which are to be ordered or gouerned, or else of them which are the Lords, Masters or gouernours thereof, who haue authoritie of all things thereunto appertaining, as of wife, children and seruants. First, the man and wife being by a diuine ordinance of God, linked together in wedlocke, and of two bodies beyng made one, should loue one another mutuallie without dissention, iarres, & broiles, comforting one an other in distresse, and reioicing with one another [Page] in prosperity, so that ye desire of the one, should bee the content of the other, the husband tendring the wife, as the weaker vessell, and prouiding all things needefull, supplying the wants of his familie: so likewise the wife obeying her husband, with all modestie and decencie, and of that prouision made by the husband, endeuouring her selfe to play the good huswife, which procureth loue and vnitie on both parts: otherwise there would bee no domesticall gouernment, neither is that man fit to gouern any where, or to beare authoritie, that cannot gouerne his owne house: the which was obiected to Philip King of Macedony, who would haue [Page] pacified the strife risen in the Citie, and read a booke of exhortation vnto the people: to whō they said, his admonitiō would litle preuaile to gouerne them, when hee could not gouerne his owne house at home, because he, his wife and sonne were at a continuall discord at home. Wherefore in this gouernment, and for the maintaining hereof, man and wife should not disagree, imitating the exāple of Hector & Andromache his wife, who loued each other so entirely, that Hector grieued more at his departure from his wife, than for parents, children & his whole coūtrey, as Homer testifieth. By the obseruing hereof, all things may rightly be ordered, and houshold [Page] affaires well managed, being so gouerned. First, the parēts of children are to haue great care in the orderly bringing vp of thē, who first begin to liue with the mother, which should haue great care in the nursing and tenderly vsing thereof, after the maner of the Grecians and Persians, who neuer were accustomed to see their sonnes, vntil they were ready to bee trained vp in warres: the mother hauing discharged her charge and done her taske, then the Father is to haue thē brought vp in learning, & trained in nurture: for after what sort they are at the beginning taught, they will taste of the same in their old age, euē as a twig that yongly sprowting is bent & made [Page] crooked, proueth a crooked old tree: which Aristotle in the end of his morall bookes testifieth, arguing vpon certaine opiniōs, that most of al may fashion an honest & ciuill life, to the which some partly therunto are enclined by nature, some reformed & framed by good vsage & custom, as by doctrine & other precepts: Hereupō he cōcluded at last, that vse and custome are of most force: for wherin childrē are trained vp in their yong & tender age, therof they must needs sauor in their ripe yeeres: As that of Horace, Quo semel est imbuta recens seruabit odorē, testa diu: That which is once bred in the bone, is hardly rooted out of the flesh, wherfore educatiō is so necessary, [Page] that it doth not onely guide thē, which nature hath made of a perfect disposition: but also correcteth & reformeth that which nature hath left vnpolished. What difference is betweene man and beast, but reason? what instructeth reason, but education? without which we are worse then the sencelesse brute beastes. Doubtlesse then wee are as much bound to our teachers for our education, as to our parents for the begetting of vs: for of the one wee haue our being, and of the other our well-being, who temper our crooked nature, which otherwise should remain deformed. What force therfore this education worketh, may be well approued by Socrates answere to the [Page] Phisiognomer that iudged him lewde by his exterior countenance. To whom Socrates said, I confesse that I am by nature such a one, but by good instruction & educatiō I am better fashioned. By which answer, he likened youths vnto soft waxe, apt to receiue euery impression, who should bee handled as one would fill a glasse with a narrow mouth, by powring in the water with a pipe by litle and litle: meaning that the tēder childhood of yong ymps, is most gently to bee handled and mildly to be entreated, vntill they approch vnto the age of discretion, which is limited to be at 14. yeeres, at which time obedience & good maners should be engraffed in them. Hereof [Page] may Phocion be a liuely witnesse, who was wished by a friend of his to prouide for his children, that they might encrease & maintaine the honour of his ancesters: to whom he said, As for my childrē if they embrace vertue, which I euer endeuoured to teach them, the litle possessions I haue shall make them deserue more, but if they proue otherwise, let no man be of that opinion, that I their father will prouide any thing to maintaine their pompe & riot. This is a worthy sentence of all men to be embraced, and a right precept for the fathers to instruct their children, confirmed with that saying of Menedemus which he vsed to his sonne Clinia,Terence, Ego te meum [Page] [...]antisper dici volo, dū id quod te dignum est facias. So long shalt thou bee my sonne, as thou behauest thy selfe with honesty: but if the father neglects to reforme his sonne with this precept, or forgets to haue him instructed and brought vp by a right compasse of education, what pitie doth the want of education breed, wherof the child shall haue iust cause to curse the parents, and the parents in their decrepit age to condemne themselues, whē the child shall impute all to the security of his licentious nurturing, which bringeth ofttimes to the children an vnhappy end, and causeth the father with Augustus to repeat that saying of Homer, Coniuge non ducta natis vtinam[Page]caruissem. I would that I had neuer maried wife, so that I had neuer beene troubled with children: which he vttered in respect of his vicious daughter Iulia, whom his ouermuch remisnesse at first had caused to proue so lewd. But omitting to speake further of this reformation, leauing it to the consideratiō of parents, who haue more discretiō in the gouerning hereof, then I cā prescribe, I think it not a misse to speake a word or two cōcerning ye gouernment of seruāts: for as magistrats & officers are ordeined and instituted to minister iustice: so it is expediēt that euery householder and master of seruāts, should rightly gouerne the state of his owne house, that seruants therein [Page] excersicing obediēce, might the rather be admitted to the general condition of the publike gouernment, imitating the good exāple of their Master laid before them, who is to vse his seruants after a moderation of chastisement: because many seruaunts are of that nature and condition, that they wil do more by one mild or gentle worde, than with a thousād seuere stripes: the Master thus teaching & instructing them vnto honesty, they may liue more vprightly, and thinke the yoke of seruice sweet, and the burden light, which procureth credit to the Master, & commendation to the seruants.

1 Euery beginning cō meth by nature: but the progresse by houshold educatiō.

[Page]2 Gouernors of families not endued with wisedome, in stead of good gouernmēt doe bring foorth briers and brambles.

3 That man holdeth his goods in danger, his house in suspitiō, his honor in balāce, and his life in peril, that cannot gouerne his own family.

4 The force of Samson, the prudence of Augustus, the cautels of Pyrrus, the patience of Iob, the sagacity of Hanibal, & the vigilancy of Hermogenes, be not sufficient to gouerne that house, where man and wife are not at vnitie.

5 That house may be rather termed a denne for wild beastes, and a receptacle of fooles, then a dwelling for mā & wife, which is not rightly managed.

Of Vertue. Cap. 17.

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NOw I come to entreat of the meanes whereby a Cōmon wealth is preserued, safely munified, and rightly polished.Aristot. Which as Aristotle & diuers others doe affirme, is by vertue; for the end of a citie and Common wealth (that is, the happines and felicitie therof) is concluded to proceed of a good life, which must require vertue, which to vs is an impregnable towr, a floodde that needeth no flowing, a perpetuall during treasure, an inuincible army, a strong fortresse, a true harbinger, a burden supportable, a balme that presently cureth, & an eternall honor [Page] that neuer dieth.Socrat. in Phoed. For (as Socrates saith) vertue is a thing that conducteth vs vnto immortality, and maketh vs equals with the heauens, and is called, An electiue habit of the mind, agreeing with reason and moderation of nature,Aristot. Politic. cap. 8. & 9. consisting in a Mediocritie between two extreams, the one in defect, and the other in excesse: wherefore it excelleth all other things in goodnes. For if by liberality, substance, health, and liuing, our countrey, parents, and children do well, it hapneth in respect of vertue, which doth aduance all, and vnder whose wings all thinges are hatched, which resēbleth the Cameleō, that is of al colors sauing white: so vertue tasteth of all diuersitie excepting [Page] vice. This vertue is well compared by a wise Philosopher, to the letter Y: which is small at the foote, and broade at the head, meaning, that to attaine vertue, it was difficult and harde, but the possessions thereof were passing pleasant, for thereby wee are saide to attaine euerlasting felicity, that is to witte, by vertues actions, which are of two fold: The one variable or mutable, the which may soone be chaunged or hindred, especially the obiectes & meanes which are vsed in the attaining thereof being taken away: and this action hath no fellowship, societie, or affinitie with felicitie. The other constant and inuariable, which is firme and perfect, [Page] intending a good effect, alwaies perseuering in action and contemplatiō, which by no meanes may be hindered or enforced to proue a changeling; and this action is meere felicitie, which ought to be in a Common welth wel established: which beyng otherwise neglected, or lightly regarded, and slightly practised, or on the contrarie side immoderately vsed, might engender sundry vices:Plato in Tymae [...]. for all immoderate actions on both sides are hurtful to nature. For he that on this side flieth perill in an honest cause, is termed timorous and fearful: and he that on the other side aduentreth ouermuch, is termed rashe: therfore vertue is said to cō sist betweene extreames, as [Page] not participating thereof. The due obseruation of this vertue, maketh a straunger grow naturall in a straunge countrey, and the vitious a meere stranger in his owne natiue soile, which if it be so, that the efficacy of this vertue is so great and worketh such wonders, no maruaile that Aemilius Paulus, when it was reported him being a sacrificing, that one of his sonnes, the elder by birth, was slaine in the field: therewith being moued, threw off his lawrell and triumphing crowne, & within a litle pawsing and deliberating with himselfe, at last asked after what sort his sonne lost his life, and yeelded vp the ghost: to whom it was told, that he was depriued thereof [Page] valiantly fighting, & at last breathing became breathlesse. At which saying being comforted, he layed on his triumphing crowne againe, protesting and calling the gods to witnesse, that hee conceiued greater pleasure at the death of his sonne (because of his vertue) then griefe and sorrow for his death. Seeing vertue hath such a disposition and power of the reasonable parte of the minde and soule of man, which bringeth vnto order and decency the vnreasonable part being out of square and frame, causing it anew to propound a conuenient end, to her owne affections & passions, by which means the soule abideth in a comely and decent habite, accomplishing [Page] and discharging in all dutie and vprightnes of life, what ought to be done according to reason. Who thē respecting the properties thereof, would not with al might and maine, endeuour to be traced and trained herein, wearing this as his recognizance and chiefe badge, which euer glistereth and shineth, though it be neuer so much obscured wherof Socrates hauing sufficient triall, was wont to giue these precepts to his scholers, That they should euery morning behold their Phisiognomy in a looking glasse, wherin if they should seeme faire, then they should employ themselues in Vertue, that they might inwardly resēble the outward appearance: if deformed, [Page] then should they especially endeuour thēselues in vertuous actiōs, that therby they might by the inward vertue, shroud their outward deformity.

1 It is the property of vertue, in suffering patiently to ouercome.

2 The first degree to vertue, is, to admire vertue in an other man.

3 Vertue getteth no superiority by birth, nor prudence by yeeres: for there may be old fooles, and yong counsellers.

4 Vertue is a seemely goddesse of toyle, imagination the mistres of fooles, leuity the pride of nature, and dissention the ruine & ouerthrow of families.

Of Prudence. Cap. 18.

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PRudence is a busie searcher, and true inuentor of verity, which alloweth nothing to haue fellowship with the truth, except it be seasoned with reason, and tempered with wisdome. This vertue is allowed as a soueraigne precious good and is termed the very touchstone of truth, which guideth the steps of men, in an vnfallible way, to the attaining and vnderstanding of vertue, which procureth felicity. Cicero defineth this vertue to be the knowledge of things which ought to be wished or obtained, & of those things which ought to be eschewed, like a prouident mother foreseing what [Page] with decency should be accomplished in euery enterprise, who prepareth a conueniēt & fit abode, where all other vertues might securely execute and discharge their seueral duties and offices: for she accustometh to be conuersant in the choosing of good and euil, being the captaine and mistresse of all other vertues whom shee feedeth. This vertue cannot easily be taynted, or inueigled with any lewd canker of vanity, nor fettered within the bonds of folly, being garded with al the troups of vertues, and tried in the fire of zeale, shining bright, and yeelding a fragrant smell and fauour to the nostrels of the louers and possessors thereof, like a beame proceeding [Page] from the cleere sunne, which doth not onely lighten and kindle the affection, but also doth illuminate the vnderstanding and knowledge of man: wherefore wise men haue laied a difference betweene science & prudence, saying, that science is a dead knowledge of things, which of it selfe cannot change the will, in such sort that it may embrace and followe the knowne good, and auoid the euill, which is euident in wicked men, imbrued with vice, & endued with knowledge. Wherefore Socrates was wont to admonish his scholers, that in all their life time, they should haue these three things in memory, to witte, Prudence in minde, which is an inuiolable castell (as Antisthenes [Page] saith) Scilence in their tongue, and shamefastnesse in their countenance, without which, nothing may bee done wisely: because prudence is the prince and guide to all other vertues, wherein the knowledge of our soueraigne good, and the ende of our life dependeth. Wherefore we may in no sorte behaue our selues more prudently, then by cō sidering how we may deale imprudently. Such a prudent man was Agesilaus king of the Lacedemonians, who, when there was a battel to be pitched at Mantinia, by his subiectes the Lacedemonians, counselled them thus wisely, that they should bēd all their force and strength, and leuell at Epiminondas, [Page] saying, It was a poinct of prudence to cut off the hartiest souldier first of all; meaning that valiant men were the causers of victory, which when they had obserued, obtained the conquest, and so preuented the daunger, and preserued their liues & safety. Whereby it was concluded, that in warre one prudent man was of greater force to subdue, then an whole army of vnwisemen. For (as Homer saieth) Ille sapit solus, volitant alii velut vmbrae. Likewise Ioseph so excelled in prudence, in aduising Pharao to prouide a man of wisedome and vnderstanding, and set him ouer the land of Egypt, saying, Let Pharao make and appoint Officers ouer the [Page] land, and take vp the first part of the land of Egypt in the seuen plenteous yeeres: also let them gather all the foode of these good yeeres that come, and lay vp corne vnder the hand of Pharao for foode in the citie, and let them keepe it; so the foode shalbe for the prouisiō of the land,Gen. 41. against the seuen yeres of famine which shall be in the land of Egypt, that the land perish not for famine. & the saying pleased Pharao and al his seruants, and therfore accoūted Ioseph a most prudent and wise man. In like sort the prudence of Licurgus, the reformer & lawmaker of the Lacedemoniās was the cause of the maintenaunce of their flourishing estate aboue 500. yeeres, [Page] so that it was the chiefest in all Greece, both for glory, & excellency of gouernment: from whence they digressed not, vntill such time as they wholy neglected those lawes, and godly ordinances the which hee gaue them. Wherefore to conclude, the vigor & strength of this vertue in all actions, whether it be ingeneral to all in a Monastike life, or Oeconomicall appertaining to families, or politike which is the chiefest of all, vsed to the good of the Commō wealth, hath such efficacy, that nothing without the same may rightly be effected: for the confirmation whereof and a finall conclusiō, we need no more then the liuely example of Argos, which had his head [Page] inuironed with a hundred watching eies: signifying vnto vs, that he was euery way endued with great prudēce, and singular discretiō: wherfore if a Pagan and a Heathen man, by the reportes of the Poets, so excelled in the atchiuement of vertue, wisedome, and prudence, how much the rather ought wee Christians to bee furnished with the same, as an onely ornament of all actions? For although the wit of mā is most precious and apt to al goodnes, glistering as the yron & brasse, more & more in wearing, whose sharpnes and brightnes is like the sparkle that soonest kindleth desire; though eloquence be a diuine influence, and inuentiō the daerling of nature: neuerthelesse [Page] inuention bringeth forth oft times a rude & deformed matter, and eloquence singeth a song harsh, voide of tune & concord of true melody, without prudence: by which men are alwaies cloathed and inuested with a mild and setled disposition, wherein it steadeth them no lesse, then a shippe floting on the Sea, doeth the presence of a Pilote that may prudently vndertake, & wisely execute whatsoeuer he knoweth to be good, after mature deliberation and cō sideration of all the circumstances of the fact. If therfore a gouernour be not endued with prudence & learning, ciuill policy cannot be maintained, and his Empire or gouernment auaileth not.

