A DEFENCE OF THE CAT …

A DEFENCE OF THE CATHOLYKE CAVSE, CONTAYNING A TREATISE IN CON­FVTATION OF SVNDRY VNTRVTHES AND slanders, published by the heretykes, as wel in infamous lybels as otherwyse, against all english Catholyks in general, & some in particular, not only concerning matter of state, but also matter of religion: by occasion whereof diuers poynts of the Catholyke faith now in controuersy, are debated and discussed.

Written by T. F.

WITH AN APOLOGY, OR DEFENCE, OF HIS INNOCENCY IN A FAYNED CONSPIRACY against her Maiesties person, for the which one Edward Squyre was wrong­fully condemned and executed in Nouember in the yeare of our Lord 1598. wherewith the author and other Catholykes were also falsly charged. Written by him the yeare folowing, and not published vntil now, for the reasons declared in the preface of this Treatyse.

Psalm. 118.

Redime me à calumnijs hominum, vt custodiam mandata tua.

Redeeme me o Lord from the slanders of men, that I may keep thy commandements.

Imprinted with licence 1602.

THE VNTRVTHES AND SLANDERS CONCER­NING matter of state, & some particular per­sons, confuted in this Treatise, and in the Apology following.

  • THE first, concerning the conquest of Englād, which 1 O. E. in his late lybels falsly chargeth the English Catholykes to seek and s [...]i [...]t. Treatise. Chap. 1.
  • The second, touching the Catholyke Kinges late 2 attempt in Ireland, which the English Catholykes, are also falsly supposed to haue procured. Treatyse. Chap. [...].
  • The third, concerning Sir. VVilliam Stanley & his deliuering Da­uenter 3 to the king Catholyke. Treatse. Chap. 1.
  • The fourth, touching father Parsons, & his great labours in Gods 4 Churche peruersly interpreted, & shamefully slandred by the here­tykes. Treatise. Chap. 2.
  • The fifth, an impudent & malitious vntruth auouched by O. E.5 in his late challenge, to wit, that no Catholykes are put to death in England for religion, but for treason, and attempts against the state. Treatise. Chap. 3. Apology. Chap. 10. 22. & 23.
  • The sixt, the improbable & absurd fixtion of Squyres conspiracy 6 against her Maiesties person imputed to father Richard walpole of the holy-Society of Iesus, as principal contriuer, & to father Creswel of the same Society, & to the author of this Treatise as abetters. Apology. Chap. 1. 2. 6. 7. 8. 9. 20. & 21.
  • The seuenth, a slanderous vntruth published as wel in these later as 7 some former libels, concerning VVilliams, York, & Patrick Cullen, executed at London some yeares past, and falsly supposed to be em­ployed by the English Catholykes then at Brussels against her Maiesties person. Apology. Chap. 15.
  • [Page] 8 The 8. an impertinent vntruth publyshed in a pamphlet concer­ning the fayned conspiracy of Edward Squyre, wherein it is affirmed that there is great moderation, & lenity vsed in causes of religion. Apology. Chap. 22. & 23.
  • 9 The 9. a foolish inuectiue of the author of the sayd pamphlet against the Iesuits. Apology. Chap. 24.

VNTRVTHES AND SLAN­DERS CONCERNING MAT­TER OF RELIGION DISCOVE­RED & confuted vpon diuers occasions, in this Treatise, & the Apology following.

  • 1 A False & impudent assertion of a shameles minister, who being present at the death of two martyrs at Lincolne, in the yeare 1600. affirmed publikly that England receiued the protestants religion, when it was first conuerted to the Christian faith, vnder the Popes Eleutherius and Gregory the first. Treatise. Chap. 4.5. & 6.
  • 2 An other slanderous vntruth of the heretykes charging Catholykes with Idolatry, in the reuerend vse of holy Images. Treat. Chap. 11. & 12.
  • 2 The lyke slanderous & impudent vntruth touching the Catholikes opinion of merits of workes, published lately in a pamphlet concer­ning the conuiction of my lord of Essex. Treat. Chap. [...]9.
  • 4 A ridicul [...]us miracle fayned by the author of the pamphlet aboue said, that concerned Squyres [...]ayned conspiracy. Apolog. Chap. 25.
  • The table of the chapters followeth in the end of the Treatise.

THE PREFACE, VVHEREIN THE AVTOR DECLARETH HIS INTENTION IN THIS TREATISE, AND THE CAVSE why he wrote the same, and why the Apology concerning Edward Squyre being written three yeres since, was not published vn­til now.

IT is now more then three yeres, gentle rea­der, since that one Edward Squyre,Edvvard Squyre exe­cuted for a fayned con­spiracy, and the author of this trea­tyse charge therevvith. hauing bin sometyme prisoner in Spayne, and escaping thence into England, was condemned and exe­cuted for a fayned conspiracy against her Ma­iestyes person, wherto my self & some others were charged to be priuy; & for as much as it seemed to mee that this fraudulent manner of our aduersaries proceeding against Catholykes, by way of slan­ders and diffamations, authorised with shew of publik Iustice,The reasons that moued the author to vvryte an Apology in his ovvne defence. and continued now many yeres, did beginne to redound not only to the vndeserued disgrace, & discredit of particular men wrongfully accused, but also to the dishonour of our whole cause, I thought it cōueniēt to write an Apology in my defēce, & to dedicate the same to the Lords of her Maiesties priuy counsel, as wel to cleare my self to their honours of the cryme falsly imputed vnto mee, as al­so to discouer vnto them the treacherous dealing of such as abuse her Maiesties autority and theirs in this behalf, to the spilling of much innocent blood, with no smalle blemish to her Maiesties go­uernment, and the assured exposition of the whole state, to the wrath of God, if it be not remedied in tyme.

This Apology being written by me in Spayne,The Apolo­gy stayd frō the print, in hope of some toleration of Catholyke religion in England. and made ready for the print (now almost 3. yeres past) it seemed good as wel to [Page] me as to other of my friends, to stay the impression of it, vntil we should see the issue of the treaty of peace betwyxt England and Spayne then expected, with no smalle hope conceaued of many, that liberty of conscience, or at least some toleration of religion might ensue therof to the Catholikes of Englād, & therfore seeing my principal intention was no other, but with the occasion of my owne purgation to seek remedy of the wrongs donne vnto vs, by discouering to the lords of the councel the vnchristian and per­nicious proceeding of our cheef persecutors, it seemed to mee that yf the desyred effects of toleration, and consequently our remedy did follow of the treaty, the labour & charges of printing my Apology should be needlesse.

Hope of to­leration fru­strate.And although after many moneths expectation, and the mee­ting of the commissioners at Bullen, there appeared no lykely­hood at all, eyther of peace betwyxt the two kingdomes, or tole­ration of Catholyke religion in Englād (in which respect it seemed conuenient to some that my apology should be published) yet for as much, as so long tyme was then ouer past, that the matter of Squyre seemed to bee forgot, and that therfore the defence of my innocency might eyther be to litle purpose, or at least seeme out of season, I resolued to suppresse the same,Squyres matter seemed to be forgot. and the rather for that I vnderstood that howsoeuer some simple men might be deceaued in Squyres cause, yet the wysest considering the weak­nes, and inualydity of the proofes, and his denial of the fact at his death, did take it for an inuention, and a stratageme of state,Squyres matter held by the vvyse for a stratagem of state. conforme to dyuers other of like quality, which many wyse men amongst the protestātes themselues haue noted here­tofore.

Squyres matter lately re­uyued by 3. lybels, and much vrged against Catholyks.But now comming hether to Rome, and seing the matter reui­ued and mightyly vrged to the preiudice of all Catholykes, by 2. seueral lybels composed lately in England, the one by an here­tical minister ashamed of his name, and therfore Sutly shrowding it vnder a fals Visar of O. E. and the other written very lately by a puritan, as it seemeth, calling himself Thomas Diggs, I haue determined to set out my apology for the ful satisfaction of all in­different men in this poynt;The authors determina­tiō to set out his Apology. wherto I am moued the rather, for that I haue also sufficiently treated therin some other matters handled by O. E.O. E. who laboureth to proue that all the persecu­tion which Catholykes haue hetherto suffred,In his nevv challeng to N.D. Chap [...] is iustly to be ascri­bed to their treasonable attēpts, besydes that he is not ashamed to [Page 2] affirme, that none haue bē put to death in all her maiestyes raigne for matter of religion, which impudent assertion of his, I haue so sufficiently confuted in my sayd apology, as no more needeth to be sayd in that matter.

Neuertheles vpon this new occasion giuen by him, I haue thought good to prefix this treatise to thesaid Apology to giue thee good reader some more particular satisfaction concerning this point, and first to answere sincerely and truly vpon my owne knowlege an other slanderous and malitious conceit of his tou­ching the il affection as he supposeth of diuers principal Catho­lykes to their country, and therefore for as much as I intend also, vpon occasions that may be offred, to debate and discusse in this treatise some pointes of Catholyke religion now in controuersy, and withal to cleare our doctrine in those pointes from certaine malitious slanders of our aduersaries, I haue thought good to en­tytle the whole, A defence of the Catholyke cause. Wherein I make no doubt but that thow wilt easely note (good reader) amongst many other thinges, the inconsideration of our aduersaries in that they are not content only to wrong vs in our goodes and persons, by extreme iniustice vsed towards vs, but also to wound vs so deeply in our fame by their calumniatious and slanderous lybels, and re­portes, that they force vs much against our willes to lay open to the world their shameful and vnchristian proceedings, in defence of our owne innocencie, and for the honor of our cause, which not only all lawes of God nature and nations do allow and per­mit, but also conscience vrgeth and byndeth vs vnto in this case. For although priuate men may somtymes with great merit suffer themselues to be slaundered without contradiction, when no fur­der detrimēt ensueth thereof, then the losse of their owne fame or their particular hurt, yet when the same is ioyned, with other men­nes harme or with a publyke damage, espetialy of religion, they cannot without offence to God neglect or omit their owne iust defence. Therefore I hope no man wil blame mee or other Ca­tholykes in lyke case for offring iust purgation of our selues and our cause though it bee with the reproch of them that slander vs, vt obstruatur os loquentium iniqua, that the mouthes of calumniators may bee stopped.

And whereas the same may seeme to redound to some disgrace or dishonor of the state by reason of the publyke authority & pre­tence of her maiesties seruice, wherewith our aduersaries do co­monly [Page] couer and colour all their malitious actions, I purpose for my parte, to vse in this my defence, such due respect to the state & to the supreme gouernours thereof (I meane her Maiestie and the honorable Lordes of her counsel) that I hope to auoyd all iust cause of offence; and giue ample testimony of the loyalty of a moste dutiful subiect discouering to her Maiestie and their honors by way of humble complaint, the great abuse offred by our aduersaries, no lesse to them, then to vs, as wil more particularly appeere in my Apologie directed and dedicated to the Lordes of the councel.

AN ANSWER TO TVVO MALITIOVS SLANDERS CONCERNING the conquest of England, falsly supposed to be pretended and solicited by the Catholykes, and touching the late enterprise of the king of Spayne in Ireland. Also con­cerning Sir VVilliam Stanley.

CHAP. I.

AMONGST many malitious slanders, wherwith O. E. and other heretyks seek to make vs and our cause odious to all men, one of the principalest is, that wee desyre and con­spyre the cōquest of our coun­trey by the king of Spayne, wherewith they charge not only F. Parsons and the Ie­suytes, but also other English Catholykes that haue serued and serue the Catholyke king, in which respect I cannot forbeare to testify the truth of my knowledge in this poynt, hauing had sufficiēt meanes and occasion to vnderstand what hath ben treated with the Catholike kings of Spayne by any of our nation since the yeare of our Lord 1589.The autor ansvvereth and confu­teth this slā ­der vpon his ovvne knovvledge. at what tyme I passed from the court of France (by reason of the troubles there) to the seruice of their Catholike Maiesties, whome I haue serued euer since, and for some yeres together in the court [Page] of Spayne, vntil now of late, that I retyred my selfe from thence to Rome, to satisfy my priuate deuotiō, by dedica­ting the rest of my declyning dayes, to the seruice of God in an ecclesiastical function.

The autors protestation vpon his cō ­science.Therfore I here protest vpon my conscience, not only in my owne behalf, but also in the behalf of F. Parsons, and the English Catholykes that serue his Catholyke Ma­iesty, that our dealings haue bin so contrary to that which is imputed vnto vs, that we haue donne farre better offices for our country in this poynt, then the malice of our ad­uersaries suffereth them to suppose. For hauing wel consi­dered that the breach of amity betwyxt her Maiestie and the Catholike king, growing dayly by sundry acts of ho­stility on both parts, to an implacable quarrel, might moue him to seek the conquest of our country (wherof his puissant preparations in the yere 88. gaue no smalle suspi­tion to the world) and not hauing any hope to be able to diswade his Maiestie from seeking some sharp reuenge of the attempts made against him by sea and land (wherto not only reason of state, but also respect of his reputation and honour seemed to oblige him) wee determined to do our vttermost endeuour so to temper and qualify the same, as it might not turne to any conquest of our country. To which purpose sir Francis Englefield,The ende­uour of Syr Fran. Engle­feld, F. Par­sons, F Cres­vvel and of the autor to diuert the Catholik king from the conquest of Engl. whylst he liued, Fa­ther Parsons, Fa. Creswel, and my self, haue at dyuers tymes represented to his Matie. of glorious memory, many important reasons to perswade him, that it was not con­uenient for him to seek the conquest of England, nor pro­bable eyther that he could conquer it, or yet if he were able to do it that he could long keep it in subiection; and this wee haue vrged so oft and with such pregnāt reasons, as wel to his Matie. that now is, as to his father of glorious memory, that I verely beleeue, that if they euer had any inclination or resolutiō to seek the conquest of England, wee haue donne sufficient diligence to diuert them from all cogitation therof.

[Page 4]But whatsoeuer may be thought of their maiesties in­tentions in this behalf (which is not my intention here to defend nor treat of, but to signify what hath ben our treaties or dealings with them) sure I am,The Catho­lyk kings ansvver con­cerning his intention. that their Maties. haue vpō dyuers occasions assured vs, that their meaning was no other, but only to seek reparation of wrongs dōne vnto them, with the aduancement of Catholyke religion, howsoeuer the quarrel should end, eyther by extremity of warre, or composition of peace, for though the prosecu­tiō of the warre should proue more prosperous vnto them then wee imagined it could do, yea and that the crowne of England might therby fall to their disposition, yet they affirmed that theyr intentiō was no other, then to restore and assure Catholyke religion there,Restitution of Catholyk religion in England. by establishing a Ca­tholyke king, with whome they might renew, and perpe­tually hold the ancient leagues so long continued in tymes past betwyxt the two kingdomes of England and Castile to the mutual benefit of both. And if it should so fal out that they should grow to treatyes, of peace (which was most lykely would be the conclusion of this warre,Ease of per­secution by treaty of peace. sooner or later) they promised to make instance to her Maiestie eyther for liberty of cōsciēce for Catholikes, or at least for relaxsatiō of penal lawes & ease of the present persecutiō.

Now then;The reasons vvhy the Ca­tholyks ra­ther expected remedy by peace then by vvarre. this being the resolution of their maiesties (as they signified vnto vs) consisting on two poynts, the one, no doubt in their owne opinions vncertayne, and in ours altogeather vnprobable, if not vnpossible (as before I haue declared) and the other, most lykely in tyme to ensew, especially considering the frequent ouertures these later yeres to a treaty of peace,Frequent ou­uertures to treatyse of peace these later yeres. Impossibili­tes of con­quest. and the continual reports of her Maiesties propension, nor only therto, but also to giue some toleration to Catholikes; any indifferent man may iudge, which of these two poynts wee were more lyke to expect and solicit, though wee should be as i [...] affec­ted and vnnatural to our country,Her maiesties propensiō to peace, and to geue tolera­tion to Ca­tholyks. as our aduersaries ima­gine, who measuring our charity and zeale in religion, by [Page] their owne fury, and malice against vs, persuade themsel­ues, that because they would if they were in our case, wish and procure by all meanes possible our vtter ouer­throw & ruin,The heretyks measure Ca­tholyks by themselues. wee therfore do the lyke by them; where­as wee following the doctrine and example of out Sa­uiour and his saynts,The charity of Catholyks tovvards their ene­mies. in forgeuing our enemies, and harte­ly wishing the conuersion of sinners, do dayly and instant­ly pray to almighty God for them, that it may please him of his infinit mercy to forgiue and illuminate them.

The Catho­lyks desyre restitution of religiō by svveet mea­ [...]es.And although we desyre nothing more in our coun­trey, then the extirpation of heresy and the restitution of the Catholyk fayth, yet wee wish that it may please God to woork it by such sweet meanes, that not only our mo­narky may stil retayne the former liberty, dignity and ho­nour that heatherto it hath had, but also that no mannes finger may so much as ake for the same;

And whosoeuer doth note and regard with an indiffe­rent eye, the proceeding of such Catholykes as haue la­boured most in our cause, and especially of him whome our enemies do moste maligne,The erection of Semina­ryes tendeth not to force of armes. and calumniate at this day (I meane the proceeding of father Parsons in the erection and careful mayntenance of Seminaryes) & doth further consider the fruits therof, and the progresse of Catholike religion in England of late yeres, he can neither think, that the fathers intentions tend to force of armes or violence of cōquest, nor yet that our cause is in such despe­rat tearmes, that wee neede to vse the swoord seing the force of the woord,The svvoord needles vvhere the vvoord pre­uayleth. and apostolical preaching woorketh so good effect, that wee may wel hope, that heresy de­caying dayly as it doth,Heresy dayly decaying. wil fall of it self within a whyle, and that in the meane tyme,The vvyse gouernours can not but note Gods handivvork, in the pro­gresse of Ca­tholyk religiō in England. our wyse gouernours noting the special woork & hand of God therin, & how litle hu­main policy or rigour preuayleth against true religion, wil not only moderate the rigorous cours hetherto held with Catholikes, but also willingly receaue the light of truth, for the which wee dayly pray to almighty God, & dayly wil.

[Page 5]This then is the conquest that wee desyre and expect in England, to wit, a conquest of soules to God,VVhat con­quest the Catholyks de­syre in Eng­land. with the suppression of heresy, & iniquity, to the end, that the force of truth and piety may so captiuate and subdue the harts of all our countrymen, that they may be freed from the bondage of the deuil, wherin they liue, and that the Ca­tholyke Churche and our country withall may florish, in the old manner, to the glory of God, & saluation of infinit soules that dayly perish, and thus much for this poynt.

Now forasmuch as I vnderstād that rumours are spred abroad and a conceyt or suspition bred thereby, in the hea­des of many, that the english Catholykes haue also solici­ted the Catholyke king to the late enterprise of Ireland, I think good also to say somewhat concerning that point, that I verely think no English Catholyke was acquainted therewith otherwise thē by comō fame or opinion, seeing that neither F. Creswel nor my self (both residing at the same tyme in the courte of Spaine) nor Sir William Stan­ley who was also come thether vpon occasion of busynes, were made priuy thereof,Neyther F. Pars. at Rome nor any En­glishman in Spayn made priuy thereto. which I ascrybe partly to the prudent manner of proceeding of those councelers,The prudent manner of proceeding of the coun­cel of Spayn. who neuer impart any matter of impottance to any whosoeuer, except to such, as are necessarily to be employed therin; & partly to the circumspection that the Irish vse in their treaties in that court,The circum­spection of the Yrish. who considering that their affayres, do no way perteyn to vs, are wont not only curiously to conceale the same from vs, but also to desyre the Kings ministers not to communicate them with vs.

Of which smalle correspondence betwyxt vs and them in matters that concerne their country,VVitnes maye be takē of Hugh Buy agent of late. for Odonel in Spayn, and novv in her maiestyes seruice. there muay now be sufficient testimony taken of Hugh Buy, who hauing ben one of the most principal agents for Oneal & Odonel in the court of Spayne, and most gratful there (as appeared by the reward giuen him at his departure thens) passed neuerthelesse shortly after his returne to Ireland to the ser­uice of her Maie and therfore may testify, if he be demaun­ded, [Page] whether he treated with any Englishman in Spayne, or was willing wee should be trusted with his affayres, sure I am, & I think he wil witnes it, that during the tyme of his negotiatiō there, which was some moneths, we neuer conferred togeather, nor so much as saluted one another.

And veryly for our further purgation of all suspition in this matter, I may wel say, that if we had ben as badly af­fected in that cause as is conceaued, and had ben consulted withall, or list to haue intruded our selues to speak our opinions, wee could neuer haue aproued the plot that was executed,Not lykly that Syr VVilliam Stanley could ap­proue the plot that vvas executed. which any man may beleeue at least of Sr. Wil­liam Stanley, as wel for the particular experience he hath of Ireland, and Irish warres, as also for his wisdome, & exact skil in military discipline, and all martial affayres, wherin, as it is wel knowne, he is inferior to few men li­uing, & seing the occasion is offred to speak of him, I wil ad a woord or two cōcerning him,The ridicu­lous folly of a lybeller, in obiecting to sir VVilliam Stanley his deliuering of Deuenter to the true ovvner. & his deliuering Dauēter to the Catholyke king, for that the same is opprobriously carped at in a late pamphlet of a puritan cauling himself Thomas Digges, who as it seemeth hath so litle cōscience and knowledge of a Christian mannes obligation, that he cannot distinguish betwixt trechery and discharge of duty, it beeing euident in conscience, and true diuinity, that Sir William was bound vnder payne of damnable sinne, to deliuer it to the King who was the true owner therof, & from whome it was wrongfully detayned by his rebels; besydes that, his manner of doing it was such as argueth no lesse his generosity,Syr VVilliās generosity & sincerity in tendring Da­uenter. then his sincerytie, seeing he made no composition for money or other reward, as many others in lyke occasions haue donne, but rendred it simply without all respect of lucre and gayne, for the only dis­charge of his conscience, being then at liberty to serue where he would, to which purpose my Lord of Leister his general, had giuen him an ample pasport, which he hath yet to shew.

But herein I meane not further to enlarge my self, seeing [Page 6] my late Lord Cardinal of happy memorie sufficiently de­ [...]ended and iustified Sr. Williams action in this behalf with a learned and graue treatise of his, at the same tyme, only I wil say of his person for the particular knowlege I haue of him, that the honorable cours of lyf he hath led euer since hee became a Catholyke, & seruant to the king, doth make him no lesse recomendable for true Christian pietie and vertue then for wisdome & valour, in so much that hee is woorthely held of all strangers for the honor of our nation, and the true mirour or a Christian soldier, and as for his affection to his country I do protest I am wel assured, that no man wysheth more honor & happy­nesse thereto or is more alienat from all desyre of conquest thereof then hee, though our aduersaries wil nedes imagin otherwise of him, and all others that either serue the Ca­tholyke king or receaue any benefit of him, wherby thow maist perceaue (good reader) how lamentable our case is, seeing that wee are neither suffred to enioy the comfort & benefit of our religion country and freindes at home, nor yet permitted without suspition and slander of ill affection to the state, to sustaine our lyues abroad with the liberalitie of him that only hath the meanes & the wil withal, to re­lieue vs, as hee releeueth & entertaineth in lyke sorte no smalle number of strangers of all nations, without any bad constructions made of him, or them for the same. But whe­ther it be reason that to auoyd the vncharitable conceyts of our aduersaries & to satisfy their desire of our ruyn, wee suffer our selues to perish rather thē to receaue relief of the Catholyke king, I leaue it to the iudgmēt of any indifferēt & vnpassionate man and so wil proceed to say somwhat in particular of F. Parsons against whome O. E. doth spit foorth or rather vomit so much venim and poyson, as he sheweth euidētly what spirit possesseth him, & giueth no­table testimony to F. P. his rare vertues, & great merits.

CONCERNING FATHER Parsons in particular, and that the extreame malice that the heretykes beare him, is an euident argument of his great vertue. CHAP. II.

The hatred of heretyks, is a notable testimony of F. Parsons his great vertue.WERE it possible that father Parsons should be so extreamly maligned, hated and calumniated,The greatest saynts of God alvvayes ca­lumniated. as he is, by heretykes, yf he were not a great seruant of God and guyded by his spirit? for was there euer any great saynt in Gods Churche who laboured more then others, eyther to confound heresy, or to reforme corrupt man­ners, that felt not in his fame the cruel sting of the slan­derous tongues of heretykes, and of other instruments of the deuil? for as the Churche was planted so it must be restored;As the church vvas planted so it must be re­stored. and therfore as the scriptures do signify; the per­secution that our Sauiour him self, and all his Apostles and disciples suffred by slanderous tongues,Ioan. 7 & 10. in the fyrst planting and buylding of the Churche,Luc. 2 [...]. so also the ecclesiastical hi­stories do witnes the lyke of other seruants of God,Act. 6. 14. 17. 21. 24. 23. who endeuored afterwards to repayre the same, when it was decayed in some places by heresy and sinne,Gods seruāts so cunningly calumniated by euil men, that good men some­tymes held them su­spected. and that many of them besydes the punishmēts inflicted vpon their persons, were so craftely calumniated by heretykes, that they sustayned much suspition and obloquy not only of many weak and bad Catholykes, but also otherwhyles of some good men; God suffring it for his greater glory and their more merit, whose innocency he euer cleared in the end, to the confusion of his enemies and theirs; A few examples may suffise, for that the matter is cleare enough of it self.

No man that hath red the ecclesiastical histories can be ignorant of the continual and violent persecutions that [Page 7] saynt Athanasius suffred in this kynd,S. Athanasius extremly ca [...]lumniated. who being the cheef champion of Gods Churche against the Arrian here­tykes, was by thē falsly accused of a rape, of burning houses,Baron anno 336. & 339. 335. of breaking chalices, of extorsion, of wiche-craft, murders, yea and treasons;Theodoret. lib. 1. cap. 30 [...] as wel agaynst the Catholyke Emperour Constantine the great (who by that meanes was alienated from him,Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 21. and moued to banish him) as also against the Arrian Emperour Constantius,Epiph. haer. 68. to whome he therfore wrote an Apology of his innocencie.

S. Basil for his great learning & rare vertue surnamed the great,Athan. Apo [...]log. ad Con­stant. being also a notable impugner of all the here­tykes of his tyme,Baron. anno 363. & 371. was impugned & slandered by thē with such arte and cunning, that the very monkes of his owne institution and rule were incensed against him,S. Basil. in so much that after he had suffred it, as he sayth,Basil. Ep. 7 [...]. & epist. 79. 3. yeares to­gether, and suppressed the sorrow of his hart with si­lence, he was forced to write an Apology in his owne de­fence, as also many other famous & learned mē did for him at the same tyme, and such was the diligence and craft of the heretykes, and such the credulity of many Catholykes, that he complayned pitifully therof, geuing to vnderstand, that not only all his actions, but also euery word he spoke,Basil. ad Eu­stachium epist. was watched, calumniated and wrested to a wrong sence, and that he found himself in such case that he knew not who to trust.

S. Hierome one of the lights of the latin Churche,S. Hierome. & the scourge of the heretykes of his age,Baron. To. anno 39 [...]. hauing written a nota­ble worke against Iouinian the heretyk in defence of vir­ginity, was slandred to haue defaced matrimony, through the subtilty of one of Iouinians sect that counterfeyted him self a Catholyke, and enuyed greatly S. Hieroms great cre­dit, and the matter was so clamorously prosecuted against him in Rome, that many good Catholykes were alienated frō him & his friēds, in which respect he was fayne to wryte an Apology in defence of his book. And at another tyme being him-self in Rome, and writing against some vices [Page] of the clergy though in general tearmes, [...]ro [...]anno [...]. he receiued such a violent impugnation and persecution of all the bad priests in the cittie, that he was forced to depart thence; which ne­uerthelesse, how little it impayred his credit in the end, he signified 30. yeres after in an epistle to Demetrias,Hieron. epist. ad Deme­tria. wherin he maketh mention of the said treatise that caused all that broyle against him, and addeth further quid profuit, armasse exercitum reclamantium, & vulnus conscientiae d [...]lore monstrasse, liber mauet & homines perierunt, that is to say, what did it auayle them, to arme an army of clamarous men against me, and to bewray the wound of their owne conscience by their greef, the book is yet extant, but the men ar dead and gon, thus farre saint Hierome; wherby he signifieth, that although good men for good workes suffer somtymes great persecutions,The good vvoorks of good men remayn hono­rable, vvhyles their persecutours perish vvith igno­ [...]iny. yet the good woorkes re­mayne, and not only the persecution passeth away, but also the persecutors themselues perish and come to nought, which by the way I wish the heretyks Fa. Parsons aduer­saries to note; for let them rayle vpon him, slander him, and cry our against him neuer so much, the memory and mo­numents that he shal leaue behynd him of his great seruice to God & his Churche, wil remayne honorable to all po­sterity, when their clamours, and slanders shal vanish away lyke smoke, and they themselues shalbe eyther cleane for­got, or els remayne ignominious for their heresy and the persecution of him, and other good men.

S. Chrisosto­me so calumniated that he vvas tvvys banished by Catholyk Bishops.S. Chrisostome Bishop of Constantinople the ornament of the east Churche, who made cōtinual warre against pa­ganisme, heresy & vyce, as wel by the example of his saintly lyfe, as by the force of his eloquence, and deuyne preaching was so exagitat by the calumnious, and contumelious ton­gues of heretykes, and all sorts of wicked men, that he was expelled twyse, from his bishopryk, by Catholyke Bishops, being falsly accused of treasons and many heynous matters, and dyed at length in banishment; which shortly after God did punish notoriously in all his aduersaryes, and calumnia­tours, and in some of them (as Palladius noteth) by losse of [Page 8] their speech & horrible paynes in their tongues, in regard,Baron. ann [...] 427. no dout of their contumelious speches and slanders geuen out against him, and within a few yeres after his death, his innocency was made so manifest to all men, that his me­mory was celebrated in the Churche & he serued for a great saint of God, as he hath ben euer since.Baron. anno 369. I omit to speak par­ticularly of S. Hilary, S. Ambrose, S. AugustinGreg. Na­zian oratio­ne ad 150. Episc. & in vita sua S. Gregory Nazianzen and dyuers other notable antagonists of the he­retykes of their tymes,Idem an. 387 all of thē notably calūniated by their aduersaries, whome I say, I wil omit for breuityes sake,Aug. contra Iulianū lib. 6 cap. 12. & Baron. anno 426. & conclude with S. Ciril Bishop of Alexandria, the ham­mer of the Nestoriā heresy; who in his epistle to the clergy of Cōstantinople signifieth that Nestorius the heretyke, did send abroad certeyn wicked aud lost companions, to de­fame him euery where, as now the heretykes of England deale with father Parsons whom they seek to disgrace and defame by their spyes,Item epist. [...] editio nouae that they send throughout Christen­dome, whereof the experience hath ben seen these yeares past not only in other places,Ciril. epist. 7 [...] & 14. but also in the very Seminaries of his owne erectiō in Spayne,Baron. anno 429. where haue ben discouered within these 2. or 3. yeres dyuers spyes sent from England,S. Ciril slan­dered by mē sent abrode of purpose to defame him who counterfeiting great holynes and zeale in religion, endeuored nothing els, but to alienate the students from the Iesuits their superiours, and particulerly from Fa. Parsons,Spyes sent abroad to defame F. Parsons. filling their eares with such monstrous lyes, that if God of his goodnes had not sooner discouered it, one of those Se­minaries had ben put in as great combustion,Spyes disco­uered in the seminaries of Spayne. as was the English colledge at Rome some yeres agoe But S. Ciril who receiued lyke measure at heretikes hāds, as Fa. Parsons now doth, shal answere for both,Baron. [...]od. an. & Ciryl. epist. 8. who in certeyn letters of his to Nestorius him self saith thus.S. Cirils an­svver to Nestorius applyed to F. Pars. They cast a brode against me reportes no lesse mad, then malitious some say I haue iniuriously oprest the poort and blynd; others say I drew a sword vpon my owne mother; and others, that I stole gold with the healp of a mayd seruant; and some agayne say, that I haue ben always suspected of such wickednes, as a mā would be loth should be foūd in his greatest enemy. [Page] But of these fellowes, and such lyke I make smalle account, least I may seeme to extend the measure of my weaknes aboue my maister and lord, yea aboue all my predecessors, for whatsoeuer cours of lyfe a man hol­deth; it is skant possible for him to escape the sharp teeth of malitious & wicked backbyters. But they hauing their mouths ful of slander, & malediction shal one day answere for it before the Iudge of all, and I in the meane tyme, wil discharge my part, and do that which becommeth mee, to wit, admonish thee, Nestorius, of thy duty as my brother in our lord, &c. Thus sayd S. Ciril to the heretyk Nestorius; and so wil I say in father Parsons behalf, to the heretykes his aduersaries, to wit; that hee litle re­gardeth their rayling, considering he cannot look to be more free from that kynd of persecution then his maister Christ, and other seruants of God, that haue laboured in the Churche before him, and that therfore leauing them to answere for it, before the iust and rigorous Iudge, he wil in the meane whyle, proceed to do his duty towards God and them, as heatherto he hath donne,Parsons re­payeth the malice of his enemies vvith chari­ty. repaying their ma­lice with charity, their fury with patience, their rayling with prayers to God for them, their slanderous pamphlets and libels, with learned and godly bookes, and their em­ploying of spyes abroad to defame him, with sending in priests from his Seminaries to conuert them, and to saue their soules,Hiero. epist. [...]7. which is all the hurt he wisheth them, for all the rancour and malice they beare him, and the iniury they do him,Miserable to do iniury but not to suffer it. for the which he thinketh they rather deserue pitty then hatred, for that as saynt Hierome sayth, apud Christianos non qui patitur, sed qui facit iniuriam miser est, that is to say,Of F. Pars. his great, & pro­fitable la­bours in gods Church. not he which suffreth the iniury, but he which doth it is miserable.

And now to say somewhat particularly though very breefly of his labours in Gods Churche, which makes him hateful to the diuel and all heretyks;His notable books. yf wee consider the same, and the fruits therof, as the soules he gayned to God whyles he was in England;Soules gay­ned to God by him in England. the notable bookes he hath written; the foure notable Seminaries which he hath erected; (wherof 3. do stil florish in Spayne, and Flanders, [Page 9] besydes two residences for priests in S. Lucar,4. Notable Seminaries erected, and 2. residences for priests. and Bishon) the important releef of two thowsand crownes rent,2000 Crovv­nes rent procured for the seminary of Dovvay. that he procured at one tyme for the Seminary at Doway, erec­ted by my Lord Cardinal;The tumults of the En­glish in Rome paci­fied. the pacification of the scan­dalous tumults in the English Colledge at Rome, attēpted by diuers in vayne, and reserued, as it should seeme, by al­mighty God to him, for the testimony of his wisdome and vertue;His vvyse & examplar go­uernment of the English colledge at Rome. the present gouernment of the sayd Colledge in such tranquility, vnity & loue, such aeconomy & discipline, and such exercyse of all vertue and learning, that it serueth for an example & spectacle to all Rome (so that all our Se­minaries which are now the honour and hope of our af­flicted Churche, and in tyme wilbe the bane of heresy in England,All our Seminaries eyther erected, or releeued, or ex­ceedingly benefyted by him. haue either ben erected, or releeued and repayred, or otherwyse exceedingly benefited by him) and yf wee consider withall, the great care and paynes he hath taken in all this; the many long and tedious iourneys to strange and remote countryes; the difficulties he hath past by contradiction, and opposition somtymes of great parso­nages; and the prudence longaminity and patience he hath shewed in all;His lyfe so religious, that his greatest enemies, can iustly repre­hēd nothing therein. and if wee ad therto his religious lyfe, so examplar for all kynd of vertue, that those which maligne him most, can fynd nothing iustly to reprehend therin, and therfore to haue somewhat to say against him,F. Parsons charged for lack of better matter vvith the actions of his very enemyes. are fayne either to inuēt manifest lyes, such as here I haue touched, or els to calumniate his good woorkes with vayne surmises, vncharitable suspitions, and fals interpretations, from which kynd of calumniation neither the innocency of Gods saints, nor yet the prefection of our Sauiour himself could be freeHis good vvoorks ca­lumniated, & il interpreted as our Saui­ours vvere.; lastly if with all this,Gods mani­fest cōcurrēce vvith his la­bours in the progres of Cathol. religiō. wee consider concurrence and manifest assistance of almighty God to his endeuours in the progresse of Catholyke religion in England, aduanced [...]otably as all men see, no lesse by his bookes and other la­bours then by his Seminaries, wee may euidently conclude [...]ree things, the first that God hauing of his infinit mercy and prouidence determined to repayre the wracked walles [Page] of our Hierusalem, hath raysed him for a special meanes, and instrument therof,Three con­ [...]lusions [...]ravvn of [...]he premisses geuing him for that end, extraordi­nary graces and blessings, as wel of credit with Princes abroad, as also of singuler zeale, prudence, fortitude, lon­ganimity, 1 patience, and other vertues requisit to so heroy­cal and excellent a woork,God hath [...]aysed F. Parsons for a special instrument to re­payre his Church in England. and no maruel, seeing that for the buylding of his material tabernacle he bestowed vpon some of his people extraordinary gyfts of caruing, gra­uing, and woorking in wood or metal all kynd of woork, wherof they had no skil before.

The second cōclusion of these premisses, is, that it is not possible,Exod. 31. [...]5. 3 [...]. but that he beeing employed by almighty God in the seruice of his Churche, so particulerly, and with such 2 fruit as wee see, shalbe impugned calummated & persecu­ted by Gods enemies;It is not pos­sible but that F. pars. being employed, by almighty God shalbe impugned by the deuil, and all his instru­ments. for the deuil seking by all meanes to ouerthrow the Churche of God employeth all his instru­ments, and dischargeth the rage of his fury cheefly against those that are the cheef pillers and vpholders thereof.

The third & last poynt is, that yf he stil continue to the end, and cōsummate his cours, according to his beginning and proceedings hetherto, as by Gods grace he wil, he shal not only gayne an eternal crowne of glory in heauen, 3 but also leaue to all posterity an euerlasting fame of his Apostolical labours,His Aposto­lical labours shalbe the more glo­rious to all posterity for the great cō ­tradiction he receaueth of Gods ene­mies. and much the rather, for the contra­diction, hatred and persecution that he receiueth at the hands of Gods enemies, which already maketh him fa­mous throughout Christendome, and wil euer re­mayn for an euident argument of his great vertue and merits.

Thus much I haue thought good to touch breefly and truly here, to serue for a counterpeyse to the multitude of malitious slanders that O. E. heapeth vpon him in his two lybels,The autor proceedeth to the disco­uery of the impudency of O. E affi [...] ­ [...]ing that none are pu [...] to death in Engl. for religion. the particular answere whereof, I leaue to one that hath vndertaken the same, meaning only for my part to examin here a litle furder how truly he auoucheth, that none are put to death in England for religion, [Page 10] which besydes former examples and many reasons al­leadged in my Apology, almost euery mannes expe­rience in England may conuince for a notable vntruthe by the martirdome of those, which haue suffred in diuers parts, within these 3. yeres since the Apology was written.

EXAMPLES OF DIVERS Catholykes executed since the Apology was written for the same causes that the martirs were put to death in the primatiue Churche, and of the great iniustice donne to two Priests condemned at Lincolne by Iudge Glanduyle. CHAP. III.

I Appeale to the remembrance of al those that were present at the araignment of M. Rigby a lay Gentle­man in the yere 1600. whether there was any thing concerning matter of state or the least suspition thereof layd to his charge,M. Iohn Righby exe [...]cuted in the yere 1600. who being no way accused or called in question for any matter whatsoeuer, but comming to the sessions at Newgate of meere charity to excuse the aparance of a Catholyke gentlewoman that was sick, was examined of his religion, and condemned within a few dayes after; for being a reconcyled Catholyk, wherof neuertheles he might haue ben discharged yf he would haue consented but only to haue gon to the Churche, which was offred him, both before the Iury gaue their verdi [...]; and also after.

Further-more what matter of state was so much as ob­iected [Page] to M. Palaser the priest, or to M. Talbot, and to M. Iohn Norton,M. Palaser. M. Talbot. M. Ihon Norton. condemned and executed the same yeare at Durham, the first only for being a priest, and the other two for hauing ben aquaynted with him, & not detecting him, or to a vertuous wydow the last yere at York for harbo­ring a priest called M. Christopher whartō, who was exe­cuted also with her, or to Mrs. lyne the last yere at London for hauing receiued priests,Mrs. Lyne. against whome no matter of state, but only their religion and priesthood was proued,M. Ihon Pi­bush. M. Mark Barkvvorth. M. Robert Nutter. M. Edvvard Thvving. M. Thurstan Hunt. M. Middletō. M. Harrison, [...] a lay man. which was also most euident in M. Iohn Pibush, M. Mark Barkwoorth at London the last yere, & M. Robert Nutter, M. Edward Thwing M. Thurstan Hunt, & M. Midleton, at Lancaster, as also in the case of M. Filcock, & now this yeare M, Harrison at York, all of them martyred only for beeing Catholyke Priests, and a lay man for hauing receiued the foresaid N. Harrison into his house.

Therfore can O. E. or any man be so impudent to say that these lay men & women dyed not for religion, or that the priests for whose cause they were condemned,Catholyke Priests tray­tors novv in to other [...]ort, then vvere the Christian Priests in the primatiue Church. or the other here mentioned were traytors in any other sorte or sence then were the priests of the primatiue Churche, ac­counted in lyke manner rebels and traytors only for doing the function of Christian Catholyke Priests, as appeareth in the story of the blessed S. Alban the protomartyr of Bri­tany, who was charged by the Iudge to haue receiued into his house & conueyghed away rebellem and sacrilegum sacer­dotem, Beda histor. Eccles. lib. 1. a trayterous and sacrilegious Priest,S. Alban our first martyr, charged vvith receauing a trayterous Priest. for that he put on the Priests apparel, and so offred himself to be taken by the searchers, that the Priest might escape; for the which, and for the constant profession of the Christian faith he receiued a glorious crowne of martyrdome;S. Alban martyred about the yere of our Lord. 300. An example for Catho­lyks. wherin may be noted by the way how it pleased al­mighty God of his diuine prouidence, to geue vs in our first martyr such a notable example of Christian fortitude & charity, in harboring a persecuted Priest, and sauing his lyfe with the losse of his owne, to the end that in the lyke [Page 11] cases, and occasions (which now dayly occur) no terrour of temporal lawes, nor pretence of treasons may withhold vs from vsing the lyke charity towards the Priests of God; wherto our Sauiour Christ also inuiteth and incowrageth vs with promise of great reward saying he which receiueth a Prophet in the name of a prophet, Matth 10. shal haue the reward of a Prophet, and he which receiues a iust man, in the name of a iust man, shal haue the reward of a iust man.

But yf we consider the proceedings of the persecutors in those dayes,Christians martyred in the primati­ue Church by paynims, for the same points of re­ligion, that Catholyke are persecu­ted novv. wee shal fynd that the Christians were not only persecuted as traytors, and in the same manner, but also for the same poynts of religion that wee are persecuted now, wherof I wil breefly represent vnto thee (good reader) an euidēt exāple, to the end thou mayst the better iudge whe­ther wee dy for religiō or no, or whether there be any dif­ference betwyxt the martirdome of the old Christians, and of the Catholykes at this day.Baron. To. 2. anno 303. Surius. 11. Februa.

Wee read in the ancient and Publyk records of the acts of the proconsuls of Africk vnder Dioclesian,The sacrifice of the Masse forbidden vpon payne of death by Dioclesian. and Maxi­ [...]ian Emperours (vnder whome saynt Alban was marty­red) that they made an edict wherin amongst other things they forbad vpon payne of death the blessed sacrifice of the masse which is called Dominicum in the sayd records,Concil. Ro­man. sub Sil­uestro 1. & therfore dominicum agere or celebrare is vnderstood there to celebrate masse;Con. Carth. [...] can. 3. and if our aduersaries maruel what war­rant I haue so to expound it, they shal vnderstād, that this woord Masse in English,Leo Mag. Epist 81 & Missa in Latin, vsed by ancient [...]ouncels and Fathers aboue 1200. yeares agoe,Aug. ser. 9 [...]. de tempore. Ambros. li. 5. epist. 33. and deriued of the hebrew woord missah (which signifyeth a voluntary sacrifice or oblation) hath dyuers other names in the an­ [...]ent Fathers as in the greekes liturgia tremenda misteria, Liturg. Dio­nys & Basil. & Chrisost. Tertul lib. 3. ad vxorem, li. de Castira. li. de oratione. & crificium tremendum, and in the Latins solemnia, ablatio per sa­ [...]rdotem, cena Domini and to omit diuers other more ordina­ [...], Dominicum as appeareth in saynt Cyprian, who speaking of the sacrifice offred at the altar in remembrance and re­presentation of the passion of Christ (which wee cal the [Page] sacrifice of the masse) tearmeth it sometymes,Cypria. 63. sacrificium quod Christus obtulit sometymes ipsum nostra redemptionis Sacra­mentum, Ibidem. &c. somtymes only Dominicum, saying, nunquid post caenam dominicum celebramus? that is to say, do wee offer the sa­crifice of the body of our Lord, or do wee say masse after supper? and this is euident by all his discours in that Epistle, where he treateth principally of the blessed sacrifice, and saith that Christ is buius sacrificij autor, & doctor, the Autor, and teacher of this sacrifice, and that the Priest representing the person of Christ doth offer sacrificium verum & plenum, a true and ful sacrifice.

Christians martyred vnder Diocletian for hea­ting masse.This then being presuposed, it is to be vnderstood that certayne deuout Christians in Afrik being secretly assem­bled at masse, were taken and brought before the pro­consul Anulinus who examining them began with fayre woords to persuade them to haue care of their liues, and to obey the commandment of the Emperours, they ans­wered,The ansvvere of the mar­tyrs concer­ning the ne­cessity of masse. spem salutem (que) Christianorum Dominicū esse, that the masse is the hope and saluation of Christians, and that therfore they could not forgoe it; vpon which confession they were cōdemned to death; & amōgst rest there was one Eme­ritus in whose house masse had bē celebrated, to whome the Proconsul sayd, was the assembly made in thy house, contrary to the commandement of the Emperours? he answered, yea; why didst thou, sayd the Proconsul, suffer it? I could quoth he, do no lesse, for that they are my brethren; yea; but thow oughtst to haue hindred it, sayd the Proconsul; I could not sayd the other, for wee that be Christians, sine Dominico esse non possumus, cannot be without masse; as though, sayd the Proconcul; thou art not bound to obey the edict of the Emperours, God, sayd the martyr, is greater then the Emperours, and ought more to be obeyed, where vpon he was condemned, and executed as the rest; here now I aske our aduersaries whether these men were put to death for religion, or no, and whether it fareth not euen so with vs at this day, as then it did with them.

[Page 12]For although the masse be not now made treason but a mony matter, yet by a certayne consequent,To heare masse in England is trea­son by con­sequence. it is drawen within the compasse of treason, for it cannot be celebrated without a priest; the receiuing of whome is treason, I meane a Seminary Priest, there being now so few other in England (yf ther bee any at all) that the Catholykes must eyther receiue them with daunger of their liues, or lack the necessary food of their soules, which they hold more deare then lyfe, as the old Christians also did.

But let vs compare breefly the proceedings of the per­secutors in those tymes and these.A cōparison of the proceedings of the old persecu­tours, vvith those of this tyme in Engl. In the examination of those Christians the old persecutors would not content themselues with theyr confession, that they were Chri­stians, & so put them to death for their religion, but sought to bring them within the compasse of their statute; wee aske yow not, say they, whether yow bee Christians, but whether yow haue hard masse contrary to the cōmaundment of the Emperours, the lyke is donne now with vs, for it suffiseth not our per­secutors that wee confesse our religion (as that wee are Catholykes) but they examine vs whether wee haue heard masse, whether we haue ben reconcyled by a Priest, or whether the Queene bee supreme head of the Churche, and such lyke, therby to draw vs within the compasse of the lawes, that they may put vs to death vnder colour of treason.

Furthermore the old Christians sayd for their iust de­fence,The ansvver of the old martyrs con­form to ours novv. that they being Christians, could not be without masse, and we now say the same, & that wee cannot forgo absolution of our sinnes, nor other spiritual comforts to be receiued at the hands of Priests only; to this, our persecu­tors reply as the others did, that it is against the lawes and statutes of her Maiesty,Act. cap. 5. we answere with the old Christiās, God is aboue all Kings, and his law aboue all lawes. Et portet magis obedire Deo quam hominibus, we must rather obey God then men; neuerthelesse we are condemned for disobe­dience to the lawes, as the old Christians were; and dyed [Page] they for religion and not wee?The old martyrs vvere condemned for disobe­dience to the temporal lavves. as Ca­tholyks are novv. were they martyrs and not wee? were their enemies persecuters of Gods Churche & not ours? the cause is one, & the self same, the proceedings lyke, no difference in the issue; breach of lawes and treason is pretended, but religion condemned, and therfore as the whole Churche hath hetherto held, and honored those old Christians for glorious martyrs,Treason pre­tended but religion con­demned as vvel in the old martyrs as in ours novv. so doth it now at this day and euer wil esteeme these other for no lesse, as I haue shewed in my Apology more at large, and therfore I wil proceed to speak a woord or two of the great iniustice donne since my Apology was writtē, to two priests called M. Hunt, and M. Sprat, condemned, and excuted at Lincolne in the yeare 1600.

Notable in­iustice donne to M Hunt, and M. Sprat condemned at Lincolne anno 1600.These two being taken in a search and confessing them­selues only to be Catholykes, were first imprisoned, and then shortly after indited for hauing conspyred, and pra­ctised the death of her Maiesty mooued her subiects to re­belion, withdrawne them from theyr natural and due obedience, and from the religion now established in Eng­land to the Roman fayth, and finally for hauing mayn­tayned the autority of the Pope, of all which poynts, no one touching matter of state was proued against them, no witnesse being produced, nor so much as the least pre­sumption of any attempt or cōspiracy against her maiestyes person or state, or that rhey had persuaded any man to the Catholyk religion, ot sayd any thing in fauour of the Popes autority more then that which they answered to the captious question of the Queenes supremacy demaunded of them there, after their apprehension; lastly, it was not so much as proued that they were Priests, which though they denied not, yet they did not confesse, but put it to tryal, vrging to haue it proued by witnesses, or other suf­ficient arguments; whereas there was none at all but light presumtiōs therof, as that there was found in thir males, two breuiares (which many lay men vse as wel as Priests) and a few relicks and some holy oyle (which they might [Page 13] haue carried for other mennes vse & not their owne) so that to conclude, of all those great treasons whereof they were indited, there was no one proued, except the matter of the Queenes supremacy, which is a meere poynt of religion, as I am sure the puritans in England, and all other heretykes abroad wil witnesse with vs, who impugne the same as wel as wee; and yet neither by the verdit of the Iury nor yet by the sentēce of the Iudge, were they cleared of any one point, but condemned for all, as though they had bin guilty of all, and so in truth, executed for matter of religion, though slandred with matter of state, whereby their martyrdome was far more glorious, the malice of our aduersaries more manifest, the iniury donne vnto them vnexcusable; the sinne of the Iudges, and Iury most execrable, which suffi­ciently appeared by the iustice of God extended vpon Iudge Glanduile who had shewed an extraordinary malice and fury agaynst them,Iudge Glan [...]duile puni­shed exem [...]plarly by al [...]mighty God and was therfore (as wel may bee pre­sumed) within a few dayes after strooken by the hand of God, in such miraculous man̄er, as the rest may take exam­ple therby yf their harts be not indurat.

And besydes these late martyrs before rehearsed, M. Tich­borne, M. Fr. Page, and M. R. Watkinson, were arraigned & condemned at London, for beeing made Priestes beyond the seas, and coming into England, contrary to the statute, & were executed at Tiburne the 20. of April this present yeare 1602. beeing there not suffred to declare the truth of their cause and suffrance. And this was donne euen at such tyme; as hope was both giuen and conceaued of a more mylder cours of proceeding towards Catholykes; then hereto­fore.

It is moste grieuous to consider how M. Tichborne by one of his owne cote was betrayed, and apprehended: al­mighty God vouchsafe to restore to that wretched man so great grace as he fel from; in the dooing of that acte.

M. Page and M. Watkinson were apprehended in the tyme of the sessions, the one by a wicked woman; subor­ned [Page] to dissemble religion for such purposes: the other by one Bomer, who hauing late before playd the dissembling hypocrite & spy at Doway, returned into England there to become the disciple of his master Iudas.

At the same sessions was condemned for fellony, and also executed, one Iames Ducket, a Catholyke lay man, and another lay man with him, about a treatise written by a martyr diuers yeares since, concerning the cause of Catho­lyke sufferers.

OF THE IMPVDENCIE OF a minister, who being present at the death of two mar­tyrs aforesayd, affirmed publykly that our country was conuerted by saynt Augustin the monke, to the protestants religion, by occasion whereof the truth of the poynt is eui­dently declared. CHAP. IIII.

[...]l [...]en the [...]inister.I Can not omit to say somewhat here of the notable im­pudency of a foolish minister, who being present at the death of the two martyrs at Lincolne aforenamed, and hearing one of thē declare vnto the people his innocēcy, protesting amongst other things that he dyed only for the profession of the Catholyke fayth, to the which our country was conuerted from paganisme, in the tyme of Pope Gre­gory the great, was not ashamed to say publykly that the religion now taught, & preached there, is the same wherto England was first conuerted.

And although I hold not this minister for a man of that woorth that he may merit my labour or any mans els se­riously to confute his ydle babling, yet for as much as the [Page 14] same hath bin oft published, and preached by many others, and many ignorant abused therby, and seing the narration of our first conuersion may no lesse profit and edify the vnlearned reader, with the testimony of the truth, then content and delyte him, for the pleasure of the history, I wil breefly treat, first of the cōuersion of the Saxons or English in the tyme of King Edelbert, and after of the conuersion of the Britains in the tyme of King Lucius, & euidently proue that our Catholyke faith was preached and planted in our country at both tymes, and that our Kings and country con­tinued euer after the latter conuersion in the obedience of the Church of Rome vntil the tyme of K. Henry the eyght.

It appeareth by our chronicles, and histories, that in the yere of our Lord 582. (according to S. Bedes computation) S. Gregory surnamed the great, the first of that name,Beda hist. Angl. li. 1. c 23. sent into England, saynt Augustin a monke with diuers others of his profession, to preach the Christian, fayth, to the En­glish, and that they came thither, bearing a siluer crosse, for their banner, and the Image of our Lord and sauiour (as saynt Bede saith) paynted in a table, and hauing leaue of King Edelbert to preach to his subiects, began first the exercyse of Christian Catholyk religion in the citty of Can­terbury in an ancient Chutch which they found there de­dicated to S. Martin, from the tyme that the Romans liued there, in which Church;Lib. 1. ca. 26. ipsi primo (sayth saynt Bede) conue­ [...]ire Psa [...]l [...]re, orare missas facere, praedicare & baptizare coeperunt, they first began to assemble themselues, to sing, to pray, to say masse, to preach, and baptise, vntil the King being conuerted they had [...]eaue to buyld some Churches, and to make others of the [...]emples of the Idols, which saint Gregory ordayned shuld [...]e donne with casting holy water therin, buylding altars, [...]nd placing relikes of saynts, commaunding further that [...]easts should be celebrated in the dayes of the dedication of [...]he sayd Churches, & in the natiuity of the martyrs,Ibid. ca. 29. whose [...]elykes should be kept there; besyds that he appoynted saynt [Page] Augustin to be Metropolitan of England, and sent him holy vessels, and vestiments for altars and Priests, and relyckes of the Apostels, and martyrs, and granted him the vse of the pal, [...]p. 29. ad sola missarum solemnia agenda, only for the celebration of so­lemne masses, and further gaue him order to ordayne 12. Bishops vnder himself, and to make another Metropolitan at Yorke, who when those parts should be cōuerted, should haue as many vnder him, and be himself after saynt Au­gustins dayes, dependant only vpon the sea Apostolyk, and receiue the Pal from the same, [...]p. 33. furthermore saynt Augustin caused King Edelbert to buyld a Church from the ground in honour of the blessed Apostles S. Peter, & S. Paule, and a monastery not farre from Canturbury, whereof the first Abbot called Peter, was of so holy a lyfe that after his death, it was testified from heauen by a continual light that ap­peared ouer his tombe. [...]b. 2. cap. 3. Also King Edelbert caused S. Paules Church to be buylt in London, and another in Rochester dedicated to S. Andrew the Apostle.

