[Page] AN ANTIQVODLIBET, OR AN ADVERTISEMENT TO BEWARE OF SEcular Priests.
17 I beseech you brethren, marke then diligently which cause diuision and offences, contrary to the doctrine which ye haue learned, and auoyde them.
18 For they that are such, serue not the Lord Iesus Christ, but their owne bellies, and with fayre speech and flattering deceiue the hearts of the simple.
MIDDELBVRGH, By Richard Schilders, Printer to the States of Zealand. 1602.
THE GENERALL HEADS and contents of the Antiquodlibet are as followeth.
- 1 That there is an insufficiency in the Quilibet to debate matters of Learning.
- 2 That the principall drift of the Quodlibets, in the purpose and practise of the Priests, is the reestablishing of the Popes authoritie amongst vs, with the fall of her Maiestie and the Gospell, so farre forth as in them lieth.
- 3 That the contention betwixt the Iesuit and Secular Priest, being of such nature, and in such degree as is pretended, is a colour and pretext onely: or in case it be vnfeyned on theyr part, yet on the part of the Superiors and heads of theyr faction, it is interteyned out of a pollicy dangerous to her Maiesty and the State.
- 4 That toleration of Popish Religion is perswaded by the Quilibet, vpon idle and false grounds.
AN ANTIQVODLIBET OR ADVERTISEMENT TO BEWARE OF Secular Priests.
CAP. 1.
Wherein is layd open the insufficiencie of the Quilibet for matters of Learning.
THis question should passe vntouched, were it not that I hold it meete, to encounter the opinion conceyued of the Quilibet, as well for the rarenes of his wit, as for his dexterity to discourse of any questionable subiect, specially such as is of State or Religion. VVith which conceite it may probably be presumed that himselfe concurreth, considering how gloriously he rufleth in words and sentences: and with what contempt he censureth, not the Iesuits alone, agaynst whome chiefly in his Quodlibets hee pretendeth hostility, but the Professors of the Gospell also: who in the account of this Secular Priest, are peremptorily held for Grossum caputs, and to haue not one learned man amongst them. It shall not be amisse therefore to take a view [Page 4] of his sufficiency, and to examine how well he is qualified for the office of a Censor, and this seruice of Booke-making, wherein he is imployed. I hold it for cleere and confessed, that such as are fit for imployments of this nature, are of a discerning and iudicious spirit, able to deliuer theyr apprehensions by weight & measure, without being subiect to palpable and ridiculous ouersights, specially in a short discourse. Where the worke groweth large, the Artificer findeth pardon, though somtime he slumber or sleepe, while he fashioneth the same, hauing had care to pollish and grace the first members thereof. But this Priesting Quilibet, howsoeuer he rest admired by some of his faction, or others who haue hitherto beheld him with a careles and partial eye, yet being seriously examined, will be found liable in al reasonable construction, to the imputation of extraordinary defects in iudgement: his proceeding being such in the very front of his booke, and in an argument easie and of few pages, as is without salt, and vnworthy the least regard. To iustifie my charging of him in this behalfe, I will be bold to sift and lay open the workmanship of his preface: [Page 5] which being weighed in the true and indifferent balance of reason, will appeare to be such as I haue sayd. His preface is of two parts: the one, a comprehension of certayne principles: the other, an aduertisement of the motiues, inducing the Quilibet to deliuer his Decacordon by way of a quodlibeticall method, and to publish the same.
The principles are in number fiue, collected and reserued by him (as it seemeth) for some fit oportunity, whereby to giue taste, vnto the world of the excellency of his knowledge, without purpose to performe any seruice by them, as shall appeare. I will in this place repeate them: though in fewer tearmes then some of thē are deliuered, yet such as expresse the full and entire sense they carry in the Preface. They are as followeth.
1 That a foole or dulhead may by shew of argument be forced to acknowledge the cleerest ax [...]om in Diuinitie or other profession to be false.
2 That there are as many examples for vice, as for vertue: for heresie, as for Religion.
[Page 6] 3 That there is no inuention, but anothers wit can equall it by inuenting the same: which hee prooues out of Eccles. chap. 1. vers. 9.
4 That all things on earth are subiect to mutation and downefall.
5 That the generation of one is the corruption of another.
Now before they be brought into muster by the Priest, hee doth honour them with a remarkeable and very worthy preamble. Hauing sayde that experience maketh the case cleere, touching the inexpugnable condition and nature of them, hee addeth that it doth so in all artes and professions,
Wherein humane capacitie (that is the wit of man) doth shew the soules excellencie in apprehension, discourse, and iudgement of things, by inuention, moral coniecture, and the wit of man▪
Let vs examine how learnedly he doth here acquit himselfe. He sayth, that the wit of man sheweth the soules excellency by inuention, morall coniecture, and the wit of man: and so maketh the wit of man in this worke, both a principall efficient, and yet a secondary and different meane from it [Page 7] selfe. If it were sayd by any, that Secular Priesthood conuerteth soules by auricular confession, by a deuout Masse, and by Secular Priesthood: I thinke you would hold such a speech, to proceed from some craze in the brayne. He affirmeth also that the wit of man sheweth the soules excellency, by inuention in the apprehension, discourse and iudgement of things: as if there were a possibility in inuention, to be a meane in this behalfe. When the thing is once inuented and disclosed, the faculty and act of inuention doth forthwith determine, without yeelding any addresse for directing the wit in iudging: God hauing so bounded and distinguished the faculties of naturall reason, that they cannot in theyr seuerall and proper works conferre the one to the other, any reciprocall furtherance. VVhen the builder hath singled out and made choyse of his stone and timber: the practise of this particular skill, doth together with the choyse immediatly cease and expire: it being not able to assist and guide him in the artificial structure of the house.