[Page]1 Prudence reformeth abuses past, ordereth thinges present, & foreseeth things to come.

2 Iustice without Prudēce, is dissolued into cruelty, temperance into fury, and fortitude into tyranny.

3 It is a point of great Prudence, to lament the life of a wicked man, more then the death of the iust.

4 To the prudent it is more pleasant to heare coū sell mixt with mirth, then to the foolish to wāt sport mixt with rudenesse.

5 He that searcheth out prudence, findeth treasure in this life and enioyeth perfect happines in the life to come.

Of Fortitude. Cap. 19.

[Page]FOrtitude is an inuincible vertue, or courage of the mind, vndertaking any peril in an honest & good cause: also it is defined of some, to be a firie humor of the spirit, inflaming the minde with boldnes in all assayes, & conducting the body thorow a million of perils, in attempting harde aduentures, because nothing ought to bee hard for a valerous mā to attempt, which might daunt & abate his courage. This vertue is of two sorts, either consisting of the meere strength of the body, which ought not to be termed fortitude, because there be many men that haue stout bodies and great strength, and yet cowards: And is therfore called naturall vigor, or els fortitude, [Page] otherwise it is taken for the constancy of the minde, and so it is termed a morall vertue: wherefore by the assent of the Philosophers, it deserueth the vppermost roome and the greatest dignitie amōgst morall vertues, for two considerations. First, in respect of the primate and chiefest man, whose minde attaineth this vertue. Secōdly, in respect of the whole citie which he enioieth, and in enioying defendeth her territories and turrets, aduenturing any enterprise for the security thereof. The properties of this vertue consist in two things: First in despising outward casualties, not beeing moued to admire thereat: in admiring, not to desire or wish any thing but [Page] what is honest, holding the flagge of defiance against the allure and becke of fortune, suffering al things patiently, if any thing happen bitter or grieuous, which is a token of an inuincible minde, as Cicero saith,Cicero. Si quid obtigerit, aequo animo parato (que) morear, ne (que) enim turpis mors forti viro potest accidere, ne (que) immatura consulari, nec misera sapienti. The second is, that if thou art of that minde and courage, see thou imploy thy selfe in those thinges which are most difficult and full of perill, which may as well cō serue the life of man, as sundry other things thereunto appertaining, that it may be said as it was of a certaine Philosopher, who being busied touching his countreys [Page] affaires, and pleading truce for his friends liues, hapned to fall into the lapse of his enemies, and hauing many cowardly souldiers, who regarding neither their friends liues, nor their owne countreys security, most timerously flying, demaunded of this valiant mā what they should do: to whom hee answered, that they should report to those that were aliue, that he valiantly fighting for their security died: and I will in like sort report to the dead, that you escaped cowardly, as being the last in the field, and first in flight. We see therefore, that courage, and magnanimity, are daunted with no danger, and yet conquer by perseuerance, & triumph with honor. So then as [Page] we shall finde our bounden dutie to honour our countrey, with all gratitude, & to defend it with all power and might, shewing our selues valiant and couragious, following the example of Curtius the Romane, when there appeared a great gulfe in the market place, which could by no meanes be stopped; & an answere being giuen by the Oracle, that it was onely to be stopped by that which was of most value to the city of Rome, he deeming that the citie had nothing so precious as stout & valiant men, armed himself and leapt into the gulfe, which stopt immediatly: declaring thereby how light, men ought to esteeme their liues, when as the same might yeeld profit [Page] and cōmodity to their countrey, in regard of such aduentures which euery man ought in the behalfe of his coūtrey to enterprise. Herehence it hapneth out sometime, that diuers rash & wilfull mē, carried with an erronious opinion, do esteeme it mere cowardnes, not to fight for euery light offēce, which is well approued to be otherwise, as Alexāder the sonne of Mammena testifieth: who hearing that Artaxerxes the king of the Persians, came with a great army of souldiors, about to inuade the Romane Empire: it behoueth valiant & moderat men (said Alexander) to wish alwaies the best, & to beare patiently whatsoeuer happeneth contrary to their expectation: [Page] for it is the point of fortitude, neither to encombate for euery small trifle, triumph in prosperity, nor yet to be dismaid in aduersity: concluding with Cicero, that a valiant man should bee alwaies girded with patience, & garded with constancy: the one to perseuer in wel doing, the other to tolerate sundry enormities:Cicero. for, Fortes & magnanimi sunt, nō qui faciūt, sed qui propulsant iniuriam. Calling to mind, that not onely they which do offend are valiant men, but they which do defend. Hereupō Laches demaunded of Socrates what Fortitude was: he answered, It was a vertue, by which a man not forsaking right and custome, repelleth the force of his enemy: which he confuted, [Page] saying,Plato. A mā after the maner of the Scythians, no lesse in flying, then in persisting, ouercommeth his enemy, and so in like maner may be called a valiant man. Wherefore Homer calleth him a valiant man, which dareth according to opportunity, and as time, place, and occasion shall require, boldly resist or feare his enemy: gathering hereby, that a valiant man or light not for euery trifle or light occasiō fight or encombat: For it is a rude thing (as Cicero saith) after the maner of beasts to cōmit such wilfull rashnes, vnles it be in defence of countrey, or for vertue & honesty sake, regarding both time, place, & the person: for as he is called desperate and rash, that fighteth [Page] for euery small matter: so againe are they accounted valiant, that suffer and tolerate small iniuries, vnlesse they impaire their credit, or derogate [...]om their honesty: then if they resist not an ini [...]e if it be offered, they are in as great a fault (as Cicero saieth) as if they should forsake both countrey,Cicer. offic. parents, & children: deeming it better to die free, then to liue captiue: of which opiniō was Mucius Scaeuola that valiant man, who willing to incurre any sinister hap for the safety of his countrey, was taken of his enemies, at which time he thought to slay the king his enemy, but missing the king, slew the secretary, and was afterwards brought to a great fire to be burnt: [Page] into the which he willingly thrust his hand that had falled to slay the king, and suffered it to be burnt to ashes. Likewise also Abraham was of such excellent valure, that when he heard that his brother was taken by the kings of Sodome and Gomorrha,Gen. 14. brought foorth of them that were borne and brought vp in his house three hundred & eighteene, and pursued them vnto a place called Dan.

In like maner Mithridates king of Pontus, after he had pestered the Romanes with warres the space of 40. yeres, during which time he behaued himselfe no lesse valiant in minde, then hardy in body, in resisting their strong forces, and withal in attempting the fortitude of the Romanes, [Page] thogh he was by fortune shaken in his old yeers, and eclipsed of his wealth, friēds, countrey, kingdome, & al worldly chiualry, yet in despight of fortune went to Celta, meaning with them to transport into Italy, whereby the Romanes might haue intelligēce, that albeit he of his friends and countrey, by the frowne of fortune was depriued, yet neyther fortune, nor the Romanes could subdue his valiant hart. In this triumphed valiant men, because they might not be vanquished, and gloried, being free from subiection.

1 Lightning or thunderclaps dismay infants: and threates annoy fooles, but nothing dismaieth the resolution of a valiant man.

[Page]2 Fortitude is the champion to equity, which neuer ought to striue, except in righteous actions.

3 Valure is a wise mans coate, & a fooles cognizance.

4 Those that are stout in body & cowards in mind, are dissemblers with God & mā: with God, because they may be good and will not: with man, because they seeme and are not.

Of Patience. Cap. 20.

PAtience is an excellent vertue, belōging aswel to outward empire as to inward gouernance: it is said to be the shielde of intolerable wrōgs, the vāquisher of wickednes, that lighteneth the [Page] burden of aduersity, and is a sure carde against all assaults and passions of the soule, seasoning the ioys of prosperity, and retaining a continuall glad assemblāce in aduersity and dolor, consisting stoutly and valiantly in sustaining all labours and griefes for the loue of honesty and vertue. For as S. Augustine sayeth, it is more cōmendable to contēne an iniury, the therewith to bee grieued or to pine, by reason that in despising, we seeme a [...] though we were not moued therewith, or felt nothing, regarding it nothing at all: but on the contraryside, hee that is thereat sturred or grieued, endureth torment & feeleth the smart, because the more impatient we be in sustaining iniuries, [Page] we aggrauate the griefe by so much the more, and grieuous, and vneasie is the burden thereof. Patience then sucking the dregges of sorrow, and pestered with the bitter pils of distresse is made more strong and perfect: which seemeth to be wel approued by the Lacedemonians, who were noted to bee patterns of patience, sustaining all paines, wars, vinde, and weather. So likewise, as Plinie reporteth Anarchus, of all men was most patient in all his torments: which is a speciall token of an heroicall minde, to set light by small wrongs, and litle regard meane aduentures: But as for this kinde of patience these examples may serue, because wee haue sufficient [Page] daily before our eies: wherefore I will draw neerer vnto the inward gouernance, vpō whom patience should attend, to the subuersion and oppressing of naturall passions, to the sustaining of the frowardnes of fortune, lest that they which haue the fū ction of authority, & be imploied in matters of great importance, their liues be not onely replenished with toiles and heinous displeasures, but withall bee subiect vnto diuers casualties. To these the onely prouiso and ready way to haue patience, is thought by two waies inuented. First a direct and an vpright consciēce, a true & constant opiniō in the estimatiō of goodnes, which seldom procedeth by instinct of nature, vnlesse [Page] it be exquisit, and excellent; but by the diligent study & attaining of vertue. For hee which bendeth himselfe to reuenge, doth imitate his doings who is molested with impatience, and he that imitateth an euil man, wil hardly proue good himselfe: it were difficult and harde for a valiant man, to tolerate any iniury without reuenge, though oftentimes he is accoūted more valiāt in suffering, then in hasty reuēging: for he that enterpriseth any thing hastily, may repent him by leysure: Neuerthelesse I denie not, but it is almost a thing impossible for a couragious man, to tolerate an indignity, the which if he doth suffer, the onely and the surest way to be reuēged, [Page] is to contemne & rebuke it, and to liue with such godly courage, behauiour, and vpright life, that the doer and actor of the wrong, shal haue sufficient occasion thereat to be ashamed, or at leastwise lose the fruites of his enuy, hauing no ioy of thy hinderance and damage.Laerti. lib. 6. Antisthenes was wont to glory that he had sufficient vertue to the attaining of felicity, & wanted nothing, saue onely the strēgth of Socrates meaning, his mayle coate of patience, was a sufficient armour of proofe. Tiberius Cesar was in this one thing most highly cōmended, because he refused honors that wer gratefully profered him,Guid. vitu vicen. ex Suet. shunned flattery, and suffered all reproches patiently, [Page] saying, that in a free citie there ought to be free toūgs: that is to say, void of iniquity, and tempered with this mild soueraigne, named Patience. Whose aduice Iulius Cesar seemed to imitate, whē Catullus the Poet wrote very many contumelious Epigrams against him, he notwithstanding not onely forgaue him, but was recōciled, and often inuited him to his house. But omitting to speak any more of this vertue, sithens it seemeth sufficient, to the instruction of a gouernour, if any thing remaine, I referre him to Plutarch and Plato, where he may find sufficient to satisfie his minde, and accomplish his expectation.

1 The sweetest salue to a [Page] deformed shape, is patience, and no greater reuenge can be profered to Fortune, then to liue contentedly in the midst of misery.

2 The final end of patiēce, is the expectatiō of promises.

3 He may be well verified to be right patient, which in his outrage can bridle his owne affections.

4 Patience winketh at apparant follies, and refraineth to prosecute manifest iniuries.

Of Constancy. Cap. 21.

Aristot.COnstancy is a fortitude, as Aristotle saieth, perseuering in well doing, defined of Cicero to be a prouident guide, teaching vs the force & efficacy of wisedome, and [Page] directing vs to tread our steps stedfastly in the continuall trace of vertue, our nature beeing fraile, lest that any puffe of vanity, or gale of winde should tosse our light affections: like the bramble, being wauering and wanting stay, wee are ready to shipwrack at euery sudden waue or the least blast, vnlesse wee be cunningly guided by a Pilote of experience, whom, neither feare of aduersitie, exterior dammage, nor priuate familiarity may cause to desist from so commendable and comely a vertue as constancy, in which remaineth nothing worthy of blame as a note of blemish: for albeit we haue both by nature and nurture, obtained the guerdon due vnto our labour, & [Page] doe misse of constancy, when experience claspeth hold on vs; if we then omit any parte of our gotten talent or effected vertue, moued by priuate affection, feare of aduersity, or any other exterior dammage, desisting from constancy, prouing vnstable and wauering in our actiōs, then is the estimation of our credit eclipsed, & what may be worthy of commendations in vs. A man in nothing lesse resembleth a man, then to proue in his action vnconstāt, which is a great blemish in any man, as appeared in Metellus, which after his master Diodorus being dead, laied vpon his sepulchre a stone, made after the fashion of a Crowe: which Cicero vnderstanding, said, that he [Page] had well rewarded him,Plutarc. because he taught him to flie, and not to speake. Whereby he noted the inconstancy of Metellus. Also heretofore men were rebuked for their inconstancy, and likened to women and to children: to the one, because in respect of their infancy and young yeeres, were not able to effect any thing: to the other, as being the weaker sort, at whose handes no great exploit was to be expected; but now a daies it is contrary: for women are noted for the most part to bee of greater constancy then men, and if any proue vncōstāt, the feminine sort are accustomed to terme the same to resemble some wauering or vncōstant man: what should bee the [Page] cause of this, I know not, vnlesse it might come to passe, that men for their leuity are too often saide to resemble women, and so with Caeneus changing sexe, who of a woman became man, so men become women. Constancy beyng a property only vnto man, ought to bee of no small reputation: for as the wise man saieth, It is better to haue a constant enemy, then an vnconstant friend, whereof we haue diuers liuely examples: therefore I will drawe a little neerer to the nature and property of constancy. The property of a constant man, (as the Philosophers do affirme) is, not to insult in prosperity, nor to pine in troubles or calamity, nor to mourne [Page] in aduersity, but as Plato saith, to holde a meane betweene submission & ambition, guided by reason; wherby we may note the ambitious and enuious men to be excluded, of whom there is no meane obserued, nor true constancy vsed, beeing by these vices, as by a cable rope, haled with vnsatiable desire, making no period or comma, frō the highest Zodiack & climate, to the lowest Centre, by which meanes their mindes cannot be permanent. Moreouer we must not deceiue our selues, in deeming that the stiffe necked and stubborne man is constant, although hee continueth, as beyng void of al vertue, in his peruerse opiniō, as Zeno the philosopher [Page] wel testifieth, saying, Facilius esse ventrem inflatum emergere, quam quemuis improbum ad aliquid agendum cogere: Who yeeldeth to no man is sooner like a Serpent to be broken, then bent: but on the contrary side, the constant man persisteth not according to opinion as the stubborne man, which is grounded, Innanibus (as they say) & quasi labentibus fundamentis, vpon no certaine fundation, but vpon true knowledge or science, wherein he is assured not to erre. Such a constant man was Anaxarcus the philosopher, that when he was beaten in a hollow stone of Micocreon the tyrant, was of such inuincible mind, that he bad the tirāt, Knock, knock this carcase of Anaxarcus, [Page] but thou shalt neuer infringe his constancy. Likewise Alexander had such great cō stancy, in trusting his friend against misreport, that it saued his life, whereof all men despaired. Xantippe the wife of Socrates, did report that Socrates had alwaies the same countenance, both going from home, & returning home, which was a signe of great constancy: wherefore nothing is more requisite in a gouernour, then during all his life time, in all actions to proue stable and constant.