Hereto may be added the exercise of the Popes autority, not only in the dayes of King Edelbert, but also after, in the raygne of other Christian Kings vntil the tyme that saynt Bede ended his history.

[...]id. 2 cap [...].Pope Boniface sent the Pal to Iustus; fourth Archbishop of Canturbury after saynt Augustin. Honorius the Pope sent also the Pal to Honorius that succeded Iustus, [...]ib. 2. cap. 7. & 1 [...]. and to Paulinus Archbishop of York; ordayning (at the request of King Edwin and his wyfe) that the longer liuer of them should consecrate a successor to the orher that should dy first, to excuse so long a Iourney as to Rome.

[...]l. 3 ca. 29.The two Kings Oswy, and Egbert, the one of Northum­berland, and the other of kent, sent Wigard to Rome to be made Primat, when both the seas of Canturbury, and Yorke, were vacant; and Wigard dying there, Pope Vita­lianus made Theodore a grecian,Lib. 4. cap. 1. primat in his steede, Wil­frid Byshop of Yorke being twys vniustly expelled from his Bishoprik appealed both tymes to Rome,Lib. 5. ca. [...]0. first to Pope [Page 15] Agatho, and after to Pope Iohn, and being cleared by their sentences was restored to his Bishoprik: and heer I wil ad a woord or two concerning the exceeding great zeale and deuotion of the Saxon Kinges to the sea Apostolyke in those dayes.Lib. cap. 5. King Oswy determined to goe to Rome in Pilgri­mage and had donne it yf death had not preuented him.Lib. 5. cap. 7. King Ceadwald wēt thether to be baptysed, & dyed there.

King Hun his successor;Ibibem. after he had raygned 37. yeares wēt thether also in Pilgrimage as many (sayth saynt Bede) in those dayes both of the layty and clergy, as wel women as men, were wont to doe; King Coenred did the lyke,Lib. 5. cap. 20 & had in his company the sonne of Sigher King of the east Saxons, and both of them entred into religion in Rome about the yeare of our Lord 709. not past 22. yeares before S. Bede ended his history, which was almost 900. yeres a goe; wherto may be added out of later historiographers the lyke examples of the extraordinary deuotion and obe­dience of our English Kings vnto the sea Apostolyke in [...]uery age vntil after the conquest.

King Inas shortly after S. Bedes tyme about the yeare of our Lord 740. went to Rome,Polid. lib. 4. hist. Angl. and made his Kingdome tributary to the Pope, ordayning the Peter pence, the lyke did also afterwards Offa the King of the Mercians in the yeare of our Lord .775.

Etheluolph King of England went to Rome in Pilgri­mage about the yeare of our Lord 847. and made that part of England which his father Egbert had conquered tribu­tary also to the Bishop of Rome.

King Edward being threatned with excommunication by Pope Iohn the tēth for that he was carelesse to prouide the English Church of Bishops,Polid. lib. 6. caused Pleimund the Bishop of Canterbury to make many, and after to goe to Rome to purge him selfe of his negligence about the yeare of our Lord 920.

King Edgar obtayned of Pope Iohn the 13. with li­cence,Ibidem. to giue certayne liuings of secular Priests to [Page] Monkes about the yeare of our Lord .965.

Polid. lib 7.Canutus King of England went to Rome in Pilgrimage about the yeare of our Lord 1024.

Al [...]ed invita S. Eduuardi.S. Edward King of England hauing made a vow to goe to Rome procured the same to be commuted by Pope Leo the nynth into the buylding of a monastery of S. Peter, he also confirmed the payment of the yearly tribute to the sea Apostolyke, about the yeare of our Lord 1060. which was not past 5. yeares before the conquest, after the which there were no lesse notable examples of this matter.

Gulielmus Neubricē. li. [...] ca. 25. & 34.King Henry the second who by Pope Adrian was first intituled Lord of Ireland sent legats to Rome to craue par­don of Pope Alexander for the murder committed by his occasion vpon saint Thomas of Canterbury, where vpon two Cardinals were sent into England, before whome the King lyke a publike penitent, & a priuat person submitted himselfe to the Ecclesiastical discipline in a publik assembly of the cleargy and nobility.

When King Richard the first was kept prisoner by Frederick the Emperour his mother wrote to Celestinus the Pope calling him the successor of Peter, Petrus ble­sensis epist. 44. and the Vicar of Christ, quem Dominus constituit super gentes & regno in omni plenitudius potestatis, whome our Lord had placed ouer nations and Kingdomes in all fulnesse of power, and willed him to vse the spiritual sword against the Emperour, as Alexander his predecessor had donne against Frederick his Father whome he did excom­municate.

[...]olid vergil lib. [...]5.King Iohn being excommunicated by the Pope was not absolued before he tooke his crowne of frō his owne head, and deliuered it to Pandulfus the Popes legat, promising for himselfe and his heyres, that they should neuer receiue it afterwards but from the Bishop of Rome.

I omit others of later tyme, seing no mā I think doubteth, but that all the successors of King Iohn liued in the commu­nion and obedience of the Roman Church, paying the old [Page 16] yearely tribute called the Peter pēce,Polid. lib. 27. vntil the tyme of King Henry the 8. her maiestyes father, who being maried to his brother Arthurs widdow by dispēsation of the sea Apo­stolyke, continued many yeares after in the obedience ther­of, and in defence of the autority of the sayd sea, wrote a learned book agaynst Luther, for the which; the honorable title of defender of the fayth was giuen him by Pope Leo, which tytle her maiesty also vseth at this day, so that no man can deny that our country was conuerted by S. Gre­gory to the Roman fayth, or that it hath continued therin vntil K. Henries tyme; except he haue a brazen face and a [...]eared conscience, or els be ignorant of all antiquity.

But to returne to S. Augustin, and those first two hun­dreth yeres comprysed in the history of S. Bede, yf wee con­sider the notable miracles wherwith it pleased. God to con­firme this our Catholyke religion in those dayes for his owne glory, and the conuersion of the panims, no man can [...]out that it is the true fayth, except he be more faythlesse & incredulous then those infidels that were conuerted therby.

Saynt Bede signifieth that S. Augustin wrought so many miracles (whereof he declareth some) that S. Gregory wrote vnto him to admonish him not to be proud therof,Lib. 3. ca. 2. quest. 10. 11. 12. 13. he also declareth very many famous miracles donne by a crosse erected by King Oswald,Lib. 3. cap. [...]. and after by his relickes as wel in Ireland and Germany, as England, and by the relickes of saynt Eartongatha daughter to the King of Kent, and her cosen Edelburg both virgins and nunnes, & of S. Edel­ [...]eda the Queene, that dyed a virgin in a monastery, whose [...]ody was taken vp whole & vncorrupt after many yeares,Lib. 4. ca. 10. [...] the discouery whereof diuels were expelled, and many [...]sseasses cured. Also he recounteth the lyke notable mira­ [...]es of S. Chad, S. Cutbert, S. AEdelwald,Lib. 5. ca. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. and saynt Iohn a Bishop which they did whyles they were yet liuing,lib 3. cap. 15. and others donne by holy oyle, & by the blessed sacrifice of the masse, all which for breuities sake I omit, remitting our ad­uersaries to the autor in the places aleaged in the margent.

OF THE FIRST CON­UERSION of our country whyles it was called Britany in the tyme of King Lucius, with euident proofes that our Catholyke fayth was then preached & plan­ted there. CHAP. V.

BVT for as much as our country hath ben twyse cō ­uerted from paganisme, first in the tyme of the Bri­tains, and after in the tyme of the Saxons or English, they wil say perhaps that although we proue, that the second tyme our Catholyke religion was planted and esta­blished there, when many errors (as they would haue the world to thinke) were crept into the Church, yet at the first conuersion in King Lucius dayes, their religion was taught and deliuered to the Britains, which some of their croniclers are not ashamed to intimat to their readers, and namely Holinshed who (yf my memory fayle me not, for I haue not his book here) maketh Eleutherius the Pope write a letter to King Lucius more lyke a minister of En­gland, then a Bishop of Rome.

Polid. lib. 2.Therefore I wil take a litle paynes to examine this poynt, & wil make it manifest that our Catholyke religion which saint Augustin planted amongst the English,Platina in Eleuther Beda hist. Angl. lib. 1. cap. 4. was de­liuered 400. yeres before to King Lucius and the Britains by Fugatius and Damianus, or as some say Donatianus, sent into Britany by Pope Eleutherius in the yeare of our Lord 182.

And although no ancient historiographer or writer (for ought I haue seene) do signify particularly, what poynts of religion were preached to King Lucius at his conuersion partly for that matters of so great antiquity are but very [Page 17] breefly and obscurely handled, and partly because in those dayes (when there was no other but our Catholyke religiō vniuersally professed, & this of the protestants not so much as dreamt of,) it was needlesse to signify the poynts or ar­ticles therof, for that it could not be immagined to be any other bur the Roman fayth; yet in the discourse of the tymes and ages next ensewing the conuersion of King Lucius (whyles the fayth which he receiued remayned pure, and vncorrupt) the cleare light of truth doth snffi­ciently shew it selfe, through the clouds of the obscure bre­uity wherewith the matters of those tymes are treated.

To this purpose it is to be vnderstood,Lib. 1. hist. eccles. ca. 17 that as our famous countryman S. Bede testifieth, the fayth preached to King Lucius and the Britains remayned in integrity and purity, vntil the tyme of the Arrians, which was for the space of almost 200. yeares, and although he signify that from that tyme forward, the people of Britany weare geuen to nouel­tyes, and harkened to euery new doctrine, yet it is euident in him that neyther the Arrian heresy nor yet the Pela­gian afterwards, took any root there, or could infect the whole body of the Britain Church, but only troobled the peace thereof, for a short tyme, in so much, that it should seeme, the first was rooted out by the industry,Athan. Apo [...] log. 2. contra arrianos. of the good Pastors and Bishops of Britany, whereof some were pre­sent at the great councel of Sardica held against the Arrians shortly after that of Nice (in which respect S. Hilary doth worthely prayse the Britain Bishops,Hilari epist. ad Epistolos &c. for that they wholy re­iected the Arrian heresy) and the later, I meane the heresy of Pelagius, which saynt Bede sayth the britains would nulla­ [...]enus suscipere, in no sort receiue, was suppressed by S. German, and saint Lupus, two Bishops of France who at the request of the Britains came into Britany and confounded the Pe­lagians in open disputation; whereby the people were so [...]ncensed against the said heretykes that they could hardly [...]old theire hands from them, and in conclusion banished those that would not yeld to the true Catholyke faith,Ibid. cap. 21 and [Page] here vpon ensewed such peace and tranquility in the britan Church, that for a long tyme after (as saynt Bede testifieth) the fayth remayned there intemerata vncorrupt, wherby it appeareth that after the expulsion of the Pelagians (which was about the yeare of our Lord 450.) the Church of Bri­tany reteyned the same fayth that it receiued at the first con­uersion, and therfore yf we fynd the vse and practise of our religion vntil these tymes it may serue for a testimony that the same was deliuered to King Lucius.

First we read that presently after the persecution of Dio­clesian wherin our protomartyr saynt Alban with some others was put to death about the yeare of our Lord 286. the Christians that had liued before in woods and caues,Cap. 7 & [...]. not only repayred the Churches which the persecuters had destroyed, but also made new in honour of the martyrs, ce­lebrated festiual dayes, and buylt amongst others a most sumptuous Church in honour of S. Alban, where many mi­racles were wount to be donne continually vntil the tyme of S. Bede (as he himselfe witnesseth,) & afterwards, when the Pelagian heresy had somwhat infected the country, saynt German going thether out of France to confound the Pelagians,Beda Eccl. hist. lib. 1. cap. 17. at the request of the Britans themselues as I haue declared before appeased a great storme at sea, with casting therein a little water in the name of the Trinity) which no dout was holy water) and being arriued there, he restored sight vnto a noble mans daughter applying vnto her eyes certayne relyckes which he caryed about him, &c. after ha­uing confuted the Pelagians, and reduced all to the purity of fayth, (as saynt Bede sayth,) meaning therby the fayth first preached to King Lucius he went to the toomb of S. Alban to geue thankes to God per ipsum by him (sayth saynt Bede) that is to say by his meanes or meditatiō; & causing the sayd tōbe to be opened he placed very honorably therin certayne relickes of the Apostles, & dyuers other martyrs, & going to the place where the blood of the blessed martyr was shed he took away with him some of the dust which was stil bloody.

[Page 18]Furthermore it hapned after, in the tyme that the Britans kept their lent a litle before the feast of the resurrection of our Lord, that they were molested by the Picts and Saxōs, whyles saynt German was yet there;Ibid. ca. and therefore they craued the help of his prayers, and direction, dispayring altogeather of theyr owne forces, and he vndertaking the conduct of them ordayned that when they should come to ioyne battayle all the army of the Britains should cry out a loud three tymes Alleluya, which they did, and therewith they put their enemyes to flight, and gayned a notable vi­ctory. This being donne, and the affayres of the Iland both spiritual, and temporal wel composed, saynt Bede sayth the holy Bishops had a prosperous returne, partly by their owne merits, & partly by the intercession of blessed saynt Alban, whereby he geueth to vnderstand that such was their opinion according to the great deuotion they had shewed before to the blessed martyr.

It is also to be gathered playnly out of S. Bede that there were monasteries of Monkes and religious men in Britany before this tyme,Lib. 1. ca. for speaking of the rebellion of Constan­tinus against Honorius which was in the yeare of our Lord 407. he sayth that hauing proclaymed himselfe Emperour he made his sonne Constance Caesarem ex monacho, Caesar of a monk.

Here I wish thee to note, Good reader that saynt Bede in his breefe introduction to his Ecclesiastical history (where he intended to treat specially of the second conuersion of our country in the tyme of the Saxons) toucheth the 400. yeares before, from the tyme of King Lucius; so breefely, that he passeth with silence about 350. yeres therof at one tyme and other, noting only some things by the way, aswel concerning the temporal, as spiritual affayres, in diuers tymes & ages to make some conexion of his history from the beginning.

Therfore I leaue it to thy consideration what testimony and euidence we should haue found of our Catholyke re­ligion, [Page] yf he had treated those matters particularly, and at large, [...]e [...]ng [...]n the course of so few yeres as he runneth ouer, and in so few leaues, & lynes of a part only of his first book, (which is also very breefe,) wee fynd the practyse of so many poynts of our religion, testified and confirmed, as buylding of Churches in the honour of martyres, the reue­rend vse of saynts relyckes, and greate miracles donne by the same, the intercession of saynts for vs, and the custome to prayse and geue God thankes by them; also monastical lyfe which includeth vowes of religion and chastity, the vse of hollywater, the custome which in our Church is yet most frequent, of Alleluya whereby it may be gathered that the seruice of the Church (out of the which the same, no dout was then taken) was not in the vulgar tongue, finally the keeping of lent, easter and others feastes, wherby playnly appeareth the vse & force of traditiō in the Church of God, without the testimony of expresse scripture, and all this we see was vsed in the Church of Britanny, when the fayth deliuered to King Lucius was yet in purity, which proueth euidently, that he was conuerted to the [...]ame Ca­tholyke religion that saynt Augustine planted after-wards amongst the English Saxons, which wee that be Catholykes professe vntil this day.

THE SAME IS CON­FIRMED and proued out of Gildas. CHAP. VI.

THis may easely be confirmed out of Gildas the britan surnamed the sage, who wrote shortly after the Saxons came into Britany almost 200. yeares before S. Bede, in whose treatyse of the distruction of Britany, and in his reprehension of the Ecclesiastical men [Page 19] of those dayes, it is euident ynough, what religion was pro­fessed from Lucius tyme vntil his, for first speaking of the persecution vnder Dioclesian, he sayth that electi sacerdotes gregis domini, the chosen Priests of our Lords flock were killed, mea­ning such priests as did offer sacrifice vpon the altar, for so he sufficiently interpreteth him selfe, when he reprehendeth the negligēce or the Britain Priests of his dayes, whome he calleth sacerdotes raro sacrificantes, ac raro puro corde inter altaria stantes, Priests sacrifising sildome, and seldome comming to the Altar with a pure harte, Gildas in [...] stigatio in eccles. ordinem. and tearmeth the Altars venerabiles aras and sacrosancta altaria, sedem Caelestis sacrificij, the reuerend and holly altars, and the seat of the heauenly sacrifice, and calleth that which is offred therein sacrosancta Christi sacrificia, the holly sacrifices of Christ, and further geueth to vnderstand that the hands of the Priestes were consecrated at those dayes, as yet they are in the Catholyke Church, when holy orders are geuen, wherby wee may playnly see that the Priests of our pri­matiue Church in England, and their function (consisting principally, in offring to almighty God sacrifice vpon the Altar) is all one with ours. Furthermore treating of the martirdome of S. Alban and his fellowes,Ibidem. he sayth that y [...] God had not permitted for che great sinnes of the Britains, that the barba­rous nations which were entred (he meaneth the Picts and Saxons) did depriue the People of the toombs of saynt Alban, and of the other martyrs, and of the place of their martyrdomes, the same might stryk vnto them a feruor of deuotion, and deuine charity, insi­nuating therby the great consolation, and spiritual benefite that the Christians were wont to receiue by the visitation of those holy places; Also he sayth, that before ful 10. yeares past after that persecution,Ibidem. the Christians repayred the old Churches distroyed by the persecutors, and buylt now in honour of the martyrs, and kept festiual and holy dayes, lastly he playnly signifieth that the Christians vsed in his tyme to make vo­wes of chastity and that their were monasteries wherin religious and monastical life was exercysed, for he maketh mention of an holy Abot called Amphibalus, Ibidem. and most [Page] bitterly reprehendeth two wicked Princes Cuneglasus, and Maglocunus, the first for marying a widdow that had vowed perpetual chastity, and the other for that being become a monke he returned to the world and maryed, hauing a for­mer wyfe then liuing; wherein he also geueth to vnderstād that it was not then lawful for him post monachi votum irritum after the breach of his monastical vow to returne to his owne wyfe, and much lesse to mary another.

Ibidem.To this purpose also, it may be obserued in Gildas as before I noted in saynt Bede, that vntil the tyme of the Arrians there entred no infectiō of heresy into Britany, & therfory hauing signifyed the sincerity and zeale of the Christians after saynt Albans death, in buylding Churches of martyrs, keping feastiual dayes and doing other workes of deuotion, as I declared before, he addeth, mansit haec Christi capitis membrorum consonantia suauis donec Arriana perfidia, &c. this sweet consonance or agreement of the members of Christ the head remayned vntil the Arrian heresy spread her poyson there; and al­though he insinuat, as saynt Bede also doth, that afterwards the people became new fangled, and embraced other he­resyes (meaning no dout the Pelagian heresy (which as I haue shewed before out of S. Bede was quickly extingui­shed there) yet afterwards he signifieth playnly that neither the Arrian, nor Pelagian nor any other heresy took root in Britany, and that the Churche was cleare therof after the cōming in of the Saxons, about the tyme of his byrth,Ibidem. which was in the yere of our Lord 594. for speaking of the tyme, and of the ouerthrow geuen by Ambrosius Aurelianus to the Saxons and Picts,Polido. verg. hist. Angl. lib. 3. and of the great slaughter of them shortly after, at blackamore in York-shire (which as Poli­dore supposeth is called in Gildas mons Badonicus (he sayth that the people hauing noted the punishment of God vpon them for their sinnes, and his mercy in giuing them after­wards so greate victories,Gildas de excidio Bri­taniae. ob hoc reges, publici, priuati, sacerdotes, ecclesiastics suum quique ordinem seruauerunt, for this cause (saith hee) the Kings, and others as wel publik, as priuat person [...] Priests, [Page 20] and ecclesiastical men did euery one their dutyes, and although he declare presently after that by the extreame negligence of their Kings and gouernours ecclesiastical and temporal, which immediatly succeded, greate corruption was entred at the same tyme that he wrote, yet it is euident ynough in him that it was not corruption of fayth but of manners, as pryd, ambition, dissolutiō of lyfe, drōkenesse, lying, periury, tyranny in the Kings, simony & couetousnesse in the clergy, sildome sacrifices, breach of vowes of chastity, and of mo­nastical lyfe, profaning of altars, and such lyke, for the which he threatneth, and as it were prophesyeth, the vtter destru­ction of Britany, which shortly after followed; so that amongst other things which he was persuaded brought the plague of God vpon our country, we see he taxed certayne customes peculiar to our aduersaries, and the proper fruits of their religion tending only to the ouerthrow of ours, & therfore, it playnly appeareth that ours was then in vre, and receiued detriment by those who (though they were not protestants in profession) yet were protestants in humour and condition, I meane profaners of Altars and holy things, breakers of vowes, of chastity, and Apostatats from reli­gious, and monastical lyfe; such as Luther and many of his followers haue ben since.

And now to come to later tymes after Gildas, yf we consider the relicks of Christian religion which saynt Au­gustine found in Britany, & amongst other things, the great monastery of Bangor, wherein were aboue two thowsand monks, it wilbe manifest that the ancient religion of the Britains was our Catholike fayth, for although in the space of a hundreth seuenty and three yeres, that passed from the comming in of the Saxons vntil their conuersion, the Britain Church was not only much decayed, but also had receiued some aspersion of erronious and euil customes, yet in fayth and opinion they diffred not from S. Augustine,Beda hist. Angl. lib. cap. 2. insomuch that he offred to hold communion with them, if they would concurre with him in three things only, the first in [Page] the tyme of celebrating the feast of easter, the second in the manner of administring the sacrament of Baptisme, and the third in preaching the faith to the Saxons; all which the monkes of Bangor refused, vpon no better reason, then for that S. Augustine did not ryse to them when they came to the synod, condemning him therefore to be a proud man, notwithstanding that he had restored a blynd man to sight by his prayers in the presence of all the Bishops and clergy of Britany, who vndertooke to do the lyke in confirmation of their customes, but could not performe it.

Lib. 2 cap. 2.Therfore as saynt Bede reporteth, S. Augustine did foretel to the sayd Monkes of Bangor, that seing they would not haue peace with their brethren, they should haue warre with their enemies, and yf they would not preach vnto the English nation the way of lyfe, they should by their hands receiue reuenge of death, which after was truly fulfilled;Ibidem. for Edelfrid a pagan King of Northumberlād killed a thousand & two hundred Monkes of that monastery at one tyme by the iust iudgement of God (as saynt Bede sayth) for their obstinacy.

Thus much for this matter, wherby thou mayst see, good reader that saynt Augustine found in wales amongst the Britains the same religion & faith in substance that he then preached to the English or Saxons, and which we Ca­tholykes stil professe, which being considered, with that which I haue proued before concerning the continual pra­ctise therof in the primatiue Church of Britany, whyles the same was in purity and integrity, no man that hath com­mon sence, can dout that the same fayth was deliuered by Pope Eleutherius to King Lucius, and generally professed throughout Christendom at those dayes, in which respect we fynd honorable mention,Tertul. li. ad­uersus Iu­deos, Origen. in Ezech. and testimony of the faith of the Britains, in the Fathers both Greekes, and Latins from the tyme of their conuersion, as in Tertulian in K. Lucius tyme, and in Origen presently after, in S. Athanasius,hom. 4. & in hom. 6. in lu [...]. Athanas. 2. and S. Hilarius in the tyme of the Arrians, of which two the first [Page 21] testifieth that the Bishops of Britany came to the councel of Sardica,Apolo Hilar. sinodi soft. h [...] in Ma [...] Hiero [...] marcel migret Bethle [...] and the other commendeth the Britan Church for reiecting the Arrian heresy (as I haue noted before) also in S. Chrisostome, and saynt Hierom who commendeth the deuotion of the Britans that came to Bethlem in pil­grimage in his dayes, about the same tyme that the Saxons entred into Britany.

CERTAINE POINTS OF CON­TROUERSY are discussed, wherby it is prooued that King Lucius receiued our Catholyke fayth, and first of the Popes supremacy in Eccle­siastical causes. CHAP. VII.

BVT to the end that this vndouted truth may be cleared of all dout, I wil ioyne Issue with our ad­uersaries, vpon some two or three poynts now in controuersy betwyxt vs, and them, and breefly proue, that the doctrin that we teach concerning the same, was publykly held for truth throughout Christendome in King Lucius dayes, and that therfore he could receiue no other then the same from the Church of Rome, and this I vnder­take the more willingly, for that albeit all matters of con­trouersy haue ben very learnedly and sufficiently handled, yea and whole volumes written of them, by our English Catholykes in the beginning of her maiestyes raygne, yet by reason of the strayt prohibition of the sayd bookes, there are an infinit number in England, especially of the younger sort, that neuer saw the same, to whome I desyre to giue in this treatyse at least some litle tast, of the truth of our Ca­tholyke religion, so farre as my determined breuity wil permit.

[Page]First who can with any reason deny that the Popes su­premacy (the confession whereof is now made treason in England) was in King Lucius dayes acknowledged gene­rally of all men? for what moued him being so farre from Rome, to seeke to receiue the faith of Christ from thence but that he desyred to haue it from the fountayne & head? were there not Christians at the same tyme in England, as there had ben from the tyme of Ioseph of Arimathia, by some of whome it is lyke he was conuerted, [...]lido. lib. 1. &. Angl. and might haue ben Baptysed? or yf there were no Christians there that might satisfy his deuotion and desyre in that behalfe, was there not at the same tyme very learned Bishops in France by whome he might haue receiued satisfaction without sending so farre as to Rome? what then moued him therto, but that he vnderstood that the admission of all Christs sheep into his fold the Church, belonged prin­cipally to the successor of S. Peter, [...]an 21. [...]eda hist. [...]ngl. [...]. [...]. ca. 4. to whome our sauiour particularly commended the feeding of his flock? which saynt Bede insinuateth sufficiently saying that King Lucius beseeched Eleutherius by his letters that he might be made a Christian per eius mandatum, by his commandement.

[...]ector Boe­ [...]ius hist. co [...]. lib. 6.Neither can there any other probable reason be geuen why a few yeres after Donaldus King of Scots sent to Pope victor the next successor of Eleutherius to receiue of him the Christian fayth, which at the same tyme florished not only in France, as before I haue sayd, but also in England from whence he might haue had Bishops, and Priests, to instruct and baptise him and his people.

But for the more manifest proof of this poynt let vs heare what S. Ireneus (who florished at the same tyme in France) teacheth concerning the autority of the sea Apo­stolike gouerned then by Eleutherius, from whome K. Lucius receiued the fayth.

[...]reneus lib. 3. [...]ap. 3. VVhen we shew, sayth he, the tradition of the greatest and most Aunciēt Church, knowen to all men, founded & constitute at Rome, by the two most glorious Apostles Peter, & Paule & that the same tradi­tion [Page 22] receiued from the sayd Apostles is deriued euen to this our tyme by the succession of Bishops, we confound all those that any way eyther by an ouerweening of their owne wits, or by vayne glory, or by blynd­nesse, and euil opinion are led away with fals conceyts; for euery Churche, that is to say, the saythful which are euery where must needs haue recours to this Church & agree therewith propter potentiorē principalitatem, for the greater, or more mighty principality of the same, wherein the tradition of the Apostles hath ben alwayes con­serued by them which are euery where abroad, and a litle after, ha­uing declared the succession of the Bishops of Rome from saynt Peter to Eleutherius who he sayth was the twelfth) he addeth; by this ordination and succession, the tradition which is in the Church from the Apostles, and the preaching of the truth is come euen to vs, & hec est plenissima ostēsio & this is a most ful & eui­dent demonstration that the fayth which hath ben conserued in the Churche from the Apostles, vntil now, is that one true fayth which geueth lyfe.

Thus farre S. Ireneus; out of whose words may be ga­thered three things very imporrant, and manifest against our aduersaries; The first, the force of tradition in the Churche of God, & that the same alone being duly proued is sufficient to conuince all heretykes that teach any thing contrary therto. The second that the continual succession of the Bishops of Rome in one seat and doctrin is an infa­lible argument of the truth.Tertul. lib prescrip. The which also Tertulian in the same tyme not only obserued but also prescrybed for a rule against all heretykes in his book of Prescriptions.Ang. cont epist. Man chaei qua [...] vocat Funmenti. To which purpose S. Augustin sayth, the succession of Priests from the seat of Peter the Apostle to whome our Lord recōmended his sheep to be fed, holdeth me in the Catholyke Church, Aug. in P mo contra partē Do [...] and in another place number the Priests, euen from the very seat of Peter, and in that order of fathers, see who succeded one an other; that is the rock which the proud ga [...] of hel do not ouercome; Optatus Mileuitanus,Optams [...] leuita. lib contrapa [...] menio. in lyke sort vrgeth this succession of the Roman Bishops against the Donatists, reckoning vp all the Bishops from S. Peter to Siricius, with whome he sayth all the world did commu­nicat, [Page] and there-vpon concludeth; therfore yow, sayth he, that challēge to your selues a holy Churche, tel vs the beginning of your chayre.

Thus reasoned these fathers against heretykes aboue 1200. yeres ago as also did S. Ireneus before, in K. Lucius tyme, and the same say wee now with no lesse reason against the heretykes of our tyme; we shew them our do­ctrin conserued in a perpetual succession of Bishops, from the Apostles vntil this day, we demaund the lyke of them, and seing they cannot shew it we conclude with S. Irenaeus that they remayne confounded, and that they are to be re­gistred in the number of those that eyther by an ouerweening of their owne wits, or by vayne glory, [...]aeus li. 3. [...]. 3. or by blyndnes and passion are led away with fals conceits.

The third poynt, that I wish to be noted in the words of S. Irenaeus, is the supreme dignity of the Roman Churche aboue all other, seing that he cauleth it the greatest & most ancient (not in respect of tyme, for the Churches of Hie­rusalem and Antioch were before it) but for autority and therfor vrgeth it as a matter of necessity, & duty, [...]naeus [...]dem. that all other Churches whatsoeuer and all faythful people throughout the world ought to haue recours therto, and agree therwith. propter poten­tiorē principalitatē for the greater and more powreful principality, and autority therof, which autority is founded vpon no other ground then vpon the institution of our Sauiour himselfe who gaue the gouerment of his Church to S. Peter the Apostle, not only for him selfe but also for his successors, which. I wil prooue heare, with as conuenient breuity, as the importance of the matter wil permit.

THAT OVR SAVIOVR made S. Peter supreme head of his Churche. CHAP. VIII.

THE supreme autority of S. Peter ouer the Churche of God, is to be proued directly out of the holy scriptures, by many places, and arguments, but 3. shal suffice for breuityes sake.

The first place is in S. Mathew where our sauiour pro­mised to S. Peter to buyld his Church vpon him,Math. 16. saying Tu es Petrus & super hanc Petram adificabo Ecclesiam meam, that is to say thou art Peter, or a rock, and vpon this rock I wil buyld my Churche, signifying by this allegory that he made him the foundation or head of his Church; for the head is to the body, & the gouernour to the common welth, as the foun­dation is to the buylding, that is to say the principal part, the stay, strength and assurance therof; and this appeareth more playnly in the Siriac tongue in which saynt Mathew wrote his gospel, where there is no difference betwyxt Petrus & Petra, Peter and a rook. For in steede of thou art Peter, &c. the Siriac hath, thow art a rock, and vpon this rock I wil buyld my Churche.

For this cause (as Ciril lib. cap. 2. loan. S. Ciril, S. Chrisost. i cap. 16. mat. Chrisostome, S.Hilar. in c 16. mat. leo. epist. 89. ad epistolos. Hilary and others do note) the name of S. Peter being first Simon was changed by our Sauiour who sayd vnto him tu voca­beris cepha [...], thou shalt bee called Cephas, which the Euangelist expoundeth saying, quod interpretatur [...], which is interpreted a rock, or stone,Viennensis eccles. Am­bros. serm [...] obitu Theo­dosij in fi [...] for so signifieth [...] in the greeke; and therfore Cirillus Bishop of Alexandria saith vpon those words, now our sauiour Christ fortelleth that his name shalbe no more Simon, but [...] that is to say a rock, signifieng aptly by the very word it selfe, that he would buyld his Churche vpon him as vpon a most sure rock and stone, whereto S. [Page] Hilary agreeth expounding the same woords and speaking to S. Peter thus O happy foundation, of the Churche by im­position, of thy new name, in this respect S. Peter is called in the greeke text sometymes [...] by making a greek word of the Siriac; and sometymes [...] because they are synonima, and do both of them signify a rock.

Math. 16.Therfore I cannot omit to discouer vnto thee here (good reader) a suttle shift of our aduersaries in translating those words of our sauiour, Tu es Petrus & super banc Petram, for al­though they censure, and controle, all the translations that the Catholyke Church vseth, and professe to translate the scriptures immediatly out of the hebrew, yet in translating this place, they follow the latin, because the hebrew is far more cleare against them in this controuersy for the better vnderstanding whereof, it is to be considered that all the ambiguity & dout therin ryseth of the difference that may be noted in the greeke, Latin and English translations, not only of them all from the Siriac or Hebrew, but also of one from another; for that euery translator obseruing the dialect or propriety of his owne tongue, hath some variety from the rest, and the English most of all; for although in the greeke & Latin & all other languages deriued of them, the name of Peter and a rock or stone is eyther all one (as [...] in the greeke) or els haue great affinity and a ma­nifest allusion the one to the other, (as in Latin Petrus and Petra, in Italian Pietro & Pietra in the Spanish Pedro and Piedra, in the portugues Pedro & Pedra, and in the french, Pierre for both, (though ther be difference in the gender) yet in our English tongue, Peter neither signifieth a rock nor a stone, neyther yet hath any alusion, nor affinity ther­with, in which respect our English translation much lesse expresseth the force and true sence of our sauiours words in the hebrew, then eyther the greeke or the Latin; of both which I will treate a litle for the better explication of this question, and first of the greeke.

Albeit [...] in greek is more commonly vsed for a rock [Page 17] then [...] yet because [...] is of the masculine gender, & hath also the same signification, yt seemed more fit to be ap­plyed to the name of a man then [...], whervpon yt fol­lowed that when not only saynt Peter was commonly cauled [...] of the greekes, (to expresse therby in their language the Syriac woord Cephas) but also many others had takē vnto them that name for the honour they bore to S. Peter, the word [...] came to haue two significations, the one a rock or stone, and the other the name of a man which wee cal Peter, and therfore he that translated S. Mathewes gospel into the greeke out of the Siriac or he­brew, vsed both the words [...] & [...] in translating, thow art a rock and vpon this rok I wil buyld my Church; for in the first place he hath [...], and in the second [...] to denote in the first, as wel the trew significatiō of Cephas, that is to say a rock, as also the name by the which S. Peter was best knowen to the greekes, and to expresse in the later the allegory of a rock, according to the very words of our sauiour, lest perhaps otherwyse the readers attending more to the name, th [...]n to the signification therof, should not perceiue the force of our sauiours allegory, who to signify the strength and stabilitie of his Churche gaue the name of a rock to saynt Peter, vpon whome he meant to buyld the same, and therfore, I say, the greeke translator elegantly vseth both [...] and [...], explicating the first by the later, and expressing the allegory in both.

And as for the Latin translation it is manifest that it fol­loweth the greek, and not the hebrew, nor Siriac, and that therfore, for [...] it hath Petrus, partly for the allusion that Petrus hath both to [...] in greeke & also to Petra in Latin (both which signify a rock) and partly for that, from the tyme that saynt Peter was knowne by the name of [...] to the Romans, Petrus (which is deriued of [...], by turning os into vs, to make it a Latin word) was no lesse vsed for his name and other mens amōgst them then [...] amongst the greekes. And although now in common vse Petrus doth [Page] signify nothing els but Peter, in which respect it may seeme that the Latyn translator rather expresseth the bare name of a mā, then the true sence or signification of [...] or Cephas neuerthelesse the circumstances being considered, yt is eui­dent that Petrus or Peter in the scripture, doth not only sig­nify the name of a man, but also a rock.

To which purpose there is to be noted a great diffe­rence in Petrus, when it is spoken of the Apostle S. Peter, & when it is spoken of any other man; as for example, Cook is a name now common to many of good cauling, though perhaps at first it grew to be a name, from some one that by reason of his office was commonly cauled Cook, and ther­fore though now in such as haue no such office, yt signifieth nothing but a bare name, yet in him that was first cauled so, it signified rather his office then his name; and in lyke māner, though Petrus now haue no other signification but the proper name of a man, as Thomas or Iohn and the lyke, yet in S. Peter the Apostle, who was the first that was cauled so, it signified the office and quality, which Christ gaue him when he made him a rock to buyld his Church vpon, and cauled him Cephas to signify the same; the which word Cephas is interpreted Petrus, in our Latin translation and Peter in English for where as the Euangelist himselfe ex­poundeth Cephas by the word [...] in greeke saying,Ioan. 1. quod in­terpretatur Petús that is to say which is interpreted a rock the Latin translator saith, quod interpretatur Petrus which is inter­preted Peter meaning therby also a rock, or a man that meta­phorically was a rock,Matth. 16. for other wyse he geueth not the true sence of Cephas, nor of [...].

Agayne in this sentence tu es Petrus & super hanc Petram, thow art Peter and vpon this rock, &c. these words super hanc Pe­tram do playnly expound Petrus to signify a rock; for that the pronoun this can not haue so proper relation to any other word, as to the next antecedent, which is Petrus, so that the sence must needs be thus,Math. 16. thou art a rock, and vpon this rock I wil buyld my Church.

[Page 25]Here also may be considered the correspondence that the words of our sauiour to S. Peter, haue with S. Peters words to him, for when our sauiour asked his Apostles, quem me esse dicitis, who say you that I am, he asked not what they called his name, but what they sayd was his quality, & dignity; and therfore saynt Peter answered not, thou art Iesus, (which was the name that was geuen him at his circumsision) but, thou art Messias, that is to say, the anoynted, or as we commonly say, Christ, the sonne of the li­uing God; which our sauiour recompensed; not by telling him his name, which was Simon, but by giuing him ano­ther name, and such a one as signified the office, qualitie and dignitie that he bestowed vpon him; and therfore he sayd vnto him, thou art Cephas, or Petrus, that is to say, a rock or Peter, and vpon this rock I wil buyld my Churche, which saynt Leo, expresly noteth saying in the person of Christ to S. Peter thus,Leo Serm. in anniuer pontificat [...] as my father hath made knowen vnto thee my di­uinity euen so I make knowne to thee thy excellency, that thou art Peter that is to say a rock, &c. and S. Hierome expounding the same words of our sauiour and speaking also in his person, sayth thus,Hieron. in cap. 16. Matth. because thow Symon hast sayd to mee thou art Christ the sonne of God, I also say to thee, not with a vayne or Idle speeche, that hath no operation or effect, but quia meum dixisse fecisse est, because my saying is a doing, or a making, therfore I say vnto thee thow art Peter (or a rock) and vpon this rock I wil buyld my Churche, thus farre S. Hierom, signifieng that Christ both made him a rock, and cauled him a rock; which yet he declareth more playnly in that which he addeth immediatly, as Christ, sayth he, being himselfe the light granted to his disciples that they should be cauled the light of the world, ita Simoni qui credebat in Pertam Christum, petri largitus est nomen, so to Simon who beleued in Christ the rock, he gaue the name of a rock (for yf we expound not Petri, so, the similitude is to no purpose and therfore it fol­loweth immediatly,) and according to the metaphor of a rock it is truly sayd to him, I wil buyld my Churche vpon thee here yow see S. Hierome vnderstandeth Petrum & Petram that is to say [Page] Peter & a rock to be all one; and so doth S. Ambrose ex­pounding tu es Petrus, Ambros. Ser. 2. de sanct. thow art Peter; he is cauled (saith he) a rock, because he first layd the foundation of fayth amongst the gentils, and lyke an vnmoueable stone, doth hold vp or susteyn the frame and weight of the whole Christian woork.

Basil. in ho­mil. de pae­ [...]ite [...].This may be confirmed out of saynt Basil who sayth, Petrus dixerat tu es filius deiviui & vicissim audierat se esse Petram, Peter sayd thou art the sonne of God, and heard agayne, that he him selfe was a rock, which according to our Latin and English translation of the scripture, is not trew, if Petrus and Peter do not signify a rock, and thus wee see that Petrus being spoken in the scriptures of S. Peter, and especially in those words of our sauiour, Tu es Petrus, doth signify a rock, no lesse then [...] in the greeke or cepha in the Hebrew, which in our Latin translatiō is interpreted Petrus, & in our English Peter. In this respect Tertulian in K. Lucius tyme cauleth S. Peter aedificandae ecclesiae Petram, the rock where vpon the Church was to be buylt, Tertul. lib. de praescrip. & Origen in the same age (for he was borne about the tyme of King Lucius his conuersion or within fyue or six yeres after) tearmeth him magnū illud ecclesiae fun­damentum & Petram solidissimam super quam Christus fundauit Ec­clesiam, Origen. ho­mil. S. in Exodum. that is to say, the great foundation of the Churche, and the most solid or stedfast rock where-vpon Christ founded his Churche, & S. Cypriā (who florished also within 40. or 50. yeres after the conuersion of K. Lucius) hauing rehearsed these words of our sauiour, thow art Peter,Cyprian. lib. de vnita Ecclesiae. &c. concludeth thus super illum vnum adificat ecclesiam suam, & ills pascendas mandat oue [...] suas that is to say, vpon him beiug one he buyldeth his Churche, and to him he commendeth his sheep to be fed, and after declaring the cause therof, and the reason why our sauiour made him cheese, or head of his Apostles, (though they were otherwyse equal with him in honour and power of the Apostleship, yet sayth he,Cyp [...]a. Ibid. to manifest vnity he cōstituted one chayre, and so disposed by his autority that vnity should haue beginning from one, and a litle after Primatus Petro datur vt vna Ecclesia Christs, & Cathedra vna monstretur, the supremacy is geuen to Peter, that the [Page 26] Churche of Christ may be shewed to be one and one chayre, wherby he signifieth that our sauiour to conserue vnity, aswel amongst his Apostles, as also in his whole Church, and to auoyd the occasion of schisme, which ordinarily ryseth of pluralitie of heads, ordeyned and appoynted one head ouer all, to wit S. Peter,Optat. lib. 2. contra Par­menio. the which reason ys also obserued by Optatus Miliuitanus, and other most learned, and auncient fathers, who acknowledge neuerthelesse an equalitie of Apostolical autoritie, in all the Apostles; which I note here the rather for that our aduersaries are wont to obiect the same agaynst the supremacy of S. Peter, as though the one did contradict or ouerthrowe the other, whereas they may learne of saynt Hierome,Hieron. co [...]tra Iouinia [...] that although all the Apostles re­ceiued the Keyes of the Kingdome of heauen, yea and that the strength of the Churche was established vpon them, equaly that is to say, aswel vpon one of them, as vpon an other, though not in lyke degree vpon euery one, yet sayth he, one was chosen amongst twelue to the end that a head being appoynted all occasion of schisme may be taken away, and S. Leo the great sayth,Leo epist [...] 4. ad Anast [...] cap. 11. amongst the most blessed Apostles, there was, in similitudine honoris, discretio quaedam potestatis, a certayne distinction or difference of power, in the lykenes or equalitie of honour, & although the election of them all, was a lyke, yet it was graunted to one vt caeteris praemineret, that is to say, that he should haue autoritie ouer the rest, Epist. 8. 9. 2 [...] Episc. vie [...]. whereof he yeildeth a reason, in an other place, to the end, sayth he, that from him (he meaneth S. Peter) as from a certayne head our Lord might power his giftes vpon the whole body; and that whosoeuer should be so bold as to depart from the solidity of Peter, he might vnderstand him selfe to be no way partaker of the deuine mistery vpon these reasons, I say & vpon the warrant of our sauiours owne woords the most learned fathers of the Church, both Greekes, and La­tins do acknowledge, the same to be buylt vpon S. Peter, & consequētly teach him to be head of the Churche, as of the Greekes, Origen,Origen. in c 6. ad Roma Athan. epist ad felicem. Epiph in A [...] corato Basil lib. 2. in eu nom. Greg. S. Athanasius, S. Epiphanius, S. Basil sur­named the great, S. Gregorius Nazianzen, S. Cirillus, S. Chrisostome, Psellus alledged by Theodoretus, and Theo­philactus, [Page] and of the Latins S. Ambrose, S. Augustin,Nazian. in pratio, demo deratione [...]eruan. Ciril. lib 2 ca. 2. in [...]o. Chrisost. hom. 55 in Matth apud Theodore in cantica. Maximus, S. Leo the great, S. Hilary, and to omit dyuers others the great general councel of Chalcedon held by 630. Fathers Latins, and Greekes aboue 1100. yeres agoe, in which councel S. Peter is cauled Petra & crepido Ecclesiae the rock & toppe of the Churche.

Yet I think no man can be so simple as to ymagin that these Fathers affirming the Church to be buylt vpon S. Peter,Theophil in cap. 22. Luc. Ambros. Serm 47. denied our sauiour Christ to be the first, & principal foundation therof; of whome the blessed Apostle worthely sayth,Aug. in Psal. contra par. donati Maxi. Serm. 1. that no man can lay any other foundation, then that which is layed already; Iesus Christ; which place, our aduersaries are wont to obiect against this our Catholyk doctrin; whereas they may learne not only in the Fathers,Concil. Chalced. but also in the scriptures themselues that there are dyuers foundations of the Churche,1. Cor. 3. though some be more principal then other, & our sauiour Christ the first and cheefe ground-work of the whole buylding; as also in a Kingdome, or common welth, there are diuers heads, though subordinate one to an other, & all subiect to one head, all which may be called foundations in the polityke buylding, because the same leaneth and resteth vpon them, and is sustayned by them, though not by all alyke or in equal degree. To this purpose wee read in the Apocalipse that the walles of the citty, Apo. ca. 22. that is to say the Church, are sayd to haue twelue foundations, & in them the names of the 12. Apostles of the lambe;2. Ephes. 19. and agayne in saynt Paule to the Ephesians, you are, sayth he, Citizens of saynts, & domesticals of God, buylt vpon the foūdations of the Apostles, and Prophets.

Aug. in Psal. 16.Therfore S. Augustyn sayth that our sauiour may as wel be cauled fundamentum, fundamentorum, the foundatiō of foundations, a Pastor Pastorū, & Sanstus Sanctorū, the shepherd of sheperds, or holly of hollies; the reason wherof S. Basil geueth notably for the explication of this matter. Though Peter, sayth he, be a rock, yet he is not a rock as Christ is, for Christ is the true vnmouable rock of himselfe, Peter is vnmouable by Christ the [Page 17] rock, for Iesus doth communicat & imparte his dignityes,Basili. ho. d Paenit.not depri­uing himselfe of them, but retaining them himselfe, & yet bestowing them vpon others; he is the light, & yet he sayth you are the light he is the Priest & yet he maketh Priests, he is the rock, and made a rock, thus far saynt Basil.Leo Serm in anniuet pontifican sui. The same teacheth S. Leo very ele­gantly explicating the words of our sauiour. Tu es Petrus, and speaking in our sauiours person thus. Thow art Peter, that is to say, although I am the inuiolable rock, the corner stone which vniteth both syds of the buylding, & the foundation, besyds the which no mā can lay any other, yet thow art also a rock, because thow art consolidat & hardened by my strength, to the end that those things which ar proper vnto me by my owne power, may be to the cōmon with mee by participation.

Hereby it appeareth that although our sauiour Christ be the cheefe and principal foundation, that is to say the head of his churche, yet by buylding the same vpon S. Peter, he made him also the foundation or head therof, next after himselfe, and as there are dyuers other heads vnder S. Peter, who in respect of theyr subiects may be truly cauled, & are heads, and yet in respect of S. Peter are subiects, euen so, S. Peter, in respect of all the whole church, may properly be cauled, and truly is the head therof, though he be subor­dinat & subiect to Christ, as all the rest are both to Christ and him; and therfore S. Leo in the place aforesayd, sayth that there ar in the people of God many priests, and many Pastors, Leo. Ibid. all whome Peter doth properly gouerne though Christ do principally go­uerne therin.

Thus much for the first proofe wherein I haue ben more large, then I determined, and therefore I wilbe breefer in the other two.

The second place wherevpon I ground the supremacy of S. Peter, is the words of our sauiour following the for­mer in S. Mathew videlicet.Matth. 1. I wil geeue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen, and whatsoeuer thou shalt bynd vpon earth, it shalbe bound also in heauen, and whatsoeuer thou shalt loose vpon earth, it shalbe loosed also in heauen; By the keyes is signified [Page] preheminent power, and authority, wherevpon grew the commō custume of deliuering to princes the keyes of tow­nes, and fortresses, when the people therin yeild, and submit themselues to their absolute wil, & power; and in the scrip­tures, the woord clauis that is to say, a key is often vsed in the same sence; as in the Apocalipse, to signify the prehemi­nent authority of our sauiour it is sayd of him, [...]pocal. 3. [...]by. 2 [...]. habet clauens Dauid, he hath the key of Dauid, and the Prophet Isayas spea­king of the supreme ecclesiastical power of a high Priest in the old law, I wil geue, sayth he, the key of Dauid vpon his shoulder; and therfore although some of the doctors say sometymes, that all the Apostles receiued the keyes, (ha­uing respect to some effects thereof) yet it is manifest that they receiued not the same in such ample manner, and with such prerogatiue as S. Peter, to which purpose it is to be no­ted, that albeit our sauiour gaue to all his Apostles, autho­rity to remit and retayne sinnes, yet he made no mention of geuing the keyes to any but to S. Peter, in which respect, Optatus Mileuitanus sayth, [...]ptat. lib. 1. [...]ontra par­ [...]en. solus Petrus claues accepit, only Peter re­ceiued the keyes; and Origen vpon the same words of our sa­uiour doth note, [...]rigen. tract. in Matth. that because it behoued that P. Seter should haue aliquid maius some what more then the other Apostles, therfore Christ sayd vnto him, I wil geue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen, and Origen addeth further, that there was no smalle differēce betwyxt the Apostles commission to bynd and loose, and the commission of S. Peter which he affirmeth to be more ample, because (sayth he) non erant in tanta perfectione sicut Petrus, they were not in such perfec­tion as Peter, and therfore S. Leo sayth, that the authority or power to bynd and loose,Leo epist. 29. [...]d Episcopos [...]ea [...]en. was geuen Petro prae caeteris to Peter aboue the rest of the Apostles; and the reason is, for that he being their head, and they subordinat to him, he recei­ued the same for him selfe and them, and they held it as from him, & vnder him, though they had it also, by Christs commissiō as wel as hee which S. Augustin teacheth clear­ly,Aug. tract. 24. in euan­ [...]el. Ioan. when he sayth, that the keyes of the kingdome of hea­uen [Page 28] were geuen to S. Peter, because he represented the whole church, of which representatiō he yeildeth the rea­son adding immediatly, Propter apostolatus sui primatum, or as he sayth in an other place, propter primatum quem in discipulis habuit, by reason of the supremacy he had ouer the rest of the Apostles geuing to vnderstand therby, that the keyes being geuen to S. Peter as head of the Apostles, and consequently as head of the Church, they were geuen also to the Apostles, and to the whole Church, for what is geuen to the king as king, the same is geuen to the common wealth, and from him or by him, as head therof, is communicated, & imparted to the whole body. For this cause S. Chrisostome treating of the promis that our sauiour made to S. Peter to buyld his Churche vpō him,Chrisost. [...]o 55. in Matth. and to geue him the keyes of the king­dome of heauen, affirmeth that he made him head or gouuernour of the whole world. Thus much for the second proof.

The third, and last shalbe, the commission and charge that our sauiour gaue particularly to S. Peter to feed his sheep, wherby he made him general Pastor ouer his whole flock, whereof Eusebius Emissenus sayth thus,Euse. Emissi hom. de na­tiuit. Ioann [...] euangel. first Christ comitted vnto him his lambs, & then his sheepe, because he made him not only a pastor or shepherd, but also the pastor of Pastors; Therefore Peter feedeth the lambes, & he feedeth the sheepe, he feedeth the young ones, & their dammes, he gouerneth the subiects, & their prelats, so that he is Pastor of all; for besydes lambes & sheepe there is nothing in the Church.

This is more euident in the Greeke wherein the gospel of S. Ihon was written, then in our latin translation, for where as we haue 3. tymes pasce that is to say feed, the greeke hath in the second place [...] which doth not only signify to feed, but also to gouerne and rule wherby the Euangelist signifyed that Christ gaue to S. Peter commis­sion, not only to feed his flock with preaching and tea­ching, but also to exercyse all pastoral authority ouer them, that is to say to rule and gouern them, in which sence the [Page] Greeke word [...] is often vsed in the holy Scriptures,Matth. 2. as in S. Mathew and Micheas the Prophet,Mich. 5. where it is sayd of Bethlem; there shal come foorth of thee a caeptayne that shal gouern my people Israel, and in the Apocalipse,Apocal. 19. he shal rule them in an yron rod, and againe in the Psalm,Psalm. 2. thow shalt gouerne or rule theym in a rod of yron, in which places as also in dyuers others of the scripture to lyke purpose,Isay. 44. the greeke hath [...] and [...] and in the same sence our lord saith in the Prophet that the great Monark Cirus should be his Pa­stor because he should gouern and rule his people, and Ho­mer oftentymes cauleth king Agamemnon [...] the king or Pastor of this people (for the word [...] signi­fieth both) and therfore S. Augustin expounding those words feede my sheep, Aug. in cap. 21. Ioan. sayth that Christ recommended his sheepe to S. Peter pascendas, id est docendas regendasque, to be fed, that is to say to be taught and gouerned;Theophil in ca. 21. Ioan. Theophilactus also vpō the same place witnesseth that Christ gaue to S. Peter prae­secturam ouium totius mundi, the gouernment of the sheepe of the whole world;Chrisost. lib. [...]. de sacer­dotio. and S. Chrisostome treating of those words of our sauiour sayth, that he would haue S. Peter to be endewed with authority, and farre to excel the other Apostles, and agayne expounding the same words otherwhere, he sayth that Christ spake vnto him only,Hom. 8.7. in Ioan. because he was the mouth & head of the Apostles, and committed vnto him curam fratrum suorum, the charge of his brethren, and a litle after;Hom. 1. de paenit. that Christ gaue him the charge of the whole world, which he also affirmeth in an other place of the vniuersal Churche, saying, that the supremacy and gouernment of the Churche throughout the whole world was geuen him by Christ.