Further, he addeth that the wit of man sheweth the soules excellency by morall coniecture. Why not also by Mathematicall [Page 8] or Physicall demonstration? As hee doth ouermuch abridge the subiect, wherin humane capacity doth make knowne the dignity of the soule, it being not shut vp within the compasse of things iudiciable, but extended to inuenting likewise, and therefore of an equall reach with the faculty of naturall reason: so falleth hee short in the account of the meanes, whereby the surpassing worth of the soule is deciphered. For besides inuention and morall coniecture (of which the one is generall, the other a particular iudging restrayned to some speciall kinde of obiect) there are to doe this seruice vnto the soule, as well other transcendent meanes, whereby the trueth, consequence, and order of things with theyr contraries is discerned, as in each speciall Art and profession other particular actions in great varietie.
You see now the preamble to the principles and the credit of wit he hath gained by it. It remayneth to examine the principles themselues. Hee that should reade them in the Quilibet, and consider both the multiplicitie of words wherein they are comprised, and the honorable recommendation yeelded vnto them: would [Page 9] take them for such as are vnmatchable, and rather inspired into this Priest, then obserued by him. But if againe hee shall consider, that the two first are childish, and vnworthie so great a title: that the third is expugnable, or at least doubtfull, and so no principle: that foure of them, if not all fiue, are produced and mustered without sense and scope, other then to serue as mock-chimnies doe in a large house: that the demonstration of them is defectiue and friuolous: hee cannot but wonder out of what idle conceit it proceeded, that they should in the front and eminentest part of his Decacordon be exhibited and represented to the world.
That the third principle may iustly be excepted against, may appeare by the testimonie yeelded from holy and prophane histories to some persons for singularitie of wit and knowledge. Here of the Quilibet doth minister vnto me an instance pag. 216: where hee reporteth that Salomon had the rarest and chiefest gift that euer was giuen to man His meaning herein I take to be agreeable with that which in the third and fourth chapter of the first of the Kings▪ is by the holy Ghost recorded [Page 10] of the said King, touching his excelling in wisedome aboue all other of precedent, present and future ages. VVherupon I deduce this conclusion: that if no man euer did or shall equall Salomon in wisedome, then might hee inuent something which cannot possibly fall within the reach of any other mans inuention. But how then shall we answere that diuine sentence of the same King? who saith that there is nothing new vnder the Sun. Salomon giueth vs hereby to vnderstand, that for as much as al things which haue come to their period, doe by generation or other meanes returne, though not in particular, yet vnder the title and subsistence of their common nature, wee must in that regard account nothing for new or different from that which hath bin. Whereupon I inferre that the Priest cannot without wrong alleage the said sentēce for cleering his third principle, which speakes of inuenting the selfesame thing in particularitie and not in the generall.
That these principles are idly and without drift alleadged, I make it euident hereby. Whatsoeuer is comprised in this preface besides the said principles & their [Page 11] illustration, concerneth the motiues inducing the Priest to deliuer his Decacordon by a quodlibeticall method and to publish the same: so as these worthie principles must either be imploved to this seruice of perswading the choise of the said method, and of notifying the end for which the Decacordon is published, or els be inferred to no purpose. If the citing of them be to imploy them in those two seruices: then haue they some logicall coherence with them: and so shall it be no absurditie or inconsequence to say:
A Dulhead may by shew of argument be forced to acknowledge the clearest axiome whatsoeuer, to be false.
Therefore I a poore Secular Priest, haue thought it sit both to write my Decacordon in a quodlibeticall method, and to publish the same.
Or thus.
There are as many examples of vice as of vertue: and the generation of one thing is the corruption of another.
Therefore I the Priestly Quilibet, haue thought it meete to write my Decacordon in a quodlibeticall method, and to publish the same.