1 To liue to God, to cō temne the world, to feare no mishap, are the ensignes of constancy.

2 The treasure that men gather in processe of time, may faile, friends may relent, [Page] hope may deceiue, vaine glory may perish, but cōstancy may neuer be conquered.

3 Constancy is the blessing of nature, the soueraine salue of pouerty, the mistresse of sorrow, the end of misery.

4 It is the signe of leuity and lightnes of wit, vnaduisedly to promise, what a man may not, or will not performe.

Of Temperance. Cap. 22.

TEmperance is a vertue, moderating and bridling lusts, defined by Aristotle, to be a meane in moderating of the pleasures of the body, & may bee fitly likened to a lampe that shineth, lightneth [Page] and expelleth away the dim and obscure passions that may enuiron it: before this vertue can be rightly setled, wee must be void of distemperature, or annoyāce of cō trary vice: to the attaining whereof wee must vse such meanes, as the Chyrurgians doe: Before they apply any medicine or salue co cure any festered vlcer or wound, they first drawe out all bad and corrupt humors, dead and rotten flesh, and then do proceede further to the cure thereof: so must we begin first, to cleanse & purge the mind of all distemperate humors, or noysome passions which may seeke harbour & rest therin, so that this vertue may haue no seate or roome to abide: whereby as her nature [Page] and property is, it may preserue both priuate and humane society, curing the soule, most miserably throwē downe in vice, restoring it againe to her accustomed abode therin, foreseing all disordered and vnbridled appetites, to yeeld to the yoke of reason & discretion, which is not onely effected by the abstaining from meat and drinke: but also in vanquishing the lust, and bridling lasciuious affections, and suppressing wanton wils, which are the vtter wracke and ruine of man, the which to subdue, is thought by wise men a greater conquest, thē to ouercome an enemy in the field, as by their deeds & doctrine it euidently appeareth. Antisthenes that famous [Page] man, did so much loath vntēperate pleasure, that he was wont to say, that he had rather waxe madde,Laertius. then to be moued thereby, proclaiming openly, I will be distracted, rather thē I wil delight in vntemperature, because the Phisition may cure this malady and madnes, but pleasure or any vntemperature, when it causeth a man to be void of reason, & without himselfe, is a mischiefe that hath no remedy, and is vncurable. Likewise Demosthenes that famous Orator of Greece, affirmed, no greater euill to happen to any earthly wight, which had any tast of vertue, then incontinence and vntemperature: accompting it the greatest vertue that could bee, to abstaine [Page] and vtterly to abandon banquetting, swilling, and drinking, because temperance doth very much auaile vs, which is especially tried in contemning and abandoning pleasures in all actions. This is it that deserued that daily commendation of Solon which was wont to crie out, Ne quid nimis. Wherefore the Persians listening thereunto, caused their children in all actions daily to bee exercised herein. Likewise the Turkes doe obserue daily this vertue with all modesty, in such forte, that they excell the Greekes and the Romanes, who are wont in warre to sustaine themselues with bread half baked, and rice, with the pouder of flesh which is dried [Page] in the Sunne; their drinke is faire water, such as the ancient Carthaginians vsed in warre by prescription of law, as Plato saieth. In like maner, Agesilaus king of the Lacedemoniās, passing through the city of Thracius, being mette and entertained by the Nobles and the people, with diuersity of banquets and rare dainties, to gratifie his comming, who neuerthelesse tasted not their dainties, feeding onely on bread and drinke, & cōmanded his foote men to feed vpon such cheere, saying, that a Prince ought not to pamper himselfe with varieties or dainty cheere, but to abstayne: meaning, that immoderate eating and drinking do inferre great dammages [Page] to mans body, which were onely ordained to sustaine the life of man, which otherwise vsed do cause great sinne before God and man, and ingendreth diuers diseases and sicknesses, as dropsies & sundry other infections. Who would not therefore, considering the discommodity hereof, refraine, and willingly loath all vnsatiable gluttons, as Vitellus & Appitius, to which cormorāts, neither land, water, ayre, might bee sufficient? which is the greatest blemish that can be in any man. Iulius Cesar so much abhorred intemperance, as Plutark rehearseth, that he was accounted in regard thereof, the very lampe and Lanthorne of all Europe for his abstinēce, & thought [Page] the very mirror of Italy, who by ouercōming of himselfe, ouercame all Europe: so, no lesse are all gouernours for their temperance and abstinence to deserue praise and fame, then dignity & honour for their rule and Empire.

1 Heroicall vertues are made perfect by the vnity of temperance, and fortitude, which seperated, becomes vitious.

2 There is nothing in the world that deserues greater felicity, then moderatiō, that ouercommeth the assaults of the flesh, and the fruites of a good life are reuiued by it.

3 Temperance enforceth vs to yeeld to reason, bringeth peace to the minde, and mollifieth the affections with concord and agreement.

[Page]4 It is vnpossible for him to praise temperance, whose delight is in pleasure, or affect gouernment, that delighteth in riot.

Of Modesty. Cap. 23.

MOdesty is a temperate vertue, or a precinct or limite, which honesty commaundeth to be obserued: so called, as Aristotle saith, because it obserueth a meane, not exceeding nor declining in any thing: And as Osorius saieth, It is a vehement feare & shamefastnes of ignominy or reproch: but Plato calleth it the onely preseruer of all vertue, which first shineth or appeareth in youthes, like a lampe, and especially [Page] in those which are of the greatest towardnes, whō we perceiue to blush, not for any infamy or reproche which they haue cōmitted, but for feare of cōmitting any thing worthy the reprehēsiō, which is ye only felicity in all estates, and may be called, the onely repairer of decayed vertue. Sith then the country which we must desire to inhabite, is so high and heauēly, and the way thither is Modestie, wherefore then desiring to enioy this happy countrey, do wee refuse the way? for doubtlesse, as Osorius saieth, that hee which altogether hath lost this vertue, and passeth the goale, is either of presumption or of meere slownesse reputed, and may bee well thought to haue no [Page] sparkle of honesty. Was not impudence and ouerboldnes one of ye greatest blemishes that Cicero was wont to reprehend in Cateline? But modesty now a daies, as Plato saieth, is exilde out of the land. Wherefore did the Lacedemonians and Romanes banish out of their countrey, all vanity and other lewdnes passing the limits of modesty: but because they hated & vtterly detested this vice, as deeming nothing honest which wanted this vertue? Aristotle admonished, that no man should praise or dispraise himselfe: which on the one side he thought to bee the property of a vaine glorious man, and on the other side to be the point of an vnwise and foolish person: deeming [Page] on euery side, that it was the poinct of no modesty, seeing it is accounted so vnseemely a vice, & detestable a crime amongst all good men, who would be ouerslow in the obseruing hereof. The very Turkes do so embrace this vertue, and follow her traine so much, though being addicted vnto warres, yet to preuēt immodesty which they greatly detest, they carie no weapons in court, townes, nor yet in campe: but when they are to fight, they shew great staiednes in their maners, auoiding haughtines and lightnes in their deeds, gestures, apparels, and speaches: As for example, when Amirath, whō they account and canonize as a Saint, who was very valiant [Page] and fortunate in armes, went to the temple to heare praiers without any pompe, accompanied only with two seruants, would not be saluted or flattered with acclamations. Seing such modesty hath beene vsed amongest those Turkish infidels, what should be vsed amōgst Christians, and in well ordered common weales, where nothing, but what with vertue and decency should agree, ought to haue any place? for the chiefest point of honesty consisteth in modesty, which subiecteth and reclaimeth all distēperature, and enforceth it to obserue a moderate decency. Consider well the graue matrones of Rome, & it shall suffice for an example, who vsed themselues so [Page] modestly & decently, both in behauiour and diet, & called those shamelesse and impudent, that did drinke wine or fauour thereof, the which Cicero testifieth in his fourth Booke De Rep. saying, that they obserued it for a token of shamefastnesse, & not for any reprehension: wherefore Cato by report of Plinie in his 14. booke De historia naturali, said, That the neighbours for no other reason did vse to kisse and busse the female kinde, as wee do now for fashion sake vpon seldome meetings in kindnes, but for that purpose only, that they might know whether they sauoured of wine, from which to abstaine was a token of modesty. Iuuenal.

[Page]1 Modesty hath often effected that, which no vertue nor reason can performe.

2 Men are in nothing more like to their maker, thē in sobernes and modesty.

3 The glorious seat and throne of the highest is in heauen: if thou presumptuously endeuour to lift vp thy selfe vnto him, he will flie frō thee; but if otherwise thou obserue true modesty before him, he wil descēd vnto thee.

4 After that Dio was made king of the Siracusians, he would neuer change his accustomed diet and apparell, which hee was wont to weare being a student of the Vniuersity.

Of Chastity. Cap. 24.

[Page]CHastity is a bridled temperance of lawlesse lust, or as Aristotle saith, is a sweet blossome of the soule, and an integrity of life, which rayseth vp slewces to auoid the floods of vaine pleasure, or refraine the act of carnall appetite, whereunto a man is vehemently moued, or els enioyeth his wished desire therin: which to refraine, vndoubtedly is a thing almost impossible, and betokeneth a great wonder in a man of noble race & of great dignity: but in whosoeuer it happeneth to be, must of necessity be reputed of great wisedome & vertue, considering that it is enioyed onely of those, that keep their bodies cleane and vnspotted. This chastity abideth neither in [Page] sincere Virginity, not sacred Matrimony, yet being good in wedlock, as a peace to desire, commendable in virginity and widdowhood, as an onely dignity and grace to their bodies: gracious is that face that accomplisheth onely pure loue, and most celestiall is the resolution grounded vpon chastity: for what can be more acceptable before GOD and man, then to keepe our bodies and mindes cleane from all blurres, spottes, or blemish? He that stoupeth to the lure of vaine delight, whereby hee might breed his owne content, and satisfie his lawlesse lust, striketh often his foote against daungerous rocks, and by haunting after vaine follies, falleth into [Page] most perillous daungers, not respecting the end, which is the onely salue to tame the fleshe, that wanton is and bold, well to waigh what it shall bee, once dead and layde in molde: For, Non melius poterit caro luxuriosa dominari, quam bene (qualis erit post mortem) recordari. Which to forget, is a most detestable sinne in all ages, and especially in old yeeres to bee stayned with the spotte of incontinency. Wherefore it is reported by learned Authors, that amongst the Caspions there was a law decreed, that who soeuer should marry after he had passed fifty yeres of age, should in common assemblies be placed in the lowest roome and the meanest seat, [Page] as one that had committed a heinous fact against nature, whom they entituled no better then a filthy doting old leacher: meaning, that to liue chaste, was the onely felicity of an earthly man, the which in this world could bee effected: wherefore Cyrus, as thinking it a thing most needfull to liue in chastity, abstained from the sight of Pantha: and when Araspus told him, that she was a woman of excellent beauty, and woorthy to be a kings paramour, Therfore, said Cyrus, the rather must I abstaine: for if by thy aduice I shall goe vnto her, when she is solitary, peraduenture she wil perswade me to vse & frequent her company when she hath no need; then must I daily be [Page] with her, neglecting the serious busines and affaires of the Cōmon wealth: concluding hereby, that he detested vnchastity: for if thereunto he should be addicted, then he could not as a king, rightly discharge the duty of a gouernour: for hee had daily experience before his eies, of those which haue beene imploied in warre, who after many wreaths and victories, being once intrapped & inueigled with the loue of vnchastity (their minds being linkt thereunto) could no more vse any of their former Stratagems, or busie themselues in such affaires, being imploid otherwise: whereof we haue diuers examples, as namely that of Alexander, who in stead of his Pollaxe [Page] and Curtilax, had a curtisan, whose fauour hee wore, as a signe of the deuotiō he bare to this his mistres: which is a thing greatly to be admired, that men of such resolutions and courage, should bee so quickly entrapped and weaned from so great affaires, to such toies & vanities, cōsidering the discōmodities incident therunto: which Socrates well weyed, who beheld on a time Sophocles the writer of tragedies, following after a yong boy, being rauish [...] with his beauty: To whom Socrates said, O Sophocles, it is the part of a man, not onely to abstaine his handes from incontinency, but also his eyes. Which is a saying worthy of all men to be embraced, & especially of such [Page] as haue authority or gouernment, or are admitted into any place of dignity, or estimation in the Common wealth.

1 Pure chastity is beauty to our soules, a heauenly grace to our bodies, & peace to our desires.

2 Chastity is the seale of grace, the marke of the iust, the crowne of virginity, the glory of life, and comfort in matrimony.

3 Chastity is like the stars in heauen, and beauty is like the marigold which openeth her leaues no lōger then the sunne shineth: so beauty endureth but for a moment.

4 Chastity is a signe of true modesty, which in extremity is crowned with eternity, whose presence striketh more shame, thē the sight of [Page] many wicked and immodest persons can stirre to filthines with their immodest speaches.

Of Iustice. Cap. 25.