I wil conclude with S. Leo, whereas, saith he, the power of bynding and loosing was geuen to Peter aboue the rest of the Apostles;Leo Episc. [...]9 ad Epis­copos vien­nens. the care & charge of feeding the sheepe of Christ was more specially committed to him; to whome whosoeuer shal thinck the principality or supremacy is to be denied, he cannot by any meanes diminish his dignity, but being puft vp with the spirit of his owne pryde, he casts him selfe head-long to hel.

[Page 29]Thus thow seest,Hilar: in 16 Matth good reader, that our doctrin of the supremacy of S. Peter, is no nouelty of our inuention, but the vniform and constant opinion,Aug. trac [...] 56. in Ioa [...] of the most learned and anciēt Fathers of the Churche grounded vpon the scriptu­res,Euseb lib hist. cap. [...] in which respect we fynd in all the sayd auncient Doc­ctors most eminent and excellent tytles of superioritie,Epipha. h [...]retic. 51. and praerogatiue attributed to S. Peter, who in S. Hilary is cauled the blessed porter of heauen, Ciril. lib [...] in lo ca. 6. in S. Augustin the first or cheef of the Apostles in Eusebius the greatest of the Apostles, and maister of the warfare of God, in Epiphanius the captayn of the Disciples, in S. Ciril Prince and head of the Apostles, Ambros i [...] ca. vltimus Lucae. in S. Ambrose the Vi­car that Christ left vs of his loue, and to omit others for breui­tyes sake, in S. Chrysostome,Chrisost. [...] 17. in Ioan the toppe or head of the congrega­tion of the Apostles, Hom. 9. de paenite an vnconsumable rock, the vnmoueable top of the buylding, and lastly Homil. 55 Matth. & [...]7. in Ioan the pastor and head of the Churche.

THAT THE SVCCESSORS OF S. Peeter, to wit, the Bishops of Rome, succeed him in the supremacy of the Churche. CHAP. IX.

AND for as much as it is euident that our sauiour Christ gaue not this authority to S. Peeter for his owne particular benefit, but for the general good of his Churche, nor for his owne dayes only, but during the tyme of the Churche militāt, to the end, that so long as their should be any sheep in his fold, so long ther should be an vniuersal Pastor to feed and gouerne them, and that his Churche which is a visible body, might haue continually a visible head, no lesse now in the new law, thē heretofore in the old, which was a figure of the new, and had a continual succession of Bishops from Aaron, therfore I say, all the ancient fathers worthely acknowledged this our sauiours institution, and this autority of an vniuersal [Page] Pastor, not only in S. Peter but also in his successors,Chrisost li. 2. [...]e sacerd. where vpon S. Chrisostome saith that Christ committed the care of his sheep, tum Pe [...]ro, tum Petri successorebus both to Peeter, and to Peeters successors, Epist. ad Eu­ [...]ch. and Petrus Bishop of Rauena in his epistle to Eu­tyches, blessed Peeter sayth he, [...]eo mag. ser. in anni. [...]ssum. liues & gouerns stil in his owne seat, and Leo magnus affirmeth that Peeter continueth, and liueth, in his successors, Concil. chal­ [...]ed. act. and therfore the great councel of Chalcedon abouesayd hauing heard the epistle of the sayd Leo con­demning the heresy of Eutyches sayd Petrus per Leonem locutus est, Peter hath spoken by the mouth of Leo.

Cypri epist. [...]5.In this respect also the blessed martyr S. Cyprian (who as I sayd before wrote soone after the conuersion of K. Lucius) cauleth the Roman Church Cathedrā Petri, ecclesiam principalē, vnde vnuas sacerdotaelis exorta est, the chayre of Peeter, the principal or cheef Churche from whence springeth all Priestly vnity, signifieng therby that as the vnity of the natural body con­sisteth in that dyuers members being combyned vnder one head, do all receiue from the same the influence of one lyfe, so also the vnity of the mistical body of Christ consisteth, in that diuers Churches being conioyned, vnder one head, which is the Roman Churche, or chayre of Peter, do all receiue from the same the influence of one spirit and do­ctrin which he declareth playnly in his book of the vnity of the Churche, where he sayth, euē as there are many beames of the Sunne, and one light, many bowes of one tree, and yet one strength founded in one root & many brookes flowing from one fountayne, & a vnity therof conserued in the spring, euen so the Churche of our Lord, casting foorth her light euery where stretcheth her beames, through out the world & yet the light is one, shee extends her bowes ouer the whole earth, & spreads her flowing riuers farre & neare, and yet there is one head, one beginning, and one fruitful, and plentiful mother. Thus far this famous martyr who speaking also other where of Peters chayre, declareth the miserable state of those that are deuided & seperated from the same, which I wish our aduersaryes diligently to note, there is sayth he one God, one Christ, one Churche, one chayre founded vpon Peeter by our [Page 30] Lords woords, an other Altar cānot be erected nor a new priesthood or­dayned whosoeuer gathereth any where els scattreth & it is counter­feyt, wicked, and sacrilegious, whatsoeuer humain fury doth institute, & ordayne to violate the ordenance of God, Cypria. li vni [...]. eccl [...] and agayne to the same purpose, he which holdeth not sayth he this vnity of the Churche doth he beleeue that he holds the fayth of the churche? he which forsakes the chayre of Peeter where vpon the churche was foūded, can he hope to be in the churche? Finally this blessed martyr writting to S. Cornelius the Pope,Epist. ad [...] ne [...]. 45. calleth the Roman Church Marricem, & radicem catholicae Ecclesiae, the mother & root, of the Catholyke Churche, Ibidem. which he wisheth all men to acknowledge and hold most firmly, and transferring the same presently after to the person of Cornelius, he sayth that he would haue all his collegues retayne & hold stedfastly his communion, that is as much to say, sayth he, as to hold the vnity, & charity of the Catho­lyke church, geuing to vnderstand that he which doth not communicate with the bishop of Rome, the chayre of Pe­ter, the fountayne of vnity, the root and mother of the Catholyke Churche he is not a member of the same, nor gathereth with Christ but scattreth.

The very same in substāce the famous Doctor S. Hierom teacheth as wel of S. Peeter,Hieron. ad uersus Io­uinia. as of his chayre, and successors; of S. Peeter he sayth; that he was therfore chosen of our sauiour, one only amongst twelue, that a head being appoynted all occasions of schisme & diuision might be taken away:Epist. 58. Damasum and of his chayre, and successors, he sayth, to S. Damasus the Pope, qui cathedrae Petri iungitur, meus est, he which is ioyned to the chayre of Peter, he is myne, and agayne to him in an other Epistle,Epist. 57. ad [...]undem. I, sayth he, following no cheef but Christ am lincked in communiō with thy beatitude, that is to say with the chayre of Peter, vpon that rock the Churche was buylt, whosoeuer eateth the lambe out of this house is profane, if any man be not in the arke of Noe he shal perish in the flud, and a litle after, I know not Vitalis, I refuse Meletius, I know not Paulinus, whosoeuer doth not gather with thee scattreth, he which is not of Christ is of Antichrist, thus far S. Hierome of the supremacy of Peeters chayre, and particularly of Pope Damasus, of [Page] whome S. Ambrose in the same tyme acknowledged no lesse;Ambro. in 1. [...]ist. ad Ti­ [...]oth. ca. 3. saying, Ecclesia domus De [...] dicitur cuius rector hod [...]e est Da­masus, the Churche is cauled the house of God, the gouernour whereof at this day is Damasus, with these all other Doctors of the Churche; Greekes and Latins agree, concerning the supre­macy of the bishops of Rome; as Epiph. hae­tic 6 [...].Epiphanius, Athan. 2. [...]polog. & in [...]pist ad [...] [...]or.Athanasius, Basilius [...]pist. 52. ad [...]thanas.Basilius, Greg. Naz. [...] carmine [...]evita sua.Gregorius Nazianzenus, Chris. epist [...] & 2. ad In­ocentium.Chrysostomus, Ciril. epist. [...]o ad nestor. & epist. 11. ad [...]er. & pop. constant. & epist. 18. ad [...]eleslinum.Cy­rillus, Theodor. in epist. ad leon.Theodoretus, Sozom. li. 3 [...]ist. ca. 7.Sozomenus, Optat. lib. 2. cont. parin.Optatus, Ambros. de [...]obitu satiri.Ambro­sius, Aug. epist. 162. & 92 ad [...]n.Augustinus, Pros. lib. de [...]ingratis.Prosper, Vict lib 2. de peruand.Victor Vticensis, Vincen. in suo commēt.Vincen­tius Lirinensis, and Cassiodo. li. [...]1. Epist. 2 ad Ioan. Papam. Concil. chal. act. 3. Epist. concil. chalced ad Leonem. Lib. 3. cap. 3.Cassiodorus, all which did wryte aboue 1000. yeres ago and playnly acknowledged the su­premacy of the bishop of Rome as appeareth in the places aleaged in the margent, wherto I remit our aduersaries; to auoyd prolixitie, concluding with the great councel of Chalcedon abouesayd, wherein Pope Leo was cauled vniuersal Bishop, dyuers tymes, besyds that in an epistle writ­ten to him by the whole councel it is playnly signified that the Vineyard of our Lord that is to say the Churche; was com­mitted to his charge and custody.

To returne therfore to S. Ireneus in the tyme of King Lucius thou seest good reader how true is that, which he sayth of the necessitie and obligation that all faythful peo­ple haue to agree with the Roman Churche, propter potentiorē principalitatem, for the mightier, or more powerful principa­litie therof, that is to say, for the supreme dignity it hath ouer all other churches, as the mother ouer her children, the head ouer the body, and the spring and root of vnity.

THAT THE BISHOPS OF Rome exercysed supreme authoritie and iurisdiction in the tyme of king Lucius. CHAP. X.

NOW then let vs consider how the byshops of Rome did exercyse this theyr authority before, and in the tyme of K. Lucius, and neare vnto the same, the which may appeare partly by the appellatiōs out of all parts to the sea Apostolyke, and the restitution, or deposition of bishops by the sayd sea, and partly by the de­crees made by the same for the whole Churche, and the censures layd vpon such as would not receiue and obey them.

Wee read in Tertulian (who liued in king Lucius tyme) that Montanus Prisca and Maximilla fals prophets in Phri­gia,Epiph. haer [...] 42. being excomunicat and expelled by their bishops, came to Rome to be restored by Pope Victor,Tertulian. [...] aduersus Praxeam. whome they had almost circumuented, hauing obtayned of him letters to the churches of Asia for their restitution, which letters neuer­thelesse Pope Victor reuoked by the aduise of Praxeas, who discouered to him their trechery; wherof Tertulian com­playneth bitterly, being then become an obstinate Monta­nist, saying that otherwyse Pope Victor had restored Mō ­tanus, and geuen peace to the churches of Asia, lo then how great was the authoritie of the bishops of Rome in forayn & remote parts, by the testimony of Tertulian who was then an heretyke and a great enemy to the Roman Churche.

S. Cyprian about 250. yeares after Christ testifyeth that Fortunatus,Cipr. lib. 1. epist. 3. and Felix being deposed in Afrike by him; ap­pealed to Pope Cornelius, and that Basilides in lyke man­ner,Cipr. lib. [...]. epistol. 4. being deposed in Spayne appealed to Pope Steuen who suceeded Cornelius, and although S. Cyprian shew that Basilides being iustly condemned did vniustly appeale and [Page] deceiue the Pope by fals suggestion & that therfore his ap­pellation could not auayle him, yet he confesseth that the Pope receiued the appellation, wherein he sayth he was not to be blamed, but Basilides for deceauing him, so that wee see the custome of appealing to the bishop of Rome out of al partes, is most ancient, whereof I wil also alleadge some other examples of later tymes, though aboue 1000. yeres agoe.

[...]. Theodor. [...]ist. Eccles. lib. 7. cap. 4.Athanasius being deposed by the Arrians in Greece, ap­pealed vnto Iulius the first; bishop of Rome, and by him was restored 1300. yeres agoe and the ecclesiastical histories do witnesse, that not only he, but also Paulus byshop of Con­stantinople, Marcellus byshop of Ancira, and As [...]lepa byshop of Gaza, and Lucianus of Hadrianopolis were all at Rome at one tyme iniustly expelled from their bishop­rikes, and that Pope Iulius discussing the crymes obiected to euery one of them, Tripart hist. lib 4. cap. 15. tanquam omnium curam gerens propter propriae sedis dignitatem, as one that had care of them all for the dignity of his owne sea, restored euery one of them to their Churches, & wrote to the Byshops of the east blaming them for the wrong they had donne them, and threatning them that he would not suffer it, if they proceeded to do the lyke hereafter.

Epist Ioan. Chrisost. ad Innocen.S. Chrysostome byshop of Constantinople, appealed to Pope Innocentius the first, and Flauianus byshop of the same citty,Liberatus in breuiario. cap. 12. and Theodoretus byshop of Cyrus appealed in the same age, to Pope Leo, who restored Theodoretus as testifieth the great general councel of Calcedon,Theod epist. ad Leonem. saying restituit ei Episcopatum Sinus. Archiepiscopus Leo. The most holy Archbishop Leo,Greg. lib. 2. cap. 6. restored to him his bishoprik. And S. Gre­gory the great byshop of Rome, did excomunicate a byshop of Greece called Iohn for that he had presumed to Iudge an other byshop that had appealed to the sea Apostolyke.

Concil. Sa [...] ­dicen. can. 4. & 7.Lastly this custome of appealing to the Bishop of Rome was confirmed by two seueral cannons, in the se­cond great general councel held at Sardica, in the tyme of [Page 32] Athanasius the great, whereat were present some byshops of Britany, and this shal suffise for the appellatiō of byshops to Rome, and their restitution.

Now to speak a word or two of the deposition of Byshops wee fynd an euident example therof, within 40. or 50. yeares after the cōuersion of K. Lucius, for S. Cyprian wrote to Steuen the Pope to desyre him to excomunicat & depose Marcian the Bishop of Arles in France, and to sub­stitute an other in his place by vertue of his letters to the people there,Cypri lib 3. epist. 13. & further desyred him to aduertyse him who should succede him, that he & the Bishops of Africk might know to whome to direct their letters, so that wee see the authority and custome in the Church of Rome to depose forraine Bishops, is no new thing, nor a iurisdiction vsur­ped in later tymes by fauour of Christian Emperours, seing in the great persecutions in the primitiue Churche, when none were more persecuted by the Emperours, then the Popes them selues, (who vntil this tyme were almost all martired) they exercysed this authority, as their successors haue done euer since, indifferētly without exception vpon all Bishops whosoeuer, yea vpon the 4. principal patriarkes of Constantinople Alexandria, Antioch, and Hierusalem, in so much that Nicolaus the first Pope of that name writing to Michael Emperour of Constantinople about a 1000.Nicol. epist. ad Michael. yeres ago reckoneth 8. Patriarchs of that Churche deposed by Bishops of Rome before his tyme,Theodoretus lib 5. hist. cap. 23. and Flauianus Pa­triarch of Antioch was deposed by Pope Damasus 1200. yeares ago and although the Emperour Theodosius la­bored to restore him yet he commaunded him to go to Rome to answere for him selfe, and both S. Chrysostome Bishop of Constantinople,Socrat. lib. 5. hist. cap. 15. Sozomen li. 8. cap. 3. and also Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria were intercessors for him to the Pope; to con­clude; he could not hold his Bishoprik in peace, vntil the Pope being pacified,Theodor. lib. 5. cap. 2 [...]. was contēt therwith, and promised to receaue his legats, & therfore Flauianus presently sent him many Byshops, and some of the cheef of the Clergy of [Page] Antioch.Tomo 2. con [...]cil. in actis Syati. Also Pope Sixtus the 3. deposed Polichronius Bishop of Hierusalem.

I omit later examples wherof there are many, to say somewhat of the general decrees of Popes made before, or in the dayes of K. Lucius.

Tertulia lib. de pudici [...]ia.Wee read in Tertullian (who as I sayd before florished in King Lucius tyme) that the Bishops of Rome made de­crees agaynst the heresyes of Montanus and his followers, and although Tertulian was then an egregious Montanist himselfe, & an enemy to the Roman Churche (which had condemned his heresyes) neuerthelesse in that which he wryteth agaynst one of the sayd edicts, he sufficiently sheweth what was the authority of the Byshops of Rome in those dayes, recyting the edict in this manner, Pontifex Maximus, Episcopus Episcoporum dicit, &c. that is to say, the cheef or greatest Bishop, the Bishop of Bishops doth say, &c. wher­by it appeareth what was the title of the Bishop of Rome at those dayes, for although it should be true, that Tertulian being then an heretyk and condemned by the Bishop of Rome, vsed those words of Pontifex Maximus, Episcopus Episco­porum, ironice, yet is it manifest, that he did it eyther for that such were the tytles of the edict, (which was most pro­bable,) or els, because he was generally so called at that tyme, by all those that held communion with him.

Platina in vita pij. de consecra. di­stict. 3. ca. 21. [...]amp; li. 1. cōcil.But before this tyme; Pius the first Pope of that name about 160. yeres after Christ made an edict about the kee­ping of Easter which was after confirmed by Pope Vi­ctor, & the Churches of Asia were excomunicated by him for not receiuing the same.

But to the end good reader thou mayst the better vn­derstand how this matter passed, and euidently see the su­preme autoritie of the Bishops of Rome in those dayes, it is to be considered; that there hauing been from the tyme of the Apostles a different manner of keeping Easter in the Churche of Rome, and the Churches of the lesser Asia (the Romans keeping it alwayes vpon the sunday, according [Page 33] to the tradition of the Apostles, S. Peter, and saynt Paule; & they of Asia obseruing the tyme and custome of the Iewes, pretending the example and tradition of S. Iohn the Euan­gelist) Pius the first of that name, Bishop of Rome, desyring to reduce all the Churche to vniformity, made a decree that the feast of Easter should be celebrated only vpō sunday, but for that the Churches of Asia made great dificulty to leaue their tradition, as wel Pius, as Anicetus, Soter, and Eleuthe­rius forbore,Euseb lib. 5 cap. 24. (for peace and quietnesse sake) to compel them by Ecclesiastical censures to the obseruation therof; but af­terwards Victor who succeeded Eleutherius, noting that not only those which inclyned to keep the ceremonies of the old law, were much confirmed therby in their opinion, but also some in Rome namely one Blastus sought to intro­duce that custome there,Tertul de praescrip. ca [...] 53. [...]amp; Euse­bius hist. ec­cles. lib. 5. cap. 14. and Iudaysme withall, cauled a councel of the Bishops of Italy neere adioyning, and not only caused other councels to be assembled in France, but also directed his commaundements to the Bishops of the east, to do the lyke namely to Theophilus Bishop of Cae­sarea, as that S. Bede reporteth in these words, victor the Pope Bishop of the citty of Rome dixerit authoritatem, Beda. de AEquinoct. vernali. that is to say directed a commaundement to Theophilus, Byshop of Caesarea and Pa­laestina that it should be determined how the easter should be cele­brated there, where our Lord the sauiour of the world conuersed. Therfore perceptae qutoritate, the authority or commaundement being receiued, Theophilus assembled Bishops not only out of his owne pro­uince but also out of diuers other cuntryes, and when they were come togeather in great numbers. Theophilus, protulit autoritatem ad se missam Papae Victoris, Theophilus shewed the autority or commaund­ment that Pope Victor had sent him, & declared quid sibi operis fuisset iniunctum, what was enioyned him to do, &c. herein by the way I wish to be noted how the Bishop of Rome in those dayes (that is to say in the tyme of Lucius) exercised his autority in calling of councels, both of the Byshops of the Latin or west Church, & also of the east, seing Theophilus Byshop of Palaestina assembled the prelats not only of his [Page] owne prouince, but also of diuers other by vertue of the commission geuen him by Pope Victor.

But to proceed, yt being determined by all those coūcels that the feast of Easter should be kept on the sunday ac­cording to the custome of the Romā Churche,Euseb. lib. 5. [...]ist cap. 24. Victor the Pope renewed the decree of Pius his predecessor and de­nounced excomunication against all the Churches of Asia that would not cōforme them-selues therto, which though some holy and learned Bishops, & amongst other Irenaeus thought to bee rigorously done, and not with such consi­deratiō, as it seemed to them the peace of the Church requi­red, yet none of them, nor any of the schismatykes them­selues, took any exception to his autority, as though he had donne more then he might do, which no dout they would haue done yf he had exceeded the limits of his power ther­fore Eusebius sayth,Euseb. Ibid. that Irenaeus did admonish him that he would not cut of from the body of the whole Church, so many Churches for obseruing a tradition vsed amongst them according to an old cu­stome, and Nicephorus, [...]ucepho. lib. [...]. cap. 38. testifieth that they aduised him vt be­nignius statueret, that should determine therof with more benignity and myldnes, wherin wee see Pope Victors authoritie, and power to excommunicat all other Bishops; sufficiently ac­knowledged, though there was question of the iustnesse of the cause, and conueniency of the fact neuerthelesse yt ap­peared afterwards by the determination of the whole Churche of God, yea & of the greatest part of the Asian Churches themselues, that Victor had reason in that which he did; for as Nicephorus testifieth, not only Asia did at lēgth yeild therin,Lib. 4. cap. 39. but also vbique terrarum in orbe decretum est, it was decreed through out the world that the feast of Easter should be celebrated vpō the sunday,Niceph. Ibid. in so much that those which would not yeild therto were held for heretykes, & cauled quarta decimani for so they are accounted and termed by Nicephorus saynt Augustin,Aug. haer. 29. Epiph. haec. 50. concil. Epiphanius Philastrius and the councels of Antioch and Laodicea;Antioch. cap. [...]. Laodicenā cap 7. and to conclude this poynt, yt shal not be impertinent to the matter in hād, [Page 34] to consider how this controuersy about the keeping of easter,Philastri Catalog haere. ended many yeares after in England, betwyxt the English Byshops mayntayning the custome of Rome, and the Scottish that were Schismatykes and obserued the cu­stome of Asia which venerable Bede recounteth, saying;Beda. in [...] Eccles. [...] lib. 3. ca [...] that Bishop Colman, with his Scotish elergy, being as­sembled in Northumberland, with Agilbert Bishop of the east Saxons, & his Priests Wilfred and Agathon in the pre­sence of King Oswy, after long debating the matter on both sydes, Wilfred answered to Colman (who relyed vpon the autority of Anatholius, and Columba his predecessors) although, quoth he, Columba was a holy man, yet could he not be perferred before Peter the most blessed Prince of the Apostles, to whome our Lord sayd,Matth. 1 [...] thou art Peter, and vpon this rock I wil buyld my Churche, & hel gates shal not preuayle against it, and to thee I wil geue the Keyes of the Kingdome of heauen, when Wilfrid had sayd this; King Oswy, who had ben brought vp by the Scots, and infected with their schisme, asked Colman wheather he could proue that so great autority was geuen to Columba, and Colman answered no, and do you on both syds, sayth the King, grant without contro­uersy, that this was sayd principally to Peter, and that the Keyes of the Kingdome of heauen were geuen him by our Lord, and both parts answered yea; nay then, quoth the King merily, I assure yow, I wil not in any thing contradict that porter, but as farre as my knowledge and power shal extend, I wil obey his commaundments least perhaps, when I shal come to heauen, and haue him my enemy that keepeth the keyes, no man wil open me the gates; The King hauing sayd thus all that were present both litle and great (sayth saynt Bede) allowed therof, and yeilded to re­ceiue the Catholyke custome of keeping Easter on the sunday. Thus wee see this great controuersy ended also in England neere a thousand yeres agoe, by the autority of the sea Apostolyke, so that to returne to Pope Victor, wee may truly say he had the victory, or rather that saynt [Page] Peeter by him, and his successors vanquished all such as op­posed themselues to this traditiō of the Roman Churche.

Seing then in the tyme of K. Lucius, the Bishops of Rome both claymed and exercised supreme authority ouer all other Bishops, making general edicts, condemning he­retykes, deposing and restoring Bishops, cauling counsels, and excommunicating whole prouinces and countryes, I appeale to thee gentle reader, whether he was not then generally held for supreme head of the Church, & whether it is lykly, that when Eleutherius the Pope made King Lucius a Christian, he made him a protestāt, that is to say, an enemy to the sea Apostolyk, a persecuter of Priests, and of all such as defend the dignity, and autoritie, of saynt Peeter his predecessor, from whome he claymed, and held the su­premacy, of the Churche, which now all protestants deny to his successors.

And agayne, seeing I haue proued that the authority of the sea Apostolyke is not grounded vpon any humain tradition but vpon the institution of our sauiour himselfe, who left his flock and sheep to saynt Peeter to be fed, and buylt his Churche vpon him,Ioan. 21. as vpon a sure rock, promising that hel gates should not preuayle against it,Matth. 16. ordayning for the auoyding of Schisme & diuision one head, from the which the dyuers and manyfold members of his Churche might receiue the influence of one doctrin and spirit, what shal wee say of them, that are not of this fold, that do not com­municat with this head, that are not planted vpō this root of vnity, nor buylt vpon this rock; that agaynst the chayre of Peeter set vp a chayre of pestilēce, can they be the sheep of Christ, or members of his mistical body? or receiue the influence of his spirit? it is no maruel, yf they be caryed away with euery blast of new doctrin, torne and rent with euery schisme, and cast at length vpon the rockes of heresy or atheisme; haue wee not then sufficient reason to giue lands, lyues, or what honour, pleasure, or comodity soeuer the world yeildeth, rather then to be driuen from [Page 35] this safe harbor of truth, and ancor of vnity, into the seas of schisme and heresy, to the assured shipwrack of our soules? and when wee spend our blood for this cause, do we not dy for religion, yea for a most important point of religion, though it be made treason? wherof wee may truly saye with the blessed martyr Sir Thomas More thet it is a treason without sinne, for the which a mā may be hanged and haue no harme, dy and liue for euer, seeme to some a traytor; and be a glorious martyr.

THE MATTER OF HOLY Images is debated, and the vse therof proued to haue ben in the Churche of God euer since our Sauiours tyme. CHAP. XI.

BVT let vs examine a poynt or two more of religion wherein our aduersaries dissent from vs, that wee may see wheather K. Lucius were more lyke to learne their doctrin concerning the same or ours, and for that they think they haue a maruelous aduātage of vs in the matter of Images, and relykes of saints, wherein they charge vs with flat Idolatrie, and breach of the com­maundment of God, I wil say somwhat therof.

And fyrst I cannot but maruel at their grosnesse,Orige. hom. 8. in Exodū. Theodoret. quaest. 38. in Exodum. that cannot distinguish betwiyt an Idol and an Image, whereof they may learne the difference in Origen and Theodore­tus, expoūding these words of the cōmaundmēt, non facies tibi Idolū, thou shalt not make to thy self any [...]dol, Exod. 20. (for the septua­ginta whose translation they follow, for sculptile haue [...], that is to say an Idol) wherevpon they say, that an Idol is a fals similitude representing a thing which is not, & that a similitude, or Image, is a representation of ae thing which truly is, to which purpose also S. Paule sayth, Idolum [Page] nihil est in mundo, an Idol is nothing in the world Leuit. 19. 26. Num 23. [...] 6., for that Idols represent no truth, but mere fictions vanityes, and lyes, and therfore ar cauled in the Hebrew text of the holy scriptu­res Elilun and Au [...]nim wheron it followeth, that all Images or other creatures held or adored for Gods, wh [...]ch they neither are, nor yet possibly can bee, are truly and properly Idols, wheras other Images, that represent a truth can not so bee cauled, and this difference is euident in the holy scriptures, which neuer atribute the name of Idol to the true Image of any thing, but to the fals gods of the gentils, and vseth the name of Image, for the similitud of that, which is truly the thing that it is thought to be, or hath the true proprietyes that by the Image are represented, & so Christ is cauled the Image of his father,Bap. 7. Colossen. 1. Hebr. 1. and Salomon is sayd to haue made in the temple Images of Lions, Oxen, Flowers, yea and of the Cherubins, who (though they were Angels and Spirits) were neuerthelesse pourtrayed lyke men, [...]. Reg. 7. (to expresse the forme, wherein they appeared to Moyses on the mountayne) and with wings to shew the celerity of their motion,Conc. Nicae. [...]. Act 4. so that the representation made therby, was true, as of a true apparition, and a true propriety in the An­gelical nature;

Herevpon it foloweth, that Images which are not ho­nored for Gods, but ordayned for the honor of Christ, and his saynts (who are truly that which they are represented to be) are no Idols, and therfore our aduersaries are eyther very ignorant, or malicious, when they confound these woords in such sort as to cal Images Idols, and to translate Idolum in the scripture an Image as they commonly do very absurdly, and sometymes ridiculously, as in S. Paule where he speaketh of couetousnes saying, it is [...], that is to say, Idolatry, or the seruice of Idols, and in an other place; that the couetous man is [...],Colossen. 3. Ephes. 5. an Idolater or a woor­shipper of Idols (meaning therby that couetous men make theyr money, and their riches their Gods) they translate it, couetousnes is the seruice of Images, and the couetous man is [Page 36] a woorshipper of Images, as though there were no other Ido­latry, but that which may be dōne to Images, or that Image and Idole were all one, or that it could be sayd with any propriety, or reason, that a couetous man makes his money an Image, as it may be properly sayd, that he makes it an Idol, because he makes yt his God, which yt neither is, nor can be, in which respect it may wel be cauled an Idol.

Furdermore they bewray in themselues either great simplicity or peruers malice, in that they permit no ho­nour nor reuerence to be donne to the Image of Christ, & his saynts; for doth not reason and common experience teach vs that the honour or reuerence donne to the Image passeth from thence to the Prototipon, Basil. lib. de spiritu sanct [...] ca. 18. & Au [...] lib. 3. de doc [...] Christiana. cap. 9. that is to say, to the thing or per­son it representeth? he which crowneth (sayth S. Ambrose) the image of the emperour, crowneth the Emperour, and he which contemnes his image seemeth to do iniury to his person;Ambro serm 10. in Psal. 11 when the people of Antiochia cast downe the image of the Empresle, wyfe to Theodosius the Emperour,Note: Theodore. li. 5. hist. cap. 15 he took it for so great an affront to her and him selfe, that he had lyke to haue de­stroyed the whole citty in reuenge thereof;Chrisost. orati. 2. & 3. ad popu. Antio. and S. Chryso­stome complayneth greeuously of the indignity donne to the Emperour therin. The lyke was iudged in England of the violēce dōne by Hacket to the Queenes picture, which was iustly held for a disloyal act agaynst her Magestyes per­son: And who knoweth not that he which standeth bare headed in the presence chāber before the Queenes chayre and cloth of state doth honour the Queene therein.

Also it was the custome in tymes past to adore the ima­ges of the Roman Emperours, which the Christians refu­sed not to do, in which respect Iulian the Apostata, thin­king either to draw them to adore his fals Gods, or els to haue some pretence to punish them for contempt of his per­son, placed his owne image amongst the images of false Gods,Gregor. N [...] orat. 1 in Iu Item Paulus Diaconus in vita Iuliann [...] (as I haue noted in my Apology vpon an other oc­casion) whervpon S. Gregory Nazianzen sayth, that the simple Christians who did not fal into account of the de­ceat, [Page] were to be excused of ignorance, for that they thought they adored no more but the Emperours image; if therfore it be lawful to adore the image of an Emperour or earthly king for that he is the image of almighty God, I meane, if it bee lawful to adore the image of Gods image, how much more is it lawful to do reuerence to the image of God him selfe, I meane of Christ God and man?

And sure I am that many in England which wil not haue, nor reuerence; the image of our sauiour for feare of committing idolatry, wil make no bones at all, to keep some picture or remembrance of their Maistres to kisse it, and to vse other tokens of affection and respect towards it, to shew therby their good wil to her.

And how many are there in England that condemne catholykes for keeping images and pictures to moue them to deuotion, and yet make no scruple to keep lasciuious pictures to prouoke themselues to lust? wherby they might see by their owne experience, if they were not wilfully blynd, what is the effect of good and deuout pictures in wel disposed mynds, and what it would bee in themsel­ues if they were as spiritual, and feruerous in the loue of God, as they are carnal and fyry in sensual appetyt; for who douteth that deuout representatiōs do as easely moue pious and godly minds to holy cogitations, and affections, as lasciuious obiects do kindle carnal mynds to concu­piscence and lust? and therfore S. Gregory Nissen sayth,Greg. Niss. in orat de dei­tate filij & spiritus Sācti. allega. in con­cil. that he neuer beheld the picture of Abraham sacrifising his sonne Isaac, but hee was moued to teares, and yet it is likely that he had often read the story therof, without any such effect, as Basilius byshop of Ancyra noted very wel in the 7. general councel of Nice,Cōcil. Nicen. 2. when the same was alea­ged there out of S. Gregory aboue 800. yeres agoe, where­vpō Theodorus byshop of Catane also inferred,Ibidem. in the same councel, that much more may the story of our sauiours passion represented by picture woorke the lyke effect in deuout persons that behold the same. Wherof I think [Page 37] good to declare here a manifest example of my owne knowledge.

It chāced in the house of a Catholyke where. I was, that a young mayd of 15. or 16. yeres of age, (who had ben al­wayes brought vp amongsts protestātes) comming thether, and seeing a picture of Christ crusified demaunded whose picture it was, and being told that it was the picture of our sauiour Christ, wherby she might see what he suffred for vs, she was moued with such compassion that after she had stedfastly beheld it a whyle, she burst out first into sighes, & after into teares, saying that shee had often heard of it, but neuer seene it before, adding further our Lord helpe vs if he suffred all this for vs.

Wherby it may appeare, how true is that, which saynt Gregory the greate sayth of Images, to wit,Greg. lib. [...] epist. ad Serenum epis [...] copum Masili. epis. 9. that they are the bookes of the ignorant, who are many tymes more moued with pictures, then with preaching, and vnderstand that which is taught thē much better, when it is by Images or pictures represented to their eyes; for as the Poet sayth.

Segnius irritant animos immissa per auros
Horat. de a [...] poetica.
Quam quae sunt oculis commissa fidelibus.

That is to say; those things that are conceaued by hea­ring do lesse moue the mynds of men, then such thinges as are committed to the sight.

This the deuil knoweth so wel, as to hinder the same & all other good effects of holy Images, and deuour pictures, yea and to exterminat, as much as in him lyeth, all external monuments, and memories of the lyfe and passion of our sauiour, and his saynts, and so by degrees to root out all Christian religion, he hath stirred vp in all ages his instru­ments and seruants to make warre against holy Images vnder colour of zeale to Gods honour and glory.

To this purpose it may be noted, that the first and cheef impugners of the lawful vse of Images, for some hundreth yeares togeather, were eyther Iewes, or magicians or ma­nifest [Page] heretikes, or otherwyse know in for most wicked men. [...]ceph li. 16. p. 27. The first wherof was a per [...] [...] about 500. yeres after Christ, whome [...] cauleth the ser­uant of Satan, saying that he made himselfe a Bishop, before he was baptised, and that he was the first that taught that the Image of Christ, and of his saynts ought not to be woorshiped, and almost 200. yeres after, in the yere of our Lord 676. the Iewes impugned the vse of Images in their Talmud;Con. Nicen. [...]. act. 5. and about the yere of our Lord 700. a Iew persuaded a Maho­metan King in Arabia to burne all the Images in the Churches of the Christians, and shortly after Leo Isaurus the Emperour did the lyke by persuasion of a Iew,Cedren Zo­ [...]aras, Nicet. [...]n vita leon. [...]sau. whose example his sonne Leo Copronimus followed, being a magician, and a nestorian heretyk, and about the yere 800. Leo Armenius the Emperour and his successors Michael Balbus and Theophilus, [...]idem in vitis [...]orum Im­perat. (all three most wicked men, & the last addicted both to iudaisme, and necromancy) made a new warre against Images, which the wyclefists also did 500. yeares after, and now of late the Lutherans, and Cal­uinists; whereas all those that defended the vse of Images against Leo, and those other Emperours, were most holy, and learned men, as Gregorius and Hadrianus Bishops of Rome in those dayes, and Germanus, and Tharasius Bishops of Constantinople, S. Iohn Damascen, Metho­dius, Leontius, Ionas Aurelianensis, Paulus Diaconus, and diuers others, all of them men of singuler learning, and vertue, by the testimony of all autors, both Greeks & Latins.

THE COMMANDEMENT OF God touching images explicated, and the practise of the Churche declared. CHAP. XII.

BVT our aduersaries obiect against vs the commāde­ment of God,Exod 20. to wit, thou shalt not make to thy selfe any grauen Image, nor any similitude of any thing, &c. wherto I answere yf they take the bare letter without the true sence and circumstances, no man may make any Image whatsoeuer, nor so much as any lyknesse of any thing in heauen or earth, but yf wee consider the cir­cumstances, the end, and reason of the commaundement, it maketh nothing at all against vs, for it is manifest that the scope, and end therof is only to forbid Idolatry and the ma­king of Idols, that is to say such Images only as are made with intent to adore them for Gods, and therfore (as Ter­tulian noteth expresly,) it presently followeth,Tertul. lib. [...] contra Mar­cionem. non adorabis ea neque coles; thou shalt not adore, nor worship them, which yet appeareth more playnly in Leuiticus, where the same pro­hibition being renewed, the intent or end is expresly added,Leuit. 26. ad adorandum according to the Septuaginta or as S. Hierome translateth it vt adoretis that is to say, to the end to do godly ho­nor therto; so that, where that end or intent is not, the ma­king or vse of an Image, is not forbidden for that it is no Idole; and therfore the Septuaginta in steede of Sculptile haue Idolum. for that a grauē Image is not to be vnderstood to be forbidden, by that commandment, but when it is an Idole; which interpretatiō of the Septuaginta, both Origin, and Theodoret do follow in that place, as I haue noted before; besydes that, almighty God commaunded after­wards, the brazen Serpent to be set vp in the wildernes,Num 21. & also Cherubins in the tēple,Exod. 25. where the Iewes were wount to adore; the which had ben contrary to his owne com­maundement, [Page] yf he had absolutly forbidden the making of Images, or hauing them in temples and Churches; yea & wee may playnly gather out of saynt Hierome, that there was woorship and reuerence donne to the Cherubins, for he sayth, [...]eron epist. [...] marcellā. that the Sancta Sanctorum was woorshiped of the Iewes, because the Cherubins, & the Arke, and the Manna were there; [...]ug. lib. 3 de [...]octri. [...]hrist. cap. 9. to which purpose saynt Austugin geueth a general rule in his book of Christian doctrin, saying that all profitable signes, instituted by almighty God, ought to be reuerenced and woorshipped, for that the honor donne to them doth passe to that which they represent; [...]ug. lib. 3. de [...]rinit. ca. 10. & in his book of the blessed Trinity speaking of signes that being de­dicated to some religious vse deserue veneratiō, he putteth for example the brazen Serpent set vp in the wildernesse, which neuertheles was afterwards worthely destroyed by K. Ezechias,Reg. 1 [...]. when the Iewes committed Idolatry therto, & who douteth but that the holy scriptures, & holy vessels or any other thing dedicated to the seruice of God, is to be vsed with reuerēce & respect, & that God is honored therby? So that neither the making of Images, ordayned for Gods honor & seruice, nor yet the reuerend vse therof, was for­bidden by that comandemēt, but only the abuse, which was Idolatry,Lib. 2. con­ [...]ra Marcio. and therfore our aduersaries do shamefully abuse the people, and impudently bely vs, when they say wee make Idols of the Images of Christ, and his saynts; & shew themselues very grosse in that they seeke to abolish alto­geather the vse of Images, or pictures, because some abuse perhaps is, or may be incident therto, for there is nothing in the world so necessary, so excelent, or holy, but yf it be vsed, it is or may be abused, the remedy wherof, is not to take away wholy the vse of the thing, but to correct the abuse, as; not to forbid wyne to all men, because some are drunk therwith, but to teach drunkards to vse it with moderation, and hereof the Churche hath such care in the matter of Images, that the people are sufficiently instructed of the vse therof by their curats, pastors and preachers, in [Page 39] so much that no Catholyke man, nor yet any chyld I dare say, that hath but learned his Catechisme is ignorant that the image of Christ, is no more Christ himselfe then the Image of the Queene, is the Queene, and that the honor donne therto, resteth not in the Image, but redoundeth to Christ who is represented therby, and therfore is no more Idolatry, then the reuerence donne to the Queenes picture or cloth of estate is treason.

To come then to the practyse of the Churche, the vse of images was not only alowed, but also ordayned by a can­non of the Apostles, wherin they decreed that the image of our Sauiour Iesus Christ God and man, and of his saynts, should be made by the hands of men and erected against Idols, and Iewes for the confusion of both;

So farre were they from thinking the vse of Images,Sinod. Nice. 2. act. 1. to be Idolatry, that they ordayned the same, for confusion and ouerthrow of Idols, and Idolaters, and it is not to be dou­ted, that the Apostles made such a decree for the vse of Ima­ges,Basil. epist. ad Iulian in acti [...]. 2. Nicce. cōcilij act. 2. seeing the seuenth general councel of Nice maketh mention therof, relying vpon the authority of saynt Basil, affirming that it was ordayned by the Apostles that Images should be erected and honored;Vide Turria­num canoni­bus aposto­licis. cap. 25. besyds that Pamphilus the martyr doth testify, that he found in Origens library the decrees of the Apostles made at Antioch, amongst the which; is this; the which may also bee confirmed by the vse and practyse of the Churche of God, since the tyme of Christ, and his Apostles.

Wee read that Nicodemus that came to Christ by night made an Image of him crucified,Athanasius lib. de pas­sione Ima­ginis domini and that before his death he gaue it to Gamaliel who deliuered it to Iames byshop of Hierusalem, and he to Simeon, and Simeon to Zacheus, and Zacheus to his successors, and that so it passed from one to an other, vntil the Christians were forced to remoue from thence to Beritus a citty of Siria where afterwards the Iewes finding it, vsed it most opprobriously, & pearced it with a lance,Idem. Ibib. out of the which issued great aboundance [Page] of blood that did many miracles, and this was so noto­rious, that the blood was sent to dyuers parts, and a feast ce­lebrated in Greece in memory therof in the moneth of No­uember; this story was read in the second councel of Nice, and approued by 350. byshops aboue 800. yeres agoe.Eusebius lib. 7. hist ca 14. Euse­bius witnesseth that the woman which was cured by our sauiour of a flux of blood, did set vp in the citty of Caesarea in memory of the benefit, a brazen Image of our Sauiour, and that there grew an herb at the foot therof, which when it once touched the hem of his garment, had the ver­tue to cure all disseases,Ibidem. and this Image Eusebius sayth he saw himselfe in his tyme,Sozomen. li. 5 hist ca. 20. and the ecclesiastical histories written after, do signify that it remayned there vntil Iulian the Apostata caused it to be taken doune, and his owne Image to be set vp in the place, which was shrotly after ouerthrowen, and burnt with fyre from heauen, wherin it is to be noted, that almighty God did not only confirme the vse of Images by the continual miracles of the hearb, but also in destroying the Image of Iulian,Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 14. set vp in the place of his, shewed his indignation towards all such as con­temne his Image, or do any iniury therto. Eusebius also sayth that he had seene ancient Images of S. Peter, & saynt Paule kept by the Christians in his tyme. Lib. 4. hist. cap. 26.Euagrius, Lib. 2. hist. cap. 7.Ni­cephorus, and Lib. 4 de fide orthod. cap. 17.S. Iohn Damascen do declare, that amongst other auncient monuments of the Citty of Edessa, therwas a long tyme kept a true portrait of our sauiour Christ which he himselfe sent to Abgarus king of that citty; and Leo a reader of Constantinople affirmed before the whole councel of Nice aforesayd, that he had seene it, and Eua­grius, and Theophanes recount great miracles donne ther­by,In meno­logio graeco­ [...]um. in so much that the Greekes celebrated a solemne feast therof in September, as appeareth in the menologio, or ka­lender of the Greekes;Lib 2. hist. cap. 43. lib. 6 cap 16. lib. 14 cap. 2. Nicephorus also sayth, that the holy Euangelist S. Luke did draw the true pourtraicts of our blessed Lady, and the Apostle S. Peter, which was kept at Constantinople in the tyme of Theodosius the Emperour, [Page 40] Tertullian maketh mention of the picture of our sauiour in the forme of the good sheepheard carying a sheepe vpon his back,Tertul li. d [...] pudicitia. ordinarily paynted vpon the chalices that were vsed in the Churche in his tyme, which was in the raygne of king Lucius, so that there is no dout but the vse of Images, and pictures hath ben receiued in the Church of God, euer since the Apostels tyme, although by reason of the great persecutions vnder the Pagan Emperours they could nei­ther be so frequent,Damasus in pontisical [...] de sancto Siluestro. nor publyk as after they began to bee in the tyme of Constantine the great; who buylding gor­gious temples adorned the same, not only with the signe of the crosse, but also with the Images of our sauiour, and of the twelue Apostels, of Angels, and of S. Iohn Baptist.

S. Augustin noteth that the paynims might see our sa­uiour Christ paynted with S. Peter and S. Paule in many places.De consensu euang. lib. [...] cap. 10. S. Hierome cōmendeth the feruor and deuotion of Paula,Hieron. in epitaph paulae. Chri­sost in Li­turgia. that went vp the mountayne of Caluary, and pro­strayting her selfe before the Crosse, adored it as though she had seene our sauiour hanging theron, S. Chrysostome in his liturgy, which Erasmus translated, signifieth that the priest going foorth with the gospel in his hand, and a candel caried before him vsed to bow downe his head, to do reue­rence to an Image of Christ.

S. Basil,Basil. in S. Barlaam. S. Gregory Nissen, Euodius, Prudentius, and S. Paulinus do make honorable mention of the Images of S. Barlaam, S. Theodorus, S. Steeuen, S. Cassian, S. Martin in Churches in their tyme,Greg. Nis. orat. in Theodorum. which was 1200. yeres agoe: and yf good reader,Euodius di­miraculis S. Stepha. pru­den. in him. Pauli Epist. 12. ad seue­rum. I should alledge the testimonies of all the fathers, that from the tyme of Constantine did witnes, & approue the publyk vse of Images in the Churche, I should write a whole volume of this matter, and therfore it may suffyse the to vnderstand that although some auncient Fa­thers as S. Ireneus,Irenae lib. 1. cap. 24. Epiphanius and S. Augustin do reproue somtymes the abuse of some Images,Epipha. haer. 27. as that the heretykes called Gnostici, and others of the sect of Simon placed the images of Christ,August. act. quoduul [...]. haer 7. and of S. Peter, and S. Paule with other of [Page] Pithagoras, Homer, Aristotle, Helen, Minerua, and such lyke, and adored them as Gods with sacrifices, and incense after the manner of the gentils, yet they neuer disalowed the lawful vse therof, and therfore those, that haue at any tyme reiected the [...]ame haue ben alwayes noted, and abhor­red of all as heretykes, [...]oā. Damasc. [...]le haeres. in [...]ine. and called Iconomachi, or Icono­clastae, against whome was assembled 800. yeres agoe the seuenth great general Councel at Nice where they were condemned for heretykes,Syno. Nicaen. [...]. act 5. in fi­ [...]e. and woors then Samaritans; by 350. Bishops.

OF THE RELICKS of Saynts. CHAP. XIII.

Marc. 6.NOW to say somewhat of holy relicks; There is no dout but the vse thereof proceeded of the ex­amples in H. Scripture of the great miracles dōne by the touching of Christs garment by the handkerchef and gyrdle of S. Paule,Act. 16. by the shadow of S. Peter, and in the old Testament by the body of Elizeus,Act. 5. wherewith a dead man was reuiued, [...]. Regum. 13. by all which the first Christians were [...]ndu­ced to reuerence and honour euery thing that pertayned to the seruants of God, and to expect consolation therby, wherfore when S. Peter, and S. Paule suffred at Rome,Gregor. lib. 3. ep. 30. the Christians of the east, came thether, to haue theyr relycks as belonging to them by right, for that they were their cuntrymen, when S. Ignatius, who was thyrd byshop of Antioch after S. Peter was martyred at Rome,Chrysost. serm. de S. Ignatio, to. 5. the Christiās caryed his relickes with great solemnity to Antioch, and as S. Chrysostome testifieth many miracles were donne by the same. At the martyrdome of S. Policarp byshop of Smyrna who also liued in the Apostles tyme, & was put to death not aboue 12. yeres before king Lucius receiued the [Page 41] sayth) the Christians of his diocesse that were present, ga­thered vp his relikes, & vsed them with great reuerēce, as they themselues witnessed in an epistle which Eusebius re­cyteth at large,Euseb. lib. hist. cap. 1. wherin amongst other things they say thus. ‘Afterwards hauing gathered out of the ashes his bones more worthy then precious stones, and more pure then gold, we placed them in a place seemely, and fit for them, where assembling our selues sometymes, wee may by the help of our Lord, celebrat the day of his martyrdome, as of his natiuity, with great ioy and exultation,’ thus farre the Christiās of the Churche of. Smyrna S. Cipriā,Ep. 34. besydes the yerely celebration of martyrs feasts, maketh often mention of oblations, and sacrifices offred in memory of them, so doth also Tertullian, so that by these testimonies it appeareth, that in the tyme not only of King Lucius but also of the Apostles, and their Disciples the relikes of Gods seruants were kept, and highly honored, and feasts of their martyrdome celebrated, vnder tytle of their natiuityes, as stil it is vsed in our Cathol. Churche, and no maruel, seing the Christians at that tyme vsed to creep and kisse their chaynes, whyles they were yet liuing in prison,Lib. ad [...]o­rem. as Ter­tullian witnesseth, and yf we cōsider the vniforme consent of all fathers in all ages, concerning this poynt, wee may wel wounder at the malice of our aduersaries that do deny it, especially seing in the primatiue Church it was so eui­dent that the very paynims knew it, and therfore were wont to cast the ashes, & bones of the martyrs into riuers, or otherwyse to make them a way, to the end the Chri­stians should not recouer them,Eunap. i [...] [...]ta philoso. and Eunapius Sardianus of Alexandria a paynim writteth that the Christians in his tyme honored their martyrs being dead, kneeling and pro­strating them selues before their tombs, and making them their Embassadours to deliuer their prayers to God.

But to returne to the fathers of the Churche,De ciuit. De lib. 22. cap. [...] S. Augustin to confound the gentils reherseth many miracles donne by the very flowers that had but only touched the rehearies [Page] where the relickes of saynts were kept S. Gregory Nissen sayth that the Christians that came to the tombs of saynts,Greg. Niss. [...]ra [...]. in laudē [...]agni. Theo [...]ori. did take it for a great fauour that they might be suffred to cary away some of the dust that was about the same. S. Augustin also telleth that the sonne of one Irenaus was re­stored to lyfe,Aug de ci­ [...]i [...]. Dei. li. 22 cap. [...]. being anoynted only with the oyle of a lamp that did hang before the tomb of a martyr; in lyke manner Theodoret,Theodor i [...] hist. Sanct. Patrum. c. 22. in Iacobo. Venantius For u [...] in vi­ta S. Marrini, lib. 4. Venantius, Fortunatus, & Paulus Diaconus,Paulus Dia­co. de gest. longob. lib. 2 cap 9. re­count wonderful miracles donne by the oyle of lamps that burned by martyrs tombs, yea Gregor. Na­zianz. in Iu­lian. orat. 1.S. Gregory Nazianzen sayth of his owne knowledge, that not only a litle dust, or bone of the martyrs but also the very remembrance of them sup­plyeth sometymes the want of their whole bodyes, and concludeth with this exclamation, O rem predigiosam, sa­lutem assort sola recordatio, o prodigious thing the only re­membrance of them giueth health, and in his oration in prayse of S. Ciprian he calleth to witnesse many that knew by their owne tryal, and experience, what great vertue & power was in this very dust & ashes to expel diuels to cure diseases, and for the foreknowing of things to come;Ambr. serm. 91. de sanctis Nazario & ce [...]so. S. Ambrose asketh why faythful men should not honour re­lickes of saynts, which the very diuels reuerence, and feare,Ambros. ep. 85. de inuct. corporum Sanct. who also signifieth that he had a reuelation from almighty God of the place where the bodyes of S. Ceruas,Ceruasij & Proresij ad [...]o [...]orem. and Pro­tase were buryed in Millan, wher-vpon he took them vp with great solemnity, as S. Augstin also witnesseth,August. lib. con [...]e [...]io. 9. cap. 7. who was present, and reporteth a great miracle of a blynd man that recouered his sight at the same tyme, and diuels expeld by the merits of those blessed martyrs.

Chrysost. in demonstra. quod Chri­stus fi [...] Deus.S. Chrisostome proueth against the Painims, by the ho­nour donne to saynts relicks, that Christ is God, to whose power and omnipotency he sayth, it is to be ascrybed, that his disciples, and seruants (who whyles they were liuing did seeme most contemtible) became after they were dead more venerable then Kings, in so much that at Rome and Constantinople Kings and praesidents (sayth he) runne to [Page 42] the tombe of a fisher, and take it for a great fauour that their bodyes may be buried, not hard by the Apostles bodyes, but without the circuit of their tombs, and be made as it were porters of Fishermen. Furthermore in his book against the gentils, where he discourseth at large of the lyfe & death of S. Babilas the martyr he signifieth that his body being placed in the suburbs of Antioch neare to a temple where there was an Oracle of Apollo, it put the diuel to silence, and when Iulian the Apostata thought by the re­moue of it to remedy the same, the Temple, and Idole were presently after destroyed with fire from heauen, wherwith as saynt Chrisostome testifieth Iulian and all the gentils were wounderfully confounded; and so may our here­tykes be in lyke manner, seing that they not only impugne with them this euident argument of the diuinity of Christ, but also hold that for Idolatry which maistreth the diuel, ouerthroweth Idols and confoundeth Idolaters.

I omit infinit others for breuities sake,Hieron. ad­uer. vigila [...] & conclude with saynt Hierome who declareth the custome of the whole Churche of God both in his tyme, and longe before, therby to confute Vigilantius the heretyke that taught the same doctrine in this behalfe that our heretykes teach at this day; whosoeuer sayth he adored martyrs? who euer taught men to be God? yt greueth vigilantius to see the relickes of martyrs couered with costly and precious veyles belyke Constantin the Empe­rour committed sacrilege when he translated, to Constantinople the holly relyckes of saynt Andrew, S. Luke, S. Timothe, whera [...] the diuels roare, and now also Arcadius, the Emperour belyke committeth sacri­ledge who after so long tyme hath translated the bones of Samuel the Prophet into Thratia, and all the Bishops that caryed the ashes laye in silk, and in a vessel of gold are to be condemned for fooles and sa­crilegious persons, yea then the faythful people of all Churches are fooles also for going to receiue the same, with no lesse Ioy then if they had serue the Prophet aliue, in so much that frō Palestina to Calcedon ther was all the way [...] of people that with one voyce sounded forth the praise of Christ, lastly so shal wee say that the Bishop of [Page] Rome doth il when he offreth sacrifice to our Lord ouer S. Peter, and saynt Paules venerable bones (as wee tearme them though thou caulest them v [...]le dust) and when he taketh their tombs for the altars of Christ; lo here (good reader) the vse of Images and relykes, and the honor due to them approued by the Fathers of all ages, confirmed by the custome of all Christian nations, ra­tyfied by miracles, acknowledged by infidels, and Paynims, confessed by diuels, and yet denied and deryded by the he­retyks of this tyme, are they not then more obstinat and malicious then heathens, yea then diuels themselues?