[Page 12] If these deductiōs be warrantable in cō mon sense: thē the consequence from Hannibal ad portas vnto Mille meaesiculis errant in montibus agnae shall goe for logicall and currant. But if they shall passe vnder censure for such as grow from a debilitie in the braine: I hope the Quilibet will disclaime the allegation of them for the imployment aboue mentioned: and rather confesse the presenting of them in publike to be without all intent of vsing them, then expose his wit and priesthood to an imputation of that nature. But he may happily pleade for his defence in this behalfe the marginall note, whereby we are certified that the author in all these fiue principles doth cleerely conuince the Iesuits faction of many grosse errors. Is it fitting with the reputation of a quodlibetical Doctor to range and muster principles in a text which haue no correspondence with any member thereof, and afterward to adresse the reader to the margent, there to be informed of the imployment whereto they are destined? And yet the margent doth not here satisfie. It tels vs that the author conuinceth the Iesuits by them: which being supposed, yet can it not be inferred, [Page 13] that therefore they were transported into the text to that end. But how doth he skirmish with them against a Iesuit? The Iesuit holdeth rules opposite to these, viz. That their generall with his prouincials cannot erre: and that their order is a state of most perfection. Whereupon it followeth that either the Priest in his principles, or the Iesuite in his opposite rules, aberreth from truth. Howsoeuer the Iesuit dote in his maxims: yet if the Priest discharge against them no other shot but his principles, he will not be able to giue them the defeate and route: the opposition being not such, as that in the encounter the one must of necessitie supplant the other. Besides, if the later maxime of the Iesuite be repugnant to the said principles: how commeth it that the Quilibet holdeth the like? pag. 6. of his pref. ver. 4. and 5.
Now concerning the Demonstration of them: It hath pleased the Quilibet to single out the fift principle onely, and to grace it with his painfull endeuours: the rather (I thinke) for that he borrowed it from Aristotle against the Philosophers will: and would hereby giue satisfaction for the indignitie offered by him to the said principle. [Page 14] The Demonstration is drawne from an induction, and stands chargeable with an vnsutable applying of particulars: with vntruth in some part: and beside with intermixed absurdities.
That the application in some members of the induction is impertinent: the first period of the second page of the preface will testifie with me. For there propounding vnto himselfe a proofe of the fift principle, hee falleth through a defect in iudgement to such a course of exemplifying, as naturally serueth to cleere and conclude the fourth. Excellencies (saith hee) complexions, Maiesties, powers, foundations, Commonwealths, Societies, Corporations and states are subiect to decay and fall. Hereupō it followeth, that each thing and person (taking the induction in the sense of a part for the whole) is subiect to a decay & fall: which is absolutely the fourth principle: and thus by accident besides the Quilibets purpose concluded. If vpon the Antecedent you would inferre that principle of Aristotle: there wil appeare a disproportion betwixt the argument and the conclusion. For the argument mentioneth not a generation of the particulars with a precedent or concurrent [Page 15] corruption of some other thing, (which it should haue performed in case the proceeding had been sutable to the Question) but onely a [...]all and dissolution of them.
As through this and some other impertinencies, which I doe with regard t [...] breuitie forbeare to debate, the induction halteth: so doth it offer vnto vs an vntruth in that particular of Moses law: the generation whereof is by the Quilibet made to be the plaine corruption of the law naturall, pag. 4. As if when men beheld that knowledge diuulged and set foorth to the eye as it were in characters of gold, which before rested secret and confined within the vnsearchable cabinet of their hearts, they were then occasioned the rather to stumble, hauing a double direction and light to guide them in the traine of their life. Wee may with greater probabilitie thinke that the Lord of heauen discerning the law, which hee had imprinted in the heart of man, to bee defaced first through the defection of Adam, and after by an irrespectiue and dislimited cariage of life in his descendants, did out of wisedome to preuent the totall abolition thereof, and [Page 16] out of mercie to reclaime his people to a course of dutie, resolue vpon a new and second impression of the said law: which vpon the mount Sinai hee accordingly performed. But let vs see how he handleth this question. I will doe him the credit to spend a little time in vnfolding the frame of his dispute herein. He reasoneth thus:
If presently vpon the publication of Moses law men fell to infidelitie and idolatrie, and not before: then vpon the generation of Moses law ensued the corruption of the law naturall.
But presently vpon the publication of Moses law, men fell to infidelitie and idolatrie, and not before.
Therfore vpon the generation of Moses law ensued the corruption of the law naturall.
If by infidelitie he note the state of deprauation or the originall and roote of all inconformitie to the law: the proposition may passe as blamelesse: whereas if vnder that terme he conceiue a distinct and particular sinne, and such as is a branch it self: then may we charge the proposition with inconsequence. For mans freedome for a time from some two or moe speciall corruptions, [Page 17] doth not proue his freedome frō al other during the same time. Dauid could not be taxed with the crime of blood and adultery till the time of his defiling the bed of Vria: if hereupon it should be concluded that Dauid till the said time had obserued the Morall lawe: I thinke the Quilibet would not endure so loose a sequell.