IVstice being an excellent and matchlesse vertue, is thought expedient to be in all degrees, and especially in the gouernours of the Common wealth, without the which nothing is cōmendable: for it is the right guide vnto godlines, goodnes, and the knowledge of God; the which vertue Cicero called the Queene and mistresse of all vertues, and defined it to be the habite of the minde, which respecteth the publike cōmodity, & yeldeth equally [Page] euery man his owne. This vertue Aristotle calleth the affection of the minde, by which men are prone to administer iustice, as being the fundatiō of all other vertues, which allots no priuiledge to defraude any mā of his right: wherefore, as being by the prouidēce of God inuented, for the accōplishment hereof, there were certaine Images of Iudges (by report) set vp at Athens, hauing neither hands nor eyes: describing that rulers and Magistrates should neither be infected with bribes, or any other way drawen from that which was lawfull & right. To this purpose, as it seemeth, in the originall, an vpright and a iust man was chosen by full consent and assent of the communalties, [Page] of an equall indifferency, which should excell in vertue, to decide all controuersies, lest the inferiour fort should bee ouerpressed by mighty and wealthy mē: such a man at that time held the superiority, and ruled as a King. All this was effected for the executing of iustice, and the right administration thereof: which is so necessary, that no gouernors without it can rightly rule, nor no Common wealth be wel established, which ought to bee of force amongst the greatest enemies, according to the nature and disposition thereof,Iustin. de iustitia & iure. which is a perpetual and a constant will, yeelding euery one his owne by euen portion, wherein prudence, magnanimity, and cōstancy, [Page] as assistants or gards, are requisit: the one to distinguish lawful things from vnlawful: the other, not to be daunted or held backe by any sinister chaunce: the third and last, to perseuere in yeelding iustice. For as Osorius saieth, In repub. bene cōstituta, leges sunt in armorum tutela: sic in bene moratis animis omnia iustitiae praescripta, fortitudinis praesidio, prudentiae auxilio, & constantiae adminiculo muniūtur. In a well ordered Common wealth, lawes are in stead of weapons: so in well moderated mindes, all the rights and prescripts of Iustice are patronized by the safegard of fortitude, by the ayd of prudence, and vnder the wing of constancy. Of this iustice, as Cicero sayth, there be two [Page] sortes, the one Distributiue, the other Commutatiue, and is of Aristotle called in greek Diorthotick, in English Correctiue, or as the Philosophers do say, there are foure sorts of iustice, the first celestiall, the second naturall, the third ciuill, the fourth iudiciall. Celestiall is the perfect consideration and duty to God: naturall is that which al men haue among themselues by nature: ciuil is that which is made eyther by lawes of nature, ye statutes of the people, the consultation of the Senators, or the authority of graue and wise men, and the deuice of Princes, as amōgst the Athenians & Romanes: iudiciall iustice depēded vpon lawes made for the commodity of the cōmon welth: [Page] But because of these, Plato (de legibus) and Cicero with diuers others haue spokē sufficiently, I will leaue off to speake any thing of the diuersity of the sortes and nature thereof, but yet not forgetting the quality, I thinke it meet to proceed farther, because as Cicero testifieth, without this vertue there is nothing done or effected any maner of way, which in processe of time weareth not away, excepting Iustice, which the more ancient it is, the more it flourisheth: wherfore there ought to bee no time which should bee void of iustice, as it well appeared by Byas the sage and graue Philosopher, being to iudge a man to die, bewailed and lamēted the misery of ye mā, [Page] and thought woorthily hee should bewaile his sinister fortune: whom a certaine mā beholding, demaunded why he should weepe and powre teares, when it rested at his pleasure to condemne or free any man. To whom Bias answered, I must of necessity pardon the frailty of nature, but to erre frō iustice & law, is a pernitious thing, and not to be tolerated: meaning that iustice was a measure ordained from God, amongst his creatures, to his honor, & the defence of the feeble and innocent, without which hee esteemed nothing perfect, except it were guided by this vertue: wherefore he ought not to erre herein, nor derogate any thing from the property, being the fundation of [Page] all creatures. Therfore, as it were for the auerring of this saying, Manlius Torquatus shewed himself so iust in the executing of iustice, that he condēned his owne sonne, & caused him to be put to deth, being against equity a conquerour: deeming that hee owed more duty to maintain the rights of iustice, then eyther loue towards his sonne, or els to the triūph & glory of the cōquest that his sonne had gotten. Phocion also of Athens, being of Antipater requested, that hee would vse iniustice priuily, answered him, Thou canst not vse me both a friend and a flatterer: for a friend doth so long continue a friend, as Iustice and equity doe permit him. Meaning, that [Page] neither friends nor kinsmen should be an occasion to hinder the execution of iustice, which being neglected, both the loue of God & mā is cō temned, and the destruction of the state of the Common wealth almost in a moment decaied and ruinated, as we may see in diuers cities and countries, and also in the gouernours thereof: as King Philip was killed by Pausanias a gentleman, for denying iustice at the marriage of his daughter Cleopatra, and diuers others by the transgression hereof. Wherefore let euery good christian, and especially gouernors, eschew iniustice, and be moued with zeale to discharge their dutie, and execute with equity and iustice whatsoeuer they [Page] vndertake, for the reuerēce they do owe towards God, and the regard of their coū tries safety.

1 Iustice is the mother of vertues, the right spouse of fortitude, for which kings be created, and by whose vertue they rule.

2 Iustice allots no pardon to the wicked, which might bring the hazard of the coū trey.

3 Iustice requireth equity, equity iudgeth with lenity, lenity procureth lawes which doe iudge with extremity.

Of Charity. Cap. 26.

CHarity is a vertue proceeding from the highest throne, attributed to all [Page] Christians, as an vndissoluble yoke, for the knitting & ioyning together with louing hearts of both body & soule in Christ; without which there is no certainty, saue onely in the full assurance herof: for hope & faith without charity are of no effect. This vertue in the middest of calamities is secure, that neither infinit toyles, nor cō tinuance of seruice abateth her courage, beeing in displeasure meeke and humble, in concealing wrongs innocent, in trueth quiet; not like hatred, reioycing at others calamity, and pining with their prosperity: But on the contrary doth as humane nature is, Humanis casibus ingemescere, at others misfortune shee bewayleth, [Page] & at their prosperity is ioyfull, obseruing the right precepts of GOD, in obeying him, and louing her neighbours as her selfe. The Carthaginians & Egyptians, of al vices hated immodesty, and of al vertues embraced charity.Trogus Pomp. Thrasybilus was so charitably deuoted towardes his countrey, that safely he defended it from the thirty tyrants. Ionathan so entirely loued Dauid, that hee tolde him all whatsoeuer his father entended against him. Likewise the Turkes, which are inferiour to all others, as Histories doe report, neuer vse to bee aboue tenne in a companie, in which societie they are so marueylous louing, and charitable one towardes an other, that [Page] they neede of none other meanes to gouerne thēselues within the compasse of comlines and decency, saue onely by signes of hand, & beckning of coūtenance, without vttering any word, which is to be wondered at, that there should be such loue and charity amongst those, who doe wander in so great darkenes and obscurity of life, which is of no lesse maruaile thē truth as credible authors doe report. Seing they are so giuen to embrace this vertue, what should wee, that haue the cleerenes of the gospel, and the truth alwaies before our eyes? yea wee should be so fettered and linkt thereunto, as the onely patterns of charity, whereby we might rest blamelesse before the presence [Page] of our glorious God, aboūding with ioies, hearing that cōfortable voice of our blessed Lord, which shal soūd vnto vs: Come, O ye blessed of my father, inherite the kingdome prouided for you. For the attaining of this vertue we haue a good example of a certaine elderly mā amōgst the Egyptians, who being demaunded, why he refused to haue any thing in his house, which was eyther money, or els appertained to the vse of humane life? he answered, that the vse of those thinges auailed not to the atchiuing of charity, but charity was sufficient to procure any other thing: cōcluding hereby, that it was impossible for man, eyther to leuel his own life after a right [Page] line, or els to gouerne others within the compasse or limits to him prescribed according to duty, without charity; in accomplishing whereof hee might be called absolutely perfect, and a right vpholder of this vertue.

1 Charity ransometh vs from the fetters of iniquity, and deliuereth vs from the sting of death.

2 Charity is compared to an euerturning spie, alwaies prouiding and labouring for him in whom she resteth.

3 It is the point of a charitable minded man, to inuite the poore, courteously to entertaine them, and speedily to let them depart.

4 Charity is commonly in the mouth of many, but regarded of a few.

Of Obedience. Cap. 27.

[Page]

OBedience is the finall period or end, whereunto true felicity tēdeth, & wherupon it depēdeth, because it is a zeale and a testimony of an vpright and an hūble conscience, shewing in all enterprises that we should obserue decency and honesty, which constraineth the soule, Intus & incute, willingly and wittily, without instigation to yeeld euery one his proper duty; as honor to whom honor belongeth, reuerence to to whom reuerence, tribute and succour, to whom they belong; which is an infallible obseruation to guide our steps vnto eternal blisse: for first, the neglecting of [Page] this dutie sheweth our rebellion, and in accomplishing it, we leaue an example of the feare and diligent care we haue in the obseruing & effecting of that, that we are commaunded. The diuersity of this vertue is manyfold, as belonging vnto diuers persons. First, our obedience towards God, vnto whom belongeth all honor, dutie, and obedience, whereupon all our stay, hope, and felicity is built: secondly, our obedience towards our king and superiors, to whom we ought in all humblenes and submission, to shew our selues obedient and loyall, as wee are commaunded by the holy scriptures in these words, Let euery one submit himself vnto the higher power. Thirdly, [Page] wee are bound to obey our parents; for as Tully sayleth in his booke of the answere of southsaiers, that nature in the beginning had made a concord betweene vs and our parents: so then it were detestable to infringe the rights of nature, and not to obey them. Fourthly, and lastly, is the obedience of seruants towards their masters, whom in all honest & meeke sort they should obey & reuerēce. In neglecting of this generall duty, wee shew our selues bastards & reprobates deseruing the curse of our sauiour, & the seuerity of law, not imitating the example of Christ, who obeyed his father, euen to death. Is it not thē the duty of subiects, with all humblenes to obey their [Page] superiors, holding them in such high estimatiō, and seruing them both with life and goods, which is the proper duty of euery naturall subiect? for therein consisteth the stay and state of al countreys, because nothing thriueth where there is strife & contention; and on the contrary side all things doe florish, where there do remaine loue, vnity, and obedience. When Salomon deliberated with himselfe in this behalfe, viz. after what sort a citie might be safely preserued: he answered, If the citizēs obey the magistrates, and the magistrates obserue the lawes: meaning, that obedience in the subiects was a signe of great loue and loyalty, and a cause why the cōmon wealth [Page] should lōg flourish, as hauing notice and sufficient knowledge of the ruine & wracke of many Cities, because of disobedience. Wherefore we should vtterly detest this kind of vice, which hath bred so many calamities, & engendred sundry depopulatiōs & destructions of countreys, & ought to endeuour and shew our selues obediēt, imitating the exāple of Abraham, who obeied the will of God, in offering his sonne Isaac as a sacrifice: so ought we with all might and maine, to behaue our selues obediētly toward our gouernours, so that neither the banishment of Aristides, neither the imprisonment of Anaxagoras, nor yet the destruction of Phocion should terrifie or cause vs to [Page] desist from the executing of our obediēce. But leuing this generall duty, I meane to expresse somwhat in particular of our seueral duties & obedience towards our parents, whereof we haue diuers and sūdry exāples. First, of Christ himselfe, which obeyed his mother Marie and her husband Ioseph: then of Dauid, who after hee was anointed King, obeyed his parents, and followed their direction in all domesticall affaires. Wherby we may gather, the great duty we owe vnto our parents, to be no lesse then a firme bond of nature, fixt in the minds & bowels of euery one:Cicer. pro Plan. the which obedience Cicero so highly commended, that he said, The obedience of children towardes [Page] their parents, is the fundation of all vertue. Of which mind Torquatus sonne was, who thought nothing so wicked, as to disobey the will of his parents: wherfore being vpon the displeasure of his father banisht, he killed himselfe. So likewise the duety which seruants doe owe to their masters, is not much inferior to this, whom they are to serue with al lowlines and seemely demeanure, sustayning with patience all corrections, though I deeme them not so much subiects, as the seruants of Frēchmen were, ouer whome their masters had power of life and death; and as Gellius saieth in his 15. booke and 19. chapter, The ten wisemen thought, that authority not onely of [Page] masters ouer their seruants, but also of parents ouer their children, was very necessary throughout al dominions, by which means they report the Cōmon wealth long to haue stood. Doutles, if parents ouer their children, & masters ouer their seruants, had such authority, that in respect therof the cōmon welth flourished: then the supreme gouernour should in equitie haue farre greater preeminence, being of both parents, children, masters & seruants a commaunder, vnto whom all should bee most obedient, wherby the state of the Common wealth might perfectly stande, and that it might bee sayed in respect of this obedience, as it was of a certaine man comming [Page] to Sparta, who beheld what honour, obedience, and reuerence, the yonger sort did to the elders, and the elders to their superiors, & said, It is expedient in this citie to become an old man, and of authority: meaning, that the Magistrates being so much regarded by the cōmunalties the Common wealth should of necessity long continue. Herin I cōclude of obediēce, determining to passe further.

1 Obediēce formeth peace, establisheth cōmon wealths, & preuents discords: wicked men obey for feare, but good men for loue.

2 It is a cōmendable vertue in a seruant, to know how to obey well.

3 That countrey is well kept where the prince gouerneth [Page] rightly, and the people are submissiue & obedient.

Of Hope. Cap. 28.

HOpe is a sure ground of future things wished for, whether they be diuine or trāsitory, extolling the mind of man with great extacy, being grounded vpon good fundation, & hauing laid an vnfallible anchor, depending thereon with a sure cō fidence to effect and accomplish his desire; which means is a sure remedy to helpe our fraile nature being ful of mistrust and diffidency, whereby the spirite of man putteth great trust in weighty affairs, reposing such certainty and confidence in himself, which [Page] otherwise would be vaine & vnperfit: for he that is voyd of all hope, may be accoūted to be partaker of the incidēt mishap to an vnhappy man. Hauing then so sure a soueraine kindling our desire, & emboldening our courage, wee cannot possibly misse a good effect proceding from so heauenly a stay, & so sure a safegard, who resēbleth the pure Indian spice, which the more it is pund, the more fragrant smell it yeeldes: so the more our hope is, the greater is our comfort to enioy that happines which we expect; for a good and vertuous man should alwaies hope wel and feare no mishap, especially beeing grounded vpon the grace of God. Such a man was one of Rhodes, who was [Page] cast of a tyrant into a hollow caue, wherein hee was fedde after the manner of a beast, being enforced to sustain reuiles and torments, his face being mangled & martyred with woundes: who being admonished of one of his friēds, that he shuld seeke an end of his torments, answered, All things are to be hoped of man, as long as he enioyeth life. Euen so Thales Milesius, being demaunded what was cōmon to all men, answered, Hope: meaning, it was a soueraine good, and a confederate to faith, which whosoeuer hath, may wel assure himself, that he in continuāce of time, may attaine any thing how difficult so euer. Wherupō Socrates the Philosopher said, that it was [Page] impossible, that either womā without man should bring foorth good fruite, or good hope without labor: wherby hee iudged, that good hope should not be groūded vpon any vncōstancy, which is the subiect of a vaine and licentious life, wherupō euil hope which taketh no toile is planted: therefore Socrates said, hope without labor could effect no good thing; which like a careful nurse should be alwaies imploid or busied about some affaires or other, which hinder the increase of vice: for security and idlenes are accounted the mother of al enormities & lewdnes: by which means true hope is excluded out of doores, which in whosoeuer it remaineth, neuer fayleth them in the [Page] greatest extremity. Such a man was Daniel, who hoped so much in the mercy of God, that being throwen into the Lions denne, yet escaped harmeles onely by his meere hope. Likewise also Iob, a man that was full of good hope, who in his greatest distres mistrusted not, saying, Loe, though the Lord slay me, yet will I put my trust in him. Wherby it may appere, that he that hopeth well, shal neuer be frustrated of his expectation.

1 Hope groūded on God, neuer faileth, but built on the world, it neuer thriueth.

2 Hope, of al the passions yeeldeth the sweetest sauour, and the most pleasant delight: wherof it is said, that hope onely comforteth the [Page] miserable.

3 A dastardly louer shall neuer without hope gaine faire loue, without frowning fortune.

4 Mellifluous words procure hope, large protestations cherish it, and contempt spils it.

5 Hope is the fooles soueraine, the Marchants comfort, the Souldiors confederat, and the ambitious mans poyson.

Of Faith. Cap. 29.