THAT OVR DOCTRIN concerning the sacrifice of the Masse was generally re­ceiued, and beleued, in the tyme of king Lucius, & first that it was foretold & prophecyed by Malachias. CHAP. XIIII.

BVT I wil passe to an other importāt poynt, I mean the sacrifice of the Masse, to see whether our doctrin concerning the same or theirs was deliuered by our sauiour to the Apostles and taught in king Lu­cius tyme or no.

The sacrifice of the Masse consisting in the oblation of the blessed body and blood of our sauiour Iesus Christ, was prophesyed by Malachias, praefigured by the sacrifice of Melchifedeth, instituted and offred by our sauiour at his last supper, deliuered by him to his Apostles, practysed by them and by the Churche of God euer since.

Malach. 1.Malachias the Prophet foretelling the reiection of the Iewes, and the election of the gentils, signifieth withall the translation of the Iewes law and priesthood into a new law, and a new priesthood, and compareth or rather opposeth the priests of the one, to the priests of the other, [Page 43] sacrifice to sacrifice, place to place, altar to altar, and a poluted bread which they were wōt to offer only in Hie­rusalem, to a cleane oblatiō which should be offred to God amongst the Gentils euery where throughout the whole world, saying to the priests of the Iewes in the person of God, that seing they dispysed his name, and offred vpon his altars a polluted bread, and blynd and lame sacrifices, non est mihi voluntas in vobis, &c. sayth hee,Malach c [...] my wil is no longer to be serued of you, neyther wil I accept any more sacrifice at your hands, for my name is great amongst the Gentils euen from the east to the west, & there is a cleane oblation offred to my name in euery place, &c. Thus farre the Prophet, who cannot be vnderstood to speake of any other sacrifice then of the Masse, which being nothing els but the oblation of the blessed body and blood of our sauiour Iesus Christ in forme of bread and wyne, is a most pure and cleane oblation, and cannot be polluted by the wickednes of the priests, as the bread offred in the old law was wont to be; to which purpose it may be noted that the Prophet speaking of dyuers kinds of sacrifices, some consisting of beasts or catel (which he signifyed by the words blynd and lame) and other in bread, he attributeth the word polluted or defiled to the bread only, not without mistery, to oppose therto the cleane sacrifice of the gentils in forme of bread, cauling it a cleane oblation, and putting the special force of the antithesis betwyxt the figure, and the verity,Hieron. in Malach. 1. Hieron. [...] for that the shew bread or bread of proposition being as S. Hierome sayth the bread which the priests polluted) was a proper figure of the holy eucharist, as he also testi­fyeth.

Furdermore this sacrifice cannot be vnderstood of the sacrifice of our sauiour vpon the crosse, which was offred only once, and in one place, and not amongst the gentils; neither yet of spiritual sacrifices, as of thankes geuing, prayer, fasting, and other good workes, which are impro­perly cauled sacrifices, and therfore it is to be noted that whensoeuer this woord sacrifyce is improperly taken in [Page] the scripture some other woord is alwayes ioyned thereto, to signify the same, as h [...]stiae laudis, saecrificium iustitiae. Saecri­ficium cordis contriti, the host or sacrifice of prayse, the sacrifice of iustice, the sacrifice of ae contrit hart, [...]salm. 115. [...]salm 4. [...]lm. 50. and on the other syde when­soeuer it is alone without any woord adioyned, to re­strayne or diminish the sence (as it is in this prophesy) it signifyeth a true and proper sacrifice;

This difference may wel be noted, where it is said, mi­scricordiam volui, non sacrificium, I wil haue mercy and not sacrifice, and agayne obedientiae est melior quam victima, obedience is better then sacrifice, [...]se [...]. 6. [...]. Reg. 11. in which sentences sacrifyce properly taken, is opposed to mercy and obedience, which also may impro­perly be cauled sacrifices, as wel as thankes geuing, prayse of God or any other good worke whatsoeuer.

Agayne the prophet speaketh heere of a sacrifice or obla­tion which should be but one, cauling it a cleane oblation, but the spiritual sacrifices are as many as there are good woorkes of the faythful.

Also he speaketh of a sacrifice proper to the new law, and to the gentils, & such a one as should succeede the sa­crifices of the Iewes, and be offred in steede therof; but spi­ritual sacrifices haue ben in all tymes, and common both to Iewes and gentils;

But howsoeuer other men may vnderstand this pro­phesy our aduersaryes cannot with any reason expound it, of the good woorks of Christians, seeing they teach that the best woorkes of the iustest men are polluted, and vn­cleane, sinful and damnable, which therfore cannot, accor­ding to their doctrin, be that sacrifice which almighty God himselfe cauled by the mouth of his prophet, a cleane oblation.

Lastly the most learned and auncient fathers of the Churche do vniformly expound this prophesy of the sa­crifice of the masse; as S. Iustin the learned Philosopher and famous martyr, within 150. yeres after Christ, sayth that, [...]usti [...]. In dia­ [...]o. cum Tri­ [...]h [...]. of the sacrifices of the gentils that are offred in euery place, videlicet, [Page 44] the bread and cup of the Eucharist, Malach [...] the Prophet euen then spoke and foretold that wee should glorify his name therby.

Ireneus also hauing declared in what manner our sa­uiour did institute the blessed Sacramēt of the Eucharist at his last supper,Iraenae lib. cap 32. [...]t c. [...]. & 3. and that the Churche receyuing the same of the Apostles offreth it to God throughout the world, ad­deth, de quo & in duodecim prophetis Malachias sic praesignificauit non est mihi voluntas in vobis, &c. that is to say, wherof Malachias one of the twelue prophets did signify before hand, speaking to the Iewes in this manner, my wil is no longer to be serued by you, &c.

S. Chrysostome hauing alledged the same Prophesy concludeth.Chrysost. hom. in p [...] 95. Behold, sayth he, how clearly and playnly he hath in­terpreted the mistical table, which is the vnbloody host.

He that listeth to see more testimonyes of the fathers let him read Tertulian,Tertul. l [...]. [...] contra [...] ­tion in [...]ine. Cypria. lib. contra [...] ­d [...]os, cap. Hiero [...]. in Zachai. cap. [...]. Aug. lib. 1. contra aduersas. leg & prophet cap. 2. Ciril. li. de adorat. Euseb. lib. 1. de preparat. euangel. Theodoret super. Malach. 1. Damascen. lib. 4. de [...]rt hodo [...] [...]d [...]. S. Ciprian, S. Hierome, S. Augustin, S. Ci [...]il, Eusebius, Theodoretus, and S. Ihon Damascen in the places alledged in the margent.

THAT NOT ONLY THE SA­CRIFICE of Melchisedech but also the sacrifices of the old law, were figures of the sacrifice of the masse & are chan­ged into the same, and by the way is decla­red the necessity of sacrifice, as wel for common welth, as for religion. CHAP. XV.

NOw to speake of the sacrifice of Melchisedech I think our aduersaries wil not deny that our saui­our was and is a Priest according to the order of Melchisedech, and that he shalbe so for euer as the Prophet Dauid testifieth of him, saying, tu es sacerdos in eternū secundum ordinem Melchisedech, thou art a Priest for euer according to the order of Melchisedech, the which saynt Paule also she­weth amply in his epistle to the Hebrews; the which being granted, two things do euidently follow thereon.

The first is, that for as much as priesthood and sacrifice ar correlatiues, and cannot be the one without the other; in which respect saynt Paule sayth that a Priest or Bishop is ordeyned vt offer at dona & sacrificiae, to offer gifts and sacrifices, Hebr [...] 5. & [...]. & agayne that our sauiour being a Priest must needs haue some­what to offer, and seing his sacrifice vpon the crosse was offred by him but once, neither can euer be reiterat in that manner, and therfore cannot be that continual sacrifice which must needs correspond to his eternal priesthood, & bee continually offred in his Church, I cōclude that besydes his sacrifice vpon the crosse, he did institut and leaue behind him some other, to be offred dayly, not only for remission of dayly sinnes, but also for a most deuine act of religion wherby all faythful people may dayly do to almighty God the due worship & seruice they owe him, the which kind of worship by publik sacrifice, was not only vsed in the law of Moyses, but also in the law of nature, & is so due to God [Page 45] from man, and proceedeth so [...]rinsecally from the very grounds and principles of nature it selfe, that their can be no perfect religion nor good common welth without it.

For as for religion whereas the special office and end therof is to acknowledge by external acts the seruice and subiection wee owe to our Lord and creator, and the dominion he hath ouer vs, it is manifest that no external act of religion doth so fully and conueniently expresse and signify the same as sacrifice, wherby wee gratefully offer to almighty God his owne creatures, not only rendring him part of his owne gifts, and yeilding him thankes ther­fore, but also destroying them in his honour, to testify as wel that he is souuerayn Lord of lyfe and death, as that we hold our beeing and all wee haue of him, and depend wholy of his wil and prouidence, yea and that we owe our owne lyfe to him in sacrifice and doe as it were redeeme the same with the death or destruction of an other crea­ture; in signification wherof,Euseb. de praep. eua lib. 1. cap. he which in the old law did present to the priest any beast to be sacrifised, did hold him by the head, wheron the priest did also lay his hands, to shew that it was offred as a price pro capite, for the head or lyfe of him, that made the oblation.

Therfore for as much as this kynd of worship is the greatest & most proper testimony we can externaly yeild, of vassellage and seruitude to our creator, it cannot with­out preiudice of his right be cōmunicated to any creature whatsoeuer, in which respect it is caused by the deuynes latria as due to God alone and for that cause not only the deuil (that seeketh to robbe almighty God of his glory) but also such men as haue made themselues to be held for Gods, traue euer affected this kynd of woorship as the hi­ghest and most due to diuinity.Aug. li. eō aduersat. gis. Seeing then sacrifice is most essential to religion, and a most proper and principal act therof, it followeth that there can be no perfect reli­gion without priesthood and sacrifice for which cause [Page] S. Paule speaking of the translation of the law maketh it to depend wholy vpon the translation of the priesthood, saying that the priesthood being translated there must needs be withal, a translation of the law. [...]eb [...]. 7. [...]aniel ca. 3. And Daniel the Prophet describing the religion of the Iewes falne to desolation, sayd; that they had neither sacrifice, oblation nor incence amongst them.

And now to speake a word or two, by the way, of common welth, where as nothing is more natural to man­kynd then the same (to the which all men are by a general instinct of nature so inclyned, that ther was neuer found any people so barbarous but they liued in society) it is to be noted, that it hath neuer ben read nor heard of that any common welth hath ben without sacrifice, whervpon Plutarch sayth, that though a man may happely fynd some cittyes without wals,Plutarch ad­ [...]ers Colorē [...]picureum. without scooles, without learning, without theaters, without money, yet no man euer saw citty without temples wherin sacrifice might be offred to God; And Aristotle speaking of things precisely necessary for common welth, ordeyneth that special care be had of sa­crifice to the Gods. Arist lib. 7. politie. Wherof two reasons may be geuen, the one for that nothing is more truly political, nor tendeth more directly to the establishment of common welth then publik sacrifice, wherby not only a league of frindship and ciuil vnity is made amongst men by the participation & communion of the thing that is sacrifised, but also their passeth, as it were, a couenant betwyxt God and them, wherby they become his particuler people, and he their God and protector, without whose particuler prouidence and protection no common welth can eyther prosper or stand. The other reason is for that sacrifice being as before I haue declared most necessary to religion, is consequently necessary for common welth, wherof the true & natural end is religion, God hauing ordeyned man and all humain things, principally for his owne seruice and therfore the very heathen Philosophers, namely Plato and all his fol­lowers, [Page 46] make the end of common welth to be nothing els but a religious wisdome,Plato. Plotinus. Iamblicus. Aristot. Polit. lib. 7. Ethie. lib. cap. 8. & li [...]. ca. 14. & 1 Aristot. li. politie. Plaro. Plutarc. in vitis Rom nu [...]ae. & Tulli holi [...] Idem in p [...] blem. consisting in the knowledge, [...]oue and seruice of God; and Aristotle placeth it in contempla­tion of deuine things, wherto he also specially requyreth the knowledge, loue, and seruice of God, which is nothing els but religion; in which respect he geueth the cheef pre­eminence and dignity amongst the magistrats to priests, whose special function and office is to offer sacrifice. The which is also confirmed by the custome of all good cōmon welths, as the ancient kingdomes of the AEgyptians, and Romans, wherein the kings themselues were priests, and offred sacrifice; as also the cheefe magistrats amongst the Gretians were wont to do, and in the common welth of the Romans after the suppression of their kings, yea and when they florished most,Valerius li ca. 1. Luci flo [...]us in epito. lib. [...]. Cicero. or [...] tio. pro do­mo [...]. the office of priests was so pre­eminent, that the cheefe bishops commanded and contro­led the consuls, and as Cicero sayth, praefuerunt tum religioni­bus deorum, tum summae reip. that is to say, had the cheefe autho­rity not only in matters concerning religion but also in the common welth.

Seeing then religion is naturally the end of common welth, and sacrifice a most necessary and principal act of religion, it followeth that sacrifice is no lesse natural and essential to common welth then to Religion.

But to leaue the consideration of common welth apart, and to conclude with religion and sacrifice, I say that for as much as they are both most natural to man, and that the woorkes and effects of grace do not ouerthrow, but nobilitate and perfect the good inclinations and woorkes of nature, yt must needs follow that our sauiour by the law of grace, did no more depriue man of publike sacrifice then of religion, but that as he left him a most perfect and deuine Religion, farre excelling that which he had before eyther in the law of nature; or in the law of Moyses, so he left him also a most deuine sacrifice, wherby he might dayly pay the tribute of nature in a farre more excellent manner [Page] then he did in eyther of the former states.

This is no lesse p [...]ainly, then learnedly taught by saynt Clement, S. Peters disciple and successor, who in his book of Apostolical constitutions declaring that our Sauiour did not by the law of grace abrogate the law of nature, nor take away so much as any natural inclination in man, but [...] confirme and perfect the first, and moderate the later, he sheweth withall, what was fulfilled and what was chāged in the law of Moyses, and amongst other things that he sayth were changed, he nameth baptisme priesthood and sacrifice, saying that in steed of dayly baptismes our sauiour ordayned only one, and for bloody sacrifice he instituted rationale in cruentum, & misticum sacrificium quod in mortem do­mini per symbola corporie & sanguinis sui celebratur, Clemen. Apostolica­ [...]um con­ [...]itut. lib. 6. cap. 2. 3. that is to say a reasonable vnbloody & mistical sacrifice, the which is celebrated by the sacraments or signes of his body and blood in representation of his death; Thus fayth saint Clement of the proper sacrifice of the new law, that is to say the masse, as it is euident by his owne words; [...]renaeu [...] li. 4. cap. 34. which saint Ireneus confirmeth, signifying that as there were oblations in the old law, so there are oblations in the new law, and sacrificia in populo, sacrificia in Ec­clesia, sacrifices amongst the people of the Iewes, and sacrifices in the Churche, in so much that he teacheth; that sacrifices were not reiected by mutatiō of the law, but changed: whereto he addeth also this differēce, that [...]acrifice is now offred by vs, not as it was by the Iewes, that is to say as by bond men, but by free men, because our sauiour hath deliuered vs from the bondage of the law, and thus sayth this ancient father of the sacrifice of the holy eucharist or masse, which a litle before he cauleth the new oblation of the new testament applying therto the prophesy of Malachy, as I haue noted in the last chapter.

To this purpose it is also to be noted that the most an­cient and learned fathers do teach that the sacrifices of the old lawe (as wel bloody as vnbloody) were figures of this sacrifice, the which they affirme not only of the H [...]eron. [...] ca. [...]. M [...]lae [...] bread [Page 47] of proposition, and the flowre which was offre [...] for them that were cleansed from leprosy, but also of the sacrifice of the Paschal lambe;Iustin. in dial. and saynt Augustin teacheth expres­sely that all the sacrifices of the old law were no lesse figu­res of this sacrifice of the Churche,Origen in in 26. Mat. Tertul lib 4 contra Mar­cion Cipria. lib. de vnit. ecclesiae An [...] bros. in 1. [...] Luc. then of the sacrifice of of the crosse, [...]aying that singulare sacrifl [...]sum &c. the singuler or most excollēt sacrifice, which spiritual Israel that is to say, the Churche, doth offer euery where according to the order of Melchisedech, was signified by the shadowes of sacrifices wherein the people of the Iewes did serue, Aug lib. 1. contra ad­uersat. leg. & prophet. cap 18. & 19. and agayne in the same place, he sayth that omnia genera priorant sacrificiorum, all kinds of former sacrifices, were shadowes of the sacrifice of the Churche. Whereof the reason may be gathered out of him selfe; to wit because this sacrifice of the Churche is the selfe same, that was offred vpon the crosse, that is to say, our sauiour him selfe, whome all the sacrifices of the old law did properly prefigure;August. de baptismo cō tra Dona­tistas lib. 3. cap. 19. the which reason S. August. seemeth himself to yeild, saying that our sauiour sent those whome he healed of their leprosy to the Priests of the old law to offer sacrifice, because the sacrifice which was to be cele­brated in the Churche, in steede of all the sacrifices of the old law, was not then instituted, and geuing as it were, a further reason therof, he sayth, qi [...]a illis-omnibus ipse praenuns­ciabatur, because he him selfe was fore shewed or signified by them all as though he should say, that for as much as our sauiour who was prefigured by all the sacrifices of the old law, was to bee offred in the sacrifice of the Churche, or new law, therfore the sayd sacrifice of the Churche was also prefigured by all those former sacrifices, & to be offred in steede of them; which other where he teacheth expressely in these woords the table (sayth he) which the priest of the new testament, August. de ciuit. Deilib 17. cap 20. that is to say our sauiour Christ doth exhibit is of his owne body and blood [...] for that is the sacrifice, which succeedeth all the sacrifices of the old law, that were offred in shadow or figure of that which was to come, and a litle after; in steede of all those sacrifices his [...] is offred, and ministred to the comm [...]nants, thus [Page] farre saynt Augustin,Leo. Mag. [...] [...] de passione to whome I wil ad twoo or thre [...] other of the most famous fathers of the churche S. Leo sur­named the great, sayth, now that the varietyes of carnal & fleshly sacrifices d [...] ceasse, thy body aud blood, o Lord, doth supply, for all the differences of hosts and sacrifices in the old law; And S. Chrisostome hauing mentioned particulerly the many and diuers sacrifices of the old law, addeth,Chrisost. ho. in Psal. [...]. all which the grace of the new testament doth comprehend in one sacrifice ordeyning one, & the same a true host; in which woords saynt Chrisostome meaneth the sacrifice of the Eucharist, which he cauleth a litle before the mistical table a pure and vnbloody host, a heauenly & most reuerend sacrifice which also he confirmeth other where saying that Christ did change the sacrifices of the old law, and in steede therof commanded himselfe to be offred, Chrisost. ho. [...]4. iu 10 cap. [...]. ad Cor. in the eucharist. Lastly S. Cyprian speaking of the flesh of our sauiour left to his Churche for a sacrifice,Cyprian. de c [...]na Do­mini. sayth, that it was so to be pre­pared that it might continually be offred, least yf it were consumed (as other flesh is, that is bought in the market and eaten) it could not suffice for all the christian world to serue them for an host or sacrifice of christian religion in so much that he affirmeth that yf it were consumed, it semed ther could be no more religion signifying therby not only the ne­cessary concurrence of religion and sacrifice, whereof I haue spoken before, but also that the sacrifice of the masse is the proper sacrifice of the new testament, and that the eternity of the said testament dependeth vpon the eternity of this sacrifice, which is the first point that (as I vndertook to proue,) doth necessarily follow of the eternal priesthood of Christ according to the order of Melchisedech.

The secōd poynt which I gather of Christs Priest-hood is, that seeing he fulfilled the figures of all the bloody sacri­fices offred by the Priests of the order of Aaron (of which order he himselfe was not) it were absurd to say, that he fulfilled not the special & proper sacrifice of Melchisedech of whose order he was.

[...]. 14.The proper sacrifice of Melchisedech consisted in bread [Page 44] and wyne as it appeareth in genesis; where it is sayd that when Melchisedech went to meete Abraham protulit (or as saynt Cyprian also readeth it) obtulit panē & vinum he brought forth or offred bread and wyne, Ciprian. li. [...] epist. [...]. ad Cecilium. and to shew that reason therof it followeth immediatly, [...]rat cum sa [...]erdot Dei altissimi for he was the Priest of the highest God, wherby it is signified that bread and wyne were the proper obiects wherein he exer­cised his priestly function and the only matter of his sa­crifice.

But for as much as the vnderstanding of this scripture, is much controuersed betwyxt vs and our aduersaries, who deny that Melchisedechs sacrifice consisted of bread and wyne, (which they say he brought forth only to releeue Abraham, and his company, and not to offer to God in sa­crifice) I remit me to the opinion or rather to the vniforme cōsent of the most anciēt & learned fathers of the Churche, who do not only vnderstand this scripture as wee do, but also teach that Christ fulfilled this figure of Malchisedechs sacrifice; at his last super.

Clemens Alexandrinus doth signify that Melchisedech did with some particuler ceremonies consecrat,Clem. Ale [...]. lib. 4. Str [...] ­mat. or dedicat the bread and wyne whiche he gaue to Abraham; for he sayth that he gaue him panem & vinum, sanctificatum nutri­mentu in typum eucha [...]istis, a s [...]ctified or consecrated meate, in figur [...] of the eucharist.

S. Cyprian sayth,Ciprian. [...]a [...] epist. [...]. [...] caeci [...]. we see the Sacrament or mistery of our Lords sacrifice praefigured in the priesthood of Melchisedech as the de [...] scripture testifieth saying, Melchisedech King of Salem brought foorth bread and wyne, for he was the Priest of the highest God, and blessed Abraham, & a litle after, he sayth, that our sauiours order of Priesthood was deriued of Melchisedechs sacrifice, for that our sauiour offred sacrifice to God his Father, and offred the same that Melchisedech offred, to wit bread and wyne, that is to say his body and blood.

S. Augustin speaking of the oblation of Melchisedech when he went to meet Abraham. There appeared first sayth he, [Page] the sacrifice that now is offred to God by Christians throughout the world. Aug. de ci­uit. dei lib. [...]6 ca 22.

Hieron epist. [...]d Marcel [...]a [...]de ad Eua­gri. epist 12 [...]. Hipolitus. Ireneus. Eusebius Caesari. Eu­sebius Emis­sen. Apolli­ [...]arius Eusta­thiusS. Hierome to Marcella sayth thou shalt fynd in genesis Mel­chisedeth King of Salem who euen then offred bread and wyne in fi­gure of Christ, and did dedicate the mistery of Christians consisting in the body and blood of our saviour. Thus sayth S. Hierome who reacheth also the same expressely in his epistle to Euagrius, confirming it with the testimony and autority of Hipolitus the ancient martyr, Ireneus, Eusebius Caesariensis, Euse­bius Emissenus, Apollinarius, and Eustathius Byshops of Antioch.Theodoret. in Psal. 109.

Euseb. li. 5. de demonst. ca. 3. Ambros. li. 5. de sacram. & de ijs qui mister. ini­tian cap. [...]. Hieron. in Matth. cap. 26. & in qu. sup. Genes. Aug. in Psal. [...]3. & lib. 17. de ciuit dei ca. 6. Chris. hom. 35. & 36. in Genes. Primasius. Athanas. Photius Oecumen. super. cap. 5. ad Haebrae. Damascu [...]. lib. 4. de o [...]i [...]. cap. 14 Arnob. & Cassi [...]do in Psalm. 109.Theodoret [...] declareth euidently that Melchisedech brought fourth bread and wyne both to God for sacrifice and also to Abraham, for that he fore saw in Abrahams seede, that is to say in Christ, a true paterne or example of his priesthood, and furder he sayth that Christ fulfilling the figure began to exercise the function of the priesthood of Melchisedech in his last supper, and if I should alleadge all the places of the Fathers that confirme the same I should be too tae­dious, and therfore I [...] those that desyre to see more, to these that follow, vz. Eusebius, S. Ambrose, S. Hierome, S. Aug. S. Chrisostome Primasius, S. Athanasius, Photius Oecumenius, S. Iohn Damascen, Arnobius, and Cassio­dorus, and to the most of those that haue written vpon the 109 Psalme.

THAT OVR SAVIOVR Christ instituted and offred at his last super the sacri­fice of his blessed body, and blood, proued by his owne woords, & by the expositions of the Fathers, with a de­claration how he is sacrificed in the masse, and lastly that he gave commission and power to his disciples, to offer his body and blood in sacrifice, that is to say, to say masse. CHAP. XVI.

IT appeareth by the premisses that the sacrifice of the Churche that is to say the masse was prophesied and foretold by the Prophet Malachias, and prefigured not only by the sacrifice of Melchisedech cōsisting in bread and wyne, but also by all the sacrifices of the old law, yea & that our sauiour at his last super did exercise his Priestly function according to the order of Melchisedech in insti­tuting and offering the same when he sacrifised his blessed body and blood in formes of bread and wyne, which I wil confirme in this chapter by the words of our sauiour him­selfe which he vsed in the institution and oblation therof, saying; this is my body which is geuen for you, and this is my blood which is or shalbe shed for you, &c. Luc. 22. Matth. 26.

Wherein it is to be noted, that not only the liturgies of the Apostles and of saynt Basil, saynt Chrisostome,Liturgia [...]a cobi. Clem lib 8. const cap 17. & saynt Ambrose (which last is stil vsed in Milan euer since S. Am­brose his tyme) but also saynt Paule,Liturgiae Basilij Chrisost. & Ambros. and all the 3. euange­lists that report the words of our sauiour, doe as wel in the Greeke text, as in the Siriac & Caldie, speak all in the pre­sent tēse, saying datur, frāgitur traditur, fūditur pro v [...]bis & in re­missionē peccatorū, 1. Cor. 11 Matth. 26. that is to say, is geuē, broken, deliuered, & shed, for you, and for the remission of sinnes, Mar. 14. Luc. 2 [...] signifiing that the same was then presently doone in that vnbloody sacrifice, & not that it should be dōne only afterwards in the sacrifice vpon the crosse, though if wee haue also respect therto, yea and [Page] to the sacrifice of the masse dayly to be offred in the Churche, it might truly be spoken in the future tense as our Latin translation of saynt Luke hath of the chalice effundetur it shalbe shed, though before speaking of the body it hath datur, it is geuen, where it is also further to be noted, that in the Greeke text of saynt Luke,Luc. 22. this woord effunditur or or rather effusum est, is shed, hath playne relation to the blood in the chalice, and not to the blood that was to be shed on the crosse for that the woord [...] which si­nifieth effusum is spoken of [...] that is to say the cup, & therfore the text is [...] that is to say, this is the cup, the new testament in my blood which cup is shed for you, wherby the figure of metonomia, the cup is vsed for the blood in the cup, wherto S. Augustin alludeth speaking of the effusion of our sauiours blood vpon the altar; the body of our Lord saith he is offred vpon the altar, and therefore the innocents that were killed do woorthely demand reuenge of their blood vnder the altar, vbi sanguis Christi effunditur pro peccatoribus, where the blood of Christ is shed for sinners. Aug. serm. 4. de innocent.

1. Cor. 11.The lyke may also be noted of our sauiours woords concerning his body, as S. Paule reporteth them in the Greek; in which tongue he wrote, where, in steede of this is my body which shalbe geuen for you (as we haue it in the Latin) we read this is my body [...] which is broken for you, Chrisost. hom. 1. Cor. 11. which saynt Chrisostome expounding of our sauiours body in the Sacrament sayth, he is broken for all a lyke, and is made a body for all a lyke; and furder declareth playnly in an other place,Idem hom. in 1 Cor. 10 that this cannot be vnderstood of his body on the crosse; for expounding these woords of S. Paule in the chapter before [...] vz. panis quem f [...]anginius, the bread which wee break [...], he sayth: this wee may see fulfilled in the eucharist, & not on the crosse, but the contrary, for it was said, a bone of him shal not bee broken, but that which he suffred not vpon the crosse, he suffreth for thee in the oblation, and is content to be broken that he may fil all men. Thus farre saynt Chrisostome who is not so grosly [Page 50] to be vnderstood, as though he should meane that our saui­ours bones which were not broken on the crosse, are broken in the eucharist, with the hurt and greefe of his person, but that his exceeding bounty towards man is such, that he is content, not only to take vpon him a sacramental forme of bread, but also to be handled, broken, and eaten to the end he may be distributed & made meate to feede and fil all men, yet so neuertheles that though it may be said as S. Chrisostome sayth, that he suffreth fraction or breaking in the Sacrament when it is broken (by reason of his real & true presence therein) yet he suffreth it without hurt or diuision of his person, by reason of his impassibilitie and omnipotency, being whole & perfect in euery part therof though it be deuided and broken into neuer so many.

This is the meaning of this learned Father, who no­tably confirmeth therby our doctrin, not only concerning the verity of Christs body in the sacrament, but also con­cerning our sauiours sacrifice therof at his last super, seeing his exposition of our sauiours woords admitteth no rela­tion to his sacrifice vpon the crosse, whervpon it followeth that his body, which as he sayd him selfe was geuen & broken for his Disciples, and his blood which he sayd was shed for many, aud for remission of sinnes, was then presently geuen and shed by him, that is to say offred by him in sacrifice.

This is notably confirmed by an other circumstance that is to be considered in the woords of our Sauiour con­cerning the promulgatiō of his new law or manifestation of his new testament in the institution of the Sacrament of the Eucharist, for as the old testament was dedicated by the blood of a sacrifice, not to come but then offred to God when it was promulgat (with the which blood Moyses sprinkled the people,Exod. 24. saying this is the blood of the testament that God hath sent vnto you) so the new Testament was also dedicated by the blood of a sacrifice,Hebrae. [...]. not to be offred only after-wards vpon the crosse but then also presently offred by our sauiour, who therefore alluded euidently to the de­dication [Page] of the old law,Math. 26. and to the very woords of Moyses, saying this is my blood of the new Testament; sanctifying his Churche farre more inwardly and effectually with the blood of his owne sacrifised body; when he gaue it to his Apostoles to drink, then Moyses sanctified the people of the Iewes when he sprinkled them exteriorly with the blood of a sacrificed beast, and therfore saynt Ireneus calleth the Sacrament of the Eucharist nouam oblationem noui Testamenti [...] the new oblation of the new Testament, [...]reneus li. [...]p 32. and S. Augustin cau­leth it Sacrificium noui Testamenti, the sacrifice of the new Te­stament, [...]ug contra [...]ustum lib. [...]. cap. 21. and in an other place defyneth it to be a ryte or ceremony commanded by almighty God in the manifestation of the new Testament, pertayning to the wourship which is due to God alone and called latria, quo sibi sacrificari precepit, with which ryte or ceremony he commanded sacrifice to be donne to him self, [...]ug. epist. ad [...]onorat. and S. Chrisostome expounding these woords of our sauiour in saynt Paul. Hic calix nouum Testamentum est in san­guine meo, this cup is the new Testament in my blood, Chrisost. [...]om. 27. in [...] Cor. 11. compareth euidently the cup of the old Testament with the cup of the new, blood with blood, and sacrifice with sacrifice, saying the cup of the old Testament was certayne licors, and the blood of brute beasts, for after they had sacrificed in the old law, they took the blood in a cup and offred it, and therfore because Christ in steede of the blood of brute beasts introduced or brought in his owne blood, hee renewed the memory of the old sacrifice, &c.

Thus far S. Chrisostome of the woords of our sauiour; and then prosecuting the interpretatiō of S. Pauls discours therevpon, he addeth that Saynt Paule represented to the Corinthians our sauiours actiō at his super to the end they might be so affected, as though they where sitting at the same table with him & ab ipso Christ [...] ac [...]pientes hoe sacrifi­cium, and as though they receiued this sacrifice of Christ himselfe, de­claring euidently that the sacrifice where with our sauiour did dedicat his testament according to the figure in the old law, was not only offred one the crosse but also at his super; whereof the reason is euident; for at his supper he was a [Page 51] publik person, a maister of a family, free and at his owne liberty to make and publish his lawes, to assemble his friends, and witnesses of his wil, and those whome he meant to make his heyres, his vicars, and substituts; all which he did;Haebr. 9. whereas vpon the crosse, he represented no publik person, no maister of a family, no law maker, nor so much as a free man, but seemed the most abiect and mise­rable man in the world, forsaken of all men, and therefore S. Paule teacheth not that he did make, institut or publish his Testament vpon the crosse, but that he confirmed it there by his death, and that from thens forward it tooke effect, as men ar wont before they dye to make their Te­staments, which when they are dead beginne to be of force.

And for the furder explication of this question it is to bee considered, that although the sacrifice of the Crosse was a most absolute and perfect cōsummation of all sacri­fices whatsoeuer, and a ful redemption and satisfaction for the sinnes of the world, yet neuerthelesse it cannot be sayd properly to haue distinguished the old testament from the new, for that it was as I may tearme it, a certayne com­mon and transcendent good; indifferent to both states and testaments, whereto all sacrifices as wel of the law of na­ture and the law of Moyses, had a relation, as now also the sacrifice of the Churche hath in the law of grace, yet with this difference, as S. Augustin noteth,Aug lib. 20. contra faust [...] ca. 21 & de fide ad Pe­trum cap. 19. that the sacrifice of the crosse was prefigured and promised to come by the many and sundry sacrifices of the old law, and now is re­presented as past, by our one and only sacrifice of the new law; which sacrifice, though it be the same that our sauiour offred at his last supper, yet it hath a different respect to the sacrifice of the crosse, for that ours representeth the same as already past, and our sauiours sacrifice in his last supper, going before the other vpon the crosse, did not only repre­sent the same to come, but also was as it were a preamble thereto, where in as venerable Bede our cuntryman sayth, [Page] he began by passion,Bede. Rupert lib. 2. [...]n Exodum. for that, as Rupertus affirmeth, in an­gustia passionis agonizans, being already in the Agony and anguish of his passion, he offred himselfe with his owne hands to God his fa­ther, and as Isichius testifieth,Isichius in Leuit. cap. 4. preuenting his enemies, first sacri­fised himselfe in his mististical supper, and after on the Crosse, wher­of S. Leo also sayth,Leo sermo. 7. de passione. that he preuented his death by a volun­tary oblation of himselfe in the Sacrament, and S. Grego­rius Nissenus explicating this matter diuinly,Greg. Nissen. ora [...]. 4 de re­surrectione. sayth thus: Remember sayth he the woords of our Lord to wit, no man shal take my lyfe from me, but I my selfe will geue it, &c. For he which doth geue al things of his owne power and authority doth not expect neces­sity by treason, nor the violent fury of the Iewes, nor the vniust iudge­ment of Pilat, that their wickednes, & malice shuld be the beginning of our saluation, but by a secret & ineffable manner of sacrifice, he doth preoccupat or preuent the violence of men by his owne disposition offring himselfe an oblation or sacrifice for vs; being both the priest & the lambe which taketh away the sinnes of the world. But per­haps thou wilt say vnto me when chanced this? euen then when he gaue to his familiar friends his body to be eaten, & his blood to be dronke; for a man cannot eat the sheep, but the slaughter must go before, Therefore when he gaue his body to his disciples to be eaten he did playnly demonstrat and shew, that the lamb was already immo­lated & sacrificed for the body of the host whyles it is liuing is not fit to be eaten. Thus farre this famous Graecian, brother to saynt Basil, whose doctrin cōcerning the sacrifice of our sauiours body before it be eaten, is most consonant to our sauiours owne woords, not only when he instituted the holy eu­charist (whereof I haue spoken already) but also before, when he promised it, for that whē soeuer he spoke therof, he represented the same to the vnderstanding of the hea­rers, as a body sacrificed & dead, not speaking of his whole person, or of himselfe as liuing, but of his flesh, of his body, of his blood,Ioan 6. as, my flesh is truly meate, and my blood is truly drink, and the bread which. I will geue is my flesh, this is my body, this is my blood, Matth. or if he spoke of himselfe, or of his person, it was with an addition to shew that he was to be eaten, as when he [Page 42] sayd he which eateth me liueth for me, Ioan 6. which kynd of speech made some of his disciples forsake him, say [...]ng it was durus sermo, ae hard speeche, conceauing therby that they were to eate him dead, as other flesh bought in the shambles, wheras he spoke in that manner to signify that he shuld be sacrifi­ced before he should be eatē, and therefore he euer spoke of himselfe, as already killed and dead, for that no creature whyles he is liuing, is in case to be eaten,Greg. Nissen orat. 1. de re­surrect. as S. Gregory Nissen doth note very wel, in the place before alledged, in which respect Paschasius also sayth,Paschas li. d [...] corpore & langui Do­mini cap. 1 [...]. that our Lord is killed to the end wee may eate him, and Isichius; that Christ killed himselfe when he supped with his disciples, not because he is truly killed,Isichi. lib. 2. in leuit. ca. [...] or doth truly dy; but because he dyeth mistically, that is to say, for that his death is mistically and truly represen­ted, by the separation of his blood from his body vnder se­ueral and dyuers formes of bread and wyne; for although by reason of his immortality, and impassibilytie he cannot dy, neyther yet be so deuided, but that he remayneth whole vnder both kynds, yet; for as much as the forme of wyne rather representeth his blood, then his body, and the forme of bread, rather his body, thē his blood (according to the very woords of our sauiour, saying of the one kynd, this is my body, and of the other, this is my blood) it followeth I say, that by reason of this separation, wrought by the force of the woordes of consecration he is exhibited in the Sacra­ment as dead, and so dyeth in mistery, as wel to represent his death vpon the crosse, as also to offer himselfe in sacri­fice to his father, for the which it is not of necessity that he truly and realy dy, but it suffiseth that he dy in some sort, that is to say mistically, for although all liuing creatures that are sacrificed are offred to God with the losse of their lyues, and so are made true sacrifices, yet in such other creatures, as are not subiect to death, it suffi­ceth that they be offred to almighty God, and receiue with­all some notable mutation, or change, to make the action to be sacrifical, and different from a simple oblation, for [Page] when any thing is offred to God, and remayneth stil in his owne kynd, forme, and nature, it is called an oblation, & so the first fruits, the tythes, the first begotten, or borne, of liuing creatures, yea and religious persons, as leuits, and others in the old law were only offred to God, for that they were no way changed, wheras al things sacrifysed were eyther wholy destroyed or consumed by swoord, or fyre, or els at least receiued by the actiō of the priest, some notable mutation.

Therfore seeing our sauiour being now eternal, immor­tal, and impassible is not subiect to death, nor to any de­struction or mutation by losse of his lyfe, it sufficeth to make him a true sacrifice that he be offred to God with such mutation or change, as may stand with his present state, and condition; as wee see he is offred in this sacrifice, wherein, the selfe same body that was borne of the blessed virgin Mary, and is now in heauen glorified with the pro­per forme and lineaments of a natural body, is by the om­nipotency of our sauiours woords pronounced by the priest, represented vpon the altar as dead, and in formes of bread and wyne, his body to be handled, broken, eaten, and his blood to be dronke, or shed, as the body or blood of any other liuing creature that is killed in sacrifice, wherby he is also in some sort cōsumed, for that his body being ea­ten and his blood dronke he looseth the forme, and pecu­liar māner of beeing that he hath in the sacrament; which beeing deuynes caul Sacramental: in respect of all which admirable mutations,Aug. in prae­far. Psalm. 33. [...] lib. Regum cap. 21. S. Augustin doth notably and truly apply to our sauiour in this sacrifice the history of King Dauid, when he changed his countenance (as the scripture sayth) before Abimelech or king Achis (for they are both one) which he sayth, was verifyed in our sauiour Christ, when he changed his countenance in the priesthood, and sacrifice of Melchisedech geuing his body and blood to be eaten and dronk.

There was, sayth he, a sacrifice of the Iewes in beasts, according [Page 53] to the order of Aaron, and that in mistery, and there was not then the sacrifice of the body and blood of our Lord, which the faythful know, and is dispersed throughout the world, and a litle after shewing how Melchisedech brought forth bread and wyne when he blessed Abraham, he teacheth that it was a figure of this sacrifice, & then prosecuting the history how Dauid being taken for a mad man, went from Abimelech (which signi­fieth regnum Patris, that is to say, as he expoundeth it, the people of the Iewes,) he applyeth also the same to our Sa­uiour, saying that whē he told the Iewes that his flesh was meat, & his blood drinke, they took him for a mad man, and abandoned him, wherevpon he also forsook them, & changing his countenance in the sacrifice of Melchisedech, (that is to say, leauing all the sacrifices of the order of Aarō, and as it were disguysing him-selfe vnder the formes of bread and wyne, which was the sacrifice of Melchisedech) he passed from the Iewes to the Gentils.

This is the effect of S. Augustinus discours in that place concerning the mutation or change incident to our Saui­ours person in the sacrament of the Eucharist, and requisit to the sacrifice whereof I treat, wherby it hath the nature of a true sacrifice, as I haue declared before, which being considered, with the circumstances of our sauiours owne woords, as wel in the promise as in the institution thereof, all signifying that his flesh, his body, aud his blood was to be eaten & dronk, as of a creature killed in sacrifice, yea & that the same was then presently geuen or offred by him to his Father for his disciples (who represented the whole Churche) and for remission of sinnes; besyds his manifest allusion to the promulgation of the old Testament, dedi­cated with the blood of a present sacrifice, and lastly the consent of the learned Fathers of the Churche confirming our Gatholyke doctrin in this behalfe, no reasonable man can dout but that our Sauiour at his last super did ordeyn the Sacrament of the Eucharist to serue vs not only for a food and spiritual meate, but also for a sacrifice offring the [Page] fame him-selfe first to his Father, and then geuing com­missiō and power to his Disciples to do that which he did, to wit to offer and sacrifice the same, [...]e [...]2. Cor. 11. saying hoc facite in n [...]eam commemorationē, that is to say, do, make, or sacrifice this in remem­brance of me, for this woord facite as wel in the Syriac He­brew and Greek as in the Laryn, signifieth to sacrifice, no lesse then to do or make as in Leuiticus,Leuit. 15. faciet vnum pro pec­cate, he shal sacrifice one (of the turtle doues) for remissiō of sinne, and in the book of Kings, faciam bovem alterum, I wil sacrifice the other oxe, Reg. 15. [...]euit 9 14. [...]. 24. n. 6.8. [...]. 28 3. Reg. [...]ezechi. 46. [...]seae. 2. & the lyke may be seene in diuers other places of the holy scriptures, where the Hebrew & Greek woord which doth properly signify facere must needs be vnder­stood to do sacrifice, in which sence fac [...]re is also vsed amongst the Latins, [...]irgil. in Pa­ [...]mone [...]clo. 3. as cum faciam vttulapro frugthus, &c. when I shal sacrifice a calfe for my corne, &c, also in Plautus, faciam tib [...] fideliam mulsiplenam, I wil sacrifice vnto the a po [...]ful of sweete wyne, and agayne in Cicero. Iunoni omnes consules facere necesse est, all the consuls must needs sacrifice, to Iune. [...]iaut. in assi­ [...]aria Cicero. [...]ro Murena But howsoeuer it is, it litle importeth for the matter in questiō whether faecere do pro­perly signify to sacrifice or no seing it is euident that all the doctors of the Churche do vnderstād that Christ cōmaun­ding his Apostles to do that which he did, commaunded them to sacrifice, [...]ioays ce­ [...]esialticae dierarch c. 5. S. Denis who was conuerted by S. Paul at Athens; declaring the practise of the Churche in his tyme, fayth that the Bishop in the tyme of the holy mysteries, ex­cuseth himself to almighty God, for that he is so bold to sacrifice the host that geueth health or saluation, aleadging for his excuse our Sauiours commandment to wit, hoc fa­cite, do this in my remembrance.

Clemens lib. [...]. consticutio cap. 10.S. Clement in his Apostolical constitutions speaking to Priests in the name of the Apostles, fayth, suscitato Domino offerte saecrificium vestrum de quo vobis praecepit per nos, hae facite in meam commemorationem, on easter day, when, our Lord is risen, offer your sacrifice, as he commaunded yow by vs, saying, do this in my re­membrance.

Martialis who also conuersed with the Apostles, sayth [Page 54] that the Christians offred the body and blood of our Sa­uiour Iesus Christ to lyfe euerlasting,Martial. [...] Burdegal because he commaunded them to do it in remembrance of him.

Iustin the Philosopher,Iustin. i [...] dialog. cu Tripho. and Martyr within 140. yeares after Christ sayth, that God, who receiueth sacrifice at the hands of none but of Priests, did foretel by his Prophet, that those sacrifices should be grateful to him which Iesus Christ commaunded to be offred in the Eucharist.

S. Cyprian sayth;Cyprian. epist. 63. a Caecilium our Lord and God Iesus Christe, is the cheefe Priest, and offred first sacrifice to God the Father and commaunded that the same should be donne in his remembrance S. Chrysostome teaching that the sacrifice which is dayly offred in the Churche,Chris he 17. in epis Hebrae. ys alwayes one and the self same sacrifice, be it offred neuer so oft, addeth,Aug. lib. contra fa cap. 23. A [...] bros. in c epist. ad brae. Prim fius in ca ad Hebra Isidor lib. vocatio [...] tium. cap. Hayme in [...]. epist. a [...] Hebea. that which we do, is donne in remēbrance of that which was donne by our Sauiour, far he sayd, do this in remembrance of me. I omit for breuityes sake, S. Augustin, S. Ambrose, Primasius Bishop of vtica, S. Isidore, Haymo and diuers others that testify in lyke manner, that our Sa­uiour, saying to his Apostles do this, gaue them cōmission and power to sacrifice, and thus much for the institution of the masse by our Sauiour.

THAT THE APOSTLES practysed the commission geuen them by our Sauiours sacrificing or saying Masse them-selues, and leauing the vse and practyse therof vnto the Churche, and that the ancient Fathers not only in King Lucius tyme, but also for the first 500. yeares after Christ, teach it to be a true sacrifice, and propitiatory for the liuing and for the dead. CHAP. XVII.

NOW then to speake breefly of the practyse of the Apostles, and of Gods Churche euer since, It being manifest by that which I haue sayd already, that our Sauiour himselfe did not only institute & offer the sacrifice of his body, and blood at his last super, but also gaue commission and power to his disciples to do that, which he did, it cannot be douted, but that they exe­cuted this power and commission, and did not only conse­crate and make the body of our sauiour, as he did, but also sacrificed the same.

Therefore whereas we read in the Acts of the Apostles that they vsed to assemble themselues together ad fran­gendum panem, to break bread, Actor. 30. it is doutles to be vnderstood, that they offred this sacrifice informe of bread, according to the commission & cōmaundmēt of our Sauiour, & that the same was the publike ministery wherein the scripture sayth they were occupied, when they were commanded by the holy ghost to segregat Paul and Barnabas,Actor. 13. whereof it is sayd, ministrātibus illis Domino & ieiunantibus, &c. whyles they were ministring to our Lord and fasting &c. which being in the Greeke [...] doth signify the mi­nistery of sacrifice, in which sence [...], and [...] are taken in the scripture when they are vsed ab­solutely, and spoken of any publyke and holy ministery [Page 55] wherof wee haue examples as wel in the epistieto the He­brewes in dyuers places,Epist. ad h brae. 8.9.10. as also in the gospel of S. Luke, author of the Acts of the Apostles, who speaking of Za­charias the priest, and of his ministery or office, which was to offer sacrifice calleth it [...] and therfore Erasinus (of whose iudgement in lyke cases our aduersaries are wont to make no sma [...]e account) had great reason to translate the foresayd woords [...], &c. sacrifican [...]bus illu Domino, &c. as they were sacrifycing to our Lord, &c. and so cōmon was this sence & vnderstanding of [...] for sa­crifice that the grecians haue no other proper woord for the sacrifice of the Masse.

Furdermore that the ministery of the Apostles in brea­king bread,1. Cor. 10. was a sacrifice, it appeareth euidetly by S. Paule, who to withdraw the Corinthians from sacrificing to Idols, did represent vnto them the sacrifice which he and the Apostles did vse to offer in the breaking of bread, ma­king a playne antithesis betwyxt the one sacrifice and the other, and comparing the bread which they brake as wel with the lawful sacrifices of the Iewes, as also with the vn­lawful sacrifices of the gentils. Of the first he sayth. Behold Israel according to the flesh are not those which eate of the sacrifices partakers of the Altar? 1. Cor. 10. and agayne speaking of the other, flie, sayth he, from the woorship, that is to say, the sacrifices of Idols, and yeilding a reason, thereof, the cup, sayth he, which wee blesse, is it not a communication of the blood of our Lord; & the bread which wee breake, is it not a participation of our Lords body, and after more playnly; those things which the gentils do sacri­fice, they sacrifice to deuils, and not to God, I wold not haue yow to be partakers with deuils, yow cannot drinke the cup of our Lord, and the cup of deuils, yow can not be partakers of the table of our Lord, and the table of deuils, &c. Thus farre the Apostle who as yow see euidently compareth or rather opposeth cup to cup, table to table, Altar to Altar, sacrifice to sacrifice, and ther­fore saynt Ambrose vnderstandeth in this place the table of our Lord to be the Altar, faying,Ambros in 1. ad. cor. 1. he which is partaker of the table [Page] of Deuils, mensae Domini id est altari obstrepit, doth oppose himselfe against the table of our Lord, that is to say the Altar, and saynt [...]ilary expoundeth it to be mensam sacrifictorum the table of sacrifices. [...]ilar. in psal. [...]. Also S. Chrisostome vpon these woords Calix be­uedictionis the cup of blessing, and the rest that followeth in the text, sayth in the person of Christ,Chrisost ho. 24 in 10. cap. 2. epist. ad Cor. if thou desyre blood, sayth be, do not sprinkle the Altar of Idols with the blood of brute beasts, but my altar with my blood, S. Augustin in lyke sort interpreteth this place of the sacrifice of the Churche, saying that S. Paul teacheth the Corinthians,Aug. lib. con­tra aduers. Leg. & Pro­phet. ad qoud sacrificū debeant pertimere, to what sacrifice they ought to belong, and Haymo, who wrote about 800. yeres agoe, sayth that calix benedictionis, the cup of blessing, which S. Paule speaketh of,Maymo in epist. ad Corinth. is that cup which is bles­sed a sacerdo [...]ibus in Altars, of priests in the Altar, so that if wee consider the circumstances of S. Paules woords with the interpretation of these learned Fathers, it can not be de­nyed, but that he and the other Apostles in the ceremony of breaking bread, did not only administer the Sacrament of the eucharist to the people (as our aduersaries would haue it) but also offer sacrifice. Which may sufficiently be cōfir­med, as wel by the liturgy or masse of S. Iames the Apostle, yet extant, agreeing with ours for as much as concerneth the substance of the sacrifice, as also by a constitution of the Apostles mentioned by S. Clement, saynt Peters disciple; wherein;Clem. lib 2. constit. ca 63. they decreed, that nothing should be offred super Altare, vpon the Altar, more then our Lord had commaunded: and speaking furder in the same decree of the sunday he signifyeth that they exercysed that day, 3. seueral acts of religion, that is to say euangelij praedictionem [...] oblationem sacri­ficij, & sacricibs dispensationem; the preaching of the gospel, oblation of sacrifice, and the distribution of the holy meate, that is to say the holy eucharist; wherby it is euident that the publyke mi­nistery of the Apostles, consisted not only in preaching and ministring the Sacrament of the eucharist, but also in obla­tion of sacrifice; here to I may ad the testimony of saynt Andrew the Apostle. Who being vrged by Egeas the pro­consul [Page 56] to sacrifice to the fals God,Epist. [...] [...]is [...]ae Achai. answered that he sacrifi­ced dayly and distributed to the people, the flesh of the immaculat lambe, as witnesseth the Epistle of the churches of Achaia declaring the story of his passion; besyds that Epiphanius a most auncient Father of the Churche doth testify that all the Apostles did sacrifice,Epiphanius h [...] res. 79. who writing against the sect of heretykes called Colliridians and reprehending them woorthely for hauing certayne women priests that offred sacrifice to our lady (which could not be offred to any but to God alone) sayth, it was neuer heard of since the world beganne that any woman did sacrifice, neither our first mother Eua, nor any of the holy women in the old Te­stament, no nor the virgin Mary her selfe, nor the 4. daugh­ters of Philip the deacon though they were prophetesses, and then, hauing named Zacharias father to saynt Iohn for one that offred sacrifice in the old law, he addeth, that all the 12. Apostles (whome he nameth particulerly) did sa­crifice; whereof it were a sufficient argument, though there were no other, that those Fathers who partly liued with them and receiued of them the Christian fayth, and partly succeeded them immediatly, do signify not only the vse of the sacrifice in the Churche in theyr tyme, but also their constant and most reuerend opinion thereof, as it may appeare sufficiently by that which I haue already aleadged out of S. Clement, S. Denis, S. Martial, S. Iustin, and S. Ireneus,Clemes. li. [...]. constit. c. 20. Dionisius Ec­clesiae Hie­carch cap. 3. Martial. epist. ad Bur­degal. Iustin. Dial. cum Trioho. Ireneus. li 4. aduers haeres. ca. 32. &c 3 [...]. all which do vniformely teach that Christ deliuered this sacrifice to his Apostles, and the last of them to wit S. Ireneus scholer to S. Policarp who was scholer to S. Iohn the Euangelist, sayth, that the Churche receining it of the Apostels did offer it throughout the world, in his tyme, which as I haue sayd before was in the tyme of K. Lucius and therfore I shal not neede to enlarge my selfe furder in this matter to produce the testimonies of the later fathers part­ly because I haue already accomplished my principal inten­tion in this treatyse, which is to proue that king Lucius could receaue from the Churche of Rome, no other but [Page] our Gatholyke Roman fayth as wel in this poynt of the sacrifice of the Masse as in all other which wee professe, and partly because in handling and explicating the prophe­cies, and figures of the old testament, and the actions and woords of our Sauiour, and of his Apostles concerning the institution vse and practyse of this sacrifice, I haue already aleadged so many playne and euident testimonies of the fathers, that it is needles to aleadge any more. Seeing it is most manyfest therby that all those of the first 500. yeares both taught our doctrin in this poynt, and vnderstood the scriptures concerning the same as wee doe, and that they speake not of this sacrifice (as our aduersaries wil needs vnderstand them) as of an improper sacrifice, but in such sort, that they euidently shew their opinions, of the pro­priety, verity, and excellent dignity therof: and therfore in S. Denis scholer to S. Paule; it is called; [...], which Budaeus translateth sacrificium sacrificiorum, the sacrifice of sa­crifices. In S. Cyprian,Cyprian epist lib. 2. epist. 3. vel epist. 63 ad Caecil. verum & plenum sacrificium, a tiue and ful sacrifice, which he sayth, the priest doth offer in the person of Christ to God the Father. In S. Chrisostome,Chrisost. ho. [...]o. ad popul. & ho. in psal 95. sacrificium tremendum & horror is plenum caleste summéque venerandum sacrificium, a dreadful sacrifice & ful of horror, a heauenly & most reuerend sacrifice. In S. Augustin,Aug. lib. 10. de ciuit. cap. 20. & iib. de spiritum & liters ca. 11. singulare summum & verissimum sacrificium, cui omnia falsa sacrificia cesserunt, the singuler, and the most highest, and most true sacrifice, wherto all the salse sacrifices of the gentils haue geuen place. In Eusebius, sacrificium Deo plenum, a sacrifice ful of God. In S. Iohn Damascen tremendum, vitale sacrificium, a dreadful sacrifice and geuing lyfe. In Theodoretus, sacrificationem agni deminies, the sacrificing of the lambe of God, and in the first general councel of Nice held by aboue 300. Fathers,In [...]omo cōcil lib. 3. de constir. Ni­caen. conc. constit 6. situm in sacra mensa agnum illum Dei tollentem peccata mundi, incruente a sacerdotibus in molatum, the lambe of God placed vpon the holy table, the which lambe taketh away the sumes of the world, and is vn­bloodily sacrificed by the priests, wherto may iustly be added the doctrin of all the Fathers, that this sacrifice is propi­tiatory for the liuing, and for the dead, grounded no dout [Page 57] vpon the woords of our sauiour himselfe in his first insti­tution, and oblation therof, when he said to his Apostles representing the whole Church this is my body which is geuen pro vobis for you, that is to say, for remission of your sinnes and more playnly, in oblation of the cup, this is my blood which is shed pro vobis, Matth ca. or as saynt Math. sayth pro multis in remissionē peccatorum, for you & for many to the remission of sinnes for this cause saynt Iames the Apostle in his liturgy saith offermius [...]bi wee offer to thee o Lord the vnbloody sacrifice for our sinnes, and the ignorance of the people, Martial ad Burdegale and saynt Martial the most ancient martyr who as I haue sayd liued with the Apostles, affir­meth that by the remedy of this sacrifice lyfe is to be geuen vs, & death to be eschewed,Dionis. lib Ecclesiast Hierar. ca [...] S. Athanas allegat. a [...] malce [...]o­serm. pro­functis. and S. Denis a foresaid cauleth it salutarem bostiam, the host or sacrifice that geueth health or salua­tion, S. Athanasius sayth that the oblation of the vnbloody host is propitiatio, a propitiation or remission of sinnes. Origin cauleth it the only commemoration which makes God mercyful to men. Origen ho 13. in Leui Cyprian d coem. Dom

S. Cyprian termeth it medicamentum & holocaustum ad sa­nandas infirmitates, & purgandas iniquitates, a medicin & burnt sa­crifice for the healing of infirmityes and the purging of sinnes.