Touching the assumption: howsoeuer hee interpret the word of Infidelity, hee cannot iustifie the sense thereof: it being contradictory to the Author of all truth, who in the sixt of Genesis mentioneth a visible malignant Synagogue, distinguishing it from the trew Church. Now where there is a Synagogue of that quality, their infidelity, which is as it were the very life and forme thereof, must necessarily rest and beare sway. The same Spirit also in the said chapter setting downe the corruption of the heart of man before the flood, and thereby discouering with what disobedience and rebellion to the law of nature he had demeaned himselfe till that vniuersall deluge, auoucheth that the heart is depra [...]ed and wicked, not in some thoughts, but in euery thought whatsoeuer: not in some [Page 18] particle of it selfe, and of his thoughts, but in euery part & particle. not at some time, but without intermission continually. If then the hearts of the people that liued before the flood, were such as they are described in the said chapter: it followeth of necessity that they were fallen to infidelity. For if they beleeued the promises and comminations of their Creator: then were their hearts at some time in some apprehensions and parts of duty free from that touch of corruption afore mentioned. Besides in the 24. of Matthew, Christ himselfe chargeth them with an exceeding carnall security, & particularly with ignorance of the inundation to come, till they beheld it with their eyes Whereupon I infer, that if No [...] fayled not in the denunciation therof, and his ministery of calling them to repentance, they grew thus carnally secure and ignorant vpon a resolued disbeliefe and contempt of the worde of the Lorde▪ This infidelity of that people, is noted also in the 11. to the Hebr. and by the Apostle Peter in the third of his first epistle.
Further, that infidelity and idolatry raigned in the world many yeeres before the promulgation of the law of Moses, appeareth [Page 19] by the 24. chapter of Iosuah, where it is recorded that the ancestors and predecessors of Abraham worshipped strange Gods. And in the one and thirtith of Gene [...]s, Labaa is reported to haue had his Idols and marmon [...]ets. Now if in those families, where God intertained his church, idolatry and vnbeliefe found approbation and place: what shall wee iudge of the nations and people extract from the line of Ch [...]n? or of those which issued and branched out of the stocke of Iapheth? The wickednes of Sodome and G [...]r: the Gods of the Egyptians and their Sorcerers in the time of the Israelites pilgrimage there: the full measure of Atheisme and other strange iniquities in the land of Canaan, before the Lorde would proceede to displant and extirpate the inhabitants thereof, will testifie against the assumption of this syllogisme, and eu [...]t that infidelity and idolatry did not then begin to aduance themselues in publique, when Moses vpon the mount Sinai, receiued from the hand of the Lord the Morall law.
But the Quilibet finding his assumption subiect to question, hath thought meete to yeelde it this proofe:
[Page 20] When the distinction of Iew and Gentill first began, then also began that fall to infidelitie and idolatrie, and not before.
But presently vpon the publication of the laws of Moses, the distinction of Iewe and Gentill first began.
Therefore vpon the publication of Moses laws, began also that fall to infidelitie and idolatrie, and not before.
For answere to the proposition, it must bee remēb [...]ed that the effect and the cause or occasion therof do not alwaies concur in time▪ it being cleere both in reason and experience, that where the occasion and the euent haue a coherence not of nature and necessity, but dependant on accident and the will of man, the one may a long time precede the other. And so in this case of the aboue named distinction, though it be supposed to haue taken beginning not before the inacting and deliuery of the lawe Mosaicall▪ yet might the occasion thereof, namely the fall to infidelity and idolatry, be of some growth many yeeres before.
The assumption is of a more apparant vntruth. For howsoeuer the name of Iew and Gentill was not of so great antiquity and note: yet the thing it selfe was in [...]ss [...] [Page 21] and nature long before the flood: and so, many hundreds of yeeres before the publishing of the Decalogue. There is in the sixt chapter of Genesis a record deliuered in expresse tearmes of two visible and distinct Churches: the one of the Sonnes of God: the other of the Sonnes of men. Further, in the 17. chap. of Genesis, the said distinction betwixt the trew and the false Church, is by a publique act and ordinance of the Lord diuulged and famed to all the world. For to the couenant made with his people, which could not bee vnknowne euen to the inconfederate, he added Circumcision as it were the broade seale of his fauour, and to bee likewise a notorious and distinguent marke of his Church: So as now the world rested diuided into the Circumcised and vncircumcised: both aspectable and conspicuous to the eye. Besides, as if Circumcision were not on the behalfe of his people a sufficient badge of distinction: the same Lord in the third of Exodus doth renounce and disclayme all other nations, with this publike profession that he is not the God of them, but the God of the Hebrewes: the God of Abraham, Isaac and Iacob: and that this [Page 20] [...] [Page 21] [...] [Page 22] shall be his name. And this much Moses must proclayme and no [...]ie before Pharao. Here then the Lorde by this his profession and proclamation, as well before Pharao and the Aegyptians, as in the eare of his select Israell, doth set out and publish a very speciall and eminent difference betwixt his Church & all other Synagogues whatsoeuer. Hereby therefore it appeareth, that before the publication of the Decalogue, the distinction of Gods Church from the prophane and reiected assemblies of the world, did exist both in nature and in common acknowledgement.