FAith (as Cicero saieth) is a constant & firme bond of all sayinges, and contracts, appointed for the accomplishing of promises, and what should be assuredly decreed vpon, or as Diuines [Page] terme it, is a sure stay and rocke of all Christians, whereuppon consisteth all their felicity, and if it bee firmly setled, it neuer deceiueth: the which to infringe, there can be nothing worse vnto any man, especially to him that ruleth, because this blemish by how much the more excellent the party is wherein it resteth, by so much the more openly it is to be seene, and more hardly to bee rooted out. Ennius reprehended the Carthaginians, because they violated their faith and fidelity, which was the first cause of the subuersion of their city, who contended for the empire of the whole world, with the Romanes, which of al nations, were a people of most [Page] prowesse and valour. But what maruaile is it that these were so slender in obseruing of faith, which is the fundation of all equity, when in all places it is litle regarded, and vtterly excluded out of doones, begging her bread with teares, as a vagabond of no reputation, that I am almost ashamed to speake of the diffidency of men, and the litle regard which they haue of their faith, which ought to be of effect amōgst enemies, vnlesse it bee vnlawfull, by constraint and compulsion assured? And yet wee haue experience of many, that would rather die, then vpon compulsion or constraint pawne their faith and credite: as for example, Pōtius Cesar the Centurion, [Page] being taken of Scipio, the father in law of Pompey, to whom Scipio promised pardon, vpon condition that he would be the Souldiour of Cnaius Pompeius: to whom Pontius answered, Scipio, I yeeld thee thankes; but I need no such condition of life, for I had rather die, then to violate my faith. Whose fidelity may be vnto vs a most liuely patterne to imitate: in so doing wee purchase our selues eternity, and the safety of our realme hereby is maintained: for what else doth cause the cōmon welth to bee ouerwhelmed, but where the people are vnloial and disobedient towardes their gouernours? But on the contrary side, happy is that estate, wherein the subiects [Page] are most louing and faithfull vnto their gouernour, and where the gouernour studieth his communalties security, and is full of clemency, which is the nexte way to binde and vnite affection in duty: seing thē nothing keepeth together a Common wealth as faith, which is both the originall, and as it were the chiefe constitutor & seruator thereof: therefore it is a reproch, eyther to promise lightly without performing, or in firmely promising to infringe and neglect it: as Alphonsus king of Aragon was often wont to say, that the very bare worde of a king to the performing of his fidelity, was so much reckoned, as the othe of priuate men, and saied, It was an vnseemely [Page] thing for any man to proue vnfaithful, much more for a king. But omitting many other notable exāples, which both in writing and of late remembraunce are extant, I will onely speake of the diuersity and difference of this word Faith, how it is taken. Sometimes it is called faith, sometimes credance, somtimes trust, after the imitation of the Latines, faith, by the Frenchmen, loialty. First, in the assured beliefe of the precepts of God, it is termed faith: in contracts betweene man and man, it may be called credance: between persons of equal degrees, it is called trust: in respect of the seruāt or subiect to his soueraigne or master, it is properly named fidelity. And so [Page] much touching the differēce hereof.

1 Faith being honest, may reape disdaine, but no disgrace.

2 Faith is the daughter of destiny, the Sympathy of affections is foreappointed by the starres.

3 Faith moueth mountaines, vanquisheth tyrants, conquereth the malice of the enuious, reconcileth mortall foes, to perfect loue & amity.

4 Faith is not to be supprest by wisedome, because it is not to be comprehended by reason.

Of Trueth. Cap. 30.

TRueth is the iust performance of speach, obseruing [Page] integrity, & ye true messenger of God, which euery one ought to embrace for the loue of his master, as being an infallible way to reason, which reuealeth the creatiō of the world, the power of our creator, the eternall crowne of blisse, which wee hope for, & the punishment due for our transgressions. It is also termed a vertue, whereby we attaine to speak no otherwise with our toūgs, then our harts do conceaue: which consisteth not in glosing speaches, or sugred melody, proceeding onely from the brimme of the mouth. This excellent champion lieth not hidden nor obscured with any cloudy mist, but shineth in the greatest darknes, yet hiddē vnder a Chaos [Page] like the Mineral, which lieth not vpō the face of the earth, that euery one should carelesly without any paines find it: but in the bowels of the earth secretly hidden, to that purpose, that those which were willing to attaine it, should toyle & labour in the getting therof. So is this vertue enclosed and compassed within the vale of blessednes, to the which, what man soeuer wil knock at that heauenly palace, shall haue enterance. This is the right square of speach, which effecteth stratagems in the harts of men: wherfore let all christians endeuour to the artaining thereof, that they may boldly approch before the tribunal seate, & be accepted before God: otherwise they [Page] shall be disinherited as bastards and vnlawfull heires. For none is accepted before God, but hee that hath no guile, and speaketh the truth from his hart.Elia. lib. 12. When as Pythagoras the Philosopher disputed of diuers matters, hee said, that two thinges were diuinely giuen to man: the one was to embrace trueth, the other to do good turnes, which both were to bee compared to the workes of the immortal gods.Maximius. So likewise Demosthenes beeing demaunded what men had, that most resembled God, he answered, To be charitable and embrace the trueth. Concluding, that in all estates, and amongst all degrees, nothing could bee rightly established, or by due [Page] course obserued, without this vertue, which needeth no help of any eloquēt Orator, but is sufficient of it selfe to effect all things.Mat. 14 Mark. 6 Iohn Baptist was such a louer of this truth, that he doubted not to tell King Herod openly of his incest, the which of all mē ought in like maner to be of so great account and reputation, that neither losse of goods, hazard or dammage of life, should cause them to forsake it; by which meanes they might bee acceptable seruants vnto their masters.

1 Trueth hath no need to impaire: for it is a sure pledge, a shield that is neuer pearced, a flower that neuer dieth, a stately stay that feares no frowne, a port that yeelds no daunger.

[Page]2 Truth is the onely anchor whereon all things depend, the Carde whereby wee saile, the sweete balme whereby wee are cured, the strong towre whereon wee rest, the glistering light, that lighteth vs, & the only shield of our defence.

3 Trueth may incurre blame, but neuer shamed, whose priuiledge is such, that whē time may seeme to crop her wings, then as immortall she taketh her defence.

4 Trueth is a sure pledge to maintaine iustice, to gouerne a common weale, to kill hate, to nourish vnity, & to disclose secrets.

Of Friendship. Cap. 31.

[Page]FRiendship,Aristo. Ethic. ingenerall is a mutuall and secrete good will of those, which do affectionat each other, and endeuor to profit and better the good: more particularly, it is termed a vertue, by which good and learned men, for conformity and likenes of maners, are conglutinated & vnited in charity and loue. This connection of sundry willes and mutual consent of minds, is hardly to be found, vnlesse it be betweene good men, and withall cannot be found without vertue: because as Aristotle saieth, Friendship is a vertue ioyned to vertue, & requireth equality. Wherfore in all that be good this friendship cannot be, except they be of like cō dition, equal degree, and not [Page] exceeding one an other in age; for where there is repugnance of nature, there may be no amity, because it is an entire consent of willes and degrees. In respect hereof, Aristotle saith, that friendship hath three obiects, that is, Honesty, profit, and pleasure. According to the first, the friendship of good men consisteth (as I haue afore mentioned) that there could be no friendship but amongst good men: according to the secōd, proceedeth a familiarity of daily conuersion, and that is betweene marchants, and diuers other mercenary trades men, giuen to the world, and regarding profit, amongst whom there is no friendship: for as Cicero saieth, Amicus est alter ego: [Page] that is, I esteeme my friend as my selfe: but they regard more their welth, thē friendshippe, which they thinke may procure them sufficient friends euery where. Is not this an odious thing in a Cō mon wealth, that friendship should be contemned, which procureth concord and vnity, vnity peace, peace tranquillity, tranquillity security of life, which are the onely causes of the maintayning and long continuance of the good estate of the Common wealth? The third, & last obiect, is pleasure, according to which, the friendship of yōg youthes & children dependeth, for the delight they enioy in pleasure and pastime together; which is not to be termed friendship, because in [Page] such there wantes constancy and discretion, as it euidently appeareth: for this friendship endureth but for a time. The like vnto this (though a worse) is that of theeues, robbers, conspirators, and diuers other malefactors, who, as birds of the same feathers, do flocke and resort together, not for any loue they owe one the other, but for the good will they beare vnto those lewde practises which they do vse. Wherefore they are excluded of all men, and in respect hereof, they consort together for friendship sake, as they terme it, which is no friēdship, but carrieth a shewe of friendship: because friendship onely is said to be amongst good and vertuous mē, which is the necessariest [Page] thing that should be esteemed amongst men. For as Socrates was woont to say,Erasm. lib. 3. there could not bee a more excellent possession enioyed of any mā thē a good friend; wherein Epaminōdas much delighted, and was wont to glory, that he neuer returned from any towne, before hee had gotten the friendship of some man or other. Wherby hee coniectured, that there could be nothing of greater efficacy & force, then friendship: which was well approued by Lucullus & Volumnius, who were such intimate friendes, that when Marcus Anthonius had the Empire of Rome after the death of Cesar, and also had put Lucullus to death, for his conspiracy against Cesar, Volū nius [Page] hearing of his friend Lucullus death, came with sobs and teares before Anthony, requesting on his knees one graunt, and desiring Anthony to sende his souldiors to kil him vpon the graue of his friend Lucullus: which being denied of the Emperour, then immediatly he wrote vpon a piece of paper, the which hee caried in his hand, vntil he had accesse vnto the graue wherein Lucullus was layed; and there holding fast the paper in one hand, and his dagger in the other hande, imbrued his hand with his owne bloud, vpon the very graue of his friend, hauing also clasped his hand fast vpon the piece of paper, wherein was written this worthy sentence, [Page] Thou that knowest the loyal friendship betwixt Volumnius and Lucullus, linke our bodies together, as our minds were one, being aliue. Such friendshippe was betweene Pomponius and Cesar, that the one wanted nothing that the other had: whose examples wee should ingenerall imitate: for though wealth decay, fortune frowne, and we be of honours and dignities depriued: yet shall not fortune with all her troupes change or alter friends, who in prosperity or aduersity might reioyce one with an other, or else in bewayling, ease one an others calamity, which is the chiefest sacrifice that may bee offered vnto God, and the greatest terror vnto our enemies.

[Page]1 The smile of a foe that proceedeth of enuy, is worse then the teares of a friend flowing with pitie.

2 Wee make experience of a friend, as the goldsmith doth of his gold, in trying him before wee haue need.

3 To set on forwards in folly, argueth no discretion, & to disswade a mā in course of honour, were not the part of a friend.

4 The counsell and perswasiō of a friend are alwaies fortunate in prosperity, and his company in misery is alwaies delightfull.

Of Liberality. Cap. 32.

[Page]LIberality is a vertue, gratefully bestowing gifts vpon others, and is saied to be the encrease and yerely fruits or annuities, of those blessings which God hath bestowed vpon vs, for the relieuing of the distressed. For the chiefest honor thereof cōsisteth in helping of the poore. And as Ambrose saith, this vertue is in league with iustice: wherefore it should be ruled by moderation and reason, ayming at her reuenues, and thereof giuing freely: as Bion Borystenite was wont to say, it was good to bestow a portion of that talent wee haue, vpon others, yea farre better then to receiue any gift, though bestowed. So Demosthenes beyng asked, what was most possessed of [Page] men, that resembled GOD, answered, To bestow bountifully, and to effect good things. Neuerthelesse in bestowing we must be circumspect, and consider where, when, and to whom; because liberality consisteth not in the quantity of the thing bestowed, but in the true meaning and natural inclination and disposition of the giuer. For he is neuer said to giue in vaine, as Augustine saith, that giueth with a zeale and deuotiō: & they are accoūted liberall and bountiful, which bestow giftes vpon him that deserueth well, & requesteth nothing. For doubtlesse, that gifte is double to bee accepted, which proceedeth from a free hand and a liberall hart: because Plautus saieth, [Page] that he giueth too late, that giueth when he is asked: for the request of the thing that is giuen, deserueth the gift: wherfore he is rightly accoū ted liberal, that giueth of his owne accord, and receiueth not, and withall the benefite of the giuer doth more profit him that giueth, then the receiuer; which Phocion, the whole credit of Athens, did esteeme rightly to be no otherwise, who when Alexander the great had presented him with giftes, and sundry costly Iewels frō Persia, did shew a liuely example hereof in refusing the gift, adding this sentence, I wil not learne to take, lest I forget to giue. Wherein hee shewed himselfe a patterne of liberalitie, well befitting the worthines [Page] of his person. Herby we may coniecture, that to be liberal, is a signe of an excellēt mind. This property of bestowing, is a commendation in noble persons: for in liberall giuing & beneficial doing, are princes compared vnto God. For what may be more cōmendable in subiectes towards their Prince, then to be faithfull and loyall? or what may deserue greater praise, thē liberality and clemency in a prince towards his subiects? What made Iulius Cesar to be beloued of his souldiers, but magnificēce and liberality? who vanquished Darius, whose treasure and substance were brought before him, which amounted in ready coine, to two hundred thousand pounds, beside infinite [Page] treasures and iewels, wherof he tooke nothing from his souldiers, but a litle book, named Homers Iliades, in which he delighted much, onely to note the exploits of the Grecians, and the worthy feates of the Troians. This mā exceeded so much herein, that happy was that souldier, that could be a souldier to Cesar. O liberal hart, O passing policy, O happy estate, and glorious stay of such a Common wealth, wherein like liberality of Princes towards their subiects is found, & such loialty and fidelity of subiects is shewed and performed. Seing liberality is a vertue that deserueth so great praise, what man is he that carieth neuer so base and abiect a mind, that hauing any possessions [Page] or wealth, and would not be moued with some remorse of cōscience, to bestow a smal portion thereof, vpon the poore distressed and needy? if not as being addicted to liberality, yet as being mooued with pity, he would gladly imparte some of the encrease therof, for his sake that bestoweth the stocke, and yeeldeth the encrease.

1 Liberality hath a zealous hart, opē hands, inuincible faith in earth, and a perpetual dwelling in heauen.

2 The liberall man recōcileth displeasure, the vnliberall engendreth hate.

3 A liberall man beginning to decay, shal in his feeblenesse and want, finde his friends and foes.

4 He that is liberal, concealeth [Page] nothing from them whom he doth affectionate, by which meanes true loue encreaseth, & amity is made more firme, and stable.

Of Clemency. Cap. 33.