S. Ambrose speaking of the Eucharist sayth that Christ offreth him selfe therin quasi sacerdos, vt peccata nostra dimittat, Ambros. li de offic. c 41 as a priest that he may forgeue our sinnes.

S. Augustin considering that all the sacrifices of the old law were figures of this sacrifice,August. i [...] Leuit qu. (as he often affirmeth,) & that amongst infinit others, there were some that were called hostiae pro peccato, sacrifices for remission of sinne. By the sacrifices saith he, that were offred for sinnes, this one of ours, is signified wherein is true remission of sinne, Iacobus in sua liturg. and to ad somewhat more hereto concerning the custome of Gods Churche to offer this sacrifice also as propitiatory for the dead S. Iames the Apostle in his liturgy prayeth to almighty God that the sacrifice may be acceptable vnto him for remission of the peoples sinnes and for the repose of the soules of the dead,Clement. const. Ap [...] lib, 6. also saynt Clement reacheth for a constitution of the [Page] Apostles to offer the holy Eucharist in Churches, [...]tis. hom. [...] epist. ad lip. Item [...] 41 in st. 1. ad rinth. [...]m hom. ad [...] popul [...]tioch [...]eg nissen [...]egatus a [...]n Damas­ [...]o in oca­ [...]ne pro de­ [...]ctis. and Churchyards for the dead. S. Chrisostome also often affir­meth it for a decree of the Apostles to offer sacrifice for the dead, saying; it was not rashly decreed by the Apostles that in the most dreadful mysteries there should be commemoration made of the dead, for when the people, & clergy stand with their hands listed vp to heauen, & the reuerend sacrifice set vpon the Altar, how is it possible that praying for them, wee should not pacify the wrath of God to­wards them. S. Gregory Nissen in lyke manner proueth the vtility and profit therof, by the authority of the Disciples of Christ that taught & deliuered the custome to the Churche as witneseth saynt Iohn Damascen, [...]n. Damas­ [...]o in ora­ [...]ne pro de­ [...]ctis. who affirming it to be an Apostical tradition, confirmeth the same with the testi­monies of S. Athanasius, and saynt Gregory Nissen.

Tertulli li. de [...]stita.Tertullian often maketh mention of oblations offred for the dead yerely in their anniuersaries, aleadging it amongst dyuers other for an ancient custome, [...]em lib. de [...]onogam. li. [...]e corona [...]ilitis. and vn­written tradition of the Churche.

Cypri. epist. [...].S. Cyprian also mentioneth a constitution made before his tyme that for such as make Priests their executors or tutors to their Children, no oblation or sacrifice should be offred after their death, which statute he ordayned should be executed vpon one called victor that had offended against the same.

Sateth. 5. [...]mistago.S. Cyril Byshop of Hierusalem, hauing spoken of other parts of the sacrifice of the masse, sayth; then wee pray for all those that are dead, beleeuing that their soules, for whome the prayer of the dreadful sacrifice is offred receiue very great help therby.

Aug. de ver­ [...]is Aposto­ [...]is serm. 32. [...]etlec [...]dum [...]lios 34.S. Augustin sayth that according to the tradition of the ancient fathers the whole Church vseth to pray, and offer the sacrifice of the blessed body and blood of Christ for those that are dead, and that it is not to be douted but that they are helped thereby,Cap. 12. and in his book of confessions he signifieth, that the sacrifice of our redemption, that is to say the blessed body and blood of our Sauiour was offred for his mothers soule when shee was dead.

[Page 58]S. Gregory the great to declare the excellent effect of the sacrifice of the masse,Homil. 37 in euange offred for the dead, telleth of one that being taken prisoner in the warre, and thought to be dead was deliuered on certayne dayes of the weeke of his chaynes, and fetters, which fel from him so oft as his wyfe caused the sacrifice of the masse to bee offred for his soule, and of this S. Gregory taketh witnes of many of his auditors whome (as he sayth) he presumed did know the same.

The lyke also in euery respect recounteth venerable Bede our countryman in the story of England (which he wrote about 800. yeares agoe) of one Imma seruant to King Elbum,Beda Ecel hist. Angl. 4. cap. 22. which Imma being prisoner in the hands of his enemies and chayned, could not be tyed so fast, but that his chaynes fel of once a day, at a certayne hower, when his brother, called Iunna an Abbot, sayd masse for him, thinking he had ben slayne, and this sayth saynt Bede he thought good to put into his history, for that he took it for most certayne, hauing vnderstood it of credible persons that had heard the party tel it to whome yt happened.

To conclude; this custome of offring the blessed sacrifice of the masse for the dead, was inuyolably kept in the Churche of God, euen from the Apostle tyme without contradition, vntil Aerius an Arrian heretyke impugned the same & all prayer for the dead about 360. yeres after Christ,Aug. haer. [...]. Epipha. [...]ae 75. for the which he is put in the Catologue of here­tykes by saynt Augustin, & S. Epiphanius, as our aduer­saryes deserue also to be for teaching and defending the same haeresy.

AN ANSVVERE TO THE obiections of our aduersaries out of S. Paules epistle to the Hebrewes, with a declaration that the heretykes of this tyme, who abolish the sacrifice of the Masse, haue not the new Testament of Christ, and that they are most perni­tious enemies to humain kynd. CHAP. XVIII.

BVT now our aduersaries against vs, or rather against these expresse scriptures and Fathers, obiect some texts and arguments of S. Paule to the Hebrewes, by the which he conuinceth the ignorance, and er­ror of the Iewes who conceaued that their was no other redemption then that which was obtayned by their sacri­fices of beasts or of fruits of the earth, [...]ug. lib. 3. de [...]octri. Christ [...]. 5. & 6. obseruantes, sayth S. Augustin, signa pro rebus ipsis nescientes quo referrentur, taking the figures or signes of things, for the thinges themselues not knowing whither they were to be referred, and therfore S. Paul proueth that this absolut perfection which they ascrybed to their sacrifices, could not be found in the priesthood & sacri­fices according to the order of Aaron but in the sacrifice & priesthood according to the order of Melchisedech, which he declareth by euident arguments grounded vpon the vnity and excellency as wel of the priest, and host or sacri­fice, as of the act of oblation, shewing the infirmity of the priests by their mortality, plurality and continual necessity to offer dayly, first for their owne sinnes, and after for other mennes, whereas in the other of Melchisedech, he sayth, there was a priest, that is to say our Sauiour Christ, who had an eternal priesthood, and therfore needed no successor, and being vnpolluted and without sinne had no neede to offer sacrifice for himselfe, and so was more fit and worthy to obtayne pardon for the sinnes of the people; and as for the hosts or sacrifices he sheweth also the infirmity [Page 59] thereof, for that they were but only of brute beasts, and in that respect could not be of that infinit valew, that was requisit for an absolute and general redemption, whereas the sacrifice in the priesthood of Melchisedech was of infinit price, being the body of our Sauiour offred voluntarily by himselfe, who was both the sacrifice, & the priest. Lastly he proueth also the insufficiency of the sacri­fices,Cap. 2. by the continual and dayly oblation therof, for that sayth he, yf they could haue made perfect such as offred them, cessassent offerri, there would haue ben an end of offring them, for vbi est peccatorum remissio, i am nō est oblatio propeccatis, where there is remission of sinnes, there needeth no oblation for sinne. But our Sauiour by his sacrifice vpon the crosse, vnica oblatione consummauit in aeternum sanctificatos, Cap. 7. did consummat or make per­fect for euer, all those that are sanctified with one only oblation, for otherwyse, sayth he, he must haue suffred oftentymes, which as wel for the excellent dignity of the priest, as for the infinit valew of the host, was needles.

Thus argued S. Paule against the Iewes, which our ad­uersaries do absurdly wrest against the sacrifice of the Masse, saying that the same is wholy ouerthrowen by the same argumēts, not only in respect of the multitude of our priests, but also for our dayly oblations, and because wee attribut remission of sinne thereto, which they say, S. Paule ascribeth only to the sacrifice of the crosse. For the ful an­swere and satisfaction of this cauil, it is to be vnderstood, first that S. Paule doth not impugne by these arguments any sacrifice whatsoeuer, but only the sacrifices of the the priesthood of Aaron, neither yet he impugneth those in such sence that he denyeth them to be true sacrifices, but only proueth by the infirmity thereof, and of the priests that offred them, that they could not suffice for the perfect sanctification, and iustification of man, nor for the general redemption of the world, to which purpose he sayth of the priesthood of Aaron, if there were, sayth he,Heb. cap. 7. consumation or perfection by the leuitical priest-hood, what needed there to ryse [Page] a p [...]iest according to the order of Melchisedech, and agayne, the law could bring nothing to perfection, but was an introduction to a better hope, &c. Ibidem. and speaking of the sacrifice of our Sauiour vpon the crosse,Hebr. ca 9. he sayth that he entred once into the holyes, hauing soūd aeternal redemption, not by the blood or goats or calues, but by this owne blood,Hebr. 10. and agayne with one oblation he did consummat for euer all those that are sanctified; by all which he geueth to vn­derstand that where as mankynd was by the fa [...]le or our Father Adam made a bondman and slaue of sinne, and sub­iect to the penalty of eternal dānation he therefore needed some effectual meanes as wel to redeeme, and free him from this penalty, as also to cleare him from sinne, to san­ctify him and iustify him (all which he comprehendeth in the woord consummation) and this I say, he sheweth, could not be performed by the blood of goats and calues, but by the blood of a sacrifice of infinit price and valew, that is to say of Iesus Christ God and man, who therfore he sayth, not only purchased for man euerlasting redemption from damnation, but also did consummat or make perfect for euer all those that that are sanctified, that is to say he pur­chased perfection of grace, sanctification and iustification, for all those that euer were iust from the beginning of the world; or euer shalbe to the end thereof, and therefore what benefit soeuer any of the faythful receiued in this kynd eyther by any sacrifice or by any good woorke in the law of nature, or in the law of Moyses S. Paule attri­buteth the same to the merit of Christs sacrifice vpon the crosse, for that none were euer iustifyed before Christ, but perfidem futurae passionis, sicut nos per fidem praeteritae, by the fayth, sayth saint Augustin,Aug. li. con­fessio. 10. cap. 43. of his passion to come as wee are iu­stifyed by the fayth of his passion past, in which respect the scripture sayth agnus occisus est ab origine mūdi, the lābe was killed from the beginning of the world, Apoc. 13. that is to say, the death of the lambe, which was Christ, hath alwayes had his operation and effect from the beginning of the woorld: so that S. Paules doctrin is no other but that the redemption, iusti­fication, [Page 60] and saluation of man, cannot be ascribed to the merit of any sacrifice or of all the sacrifices of the old law, but to the merit of the sacrifice of our Sauiour vpon the crosse, once offred for all, to the which all other sacrifices haue relation, it being absolute of it selfe, and depending of no other.

But what proueth this against the Catholyks concer­ning the sacrifice of the masse? doth it proue that it is no sacrifice? or that it is not propitiatory for sinne? nothing lesse; for yf the sacrifices of the priesthood according to the order of Aarō, representing the sacrifice of the crosse, were true sacrifices, though they were but of brute beasts, why may not our sacrifice according to the order of Melchi­sedech be also a true sacrifice? being not only a far more excellent representation, of the sacri [...]ce of the crosse then the others were, but also the very same in substāce, to wit, the blessed body of our Sauiour him-selfe, and therefore of infinit pryce, and valew, though neuertheles it was not or­dayned for the redemptiō of the world, (as was the bloody oblation of the same body vpon the crosse,) but for an vn­bloody representation of that bloody sacrifice, yea and for a perticular application, of the benefit thereof, to all those that should worthely offer it or participat of it.

For it is to be considered that the sacrifice of the crosse was as S. Augustin calleth it a general cup,Aug. se [...] prosper. in libel atric. falso imposi ar [...]ic. 1. or vniuersal medicin, proposed to all the world in common, but not applyed to any in particuler, the application whereof was left by almighty God to such other meanes as it pleased him to ordayne for that purpose, no les now in the new law, then he did before in the old, as wee see by effect not only in this sacrifice, but also in the sacraments of baptisme and pennance, in fayth, prayer, fasting, almes, and other good woorks, all which are meanes to apply the fruits of our Sauiours passiō vnto vs (as our aduersaries do not deny of there special faith, without the which they do not think that the passion of Christ is beneficial to any,) for other­wyse [Page] it would follow, that all men should be saued a lyke, because Christ dyed for all a lyke.

If therefore there be sacraments, and other meanes to apply the fruit of our sauiours passion vnto vs, without preiudice to the honour therof, why may there not be also a sacrifice to that end, especially such a sacrifice as this, which as I haue sayd is not only a most liuely representa­tion of the other vpon the crosse, but also the very same in substance, though different in the manner of the oblation; and agayn seing the fruit of our Sauiours sacrifice vpon the crosse hath had his cours, effect, and operation from the beginning of the world, as I signified before and yet ne­uertheles there was both in the law of nature and in the law of Moyses hostiae pro peccato, sacrifice for sinne. Why may there not now also be a sacrifice for remission of sinnes, especially seing our dayly sinnes, do no lesse require now a dayly remissiō then did the sinnes of those that were vnder the law of Moyses.

This saynt Paule seemeth to insinuate sufficiently in those very woords which our aduersaries do most vrge agaynst this poynt, to wit,Hebr. cap. [...]. where there is, remission of sinnes ther no oblation or sacrifice for sinne is needful, where vpon I say it followeth, that where there is not remission of sinne, there needeth sacrifice for sinne.

Therefore to answere our aduersaries, and to explicat this text I say that S. Paule speaketh of such remission of sinne, as was purchased for mankynd in general by the general redemption of all, and not of the particuler appli­cation thereof to any, and therefore in that sence he sayth, that the general ransome for sinne being payed, and remis­sion therof being in general procured by the sacrifice of the crosse, it were needles that eyther the same or any such ge­neral sacrifice, should be offred agayne; But seing the par­ticuler application therof is needful for the remission of sinne, no lesse now, then it was in the old law, yt foloweth that some sacrifice is now as needful as then it was, where [Page 61] vpon Primasius S. Augustins scoller expounding this same epistle of saynt Paule to the Hebrewes, sayth;Primatius epist. ad Haebrae. our Priests do offer sacrifice dayly because wee need dayly to be clensed, and for as much as Christ cannot dy, he therfore gaue vs the Sacrament of his body and blood [...] to the end that as his passion was the redemption and saluation of the world that is to say of all men in general, so also this oblation may be a redemption and clensing to all those that offer it in verity, thus sayth he; geuing to vnderstand that the be­nefit of our redemption and remission of sinne purchased for all men in general by the sacrifice of the crosse, is by this other sacrifice particulerly applyed to euery one that woorthely offreth the same, so that the dayly iteratiō ther­of is no lesse needful, then conforme to the doctrin of S. Paule, who denieth not the sacrifices of the old law to be true sacrifices because they were dayly offred, but to be, as I may tearme it, that redemptory & absolut sacrifice, which was to be offred but once; wherevpō it followeth that the obiections of our aduersaries out of S. Paule as wel concer­ning the multiplicity and succession of our Priests, as the multitude and iteration of masses, are most absurd and fri­uolous, for though wee should grant it to bee true (as it is most fals) that eyther wee haue such a succession or mul­tiplicity of Priests or such variety of hosts and sacrifices in our masse as was in the old law, yet S. Paules argument would proue no more against vs, then it did against the Iewes, I meane it would not follow theron, than the masse is no sacrifice, no more then it followeth of the same argu­ment, that the sacrifices of the Iewes were not true sacri­fices, which S. Paule neuer denied, but it would follow that the masse should not be that absolut and independant sacri­fice which was to redeeme the woorld, the which wee deny not and therfore this their obiection out of saynt Paule proueth nothing but their owne blyndnes, or malice that do not or wil not vnderstand eyther him, or vs, in this matter.

But to satisfy this poynt more fully, it is to be considered [Page] that the multitude of our Priests doth no more contradict the vnity of Christs priest-hood, then the multitude of Do­ctors & Pastors in the Churche, (by whome he feedeth & teacheth the same) doth contradict the vnity of his Pastoral office and dignity,Corinth. p. 5. In which respect saynt Paule sayth pro Christo legatione fungimur tanquam Deo exhortante per nos, that is to say wee are Embassadours or delegats of Christ; for God, as it were doth exhort by vs.

To which purpose it is to be vnderstood, that our Priests are not absolute of themselues, and indepēdant, as were the Priests in the old law, who succeeded one an other in equal power and dignity, (I meane the high Priests of whome only S. Paule speaketh) for though Aaron was the first, yet euery successor of his was as absolute as he, and not depē ­dant of him, in which sence saynt Paule calleth them many, because being euery one an absolute head of himselfe, succeding one an other, they grew in tyme, to a great mul­titude of heads to whome he therfore opposeth the vnity of Melchisedechs priest-hood consisting in the one and only person of Christ, whose substitutes and ministers our Priests are (and not his successors) offring sacrifice, and exe­cuting their function in his name and as S. Cyprian sayth vice illius, [...]s his Vicars. Cypri. epist. 63. ad caeci­ [...]lium. And although Christ as head, cheef [...] Priest, and general Pastor of his Churche, doth concurr [...] particularly with his members and ministers in the exe­cution of their Priestly and Pastoral charge, yet he doth it in nothing so particularly and properly as in this sacrifice by reason of his true and real presence therein, being not only offred by the Priest but also voluntarily offring him­selfe to his Father, offertur & [...]ome, Ambros. li. 1. de officijs. ca. 4 [...]. sayth saynt Ambros, [...] recipiens passionem, & offers se ipse quasi sacerdos, he is offred as ma [...] and as receiuing or [...] his passion [...] and he offreth him-selfe as Priest, in which respect he is both Priest and sacrifice as wel now on the altar, as he was in his passion vpon the crosse, though for our greater comfort he vseth also therein the interuention and ministery of Priests, who being nothing [Page 62] els but his instruments, and exercysing all one Priestly fun­ction, vnder him their head, do all pertayne to that one aeternal Priest-hood of Christ according to the order of Melchisedech, which as Lactantius sayth, must of necessity be in the Churche. Iesus Christ sayth he,Lactant lib 4 iustit. c [...] being a Priest did make for him-selfe a great aeternal temple, that is to say the Churche, in quo templo aeternum sacerdotium habeat necesse est s [...]cundum or­dinem Melchisedech, in which temple he must needs haue an aeternal Priest-hood according to the order of Melchisedech, so that the vnity of Christs priest-hood is not impeached by the multitude of his ministers, no more then the vnity of a Kings monarchy by the multitude of his inferiour officers by whome he go­uerneth.

And as for the multitude of masses which our aduersaries carp at, as reiected by S. Paule the Fathers of the Churche shal answer for vs, S. Chrisostome expoūding this epistle of S. Paule answereth this very same obiection that our ad­uersaries make agaynst vs;Christ. ho 1 in epist ad Hebrae. This sacrifice sayth he is an example of that sacrifice vpon the crosse, for wee alwayes offer the very self same thing, not now one lambe and another to morrow, but the very same; therefore this is one sacrifice; for otherwyse because it is offred in many places, there should be many Christs, thus farre saynt Chrysostome.

The very same argument and reason, and the very lyke woords vseth saynt Ambrose to proue the vnity of this sa­crifice and concludeth,Ambros. in epistol. ad Haebrae. non enim aliud sacrificium, sicut pontifex veteris legis sed idipsum semper offerimus, we offer not an other or dif­ferent sacrifice as did the Bishop of the old law, but wee alwayes offer the self same. Also Primasius, the diuinity sayth he, of the sonne of God, which is euery where, doth cause that they be not many sacrifices but one, though they be offred by many, Primatius [...] 9. ad Haebr [...] & it causeth in lyke man­ner that it is that body which was conceaued in the virgins wombe and not many bodyes, as also that it is but one sacrifice, and not dyuers, as were the sacrifices of the Iewes, Thus sayth he.

We read the very same in substance, in Theopila [...] ­ [...]us, O [...]cumenius Sedulius, Haymo and others that haue [Page] written vpon saynt Paules epistle to the Hebrewes, [...]heophil [...] [...]ecumen. edulius [...]aymo, in c. [...] epist. ad [...]ebrae. of whome the meanest may in any indifferent mannes iudge­ment, counteruayl all the sectaryes of this tyme, who fra­ming new fantasies of their owne braynes, or reuiuing old heresyes, are forced for the mayntenance therof to wring and wrest the holy scriptures from the meaning of the holy ghost to their priuat sence, and to cōdemne the iudge­ment of all the anciēt [...]athers of the Churche; who liuing in such tymes as these matters were not in controuersy, can not be suspected of parciality, and much lesse of ignorance of the scriptures, seing their learned commentaries and ex­positions thereof geue sufficient testimony of their conti­nual trauails & labours therin, besydes that their most ver­tuous lyues led in continual prayer, pance and religious discipline (for the which the Christian world admireth, and honoreth them as great seruants of God and saynts,) is a sufficient argumēt, that God rather assisted them with his spirit in the vnderstāding of the scripture, then Martin Luther, Zwinglius, Beza, Caluin and such other flagitious, and wicked apostatats, whose vicious and leud lyues (whereof the world is yet a witnes) do manifestly de­clare, with what kynd of spirit, they were possessed.

Therefore he that would leaue the general consent of al the ancient fathers, to follow the phantastical or rather phrenetical opinions of these new fangled fellowes, deser­ueth to be deceiued, and can haue no excuse of wilful blyndnes eyther before God or the world.

But now to conclude this question concerning the sa­crifice of the Masse I draw out of all the premisses 4. con­clusions.

The first is that, which at the first I vndertook to proue, to wit, that the oblation of the blessed body and blood of our Sauiour Iesus Christ (which wee caul the Masse) ys the proper sacrifice of the new testament, prophesied by Malachias, prefigured by the sacrifice of Melchisedech, promised, instituted and offred, by our Sauiour, practised [Page 63] by his Apostles, and by the Churche euer since.

The second is, that it is propitiatory not only for the liuing but also for the dead.

The third, that the heretykes of this tyme that contra­dict & abolish the same, hold not the law of the new Tes­tament instituted by Christ, seing they haue not the proper priesthood and sacrifice therof, without the which the sayd law and Testament cannot be, S. Paule teaching such a necessary concurrence of the one with the other, that he affirmeth, that the priesthood being translated the law must also of necessity be translated as I haue shewed before,Hebr. 7. therfore seeing they haue not this priesthood and sacrifice, it followith they haue not the law and Testament of Christ, which can not be without the same.

The fourth poynt that followeth of the premisses, is that they are most pernicious enemies of humainkind, seing they labour to depriue vs, of the most souerain remedy that God of his infinit goodnes hath left vs for the reparation of our dayly wracks by sinne, and for the consolation both of the quick and the dead; for which cause the old Christians in the persecutions vnder Dioclesian, being persecuted for hearing masse, as wee are now (as I haue shewed in the be­ginning of this treatise) answered the tyrants that the masse was spes salus que Christiantum, the hope and health, or sal­uation of Christians, Baron [...]an. 303. Suriu [...] 11. Februa [...] and that therfore they could not forgo it, the reason whereof I haue declared before, to wit, for that therby are aplyed vnto vs the fruits of our Sauiours passion which is not only represented, but also dayly re­newed in the sacrifice of the masse as witnesseth saynt Gre­gory; so often, sayth he,Greg. h [...] 37. in euāg as wee offer the host of his passion, so often wee renew his passion, and as saynt Cyprian sayth, passio Do­mini est sacrificium quod offerimus, the sacrifice which wee offer is the passion of our Lord, Lastly;Epist. 63. [...] caecilium. Martialis the most ancient martir and Disciple of Christ sayth,Epist. ad B [...] degalouses that which the Iewes did sacrifice vpon the Altar of the crosse, wee do propose on the sanctified altar for our saluation, knowing that by that only remedy lyfe is to be geuen vs, [Page] and death to be eschewed, thus far the blessed martyr. This remedy I say the heretykes of these our dayes doe seek by their pestilent doctrin to take from vs, yea and do in deed depryue vs of it in our country, not only by their doctrine, but also by rigorous and violent lawes, resembling therin as wel the old persecutors of Gods Churche that did the lyke, as also Antichrist that is to come,Dan. 9. who as Daniel the Prophet fortelleth shal take a way iuge sacrificium, the cōtinual sacrifice of the Churche, which is the sacrifice of the masse) and the ancient Byshop and martyr Hypolitus doth testify in his book of the consummation of the world, that in the tyme of Antichrist,Hipol in orat. de con­sum. mundi. Churches shalbe lyke cottages, and that the precious body and blood of Christ shal not be in those dayes, the liturgy shalbe taken a way, the singing of the Psalmes shal ceasse and the reading of the scripture shal not be heard, thus farre saynt Hi­politus, that wrote within 250. yeares after Christ.

Seing then the Caluinists, and Lutherans abolish the sa­crifice of the masse, yea and bring christian religion to a very desolation and ruine, ouerthrowing altars, churches, monasteries, images, relickes of saynts, the signe of the crosse, sacraments, ceremonies and all external memories, and monuments of christianity, and in steed of the blessed body and blood of our sauiour, bring into the churche no­thing but a bare signe therof, what els are they but true fi­gures, or the forerunners of Antichrist,Danielle c. 9 that shal set vp the abomination of desolation in the temple of God, as sayth the Pro­phet, that is to say, shal bring an abominable desolation vpon the Churche and true religion of Christ?

OVR DOCTRIN OF THE merits of woorkes and Iustification, is proued and cleared, from the slanders of our aduersaries, commonly publyshed in their Sermons, and lately insinuated in a book set forth, concerning the conuiction of my Lord of Essex. CAP. XIX.

FOR as much as my intention in this treatise was to detect and confute, certayn slanderous lyes of our ad­uersaryes, spread abroad agaynst vs in some of theyr late bookes and lybels, no lesse touching matter of religion, then matter of state, I can not forbeare to discouer vnto thee here good reader, their notable impudency in charging vs to be enemies of the Passion of Christ, and to euacuate the merits therof, by ascribing our saluatiō to our owne workes, which they are wount to publish in their sermons, and common table talke, and haue of late in­sinuated in a pamphlet concerning the conuiction of my Lord of Essex, wherein treating of Sir Christofer Blunt, that he protested to dy a Catholyke, some foolish minister (I think) foysted in an aparenthesis, signifying that he dyed not such a Catholyk, but that he hoped to be saued by the merits of Christs passion, not ascribing his saluation to his owne workes; as though other Catholykes that teach merits of workes, did not hope to be saued by the passion of Christ, wherin I know not whether I should wounder more at their ignorance, or their malice; their ignorance if they know not what we hold, and their malice if they know it, and yet slander vs.

For who knoweth not, that wee acknowledge the bles­sed passion of our Sauiour to be the root and ground of our redemption, and reconciliation to God, and the foun­tayne from whence floweth all our iustification, and [Page] saluation, [...]. Petri c [...] [...]p ad Rom. [...]p. 5. saying with S. Peter that we are redeemed with the precious blood of Christ the immaculat lambe, and with S. Paule that wee are iustified in his blood, & shalbe saued from wrath by him, and that there is no other name wherein wee can be saued, but the name of IESVS; [...]ct 4. Psalm. 129. neuerthelesse wee know withall that though his passion, be most meritorious, & the redemption that wee haue therby most copious, yet it was his wil that wee shuld doe somewhat of our parts, to haue the benefit therof, which our aduersaries cannot but grant, confessing as they doe, that to be partakers therof they must be bapty­sed, [...]an. [...]. they must beleeue, they must repēt after they haue sin­ned, & seeing vpon the warrāt of the holy scriptures they ad all this to the passion of Christ, without derogation to the dignity therof, what reason haue they to blame vs, if vpon the same warrant we ad another condition no lesse expresse in scripture then any of the rest, seeing our sauiour himselfe sayth, if thou wilt enter into lyfe keepe the commaund­ments, to which purpose S. Paule also sayth, [...]p. ad Hebr. [...]. omnibus obrempe­rantibus sibi factus est causa salutis, that is to say, he was made a cause of saluation to all such as obey him, Ep. ad Rom. cap. 2. and in another place, the dooers of the law shalbe iustified before God, and not the hearers only, and S. Iames, [...]p. Iacob c. [...] wee think a man to be iustified by workes, and not by faith only, and our Sauiour himselfe; not euery one, sayth he,Matth. cap. 7. that sayth to mee Lord, Lord, shal enter into the kingdome of heauen, but he which doth the wil of my Father, by all which wee see that good workes are necessary to saluation, and must concurre therto, with the merits of Christs passion, which being the root & fountayne of all mannes merit, giueth as it were lyfe and force, both to fayth, and also to the good workes of faythful men to make them meritorious before God, wherin three things are to be noted, for the better explication of this matter.

The first is; that there is two manners of iustification, the one, the iustification of the wicked man be he infidel or christian in mortal sinne, the other the iustification of the iust man, or an increase of Iustice; the first proceedeth me­rely [Page 65] of the grace of God without merit of workes, for that it is not in the power of nature being auerted and alienat from God to conuert it selfe vnto him, without his grace & vocation,Roman 2 3. 5. & therfore S. Paule worthely exclu­deth frō the first iustificatiō both of the Iewes, & the gen­tils all merit of man. The second, which is the iustification of the iust man, or encrease of Iustice, is procured by good woorkes proceeding of Gods grace, without the which their can be no iustification, and therfore the Catholikes do teach not only the precedence of Gods grace before euery good woork,Psalmo. 51 according to that of the prophet miseri­cordia eius praeueniet me, his mercy shal preuent or goe before me, 1. Cor. ca but also the concurrence therof, according as S. Paule sayth,Ioan. 15. ad Philip. non ego sed gratia Dei mecum, not I but the grace of God with me, and as our Sauiour sayth, sine me nihil potestis facere, without me you can do nothing, and agayne S. Paule, omnia possum in eo qui me comfortat, I can do all things in him that strengthneth or comfor­teth me;

Of the first iustification S. Paule sayth in diners places that wee are iustified gratis, freely or for nothing, by the grace of God, by fayth, and not by woorkes, Roman 2. 3. 5. as meritorious,2. Cor. cap and of the se­cond he sayth (speaking of the effect of almes) yt shal mul­tiply your seed,Epist. [...]ace cap. 2. and shal augment the increase of the fruit of your iustice; and saynt Iames, a man sayth he is iustified by woorkes and not by fayth only, and saynt Iohn, he which doth iustice is iust, and in the Apocalipse,Autor op [...] imperfect [...] Matth. he which is iust let him be iustifyed stil, and of both these iustifications, sayth the autor of the imperfect woorke vpon S. Mathew, the first iustice is to know God the Father, and Christ his sonne, and the last iustice is to do good workes, finally S. Augustin witnesseth,Aug. de [...] & open [...] cap. 14. that for as much as there were some that taught in the very tyme of the Apostles that fayth without woorkes might suffise to sal­uation, (which errour he sayth did grow of the corrupt, & il vnderstanding of saynt Paules Epistles,) S. Peter, S. Iohn, S. Iames, and S. Iude did expressely direct their intentions in their Epistles to proue the necessity of good workes, [Page] and iustification therby, and thus much for the first poynt.

2 The second poynt that I wish to be noted is, that where woorkes are at any tyme excluded in the scriptures, Fa­thers, or councels from iustification, it is alwayes to be vn­derstood eyther of woorkes done by the only force of na­ture before fayth, or of woorkes of the law of Moyses, pro­ceeding only of the force of the law, or of woorkes of the faythful not proceeding of Gods grace.

3 The third poynt is, that all the reason of merit in mānes fayth, or woorkes proceedeth of two grounds, the one the grace of God, which moueth & enableth a man therto; the other the promisse of almighty God to reward the­same in both which the merits of Christs passion are euer presuposed to be the first foundation of all the buylding; with which presupposition our Sauiour sayth,Math. 10. & Marc 9. he which geues but a cup of cold water in my name shal not loose his reward, and agayne to his Disciples your reward is copious in heauen, Matth. 5. & Luc 6. & speaking of the Iudgement at the later day, he playnly as­cribeth the reward of lyfe euerlasting to workes, saying, come yee blessed of my Father and possesse the Kingdome prepared for you for when I was hungry you gaue me to eate, when I was naked you clothed me, &c. Math. 25. And therefore S. Iohn, and S. Paule say,Apoc. 22. [...] Rom. 2. God wil render vnto euery one according to his workes, to this pur­pose also the Prophet Dauid sayth, I enclyned my hart, o Lord, to do thy iustifications for reward, Epist 2. ad Timoth. c. 4. and S. Paule I haue sayth he fought a good fyght, I haue kept my fayth, I haue con­summated or ended my course, & now there is layed vp for me the croune of iustice, which our Lord the iust Iudge wil render me in that day; vpon these words of S. Paule OEcumenius sayth,Oecumeni in ea verba ep. 2. ad timoth. cap. 4. consider that he craues it as due when he sayth reddet mihi & non dabit, he wil render it vnto me, and not he wil giue it me, which he also signifieth in that he cauleth him the iust iudge: Theophilactus also sayth the same,Theophilac. in 2. Timoth. cap. 4. vpon the same words, and concludeth thus, the croune is a debt by reason of the iu­stice of the iudge, S. Augustin aleadging the same place of [Page 66] S. Paule in his book of grace and free wil, sayth,Aug. de gra & liberto a [...] b [...]. cap. 6. he now rehearseth meritae sua bona; his good deserts or merits, that he which after his il deserts got grace, may after his good merits get the croune, &c. but let vs heare concerning this matter of merit,Igat. epist. [...] Roman. some two or 3. about king Lucius tyme, S. Ignatius disciple to saynt Iohn the Euangelist, sayth in his epistle to the Romans, being condemned to be deuowred of wild beasts, suffer me to be the soul or was of beasts that I may promerori Deum, gayn, or as a man may say earne almighty God. Tertullian sayth,Tertul in scorpiaco. how at their many mansions in the Fathers house, but according to the variety of mens merits, and Clemens Alexandrinus;Clemens Alex. 6. str [...] mat. there are sayth he many mansions ac­cording to the worthinesse and merits of those which beleeue, and origen teacheth,Orige l [...]b. [...] in epist. ad Roman. that God doth not giue according to nature, but according to merits, S. Cyprian sayth,Cyprian. epist. 14 ad Presb. & diacon vel [...] [...]. epist. 1 [...]. that a penitent man, prome­re [...]ur Dominum, obsequijs suis & operibus iustis, doth deserue, or as I sayd before earne our Lord with his obedience and iust woorkes, and in his book of the vnity of the Churche, spea­king of them that hauing donne great miracles in the name of Christ, shalbe reiected of him at the day of Iudg­ment,S. Augustin geueth also the same interpretation of multae, mansiones tractatu 6.7. in euang. [...] he sayth, iustice or righteousnes is needful, vt promerere quis possit Deum iudicem, that a man may gayne God the iudge, which in the words next folowing he expoundeth, saying preceptis eius & monitis obtemperandum est vt merita nostra accipiant mer­cedem, wee must obey his precepts and admonitions that our merits may receiue reward, Cyprian. [...] de vnitate Ecclesiae. there to I wil ad S. Augustin explicating notably this questiō according to our Catholyk fayth euer taught in the Churche of God,Aug. de gra­tia & libero arbitrio ca 6. when grace, sayth he, is geuen then begin also our good merits by the meanes of that grace, for yf grace be taken away man doth presently fal head-long by his owne free wil, therfore when a man beginneth to haue good merits, he ought not to atribute them vnto himselfe, but to God, to whome it is sayd in the Psalme, o Lord be my healper, and do not forsake me, &c. Thus farre S. Augustin but to auoyd the multitude of al­legations, which might be infinit to this purpose, I wil con­clude with the secōd councel of Aurange celebrated 1200. [Page] yeres agoe, reward sayth the councel, [...] A [...] ­ [...]um. se­ [...]. [...]no. 1 [...]. is due to good workes, yf they bee donne, but grace which is not due, or giuen by desert, doth goe before, that they may be donne.

Thus thow seest good reader the doctrin of Catholykes concerning merit or good woorkes, conforme to the scri­ptures and fathers, and no way preiuditial to the dignity & honour of our Sauiours passion, but most honorable to the same, seing wee teach that all good merits receiue their vigour and force from the merits therof, he hauing therby obtayned for vs of his father, not only remission of sinne, but also grace to doe works acceptable to him and meri­torious of eternal saluation, which woorkes though they be ours in respect of the concurrence of our free wil yet for as much as they be his gifts in that they proceede of his grace they deserue the reward that he hath promised for the same, & therfore respecting any woorks of man what­soeuer as of them-selues, wee say with saynt Paule, [...]oman. [...]. that the passions or suffrings of this lyfe are not worthy of the future glory that shalbe reueyled in vs, but considering the same as the gyfts of God,Corin 4. and ennobled with his grace, wee say also with him, that the short and light tribulation which wee suffer here, doth woorke an eternal weygh [...] of glory in vs.

Therfore I wil end with S. Augustin, saying that when God doth croune our merits, he doth croune his owne gyfts, [...]ug. ep. 105. [...] sixth pre [...] [...]terum. seing then, this is the vniforme doctrin of all Catholykes, wherin do we derogate any thing from the passion of Christ, or arrogat to our selues, or our owne woorkes more then the scripture doth giue vs warrant for.

THAT OVR ADVERSARIES who affirme that we derogat from the merits of Christs passion do themselues wholy euacuat, and frustrat the same, by their most wicked, and absurd doctrin of impu­tatiue iustice, and dyuers other poynts confuted in this chapter. CAP. XX.

BVT now let vs examine the opinion of these fello­wes, that seeme to be so ielous of the honour of Christ and of his passion, and I dout not wee shal fynd that they do vtterly obscure and frustrat the same, for where as our Sauiour Christ gaue himselfe to death, Tit. [...]. as S. Paule sayth, to the end he might redeeme vs from iniquity, and make vs cleane from sinne, and a people acceptable to himselfe, and followers of good woorkes, they teach expressely that he hath performed nothing of all this. For though they grant that he redeemed vs from death, and by his passion purchased vs lyfe euerlasting, yet they confesse not, that he redeemed or made vs cleane from sinne (as we see S. Paule teacheth) but playnly affirme the contrary,Caluinus li [...] 2. in [...]t ca. [...] Lutherus lib de libertate Christia. & i [...] affectione art 2. 31. 32. & [...]6 con­fessto Au­gust [...]. artic. 6 saying, that original sinne is not taken away by baptisme, nor any other sinne after baptisme remitted, but couered, and not imputed; in so much that they teach further as a necessary consequent therof, that the workes of the most iust man, are not only infected with sinne, but also sinnes of themselues, deser­uing eternal damnation & that therfore there is no righ­teousnes or iustice really in man, but only in Christ,Caluin lib. [...] instis. cap. 1 [...] Luther. ad [...] 2. ad. Gala [...] and imputed to man; whervpon it must needs follow, that the fall of Adam our father, was of more force to make vs sinners, then the passion of our Sauiour to free vs from sinne, and to make vs iust, which is no lesse dishonorable to Christ then contrary to expresse scripture,Rom. 5. where S. Paule saith, that as by the disobedience of one (Adam) many were [Page] made sinners, so by the obedience of one (Christ) many were made iust; if then we were truly sinners by Adam, wee are also truly iust by Christ, or els our help is not equiualent to our harme, nor our remedy to our disease, nor our rising to our false, nor our gayne to our losse, nor consequently Christ to Adam, which were impiety to thinke, and blasphemy to say, and yet so must our aduersaries be forced to say if they wil defend their opinion; but for as much as not only this their absurd doctrin of imputatiue iustice, but also di­uers other execrable errours, or rather damnable heresies spring all out of one root, that is to say the foresayd opi­nion that original sinne is not cleane remitted, and taken away by baptisme, I wil by the confutation therof ouer­throw all the rest that depend theron, and shew withall the dishonour they doe to Christ, and his merits which they seeme so much to esteeme.

Let vs then consider the effects of baptisme in the rege­nerat, which to spake generally are two, the one the re­mission of sinnes, and the other a regeneration, or reno­uation of the inward man, of the first the Prophet Ezechiel sayth,Ezechiel. [...]p. 36. [...]d Ephes. 5. [...]d titum. 3. I wil power vpon you a cleane water, and you shalbe cleansed from all your filth, or corruption, in which sence the Apostle cau­leth it; the water of lyfe wherwith Christ sanctifyeth and ma­keth cleane his Churche, [...] Cor. 6. Chriso. in [...]om. ad bap. [...]ier. in epist. [...]d occanum. and speaking of the baptised that had ben fornicators, and Idolaters, these yow were sayth he, but now yow are washed, yow are sanctified, yow are iustified, by which text S. Chrisostom, and S. Hierome proue that all sinnes are forgeuen in baptisme,Rom. 6. & the reason is, for that by the vertue therof the ful merits of Christs death and passion,Colossen. 2. are com­municated vnto vs, in which respect, saynt Paule sayth that all that are baptised in Christe, are baptysed in his death, and that wee are therby buryed with him to death of sinne,Aug. in Eu­ [...]iri cap. 52. where of S. Augustin sayth as in Christ there was a true death, so there is in vs a true remission of sinne, which cannot be denyed, except wee wil deny the vertue and force of the blessed blood, and death of Christ which hath his operation therby, wherof [Page 68] the Apostle sayth,Colos. 1. ad Haebr. 9. he reconcyled vs by his death, that he might make vs holy, and immaculat, and irreprehensible before him, and in an other place making a comparison betwyxt the effects of the sacrifices of Christ vpon the crosse, and the sacrifices of the old law, he sayth, but how much more shal the blood of Christ make cleane our conscience from dead woorkes (that is to say from sinne) to serue the liuing Gods to this purpose sayth saynt Iohn, sanguis Iesu Christs emundat n [...]s ab omni peccato, the blood of Iesu Christ doth make vs cleane from all sinne, 1. Ioan. 1. in which respect our Sauiour Christ is truly cauled the lamb of God which taketh away the sinnes of the world.

Therfore saynt Chrisostome sayth that a man newly baptysed is mundior solis radijs, cleaner then the beames of the sunne, Ioan. 1. in homil ad Baptizan. and compareth the sinne of the baptised to a sparke of fyre, faling into the mayne sea, wherein it is presently extin­guished, S. Basil cauleth it a remission of debt, Basil. in ex­hortat. ad Baptis. and the death of sinne. S. Gregory Nazianzen tearmeth it peccati diluuium the deluge wherein sin is drowned, (and lastly not to be tedious, with many allegations, in a matter where in all learned fathers doe vniformly agree) S. Augustin sayth baptisme washeth away all sinnes, yea all whatsoeuer, of deeds, thoughts, words, of original sinne, or other committed ignorantly or wittingly, Angl. lib. 3 [...]. contra duas epist. pelagi [...] norum ca 3. and in an other place, he sayth, yt doth auferre crimina, non radere, take sinnes cleane a way, and not shaue them only. Lib. 1. cont easdem epis cap. 13.

What then shal wee say of Luther, and his fellowes that deny such a manifest principle of Christian religion, affirming that original sinne is not taken away by bap­tisme, but that it remayneth & infecteth all mēnes workes can any thing be sayd more to the derogation of Christs merits, on which they wil seeme sometymes wholy to rely? can their other heresyes concerning the necessity of sinne, the impossibility to keepe the commandments, the sinful or stayned righteousnes of the iustest man, or yet their imputatiue iustice, all grounded and necessarily de­pending vpon the rotten foundation of this pestilent opi­nion, can they I say, be lyke to stand when their foundation [Page] fayleth, as yow see? but this [...] [...]ore euident, yf we cō ­sider the other effect of Bapti [...], which is regeneration, [...]echi. 36. or renouation of the soul [...] whereof the Prophet sayth, I wil geue yow a n [...]w hart and a new spirit, in which respect the Apostle cauleth Baptisme lauacrum regenerationis,It. 3.and re­nouations, the water of regeneration, and renouation, for that as our Sauiour himself signified a man is borne a new by water, [...]eu. 3. [...]alat 6. & the holy ghost, & becōmeth as saynt Paule sayth noua crea­tura a new creature by grace of the holy spirit which is aboun­dantly poured vpon him, It. [...]. Roma. 5. Act 15. Rom. [...]. to which purpose the Apostle sayth that charity is diffused in our harts, by the holy ghost which is giuen vs, and that Christ dwelleth in our harts, and that wee liue for iu­stification, for that the spirit of God dwelleth in vs, all which proue a real and inhaerent iustice in vs,Rom. 6. and not a iustice in Christ, imputed only to vs, this the Apostle signifyeth by the simi­litude of Baptisme with the death & resurrection of Christ saying that wee are buryed with him by baptisme to the end that as Christ did rise from death, so wee may walke in newnes of lyfe, vpon which words, S. Augustin sayth, as in Christ there was a true resurrection, so in vs there is a true iustification, [...]ug. in En­ [...]hiri cap. 52. and S. Chri­sostome proueth the same by the woords of S. Paule, (where he sayth, you're washed, you are sanctified, you are iusti­fied) he sheweth sayth he, that you are not only made cleane, but also that you are made holy and iust, [...] Cor. 6. Chrysost. [...]om. ad Bap. [...]itul. 3. to which purpose he noteth that it is cauled lauacrum regenerationis, and not remis­sionis or purificationis, the water of regeneration, and not of remis­sion or purification, for sayth he, it doth not simply remit sinnes, but makes, vs as though wee were of a heauenly generation, Rom. Alex. [...]. 1. padag. p. 6. [...]alm. 81 in o. [...] in sanctum ba­ [...]tisma. which Cle­mens Alexandrinus confirmeth saying being baptised we are illuminated, being illuminated we are adopted to be the childrē of God, being adopted wee are made perfect, being perfited wee are made im­mortal, according to that of the Psalmist, I say you are all Gods, and the children of the highest. The same also in effect sayth S. Gregory Nazianzen Baptisme sayth he,De peccato­ [...]um meritis [...] remissione [...]p. 9. lib. 1. giuing help to our first natiuity, of old makes vs new, and of human deuine, all which doth playnly proue that which we teach, with saynt Augustin, [Page 69] who sayth the grace of [...] doth woorke inwardly our illumi­nation, and iustification, neuertheles wee deny not that the iu­stice wherwith wee are ma [...] [...]ust, is the iustice of God by whose grace we haue it, but we deny that it is not ours, & really in vs, when he hath of his great mercy and libera­lity geuen it vs, so that we say it is both his and ours, his, because he giues it, & ours, because wee haue it by his gift. Therfore saynt Augustin sayth, let no Christian man feare to say that we are made iust, not by our selues but by the grace of God, wor­king the same in vs. De spiritu littera ca. 1 Luc. 1. In this sence Elizabeth and Zacharias were called iust in the scripture, of whome wee read that ambo crant iusti, they were both iust, not before men only, but aute Deum before God and not because Iustice was imputed to them, but because they did walke in omnibus mandatis & Iu­stificationibus Domini sine quet [...]la, in all the commaūdments & Iusti­fications of our Lord without blame, in this sence also it is said in the scripture,Rom. 3. the doers of the law are iustified before God, not the bearers only, which saynt Iohn confirmeth, fore warning as it were and arming vs, against these seducers, (for so he tearmeth all those which teach that a man is not iust by really doing the acts, or works, of iustice,)1. Ioan. 3. let no man sayth he seduce [...]ow, he which doth Iustice or righteousnes ys iust, as God is iust, he which doth sinne, is of the diuel to this end apeared the sonne of God, that he might dissolve the workes of the deuil: thus farre S. Iohn.Tit. 2.

If then the comming of our Sauiour,Rom. 6. and his suffring was to dissolue the woorkes of the diuel, Ezech. 36. which is sinne, and (as yt is signified in infinit other places of scripture,) to redeeme vs from iniquity, to deliuer vs from the seruitude of sinne, to renew vs in spirit, to make vs new creatures, to cleanse vs, to sanctify vs, to iu­stify vs, Tit. 3. colos. [...]. that is to say to make vs iust, yea to make vs immaculat, and irrepre [...]ēsible, to make vs his1. Cor. 3. tēples his Ioan 15. friends, his Rom. [...]. childrē, how is this performed, yf notwithstanding the merits of his passion applyed vnto vs by Baptisme, and other meanes, wee are only reputed to be iust, and not so in deed, but re­mayne stil soyled with sinne;1. Ioan. 3. bondmen of iniquity, and [Page] children of the diuel (as S. Iohn sayth we are if wee be in sinne) how can we say that Christ conquered the deuil and sinne, and deliuered vs from the seruitude and bondage of them both if we remayn slaues of both? for being bond­men of sinne, as Luther makes vs, wee are also slaues of the diuel by consequent, and can it be any derogation to the merits of our Sauiours passion, to say that he made vs (who were before thralles & captiues to both the deuil and sinne) able to vanquish, and conquer them both? nay is it not far more glorious to him to conquer them dayly in vs and by vs, then if he had only conquered them for vs? for by making such weak ones, as wee, tread them vnder our feet, his conquest and triumph is farre more glorious, his mercy to vs more manifest, his enemies & ours more con­founded,1. Cor. cap. 5. and wee infinitly more obliged, and therefore wee may say with saint Paulo, Deo gratias qui dedit nobis victoriam, God be thanked which gaue vs victory, but how by our selues no; per Dominum Iesum Christum, by our Lord Iesus Christ.

Thus thou seest good reader how consonēt to the scrip­tures how glorious to our Sauiour, & how comfortable to vs is our doctrin concerning iustification, and merits of workes, & on the other syde how erronious, and iniurious to his passion is the opinion of our aduersaries who to the end they may with better colour and more boldly bark against good woorkes, and the merit therof, seeme to haue in singular estimation the merits of his passion; But where the ful force and true effect therof is to be shewed to Gods greater glory, to the confusion of our enemy the diuel, and our singular comfort, there they hold it to be of no force or valew, yea rather they make it a cloke to couer sinne then a meanes to cleanse it, and to take it away, and so they esta­blish in the kingdome of Christ, the tyrannie of the diuel, whose instruments and proctors they shew them­selues to be, woorking in mennes myndes by their doctrin, that which the diuel doth woork by temptation, that is [Page 70] to say discouraging all men from doing we [...], and from keeping the commandments, by teaching the same to be needlesse, impossible, and of no merit, wherby they giue ful scope to sensuality, and sinne, and carry men after them headlong to hel as I could make it most euident yf I list to prosecute this poynt, which my purposed breuity wil not permit.

THE CONCLVSION CON­UINCING by the premisses, that our Catholyk doctrin, was deliuered to King Lucius, by Pope Eleutherius, aud is the vndouted truth, that Christ left to his Church, with a note of the notable impudency of our English ministers. CHAP. XXI.

NOW to returne to King Lucius and to conclude, I dout not good reader but thow hast perceiued by these few poynts which I haue handled, what hath alwayes bin the doctrin of the Churche of God concern [...]ng the same, and that therfore King Lucius could receiue no other frō the Catholyke Romā Churche by the which he was conuerted to the Christian fayth, and yf I thought it needful to rip vp euery other particuler point controuersed betwyxt our aduersaries and vs, I could easely shew the same in euery one.

But what needeth it? seing they cannot proue that any Pope, I wil not say from S. Eleutherius to S. Gregory, but from S. Peter to Clement the eight that now gouerneth the Churche, hath taught, and decreed any different do­ctrin from his predecessors, whereas on the other syde wee shew euidently that in a perpetual succession of our [Page] Roman Bishops, there hath ben also a continual succession of one, & the selfe same doctrin, where vpon it followeth infalibly that King Ethelbert, and the English could not receiue from S. Gregory the Pope any other fayth then King Lucius and the britans receiued from saynt Eleu­therius, and that wee which now hold communion with the Roman Churche teache no other doctrin then that which was taught by them to our ancestors, and hath successiuely come from S. Peter, & consequently from our Sauiour Christ.

Therefore thou mayst wel wonder, good reader, at the impudency of our English ministers, that are not a shamed to preache & teache the contrary, wherby thow mayst also see how lamentable is the case of our poor country where­in such haue the charge, and cure of soules, as haue not so much as common honesty to say the truth in matters as cleare as the Sunne, and teach such a religion as for lack of better reasons, and arguments, they are forst to mayn­tayne it with manifest lyes, slanders, yea and murders of innocent men, whome they execute for fayned crymes vnder colour of matter of state, acknowledging therby sufficiently the truth of our Catholyk fayth seing they are ashamed to a [...]ow that they trooble any man for it, whyles they confesse that they punish and put to death heretykes, namely the Anabaptists, directly for their re­ligion, and their impudency is so much the more noto­rious, for that their publyk proceedings in the dayly exe­cution of penal and capital lawes, touching only matter of religion, doth contradict and conuince their sayings and writings, wherein they affirme that they put none to death for religion.

But for as much as I haue treated this matter at large in diuers partes of my Apology, besydes that I vnder­stand that some others also entend to treate thereof in the answere of a ridiculous challenge, made by O. E. [Page 71] fraught with most absurd paradoxes, as wel concerning this poynt, as others touching our Catholyke fayth, I remit thee, good reader, therto, and so conclude this treatys, beseeching almighty God to geue our aduer­saries the light of his grace, and vs in the meane tyme pa­cience and constancy, and to thee indifferency to iudge of maters so much importing the eter­nal good and saluation of thy soule, which I hartely wish no lesse then my owne.