As this is incontroulable, so can it not be denyed that there passed at least 400. yeeres after the said publication vpon the Mount Sinai, before the distinction of the trew Church from the rest of the nations was made publique and acknowledged vnder this tearme and title of the Iew. For if the whole Church was so intitled and styled, then all the tribes receiued denomination from the Tribe of Iuda, within the compasse of the yeeres aboue mentioned. But this is conuinced by the holy history: wherein wee finde that each Tribe did first for a long time communicate in [Page 23] the appel [...]ation of Israel: and then after the defection in the time of Rehoboam, that as they were ranged vnder the obedience of seuerall Princes, so they were seuered and distinguished in title: the ten Tribes reteyning the common name of Israel: the other the title of Iuda, which was proper to the Tribe. Had there been within the said time a reall & known communication of this title in generall with all the Tribes, then the occasion of calling them answerably thereto being so frequent, it is more then probable that the holy Ghost the inditer of the history, would not in euer [...] passage haue omitted it: And then likewise in the case of this communication▪ Ieroboam and his successors should haue been intitled Kings of the Iewes: and so that memorable difference of name betwixt the Kings of Iuda and Israel, obserued in the history with speciall regard, by this confusion of titles vtterly abolished.
The Priest not contented to haue proposed a bare affirmation of this assumption nitherto refelled, hath out of the grauity of his iudgement supplied it with the strength of this argument:
All men liued vnder the lawe of nature [Page 24] without distinction, till the publication of the law Mosaicall, and no longer.
Therefore presently vpon the publication of the said lawe, the distinction betweene Iew and Gentill began, and not before.
That there was before the said publication vpon the Mount Sinai, a currant and knowne distinction of the trew Church from the false, hath been already cleered: so as one clause of the Antecedent prohibited vnto vs, needs no further discussing. That all men liued vnder the lawe of nature till the time of Moses, is refelled by that, whereby the existence of Gods Church, and the distinction thereof from the contrary long before the reprinting of the Morall law, hath been proued and iustified For if there were an holy Church, then was their faith in the Messias: and so consequently the Gospell: vnder which as a supernaturall grace, and not only vnder the guidance of the lawe naturall, the faithfull since the fall of Adam in all times liued. The promise made to our first Parents: the Sacrifice of Abel: the walking of Enoch with God: the preaching of repentance by Noe: his offering of burnt offerings after the flood: the couenant made [Page] with Abraham and the promise of the blessed seede: the repetition and ratifying thereof with Isaac and Iacob: their carefull endeuours for the instruction of their children: all these particularities doe testifie that they had for direction of their life not onely an addresse from nature, but some diuine and extraordinarie informations from the Lord.
Thus much concerning that member of the Induction, drawne from the generatiō of the law Mosaicall, and the corruption of the law naturall supposed to ensue thereupon.
The like vntruth is presented vnto vs pag. 7. in the exception there made of the Popish priesthood, against that principle of the certaine decay of all things. For the said priesthood being a meere forgerie and of direct contradiction to the doctrine of the Gospel, as it hath alreadie receiued an irrecouerable wound by the sword of the Spirit, so must it to the incredible comfort of the true Church, deliuer in the Lords good time the last gaspe. But the Quilibet [...]reameth vpon an eternitie of this priest [...]ood: and concludeth it out of 110. Psal. thus:
[Page 26] Dauid saith: Thou art a Priest for euer after the order of Melchisedech.
Therefore Popish priesthood is eternall.
Here the Quodlibeticall Doctor discouereth both his ignorance and an act of blasphemie. For what the spirit of God by th [...] mouth of Dauid deliuereth of that omni potent King Christ Iesus as his prerogatiue proper and incommunicable, the sam [...] this inconsiderate Priest doth interp [...] and apply as meant not only of that gra [...] Dagon the Pope of Rome, but of euer base and mercenary sacrificule. That Dauid, or rather God the Father by Dauid speaketh it of Christ: Christ himselfe [...] the 22 chapter of Matth. doth expresse [...] testifie: That the said prerogatiue is pec [...] liar to Christ, and without possibilitie deriuation to any other, may appear by that excellent discourse thereof in [...] Epistle to the Hebr. chap. 7. out of whi [...] chapter wee may thus conclude for [...] most holy priesthood of Christ, agai [...] that Antichristian rasure of all iug [...] Masse-babiers:
A Priest after the order of Melchisede [...] is without carnall rites in consecr [...] ordayned immediatly by God with [Page 27] othe, is eternall in person, and thereupon eternall in Priesthood, and so a perfect Sauiour. Hebr. chap. 7. vers. 16. 21. 24. 25.
But no Pope or Shaueling is ordained by God himselfe with an othe, and without carnall rites in consecration: none of them eternall in person, and for that cause none of them eternall in Priesthood and able to Saue: whereas euery one of these prerogatiues doe agree to Christ and to him only.
Therefore no Pope or Shaueling is a Priest after the order of Melchisedech, but Christ only.
This may suffice to diseternize and shor [...]n the Popish Priesthood: to the establi [...]ing whereof to drawe a logicall conse [...]ence from the Priesthood of Christ, is [...] lesse impossible then for some lame [...]ephibosheth, to aduance himselfe by one [...] leape from Dan to Beershebab.