CLemēcy is a vertue which belongeth to the inuincible part of the soule, wherby we are slowly addicted to any kind of vices, which all decay in processe of time: only this mercy or clemency encreaseth. Haughtinesse seing this vertue to be honored, desireth oftentimes to be couered with the cloke therof, fearing, lest appearing in her own shape, she should be litle regarded. The property [Page] of this matchles virgine, is to sustaine those crimes which are layed vpon her, not tolerating her selfe to be hastily carried to reuenge, nor easily spurred to wrath: but enforcing him in whō she resteth, to be of a setled & staied resolution, and to carry a milde and gracious mind: for hee that purchaseth otherwise, wanting clemency, is saied to cary dust against the winde. Wherefore let all Gouernours, which do know for a certainty they haue their power from aboue, pōder in their minds in what case they themselues be daily, if God did not abounde in mercy, who would speedily, assoone as they had grieuously offended, smite them with his rod of correction, although as the [Page] Scripture saieth, the purest man liuing passeth not one howre, which deserueth not some punishment: but God being infinit in mercy, vpon hope of amendemēt pardoneth. As therefore imitating his example, and following his steps, let all mē most willingly embrace clemency, which is of such excellency, that the hart of man cannot conceiue, nor his tongue vtter either the infinit goodnes thereof, or how admirably it linketh humane society. Wherfore as Demonax was wont to say, mē ought not to want clemency, nor to waxe angry in correcting faultes, vsing the example of Physitions, which are not moued to fret at their sicke patiēts, but mildly to cure the disease: [Page] meaning hereby, that the only remedy, and surest way to winne the good will of the subiects, is alwaies for the ruler to be courteous and gentle, which causeth loue in the subiects, and procureth the good of the Cōmon wealth. Of such clemency was Pompey the great, who, when Tigranes king of Armenia by him conquered, kneeled before him, yeelding vp his Crowne and Scepter at his feete, and himself to his mercy as a captiue, tooke him vp in his armes, embraced him, put on his crowne on his head, and restored him to his kingdome againe. Was there euer Monarch more feared of his enemies, thē Alexander the great, inuincible in al enterprises he attēpted, [Page] in so much that he could not onely force all humane powers, but also time & place themselues? & yet who hath left greater proofe of meeknesse then he? for as he was on his voiages, vndertakē for the conquest of the Indians, he & Taxilles might not war one against the other. If thou (saith this king vnto him) art lesse then I, receiue benefits: if greater, I will take them of thee. Alexander greatly cō mending, & withal admiring the grauity and courteous speach of this Indian, answered thus, At the least we must cōbat for this, namely whether of vs twaine shalbe most beneficial vnto his cōpanion. So loath was this noble Monarch to yeeld to the other the superiority in clemency. [Page] What can more stir vp humane harts to great affections? what more maintaineth loue? what ioyneth the harts of subiectes vnto their soueraigne? Nothing so much as clemency. Adrian a noble Romane, conceyued great hatred against a famous gentlemā of Rome: but assoone as this noble Adrian was made Emperour, by chaunce meeting his enemy in the street, that very day that hee was created Emperour, said with a loud voice, in the presence of all the people, Euasistime, Thou hast wōne the conquest: meaning, that he being made a Prince, might in no sort reuēge the wrongs that he conceiued before. O vnspeakable humanity, and passing clemēcy in a Prince. [Page] Iulius Cesar was also of such courteous behauior, that hauing conquered Pompey, & all his enemies, hee wrote to his friends in Rome, that the greatest and most estimable fruit, which he of his victory conceiued, cōsisted in sauing daily the life of men, being his owne countrey men, who had borne armes against him. For especiall proofe of this meeknesse and gentlenesse, that speach may serue which he vttered, when he vnderstoode, that Cato returning vnto the towne of Vtica, after the losse of the battel, had violated his owne life. O Cato (saith this Monarch beyng then very pensiue) I enuy thee for this thy death, seing thou hast enuied me the glory of sauing thy life: I neuer [Page] yet denied clemency (said that good Emperour Marcus Aurelius) to him that demaunded it of mee, much lesse haue I euil entreated, or offered dishonor to any that reposed any confidēce in me: affirming, that there could be no victory, which should enioy the name of a true and perfect victory, excepting that which harboureth clemency, alleadging, To ouercome, was humane, but to pardon, was diuine. Wherfore, saith this Prince, of whō we made mention, that wee ought to esteeme the magnificence of the immortall Gods, not so much for the chastisement, as for the mercy which they vse.

1 Clemency is the character of an vnspotted soule, [Page] which neuer lightly suffereth innocency to be troden vnder feet.

2 Pride is vaine, cruelty is hated, but clemēcy alone for her meekenes is canonized.

3 Clemency ouermuch vsed, is no clemēcy: to be too submissiue and humane ingenerall, is to proue humane to none, because that generality can neuer at any time proue particular.

4 Clemency in maiesty, is the rightest path to binde affection in duty.

Of Peace. Cap. 34.

PEace is a vertue, that purchaseth the security and quietnes of kingdomes, suppressing al tumults, vprores, and factions, planting quietnesse [Page] and tranquillity of life▪ But as Cicero saieth, Peace is the end of warre; dignity & renowne, the ioy of peace; and in a well established gouernmēt, an anchor to both, without which no life is quiet, no estate well staied, nor no affaires rightly managed. Wherefore, they that wish the want hereof, and refuse the conditions, may rightly be said to deserue the sword of warre, which no man, except he be void of reason & senceles, would willingly desire: for as Cicero saith, there is nothing so much to bee wished, as peace, by which, not onely those things which haue sence in thē by nature, but also the very walles and houses do seeme to glory & reioyce thereat: for when [Page] there is no trouble of warre, the spirit is quiet, & fitte for euery kind of honest rest, iustice florisheth, vertue sheweth her effects, vice languisheth, the zeale of pity encreaseth, the discipline of the Church is authorised, both the noble and meane man preserueth & gouerneth his wealth, trade and trafficke is free: briefly, euery one receiueth good and commodity, & so cōsequently the whole body of the common welth. Archidamus king of Lacedemonia, knowing well the effects of peace and warre here briefly touched by vs, and hearing that the Elians sent succour to the Archadians, to warre against him, tooke occasion to write vnto them, after the Laconicall [Page] maner, in steade of a long discourse, Archedamus to the Elians: peace is a goodly thing. And an other time he gaue a notable testimony, how farre he preferred peace before warre, when he made answere to one that cōmended him, because he had obtained a battaile against the foresaid Archadians, It had bene better if wee had ouercome them by prudence, rather then by force: euery prince that desireth war, stirreth vp against himself, both the hatred & weapons of his neighbor, he vexeth his subiects vnworthily; seeking rather to rule ouer them by violence, then to gaine their good wil by iustice, he quite ouerthroweth his countrey.

1 Peace triūpheth, where [Page] reason ruleth, and security raigneth, where wisdome directeth.

2 It is a signe of godlines, to be at peace with men, and at warre with vices.

3 Peace from the mouth of a tyrant, is often promised, but seldome performed.

Of Idlenes. Cap. 35.

Hauing layed downe somewhat of the vertues, which are the cause of the flourishing estate of a Cōmon wealth, it followeth in briefe of the vices which are the destruction, and vtter ruine of all gouernments, and of euery Common wealth.

IDlenes is a feare of labour, desisting from necessary [Page] actions, both of body and mind: it is the onely nurse & norisher of sensual appetite, and the sincke which entertaineth all the filthy chanels of vices, and infecteth the mind with many mischiefes, and the sole maintainer of youthly affectiōs. They therfore that doe nothing, saieth Cicero, learne to do ill, and through idlenesse the bodies & mindes of men languish away, but by labour great things are obtained; yet trauaile is a worke that continueth after death: therefore it was well ordeined in the primitiue Church, that euery one should liue of his owne labour, & sweat of his owne brow, that the idle & slouthfull might not consume vnprofitably the goods of the [Page] earth: which reason brought in that auncient Romane edict mentioned by Cicero in his booke of Lawes, that no Romane should go through the streets of the citie, vnlesse he caried with him the badge of that trade whereby he liued; insomuch that Marcus Aurelius speaking of the diligence of the Romanes, writeth, that all of thē followed their labour. It is our duty therefore, to abide firme and constant in that good & cō mendable kind of life, which we haue chosen from the beginning, so that the end therof be to liue well: and let vs shunne idlenes in such sorte, as to say with Cato, that it is one thing whereof we ought to repent vs most, if we know that we haue spent a whole [Page] day, wherin we haue neither done nor learned any good thing. Phocilides minding to instruct vs in this matter, saide, that in the euening we ought not to sleepe, before we haue thrise called to memory whatsoeuer wee haue done the same day, repenting vs of the euill, and reioycing in our well dooing. Apelles the chiefest paynter that euer was, would not suffer one day to passe, without drawyng some line: meaning thereby (as hee saide) to fight against idlenesse, as with an enemy. Eleas King of Scythia, saide, That hee deemed himself to differ nothing from his horse-keeper when hee was idle. Dionisius the elder, being demanded if hee was neuer idle, [Page] answered, God keepe mee frō that horrible vice: for as a bow (according to the common Prouerbe) is broken, by keeping it in too much bending: so is the soule through too much idlenesse. This is that which Masinissa the Aphricā would learnedly teach vs, of whō Polibius writeth, that he died when hee was fourescore and 10. yeeres of age, leauing behind him a sonne that was but foure yeeres old a little before hee died, after he had discōfited the Carthaginians in a maine battell, hee was seene the next day eating of course browne bread, saying, to some that maruailed therat, That as yron is bright and shineth as long as it is vsed by the hande of man, and [Page] as a house falleth to decay wherein no man dwelleth (as Sophocles saith) so fareth it with this brightnesse and glistring light of the soule, wherby we discourse, vnderstand, and remember. The same reason moued Xerxes father to say to Darius, that in perilous times and dangerous affaires he increased in wisdome. Likewise politicall knowledge, is so excellent a prudence, settled minde, iustice, & experience, as knoweth full well how to make choise of, and to take fit time and opportunity in all things that happen, which cannot be maintained but by practise & managing of affaires, by discoursing and iudging. Now to conclude our present treatise, seing we know [Page] that we are borne to all vertuous actions, let vs flie from idlenes and slouth, the welspring of al iniustice, and pouerty, the stirrers vp of infinite passions in the soule, and the procurers of many diseases in the body, euen to the vtter destructiō of men: And let vs embrace diligēce, care, trauell, and study, which are sure guides to lead vs to that end, for which wee ought to liue, wherin consisteth all the happines and cōtentation of the life of good men: and let vs not dout, but that all time otherwise spent, is lost time, knowing that all times in respect of themselues are like: but that which is imploied in vertue in regard of vs, and that which is vnprofitably wasted, & in vices, is naught.

[Page]1 Idlenes maketh of men women, of women beasts, of beasts monsters.

2 To fly with idlenes frō that wee should follow, is to follow our own destruction.

3 To idlenes belongeth correction, to correction amendment, to amendment reward.

Of Pleasures and delight. Cap. 36.

DElight is a pleasure, that moueth and tickleth our senses, raysing our hopes on hilles of high desire, which quickly fadeth & vanquisheth away, and rather leaueth behinde it an occasion of repentaunce (how delectable soeuer these pleasures bee) then any reason to call it againe to remembrance, albeit [Page] amongst the pleasures & delights which men haue in this worlde, some are decent, holy & honest; as those which we cōceaue in the reading and meditation of the law of God, in our obedience towards him, and of the faith and hope we haue in his promises. All which (as Dauid saith) are more to be desired then gold, yea thē fine gold, & are sweeter then the hony & hony cōbe. It is also a singular pleasure to behold the prouidence, wisedome and goodnes of God towards his creatures, and to consider how euery one of them, and euery part of them, are appointed to some good purpose, and ordained for the vse, pleasure and profite of man: in these plesures there is [Page] neyther shame, sorrow, nor repentāce: for euery thing is holy, and there is no euil, vnlesse it be, that wee are not greatly desirous to fall into these considerations, or because we are ouer-weary of them. There are other pleasures which are natural, as to eate when we are hungry, to drinke when we are thirsty, to rest when we are weary, & such like; by the sweetnesse wherof, our good God, which is a louer of our welfare, would stirre vs vp to be carefull of our selues. There are also some which are superfluous & vnprofitable, as that of Socrates, which was accustomed to stand in one place gazing at the Sunne, frō the rising therof vntill Sunne set: or as the Deere that delighteth [Page] to gaze so long on the bowe, vntil he is hit with the bolt: or that of sundry others, which they take in tricking toyes, as in engrauing or such like: othersome spend the most parte of the day at the dore, to shew their beauties, & to behold the passengers by: not vnlike ye wolues of Syria, which delight to barke against the Moone, spēding their time about nothing, which euery mā ought to hold most precious, and especially gouernours, who are alwaies to be emploied in matters of great consequēce, whereof the charge is such, that if they discharge their duty, they shall hardly haue so much leasure, as to eat their meat, & take their rest, vnlesse they omit some of [Page] that time which should bee emploied in publike affaires. Moreouer there are other pleasures which are lewd, & are termed by the name of carnall & worldly pleasures, & these are they whereof at this present I purposed to discourse. Herein let vs resolue our selues, that it is not sufficiēt to do our endeuour, that according vnto the example of S. Paul, & following his aduice & coūsaile, we do apply our selues to the persons with whom we liue, and that we transforme our selues vnto them, though that their natures be oftentimes different & disagreeing from vs; but withall, wee must apply our selues to the suddaine chaunces and sundry accidents of this life, and keepe [Page] our minds alwaies in one estate and condition, whether wee be poore or rich, as it is said of Socrates, that vnto what house soeuer he came, were it to the Kings palace, or the beggers cottage, were he in Silkes, Veluet or Frise, he alwaies kept a decorum & a comlines in his behauior, beseeming such a philosopher as he was. So in like maner must we apply our selues & learne to vse al alterations and changes, whether they should be ease or labour, honour, or dishonor, pouerty & riches, friends and enemies, health & sicknes, imprisonmēt & liberty, rest & paines, sorrow and gladnes, without doing any thing vnprofitable or not befitting a Christian, or disagreeing, & not beseeming [Page] our estate & conditions and in so doing, a man that shal moderately & wisely enioy any pleasure as God shall minister him occasiō, giuing thanks vnto him, & acknowledging his goodnes, ought much more to be cōmended, thē he that refuseth his grace and fauour, depriuing himselfe of those giftes & talents which God hath giuen and offered him: for he doth it either through contempt, superstitiō, or detestable pride, thinking himselfe to be more wise in reiecting, then accepting the goodnesse that God hath offered him.

1 Worldly gladnesse rideth vpon the wings of time, but he that sitteth surest, may be ouerthrowne.

2 Conceale thy delights [Page] in thy heart, lest shamefully they be discouered.

3 Delight is the brook of euils, quenching the light of the soule, & hindering counsell, turning men aside from the right way.

4 The delight of the hart addeth length to life, but sorrow of life hasteneth death.

Of Intemperance and Gluttony. Cap. 37.

INtemperance is an enemy to frugality, a daughter to excesse, a foe to temperance, & a fauourit to immoderate appetite, that craueth daily more then it needeth, like an vnthākful beast, vnwilling to gratify the pleasure done it, which liues as a slaue to the mouth & belly: for what can be more vile & [Page] loathsom, thē is the drūkard, whose mouth is the lodge of poisoned sauors, whose body through excesse doth trēble & shake, whose promises are large, whose tongue bewraieth secretes, whose minde is soone changed, whose countenance is transformed: for where drunkennes raigneth there secretie beareth no sway: for cōmonly when the head is ful of wine, the tōgue is set at liberty; besides, this wine doth not onely suffice a drunkard, neither is he contēt with many sorts of wine, as sacke, bastard, hipocras, & such like, but hee drowneth his senses in all variety of liquor, making himself the mō ster of excesse. O desire insatiable, O fire inquenchable. This is the nursery of al cōtē tion [Page] and strife: for as the wise man saith, Much drinking of wine kindleth the coales of wrath, and is the roote of all misbelief & ruine, and the sequel therof is fornication, yea fornication, wine, & drūkennes, bereue noble minds of al strength and courage, corrupt the bloud, dissolue the whole man, & finally make him forgetfull of himselfe altogether. Therefore the Apostle writeth, Be not drūk▪ with wine, wherein is lasciuious wanton lust. And that wise king saith, That wine is a leacherous thing, and that drunkennes is full of strife & dissentiō. The childrē of Rachab, & the sons of Zachary dranke no wine, nor no other kinde of strong drinke that might ouercome their sēses, [Page] Gluttony the mother of vncleannesse, bringeth foorth a more vncleane daughter: for it is very agreable to reason, that what is already vncleane, should become as it were more disparged with vncleannesse. For all those which commit fornication, are like vnto the bakers ouen made hote with fire. The princes & rulers begā to rage through wine: for the belly which is daintily fed, most willingly of it self embraceth carnall pleasures, & extreme rage of vncleane lust, which doth not only effeminat the mind, but also weakneth the body, and indaungereth the person in this life, and bringeth both body and soule in peril of damnation in the life to come: for al the sinne that [Page] a mā committeth, is without the body, but he that offendeth infornication, committeth an offence against his owne body. Heate & lust are the harbingers of fornicatiō, & it is alwaies combinat and accōpanied with vncleānes, & vndecentnesse, but sorrow & repentance do speedily ouertake it: for the lippes of an harlot (saith Salomon) or like vnto a dropping hony cōbe, and her throat is more neate and cleaner then oile, but the and & latter daies of her are as bitter as wormwood, and her tongue is as sharpe as a two edged sword. Let al men therefore eschue this odious vice, which though at the first it seeme pleasant, yet in the end it will wound like Basi [...]icocks, which slay & kil men [Page] with the poyson of their sight.