FINIS.

A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS OF THIS TREA­TISE.

THE preface, wherein are declared the causes of the long delay of printing the Apology, and withall is noted the impudency of a late wryter in England disguysing his name with the letters O. E. who auoweth the fiction of Squyres employment for a truth and affir­meth that none are put to death in England for religion.
An Answere to two malitious slanders, auowched in the foresayd libels concerning the conquest of England, falsly supposed to be pretended, & sollicited, by the Catho­lyks, [Page] & touching the late enterprise of the King of Spayne in Ireland. Also concerning sir VVilliam Stanley, and the Iesuits, calumniated by the lybellers.
CHAP. 1.
2 Concerning father Parsons in particular, and that the ex­treame malice that the heretyks beare him, is an euident argument of his great vertue.
CHAP. 2.
3 That the Catholykes are persecuted & martyred now in En­gland for the same causes that the martyrs dyed in the primatiue Churche, and of the great iniustice donne to two Priests, condemned at Lincolne by Iudge Gland­uile.
CHAP. 3.
4 Of the impudēcy of a minister, who being present at the death of the two martyrs aforesaid, affirmed publykly that our country was conuerted by saynt Augustin the monk, to the protestants religion, by occasion where-of the truth of that poynt is euidently declared.
CHAP. 4.
5 Of the first conuersion of our country, whyles it was called Britany, in the tyme of King Lucius, with euidēt proofes, that our Catholyk fayth was then preached and planted there.
CHAP. 5.
6 The same is cōfirmed & proued out of Gildas the sage.
Ca. 6.
7 Certayne poynts of controuersy are discussed whereby it is proued that King Lucius receiued our Catholyke fayth and first of the Popes supremacy in Ecclesiasticall causes.
CHAP. 7.
8 That our Sauiour made S. Peter supreme head of the churche.
CHAP. 8.
9 That the successors of saynt Peter to wit, the Bishops of Rome succeed him in the supremacy of the Churche.
CHAP. 9.
[Page] That the Bishops of Rome exercised supreme autority in 10 the tyme of King Lucius.
CHAP. 10.
The matter of holy Images is debated, and the vse thereof 11 proued to haue ben in the Churche of God euer since our Sauiours tyme.
Chap. 11.
The commandment of God touching Images is explicated, & 12 the practise of the Churche declared.
Chap. 12.
Concerning the relicks of saynts and the reuerend vse 13 thereof.
Chap. 13.
That our doctrin concerning the sacrifice of the Masse was 14 generaly receiued, and beleeued in the tyme of King Lucius, and first that it was foretold, and prophecyed by Malachias.
Chap. 14.
That not only the sacrifice of Melchisedech, but also all the 15 sacrifices of the old law were figures of the sacrifice of the masse, and are changed into the same, and by the way, is declared the necessity of sacrifice, as wel for common welth, as for religion.
Chap. 15.
That our Sauiour Christ instituted and offred at his last 16 supper the sacrifice of his blessed body, and blood, proued by his owne woords, & by the expositions of the Fathers, with a declaration how he is sacrificed in the masse; and lastly that he gaue commission and power to his Disciples to offer his body and blood in sacrifice, that is to say to say the Masse.
Chap. 16.
That the Apostles practised the commission geuen them by 17 our Sauiour sacrificing, or saying Masse them-selues, and leauing the vse and practise thereof vnto the Churche, & that the ancient Fathers not only in King Lucius tyme, but also for all the first 500. yeares afeer Christ taught [Page] it to bee a true sacrifice, and propitiatory for the liuing & for the dead.
Chap. 17
18 An answere to the obiections of our aduersaries out of S. Paules epistle to the Hebrewes, with a declaration that the heretyks of this tyme that abolish the sacrifice of the Masse, haue not the new testamēt of Christ, and that they shew themselues to be most pernicious enemies of humain kynd.
Chap. 18.
19 Our doctrin of the merits of woorks, and Iustification is proued, and cleared, from the slanders of our aduersaries, commonly published in their sermons, and lately insi­nuated in a book set forth concerning the conuiction of my Lord of Essex.
Chap. 19.
20 That our aduersaries who affirme that wee derogate from the merits of Christs passion, do them-selues wholy eua­cuat, and frustrat the same, by their most wicked, and ab­surd doctrin of imputatiue iustice and concerning ori­ginal sinne, and diuers other points confuted in this chapter.
Chap. 20.
21 The conclusion conuincing by the premisses that our Catho­lyke doctrin was deliuered to King Lucius by Pope Eleu­therius, and is the vndouted truth that Christ left to his Churche, with a note of the notable impudēcy of our En­glish ministers.
Chap. 21.
AN APOLOGY OF T. F. …

AN APOLOGY OF T. F. IN DEFENCE OF HIM-SELF AND OTHER CATHOLYKS, FALSLY CHARGED WITH A fayned conspiracy agaynst her Maiesties person, for the which one Edward Squyre was wrong-fully condemned and executed in the yeare of our Lord 1598. wherein are discouered the wicked, and malicious practises of some in­ferior persons to whose examination the causes of Ca­tholykes are commonly committed, and their iniurious manner of proceding, not only against the sayd Squyre but also agaynst many Catholykes that haue ben vniustly condemned for lyke fayned con­spiracies, against her maiesty and the state.

VVritten in the yeare of our Lord 1599. and dedicated to the right honorable the Lords of her mayesties priuie councel.

Ecclesiast. cap. 3. 5. 16.

Vidi sub sole in loco iudicij iniquitatem, & in loco iu­stitiae impietatem.

I haue seene vnder the Sunne iniquity in place of iudgement, and im­piety in place of iustice.

Imprinted with licence 1602.

AN ADVERTIS­MENT TO THE READER ABOVT A FOR­MER ANSWERE OF M. M. Ar.

AFter I had set downe to my self this defence or Apologie in the forme that here it goeth, there came to my hādes a certayne breif pam­phlet writen in Rome by M. Mar. Ar. presentlie vpon the execution of Squier in England, which confu­tation thoughe for the substance of the matter it seemed to me very sufficient to giue any man satisfa­ction by shewing the whole matter of Squyers accusatiō, condēnation, and execution to be a very fiction and deuised for certayne endes which there are touched; yet thought I not amisse to let this Apo­logie passe also as it was made, partly for that it conteyneth my owne particuler defence which the other toucheth not, but hand­leth the whole action in general, and partly also for that the māner of both our proceedings is different, he shewing the whole subiect and argument to be a fayned thing, and I that albeit some occasion had byn geuen of suspition yet the forme of proceeding against Squyer & the rest to be vniust & against all reason, equitie, law, and conscience.

M. Mar. Ar. to proue his intent layeth downe the historical narration of all the whole matter and men touched in the same, to wit how Squyer and Rolles were taken vpon the sea and brought prisoners to Siuil, and had their liberty there by Father Parsons meanes, and how afterwards geuing newe occasion of offence in matters of religiō they were taken agayne at S. Lucars, & brought back to Siuil, and there agayne after certayne monethes impri­sonment, deliuered out of prison & put in different Monasteryes for to be instructed, whence they fled away to the sea syde, and [Page] excused their flight afterwards by letters to Father Walpoole that was most in daunger by that flight which letters are yet extant.

It sheweth also the improbability of the deuise, to wit, that Father Walpoole (being the man he is) should euer haue thought of such a fond way of sending poyson into England by such a fellow as Squyer was, suspected stil to be a dissembled protestant, as afterwards he proued, and that thing could not be wrought, nor the poyson caryed so farre but that Rolles his compagnion must know somewhat thereof, who being at that present in the Towre of London, and neither brought foorth, nor mentioned, nor yet made partaker of the fact, was a token that matters went not wel, nor were directly handled.

Besides this that book declareth by many examples the prac­tises of Protestants in these our dayes for making Catholykes odious, especially Iesuites of which order Father Walpoole is, who was fayned to be the contriuer of this conspiracy which is shewed to be as farre from the condition of the man, as the matter it self is from all probability of truth, to wit, any such poyson to be made, bought and sold in Siuil proued by the death of a dog, sent into England by sea in bladders of leather, poured vpon the Quenes Sadle, as also vpon the chayre of the Earle of Essex without hurt to the sitter or ryder, the matter discouered by one Stanley, that neyther sawe Squyer in Spayne, nor spoke with him, and it was denyed by Squyer first at the barre, and after at his death, and since his death called in dowt by Stanley his first detector, (as by some hath byn written from the place where he abydeth) the force also of that poyson (yf any such had byn) is declared by reasons and authoritie both of phy­sick and Philosophie that it could not worke any such effect as was ymagined, or pretended, & consequentlie that those applauses & congratulations both by woords, sighs, & teares which a com­pany of flatterers shewed foorth at Squyers arraynment and con­demnation for her Maties. so miraculous escape was most ridiculous and vayne.

This is the summe & effect of that answere as breifly set downe, as I can gather it, and it maketh the fiction most euident to all such as without partiality wil read it, though I heare say that it may chance come out agayne more ample in a secōd edition, with many Autentical letters, as wel of the citty of Siuil, as of the courte of Inquisitiō in that place, to shew the manner of Squyers and Rolles [Page] running away from those partes with some other circumstances to improue the probabilitie of the deuised slander in England, which letters and instruments I thought not good to insert heere to my Apologie but to leaue thē to M. Mar. Ar. now at his returne hither from Rome to ad to his former Answere if so he shal think good, for that he maketh mention thereof in the same, and as for this my defence (gentle reader I shal not need to aduise thee of the substance, manner, method, or argument therof, for that the breife chapters ensuing wil sufficiently setfoorth the same, only I would admonish thee to consider maturely with thy self how rhow mayest be vsed in matters of Religion which do most import thy soule and saluation, when in matters of fact and open action thow shalt fynd thy self so egregiously abused.

TO THE RIGHT HO­NORABLE THE LORDES OF HER MAties. PRYVIE councel.

RIght honorable vnderstanding by common fame, confirmed by letters from Italy, Flanders, and France, that one Edward Squire, was lately condemned, and executed in England, for hauing attempted to poyson the Queenes Matie. and my Lord of Essex by the instigation as was surmised of one Father VValpoole a Iesuite in Siuil, with the priuity & consent of Father Creswel and my selfe, here in Madrid, I was (I assure your Lordships) at the first brute amased and much afflicted to heare that these good men so farre of in my conscience from such cogitations, and my self no lesse, were slaundered with matter so haynous, & odious, and although I had re [...]ours presentlie to the brazen wall of our owne innocency,Mo [...]at. lib. 1. epist. ad Me­ [...]oen. (as the Poet speaketh) and the comfort of a good conscience which our Sauiour geueth his seruāts in like cases, saying to his Apostles, happie are yow when men shall rayle vpon you,Matth. 5. and persecute you, and speake all euil of you, belying you for my sake, reioyce and be glad, for your reward is copious in heauen, although I say I rested cōforted with this consideration, & so resolued my self to patience, & silence, yet waying afterwards, that as the Latyn prouerb sayth, Qui tacet, consentire videtur, he that holds his peace [Page] seemes to consent, & that my sylence might not onlie turne to my further condēnation in this matter, but also to the pre­iudice of all the good Catholyks of England, against whome euery supposed fault of any one or two (be it neuer so false) is commonlie wrested to the reproche & condemnation of all; I could not forbeare to offer to all indifferēt men this necessarie defence and Apology of my innocencie in this affayre, as also to addresse the same to your Lord ships hands especially for 2. causes which heer I wil expresse.

The one was for that it is not only conuenient in respect of your place & dignitie, as also of the duety I owe & beare you, but also importeth for the preuētion of the inconueniēce aforesaid, that I seek to satisfie your honours, before all others in whose hands principally resteth the satisfastion of her Matie. & the moderation of the rigour, or iniust persecution & vexation which vpon this false conceyt may otherwayes be vsed against the innocents Catholyks of England, which haue neyther parte nor fault therin.

The other is for that persuading my selfe, that so fond a fiction, or rather so foule & vnchristian a practyse tēding to the spilling of guyltlesse blood in this acte, & to the slaunder of innocent people both at home & abroad, could not proceed from the body of a councel consisting of men so honnorable graue, & wise, as your Lordships are presumed to be, but ra­ther frō some inferiour persons of lesse consideratiō, & more desyrous of garboyles to whose examinations such causes cō ­monly are committed, who may haue abused perhaps your Lordships in this behalf dazling your eyes with pretence of daungers to her Maties. person: in consideration whereof I thought my selfe bound as wel in conscience as duety to your Lordships to discouer vnto you not onely the trecherous [Page] deuises, & dryfts of those that contryned this infamous tra­gedy, but also the dishonour daunger and ineuitable dom­mages that must needes redound to her Matie. to your ho­nours, and to the whole state in tyme, if such proceedings be permitted, in which respect if those ancient senators & go­uernors among the Romans being heathens, did think it conuenient euen for honour of theyr common wealth to chasten oftentymes most sharpely, & examplary certayne newe deuisers of publyk shiftes, deceyptes, & dishonorable trecheryes vsed by thē though it were against their enemyes, and in farre countreys, and to the common publi (que) benefit of theyr state as they pretended, whereof many examples may be read in Liuy, Halicarnasseus & others, & S. Augustine in his book of the city of God, thinketh that God gaue them so florishing a Monarchie ouer the world for this hono­rable kynd of proceeding in moral iustice, how much more ought Christian councelours detest and punish such base & vile proceedings or rather malitious and diabolical as this is whereof now I am to treate, vsed against the blood of Chri­stian subiectes at home in your owne sights, to no publique benefit, but rather to publique infamy, and shame among all nations where it shalbe knowne, wherefore this a matter so worthie & necessary for your L. to know & remedy, I hope you wil take it wel that it cometh dedicated to your selues.

THE AVTORS PROTE­STATION of his innocency with the confutation of the fiction by the improbability of the end that was supposed to moue Squyre thereunto. CHAP. 1.

FIRST then for as much as my innocēcy in this matter, is best knowne and most cleare vnto my selfe, by the testimony of my owne cōscience which is to me mille testes, as the law sayth, no one but a thou­sand witnesses, and would be no lesse cleare to your Lordships, yf my hart were knowne as wel to you, as it is to God and my selfe, I think yt conuenient for the first poynt of my discharge to caul him to witnes that is the searcher of hartes & raynes:Psalm. 7. which manner of purgation though it may argue weaknes or want of credit in him that vseth it, (for as S. Chryso­stome sayth,Chrysost hom. 9. [...] acta Ap [...] an othe is a geuing of surety where mans manners haue no credit) neuerthelesse it is so conforme to all lawes humayne and deuine, and so confirmed by cu­stome of all countreys, and common wealthes, that it cannot iustlie be refused when the party in neyther infa­mous for falshood, nor conuict by euident testimonyes; of the cryme obiected to the contrarie, in which respect S. Paule sayth an othe is the end of euery controuersie for the confirmation of the truth.Heb. 6. Therfore I do here caul almightie God his Angels and Sayntes to witnesse that I am so farre from being guilty of this matter which I am charged with, that I neuer saw in my lyfe for ought I know, the sayd Edward Squyre, nor euer had any corres­pondence or dealing with him by letters, or any other [Page] meanes, neyther yet euer conspired my self, or was any way priuie to any other mānes conspiracy of the death of her Matie or of my Lord of Essex, & this I affirme in such sort, as yf it be not true in all and in euery part, I renounce all the benefit I expect of my Sauiour Iesus Christ, which I would not do for all the good in the world, as your Lordships may beleeue of me, yf it please yow to consider that for the only respect not to offend God, and my con­science, I left all the peasures and commodityes of my owne countrey, to lead this banished lyfe for many yeares, not hauing bene any way charged whilest I was in En­glād with matter of state, or any other greater cryme, then that I would not go to your Churches, and prayers, per­suading my selfe as styl I do, that I should offend God dam­nably therin.

If therfore I haue bene & am contented to loose all that a man can loose, lyfe excepted, rather then to do an act of­fensiue to God and my conscience, I hope no charitable man can conceiue of me that I would now without all compulsion, hope of gayne or feare of losse, aduisedly for­sweare my self & with a wilful and damnable periury frustrate and loose all that fruit of my former sufferings.

Neuerthelesse yf any man be so passionate and vnchari­table, that he wil not be satisfied with this my protestatiō, and solemne othe, let him way wel the matter it self with all the circumstances, & then I doubt not but he wil easely fee the wrong donne both to Squyre and vs, that are con­ioyned and mentioned in his accusation.

[...]hat Squire was, and what his [...]nd might beFirst therfore for this purpose it is to be considered what was Squyres end therein, seing as the Philosopher sayth, the end is the first thing in intention, though the last in execution, & in a matter of so great weight & daunger as this, there must needes be some great consideration that moued him therto, which the contriuers of this tragedy knew so wel that for the better colouring of the deuise, they forged the most forcible motiue and highest end that [Page 2] maybe, which is zeale of religion, and hope of aeternal re­ward, induced perhaps therto by the late example yet fresh in memorie of the last King of Fraunce, killed by a fryer, moued with meere zeale without all hope of tēporal gayne, or possibility to escape; therfore they sayd that Squyre by F. Walpooles persuasions entended the death of her Matie. and my L. of Essex, to the end to do a meritorious act, and to gayne euerlasting glorie, but the vanity of this fiction is euident, seing it is manifest, that he was a protestant as he shewed playnely at his death, when yt was no tyme to dissemble, where-vpon I inferre that seing his religion taught him that there is no merit in workes, and much lesse in such workes, how could he imagyn that the killing of her Matie. should be meritorious, or any way grateful to God, she being the principal piller of his religion by whose death the same should be endangered, and the Catholyke fayth lyke to be furthered, or at the least he must needs imagyn that F. Walpoole had no other end therin but the furtherance of his religion, yf he moued him to any such matter, could he then be so contrary to him-self, as for zeal of religion or hope of merit to seek the ouerthrow of his owne religion? this is incredible, absurd, and impossible; Seing then it is cleare that he could haue no such motiue or end as was supposed, and vrged in his accusation, what may be thought of the whole matter buylt vpon so weak & fals a ground, but that the foundation fayling the whole buylding must needes fal withal? for the further proof wherof, and our ful purgation, though it might suffise without further discourse that Squyre at his death cleared both himself and vs, yet to the end that the impiety, & malice of our aduersaryes may be withal so euident that they shal haue no colour, or pretence to haue proceeded according to allegata & probata, (which in some cases may excusse a iudge from all offence, though he condemne an innocent man) I wil particularly examine the groundes where-vpon he was condemned.

THE EXAMINATION OF THE grounds wher-vpon Squyre was condemned, and how vncertayne is the tryal of truthe by torment. CHAP. II.

ALTHOVGH I haue litle vnderstanding of our english common lawes, whereof I neuer had fur­ther knowledge, then that which I got by the ex­perience of some fewe cases that I saw tryed at the common Assizes, and in the Kings bench (which also by my long absence from England, I haue in part forgoten) and therfore cannot proue by the words, and texts therof, nor by books cases that Squyre was wrongfully condēned, yet yf I proue the same by the approued lawes of other countreys, yea and by reason and conscience which are the grounds of all good lawes, yt must needs follow, that eyther he was condemned flatly against our english lawes also, or els that the same are repugnant to conscience and reason, which were as great an inconueniēce as the other, and such as I am sure no common Lawyer of England wil grant, neyther is it to be supposed.

Now then to come to the examination of this matter, yf it be true that is heer reported (as it is lyke to be, for that we heare yt vniformely from dyuers partes) that Squyre was condemned without any witnesses presented at his ar­raynment, vpon some light presumptions and his owne confession extorted by torment, as he sayd him-selfe at the barre, and also at his death, it is cleare that he was wrong­fully condemned, for that no law can allow that such a confession should suffise for the condemnation of any man, without some other euident proofes; yt being manifest, that the innocēt may be forst by tormēt as soone to accuse himself falsly as the nocent truely to confesse his fault; which the cyuil law proposeth to all Iudges carefully to be [Page 3] considered, saying that Iudgment by torment is deceytful, for that often the innocent are compelled thereby to con­fesse faults which they neuer committed;Lib. [...]. [...]. qu. [...]f de quaest. and S. Augustin wisely noting the inconuenience of such tryals, lamentably bewayleth the practise thereof, and the infirmity of mānes Iudgement in this manner, in these wordes.

When a man (sayth he) is tormented in his owne cause to try whether he be culpable or no,Aūg. 19. de ciuit. dei [...].6. many tymes the in­nocent suffreth most certayne paynes for an vncertayne fault, not because any cryme of his is knowne, but because his innocency is vnknowne, so that the ignorance of the iudge causeth the calamity of the innocent, and that which is more intollerable, yea & to be lamented with fountaynes of teares, we see that whiles the Iudge tormenteth the ac­cused, least he should kyl an innocent, it happeneth by the miserie of humayn ignorance, that he falleth into the in­conuenience that he seeketh to auoyd, and ignorantly kil­leth a guyltles man, whom he tormented to know whether he was guylty or no, for the accused rather chussing to dy then to indure the torment, doth many tymes accuse himself of that which he neuer did; Thus much S. Au­gustyn in this discourse.

Hereof also Valerius Maximus geueth a notable exāple in a seruant of Marcus Agrius,Lib. 2. cap. 4. who being accused to haue kylled a seruant of Titus Fanius, did for feare of torment most constantly affirme that he had donne it, though after he was executed the partie whom he confessed to haue killed returned home safe, wherto I might ad many exam­ples of lyke matters that fal out in day he experience, but that I wil not be tedious to your Lordships, and therfor I wil only touch breifly by the way one that concerneth my self, not vnlike to this of Squyres which happened in the yeare of our Lord 1595. at my being with the Dukes grace of Feria in Bruxels,The Auctor in danger [...] false accusa­tion vpon torments. where I was through the rigo­rous, yf not malitious proceedings of a certayne Iudge, brought to be accused by two seueral persons, not only to [Page] haue intelligence which Sr. Robert Cecyl (whose honour knoweth how innocent I am therof) but also to haue conspired togither with them the burning of the Kings munition at Machlyn, though afterwards, through the goodnes of almighty God, and the particuler fauour of the Dukes grace (to whom I am therfore to acknowledge an aeternal obligation) I was fully cleared therof; for the processe being at the Dukes request reueiwed by the priuie councel, & the proceedings of the Iudge throughly exa­mined, it appeared that he had not only geuen two tor­ments to eyther of the prisoners without iust cause, and so forst them to accuse both me and them selues wrongfully, but also cōfronted them togither in such sort, that the one instructed the other what he should say, yea and that he razed their depositions that were different, and made them agree by his owne arte, wherto the prisoners consented also for feare of new torments, chusing rather to dy then to indure the same, and determining to discharge theyr consciences at their deathes, as wel for their owne pur­gation as myne, and this appearing to be true by the exa­mination not only of the prisoners them-selues, but also of the Iudges clark, & the laylor (besydes that it was euidēt, that there had beene no munition at Machlyn to burne of 25. yeares before) the prisoners were quit of that matter by sentence, and I for that I was neuer in the hands of the Iu­stice, was only declared to be cleare and innocent by te­stimony giuen me vnder the hands of the priuie councel, and the Iudge was also forst to restore my honour, and to do me such reparation of the wrong, as I rested satisfied.

And I doubt not but yf I had as potent a patron & frend in England at this present as I had at Bruxels, who might procure the proceedings of this matter of Squyre to be sif­ted, & examined to the bottome as hee did the other, there would be found no lesse indirect dealing in this, then there was in that if not much worse, & more cunningly hādled, as after wil in parte appeare.

OF THE CRVELTY OF the Rackmaisters in England, and of the manner of their exami­nations. CHAP. III.

BVT to the end your Lordships may the better con­ceyue how Squyre was circumuented, and forced to accuse both him-self & F. Walpoole may it please yow to enter into the consideration of some of the barbarous vsage & tyranie that the Rackmaisters, tormen­tours, and inferiour officers, and examiners by whose hands he passed haue vsed in the causes of Catholykes for many yeares, and dayly do vse obseruing no order of Iustice, nor forme of law, neyther in examining nor tormenting; for they examin men, not only of their owne works words and thoughtes, yea and what they would do or say in such and such cases, (a thing neuer practised eyther amongst Chrystians or heathens) but also of other men by name, and with such particularities as they teach them when they are in torment, what they would haue them say of them-selues, and others, for their owne ease, against all conscience, and law, which law sayth,Lib. r. [...]. qu [...] qu ff [...]de qu. he which examineth in tormēt ought not to aske particulerly whether Lucius Titius did the murder but generally who did it, for otherwayes he playeth the parte of an instructor, and not of an examiner.

Furthermore they seek many tymes by subtyle, and captious questions to entangle at vnawars some simple Catholykes, that know not the particuler penalties of the lawes, nor the daungers therof, and after they cause them, to be executed thervpon, wherof I could alleadge many exāples, but one shal suffise which of my owne knowledge I can affirme to be true.

[Page] The dealing of Fleetvvood vvith M. Nel­son Priest.M. Fleetwood not many yeares since Recorder of London, examining M. Iohn Nelson Priest, asked him many questions, as yt were by the way of conference, concerning Schisme and the definition thereof, and who were to be called Schismatikes, and so drew him by litle & litle frō one poynt to an other so farre that at last he made him by necessarie consequences confesse, that the Queene was a Schismatike, and when the poore man saw by the triumph that he made therat and by the diligent wryting of the clarke that he was fallen into the snare of some penal law, he protested that he knew not whether he had of­fended any law or no, and that willingly he would not haue donne it, yf he had knowne it, but notwith-standing the seruāt of God was after indyted ther-vpon, araygned, and executed, and when presentlie after the same day one M. Metam a learned and graue Priest being conuented be­fore the commissioners and demaunded by the Recorder of the same matters,M. Metam. and in the same subtyle manner, re­fused to answere to such bloody questions (not to geue him and the rest occasion of so great a sinne, as to spil his blood) the Recorder fel into an extreame great rage, and reuiled him shamefully, reproching him with tymiditie, and cowardise, the lyke whereof I think was neuer hard nor red of in any Christian, no nor heathē cōmon wealth, as that those which should be the ministers of Iustice, guardians and defenders of the Lawes and meanes to keep men from transgression thereof, should procure them to be transgressours, and be offended with men, be­cause they wil not offend: yea and vse the sayd Lawes, not as lanternes, or guydes, to lead and direct men to do their duety, but as stumbling blockes to ouerthrow them, as snares to entangle them, and as knyues to cut theyr throtes, and neyther giue them leaue to speak, nor to think, nor to hold their peace, which poynt Tyberius Caesar though otherwise tyrannical,Sueton. in Tyberius. did mislike, saying (as Suetonius reporteth of him) that in a free common [Page 5] wealth, and tongue and thought ought to be free, which libertie of speach neuerthelesse we craue not, but only that it might be lawful for to think what we list (not matters of treason or conspiracy against the Prince or state as syco­phants do bable) but matters of our fayth and conscience such as all English-men from the tyme that we were made Christians haue thought and professed vntil these our dayes, and all Catholykes besydes throughout the world do stil think, and this with all dutie and loue to their temporal Princes, at least mee thinks yt were reason that we should haue leaue to be silent, and not to offend the lawes by forced speach when we neyther meane nor list to do it, for as the traigical poet sayth.

Though nothing els permitted be, let silence breed no blame,
For no man craues of any King, lesse fauour thou the same.

To conclude this poynt of their examinations I cannot persuade my selfe that our lawes can allow them,Se [...]ee [...] in Oedi [...]. seeing the Imperial Lawes do ordayne exemplar punishment against such magistrates as shal make any malitious or captious interrogatories, as appeareth by a law of Adrian the Emperour,Marcianus C. L. Diuus Adrianus, ff. de custo­dia, & exhi­bitione root which sayth. Si quid maligne interrogasse, &c. yf it shal be proued that they haue examined any mali­ciously or captiously. Let them be punished in example of all others to the end that the lyke be not committed hereafter.

OF THE TORMENTORS and their manner of proceeding against law and conscience. CHAP. IIII.

SEEING such are their examinatiōs, what maruail is yt though their torments be no lesse exorbitāt, which they giue commonly to Catholykes without accuser or witnes, and without measure or certayne number, as of late yeares to omit other examples was euident in two rare gentlemen Priests and religious learned fathers Southwel and Walpoole whom they tormented,F. Southvvel. F. vvalpoole. the one 10. and the other 14. tymes, though they had neyther ac­cuser nor witnes, nor iust presumption of other matter against them then their religion for the which only they were after condemned, and executed, whereas by the ciuil law a man cannot be tormented except their be proofes against him Baldus cōs. 25 [...]. verba in­quisitionis ver 7. ratio lib. [...]. Luce clari [...]ra, as Baldus sayth, clearer then the Sunne it self, & testified at least by one witnes Bart l. ma­rit. in prin­cipio ff de q. l. confessio extra iud [...]. omni exceptione maior (against whome no exception can be takē) that eyther hath seene the cryme cōmitted, or other­wayes vnderstood it, as certaynly as though he had seene it, in which torment also a certayne moderation is prae­scribed, which is not lawful for the Iudge to exceed, as it shal not be reiteratedAlex. con. 5. num. 4. lib [...]. Albert in rubr C. de q num. [...]. but when new proofes are pre­sented, (and as some lawyers say more pregnant then the first) and that the partie tormented be neytherBarol in l. questionis modum n. 1. ff. de qu & in lege co [...]n ff ad l corn. killed nor lamed therwith, neyther yet that any other kynd of torture be vsed then ordinarie in so much that theBrun de iu­dicio & tor­tura f. 65. post, num 6. Doctors do maruelously enueigh against such Iudges as inuent newe manners of torments calling them [...]iluest verbo Tonura. ca [...]nifices and not Iu­dices, hangmen, and not Iudges. Likewise the Canonists do teach, that it is a mortal sinne for a Iudge to geue tor­ment without sufficient witnesse and euidence, or to ex­ceed [Page 6] the number of measure praescribed by the law, so that it dependeth not vpon the wil of the Iudge, nor yet is it the lawful power of a Prince to dispēce therewith,Afflict, and gram mat. voto 30 nu 13. [...] voto 3 [...]. num 9. or to command it to be downe in other manner as some very learned Cyuilians haue signified vnto kings and princes in some cases and occasions, as them-selues haue written, therfore the ciuil lawe worthelie ordayneth, Mars in l. questionis modum nu 73. ff de qu. & in l. 1. praeterea nu 7. in fin. ff. [...] leg cornel. [...] sicarijs. paenaem ca­pitis, payne of death against the Iudges which geue tor­ment without sufficient proofes, and appoynteth other greiuous punishments for them that obserue not the prae­script and ordināce of the law in geuing the same, wherein I report my selfe to the Doctors of the Arches, and M. of the chancery that are Ciuilians and canonists who cānot be ignorant of their lawes in this point.

Wherby your lordship may vnderstand what they de­serue that torment the Catholyks vpō their owne braynes, and bare suspitions, without any proof, or witnes in the world, & that with such extremety as they lame some, and kil others, and with such deuilish deuises as amongst Chri­stians hath not bene hard of whereof I could alleadge some lamentable examples of Priestes hanged vp by rhe mēbers, or priuy partes, as of M. Tho. Pormort and M. George Beesley but especialy of M. Francis Dikenson of whose tor­ments I think good to relate some perticulers omitting to auoyd prolixitie, the stories of the others.

It is not many yeares since the said M. Francis Dikenson Priest was taken and committed to prison by one of the persecutors,M. Fra. Di­kens [...]on. who seing him to be a very proper yong man in the flower of his age, and imagining that he might quickly ouerthrow him by the sinne of the flesh, found meanes to haue a woman conueyed to his bed, who being repelled by him, and the enemy seing that the practise took no effect, but came to be knowne not only to all those that were in prison, but also to many others abroad to the commendation of the Priests chastitie, and honour of the Catholyke Religion, he was so incēsed against him, [Page] that he caused him to be hāged vp, first by the priuie partes (which he made to be pearsed in diuers places with whote yrons) and after by the hands vntil he was half dead, and then called in many to see his sayd priuie partes, inflamed and rankled) with the burning of the whote yrons, saying vnto them after they were gone foorth agayne, behold this chaste Priest, how he hath dressed and spoyled him­selfe, with naughty women, and not content therewith caused him also to be araygned, and executed for being a Priest, without hauing any other matter against him; which kynd of cruelty tending to the ouerthrow both of soule, body, honour, and all, can hardly be matched I think with any example of the old heathen persecutours of the primitiue Churche.

This I haue thought good to represent to your Lord­ships, as wel that it may please yow of your wisedomes & piety to haue an eye hereafter vnto such proceedings, as also that your honours may conceyue what such merciles men as these, might make so weak a man as Squyre was to say, or do, to the preiudice of himself and others, and yf neuerthelesse they haue wrought the lyke effect (God be thanked) but in very fewe of that great numbers of Catholykes that haue past their handes in this our perse­cution, it is not to be ascribed to any other thing els, but to the miraculous assistance that God for his owne glorie hath geuen and geueth to these witnesses of his truth, no lesse then he did in tymes past to the ancient martyrs.

THAT THE COMMON lawes of England do not admit torment in tryal of cryminal causes, for the condemnation of the delinquent. CHAP. V.

BVT now to proceed with the matter of Squyre; our lawmakers wysely considering the great incō ­ueniences that grow of the secret tryal of causes by torment, the danger of errour, the corruption of iu­stice, the circumuention of the party accused, the slaunder and calumniation of the innocent, and lastlie the smal ground that is to be made vpon a confession wrong out by the rack, not only ordayned the publike tryal, which we haue in vse, but also excluded all torment from the same, admitting onely the testimony of lawful and sufficient witnesses, which being had the partie is condemned in our law, though he neuer confesse the cryme, so that the con­fession being not material or necessarie for condemnation (as in other countreys it is) torment which serueth only to extort the same, is superfluous, for where the effect is not necessarie, the cause is also needles.

And yf our law forbiddeth not, or perhaps ordayneth the vse of torment in matters of conspiracy against the Prince and state, it is to be vnderstood, that it is not to the end to force the partie to confesse for his condemnation, but for the bolting out of the bottome and circumstances of the matter, & to know all the conf [...]derates for the prae­uention of the daūger which may ensewe to the common welth, for otherwyes I must needes say, that our lawe should be contrary to it selfe, and that the daunger of er­rour, and of corruption of Iustice, which our lawmakers sought to preuent by our publyke tryal, should be nothing at all remedied therby.

[Page]For what doth it profit the prisoner to be brought in publykly to heare his iudgment read in the hearing of all, to haue the witnesses confronted with him, to be tryed by a verdit of 12. substantial men, and to haue so many causes of exceptions alowed him against the sayd witnesses, and Iurie (as in the practise of our lawe is seene) what doth all this I say auayle him, if the rackmaister may haue the fingring of him first, and force him by torture to ac­cuse him-selfe, and that the same accusation shal suffise to preiudice all the priuiledges that our law alloweth him?

Againe why are the iurors brought to the barre, but to see the witnesses deposed, to heare their euidence, and the answere of the party ther-vnto, and to vnderstand the whole groundes of the matter for the ful satisfaction of their consciences, and to the end they may geue a true verdit.

Edvvard Squyres araignment.But in this case of Squyre what cleare euidence was produced? what witnesses were deposed? what warrant had the Iury for their consciences, who hearing by his owne report, that he had beene forced by torments to ac­cuse him-self, condemned him neuerthelesse vpon his owne confession, first extorted in the Tower by torture and by him ratified afterward at the bar for feare of new torments (as afterward shalbe declared) besides some fri­nolous and vaine arguments vrged by M. Atturney and other lawyers whose occupatiou is, to amplifie, and exag­gerate euery trifle, to make mountaynes of molehils and with their retoryke (such as it is) to persuade ignorant mē, that thee moone is made of greene cheese? Truly eyther this is farre from the wisedome pyetie and intention of our lawmakers, and from the course of our lawes, or els we haue the most rigorous and absurd lawes in the world.

But seing the groundes of Squyres condemnation consisted principally in two poynts, the one his owne [Page 8] confession vpon torment, and the other the presum­ptions vrged by the lawyers which did seeme to for­tifie the same, I wil br [...]esty treat of eyther of them a part, therby to shewe what may be iudged therby of their validitie, And first of the presumptions.

OF THE PRESVMPTIONS vrged by the lawyers against Squyre, and first of the deposition of Iohn Stallage alias Stanley. CHAP. VI.

THERE was red to the Iury the deposition of one Iohn Stallage alias Stanley who lately before was come from Spayne, and had affirmed that one day in my lodging in Madrid I enueighed against Squyre with great passion, and othes, saying that he had deceyued vs in not performing his promise, and that I feared we should be vtterly discredited with the King therby. Wherto I answere that I protest before God, and vpon my saluation, that I neuer said any such thing to Stanley in my lyfe, neyther is their any man (I suppose) that knoweth him and me, and both our qualities, behaui­ours and conditions, wil thinke it probable that I would vse such wordes before him if there had byn cause, or that so easely, and eagerlie I would fal to sweareing vpon the suddayne, which hath byn so farre of from all the rest of my former lyfe, as my acquaintance wil beare me witnesse. But to the end it may appeare to your honours what a substantial witnes he was, I craue your pacience, whyles I discourse of the sufficiency first of the man, and then of the matter by him alledged.

For the first I assure your Lordships that if his honestie [Page] were to be tried by a Iurie of his contrymen in Spayne,The conditi­ons of Iohn [...]llage. I meane eyther his fellow prisoners in Siuil, or the Catho­lykes in Madrid, he would soone be sēt after Squyre, for that no man here hath other opinion of him, then that he is a notable drunkard, a common lyer, a pilfering, cosening, and cogging compagnion, yea and (as he himself hath made no bones to boast) a pursecatcher vpon the high-way, & as I haue credibly hard a commō horse-stealer, for the which, & such other vertues of his I vnderstand he hath scowred sundry geoles in England, and should haue flowred the gallowes long ere this, yf he had had his right, and of these his good conditions, sufficient testimony may be had, not only by the Englishmen stil in prison at Siuil, but also by those that escaped hence, and are in England, who cannot but testifie the same, yf they be put to their othes.

And as for his behauiour heer, I assure your Lordships, that within a fewe dayes after he was set at libertie, and that we had noted his demeanour, we were both weary & ashamed of him, for besydes his vyle and scandalous lyfe, to bad to be told, he would sometymes be in such desperate moodes that he would blaspheeme God, saying that he could not forgeue his sinnes, and sometymes threaten to make himself away, because he was not regarded and rewarded according to his expectation, though much better then his lewd conditions deserued, and to giue your Lordships some particuler examples of his trecherie, yea and his periurie (which for the mater in hand is most to be considered) your honours shal vnderstand that first he betrayed his owne fellow prisoners in Siuil reuealing certayne treatyes and practises they had in hand for their libertie, and other purposes, and caused some letters they had written to some of your Lorships to be taken; Secōdly he discouered an English ship that aryued there, not for any zeale to this Kings seruice, but in hope to get a third parte of the goods, & lastly accused a frenchman called Thomas Dobret to be an English man, my Lord of Essex his seruāt, [Page 9] and his spy, which neuerthelesse presently vpon his es­cape from hence he reuoked by certayne letters that he wrote from S. Iohn de Luys aswel to one of the Iudges criminal of Madrid, as to Father Creswel and me wherein he defyed, and reuyled vs with very vnseemly speach, blas­pheming against our Religion and protesting that all he had donne as wel in Dobrets mater, as otherwyes was only to get his libertie, and that Dobret was no English­man, but a frenchman, for ought he knew, and so by his owne confession acknowledged himself to be periured, as may wel be supposed, seeing he had giuen his testimony before against Dobret by oth and this the English marchāts at S. Ihon de Luys who sent vs his letters open can testifie, [...]. si cui [...]. accusat [...] in l. Cassi [...] de S [...]n [...]. so that according to the rule of the law (qui semel est mae­lus, semper malus esse presumitur) he which is once euil, is alwayes presumed to be so in the same kynd, it may be wel inferred, that seing he made no conscience heer to calum­niate and accuse others falsely therby to get his owne li­bertie, he would make as litle scruple there to coyne some matter of Squyre and vs, to curry fauour with your Lord­ships, & with the shewe of some plausible seruice, to coun­terpeyse the offences he had committed heer against your state, yf the same should chaūce to come to your Lordships, eares, and thus much for the man, now to the matter.

First that which Stanley affirmed that he heard of me in Madrid was not perticuler concerning Squyres employ to kil her Matie. (for the which he was condemned) but general concerning some seruice to be donne by him, which might haue beene vnderstood (if I had spoken it as I neuer did) of some other matter of lesse importance, and daunger to the state, then the Queenes death, in so much that howsoeuer it might serue to induce some light pre­sumpcion, it could be no euidence sufficient to condemne Squyre, neyther yet to geue him torment other circum­stances being considered as after shal be proued.

Secondly this Stanley testified nothing vpon his owne [Page] knowledge against Squyre, [...]. testium & [...]i glossa c. [...]e testibus in [...]tam lieteris [...]p. licetex [...]uadam de [...]st [...]bus. but only vpon hearesay from vs heer which cannot suffise in law to condemne any man, especially in this case, seing it was acknowledged by M. Atturney that we of whome he was supposed to haue heard it, had suborned him to ouerthrow Squyre, and be­sydes to do some great mischeif in England vnder colour to accuse Squyre of that matter, so that both he and we are supposed to haue conspired to betray Squyre. Whervpon may be inferred two things very euident the one, that Stanley being Squyres accuser he could be no witnesse against him, for that in law they are to be I. Actor. c. [...]e probatio­ [...]ibus.distinct persons, The other that though he were not his accuser, but wit­nesse, yet might not his accusation or testimony be of any force against him for that yf it be true (as law determineth) that a mortal enemie to any man cannot be his Angel. de [...]alef. in ver­ [...]o, & ad quae [...]lam. post [...]m. 36.accuser nor a Aret in c. [...]m, oportcat [...]. 19. text in [...] per tuas de monia.lawful witnesse against him (because the law pre­sumeth that whatsoever he pretendeth he is not moued therby by zeale of Iustice, but by desire of reuenge) what shal we say of Stanley of whome it was presumed, [...]art. in l. 1. ff. [...]e quaest. by the lawyers thē-selues that neyther zeale of Iustice, nor loue of his countrey, nor cōsideration of his duety to her Matie. nor any other good respect moued him to accuse Squyre, or to be witnes against him, but (as in Iudgement it was anowed and supposed) that he was suborned, and sent in by vs heer of purpose to cut Squyres throte, and vnder colour therof to do also some other notable mischeif wher-vpon in lyke manner it may be no lesse probably cō ­iectured, that yf we heer made no conscience to employ Stanley, to two mischeuous and pernicious purposes at once making the one a colour for the other, we would make as litle scruple, for the better compassing of our de­signments, to bely Squyre also vnto him and so his testi­monie should be false, which although it be farre fromour customes and consciences, yet I say it might haue seemed probable ynough to those that would not stick to vse the lyke practises towards vs, yea & haue donne many tymes, [Page 10] as wel by counterfet letters sent to some principal men of our nation,Practises English [...]secutors [...]gainst Cat [...]lyks ab [...]o [...] in such sort as they might be intercepted, con­teyning thankes for services donne, as also by woords cast out at home of some of vs in the presence of such as were lyke to blow it abroad to our disgrace, by which meanes a very honest and wyse gentleman, and confident seruant of the Kinges was cauled in questiō of late yeares by some ad­uersaries of his, who accused him to have intelligence with the state of England for that a councelour now dead had sayd of him in the presence of some principal Catholykes that he was an honest man, and a frend to his countrey, but the commissioners that were deputed for the hearing and examining of the matter on this syde the seas, had neyther so litle law or conscience or so smal iudgement in discouering trecherous deuises as to suffer the partie to be so much as apprehended vpon such an accusation.

Therefore to conclude if such a testimonie as this of Stanley be held good in our law, (as it is in no law els of the world) such a gappe is layd open to calumnia­tours, as no man in England can make account that this head is sure vpon his shoulders.

But put the case that Stanley had beene both a lawful witnesse, and his testimonie neuer so much to the purpose, yet he could not by any law, eyther humayn, or Deut. [...].diuine be sufficient to condemne Squyre being a lone, and that no mā els witnessed the same particularitie that he did, as had beene requisitie to proue it iuridically,Ma [...]s cons. n. 25. Silu [...] verbo testi [...] quaest. 5. Matt. 1 [...]. in a matter of lyfe and death, wherein as the law sayth, vox vnius vox [...]ul­lius, the saying of one, is the saying of none, and our Saui­our sayth in ore duorum aut trium testium stet omne verbum, let euery matter be decyded by the witnesse of two or three witnesses.

And although in some cases our lawes admit one only witnes, yet the same cannot be with any reason or con­science practised, but when the iurers themselues haue so [Page] sufficient knowlege of the matter, that they need not any further testimony for which purpose our law ordayneth (yf I be not deceaued) that the Iury shalbe impaneled in the same county where the acte was donne, to the end that the iurers, may haue (eyther all or some of them at least) some perticular vnderstanding thereof. But in such cases as this of Squyre (whereof the Iury could haue no knowlege but by the euidence and proofes produced) our lawes cannot so far disagree from all other lawes humain and diuine, as to cōdemne a man to death vpon the testimony of one alone, though it bee neuer so direct and pertinent to the purpose and much les when it is so indirect weak and impertinent as was this testimony of Stanley.

Furthermore seeing that Stanley was not deposed in the presence of the prisoner, nor of the Iury but only his deposition red, how did the Iurie know for the satisfaction and discharge of their consciences, whether he had geuen his testimony voluntarily or by violence, and whether he would stand vnto it to Squyres face or no, which they were bound to consider, yea and to be assured of yt before they should find him guyltie vpon his euidence, for no doubt to those ends the law ordayneth the publike pre­sentation and deposition of the witnesses before the Iurie & the prisoner, for what might be thought, but if Stanley had sayd any such thing, yet that he had reuoked it agayne, and would not stand vnto it, or that there was some other iugling in the matter seing he being then liuing, and in the tower was not brought to the court to be deposed there & confronted with the prisoner as reason and the custome of our law requireth, [...]art. in l. sin. [...]. de quaest. [...]arlorum post in [...]ocē ­ [...]um in cap. [...]o [...]x. wherto the ciuil law is also cōforme which ordayneth that the witnesses examined in sumariae informatione be produced agayne in plenaeri [...] iudicio, or els that their testimony is nothing worth,Glo [...]a [...]gul [...] l poctum [...]ter hare­dem. ff. de p [...]cti [...]. and this is thought so necessarie in all causes criminal that it cānot be dispēced with no not with the consent of the delinquent himselfe, who cānot in such cases renounce his owne iust defences.

[Page 5]Therfore to conclude seeing that Stanley was subiect to all exceptions aswel for his lewd conditions, and suspition of subornatiō against Squyre as also for beeing but a single witnesse, and his euidence not of knowledge but of heare­say, not particular concerning the killing of the Queene nor giuen in publyke, and in presence of the Iury but in priuate, there were so many detects therin, that yf the Iurie found Squyre guyltie therevpon, I must needs say they were worthy to weare papers for their paynes and may perchaunce weare fierbrands els where if they repent not, for spilling Christian blood so wilfullie.

OF THE TESTIMONIE geuen by a priuie councelor. CHAP. VII.

IT is further reported heere that a priuie councelor being present at Squyres araygnmēt did witnesse that he had seene a letter which had passed betweene me, & a kinsman of myne at Rome wherein we aduertised one the other, that although Squyre had not yet performed that which he promised, yet he continued his determina­tion to do it when oportunity should serue.

Hereto for answere I do first make the same asseuera­tion as before vpon my Saluation, that there neuer passed any letter betweene my kinsman and me concerning Squyre in any sence or to any purpose whatsoeuer, and that I think in my conscience my said kinsman neuer hard tel of him, nor so much as dreamed of him, or any matter of his in his lyfe except now by this occasion of his exe­cution written from England.

Secondly I say that persuading my selfe that so great a councelor would not so litle respect his honour, and con­science [Page] as to forge of his owne head a matter so false and odious as this, and to affirme it in such an honorable and publyke assembly to the preiudice of any mannes lyfe and fame if he had seene no such letter in deed I must needes think that he was abused by some of his intelligencers or inferiour informers, who to make a shewe of their double diligence in such affayres did counterfet the sayd letter in my name or my cosens.

But howsoeuer that was, in this testimonie two thinges are to be considered, the one, the estate and qualitie of his person, the other the weight and valewe of the matter, which being weighed ioyntly may seeme not a litle to pre­iudice this cause, but considered a parte do nothing at all hurte the same.

Cicero orat. p [...]o muraena.For the first I say as Cicero said in the lyke case in de­fence of Muraena when Cato was the accuser, that the di­gnitie, autoritie, and other partes that God hath giuen to that our english Cato for a publike good, ought not to turne to the damage of any particuler man, further then the mat­ter meriteth, but rather to his benefit, to which purpose Cicero recoūteth, that when the famous Scipio Africanus accused Lucius Cotta, the great credit, and authoritie of the accuser was so far from hurting the defendant that it greatly profited him; for sayth he the wyse and prudent Iudges would not suffer any man so to faul in Iudgement that he might seeme to be ouerthrowne principally by the power of his aduersarie, and Valerius Maximus telleth of Quintus Pompeius Aufidius,Valerius Max. lib. [...]. cap. 5. that being accused of extor­sion, and much pressed with the testimonies of Lucius Q. Metellus, and of Caius and Q. Cepio, men of soueraigne di­gnitie in that common wealth he was neuerthelesse absol­ued, least (sayth he) it might seeme that he was opprest by the might of so potent enemies. Such was the honorable proceeding of the ancient Romans, who thought it no reasō, that a witnes or accuser should bring into Iudgemēt ouer great power or more authoritie then ordinarie, or [Page 12] ouermuch fauour, and credit, which ought to be employed to the defence of the innocent, to the help of the poore & impotent, & to the comfort of the afflicted, rather then to the daunger, distresse, and distruction of subiects.

This I am bold to intimate to your Lordships, not to blame the a foresaid wise and woorthy councelor (to whome I beare all due reuerence and respect) but to the end it may appeere that yf his autoritie & dignitie, moued the Iury more then the weight of the matter which hee testified, as yt is lykely it did, it neither ought so to haue donne, neyther was it I am sure any parte of his honours meaning or desire that it should do, and thus much for his person.

As for the matter which he testified; I shal not need to spend many wordes therin, for that I am persuaded his honour did not speake as a witnesse, but by the way of discourse, seing that so farre as I vnderstand, he was not deposed and sworne, neyther yet the letter brought foorth and red in the court, nor proued to be a true and no coun­terfeit letter, which I verely beleeue his honour wil not for all the good in the world, affirme vpon his credit, & much lesse vpon his oth, as it had beene necessarie eyther he or some other should haue donne to make the same forcible in law, wherof I saw once the experience in an action of scandaelum magnaetum, in the Kinges bench, where a letter of the plaintiffes being presented by the defendant, I re­member M. Atkinson who pleaded for the playntife, reie­cted it as not written by him, wher-vpon the defendant was forced to produce a councelour at Law for witnesse who vpon his oth affirmed that the letter was of the plain­tifes hand, and sealed with his owne seale.

And yf this were needful in a ciuil action yt must needs be much more in a cause criminal & capital wherein most L. sciant cuncti c. de probatio. Bossius titulo de conuicti [...]. num. 9. euident, and pregnant proofes are required, especially in our law, wherin the Iuries that are to Iudge thereof are ignorant men, in which respect they had need to haue the [Page] the matter as cleare as the sunne, for otherwyes our tryal were the most absurd and barbarous tryal in the world, and therfore whensoeuer yt is obiected by the Ciuilians against our law, that simple Idiotes haue in their handes the Iudgment of our causes,Plutar. in [...]olo [...]s lyfe. and (as Anacharsis merilie said to Solon of the populer state of the Athenians) that wyse men propound, and plead cases, and fooles decyde them, when this I say is obiected our common Lawyers answere, that our Iurers are not to Iudge de Iure, but de facto, not of matter of Lawes, or right it self, but of matter of fact only that is to say, not of intricate, and ambi­guous pointes but of playne and euident matters, as of actes donne, which neuerthelesse yf they be to be proued by presumptions, coniectures, and doubtful eui­dences, ignorant men wil assone be deceyued therin as in matter of lawe, wher-vpon I inferre, that yf in the ciuil, and all other good approued Lawes, (wherin Lear­ned and wise men are to Iudge of the euidence) yt is re­quired, that the same be most manifest, and testified, by eye witnesses, or others that haue as certayne knowledge therof as eye witnesses, and this especiallie in matters of lyfe, and death; much more is it needful in our Law, wherin ignorant and simple men are to determine the cause, and yf we do not say that this was the inten­tion of our Lawmakers, that ordayned our Iuries, we cannot with reason defend eyther them or their lawes in this behalf, nor excuse them from exceeding great absurdities, and iniurious proceeding.

THAT THE EVIDENCE against Squyre was not sufficient in Law to geue him tor­ment, & that therfore his confession extorted therby was voyd in Law, and his condemnation vniust. CHAP. VIII.

BVT some perhaps wil say that although these two testimonies of the priuie councelour, and of Stanley were not sufficient in Law to condemne Squyre yet they suffised to geue suspition of the matter, and to make him apprehended examined and tormented, wher-vpon ensewed his confession which being ratified after by himself at the barre, was a sufficient warrant to the iurie to fynd him guilty,L. fi cui ff. accusat B. in l. Cas [...]i. de Sena. and to the Iudges to pronounce sen­tence against him of death, as they did.

For satisfaction of this poynt I wil brieflie prooue, first that this euidence was not sufficient to geue Squyre tor­ment; secondly that his confession vpon torment was voyd in Law and lastlie that his ratification therof at the barre could not reualidate the same, and although for his purpose I must ayd my selfe of the Ciuil law as hitherto I haue donne, for lack of knowledge & bookes of our owne lawes, yet I am wel assured, no wyse and learned common lawyer can reiect the reasons alleadged by the ciuil law, as wel for that they are grounded on equitie and conscience (in which respect they are receyued and confirmed in lyke manner by the Ecclesiastical, and canon lawes of Christen­dome) as also for that our law, so farre admitteth the ciuil law, that in many cases yt remitteth vs vnto the decision thereof, as we may see in matters of testaments, and ma­riages, and in diuers cases of the chancerie, for which pur­pose do serue our Arches, Admiraltie, and M. of the chan­cery, and this must needs haue place, much more in this case then in many others, for that the tryal by torment [Page] properly belongeth to the ciuil law, and not to ours, which law of ours abhorring (as it seemeth) the crueltie, and rigour of torture doth exclude it from the tryal of cōmon causes (as before I haue sayd) therfore if in any case it boroweth the vse therof, of the ciuil law, it must eyther vse it with the same circumstances, and conditions, or els with more moderation seing it tendeth more to mercie & pittie then the other doth.

Now then to the matter, though the ciuil law vseth torment in tryal of criminal causes, to force the partie to confesse the cryme yf he wil not voluntarily do yt, neuer­thelesse yt ordeyneth that it shal be geuen with such cir­cumspection, and consideration, as yf the forme and cir­cumstances of the law be trulie obserued there is litle daunger or none at all of doing wrong to the party.

[...]. 1. ff. de qu.First yt commandeth that the iudge begin not with tor­ment neyther proceed hastely therto, but with mature consideration aswel of the qualitie and credit of the partie,Bald. cons. [...] 59. verb [...] in questionis [...]ver septima­ [...]atio lib. 1. as of the lykelihood and truth of the cryme obiected.