There remaine associated with the in [...]tion certaine absurdities, of lesse mo [...]ent I confesse then the vntruths before [...]uted, yet such as serue to deto [...]t the in [...]fficiency of the Quilibet. To omit the [...]ference he maketh betwixt a ground in [Page 28] diuinity and an article of our fayth: his ascribing of paradoxes vnto Orators: his senseles comparison of Societies, that they haue their fates with a no lesse fearefull eclipse of their former same, then a notable diminution of their wo [...]ted glorie: Can it proceede from iudgement, to affirme that the whole body mystical of Christ consisteth of three estates. Ecclesiasticall, Temporall and Monasticall? pag. 4. It shoulde seeme that the party from whom the Quilibet borrowed this distribution of Christs mysticall body, lent it the poore Priest by way of disport, and to expose him to the derision & taunt of others. For what stayne or ridiculous imperfection may befall vnto a partition, with the same this distribution is deformed. First, the partes of it are vnsortable with the whole. For the body of Christ▪ which is the entire company of the Sainte [...] in heauen and earth that are chosen in him to eternall life, being spirituall, and far remo [...]ed from the eye, in case it bee distinguished into parts, must haue such as an of the same quality and nature with th [...] whole not such as are corporall & visible there being no affinity betwixt things mysticall and sensible, spirituall, and carnall [Page 29] Now the parts of the distribution in hand, are materiall and subiect to sense: and consequently of an vnsutable and opposite quality to the totall diuided. And therefore an impossibility in the totall to be distributed vnto them. Secondly, whereas it may be pleaded that howsoeuer the body of Christ, so farre forth as it is mysticall and spirituall, bee incapable of the sayd parts, yet so farre as it is visible on earth, it may be diuided into them: I must except against this plea as incompetent: it being an extrauagancy from the matter in question, which is of the whole body of Christ, and not of one member thereof: of a thing mysticall, not of any visible subiect. Besides, it being supposed and set down for a distribution of the trew Church on earth: yet shall it not be warrantable, but offend through a grosse impropriety. For whereas by the lawe of distribution, the partes ought to carry a proper and reciprocall affection to the whole: here in the case propounded, the parts are of too large a compasse and reach, they being not peculiar to the Church of God, but common to heathenish and prophane Synagogues, Pharao in Aegypt, the Philistins in Palestina, the [Page 28] [...] [Page 29] [...] [Page 30] old Romanes and Grecians in their seuerall countries, had in former times, as likewise the Turkes and other infidels at this day, not only estates temporal, but degrees also and orders Ecclesiasticall. Thirdly, though againe supposed that these partes doe agree onely with the [...]rew Church: yet because they are not of a reall coherence with each church at the same time, or with the same church at all times: the distribution into them is friuolous. Fourthly, we may with no lesse iustice charge the sayde distribution with redundancy of parts. For the estate Monasticall, is either of no vse to Gods Church; or of some vse and seruice thereto. If of no vse, yea, rather an impediment and bar to the performance of dueties to God and man in publique societies: then being repugnant to the law naturall & moral, it cannot hold the place and office of a part in the body or church of Christ. If it bee of some vse and seruice: the same is Ecclesiasticall or ciuill▪ so as this Monasticall condition shall not bee a different member from the former estates, but comprised vnder the one or the other. Fiftly, as if he had not already in the said distribution folded vp a sufficient [Page 31] number of absurdities, it pleaseth him to make it not only redundant, but halting also and defectiue. For the estate of Popes and Cardinals, being not purely Ecclesiasticall or temporall, but raysed out of the mixture & vnion of both swordes, cannot be raunged distinctly and seuerally vnder any one of the estates specified, but must of necessity make a fourth order or degree in the church, or rest sequestred from the same.
With these his Priestly disputes, I will couple the disgraciue and vnworthy conceit hee hath of our most worthy Countrey. For deliuering his opinion by whom the honors poynt for martiall exploytes these later yeeres hath been kept, hee bestoweth the garland vpon the Spanyards, partly out of partiality and affection to them, whome in his Quodlibets he pretendeth to hate, and partly out of malice to the Religion of such, who to the incredible honor o [...] her Maiesty and this State, haue managed the principall charges of Military employments amongst vs. I will not derogate from the Spanyard: but I cannot yeelde him the precedence herein. For whether we call into comparison the sufficiency [Page 32] of the Commaunders, the quality of the seruice vndertaken by them, the politique cariage and resolute execution therof, or lastly the successe that hath ensued: we shall find that the Spanyard is equalled in all these particulars, and in some of them exceeded as well by our Generals of most honourable ranke and State, as by our Commaunders of inferiour place and dignity. But I will not further insist vpon this comparison: it hauing beene of late very accurately handled.