1 Sobriety cōteineth that in a wise mans thought, which a foole without discretion hath in his mouth.

2 Gluttony stirreth vp lust, drieth the bones, and more die by it, then perish by the sworde.

3 Intemperance is a root proper to euery disease, and he that too much pampereth himselfe, is a heauy foe to his owne body.

4 Intēperance increaseth anger, & anger in extremity extinguisheth vnderstāding opinion and memory.

Of Lust, and Lawlesse delights. Cap. 38.

[Page]LVst is a desire against reason, that enforceth vs to couet beyōd our power, a furious and an vnbridled appetite, which procureth vs to act beyond our nature, & to die before our time, in that it rooteth al good motions out of the minde of man, leauing no abode for vertuous actions: for in the beginning of mans life bread & water was his foode, & a simple garmēt with a poore cottage were thought sufficiēt to couer his deformity: but now the fruits of trees, the sundry sortes of graines, the rootes of hearbs, the fishes of the sea, the beasts of the land, the foules of the ayre, doe not satisfie the greedy appetites of gluttons, and rauening men; now they seeke for pleasant [Page] dishes with painted colours, they procure delicates and hoat spices, choice meats, sugred morsels for their dainty mouths, those things do they feed vpon, which be curiously wrought by the art of cookery & other officers: one by stamping & straining changeth some things from their proper nature, labouring by arte to make that accident, which of it selfe is a substāce: an [...]er compoūdeth things together, to make that delicate, which of it self is vnplesant: & all this is to turne excesse to hunger, to bring an appetite to the stomacke opprest with saturity, and to fill the greedy desire of gluttony, rather thē to sustaine the weaknes of nature. Gluttony is an enemy to health, a [Page] friend to sicknes, the mother of wanton lust, and the instrument of death. Bee not greedy, saith the wise man, at any banquet, nor feede not on euery dish: for with the diuersity of dishes the health is indangered, and through surfet of wine many haue perished: meate is ordained for the belly, and the belly to receiue the meat, but God shal destroy both the one and the other. Gluttony requireth a costly & chargeable tribute, but yet yeeldeth a very base and vile rent: for how much more delicate the meate is, so much more odious are the fruits thereof. Gluttony distēpereth the body, corrupteth the stomacke, and maketh al partes noisome:Gen. 3. gluttony did shut vp the gates of [Page] Paradise against mankind: gluttony caused Esau to sell his inheritāce:Gen. 25. gluttony was the maine path which ledde Pharaos baker to the gallowes:Gen. 40. Mat. 14 gluttony was the instrument that wrought Iohn Baptist his death: Nabuzardon the chiefe cooke of the king of Babilon, burnt the temple, and destroied the city Ierusalem.Dan. 5. Balthasar the king of Babilon in his great and sumptuous banquet, saw a hand writing on the wall, Mane, Thekel, Phares, & the same night he was killed by the Caldeans. The people o [...] Israel sate downe to make good cheere, and rose vp to play: but whilest the meate was yet in their mouthes, the wrath of God fell vpō them, and destroied them all, for [Page] their voluptuous and lewd kind of liuing. The rich man which did feast, banquet, and abound in worldly pompe & vanity, is buried in hell. Vitellius also was so much giuen to gluttony and excesse, that at one supper he was serued with two thousand seuerall kind of fishes, and with 7000. flying foules. Also Aristotle mocking the Epicures, said, That vpon a time they went all to a temple together, beseeching the gods, that they would giue them necks as long as Cranes and Herons, that the pleasures & taste of meat might be more long, cōplaining against nature for making their neckes too short.

1 Lechery is a strong tower of mischiefe, and hath [Page] many vpholders, as needines, palenesse, anger, lust, discord, loue, and longing.

2 Concupiscence in decrepit olde age, is loathsomnes, in youth excesse, & betweene both, the fruite of idlenes.

3 Concupiscence is an enemy to the purse, and a foe to the person, a canker to the mind, procuring blindnesse to the vnderstanding, hardnes of hart, & want of grace.

4 Cōcupiscence is a sinne finished with sorrow, a lust that groweth by cōtinuance, an infamy nourished by lasciuiousnes.

Of Enuy. Cap. 39.

ENuy is a griefe arising of other mens prosperity, to [Page] which vice malignity is alwaies a confederat: this hate or enuy springeth of certaine pleasure or delight, conceaned by other mens harme, although it reapeth nor enioyeth pleasure or profite thereby, yet as being an enemy to vnity, reioyceth thereat. This triuiall vice is said to be the mother of wickednes, and accounted to sit in an immaginary theater, her palace is a dim & hollow vaute, wherin she waxeth pale & wanne, as hauing the cōsumption of the liuer, looking askwint, as borne vnder Saturne, flowing with gall, as hauing no affinity with the doue, neuer reioycing, being conceaued without a splene, yet smileth at other mens misfortune, being in a league with the [Page] Crocodile: shee is alwaies carefull, and neuer resting, as though she were an arme of Ixions wheele. This vice, as the Poets doe say, is a monstrous vermine, and an enemy to concord, engendred and hatched by the vgly Megera of hell, that feedes and crāmes her gorge with dragons, and fomes out againe deadly poyson; then which vice, nothing is more pernicious to the estate of the cō mon welth: for what may be more vnseemely and detestable, then one man to pine away at an others good estate, or reioyce at an others harme? The causes that doe bring foorth this vile bratte, are many, (as diuers doe rehearse) whereof one, as I my self by experiēce haue partly [Page] knowne, is, that wheras some springing from base stocke, and withall like the Scaribe, bearing lowe thoughts, yet haue enuied and grudged at others, that both by nature and nurture, were well qualified, & of good deserts, because they were not willing to see any other prosper or of any estimation and dignity; not because they hate praise or dignity themselues, but because they haue nothing in themselues worthy of fame, nor any sparkle left by their posterities, that might rightly chalēge any prerogatiue: and this is the meanest sort of enuy. Some other are enuied by the better sort, for their hauty & insolent pride, who will admit no coequall, or second. Such a one was [Page] Sesostris, who was so proud & haughty, that whensoeuer he went to the temple or any whither in publike, caused his chariot to be drawne by foure tributary Kinges or great Lords, instead of horses: shewing thereby, that none of the other kings or captaines were to be compared to him in vertue and prowesse. And this sorte of enuy is somewhat tolerable. Some others are enuied, being promoted to honour and dignity, or increasing in wealth & substance: so likewise the good of the euill & lewd sort, are hated for their goodnes and vertue, which vice is intolerable, and as vnsit to be in the Common weale, as a coward in warres: wherfore saith a worthy man [Page] named Demor [...]s, that the lawes did not forbid euery man to liue according to his owne wished desire, vnlesse the one were enuious & iniurious to the other: meaning, that enuy was the onely beginner and stirrer vp of hatred, and of other vices. Such was the enuy of Themistocles, who repined and was puffed vp with great enuy, when he perceyued Melciades to be honoured for his conquest, that he could not take quiet rest, and beyng demaunded what might be the cause thereof, answered, that the triumphes of Melciades would not suffer him to take any rest. Wherein he shewed himself a vitious man and worthy of reproch. But on the cōtrary side, Socrates [Page] being told that he was enuied of one, appeased his anger and answered, It is not material: alleadging, The harme will be his, and not mine: for both his owne ill hap, and my good successe, shall torment and put him to paine: Adding that of Horace, Inuidus alterius rebus macrescit opimis: The enuious man pines away, to see an others prosperity.

1 A discreet man had rather be enuied for prouident sparing, then pitied for his prodigall spending.

2 Enuy is the daughter of pride, the companiō of magnificence, the beginner of secrete sedition, & the perpetual corrupter of vertue.

3 Enuy swalloweth vp the greatest part of her own poison.

[Page]4 The enuious man that carieth hatred in his face, and folly in his head, is combred with two wormes, the one fretteth life, the other consumeth goods.

Of Couetousnes. Cap. 40.

COuetousnes is a deformity of the soule, wherby a man most greedily desireth to heape riches frō all partes without measure, regarding not how vniustly hee detaineth goods belonging vnto others, so that he may augmēt his riches, which he gathereth with great trauailes, & keepeth them with more dāger. The couetous man is alwaies ready to aske, but slow to giue, and bold to deny: all that hee spendeth, he [Page] thinketh it lost, and after expense he is full of sorrow, full of complaints, froward and hard to please, hee is prest with care, & sigheth through the remembraunce of that which is spent, he is troubled in minde, tormented in body, & if ought goe from him, it is much against his will, GOD wote, hee maketh his owne gifts glorious, and embraceth not that which hee receiueth from others, he giueth in hope to receiue, and of his giftes he maketh his gaine, he is free of expense where others beare ye charge, very sparing in spending of his owne, he forbeareth his food, his treasure to encrease, he pineth his body, to multiply his gaine, hee putteth backe his hand, when hee [Page] ought to giue, but he stretcheth it farre forth, when he is to receiue any thing: howbeit, the wealth & substance of the vnrighteous shalbe dried vp as a riuer, because goods euill gotten are soone againe consumed; for it is a iust iudgement, that wealth of euill beginning, should haue an euill ending, & that those things which be vniustly gathered, should bee vniustly and vnthriftily scattered: The couetous man hath therefore his condemnation in this life, and in the life to come. Tantalus, as the poet saieth, thirsteth amidst the waters; euen so the couetous man stādeth in need amōgst all his great wealth, to whom that which hee hath, doth as much good, as that which he [Page] hath not, because hee neuer vseth it, but alwaies gapeth after things not as yet obtained: hee is, saieth the Wise man, as though, hee were rich, when he hath nothing, and is as though hee were poore, when he flourisheth in welth. The couetous man & the pit of hell do both of thē deuoure, but they do not digest, they receiue both, but they doe not render againe: the niggard doth neither pitie those that suffer affliction, nor yet haue compassion of those that are in misery, but hee forgetteth his dutie to GOD, and the due to his neighbour, seeking his owne harme and disquietnesse: for hee holdeth backe the due vnto God, he denyeth to his neighbour things necessary, [Page] and withdraweth from himselfe things that be needfull, he is vnthankfull to GOD, vnkinde to his neighbour, & cruell to himselfe. To what vse hath the couetous man substaunce, and to what end hath the spitefull & malitious man gold? how can he that is euill to himselfe, be good to others? Or he that taketh no profite of his owne gotten goods? He that hath the substaunce of this worlde, and seeth his brother in necessity, and shutteth vp his compassion from him, howe dwelleth the loue of GOD in him? For hee loueth not his neighbour as himselfe, whom he suffereth to perish for hunger, and consume for neede, neyther doth he loue God aboue all thinges, who [Page] more then God, respecteth gold and siluer.

1 The couetous man bettereth no man, and worse befriendeth himselfe.

2 A couetous mans purse is the deuils mouth, his life is to liue a begger, and his end to die in want.

3 Riches gathered by the couetous, are lightly wasted by the prodigall person.

4 The couetous man can learne no truth, because hee lotheth the truth.

Of Vsury. Cap. 41.

VSury is an actiue element that consumeth all the fewell that is layed vpon it, gnawing the detters to the bones, and sucketh out the [Page] bloud & marrow from them, ingendring money of mony, contrary to the disposition of nature, and holding a disordinate desire of wealth; of which it may be said, as it was to Alexander, of the Scythians, What needest thou of riches which constraine thee alwaies to desire? thou art the first, which of abūdance hast made indigence, to the end that by possessing more, thou mightest with more ease by vnlawfull vsury enioy that thou hast not. This vice is so lothsome, and contrary to equity and reason, that all nations, which were led by the instinct of nature, haue alwaies abhorred and cōdemned it, in so much as the conditiō of theeues hath bin more tolerated, then vsury: [Page] for theft was wont to be punished but with double restitution, but vsury with quadruple: and to speake truly, these rich & gallant vsurers do more robbe the people, & purloine from them, then all the publike theeues that are made examples of iustice in the world. It is to be wished, that some would examine vsurers books, & make a bonfire of their obligatiōs, as that Lacedemonian did, whē Agesilaus reported, that he neuer saw a cleerer fire: or that some Lucullus would deliuer Europe frō that contagion, as that Romane did Asia in his time. Licurgus banished this canker worme out of Sparta, Amasis punished it seuerely in Egypt, Cato banished it out of Sicilia, & Solon condemned [Page] it in Athens. How much more should it be held in detestation amongst Christians? S. Chrysostome compareth it fitly to the biting of an Aspe: as he that is stung with an Aspe, falleth asleepe as it were with delectation, but dieth yer he awaketh: so money takē in vsury, delighteth & contenteth at the first, but it infecteth all his possessours, & sucketh out the marrow of them suddenly. Seing that it is so abominable by the lawe of God and nature, let vs shūne it as a toad, & fly from it as from a Cockatrice. But if these perswasions will not serue, let them turne their eies to these examples following, wherein they shal see the manifest indignation of GOD vpon it. [Page] Sergius Galba, before hee came to be Emperour, being president of Affrica vnder Claudius, when as through penury of vitailes, corne, & other food were very sparingly shared and deuided amongst the army, punished a certaine souldier, that solde a bushell of wheate to one of his fellowes, for a hundred pence, in hope to obtaine a new share himselfe: in this maner he commaunded the Questor or treasurer to giue him no more sustenāce, since he preferred lucre before the necessity of his owne body, and his friends welfare, neyther suffred he any man else to sell him any, so that he perished with famine, and became a miserable example to all the army of the fruites of [Page] that foule dropsie couetousnesse.

1 Vsury is like a whirle poole, that swalloweth what so euer it catcheth.

2 The serpent hidden in the grasse, stingeth the foote, & the vsurer vnder shadow of honesty, deceiueth the simple.

3 Vsury deceiues the belly, taketh away the title of gentry, and becommeth carelesse of the soules safety.

4 Couetousnes findeth out vsury, vsury nourisheth idlenes, idlenes is the bringer foorth of euils.

Of Ambition. Cap. 42.