Secondlie that the euidence and proofes produced be most manifest as in the 4. Chapter of this treatise I haue sufficiently proued.

Battol. l. Maritus ff. de qu. l. cōfe [...]sio extraiudi­ [...]lalis.Thirdlie that the witnesses shal be such as no lawful ex­ception can be taken against them.

Bart. in l. qui [...]e nu. 6, ff. de quaest.And although the Iudge may geue torment with one lawful witnesse that produceth indicium indubitatum as the lawyers tearme it, an vndoubted and cleare euidēce (as for example when there is an eye witnesse against whom no exception can be taken,Bart. ibid. au­ [...] innocēte. [...]icut extra de [...]ymon glos. [...]ingul. in l. [...]in verbo ve [...] inditijs c. [...]a­miliae her­ [...]i [...]cum, re­ [...]epta a Bar­tol [...] [...]ald [...] &c [...]. for so sayth Bartol) yet when the sayd euidence is not so manifest two witnesses at least are required and the same to be contestes, that is to say, affir­ming one and the selfsame thing.

This being true; it appeareth that Squyre was tor­mented against all law, for that the matter and euidence that was brought against him was neyther cleare, nor yet [Page 14] testified by lawful and sufficiēt witnesse; for as for Stāley besydes that he was subiect to many exceptions aswel of suspition of subornation, as also for being his accuser, in which respect he could not be a witnesse, his euidence was lykewise in it self so defectious that yt could be of no moment or consideration in the world as I haue proued in the 6. Chapter.

And as for the letter which the priu [...]e councelor testified he had seene, it was not proued to be a true and no coun­terfeyt letter, and therfore no such cleare euidence as law requireth to the geuing of torment, besydes that yf his ho­nour wil be taken for a witnes yet he was not contestis with Stanley for that they did not testifie both of them one and the self same thing as is needful when the eui­dence is so weake as this, neyther did that letter mention any perticuler act but imployment of Squyre in general, & for generalities no particuler man can be punished as sayth the law.

Therfore I conclude that he being tormented vniustlie, and against law the confession so extorted could not be of force to condemne him, though he ratisied the same after­wards publykly at the barre; for all ciuil lawyers do agree, that yf the euidence be not sufficient to the geuing of tor­ment, yea and also sufficiently proued (in such manner as before I haue declared) then the confession extorted therby is Glos v [...] in l. qu. l bendae ff. qua [...]. Foller. is pract. cri [...] 10 307. n Mars. co [...] 95. num. l Alex in l in alien a celus nu. nu [...]la, that is to say, to be accompted none at all, though the partie should ratifie it a thousand tymes after (for so Gramon cons 37 [...] 6 & 7. they write) yea and further, that although after such ratifi­cation, there should be presented sufficient proofes (wherby yt should be manifest that the confession was true) yet yt could not be therby Bart. in maritus [...] ff. de qu [...] [...]ulius [...] in practic crim qua [...]. num. reualidate and made good in law for his condemnation, though it were in cases of assassinat treason or any other lyke haynous cryme whatsoeuer, and this being true in the ciuil law, it cannot be contrad [...]cted by ours, which is more fauorable to lyfe, and admitteth no torture in tryal of causes for condemnation, nor relyeth so [Page] much vpon confession of the partie extorted by torment, as vpon sufficient euidence of lawful witnesse, which in this case of Squyre was none at all; in which respect the Iudges and Iurie hearing him say, that he had beene tormē ­ted, and seing the euidence and witnes insufficient for the geuing of torment, ought to haue held his confession, and the ratification therof suspected, and so to haue at least sus­pended their iudgment vntil better proofes had beene pro­duced, presuming that for as much as he might assure him­selfe, that all the benefit he should reape by the reuocation of his sayd confession, would be but new torments worse then death, he resolued himself to ratifie the same and at his death to discharge his conscience, and to cleare himself, as those which accused me at Bruxels determined to do, and as infinite others haue donne in lyke cases. And that this was also his resolution it appeared manifestly at his death, at what tyme he vtterly denyed not only the fact, and all intention therof, but also that he had bene employed to any such end by any man, accusing his owne frayltie in that he had for torment belyed him­self; which being considered with the weaknes of the euidence, doth no lesse manifest his innocencie and ours, then discouer the impietie of those that enueygled him to bely and slaunder himselfe & others, wherof I wil speake more hereafter.

AN EXPOSTVLATION which M. Cook her Maiesties Atturney. CHAP. IX.

FOR as much, as I vnderstand that M. Cook her Maties. Atturney was a principal actor in the tragedy of Squyre, and played the part as wel of a kynd, as of a kindly cook, in seasoning such an vnsauory matter with salt teares; and of a notable calumniatour in belying and slandering me with father Walpole and others, char­ging me not only with discouering the matter to Stanley (whereof I haue spoken before) but also with imparting it to the King my maister of glorious memory, making his Matie. therby an abettour of that imaginary conspiracy, I cannot forbeare to answere him bree [...]ly thereto, and to de­bate the matter with himself.

Therefore, good M. Cook, how simple [...]oeuer yow conceiue me to bee, yet I would haue yow to vnderstand, that I haue not got so litle experience, and skil of Kings hu­mors [...] in these 15. or 16. yeares that I haue haunted their courts, and serued some of them, that if I should haue employed Squyre or any man els, to kil her Matie. I would haue acquaynted any king or souerayne Prince therewith, whereby they might take me for a Queene or King killer; for howsoeuer the act might turne to their benefits, or be to their lykings, I ame sure they would say with Augustus Caesar, I loue the treason but I hate traytour,Plutar. in lyfe of [...]c. mulus. besides that I am not ignorant that they hold it for a necessary poynt of state, to mayntayne the soueraigne maiesty of Princes as sacred and i [...]o [...]able, yea though y [...]be of their very enemies, & therefore whē Darius was ouerthrowne by Alexander the greate, and trayterously killed afterwards by a subiect of his owne called Bessu [...], he recommended [Page] the reuenge thereof to no other, [...]ust. lib. 11. but to Alexander him­self, saying that yt was not his particular but the com­mon cause of Kings, and matter of necessary example, which should be both dishonorable and daungerous, for him to neglect, in which respect Alexander afterwards reuenged the same, not esteeming (sayth the story) Darius to be so much his enemy,Idem lib. 11. as he that slew him.

This consideration might haue suffised (I assure yow M. Cook) to with hold me from acquaynting his Maie. with the matter, yf there had ben any such, but much more his Maties. great vertue, piety and Iustice, so knowen to all the Christian world (howsoeuer yow and your fellowes in your hemisphere are ignorant thereof) that I know not who durst haue presumed so much as to intimat any such matter to him, whose royal harte (the very harbour of honour and true magnanimity) was no more compa­tible with murders & mischiefs, thē your base mynd is ca­pable of Kingly conceits.

This shal suffise for answere to your discours of my im­parting the matter to the King, seing there was no other ground thereof, but your owne imagination, which was no lesse Idle, then your head was addle all that day, being the morow after your mariage, as I vnderstand, when yow were not as yet come to your self, hauing left, as yt should seeme, not only your hart, but also your wits at home with my lady your wyfe, as yt may wel appeare by the aboun­dance of teares yow shed in your pittiful pleading, where of I cannot but say as Catulus sayd to a bad oratour that hauing employed all his eloquence to moue his audience to pitty,Cicero lib. 1. de ocat. asked him his opinion thereof, whereto he answered; in truth (quoth he) yow mooued much pitty, for there was no man there, that thought not both yow & your oration much to be pittied, and so Sir I may say of yow, that no dout yow mooued all wyfe men that were present to pitty yow, and to hold yow eyther for the simplest, or els the most malitious man that euer occupied your place, [Page 16] the simplect if your teares were from the hart, & the most malitious yf they were fayned.

For though yow had ben a man of farre lesse vnder­standing in the lawes of England then one that should de­serue to be the Queenes Atturney, and had not ben em­ployed in the examinatiō of the cause (as by all lykelyhood yow were) yet yow could not but note such weakenes & insufficīency of the euidence, such wresting of law, and consequently so litle appearence of truth, and lesse of her Maties. daunger, that yow could haue no cause of teares, ex­cept yt were to bewayle the lamentable case of the poore prisoner, yea and your owne, for being in great part guilty of his blood, which if yow saw not, but weapt in good earnest, for pitty of her Matie. your law serued yow for litle, and your wits for lesse, and I dare say there were some on the bench that laught wel in their sleeues to see your simplicity, and thought yow were more fit, (as good a cook as yow are) to be a turne spit in the Queenes kiching then her atturney in the kings benche.

But yf yow saw the poore mannes inocency & yet could shed teares lyke the crocodil to his distruction your malice surpassed all that euer I heard of. And truly the best that your best friends can conceiue thereof, is that it proceeded from some natural infirmity of a moyst and Ide brayne and therefore I would aduise my lady your wyfe, hereafter to keep yow at home, (seing yow haue such a childish trick when yow come abroad, to cry for nothing) or els to send with yow a nours with an aple to stil yow when yow cry, for otherwyse verely yow wil shame your self, and your friends, and so I leaue yow vntil yow geue me furder occasion, which if yow do, yow may assure your self that I wil follow the councel of Salomon and answere a fool according to his foolishnes, least by other mennes silence he may think himself to be wyse.

OF THE LIKE SLAVNDERS raysed diuers tymes heretofore against Catholykes, and of the concurrence of calumniation and persecution. CHAP. X.

YOVR lordships haue seene vpon what smal ground or rather none at all Squyre was condemned, and we heere slaundered, wherby yow may iudge how Iustice is administred now in your Realme, by those that are or should be the Ministers therof for the better de­claration wherof, and the further iustification as wel of vs heere for this matter, as also of all Catholykes for the lyke slaunders raysed against them diuers tymes heretofore both at home and abroad, I wil be so bould as to represent vnto your Lordships sundry manifest wronges, and open iniustices donne vnto vs in this kynd, for yf this had beene the first we should haue had lesse cause to complayne, & this might haue passed the better vncōtrold, as many others of lyke sort haue donne, but seing this māner of proceeding against vs is now so vsual in England that it is growne to a common practise, (and therby much guyltles blood shed many innocent men slaundered, many weake scandalized, the simple abused, and deceyued, the true cause of our suf­fring obscured, and our religion defamed) no reasonable man can blame me (I hope) if vpon so iust an occasion, as the defence of my brethren, our common cause, and my selfe, (that am more perticularly interessed in this matter then many others) I lance a litle this long festring sore, to the end that the malignitie therof being discouered, it may receyue some cure and remedie through your Lordships wisedomes, whome yt importeth, and in whose hands yt resteth to remedie the same.

For this purpose may it please yow to consider that ther [Page 17] is such a symphathy betwixt persecution & calumniation as they are euer lightly found to concurre and go accom­pagned, for besyds that calumniation is of it self a kynd of persecution, we neuer read that Gods Churche was euer persecuted, but his seruants were calumniated & slaundred in which respect our Sauiour fore warning his Apostles, & Disciples of the persecutions that they were to suffer, ar­meth them no lesse against slaunderous, and calumnious tongues, then against other furious assaultes of his & their enemies, saying,Matth. [...]. happy are yow when men shal rayle vpon yow, and persecute yow, & speak all euil of yow, belying yow for my sake; and after exhorting them to pray for their persecutours insinuateth also the concurrence of ca­lumniatours, saying pray for them,Ibidem. 1. cor. cap. that persecute and ca­luminiate yow; and S. Paule speaking of persecution raysed against him, & the rest of the Apostles sayth, we are cursed and we blesse, we are persecuted, and we indure yt, we are blasphemed and wee beseech.

This wil be also more manifest yf we consider the na­ture and propertie of the cheife persecutour of Gods Churche,The deuils name & na­ture. whose armes, and instruments all other persecu­tours are, I meane the deuil himselfe, who being (as the Scripture sayth) a lyer, and the father of lyes, yea and a slaunderer (in which respect he is called Diabolus which signyfieth nothing els in the greeke tongue but a calum­niatour) can no more forbeare to lye, and slaunder, then the dog to bark, when he is augrie, or the snake to hisse, and therfore whēsoeuer by Gods permission he maketh warre against the Churche he employeth his instruments no lesse to slander and calumniate Gods seruants, then corpo­rally to afflict and persecute them.

Hereof the experience hath beene seene, in all the perse­cutions, aswel of our Sauiour himself, as of his Apostles, & infinite other Martyrs whensoeuer the Churche hath beene persecuted, eyther by Infidels or heretyks; our Saui­our was slaūdered to be a seducer of the people, to woork [Page] by the deuil, to be enemie to Caesar, [...]. 7. & 10. to hinder the paying of his tribute, [...]c. 23. and lastly to make himself a King, S. Paule was falsly charged with prophaning the Temple, [...]ct. 14 17. [...] 24 25. with sowing sedition, stirring vp the people to rebellion, and many other such lyke odious and greiuous matters, [...]ctor. 6. S. Ste­phen the first Martyr was stoned to death vpon the testi­monie of false witnesses, that were suborned to accuse him of blasphemy against God and Moyses; [...]cit. lib. 15. [...]ertul. in [...]pol. Iustin. [...]pol. 2. ad [...]nton [...]n. [...]useb. lib. 5. [...]p. 1. & 4. In lyke sort in the persecutions vnder Nero, Dioclesian, Antonius & others the Chrystians were put to death vnder colour that they had set a fyre the citie of Rome, killed & sacrifised children eaten mānes flesh & stirred vp the people to seditiō against the Emperours, and their Gods and religion.

[...]i [...]t. Trip. li. [...]c 27. Rus. [...] 10. Victor [...] persee [...]andal.The Arrian heretikes in Greece accused S. Athana­sius to be a whore maister a witche, and a traytour: The Vandales that were also Arrians in Africk kylled the Ca­tholykes there vnder pretence that they had secret intelli­gence with the Romans against their state and gouermēt, as we are now: [...] Dia [...]. [...]b. 16. and lastly the Emperesse Theodora, wyfe to Iustiniā the Emperour did cruelly persecute S. Siluerius Pope of Rome and all his cleargie, obiecting falslie against them that they had written to the Gothes to inuite them to inuade the Roman Empyre, and other lyke calum­niations wherby to spil their blood with lesse admiratiō, and repugnance of the common people.

[...]ra [...]. in lau­ [...]em caesa [...]ij [...]atris.In all which it is to be noted, that (as S. Gregorie Na­zianzen sayd of Iulian the Apostata, when he persecuted the Christians) the enemies of Gods Churche endeuoured by all subtyle & crafty meanes, to procure that they which suffred for Christs cause should be punished as wicked and facinorous men yea and to make them and their religion more odious to all, they slaundered them commonly with matters pernicious, and daungerous to all as with treason against the Prince and State, so that whilest they were pu­nished as publyke enemies & neyther fauoured nor pittied by any, their persecutors had free scope to discharge all [Page 18] their furie vpon them without contradiction.

This hauing beene alwayes the custome and practise of the enemies of the Christian, and Catholyke fayth, which we professe, yt is no marueil though those which impugne the same in England in these our dayes (prouoked or ra­ther possessed by the same spirit of lyes, and calūniations, that their praedecessours were) do hold the same course that they haue donne partly slaundering vs with such de­uised matter as this of Squyre, which neuer had essence or being in rerum natura, but only in imagination and fiction of the deuisers, and partly ordayning lawes and statutes, wherby some principal points of Catholyke Religion, or els some necessarie consequence, exercise and issue therof being made treason many may be intrapped within some shew of offence against these lawes and statutes, wher­vpon agayne yt enseweth that the common people (who hold for Gospel all that our English parlament enacteth, and haue not the capacitie to discerne betwixt a true and a fayned treason) hearing that the Catholykes are alwayes put to death as traytours (whome they vnderstand to be none but such as commit some heynous crymes against the Prince or state) are brought to imagyn that all Catholyks are perturbers, and enemies of the common wealth, and that their religion is not the common, and general religion of Christendome or that ancient fayth in which all their forefathers liued, and dyed, and our Realme florished so many hundred yeares together, but rather some particuler, and pestilent opinion of some sect sprong vp of late, that cannot stand with the safety of Kinges, and Princes, nor with the quietnes of their states.

And verely I dare say that such of the common sorte as are not aboue 40. yeares of age, and neuer saw Catholyke tymes in England and haue heard of so many executions of trayterous papists,The fals­hood of the English per­secuto [...]. as we are tearmed, do think Papistery to be nothing els, but a very com­pact of treason, or perhaps vnderstand that Papist, and [Page] traytour are but different wordes, that signifie one and the selfe same thing, so that although all persecutours haue sought to couer their persecutions with the cloke of treason, I thinke none haue wrought yt so cunninglie as ours haue donne by meanes of these lawes seconded with such slaunders as this of Squyre against Father Walpoole and mee and others heer, of which kynd, there haue beene so many, and of such diuers sortes in sundry partes of England these later yeares, as neyther I, nor perhaps any one particuler man can take vpon him to discouer the same, and therfore I wil only touch with conuenient breuitie a few, which eyther are with in the compasse of my owne knowledge and remem­brance, or haue come to my vnderstanding by vndoubted, and assured meanes, and may be proued by sufficient witnesses that were present thereat, yf need require, and libertie graunted to make the proof.

OF THE MOST NOTORIOVS iniustice committed in the condemnation of Father Edmond Campion of the Societye of Iesus, and of eleuen other learned and godly Priests for a fayned conspiracy against her Matie. and the state in the yeare 1581. CHAP. XI.

I AM sure there are many yet liuing that were present at the araygnment of that worthy man. Father Campion of the Societye of Iesus, & of eleuē ve­nerable Priests with him, and do remember the noto­rious iniustice donne vnto them in sight of all the world, who were indyted and condemned in the yeare of our Lord 1581. For a certayne conspiracie made at Rome & Rhemes in Frāce to disposesse her Matie. of the crowne [Page 19] by inuasion of the realme with the helpe of forrayne Princes, the wh [...]ch conspiracy was supposed to be held in the moneth of May of the precedent yeare to wit the 22. of her Maties. Raigne at Rome and Rhemes, for proof wherof first spake the Queenes soliciter and Atturney with other of the Q [...]eenes councel who began to dilate the matter with large discourses (as the old Roman oratours were wont to do when they ment to draw out the day and leaue no tyme to their aduersaries) handling theses only, & not hypotheses, to wit general propositions and comon places of the greiuousnesse of treason, of the peril of King­domes where traytours liue and do cloke their intensions with shew of Religion, of the great importāce of the saftie of her Maties. person and the daungers she had passed, and how much she was maligned by Catholykes both at home and abroad and other lyke stuffe.

Then came they to declare how many wayes rebellions and tumultes had byn attempted by such kynd of people, as the excommunication of Pius Quintus, the hanging vp of it by M. Felton, the rysing in the North by the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland, the late attempts of Doctor Sanders and others in Ireland, and when no end was made in amplifying & exaggerating of these matters, the prisoners often tymes desyred that they would come to the perticuler poynts of the inditement and proue some particularities against any one of them of whom some said that nothing was alleadged but original sinne, & the factes of others, some that they were very children when most of the matters alleadged did happen, some that they were of farre different places, states and conditions.

And when these accusers or rather declamers went stil forward to vrge the insurrections of other Catholykes against these that were present F. Campion among other thinges sayd, Sir, supposing that diuers men Ca­tholyke in Religion hauing for the sayd Religion, or other causes taken sometymes armes (as of Protestants [Page] also I thinke, no man can deny yt that considereth what hath passed in our dayes in Germanie, Fraunce, Flaunders and Scotland) yet what is this to any of vs heere at the barre, though we be of the same Religion, this doth not proue vs to be of the same action; yf a sheep were stolne and a whole familie called in question for the same were it a good manner of proceeding for the accusers to say your great grand fathers and fathers, and sisters and kynsfolke loued all mutton, ergo yow haue stolne the sheep, if yow wil proue any thing against vs M. Attorney and Solicitor yow must leaue your ranging speech & come to say thow Cāpion or thow Sherwyn, or thow such a one, hast done, or dealt, or committed this act.

This sayd that seruant of God, and to all indifferent men that were present his demaund seemed most iust and reasonable, but yet would yt not be hard for a great while, at last notwithstanding were brought in certayne witnesses whose names were Slead, Cradock, Munday, & Eliot. The first had bene a seruing man in Rome and sayd he had heard by common report that some styrres were lyke to be shortlie in England; Cradock had byn a broken Merchant about Italie, and imprisoned in Rome for a spie and testified of one that to comfort him in prison should say, he has happie that he was foorth of England, seing yt was lyke that great troubles would ensewe there; Munday was a player of commedies, and had byn some fewe dayes in Roome, and could say litle or nothing at all; Eliot was a seruingman who hauing byn a Catho­lyke before, but now in danger for stealing away a yong gentlewoman out of M. Ropers house, and for sus­pition of a robery for which he and his frends were boūd to appeare at the next assyses) to get himself free, betrayed first his best and greatest frend M. Payne a Priest, and af­terward took F. Campion and now came into iudgment, not to accuse any particuler man present of any matter of weight but to make them odious by relating a certayne [Page 20] fiction of his owne against M. Payne absent but in the tower whom he accused to haue told him of a deuise that had byn thought of to kyl her Matie. in tyme of pro­gresse or hunting with fiftie armed men, which the other after vpon his death took to be most false.

Now then all these witnesses being brought in, and saying no more in effect them heer hath byn layd downe how insufficient there depositions were to condemne any one of his companie, and much lesse all and euery one of them together I referre me to the iudgement of any man that hath but common sence, for albeit we graunt that these witnesses were all honest men, (as it is euident they were lewd and infamous fellowes) what proued they against F. Campion or any of the reste there araygned? what particularities brought they of the conspiracie, and pretended inuasion as with what forces yt should be dōne, what forreyn Princes had ben treated with all, and how or by whome the matter had beene negociated, & by what meanes they at Rome conferred with them at Rhemes and how it came to passe that the conspiracie came to be held by so many seueral persons, and in such distant places at one tyme, as in the end of one moneth of May? no doubt for the condemnation of the prisoners, yt had beene re­quisite that yf not all, at least some of these particulars should haue beene proued, eyther against them all or at least against some one of them as yt is euident yt was not, for though we should graunt that some bodie had told Slead, or Cradock in Rome that there would be great styrres in England shortlie, what did that touch F. Cam­pion in particular or any of the rest?

And wheras one sayd that he had heard also at Rhemes of some such styrres lyke to ensew, what proued this against any of those that came from Rome, or yet against those that were come from Rhemes diuers yeares or monethes before or els afterward seing that there was at that tyme neare hand 200. English at Rhemes of whom it could [Page] not be with any reason presumed that they were all priuie of the conspiracie, yf there had byn any such, and yf only some were priuie therof how did it appeare that those which were araygned were of that number seing the witnesses did not particulerlie charge any of them there­with?

Lastly he which testified that M. Payne the Priest, told him of a conspiracy of some Catholykes to kyl the Queene in a progresse what proued he against any of them at the barre, seing that M. Payne was none of their companie, and the matter altogither differēt from the other where vpon they were indited.

Was this then such playne and sufficient euidence as is necessarie in law for condemnation of a man in matter of lyfe and death, which euidence as before I haue shewed in Squyres case, ought to be as cleare as the Sūne, not general but particuler, not of hearesay, but of assured, and certayne knowledge and testified by witnesses, auouching one and the self same particulers.

But what need I labour to ouerthrow their testimo­nies by law seing it was cleare to all them that were pre­sent at their araignmēts or deathes, that they were neyther all knowne one to an other, neyther yet to the witnesses themselues, before they were brought to the barre and that some of them were in England and some in other places, at the same tyme that they were supposed to haue cōspired at Rome and Rhemes as diuers of them affirmed, and was by the othe of M. Thomas Lancaster manifestly proued of M. Colington the Priest, who was quit ther­vpon, and the lyke was also auouched of an other of them by one M. William Nicolson who being present and mo­ued in conscience to testifie a truth, called to the Iudges from the place where he stood, and offred to depose that he knew that one of the prisoners (whose name I haue forgot) was other where then was sayd in his inditemēt, at the same tyme that the cryme was supposed to be com­mitted, [...] [Page 21] [...] [Page] [...] [Page 22] [...] [Page]

[...] [...] [Page] [...] [Page 20]

[...]

OF TVVO CATHOLIKES in wales condemned vpon the testimonie of wit­nesses suborned, and hyred for money. CHAP. XIIII.

TWO substantial men the one cauled Ihon Hewes & the other Richard White, hauing beene many mes most cruelly tormented, and examined by Sr. George Brōley, & others his assistants in the Mar­ches of Wales, & cōfessed nothing wher-vpon hold might be taken to execute any of the captious lawes vpon them, were neuerthelesse designed to the slaughter, and for that purpose 3. witnesses were suborned to accuse them, that they had persuaded some to be Catholykes: the prisoners being araygned thervpon, excepted against the witnesses, that one of them had beene nayled on the pillorie for per­iurie in the same shyre as it was notoriouslie knowne to all men, and that aswel hee as the rest were hyred to te­stifie against them, the iudges answered to the first excep­tion, that though the partie had beene periured in one case yet he might say true in an other, and then did put the pri­soners to the proof of the subornation for which pur­pose, they auowed that a gentleman of good estimation, who was then in the same towne could testifie it, and therfor desyred he might be called, the gentleman was sent for, and being deposed, witnessed, that one Peter Roden told him that Gronow, (for so was one of the witnesses cauled) and his compagnions had receyued 15. shillings a peece to geue testimonie against the pri­soners, and that he was also offred so much himself, and had refused it. The iudges knowing belyke that this was true, & fearing that it would be made too manifest; would [Page] not send for Peter Roden, but reiected the testimony of the Gentleman as improbable, saying what should any man gayne by the death of these men, that he should suborne witnesses against them? and so without further tryal of the truth therof, bad the Iurie go togither, who hauing some scruple to condemne them vpon the testimonie of such infamous, and suborned witnesses could not agree thervpon, vntil two of them had beene to conferre with Sr. George Bromley, by whom as it should seeme, their consciences were so wel satisfyed, that they found them guiltie, where-vpon they were condemned, and the one of them called Richard White executed at wrexam where he had beene long tyme be­fore prisoner.

OF VVILLIAMS YORKE, AND Patrick Cullen executed also for fayned conspira­cies against her Maties person. CHAP. XV.

BVT to returne to fayned conspiracies against her Matie. I omit diuers for lack of perfect knowledge of the particularities, and wil speake only of some published 4. or 5. yeares agoe in a pamphlet printed in diuers languages, as in English, Frēch, and Duitch, cō ­cerning a conspiracy of Doctor Lopez, and two other portugueses, in which pamphlet two Englishmen called Williams, and Yorke, and Patrick Cullen an Irishman; were charged to haue conspired the death of her Matie. by the instigation of the banished English Catholykes at Brussels.

And for as much as the pamphleter would seeme to iustifie the condemnation, and execution, of the sayd two [Page 26] Englishmen, & the Irishman by their owne confessions, I w [...] but desyre your Lordships for the discouery of that fiction, only to consider the circumstances thereof, not meaning to medle with the matter of Doctor Lopez and his fellowes, because no English Catholyke was charged therewith.

The pamphleter sayth they confessed that the English Catholykes at Brussels held certayne councels amongst them-selues, where at were present two Doctors of di­uinity, a Iesuit, 5. or 6. gentlemen and others, all which are named in the pamphlet, who he sayth conspired alto­geather the death of her Mayestie, and persuaded Williās, and Yorke to vndertake the execution thereof, with the promise of fortie thousand crounes, & that for the greater satisfaction, and faster binding of them, father Holt the Iesuit took the blessed Sacramēt (which he had brought to the councel) kissed yt, and gaue yt vnto them, swearing vpon the same, that he would pay them the sayd [...]ome, when they should haue effected that which they had promised.

For the examinatiō of this supposed cōfession, I would wish to be considered, what likelyhood or probability there is,Absurd im­probillities. that those two soldiers Williams, & Yorke, both of them young men (whereof the first was held but for a cold and weake Catholyk, and the later suspected to be a protestant, as in deede he was, & then newly come from England, without any recommendation, or testimony of his affection to Catholyke religion, or of his good behaui­our) could winne so much credit so quickly, amongst such principal Catholykes, as to be admitted to their councels (yf they had held any) and to bee made parta­kers of so high a secret, especially seing that the Catholykes on this syde the sea are not ignorant, that spyes are dayly sent from England, to discouer what passeth amongst them, in which respect they are so farre from trusting in weighty affayres those they know not, as they hold sus­pected [Page] those of their owne religiō, that come from thence and bring not sufficient recommendation, what shew otherwyse soeuer they make of zeale to the Catholyke sayth;

Is it then credible that so many graue personages, Do­ctors, Priests, and gentlemen, all of them wyse, and men of experience would recommend such a matter, as the killing of her Matie. to men vnknowen vnto them, suspected, yea and mercenary, (seing as the pamphlet sayth they ment to do yt for hyre) did they not know (seing all the world knoweth yt) that no man can attempt such a ma [...]er without loosing his owne lyfe, or putting the same in eui­dent daunger, whether hee hit or misse (whereof the late examples, aswel of those that killed the Prince of Orange, and the last King of France, as of those that haue fayled to kil him that now raygneth do geeue sufficient testimony) in which respect neither those two that were supposed to vndertake this act for recōpence, could haue any probable hope euer to enioy the reward promised, neyther those Priests and gentlemen could persuade themselues, with any reason, that these or any others that should promise to doe the same for any such consideration of reward would euer execute it.

Furdermore is yt probable, that those two which should doe the fear, would consent that a matter so daun­gerous for them should be communicated to so many, or that the principal of the sayd supposed councelers, being men of greate consideration & dayly practised in affayres would condiscend to treate such a matter in a councel of men so different in quality, and humours, as it is wel knowne they were, that the pamphlet nameth; seing some of them for causes not vnknowne, I am sure, to the pam­phleter, did fears communicate togeather in matters of common conuersation, and much les in matters of such importance, yea and that some others of them were held suspected, of [...] of that company, to haue secret intelli­ligence [Page 27] with some councellours in Englād, for the which they were afterwards cauled in question? and therefore it were an absurd thing to think that so many so diuersly disposed, and affected, and some of them suspected of the rest, should treat togeather a matter of so great secresie, weight, and daunger, as the killing of her Mayesty, besyds that, it is euident (and vpon my knowledge I affirme it) that of those which were named to be of this immaginary councel at Brussels, some did resyde ordinarily in Ant­werp, some at S. Omers, and some at Mastrich, yea and were in the sayd places of their ordinary residence, at the same tyme that the pamphleter sayth they held these coū ­cels at Brussels, which being knowne in Flanders to be most true did serue notably for the detection of this slaū ­derous fiction among the wyser sor [...] of those of that coun­try, which did read the pamphlet in french, or duitch, who wondred no lesse at the autors impudency in this be­half, then they laughed also hartely at his folly, when they noted the ridiculous iest of f [...]. Holts carying the blessed Sacrament to the supposed councel, his kissing it, & swearing vpon it, when he did minister it, to Williams, and Yorke; which are things so farre from the custome and vse of the Catholyke Churche, as euery child on this syde the sea, knoweth it to be an impudent and grosse lye;

And where as the pamphleter relyeth wholy vpon their confessions for the iustification of their condemna­tion, yt is most certayne that howsoeuer they might be forced by torment secretly to confesse those particulers, or otherwyse falsly to accuse themselues, as Squyre was, yet Williams at his death vtterly denyed the same, and as for York yt was euident ynough, that he dyed distracted of his sences, and was not in case to deny or confesse, any thing at that tyme, as all those that were present at their deaths maye wel remember.

And as for Patrick Cullen, (of whome I wil speak a [Page] woord or two) yt is manifest that he neuer confessed ey­ther publikly or priuatly that he was any way employed against her Matie. person, [...]atrik Cullen t [...] his death. which at his death M. Toplif acknowledged sufficiently, when he sayd vnto him, yt is now no more tyme (Cullen) to disguise the matter, seing thou must dy, and therefore confesse thy treason, and aske her Matie. forgiuenes, whereto he answered that he called God to witnes that he was neuer employed against her Matie. no [...] came into England which any such intention, and yet the pam­phleter affirmeth that he was also condemned vpon his owne confession, though he lay downe no particularities, nor circumstances therof, in which respect it needeth no furder answere and therefore to conclude; yt resteth only that I here protest, as I do before God, that I be [...]ng at Brussels at the same tyme that these men were executed, and the pamphlet published, some of the principal of those gentlemen that were slandered with these matters, did sweare vnto me, and take it most deepely vpon the charge of their soules, that they neuer had any acquaintance, or conference, with Williams and York, in their liues, nor euer knew them otherwyse then by sight, & that there was neuer held amongst them any such councels, or as­semblies, nor any of those 3. anie way employed against her Maties. person for ought they knew, which as I take my selfe in conscience bound to beleeue, (knowing the greate integrity and vertue of the parties, as I do) so I haue thought good vpon this occasion to testify it vnto your Lordships, and to all others that shal read this Apo­logy, for your more aboundant satisfaction in this be­half.

OF THE ENDS THAT OVR Aduersaryes haue or may haue in slaundering Catho­lykes with such treasonable attemptes, & first of the end that they haue common with all persecutors of Gods Churche and how much they faile of their purpose therin. CHAP. XVI.

IT appeareth (my Lords) by these examples that the slaundering of Catholykes with treasonable attempts in our coutry is no new practise, but an old for many yeares, and so oft reiterate, that it is now growne to be stale and a common custome, or rather held for a special and necessarie point of state, but with what benefit to the state, it shal be discussed after when I shal haue brieflie declared the ends that the Autors of these calumniations haue or may haue therin, the which may be considered, eyther as common to all the enemies of Catholyke religiō, or els as particuler to these our Aduersaries now a dayes, of the first I haue spoken before discoursing of the con­currēce of calumniation and persecution, where I proued that it hath beene alwayes the custome of the persecu­tours of Catholykes to seek by imputation of fals crymes to obscure the true cause of their sufferings, and conse­quently the glorie of their martyrdomes, wherin neuer­thelesse how much they haue fayled of their purpose (I meane as wel these of our tyme, as those other their prae­decessours) it is euident by common experience, seing al­mightie God hath in all ages so disposed, and day he doth for his owne glorie, that the cleare light of truth, and in­nocencie hath dispersed the clouds of calumniation in such sort that his seruants haue triumphed ouer all the malice of men, and remayned no lesse glorious with a [Page] double crowne of martyrdome then their enemies igno­minious and odious for there double persecution.

The glory of martyrs op­pressed by calumniatiō.For the proof hereof let vs look back to former tymes, & see what the persecutors of Gods Churche, haue gayned by the lyke deuises; haue they therby any iote obscured the glorie of Gods seruants, who are esteemed, honoured, and serued through-out the Christian world for glorious Martyrs, and saynts of God, and receyue more honour, & glorie in one festiual day of theirs, then all the Monarks of the world in all the feasts of their lyfe? Are not the Al­tars & Temples buylded to God in their memories more triumphant then the thrones, and trophes of all earthly Kings? doth any Princes power extend it selfe so farre as theirs, whose dominion reacheth from the east to the west, frō the one Pole to the other, whose subiects, seruāts, and supplyants, are not only the common people but Princes and potentates, Kings & Emperours, that crouch kneele and present their petitions, at their toombes and monuments, or whersoeuer ther is any litle memory of them? Are all the royal robes, crownes and diademes of Emperours and Kings so much esteemed, and reuerenced in their owne Kingdomes as is throughout Christen­dome the least rag, or relyke of any one of them, wherto we see Almightie God geueth no lesse vertue and power oftentymes when it is for his glorie, and their manifesta­tion, to cure the sicke, to heale the lame, to rayse the dead, to cast out Deuils, then he gaue to the hemme of our Sau­iours garment,Matth. 9. Act. 19. Act. 5. to the handkerchefs that touched S. Paules body, to the shadow of S. Peter? This hath alwayes beene so notorious in Gods Churche, that S. Chrisostome speaking of the great miracles done by the body and re­lykes of the blessed martyr saint Babilas,Tom. 5. con­tra Gent. quid Christus sit Deus in vita Babilae. maketh the same a manifest argument against the Paynims to proue that Christ is God, which I wish by the way, that our Prote­stants in England may note for their confusion, seing that denying the vertue of saynts Reliks they do paganize with [Page 29] them, and do deny therby an euident argument of Christs diuinitie, but to proceed.

On the other syde what honour haue their calumnia­tours, and persecutours purchased to themselues? are not their very names odious and execrable to all posteritie, & as the memory of the other is aeternized with immortal glorie, is not theirs buryed in aeternal infamie?Sap. cap. 4. To this purpose sayth the book of wisedome that the wicked shal see the end of the iust man, and shal not vnderstand what God hath determined of him, and why our Lord did humble him, they shal see him, and contemne him; but our Lord shal deride them, for they shal fal afterwards without honour, & shal euer be amōgst the dead in shame and infamie.

Hereby may our aduersaries partly iudge what they shal gayne in the end by murdering so many Catholyks as they do, vnder colour of treasons, and enormious crymes; but for their further satisfaction in this point let them look abroad into Christendome, and see what acount is alreadie made of their supposed traytors I meane such as die directlie for religion made lately treason, who of all Christian Catholyke people in the world are held for no lesse glorious martyrs, thē those of the primitiue Churche as appeareth not only by the publike testimonie of the most famous wryters of this age, but also by the deuotion that all Catholyks, yea and the greatest Princes, and po­tentates of Christendome do beare to the least relyke of any one of them, which they think themselues happie to haue, & keep with all due respect, and reuerence, besydes that it hath pleased almightie God to glorifie his name already with diuers notable miracles donne by the same, which hereafter wil be knowne with sufficient testimony of the truth therof, and as for their martyrdomes I haue no doubt but as alreadie they are knowne, ac­knowledged and honoured by all true Catholykes so in tyme also conuenient they wil be approued by the [Page] authoritie of the whole Churche, whiles in the meane tyme the memory of their persecutors shal be damned, eyther to the deep pit of obliuion or els to euerlasting ignominie as they may see it hath alreadie happened to their praedecessours, and thus much for the end common to all persecutours.

OF OTHER ENDS PARTI­CULER to our English aduersaries and of their disloyaltie therin towards her Maiestie. CHAP. XVII.

THE other ends particuler to our home aduersa­ries at this day may be thought to be partlie pub­lyke, and for the common good (as they in the depth of their wisedome, or rather in the height of their follie do imagin) and partlie for their owne parti­cular profit or emolument.

The publyke are these, first to incense the Queenes Matie. against vs to the end she may geue them leaue to exercise freelie all crueltie vpon vs, wherby they hope in tyme to destroy vs, and to extinguish the memorie of Ca­tholyke religion, wherin I wish them by the way to note, how farre they are deceyued of their expectation, & how almightie God doth daylie infatuate, and frustrate their councels, and turne them to their owne confusion, seing that notwithstanding all their rigour, there are at this day many more recusants in England, and sincere Ca­tholyks that wil geue their liues for their Religion then ther were when the persecution first began; so that we see how true it is which Tertulian sayth Sanguis Marty­rum semen Ecclesiae, the blood of Martyrs is the seed of the Churche: But to proceede.

[Page 28]The second is to irritate also her Matie. against the King Catholyke who is therfore cōmōly made an abettor of all those fayned conspiracies, least otherwayes she being of her owne inclination desirous of peace, might come to some cōposition with him, & so Christendome be brought to repose, which these mē imagin would in tyme grow to be daungerous to their gospel, or rather to their parti­cular states & commodities which they may be presumed to esteeme more then any ghospel, but how this piece of pollicie standeth with true reason of state I wil signifie hereafter.

Thirdly it is not vnlikely, that the deuisers of these fay­ned conspiracies seeing themselues employed by your Lordships otherwhyles in some matters of state, take themselues for so great statists, that they make no doubt to extend their care further then your Lordships meane they should do, to wit to the whole state and gouernment yea to the person of her Matie. though litle to her good or comfort holding it a high point of policy, and necessary for the comon welth,Martial lib. 2. Epig [...]am. that her Matie. be kept (as a man may say) in aw with thease bugbeares of imaginary at­tempts against her person, to the end shee may bee the more plyable and easy to be gouerned, for as the poet saith, res est imperiosa timor, feare is an imperious thing.

Furthermore the end which they may haue for their owne particular commoditie is to make themselues and their seruices more gratful to her Matie. and to your Lord­ships by their pretended discouerie of so many daunge­rous treasons against her Matie. and the state.

Whereto I wil ad that it also importeth your honours to consider whether any of those that are taken to be the cheife discouerers of these supposed treasons, may be thought to fauour the title of any particuler pretender to the crowne after her Matie. for in such case they may per­haps vse this artifice to shadow some designemēt of their owne, no lesse daungerous to her Maties. person then this [Page] which they feigne and lay to our charge, to the end they may the more assuredlie and securely execute the same, & that afterwards the suspition and blame therof may rest vpon vs, [...]a [...]. lib. 4. Annal. which we read was the practise of Seianus in the tyme of Tiberius the Emperour, who aspiring to the Em­pyre, and determining to make away Agripina that was a great mote in his eye, first suborned some to put into her head that the Emperour meant to poyson her, and after made rumors to be spred all ouer Rome that some had conspired her death.

I say not this my Lords to charge any man particularly (for I know not who they are, that are the forgers of these false coynes) but because I see that the lyke practises haue beene vsed to the destruction of Princes, and may with reason think, that those which haue so litle conscience to procure the spilling of so much innocent blood by such damnable deuises as these, wil make lesse scruple to break all lawes humayn and diuine when there is question of a crowne, I therfore insinuate this to your honours as matter worthy of your consideration, especially feing it cannot be thought that they beare any good, and loyal af­fection to her Matie. knowing that she cannot but be much afflicted with the vehement apprehension of these sup­posed treasons, and yet neuer ceasing to torment her ther­with, framing dayly new fantasies of fayned feares, as though heauen and earth had conspired against her, the concept wherof (accompagnied with other cares incident to the gouernment of such a potent state) might suffise to procure the vntymely death of the most couragious prince that liueth, and what it may woork in her Matie no lesse timorous of nature by reason of her sexe, then decaying now in bodilie vigeur, by reason of her declining yeares, any man may easely iudge.

THAT THESE PROCEE­DINGS of our aduersaries which they hold for po­lityke are against all pollicy, and true reason of state. CHAP. XVIII.

BVT put the case that her Matie. be so inuincible of courage, that there is no feare of any such effect to follow, yet let it be considered whether in other respects it stand with true reason of state to incence her Matie. against her subiects by lyes and slaunders, and them against her, by insupportable wrongs and cruelties, which were no dout the next way to put all in combu­stion, yf the Catholykes loyalty, obedience, and patience, were not such, as God be thanked yt is, and I hope euer wilbe, such I say, as neuer hath ben red nor heard of in any people so opprest, so long tyme together, so many in number, so honorable in quality, and condition, and so frended abroad as they might bee (in respect of their re­ligion) yf they would seek the remedy that other dis­contented people haue sought in former tymes, whereby the state of England hath ben changed, and turned vpsyde downe, twyse or thryse already since the conquest; for how were the two Kings Richard the 2. & 3. disposessed of their crownes, and lyues but by their owne subiects malcontent, succored with smale forces from abroad? & yet no such cause geuen them as is to vs, who are esteemed for no better then opprob [...]ium hominum & abiectio plebis, the skorne of men, and outcasts of the people, & as saynt Paule sayth peripsema mūdi, the very scūme of the world, 1. Cor. 4.13. contēned trodē vnder foot, & derided of all men depriued of all priuiledge of natural subiects, of hon [...]ors & dignities, lādes, & lyues, for no greater offences, then our auncient, & the vniuersal [Page] fayth of Christendome, made treason, yea for fayned crymes neuer meant nor dreamt of.

To this purpose it is to be considered, that no force, nor power is so great (as Cicero sayth) that can resist the hatred of a multitude,Cice. offic. neyther any empyre so potent, that can long stand by rigour, oppression, and cruelty, & there­fore amongst the causes of the ouerthrow of empyres, and Kingdomes, Aristotle worthely reckoneth hatred,Arist. epoiit. lib. 5. and feare of the subiects; exemplyfying the same with the smale continuance of all the tyranical states, that had ben in his tyme, or before;Cicer epist. ad Attidum. and Caesar confessing that he neuer knew any cruel man, that could long conserue him-self and his state, but only Sylla (which yet was not long) he wysely added, that he would not follow his example; wherein he had great reason, for one swallow as they say, makes no sommer, neyther can the example of a few which escape, counteruayle a common experience, that teacheth what euident daungers do accompany cruelty, & oppression, which no humain power nor pollicy cā make secure, as it is euident enough to all wyse men that wil consider how litle securitie Kings, and Princes, that haue incurred the hatred of their people, haue found in the re­medyes, and defences, that humain pollicy hath inuented; I meane in their treasures, fortresses, gards, armies, multi­tude of spyes, wisdome and vigilance of councellours, and such lyke; for haue not a number of them notwithstan­ding all this, ben by their subiects chastised, and reformed, deposed, expelled, imprisoned, killed, and those that haue escaped best, haue they not commonly liued a miserable lyfe, afflicted and tormented with continual feares, ielou­syes, and suspitions of their best friends? for as Seneca sayth,Senec. he that is feared of many must needs feare many what did all the welth,Sect [...]n. power, and force of the Roman empyre auayle the Emperour Claudius, poysoned by his raster, and Nero so pursued by the people, that he was forst to cut his owne throte, or Domitian killed by his chamberlaynes, or [Page 32] [...]omodus murdred by his concubyn,Ser Aure [...] vict. Phocas by one of his cheefest fauorits, or Caligula, Pertinax, Caracalla, Helio­gabalus,Capitoli [...]. Lamprid. Eurrop. Pupienus, Balbinus, Philippe, Galien, Seuerus, Macrinus, Aurelianus, Maximinus, Probus, with diuers others, some of them slayn by their owne gards, and some by their souldiars; to whome wee may ad the last King of France, killed by one alone, in the midst of his pui­sant army, when he thought himselfe most potent and secure.

Whereby it euidently appeareth how vnsure, daunge­rous and pernicious are the pollicies of our aduersaries, who following the absurd and pestilent doctrin of Ma­ [...]hiauel think they can assure her Maties. estat by rigour cruelty and iniustice wheareas both reason & experience teacheth that mercy and truth (as Salomon sayth) do preserue the Prince and that his crowne,Pro. 20.and throne is fortified with cle­mency, to which purpose also Seneca sayth,Seneca lib. 1. de elemen. cap. 19. the loue of subiects is to the Prince a castel inexpugnable, and clemency a sufficient gard though he be alone in the midst of the market place, so that these most cruel and bloody deuises of our persocutours, are not only impious, but also foolish in that very point where­in they wil haue them seeme most wyse.

But yf it be considered how they riuet this peece of pollicy with an other point of state, and what may by lykelihood ensew thereof, yt may be thought their mea­ning is no other but to put fyre to gunpowder and to set all on a flame and themselues also to burne therewith, or to rūne away by the light for vsing the matter towards vs as they doe, procuring so much as in them lyeth, to alienat vs from our natural obedience to her Matie. and to dryue vs to some desperat course (which neuerthelesse I hope they shal neuer be able to doe) a man would think they would at least seek to put her maiesty in peace with her neighbours abroad.

But they are so farre from the same, that they doe not only incite her Matie. dayly against the most potent Prince [Page] of Europ, by slaundring him vnto her, with practises against her person and lyfe, but also do seek to kindle him against her by infamous libels published in diuers languages, and stuffed with lyes and slaunders, with [...]niu­rious and dishonorable speeches against his person to make him an enemy irreconci [...]able; for who knoweth not that iniurious woords offend much more many tymes then deeds (as Plutark wel noteth) especially against Princes that most of all esteeme their honours? for so long as their contentions ar only for amplifying their do­minions,Plutar in the lyfe of Ti­moleon. or meerly for matter of state, the enmity com­monly endeth with the occasion of the quarrel, and the dammages are by restitution or recompence easely re­payred (whereby wee see that those Princes which haue had the greatest differences and warres betweene them selues do many tymes after become the greatest con­federats and frends) but personal iniuries especially tou­ching honour and reputation, as they proceed from an excessyue hatred in them that offer them, so are they not easely pardoned, neyther yet amongst Princes repa­cable by any restitution.

What then is the meaning of these make-bates? wil they oblige Matie. to a perpetual warre not with some petty Prince or poore potentat, but with the most potēt, rich, and mighty Monark of Europe? and vpon what con­fidence? is yt the welth and force of England? the strength of allyes, and confederats? or yet the good successe of these late warres, which mooues them therto? who knoweth not that in power & welth her maiesty (though she be most puissant and rich) yet is farre inferiour to him? in which respect that which Plutark noteth of Cleomenes King of Lacedemony,In the lyfe of Agis & Cleo­menes. and Antigonus the great King of Macedony, may wel be sayd in this case.

It seemed (sayth hee) to proceed of great wisdome, valour, and [...]rowes that Cleomenes could with the forces of one only state mayn­tayne [Page 33] warre against the power and treasure of the Kingdome of Ma­cedony, and all the people of Peloponese and not only defend his owne, but also take places and townes of his enemies. But he which first said that money, is the sinowes of warre had great reason, for euen as amongst wrastlers those which haue strong bodies by nature, and hardened by continual exercise do alwayes in tyme ouerthrow them which haue nothing but art and agilitte, euen so Antigonus who had the power and wel [...] of a great and rich Kingdome to sustayne the expences of the warre, at length weried and ouerlayd Cleomenes that had no such meanes to beare the charges therof, thus sayth Plu­tark in substance, of these two Kinges; and so may wee say of her maiesty and the King Catholyke, that by all lyk­lyhood the multitude of his Kingdomes, the welth & in­finit number of his subiects, the aboundance of his trea­sures that flow from his Indies, and the strength of his armies and garrisons continually kept in pay, cannot but weare out in tyme, the power and wealth of England, though it were much greater and richer then it is, espe­cialy yf eyther any breach should fal out betwyxt the french and vs, or any ciuil warres amongst them, or a new storme aryse from any other part, in which cases how England would be able to weald with so potent an enemy as is his maiesty, I leaue to your lordships wife consideration.

But perhaps these men presume vpon her Maties. lea­gue and amity with forrayn Princes and States, let them therefore consider what assurance is therein, seing expe­rience teacheth that the amity of Princes neuer lasteth longer then fortune fauoreth or consideration of profit concurreth, besydes that infinit occasions of Ielousies, and vnexpected quarrels fall out dayly amōgst Princes which break the surest leagues, and make the best friends the greatest enemies.

What resteth then to make these brewbates so confi­dent? is it her Maties. good successe? but of all other rea­sons that ought least to mooue them, for he is not wyse [Page] (sayd Iason to Epaminondas) that feares not the euents of warre, which are so variable as neyther force nor pollicy, nor skil of art military nor any humain meanes can assure; whereof wee neede not to seek examples abroad, seeing wee hane enough at home, yf wee but consider the varietie and counterchange of good & bad successe in the warres betwyxt King Henry the sixt and King Edward the fourth and the great victories, and dominions which our Kinges her Maties. predecessors had in France some yeares togeather, and that at last they lost against all that they had got there; such is the inconstancy of hu­main affayres, stable in nothing but in instability, and therefore after a glowing Sunne of prosperity all wyse men feare a sharp shower of aduersity knowing that extrema gaudij luctus occupat, Prouerb. cap. 14. which a poor of our tyme wel-expressed in this distich.

Mirrour of Magist.
When hope and hap, when health and welth are highest,
Then woe and wrack, disease and need are nighest.

In which respect, that is no smalle point of wisdome in any prosperous and victorious Prince euer to feare the after clap, and to bee such an enemy as he may after be a friend and so to make warre as he exclude not himself from possibility of peace yf his former fortune fayle him, yea and during the course of his prosperity to harken to any reasonable composition, rather then to stand to the hazards of future euents, which many great Princes and famous Captaynes not obseruing, haue obscured all their former glory with final disgrace, and made themselues la­mentable examples of humain infelicity.

Plutark in the lyfe of Paulus Aemi­lius.Perseus King of Macedony puffed vp with pride for diuers victories that he had got against the Romans, pro­uoked them so long with continual iniuries that at length Paulus AEmilius conquered his country, & caried him and all his children prisoners to Rome in tri­umphe.

[Page 34]And Charles the last Duke of Burgundy, being growne so hauty and insolent with his great power, prosperitie, excellent wit and courage, that he would not harken to the most reasonable offers, and humble sutes of the Swissers (with whome he was at variance) lost two battayles vnto them at Granson and Morat, and his credit,Philip. co­min. and friends with all, where vpon ensued his other disgraces, and fi­nally the ruin of him and his state.

This (my good Lords) I say to shew the inconsidera­tion of our aduersaries who promising themselues (as it seemeth) a perpetuity of her Maties. lyfe and prosperity, think it good pollicy to kindle the coales of these present warres, betwyxt her and the King Catholyke, with abuse and iniury of them both (as before hath ben declared) seeking to make an immortal hatred betwyxt them, and a quarrel irreconciliable, and yet are withall so vnaduised at home, as to procure (as much as in them lyeth) to alie­nat from her Matie. the harts of her owne subiects, by most exorbitant cruelties, and open iniuries, drawing her and the whole estate thereby into euident daungers both do­mestical and forrayn, which daungers if they should con­curre to the effects that may be feared, though their owne ruines also would be included therein, yet were that but a smalle satisfaction, or recompence, for the losse of so many other better then them selues.

OF TVVO OTHER INEVI­TABLE dammages that must needs ensew to her Matie. & her whole state by the effusion of inno­cent blood with an intimation of some part of the remedy. CHAP. XIX.

BVT albeit there were no occasion of feare, eyther at home or abroad as God be thanked at home there is litle (though no God a mercy to these busy fellowes) yet what greater indignity or iniury can be offred to her maiesty by her subiects then to abuse her royal name and authoritie, to the murdering of so many innocents as by these deuises are put to death in England, where-vpon do follow two ineuitable dam­mages to her maiesty, and her realme, the one the infamy that her maiesties gouernmēt doth incurre in all the Chri­stian world, as is manifest to all those that trauel ouer other countries, or read the bookes and histories that dayly are written therof by strangers in all languages, which no trackt of tyme shal be able to abolish.

The other is the vengance of almighty God due by his iustice to all such notable wrongs donne by publyk authority of her Matie. and her lawes, the which what yt may bring vpon her and the realme in tyme, any man that beleueth there is a God, and iust Iudge of humain actions, cannot but feare, seing not only the holy Scrip­tures, but also prophane histories do yeeld innumerable examples of Gods wrath extended vpon realmes and states for iniustices committed therein; Kingdomes are trans­ferred, sayth the scripture, from nation to nation, for iniustices, in­iuries, contumelies, and diuers deceits;Ecclesiastie. cap. 10. and amongst iniustices there is none that more offendeth God, thē the effusion of [Page 35] innocent blood, and therefore the Prophet exclaymeth in the person of God,Ezech. 24. wo be to the bloody cittie whereof I wil make a great heap, as of a pile of wood to burn; and the same Prophet threatning the destruction of Hierusalem,Ezech. 22. and declaring the causes thereof reconeth for one of the principal,Ibid. the shedding of innocent blood, her Princes (sayth he) were lyke woulues rauening for their pray, to shed blood, Ibid. & agayne their were calumntatours and slanderers in box, to shed blood lyke wyse, afterwards in the same place our lord speaketh to Hierusalem, saying, they haue receiued gifts and rewards in thee to spil blood, behold my wrath is kindled against thee for thy coue­tousnes, and the blood that hath beene shed in thee, and therefore I wildispers thee into diuers nations, and scatter thee into diuers countries, &c.