Hitherto haue wee examined the principles, and such their incidents as are se [...] downe by the Quilibet. Wee are now to consider the moriues, which haue induce [...] him to deliuer his Decacordon by a quodlibeticall method, and to publish the same Hee doth impart with vs the speciall inducements to the choyce of this method in a period that offends not in shortnes [...] being a comprehension but of fifty larg [...] lines, parenthesed not oftner then in seu [...] places. To facilitate the vnderstandin [...] whereof, I hold it not amisse to couch it this compendious forme: ‘Because al things and persons here on e [...] are subiect to a change and downf [...] [Page 33] hereupon there arising so many thousand absurdities, which cannot be set downe in a positiue discourse without losse of labour: I haue therefore thought vpon this easiest method of Quodlibets, whereby to deliuer my Decacordon: not doubting but it will satisfie all well affected parties, and preuent as well iust occasion of complaint, as any euasion or meanes to escape from disclosing our knowledge. pag. 7. 8. of his pref.’
My purpose is not to spend time in weighing each particular motiue. I will onely dispute the chiefest: it being one of [...]is fiue principles: which why he hath culed out and imployed rather then the rest [...]o this seruice, they being in this behalfe [...]ll alike seruiceable, cannot well be discer [...]ed. But let vs enquire into the seruice [...]erformed by it: whereof wee may take [...]nowledge by this his course of reasoning:
All things and persons on earth, be subiect to a change and downefall.
Therefore haue I made choyse of this quodlibeticall method for deliuering my Decacordon.
He might well haue spared his principle, [...]nd reserued it for some other imployment, [Page 34] sith the seruice of consequences which it yeeldeth in this syllogisticall action, though it be drawne euen from the vtmost limits of the earth, is yet so strange and exorbitant. For if the alterable condition of all things and persons on earth doth iustly occasion the choyse of this method: then the consideration hereof (the said method being supposed to be the best of all other) should haue forced all writers both auncient and moderne, Ecclesiastic and prophane, howsoeuer the matters deduced by them were qualified, to a continuall vse of it: all things and persons on earth in the time of each seuerall writer being of the like mutable constitution and nature they are now of: so as either this respect of mutability and decay in all things is insufficient to perswade the practise of this waye in the frame of discourses, or the authors who haue omitted it, stand chargeable with a speciall ouersight. But to fortifie the consequence, the Quilibet pretendeth that the brittle stat [...] of things doth, in the case he hath in hand breede so many thousand absurdities no [...] disposeable in a positiue discourse withou [...] losse of labour, as that he is for such regar [...] [Page 35] moued to thinke vpon this method by way of Quodlibets. For answere whereto: first, it is not vnknowne that absurdity doth originally grow out of the disposing of such notions or tearmes in a sentence as yeeld a falshood: (truth and absurdity being incompatible) which being subscribed vnto, there issueth from thence an infinity of absurdities and disagreements to common sense and reason. If then the roote, [...]rom whence they spring, bee other then [...]he decayable constitution of thinges on [...]arth: the sayd consequence receiueth no [...]trength from this plea. Secondly, it is [...]ot the multiplicity of different cases that [...]isableth a positiue discourse to compre [...]end them, but an insufficiency in vs to [...]ispute and order them. For if wee shall [...]ote out and distinguish each particular [...]ubiect offered to bee treated on, then [...] it by the light of pregnant & sound [...]uidence, and lastly, marshall in their pro [...]er rankes and places, all and singular the [...]uestions & seuerall illustrations of them: [...]e shall not neede to fetch from the consi [...]eration of the nature and state of things [...]n heauen and earth, any inducement to [...]he intertayning of this or that method: it [Page 36] being not materiall, so as our preceding in discourse bee such as I haue spoken of, whether the case presented to demur on be propounded by way of interrogation, with freedome left for pro & contra, or set downe without the circumstance of interrogatorie termes, with libertie notwithstanding to debate and resolue al difficulties and scruples that shall occurre.
There belongeth to this generall question of the method chosen by the Quilibt, a iustificatiō in particular of his quodlibetical distemper and brabble against the Iesuits. Which because it discouers not only the weaknes of his iudgement in an ordinary and cleere position of theology, but his colourable pretext also of drawing into dispute her Maiesties proceedings and and other matters of like nature and moment, I iudge it meete to bring it vnder triall and examination. The argument [...] sed by him to iustifie this his reuerend and priestly brablation against the Iesuites, is drawne from the greater to the lesse, and is thus concluded:
If we may without all sinne and scandal dispute pro & contra of God, wheth [...] he or the Diuell be to be honoured: the [...] [Page 37] may we dispute pro & contra of the Iesuits.
But we may without all sinne and scandal dispute pro & contra of God, whether he or the Diuell be to be honoured.
Therefore may we dispute pro & contra of the Iesuits.