[Page]AMbition is an vnmeasurable desire to enioy honors, preferments, estates & great places of dignity; it is a vice of excesse, and contrary to modesty: repugnant to this, amongst the Romanes there was decreed a law, to this end or purpose, viz. that none might obtaine any dignity, or other function, by proouing liberall, bestowing giftes, or in vsing any other vnlawfull meanes; which law yeelded no fauour to the offender: For whosoeuer were found guilty & condemned, should assuredly suffer death. Which law, doubtlesse, was needfull, waying what sundry calamities by ambition happen: for they that be ambitious, are, as it were, with Iccarus wings carried with [Page] an vnsatiable desire of sufferaignty, admitting of no period, or stay, from the lowest centure, to the highest heauēs. If they that are with this vice attainted, doe obtaine any authority, then as supposing the rights of law to bee in their owne handes, they will effect what they list, deeming whatsoeuer is pleasing vnto them, is lawfull. By reason hereof, they do seuer themselues, as though they were by nature melācholike, & giuen to embrace solitarinesse, fearing contradictions, or censure of any others touching their enormities, wherby diuers iniuries haue risen: For as Osorius saieth, The more hawtie mind and noble a man hath, that is desirous of glory & estimatiō, the [Page] more easie hee is to and fro carried by euery blast, to accomplish any thing against equity. To this lothsome vice couetousnes, must needes be annexed a property, otherwise the vaine glory of ambition and prowde ostentation of the ambitious man, could not bee suggested: whose summū decus & chiefe decorū of honor, do consist in being imperious, & carie a great port, & sway: to the vnderpropting whereof, his authority must needes bee a means to procure him coine, to cure his care, and vphold his calling, which is contrary both to the law of God and man, & against the right rule of modesty. Aristotle termeth him modest, who desireth honour as he ought, and [Page] no otherwise then it becommeth him: but he that desireth it more then he ought, by an vnlawfull meanes, is ambitious, & is carried away with the perturbation of intemperācy. Ambition neuer suffreth those that haue once entertained it, as a ghest, to enioy their present estate quietly, but maketh them alwaies empty of goods, and needy, it causeth them to cō temne that which they haue gotten by great paines and trauaile, and which not long before they desired very earnestly, by reason of their new imaginations and conceites of great matters, which they continually practised, but haue neuer their minds satisfied and contented: the increase of power & authority [Page] is the cause whereby they are induced, and carried headlong to commit all kinde of iniustice, flattering themselues in furious and frantike actions, that they may haue accesse to the end of their infinite plottes, and enioy that proud and tirannicall glory, which contrary to all dutie they haūt after. Spurius Melius a Senatour of Rome was murthered for his ambition, and his house rased by Ticimātus the dictator of Rome, because he sought by meanes of certaine dole or distribution of wheat, to make himselfe king of Rome. Marcus Manlius was also for the like occasion, throwen downe from the toppe of a rocke. Therfore it appeareth sufficiently vnto vs, how pernitious [Page] this vice of ambition is in the soules of great men, and woorthy of perpetuall blame.

1 Ambition is a serpent, which pryeth into euery mans thoghts, & slily insinuateth her selfe into the bowels of men.

2 The ambitious man, that endeuoureth to plunge and depresse another, to enioy prefermēt, in stead of superiority, attaineth indignity.

3 Men that are enuious, placing their thoughts in the hiest theater of honour, their fortune beyng lowe, must needs liue a male-contented life.

4 An ambitious person will alway wander astray out of the right way, to attaine to the height that his hart desireth.

[Page]5 The ambitious is of such vnacquainted fittes, and mouing spirites tempered, that he neuer contents himselfe in any vocation.

Of Anger. Cap. 43.

ANger is furor brenis, a shortfury, or as Aristotle saieth, the suddaine inflamation of the bloud, causing the motions of the spirits, and alteration of the hart: it is also a desire of reuēge, or a rechlesse care of friendship, and an enemy to reason; wherby springeth such a hurly burly in the mind, that reason, during this fury, cānot be heard, nor vnderstanding obeyed, no more then lawes or magistrates are regarded in a [Page] state torne and rent with euil dissentiō: but in this trouble, the passions, which do waxe most mutinous and troublesome to the quiet rest of the spirites, doe first arise in the appetible and concupiscible part: that is to say, in that part where the soule doth exercise his facultie of desiring or reiecting things presented vnto her, as being things contrary to her welfare and preseruation. Choller knoweth not how to be silēt, but is very rash, vnwary & vnaduised in all things: whereby it happeneth, that those headlong persons rūne often into such daunger, as they neuer gette out, by reason of their anger. Clitus & Calisthenes were the occasion of their owne destruction, [Page] for that they had bene ouerbold in reproouing Alexander; wheras by modest & humble admonition they might haue reclaimed him, saued themselues, and gotten the grace and fauour of their lord and master. C. Flaminius, and M. Marcellus, two consuls of Rome, both valiant and hardy souldiers, were notwithstāding surprised and ouerthrowen in the end by Hannibal, by reason of their ouermuch frowardnes, & making too hasty trial of their fortune: wheras contrarywise, Fabius Maximus being a more sober and temperate Captaine, neuer enterprised any thing, but with great aduisednesse, and with such deliberation considered of the circumstance of [Page] each thing, that Hannibal could neuer entrappe him in his ambushes, though he placed them neuer so cunningly. When Hieron king of Sicilia had murthered certaine of his friendes, and the report knowne thorowe the countrey, Epicharmus, who vnderstood of the matter, within a while after was biddē to supper with the king, and by reason of his aboundāce of choller he could not dissemble, but cried out assoone as hee saw the king, and reproued him for his infidelity and horrible murther, saying, Why didst thou not call mee to the sacrifice that thou madest of thy friends? which was the cause that he lost his owne life also, and by this meanes made [Page] the tyraunt more fearce and cruell then hee was before. Plutarch also reporteth, that when Dionysius the tyrant asked the wise men of his Court, which copper was the best, Antiphon answered very readily, that in his opinion that was the most excellent, whereof the Athenians had made the pictures of the two tyraunts, Armodius & Aristogitō. This was a quicke answere, & spoken in anger; which notwithstanding so stucke in the minde of the tirant, that hee could neuer bee appeased, but with the life of him that vttered it: which verifieth the saying of Quintilian, cō cerning those bitter and cholerike natures, viz. that had rather lose their liues, then [Page] haue a bitter girde.

1 There is no safe counssell to bee taken from the mouth of the angry man.

2 He detaineth himselfe frō anger, that remembreth his ende, and feareth GOD: the one restraineth presumption, the other appeaseth impatience.

3 Anger is an inwarde griefe, and vexation of the minde, thirsting after reuenge.

4 With the angry man we must not be importunate in matters of consequence, but should deferre our petition vntill a cōuenient time, which might mitigate his anger.

Of Sedition. Cap. 44.

[Page]

SEdition is an euill quality, which so much troubleth the quiet rest, & passions of ye soule, & is accompanied with most dangerous effects, and yet nothing so dangerous as those which follow after. For why? These first motiōs, being bred and formed in that part, by meanes of the obiect which presenteth it selfe, doe passe forth in continently into the irascible part of the minde, that is to say, to that part, where the soule seekes all meanes possible of obtaining or auoyding that which seemeth vnto her good or bad: for the auoiding hereof we must not imitate nature, [Page] which, as Empedocles saieth, vseth no other means to destroy, ruinate and ouerthrow her creatures, then discord, & sedition, and (as Thucidides saith) comprehendeth in it al kind of euils. Seditiō thē being taken generally, is nothing els but an euill impostume, so hurtfull to al estates and Monarchies, that it is the seed and roote of all kind of euils, euen of those that are most execrable, it ingendreth & nourisheth want of reuerence towards God, disobediēce to magistrates, corruption of maners, change of lawes, contempt of iustice, & base estimatiō of learning & science. Thucidides speaking of the generall dissention amongst the Grecians, for diuersitie of gouernmēts, [Page] which they sought to bring in among themselues, some desiring to be gouerned in a Democratie, others in an Oligarchie, rehearseth incredible euils that arose of that warre. As soone (saith he) as any mutinies, disturbāces or vprores were knowen to be cōmitted in one place, others were encouraged to doe worse, as to enterprise some new Stratageme, to shewe that they were more froward then others, or more insolent & hote in reuēging thē selues. This is that which Diamades obiected to the Athenians by way of reproch, that they neuer intreated of peace, but in mourning gownes: namely after they had lost many of their kinsfolks in battels & skirmishes [Page] after long sedition.

1 Sedition is a hell to the minde, a horror to the conscience, suppressing reason, and inciting hatred.

2 There is no greater cruelty then sedition, whereby a man continually murthereth himselfe liuing.

3 A seditious man waxeth leane, with the fatnes of his neighbour.

4 Hidden seditiō is more daungerous, then open enmity.

Of VVarre. Cap. 45.

WArre is of two sortes; eyther ciuill, or forraine: ciuill warre is the ouerthrower of all estates & monarchies, and the very roote of al euil, [Page] which ingēdreth want of reuerence towards God, disobedience to Magistrates, cō tēpt of iustice, being sprung of the diuersitie of religion; but in effect, ambition. And forreine warre is a more lawfull contention, as being ordained for religion sake, and to procure peace and vnitie. This ciuil war stirreth vp against himselfe, both the hatred & weapōs of his neighbours, to him that desireth it. For hee that vexeth his subiects vnworthily, seeking rather to rule ouer them by violence, then to gaine their good wil with iustice, he quite ouerthroweth his countrey, preferring dominion and greatnes of his power, before the benefit of the same: he is brought oftentimes in subiection [Page] to his enemies, and diminisheth his owne authoritie, whiles he laboureth to possesse another mans right by violence. Augustus the Emperour said, That to haue lawfull warre, it must bee commended by the gods, and iustified by the philosophers. And Elius Spartianus affirmeth, that Traian onely of the Romanes, was neuer ouercome in battel, because hee vndertooke no warre, except the cause thereof was very iust. But wee may well say, that no warres betweene Christians a so iustified, but that still there remaineth some cause of scruple. Moreouer wee see, that the famine and pestilence most commonly follow war: for the abundance [Page] of all things being wasted, want of victuals must needes follow, wherupon many diseases doe growe. Briefly it bringeth nothing with it, but a heape of miseries, and easily draweth and allureth the violence and euill dispositiō of many, to follow the estate of time: for they that desire a chaunge, are very glad of such an occasion, to ground their platformes vpon, which they could not do in time of peace, because men are then of better iudgement and affection, as well in publike, as also in priuate matters. It was for these considerations, that Phocion the great Captaine of the Athenians laboured to stoppe the warre, which the people of Athens determined to make against [Page] the Macedonians, at the perswasion of Leosthenes: and being demāded, whē would he counsaile the Athenians to warre? When I see (quoth he) that the yoong men are fully resolued to leaue their riot, that rich men contribute money willingly, and Orators abstaine from robbing the Common welth. Neuertheles, the crime was leuied against his counsell: and many wondring at the greatnes and beauty thereof, asked him, how hee liked that preparation. It is faire for one brunt, said Phocion: but I feare the returne and continuance of the warre, because I doe perceyue, that the city hath no other meanes to get money, or other furniture, or men of warre besides those. [Page] And his foresight was approued by the euent: for although Leosthenes prospered in the beginning of his enterprise, (wherupon Phocion being demaūded, whether hee would not gladly haue done al those great and excellent things, answered that he would, but not haue omitted that counsell which he gaue) yet in the end hee was slaine in the voyage, the Grecian army ouerthrowne by Antipater & Crateres too Macedonians, and the city of Athens brought to that extremity, that it was constrained to send a blanke for capitulatiō of peace, & to receiue within it a garrison of strangers. Thus it falleth out cōmonly to those, that seeke for warre by al means, either [Page] by right or by wrong.

1 Warre should be considerately begū, but speedily ended.

2 The euents of warre are doubtfull, but the dammage certaine.

3 Warre by might maketh his ancestors whō he pleseth.

4 Where there is confusion, there is diuision, & both are the procurers of warre.

A Conclusion to the Magistrates. Cap. 46.

TO further the gouernmēt of a cōmon welth, many prouisoes may be inuented, which must be aswell noted to the simple, as to the careful magistrate, vpon whō relieth the charge hereof, not applying himselfe outwardly to [Page] that which his conscience inwardly reprooueth, lest hee should be said, wilfully to resist the lawe of God. What greater felicity can happen to any earthly wight, when hee is by the highest Father pressed with care of ciuil regiment, that wholy dependeth vpon vertue, and onely for the accōplishment therof is put in vre, then as beyng surcharged with this great burden, or ouerladen with it, to find a comfort to mitigate his distresse, tempered with a mild medicine of hope, that rooteth out the cākred flesh of despaire, with the plaster of trust? In this forme of gouernment, & in the floorishing state of all people, by the reforming of all degrees, it is good to strike the stith whilst [Page] the yron is hote, and amend al faults while they are green and fresh, which may not be but by the seruitude of laws; & also to prouide, that in all points, the common sort bee tractable and obedient, and the magistrates diligent and careful to rule, as conscience and duty bindeth thē: which being once stained with iniustice, is alwaies tied with a guilty remorse. Otherwise if they practise discreetly & reuerently those things that are godly and lawfull, that their consciences may bee cleere, and others by their doings not offended, then it may bee said generally, as it was of the great king of Muscouy, (who was thought to controll all the Monarches of the world, hauing gotten [Page] such authority ouer his owne subiects, as well ecclesiasticall as secular, to whome it was lawfull to dispose, as it were, at his pleasure, of their liues and goods: no man being willing to gainesay him, they also confessing publikly & openly his imperiall regiment, alledging withall, that the will of their Prince was the will of God, and all what soeuer he did, they acknowledging it to bee done by diuine prouidence. Hee is (said they) The porter of Paradise, The chamberlain of God, and the executor of his will. By which meanes he grewe so mighty within a litle while, that all his neighbours, which were the Tartarians, Sueuians, yea and the Turks themselues, canoniz'd [Page] him. Where such loue and obediēce is wrought in subiects towardes their soueraigne, and of the soueraigne towards his subiects, there shall vertue enioy her freedome, and possesse her priuiledge by the rights of law, & all the people shall flourish with equity: Iustice shall maintaine peace, peace shall procure security, security shall nourish wealth, wealth felicity. Where want hereof breedes a flatte denial or not like sufficiency to all, in respect of this defect, let none be dismaied, at his small talent, or grudge at an others greater prosperity: for without doubt, nature hath by her secrete motion, denied none some perfect quality to supply that want, which in [Page] himselfe breedes discontent or mislike: for euē as the fish hauing no eares, hath most cleere eyes, so though want of dignity bee a disgrace to some, though want of coyne discontent diuers, & though lacke of wealth impaires the credite of many, yet nature hath supplied that outward ornamēt, with such an internall guerdon, as a loyall and a louing heart guided with constancy, willingly dyeth for the good of the common wealth, or spendeth all his time in the procuring of the security thereof. But on the contrariside, if the communalties continue rude, & stifnecked in behauiour, reclaiming against the precepts of vertue; or if officers or magistrates securely neglect the [Page] execution of lawes: then will the want of gouernment breed licētious liberty, liberty procure opē wrong, wrōg doing escape scotfree: wherby the people, as taking hart at grasse, are encouraged vnto lasciuious lewdnes, & the most part shall be oppressed with violēce, by lawlesse practises, robberies, & intolerable oppressions; & the silly simple shall be quelled with extremities, and pressed with open wrōgs, & the chiefest of all shall enioy securely neyther life, nor goods, to the great dishonour of officers, and vtter disparagement and scandall of the Common wealth.

FINIS.

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Title statement

The picture of a perfit common wealth describing aswell the offices of princes and inferiour magistrates ouer their subiects, as also the duties of subiects towards their gouernours. Gathered forth of many authors, aswel humane, as diuine, by Thomas Floyd master in the Artes.

Floyd, Thomas, M.A., of Jesus College, Oxford.

Edition statement

1600

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2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A01013

ID [STC]

STC 11119

ID [STC]

ESTC S122030

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

99857183

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99857183

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22867

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A01013)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 22867)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 495:9)

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— The picture of a perfit common wealth describing aswell the offices of princes and inferiour magistrates ouer their subiects, as also the duties of subiects towards their gouernours. Gathered forth of many authors, aswel humane, as diuine, by Thomas Floyd master in the Artes., Floyd, Thomas, M.A., of Jesus College, Oxford..

Extent

[24], 309, [3] p.

By Simon Stafford, dwelling on Adling hill,. Printed at London :: 1600.. (The first two leaves and the last leaf are blank except for signature-mark "A" on first leaf.) (Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery.)

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