Also when the King and people of Iuda,4. Reg. ca. 2 [...] and Hieru­salem were led into captiuite by Nabucodonozor the scripture sayth expresly that it was donne for the blood which Manasses had shed, when he filled Hierusalem with the blood of innocents, and therefore God would not bee appeased.

In lyke manner our Sauiour himself prophesing of the destruction of Hierusalem by the Romans ascribed the same principally to the spilling of innocent blood,Matth. 23. not only of his owne but also of the prophets, that he had sent and was to send, Hierusalem (sayth he) which kils the Prophets, and stonest them which are sent to thee, behold your hows shal bee left desert, &c.

Hereof many notable examples occurre in prophane histories,Iust. lib. 2 [...]. but 2. or 3. shal suffise for breuities sake.

Iustin telleth of the people of Epiras seuerely punished and almost destroyed, with dearth, famin, warre, and sicknes by Gods iust Iudgement for the cruel slaughter of Laodomia daughter of Alexander their King.

No lesse notable and manifest was Gods iust iudge­ment vpon the Lacedemonians for a horible murder and rape comitted by two of their cittizens vpon the two daughters of Scedasus,Plutark in [...] treatise inti­tuled nara­tiones ama­toriae. who demaunding Iustice most in­stantly [Page] of the King councel, and people, and being denied it of them all, craued it at Gods hands with infinit im­precations, and maledictions against their state, and so killed himself also vpon his daughters tombe, where vpon ensewed (as Diodorus, Siculus,Diod sic [...] lib. 15. ca [...]4. & Plutark doo note) the memorable ouerthrow geuen to the Lacedemonians by Epimanondas, hard by the tombe of the two maydens in the playne of Leuctra where the offence was comitted in which deffeit they lost not only their hole armie, but also the empire of Greece, which they had before in their hands many yeares.

Such is the style of Gods Iustice, to punish iniustice, not only in them that commit it, but also in those that permit and suffer it, yea and in respect of the sympathy and com­munication which is in the body politike no lesse then in the body natural (where in the detrimēt of the least mēber redoundeth to the hurt of the whole) he imputeth some tymes the fault of one to all, & sometymes for the peoples offences he punisheth the Prince (in which respect Sa­lomon sayth the sinnes of the people make many Princes) and sometymes for the Princes faults he punisheth the people, and otherwhyles for the sinnes of eyther he de­stroyeth both.Prouerb. cap. 28.

When Acham had stolne part of the spoyle of Hie [...]co contrary to the commaundement of God,Iosue cap 7. 3000. of the children of Israel were ouerthrowne by them of Hay, for his offence, [...] 2. Reg. ca. 24. [...]. Ibid. which our lord imputed to them all, saying, Israel hath sinned and transgressed my commaunde­ment, &c.

For the sinne of Dauid in numbring the people, 70000. of his subiects perished, [...]. 2. Paralip. [...]. cap. 2. 3. 4. Reg. ca. 24. 1. Reg. ca. 12. and for the peoples offences God permitted him to sinne.

For King Achaz cause, sayth the scripture, God did humble the people of Iuda & after gaue them into capti­uity for the sinnes of their King Manasses.

Lastly when Samuel had anoynted Saule for King he [Page 36] said vnto the people yf yow perseuer in your wickednes, both yow and your King shal perish.

Herein neuertheles this difference may be noted, that when almighty God doth punish both he vseth more ri­gour towards the Princes and heads of the people, then towards the meaner sort.

Whereof the holy ghost declareth the reason in the book of wisdome where he speaketh to Kings, & Princes, in this manner;Sap 6. Audite reges, &c. hearken O kinges, and vnder­stād, learne yow which are Iudges of the bounds of the earth in respect that power is geuen vnto yow from our lord, and strength from the highest, who wil examine your woorkes, and search your thoughts, and because when yow were ministers of his kingdome, yow did not Iudge rightly nor keep the law of Iustice, nor walk in the way of God, he wil appeare vnto yow quickly, and horibly, for most rigorous Iudgment is donne vpon them that gouerne: with the poore and meane man mercy is vsed, but mighty men shal suffer torments mightily.

This my lords I am bold to represent vnto your lord­ships that yow may see thereby the euident daunger that your whole estate may be brought into by the extreame wrongs that our persecutours do vs howsoeuer her Matie. and your Lordships may bee free from the same in wil or consent, as I make no doubt but yow are.

For if the Prince and people are so conioyned & linked togeather with the communication of merit or demerit,A consequēce to be consi­dered. that God doth commonly chastise, the one for the others fault,Iosue. 7. and for the offenses of eyther sometymes destroyeth both (as I haue before declared,) if the priuat theft of Acham could cause the puklik calamity of the children of Israel, that had no way consented thereto, what may be feared to ensew of so horible and publik a crime, of our persecutours, as the effusion of innocent blood, thirsted sought, and spilt, so oft, and by so many subtilities and de­uises, by slaunders and fayned treasons, by extreame tor­ments vniustly geuen, by periuries, by corruption of wit­nesses, [Page] Iuries, and Iudges (where by an infinit number of all sorts are drawne to the participation of the offence) and all this vnder pretence of publyk autoritie of her maiesty, of her councel and her [...]awes, what may be feared (I say) but that the sinne is not priuat, and particuler, but pnblik and general, and that the whole state remayneth engaged for the payment of the penalty.

It resteth then my lords that of your wisdomes and piety yow procure some redresse of these inconueniences for auersion of Gods wrath from yow & vs & the whole realme, and for preuention of the mischeefe that other­wyse must needs ensue. And if it please your lordships to geue me leaue to put yow in mynd of one necessary meane thereof, and as I haue layd open the sore, so to re­present also some part of the salue, yt importeth much that for the expiation of so great a sinne, and satisfaction of Gods Iustice yow lay the penalty vpon the authors and instruments of the iniustice as appeareth by the example of Archams theft, whereof our lord sayd to Iosue,Iosue cap. 7. I wilbe no longer with yow vntil yow haue destroyed him that is guilty of this cryme, and when Phinees killed the Israelit which com­mitted fornication with the Madianit,Num. cap. 25. he auerted the wrath of God from the children of Israel, as the scripture testifieth. Also when the people were punished with 3. yeares famin in Dauids tyme for the offence of Saule in killing the Gabaonits, the famin lessed when seuen of Sauls ofspring were deliuered to the Gabaonits,2. Reg. ca. 21. and by them crucified, the lyke reporteth Plutark of a most fu­rious plague where with God punished the citties of Rome and Laurentum for the murder of King Tatius in Rome,Plutar. in Romu [...]o. and of certayne Embassadours of Laurentium, which plague suddenly ceased in both the citties when iustice was donne vpon the murderers in both places.

I haue not sayd this with any desire of reuenge, or vn­charitable affection towards our aduersaries, but in res­pect of my duty to her Matie. and your lordships, and for [Page 37] the tender loue that I doe beare to my country, and vni­uersal good of all. For as for them (I meane our enemies) I assure your Lordships I am so far from desyring any reuenge of them that I pitty their case, knowing that except they repent, and do worthy pennance God wil surely reuenge his owne cause and ours, vpon them, and throw into the fyre, those rods of his wrath, when he hath worne them to the stumps; for such is the cours of his iustice, to chastise first his seruants and children by the mi­nistery of wicked men (not moouing, but vsing their euil wils, and malice for the execution of his holy wil) and afterwards to punish them most seuerely for the same; & therefore though he ordayned the destruction of the Temple of Hierusalem, and the captiuity of his people for their sinnes, yet afterwards he vtterly destroyed the Babilonians for hauing ben the meanes,4. Reg. [...]. [...]. and instruments thereof, to which purpose, the Prophet sayth, our Lord stirred vp the Kings of the Medes to distroy Babilon,Hier. cap. [...]. for it is the reuenge of our Lord and the reuenge of his Temple, & agayne, I wil render to Babilon (saith almighty God by the same Pro­phet) and to all the inhabitants of Caldea, all the euil that they haue donne in Sion. Ibidem. And after in the same chapter, he comforteth his people in captiuity, saying, behold I wil make Babilon a desert, &c. and no maruel;Enoch. [...]. seing he also destroyed the Amonits, Moabits, and other their neighbours, for hauing laughed, and skorned at their desolation and captiuity; such is the loue which our Lord beareth to his seruāts, as he reuengeth the least iniury that is donne thē,Matth. 10. Luc. 10. Matth. [...]. of whome he hath such particular care, as he nūbreth the very heares of their heads, as our Sauiour sayth, & taketh all that is donne to them, be it good or euil as donne to himself.

And now hauing layd before your lordships by way of some degression, these considerations (yet as annexed not­withstanding & conioyned with Squires cause by cohe­rence of the manner of proceeding (I shal returne to treate some few lines more of a pamphlet set foorth for Squyres condemnation after his execution.

OF A CERTAYNE PAM­PHLET printed in England concerning the conspi­racie of Squyre after his death, and first of two notable lies which the Author therof auoweth vpon his owne knowledge. CHAP. XX.

HAVING determined to speake no more of Squyres affayre but rather to haue ended with this that hath beene said, I receyued from a frend of myne a pamphlet printed in England by the deputies of Christopher Barker the Queenes printer con­cerning the matter and offence of Squire, intituled, A letter written out of England to an English gentleman remay­ning at Padua, conteyning a true report of a strange con­spiracy &c. the which pamphlet doth geue me occasion to enlarge my self somewhat further then I meant.

For although I hold the same to be sufficiently ans­wered as wel by that which I haue already discoursed in this Apology, as also by the foresaid treatise lately pu­blished by our frend M. A. in confutation of the whole fiction, besydes that the pamphlet it self hauing neyther name of author nor priuiledge, nor licence for the printing may seeme rather to be reiected as an infamous libel, then held worthy of further answere; neuertheles considering that the Author therof taketh vpon him such particuler knowledge of all the proceedings in that matter, that he seemeth to be no ordinary person, but rather some one that had his hand in the pye, and agayne forasmuch as it may be thought that the Queenes printers, neyther would nor durst set foorth any such pamphlet touching her Matie & the state, withoue the warrant of some man in authoritie, and lastly for that the Author therof amongst many fooles bolts that be hath shot therein, seemeth to haue leuelled [Page 38] one particularly at me, though he name me not, I haue thought good briefly to touch some points therof.

To come then to the matter,Parts of the Pamphlet. his discourse consisteth of 3. partes: the first, his declaration of Squyres confession, touching the particulers, as wel of the supposed conspi­racy, as also of the execution therof: the secōd the māner of the discouery of it, the third this pamphletters cōment and censure vpon the same, interposed, sometymes by the way of discourse.

In the first I only wish to be noted two notorious and impudent lyes, within the compasse often lynes auowed by him vpon his owne knowledge. The one that Squyres confession concerning the conspiracy was deliuered by himself, without torture, or shew of torture; the other that it was in no point retracted or disauowed, eyther at his tryal, or at his death, whereas all those that were pre­sent thereat, are witnesses of the contrary, and amongst many others some of your Lordships that assisted at his tryal may wel remember I am sure that he vrged a long tyme that his confession was extorted by torment, and al­though he confessed the fact after vpon some persuasions and expectation perhaps of pardon, yet at his death when it imported him for his euerlasting good to discharge his conscience, he reuoked his said confession, not only disa­uowing the fact, and all intention therof, but also his sup­posed employment by Father Walpoole, and when the shyrif vrged him with his confession made at seueral tymes, he answered in the hearing of all the assistants and lookers on, that he would as wel haue said any thing els in the world at that tyme to deliuer himself from the tor­ments which he endured, and being pressed to confesse at leaft his subornation, and employment by the Iesuit (for Father Walpoole was not otherwyes named there) he flatlie denyed it, and gaue a sufficient reason to cleare both himself and the father, saying that he ranne away from Seuil without the fathers knowledge, and that therfore it [Page] might easely be iudged that he was not suborned nor sent by him.

And this I affirme as wel vpon diuers relations that I haue seene thereof in wryt [...]ng, as also vpon the report of a credible person who was present at his execution, with whom I haue spoken here in Madrid, so that I dare herin boldly appeale to the consciences not only of M. shiriffe who was kindled with great choller against the poore man for denying it, but also of all the assistants and be­holders, who were much amazed to heare matter so farre from their expectation, their vttered by him that dyed.

What then may I say of the impudency of this man that maketh no bones to put in print, yea and to affirme vpon his knowledge such a notablely, disprouable by the testi­mony of so many hnndreths as were present as Squires death? wherto serueth all his exaggeratiōs of the foulnesse of the fact, his opprobrious speeches against Father Walpoole his deuises of charmes, coniurations, enchant­ments, exorcismes, cyrcles, & all his Sinons tale so smothe­ly framed, but to bewray both his vanitie and malice, seing he taketh delight and glorie in the vayne oftentation of his owne lying tongue to the slaūder both of the quick and the dead,Psalm. 11. and therfore let him consider what the psal­mist sayth to him, & such other calumniatours, Why doest thow glory in malice thow which art potent in iniquitie &c. thow hast loued all woords of ruyne and destruction, thow which art a very tongue of tromperie, and deceit, & therfore God wil destroy the finally, and pluck the vp and remoue the from thy tabernacle, and thy root from the land of the liuing.

OF CERTAYNE ABSVRD improbabilities in the same pamphlet touching the manner of the discouery of Squires sup­posed conspiracy. CHAP. XXI.

AFterwards when he cometh to acquaint his Paduan frend with the manner how the matter was discouered he sayth thus, when tyme passed sayd he, and nothing came of it, they (he meaneth vs heere) made construction of it, that Squyre had byn false to them, one of the more passionate of them in­ueigheth bitterly against Squyre tels how he was trusted, and how he had vndonne the cause, and the better to be reuenged on him, is content that one (that they let slip hyther, as if he had fled from them) should geue infor­mation of this matter not with the circumstances, but ge­nerally against Squyre, partly to winne himself credit, and partly to wreak themselues on Squyre.

Thus farre this pamphleters wordes which being con­ferred with that which as before I haue signified, was vrged against Squyre at his araignment concerning the same matter, wil be the better vnderstood.

It was then declared (I meane at the barre) vnder the confession of Ihon Stallage, alias Stanley lately before fleck frō hence, that I did one day in my owne lodging inueigh [...] against Squyre with great passion and oth, saying that he had deceyued vs, and that we should be discredited with the King therby, and further that persuading our selues that Squyre had already reuealed the matter, we sent in Stanley to do some other great mischeef, with pretence to accuse Squyre therof, wherby it appeareth that the pas­sionate man, who the pamphleter sayth reuealed it was my self, & that Stallage was not only he to whom I told [Page] it, but also the man that we let slip to accuse Squyre to be reuenged of him, which how improbable and absurd it is, I remit to the iudgement of any indifferent man that knoweth him and vs, or hath but any sparck of prudence to discouer a coggingly.

Great absur­dities and improbabi­lities.For first how is it credible that we had so litle wit, and discours as (yf we had recommended any such matter to Squyre) to assure our selues that he had beene fals vnto vs & reuealed it only because he had not executed it with in lesse then a yeare? wherof there might be so many lawful impediments ymagined, as howsoeuer we might suspect him, yet could we haue no reason so fully to con­demne him, that we should send one our selues to discouer it, whervpon must needs follow great inconuenience to vs, whether he had detected yt himself or no; for yf he had not, we should not only do wrong to him, but also to our selues, yea and to all the Catholykes of England in mi­nistring matter of a new and general persecution; for if our aduersaries are fayne to inuent such lyke matters many tymes to take occasion ther-vpon to persecute vs could we be ignorant that they would do it much more yf they had such a iust occasion ministred by our selues, wherby all Catholykes and we especially should be decried euery where for manquellars, & princekillers, traytours, and homicides, in all tribunals pulpits assemblies, books and sermons, and many an innocent man suffer for our cause, vpon this general condemnation.

Is it likely then, that we would take such a desperate resolution, only vpon a bare suspition? And put the case that he had reuealed it, and that we had assured our selues therof, could we haue any reason in the world to geue further light of the matter our selues, and so to fortifie his accusation of vs, which of it self could not haue the cre­dit, nor consequently be so preiudicial to our common cause as when it should be seconded with a testimony of our owne?

[Page 40]But they say we are passionate men, and especially I, and therfore were transported with desyre of reuenge, for so saith the pamphleter that to wreak our selues on Squyre we sent in Stallage to accuse him, because we were per­suaded that he was fals to vs; let vs then examine this a litle, and see what cohaerence there is therein.

I would, gladly know as wel of the Author of the pam­phlet, as of M. Atturney and others that vrged this point against Squyre, and vs at the barre, what reuenge we could expect to haue of Squyre by reuealing that which we thought he himself had reuealed? were we so simple to think that we could hurt him therby? truly, though these fyne heades wil not allow vs so much wit as them­selues, yet they do vs wrong to take from vs ordinary discourse and common sense, seing these are things so eui­dent, that it rather may be wondred how their deep con­ceits could take them for probable, then imagined that we should commit so grosse errours, so that this deuise is suf­ficiently disproued by the absurdities therof.

But how simple soeuer these men take vs to be. it ap­peareth that the pamphleter was not wel in his wits,A notable folly of the pamphleter. when he acknowledged that Stanley was suborned by vs to accuse Squyre, and that two letters which he pretēded to haue stolne out of one of our studies, weere found to be counterfeit, yea and that thervpon it was collected that Squyre was an honest man (which in deed was the most direct construction that could be made theron) wherby the pamphleter notably discouereth the extreame iniustice donne to Squyre; for yf the subornation of Stanley was so manifest, that it serued for an argument of Squyres ho­nestie, it is cleare that the torment geuen to him vpon Stanleys accusation was against all law and conscience, whervpon it also followeth that the torment being vn­iustly geuen, the confession extorted therby was vtterly voyd in law, and by consequence the condemnation grounded vpon the confession most vniust, and iniu­rious, [Page] as I haue sufficiently proued in the 8. chapter.

Furthermore whereas the Pamphleter confesseth that Stanley had two counterfeit letters cōcerning this matter, which he praetended to haue sto [...]ne out of one of our stu­dies, he geueth me no sma [...] occasiō to think that the letter which the priuie councellor vrged against Squyre at his araignment, as written betwixt my kinsman and me, was one of them whervpon for my part I wil make no further collection then that the pamphleter sheweth him­selfe to be a very simple man in publishing such th [...]nges, as directly redound to the ouerthrow of the cause which he vndertaketh to defend.

Wel to conclude this point for as much as it doth not appeare vpon what ground the pamphleter and his fel­lowes affirme that Stanley was sent into England, & sub­orned by vs, whether vpon their owne imagination, or els vpon his confession; I lay that their charitie towards vs, and their proceedings heretofore in lyke causes being cō ­sidered togither with Stanleys good conscience and con­ditions (wherof I haue spoken amply before) it as litle im­porteth what they say or imag [...]n of vs, [...]. as what he hath confessed or shal confesse except it be at the gallowes, which is now (as matters are handled in England) the only tribunal of truth, I meane the only place where truth is tryed, as may appeare by the late exāple of Squyre, so that when I shal vnderstand that Stanley is hanged also, and that at his death he hath ratified this, I shal then say that there is some more probability therin, though since the wryting of this it is signified (as hath beene said) that he denieth all agayne now in the towre.

And truly if our aduersaryes did not persuade thēselues that he would at his death cōfesse the truth as Squyre did, & so marre all I doubt not but they would haue hanged him ere this, being the man he is and so wel deseruing it, but now as the matter standeth, I think for auoyding the foresaid trial of Tyburne, he may rather feare a fig then a [Page 41] halter seing those that haue him in their clouches, cannot but conceyue that the truth of this matter may in tyme come to be discouered to their shame, no lesse by his lyfe then by his publyk death, so that I think he may make his wil, if he haue any thing to dispose, though the hāgman is neuer lyke to haue his coat. Thus much to the text of the pāphlet, now to the glosse, & for that hereafter I must be a litle more playne with the Author therof, then the respect and dutie, I owe to your Lordships would permit, If I should cōtinue my speach to yow, I wil by your Lordships leaues addresse the same hence-forth to him and his fellowes.

OF CERTAINE IMPERTI­NENT and foolish glosses of the Author of the pamphlet, and first concerning the moderation and lenitie which he sayth is vsed in causes of Religion where it is not mixt with matter of state. CHAP. XXII.

IN the third page yow appeale Sir Pamphleter to the knowledge of your frend in Padua for the distinction & moderation of the proceeding in England in ecclesia­stical causes with what lenitie and gentlenes it hath beene caryed, except where it was mixed with matter of state, for such are your owne wordes.

Hereto I answere that by your restriction & exception of state matters yow ouerthrow your general proposition of clemency, and proue that ther is no moderation lenitie nor gentlenes vsed at all, for where is not matter of state mixed with religion now a dayes in England, are not so many essential poynts of Catholyke religion made treason as no man can do the duetie of a Catholyke, but he is ipso [Page] facto a traytour, seing no man can be so much as absolued of his sinnes, nor receyue any Sacrament of Gods Churche by the only true ministers thereof (I meane Priestes) but he committeth treason? besydes the other captious lawes about the Supremacie, the exacting of the oth, and the vrging of Catholykes to come to haeretical seruice, & com­munion, vnder colour of temporal obediēce to the Prince, is not in all this, state mixt with religion, yea and to no other end then to persecute vs vnder co [...]our of treason and matter of state, while ye persecute religion, and for re­ligion.

Was not this the very practise of Iulian the Apostata who to couer his persecution of Christians sometymes caused his picture to be set with Iupiter or other fais Gods and sometymes made himselfe to be paynted with their enseignes and resemblance, therby to make such mixture of religion, [...]om lib. 5. cap. 16. Ni­cepho lib. 10. cap. 23. and matter of state, that those which should refuse to commit Idololatry might be punished vnder colour of contempt of his emperial person.

Sonom. Ibidem.Hereof sayth Sozomenus, Nam sic cogitabat, &c. for so Iulian thought that if he persuaded thē to that, he should more easely bring them to his wil in other points of reli­gion also, and if they resisted in this he might punish them without mercie, as offenders against both the common wealth and the Empyre.

It not this now practised in England in effect? for what other thing is it to annex the keyes of Peter with the Princes crowne the deuine power with the humain, the supremacy spiritual with the gouernment temporal (di­gnities no lesse distinct in nature, then incompatible in lay persons, and especially in women sexe) what other thing is it, I say, then to ioyne Iulian with Iupiter, and to paynt the Prince with the enseignes and resemblance of deitie, and to what other end then vnder colour of treason & matter of state to make away all those that shal refuse to acknow­ledge this pretended ecclesiastical supremacy.

[Page 42]Such then is your mixture of religion with matter of state, as whiles yow pretend to punish none for Catholyke religion, yow persecute cruelly all Catholykes for no other true canse then religion, yea and as the pharises did, yow persecute and crucifie Christ agayne in his members,Ioan. 1 [...]. as an enemy to Caesar,Ioan. 11. and for the same reason of state that they did cry to Pilate si dimittis hune non es amicus Caesaris, if yow let him scape yow are not Caesars frend for that his fault is not religion but matter of state against Caesar and agayne si dimitiunus hunc venient Romani, &c. yf we dis­misse this man the Romans (togither with Spaniards) wil come and take from vs both our place and people, and wil conquer, spoyle & destroy vs, for which respect yow haue already killed some hundreths of Catholykes vpon lyke suspitions and ealumniations by vertue of your new sta­tutes, besydes many murdred for fayned conspiracies, and fals imputed crymes, and an exceeding multitude of others consumed and wasted with imprisonment, others pyned a way in banishment, others empouerished & ruined with taxes, impositions, and penalties, and an infinite number dayly languishing in captiuity, penurie, and miserie, for that they wil not yeeld as yow cal it temporal obedience in comming to your seruice, and communion, & yet forsooth yow trouble none for religion.

But yf it please yow and your frend in Padua that kno­weth as yow say this matter so wel to consider it a litle better, yow wil easely see that the distinction that yow and your fellowes make is confusion, your moderation persecution, your lenity seueritie, your shew and talk of mercy nothing els but a mere mockerie and playne co­sinage of the simple reader, for to preache one thing and practise an other, is I trow the highest point of cosinage that may be.

But what maruaile is it if yow draw our religion to matter of state seing your owne religion hath no other rule, nor ground but reason of state, for albeit the substance [Page] of religion, which now yow professe different from ours, be patcht vp of old and new heresies, especially of these last of Luther, Zwinglius and Caluin, yet that which is properly yours, and the key and stay of all the rest and maketh yow a bodie and part different from other Sectes of Lutheranes, Zwinglians, and Caluenists, Puritanes, Brownists, Anabaptists and the lyke, is the obedience that yow acknowledge in ecclesiastical causes to a lay head, which although it was first introduced into England by King Henry the S. only vpon animositie against the sea Apostolyke (because thesaid sea would not allow his de­uorce from Queene Catherine (which King in all other poynts detested your religion) yet being abolished by Queene Marie her Maties. syster, and last praedecessour, it was returned agayne in the beginning of her Maties. raigne that now is, only vpon reason of state as all the world knoweth, and so hath hyherto byn continued.

For those polityke statistes of ours that had the vse of her Maties. eares in the beginning, considering that the Queene of Scotland being then maried vnto the French King, pretended title vnto the crowne of England, and fearing that the sea Apostolyk would fauour her pretence in respect of the mariage of her Maties. mother; yea and that the people would also incline that way, if they re­mayned stil in the obedience of the said sea,3. Reg. ca. 12. they hadre­course to Hieroboams pollicy and abusing the facilitie of her Maties. good nature and yong yeares persuaded her to change the religion then publikly professed, and not only to banish the authority of the Pope, but also to follow her father, and brothers example in taking the title of eccle­siastical supremacy vpō her self, a thing absurd, ridiculous, vnnatural, impossible, & therefore worthely reiected, im­pugned, and derided by Luther and Caluyn themselues and by their folowers,Luther Cal­uin Kēnitius. and the Puritaines at this day in En­gland, and all other sectaries abroad, as a matter without all praesident or example in any Christian common wealth [Page 43] or colour of Scripture, except of some few texts that treat of obedience to Princes in general no lesse to Heathen Kings, then Christian, and therfore can not with any shew of reason be vnderstood of their primacy in causes eccle­siastical.

Seing then your religion so far as it is distinct from others, hath no other ground then reason of state, I doubt not, but yf the matter were wel examined what God they beleeued in, that persuaded her Matie. therto, or yow and your fellowes that manitayne it vpon the same reason, and by such vnchristian practises, as yow do, yow would be found to be cōprehēded in the third diuisiō of varro, who said that 3. kynds of men had three different kynds of Gods,Aug. 6. de ci­nitat. Dei c. 5. the Poëts one, the Philosophers an other, and statists or Polityks a third & that euery one of them had a different religion according to the difference of their Gods, as that the religion of the Poets was fabulous, the other of the Philosophers natural, the third of the Statists, polityke, and accomodated to gouernment.

And this is that which yow professe; For the God yow beleeue in is the Prince, your scriptures are the actes of Parliament, your religion is to conserue the state persas & uefas, and therfore as all good Christians do measure the reason of state by religion, which is the true rule, and the end therof, and from the which it cannot in reason dissent or disagre, so yow on the other syde reduce and frame re­ligion to your fals reason of state, and by that meanes peruert all the order both of nature and grace preferring the body before the soule, temporal things before spiritual humayn before deuine, earth before heauen the world before God, and which is more yow subiect both earth, heauen, body soule, the world, yea God and all, to the pri­uate pleasure, and profit of the Prince, as though he were the end, the Lord, and God of all the world, and of nature it self, whervpon ensew those monstrous pollicies which wee fee fraught with all frand, hipocrisy, periuries, slaūders, [Page] murders, and all kynd of cruelty, oppression and impiety, which haue ruined infinite Kinges with their countries, & Kingdomes, and what they wil bring our poore country vnto in the end, tyme wil tel, wherto I remit me, for as the Italian prouerb sayth, La vita il sine, [...]l di l [...]da La sera, the end prayseth the lyfe, and the euening the day.

OF THE TRVE CAVSES OF more moderation vsed in the beginning then after­wards, & of the difference made by the Lawes, betwixt Seminarie, and I Mary priests. CHAP. XXIII.

BVt to proceed in your obseruations, you go for­ward to geue example that there is moderation vsed in ecclesiastical causes, where matter of state is not mixt with religion, saying, for els I would gladly learne what should make the difference the tem­per of the lawes in the first yeare of the Queene, and in the 23. and 27. but that at the one tyme they were papists in conscience, and at the other, they were growne papists in faction, or what should make the difference at this day in law betwixt a Queene Marie priest, & a Seminary priest, saue that the one is a priest of suspition, and the other a priest of sedition.

Hereto I answere that because you say you would gladly learne, and that I take yow to be of a good wit and docile, I wil take paynes to teach you this poynt that you say you would so fayne learne. Know you therfore that there were diuers causes of more moderation and lenity vsed for some yeares in the beginning then afterwards, & yet not those which you speak of and so you shew your [Page 44] self eyther ignorant, or malitious in both.

The first an ordinary rule of state which those great statists that procured this change could not neglect I meane in case of innouation to vse no suddayne violence, but to proceed by degrees, especially in matter of reli­gion, which is seldome changed without tumult and trou­ble, wherof they had seene the experience in the tymes of both the kings Henry and Edward, & therfore they had great reason to water their wyne at the beginning, and to vse moderation at least for some yeares vntil the state and gouernment were setled.

The second cause was the doctrine of your owne gos­pellers in Q. Maryes tyme, who because some of their fo­lowers were burnt for heresy (according to the Canons and lawes of the Churche) cryed out that they were persecuted, and published in their bookes and sermons, that faith ought to be free, and not forced, & that therfore it was against all conscience to punish or trouble men for their religion, in which respect the authors of the change, that serued themselues of them in the ecclesiastical and pastoral dignityes, could not for shame at the very first, vse the bloody proceeding which afterwards they did, though neuerthelesse they forbore not in the very begin­ning to imprison, and otherwise to afflict, all Bishops and cheif pastours; and such others as would not subscribe, & come to their Churches, for the which cause I remember that besydes a great number of ecclesiastical and temporal persons, some of my owne kindred and familie were called to London, and imprisoned in the second yeare of her Ma­iesties raigne, and so remayned prisoners many yeares after.

The third cause was the vayne hope that those polityks had that a religion so sensual, and ful of liberty as theirs, authorized with the power of the Prince, vpholden with lawes, promulgate with all artifice of writers preachers, and perswaders, would easely within a fewe yeares infi­nuate [Page] it self into the hartes of all men, especially of the youth, wherby they made accompte, that the elder sort being worne out, there would be within a fewe yeares litle memorie or none at all left of Catholike religion; but when they saw after some yeares experience, how much they were deceiued of their expectation, and that through the zealous endeauours of the learned English Catholikes abroad, learned bookes written, Colledges & Seminaryes erected, priests made and sent in, & therby in­finite numbers reduced to the vnity of the Catholike Churche, not only of the schismatiks that fel at the first, eyther by ignorance, or for feare, but also of the Protestāts themselues (and amongst them euen many ministers and principal preachers) and none sooner conuerted, or more zealously affected to Catholike religion, then the yongest and fynest wits, wherwith our new Seminaryes beganne to be peopled; when those statists I say, saw this, they thought it then tyme to bestyrre themselues, and to perse­cute in good earnest, and yet to do it in such sort, as they might, if it were possible, auoyd the name, & suspition of persecutors both at home and abroad, and therfore they vsed the same pollicy that Iulian the Apostata did, of whom S. Gregory Nazianzenus writeth,Orat. 3. in Iu­lianum & orat. 10. in laudem Cae­sarij. that he profes­sed not externally his impiety with the courage that other persecutors his predecessours were wont to do, neyther did he oppose himself against our faith lyke an Emperour that would gayne honour in shewing his might and power by open oppression of the Catholyks, but made warre, vpon them in a cowardly and base māner couering his persecution with craftie, and subtyle deuises, enuying them, the name and glorie of Martyrdome that the souldiours of Christ had got in former persecutions, and therfore he endeuored to vse violence in such sort as it should not appeare, ordayning that the Christians which suffred for Christ should be put to death as malefactours, this affirmeth. S. Gregory Naziāzen of Iulian the apostata [Page 45] wherein yow may see a true pattron of your owne pro­ceedings, for to exemplify the same with answere to the question yow aske concerning the temper of the lawes made in the 23. yere of her Maties. raigne, what other cause had yow to make those lawes in that yeare, but that yow knew that Father Campian and diuers Seminary Priests were come into Englād lately before, & therfore to make the world beleue that their comming was to no other end but to sow sedition, and trouble the State, yow did not only make those lawes, but also shamfully mundered the same yeare thesaid famous man, and 11. godly innocent Priests with him for fayned conspiracies proued against no one of them, & disauowed by them all at their deathes, which sufficient proof of their innocency, as before I haue declared at large in the 11. chapter, besydes many other since made away in lyke manner vpon lyke fals pretences, and especially in the yeare 88. after the Kinges Armada had past through the channel, in which yeare yow exe­cuted aboue 40. Priests, and Catholykes in diuers partes of England, to make the world beleeue that they had intelli­gence with the Spaniards or had procured the comming of thesaid Armada, which could not bee proued, nor so much as iustly suspected of anyone of them.

Moreouer I dare boldly affirme, neyther shal yow euer be able with truth to controle me, that wheras our Semi­naries haue yeilded within these 30. yeares 5. or 6. hūdreth Priests that haue laboured in that vyneyard (wherof yow haue put to death more then a hundreth) yow could neuer iustly charge any one of them with sedition or matter of state except it were Ballard executed with Babington and the rest,Of Ballard. whom as I wil not excuse, (because I know not how farre he waded in those matters) so wil I not con­demne him, considering the proceedings of yow and your fellowes with Catholykes in lyke cases, yet this I wil be bold to say that if he had any dealing therin, it was with­out the consent or knowledg of any of his superiours, yea [Page] or of any intrinsecal frend of theirs, wherof I could yeild a sufficient reason, if it were conuenient.

But let vs admit that he was as deep in those matters as any of the rest; haue yow therfore any reason to condemne all other Seminary Priests for his act, I do not blame yow heer for punishing any Catholyke that yow should fynd to be truly seditious, but I fynd it strange, & against all reason and iustice, that yow do not only punish vs for fayned crymes, but also impute the doings of one or of a few to all, which was alwayes in my tyme, and I think it stil, the ab­surd dealing of your lawyers in the araignment of Catho­lykes vrging against them the attemptes of Doctor Sanders in Ireland, and Feltons setting vp of the Bul, and such like, as though euery Catholyke were priuie to their doings, or thought himself bound in conscience to do as they did, which kynd of argument your lawyers would neuer vse, if they were not eyther most malitious or ignorant, or thought all their audience to be fooles: For what conclu­sion can be drawne from one or some particuler to a ge­neral, as to say, Eaton the preacher did pennance on, the Pillery in cheapsyde and after at Paules Crosse for lying with his daughter, such a minister was hanged for a rape, such an other for sod [...]my, such a one for a murder; ergo, all ministers are mnrderers, sodomites, rauishers of women, and incestuous persons.

Would your ministers allow this conclusion, or els that lawes should be made against them all for the offence of some of them? and yet to say truly there haue beene so many examples of ministers conuict & executed for such crymes that yow might with more, reason exterminate the whole ministery, as a very sink of sinne, then condemne all Ca­tholykes as seditious, for Doctor Sāders, and Feltons cause, o [...] all Seminary Priests for Ballards.

But to conclude this point, it is euident ynough, that neyther Ballards offence (yf he committed any) nor theirs [Page 46] that were executed with him could be any occasion of those rigorous lawes against Seminary Priests which were made some yeares before, when (as I haue said) yow had not any one example of a Seminary man, that had beene, or could be touched with any sedition, other then such as yow fayned of them your selues.

Furthermore what iust cause had yow to make the di­stinction in your lawes betwixt Queene Marie Priests,Q. Marie. Priests. & Seminary Priests? haue yow found any more in the one then in the other, but only that yow know the old Priests of Queene Martyrs tyme were so spent and wasted already that ther was not left of them perhaps half a score in En­gland (who also yow thought would be in a short tyme consumed) wheras of the others, yow saw a continual spring, that would flow perpetually, to the vndouted de­struction of your heresy in tyme, if it were not stopped, in which respect, yow thought good to seeme to fauour the first, that yow might with more shew of reason persecute the later.

Neuerthelesse yow haue hanged some of those Q. Marie Priests as wel as the other, only for doing their function counting them therin no lesse seditious then the Seminary Priests, and yet yow say yow spare the one sort as only superstitious, and punish the other as se­ditious.

But such seditious and superstitious Priests as these are, were the very Apostles and Disciples of our Sauiour,2. Cor. [...]. for they absolued from sinne, as these do,Act. 10. they administred the Sacraments of Baptisme, or the A [...]ter, extreeme vnction,Act. 2. & 20. & the rest as these do,Iam. 5. they said masse (that is to say) they offred in sacrifise the blessed,Act. 14. bodie and blood of our Sauiour as these do, they did preach,Act. 17. and teach the Christian Catho­lyke doctrine as these do,Act. 24. finally they were persecuted & punished for sedition as these are.

Thus Sir yow may see yow had not those causes which yow pretend, to change the temper of your [Page] Iawes, nor to distinguish betwyxt Seminarie and Queene Marie Priests, neyther any reason at all to cal them eyther superstitious, or seditious. But let vs see some more of your gloses.

THE CONFVTATION OF an inuectiue which the Author of the Pam­phlet maketh against the Iesuits. CHAP. XXIIII.

IN your 10. and 11. page yow make a digression to treat of the strange mysteries as yow cal them of the Ie­suits doctrin, how they mingle heauen and hel, and lift vp the hands of the subiects against the anointed of God, yow wonder that Princes do not concurre in sup­pressing them, who yow say make traffyck of their sacred lyues; yow compare them to pirats that are publyke enemies to humayne society, and to the Templars that were all put downe throughout Christendome within a few weekes, and lastly yow fynd it strange that the Bishop of Rome doth not purge out a leuen as yow cal them, so strange and odious.

These in deed are very strange and odious speeches, and no maruayle for there can be no more sympathy betwixt the Iesuits and yow then betwixt good and bad, light and darknes, Christ and Belial; it is no maruaile, that the theef hateth the gallowes, the dog the whip or the woolf the mastif, that keepes the flock, neyther that yow and all other heretyks maligne those, whose schooles are your scourge,Of the Ie­suits. whose bookes your bane, whose vertue is your confusion, whose vigilance and industry is the gard simple foules against the assaults [Page 47] of your heresy and impiety, wherin the great goodnes of God is to be noted who for euery disease prouideth a re­medy, for euery poyson an antidote, for euery harme a help, so it pleased him of his diuine wisdome to prouide against a Symon Magus, a Saynt Peter; against an Arrius, an Athanasius; against a Nestorius, a Cyril; against a Vigilantius, a Hierome; against a Pelagius, an Augustinus; (who was borne in Africk the same day, that the other was borne in England) against the heretyks called Albigenses, a Dominik and his holy order of the fryer preachers; and lastly in this our age, against a Martyn Luther and his cursed crue of vitious Apostates he raysed an Ignatius de Loyola with his blessed company, of ver­tuous, and Apostolical priests, commonly called Iesuites, whom though the Deuil, and all his instruments (I meane you, and all other heretykes, apostatates, and atheists) haue no lesse impugned then the catholike Churche it selfe, which they defend, yet neuerthelesse theyr holy Societie is through the prouidence of God propagate and spred throughout the Christian world from one pole to the other; and therby the wrackes and ruynes of Christen­dome repayred, insidels conuerted, heretyks confounded, youth instructed, the weake edifyed, no lesse to the glory of God, then to the confusion of his enimyes & theirs.

But to come to the particulers of your slaunderous di­gression; yow wonder that Princes do not concurre to the suppression of this sect, as yow cal it, that maketh a traffick of their lyues; & I wonder, yow are not ashamed to buyld such a malitious slaunder vpon so false a ground, seing I haue euidently proued that this matter of Squyre (whervpon yow runne all this descant) is a meere fiction a lewd, and a lowdly, improbale in it self, proued by no witnes, or euidence, extorted from him by torment, re­tracted and disauowed at his death, though yow shame­fully say the contrarie: besydes that it is now aboue 20. yeares since the Iesuits first entred England in which tyme [Page] yow haue rackt, [...]suits [...]acked and rent diuers of them (Father Southwe [...] 10. tymes, Father Walpoole 14. Father Campion I know not how oft) and diuers others for their cause, and all to fynd out some such matter, and yet yow neuer got so much as any inkling of any, so that this contumelious speech of yours, is but a vaine blast, that (as a man may say) shakes no corne, nor cracks any mannes credit but your owne.

Furthermore how childish and vayne is the comparison yow make of them to pyrats, therby to conclude them to be publyke enemies of humayn society, meaning (by lyke) by humayne society your selues, whose publyke enemies yow may in deed accompt them in respect of your heresies, yet in that sence there is neyther truth nor propriety in your manner of speech, for though I allow yow to be hu­mayn and earthly in the highest degree, yet a true society yow cannot be called, being so dissociate, and deuided in religion amongst your selues as yow are, except it be the society of Sampsons foxes whose tayles were only tyed together and their heads seuered.Iudic. 15.

But if yow consider the infinit numbers and multitudes of those that from one end of the world to the other do loue at this day and reuerence the Iesuits (as fathers, that giue them spiritual food as phisitions that cure the dis­eases of their soules, and as pilots (not pyrats) that guyde them to the port of eternal saluation) you shal easely see the vanity, and idlenes of your discourse, and eyther be forced to graunt that they are no enemyes to humain so­ciety, or els absurdly say, that all men besydes your selues are seazed with such a lethargy, or sencelesse stupidity that they cannot discerne enemyes from frends.

Can any man that is not mad or drunken with heresy as you seeme to be, or ouercome with passion perswade himself that so many wise pious, and polityk kinges, Prin­ces, councels, magistrates, and gouernours (whose domi­nions extending from one pole to the other, do conteyne the noblest, and worthyest parts of humain society among [Page 48] Christians) would be so vnaduised to receyue them into their kingdomes countryes, cityes, & courtes, foster them, cherish them, loue, reuerence and honour them as they do, if they were such publike enemyes to humaine societie as you make them, or any way hurtful to their states, peri­lous to Princes liues, preiuditial to publike good, or ra­ther if they were not most necessary, and beneficial to them all?

This is so manifest to men of discourse and reason that I need not further to enlarge my self therein, seing there is no man so simple that wil preferre the vayne and mali­tious conceit of a few poor sectary Caluinists hated & contemned by all other sectes of the same breed, before the iudgment and experience of all the rest of Christen­dome, whereof you are not woorthy to be counted the parings, neyther for your number nor for any other respect whatsoeuer, and albeit I might say much more in this be­half yet for that the matter is euident of it self, and the in­nocency and honour of these seruants of God hath byn defended by many learned bookes in these our dayes against the barkings of all sectaryes and other their ene­myes, and emulatours which their vocation and vertues cannot but purchase vnto them, I shal leaue of to speake any more of this argument for the present, and so passe ouer to that which remayneth.

OF THE HIPOCRISY OF the author of the Pamphlet and his fellowes, and of a ridiculous miracle fayned in her Maiesties supposed escape. CHAP. XXV.

IT resteth now only to speak a word or two of the religious zeale, and deuotion towards God, which you shew in your g [...]oses wherin you interlace not only ex­amples of scripture, but also cōsiderations of Gods ex­traordinary and visible prouidence in the preseruation of her Maiestie from this great conspiracy, for the manifes­tation of his owne glory, in so much that you make is miraculous comparing her Maiesties supposed escape to the shaking of the viper from S. Paules hand without hurt, but in such ridiculous manner, as in truth it made me and others good sport when I red it, for though I haue heard many fond comparisons, and similitudes of ydle braynes in my dayes, yet neuer heard I such an other as this is, and that in print.

A ridiculous comparison.You say thus, & they are your owne wordes as they ly in the book, that as the viper was vpon S. Paules hand and shaked of without hurt, so this was donne in Iuly, in the heate of the yeare, when the pores and veynes were ope­nest, to receyue any maligne vapour, or tincture if her Maiestie by any accident had layd her hand vpon the place.

Of which wordes there can be no other sense gathe­red (in my opinion) then this that as S. Paule being bitten with the viper shaked her from his hand, and had no hurt, so if by chaunce her Maiestie had layed her hand vpon the poysoned pomel of the Sadle in the moneth of Iuly when the pores and veynes are open she might haue byn poyso­ned or receaue maligne vapors or tinctures. But good Syr [Page 49] yow might haue done wel to haue put this cōceit in ryme [...] for so it would haue beene at least ryme without reason, wheras now it is neyther ryme nor reason, yet if yow had said that her Matie. had toucht the poysoned place, as yow signify the contrary (which marres the fashion both of your comparison, and of your miracle) there had beene some more similitude, and matter miraculous, but as yow haue handled it there is neyther miracle nor meaning, so farre as my reason reacheth, and consequently this very first miracle that euer yow had for confirmation of your Gospel in England is miscaried for lack of good handling. But to leaue this to the laughter of all wyse men, I wil proceed to some other considerations.

Who is he that seing somuch mētion in your discourse of God, of his mercy, of his prouidence ordinary, and ex­traordinary, and of his more then natural influence to the preseruation of her Matie. would not think yow to be a very religious and deuout man, or could imagyn that yow knew in your conscience, that all this matter of Squyre was a fiction, as it is euident yow did? wherof I need to bring no better proof then those two notable lyes before men­tioned, which yow take vpon your owne conscience, though not only your self, but also many hundreths that were at Squyres death know the contrary; wherby it ap­peareth that all your shew of religion deuotion and zeale tendeth to nothing els, but to set a glos vpon this your counterfeit ware, to make it the more salable amongst the common people; which exceedeth all impiety.

For what can be so exce [...]able, or sacriligious, as to abuse the sacred name of almighty God, the holy, scriptures, and shew of deuotion and religion to such a mischeuous end, as to slaunder and calumniate, which any man that be­lieueth there is a God would tremble to do. But such is the custome of yow, and your compagnions to make a maske and visard of religion to couer therwith your im­pious, and irreligious practises, persuading your selues, that [Page] although some of the wisest may discouer your treacherie, yet yow shal cary away many of the multitude, which is the fruit yow expect of this and such other your infa­mous, and slaunderous libels, forgeting that of Cicero nullum simulatum di [...]turnum, no fayned, or disembled thing can [...]ong continue, wherof our Sauiour warneth vs suffi­ciently, saying, beware of the leuen of hipocrites; no­thing is secret, that shal not be reuealed, nothing is hid that shal not be knowne, for those things which yow haue said in the dark shal be spoken in the light, and that which yow haue spokē priuity in your chamber shalbe preached in the house tops.

So that yow Sr. libeller, and your fellowes cannot look to delude the world alwayes as yow haue donne many yeares but that sooner or later God wil open the peoples eyes, and discouer vnto them your hipocrisy and disguised impiety, yea and perhaps make them his instruments to re­uenge his cause, and their owne vpon yow, wherein may bee fulfilled, that which Iobe saith of the hipocrite, the heauēs shal reueale his iniquitie, and the earth shal ryse against him.

Wel Sir, though much more matter woorthy to bee treated do offer it self vnto mee at this present, by occasion of this your libel, yet not to ouerlode yow at once, nor to weery the reader, this shal suffise for answere therevnto: only I wil aduertise yow of one thing, that although yow dissemble your name (fearing belike that the notable vn­truth auowed by yow might turne to your shame if yow should be knowne) yet I am not ignorant who yow are, and haue forborne to [...] yow, only to requite your curtesy in sparing to name mee in your said libel, which at the bar other your fellow barristers did not forbeare to do, so that beeing now euery way out of your debt, as I take it, I take my leaue of yow, wishing yow as much grace as to my self.

THE CONCLVSION TO the Lords of the Councel. CHAP. XXVI.

MY very good Lords, although it is a cōmon saying, and commonly true, that obsequium amicos, veritas [...]diū parit, flattery gets friends, & truth hatred, in which respect I might wel feare that the playnesse which I haue vsed in this discours might be offesiue to your Lord­ships, yet framing in my self a farre other conceit, of your wisdomes, & iudgements then of the common sort of men (whose eares do [...]tch rather after vanity, then verity, after pleasure rather then profit) I persuade my self that your Lordships are such friends and patrons of truth, that yow cannot mislike to heare it, when it is deliuered vpon so iust an occasion, as the defence of honour and innocency, & to so good an end as a publyk benefit, and therefore I hope that when your Lordships shal haue wel wayed the par­ticulers represented heere to your consideration, I meane our innocency, the trechery of our aduersaries, the abuse offred therein to her Matie. and your honours, the infamy that groweth thereby to your gouernment, the daungers both domestical, & forrayne, the offēce to God in shedding innocent blood, and lastly the punishment due thereto from his iustice, your Lordships wil not only aproue my play­nesse accompanied with reason, sincerity & truth, but also employ your wisdomes, charity, and autority, to the repa­ration of our wrongs, and releef of our miseries, whereof I say, I cannot but haue exceeding great hope, when I consider the great zeale your honours haue shewed to the mayntenance of iustice, in the punishment of such as yow haue vnderstood to haue abused your cōmissions towards Catholykes, in farre lesse matters then this which I haue touched in this Apology, whereof I haue knowen, and [Page] heard of diuers examples, as wel before I came out of En­gland, as since, whereby it is euident, that these other ex­treame iniuries that our aduersaries dayly do vnto vs, pro­ceed meerly of their owne malice, and no way of your Lordships wil, commission, or consent, and that for the re­medy, there wanteth nothing, but that your honours may haue notice thereof, which I haue therefore presumed to geue yow in this Apology by the occasion of this my pur­gation, which I present vnto yow in all humility, besee­ching your Lordships, for conclusion of this treatise, to consider from what root all these foule vnchristian prac­tises of our aduersaries do spring, as that they are nothing els but the fruit of heresy, which hath no other period where to rest, but atheisme, or apostacy from Christ, as euidently appeareth by all the east parts of the world, which from lyke schisme, and heresy, are falne to flat infi­delity; which if it please your Lordships wel to weigh, and the true remedy withall, which Machiauel, (though in other things he be most absurd and impious) yet wysely teacheth in this case, to wit, to reduce a corrupted state of common wealth, to the point frō whence it first declined, I hope your honours wil see the necessity of the reduction of our realme to the ancient Catholyke religion, and to the vnity of the Catholyke body of Christendome, whereof it was many hundred yeares togeather a principal mēber, in all honour, and security, florishing in iustice, equity, and piety, whereas now by this difunion, and diuorce, from the said Catholyke body, and religion, it is not only exposed to many daungers, and much in [...]my, but is also replenished with iniustice and impiety, as appeareth by the ordinary, & dayly proceedings of our aduersaries against vs, declared sufficiently in this Apology, which I leaue to your honours wyse consideration, humbly beseeching almighty God to illuminat your Lordships, and her Mayesty also in this be­haulf, which if it shal please his deuine Matie. to do, and with so great a grace, and blessing, as is the light of his Ca­tholyke [Page 51] fayth, to consummate and perfect those other rare gifts that he hath already bestowed vpon her Matie. (I meane her many princely partes, her power by sea, & land, her peace at home, her prosperity abroad, her long lyfe and raygne) shee wilbe one of the most fortunat, famous, & glorious Princes, that England or Christiandome hath had in many ages, and a most rare example of Gods inspea­kable mercy to the endles comfort of all true Christians. From Madrid, the last of August. 1599.

Your Lordships humble seruant
T. F.

THE TABLE OF the Chapters.

THE preamble to the right honorable the Lords of her Maiesties priuy councel.
The authors protestation of his innocency,1 with the confutation of the fiction by the improbabilitie of the end that was sup­posed to moue Squyre there vnto
Chap. 1.
The examination of the grounds wherevpon Squyre was 2 condemned, and how vncertayne is the trial of truth by torment.
Chap. 2.
Of the cruelty of the rackmaisters in England, and of their 3 manner of examination.
Chap. 3.
[Page] 4 Of the tormentors & their manner of proceeding against law and conscience.
Chap. 4.
5 That the common lawes of England do not admit torment in trial of criminal causes for the condemnation of the delinquent.
Chap. 5.
6 Of the presumptions vrged by some lawyers against Squyre and first of the deposition of Ihon Stallage alias Stanley.
Chap. 6.
7 Of the testimony geuen by a priuy councellour.
Chap. 7.
8 That the euidence produced against Squyre was not sufficient in law to geue him torment, and that therefore his con­fession extorted therby was of no force, and consequently his condemnation vniust.
Chap. 8.
9 An expostulation with M. Cook her Maiesties at­turney.
Chap. 9.
10 Of the lyke slander raysed diuers tymes heretofore against Catholyks, and of the concurrence of calumniation and persecution.
Chap. 10.
11 Of the vniust condemnation of father Campion of the Society of Iesus, and 11. Priests for a fayned conspiracy against her Maiesty and the state.
Chap. 11.
12 Of the lyke iniustice vsed against M. payne a Priest for a surmised conspiracy against her Maties. person.
Cha. 12.
13 Of the lyke vniust condemnation of M. Iames Fen, & M. George Haddock, vpon the lyke fals pretence.
Chap. 13.
14 Of two Catholykes in wales condemned vpon the testimony of fals witnesses suborned and hyred for money.
Cha. 14.
15 Of VVilliams, York, & Cullē executed for fayned conspiracies against her Maiesty.
Chap. 15.
16 Of the ends that our aduersaries haue, or may haue, in slan­dering Catholyks with treasonable attempts, and first of [Page] the end that they haue common with all persecutors of Gods Churche, and how much they fayle of their purpose therein.
Chap. 16.
Of other ends particuler to our aduersaries, and of their dis­loyalty 17 towards her Maiesty.
Chap. 17.
That these proceedings of our aduersaries which they hold 18 for polityke are against all policy, & true reason of state.
Chap. 18.
Of two ineuitable dommages that must needs ensew to the 19 whole state, by the effusion of innocent blood: with an inti­mation of some part of the remedy.
Chap. 19.
The confutation of a pamphlet printed in England concer­ning 20 the fayned conspiracy of Squyre, and first of two no­table lyes which the author thereof auoweth vpon his owne knowledge.
Chap. 20.
Of certayne absurd improbabilities in the pāphlet touching 21 the manner of the discouery of Squyres supposed con­spiracy;
Chap 21.
Of certayne impertinent and foolish gloses of the author of 22 the pamphlet; and first concerning the moderation, and lenity which he sayth is vsed in causes of religion where it is not mixt with matter of state.
Chap. 22.
Of the true causes of more moderatiō vsed in the beginning 23 then afterwards, and of the difference made by the lawes betwixt Seminary & Queene Mary Priests.
Chap 23.
The confutatiō of aninuectiue which the author of the pam­phlet 24 maketh against the Iesuits.
Chap. 24.
Of the hipocrisy of the autor of the pamphlet, and his fel­lowes,25 and of a ridiculous miracle fayned in her Maties. supposed escape.
Chap. 25.
The conclusion to the lords of the councel.
Chap. 26.26

[Page]Such fevv faultes as may haue escaped in the printing, it may please the courteous reader to pardon.

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.