How this syllogisme will relish with a Iesuite, I know not. It may be vpon taste thereof, he will approue it, as being guiltie of the Quilibets drift herein, or at least readie to hallow in & concur with him in the same vpon notice giuen: as the manifold pamphlets diuulged by that viperous progenie, which cā breathe nought els but calumniations & proiects of treason against Princes, doe sufficiently testifie. But leauing the Iesuite in this behalfe to his liking, I will deliuer my conceit of the argument proposed. I doe therefore except against the Assumption, as containing not onely matter of vntruth, but of impietie also: and doe hold the inference depending thereon very preiudiciall to the State of Princes. That it is of a manifest falsehood and repugnancie to the law of God, may appeare by calling into consideration the maine scope of the third Commandement, [Page 38] which is, that all mention of God should bee honourable and worthie his Maiestie. Now to dispute pro & contra of God, whether hee or the Diuell be to be honoured, cannot stand with that honour and reuerence which is due to so glorious and fearfull a Maiestie. For by this course of dispute wee are drawne to auouch and prooue that mightie Lord, at whose name euery knee should bow, and at whose words euery heart should tremble, to bee destitute of those diuine attributes of holines, eternitie, omnipotencie, wisedome, iustice, mercy, & to ascribe them vnto the Diuell. How the Priest will free this proceeding from scandal and blasphemy, I can not discerne. He will happily alleage that as it doth lay reproch and dishonor vpon God, to depriue him (out of opinion or affection) in our disputes of his diuine and essentiall attributes, and to appropriat [...] them vnto Satan, so if it be done vpon a good and warrantable intent, it cannot then fall vnder the title of blasphemie. For answere whereto, let it be remembred that no action, which in it selfe and in the nature thereof is a meere sinne, can by any good intent of the Actor be made a conformitie [Page 39] to the law of God. For were a good intent thus qualified, as that it could alter and rectifie in the sight of God the meanes subordinate thereto: then should humane deuice take place in the true worship of the Lord, and in the case of so readie an apology and pretence, as this of good intention, few would be found who would not stand vpon peremptory termes of iustifying their courses before the tribunall of Christ. Now if any man shall thinke it questionable whether the vndeifying of that eternal and omnipotent Spirit, and the crowning of Satan with the glorie and maiestie of the Godhead, be an action in it selfe, and in the nature thereof contradictorie to the will and statutes of the immortall King and lawgiuer: he may with like reason doubt whether an acknowledgement of the true Iehoua for our God only, and a cariage with all reuerence and honour towards him on our part, be conmaunded in the Decalogue. If then the said action be originally an aberration from the law, how can it receiue from any intent of man, though neuer so good, this pr [...]rogatiue of being made correspondent to the same? whereas it is a principle [Page 40] knowne and vndeniable, that ill is not to be done, that good may grow thereof in case the intention of the Agent could priuiledge and dispense with the pollution of our actions, the said principle should containe an idle direction or restraint of our proceedings. Further, if the act in question be not in it selfe a disobedience to the law, but of a nature indifferent and newterall: then some transferring of the Deity from the true God vnto the Diuell, and some premeditate mention of his most blessed name accompanied with termes of the highest blasphemie, shall finde in the Decalogue no prohibition. Then likewise are we not commaunded, without calling into question and doubt, to beleeue and rest perswaded by testimonie of the word and Spirit that Iehoua only is our God, and he onely to bee worshipped. But if both the one and the other be in theologie a great incongruitie: then the said act can in no sort partake of newtralitie. But let vs [...]ebate a little what should bee the int [...]nt and end of disputing against God. There is in all probable discourse but this [...]ne ground and cause thereof that beare a shew of lawfulnes: namely, an inten to [Page 41] confirme our iudgement in the truth vpon sight and conference of the weake arguments concluded against God, with such as are alleaged for him. But this purpose of reenforcing our iudgement in the truth, cannot warrant any dispute in this behalfe. For our iudgement touching the diuine nature and actions of God, and the honour due vnto him, hauing already receiued the greatest confirmation that may be from the voyce of God himselfe in the Scriptures, from the publique and constant testimony of the Church, from the inward perswasion of the holy Ghost, from the euidence yeelded and proclaymed by the creation of Heauen and earth: the intendment and indeauour of this crooked and left-handed proofe, whereof wee speake, must [...] the presence of so excellent a brightnes, as the demonstration specified doth affoord, vtterly quaile and rest in the same account, as a poore silly candle doth, that for enlarging and better cleering the surpassing lustre of the Sunne, is lighted at noone day. Besides, why should the sight of a leane mishapen argument, inuented and alleaged against God, rather confirme the disputers iudgement in the truth, then [Page 42] giue him cause to accuse the dulnes of his wit, that could not inuent a better? May hee not apprehend also, that others of a deeper reach and knowledge then himselfe, are able to disclose some proofes of strength, and such as hee cannot answere, and so rest doubtfull and no whit confirmed? Nay, may not the disputer himselfe, in the search of allegations against God, stumble on an argument of such constitution and temper, as neither himselfe nor some others can resolue? In which case this course wil be so farre from confirming the iudgement in the truth, that on the contrary it will rather occasion the suspecting of it, and serue to strengthen erronious conceites of God. Experience hath made it cleere, that this course of disputing against God, is of a daungerous consequence, and as it were a bridge for Atheisme and other impieties to passe into the opinion and life of man. The quodlibet propounded by the Serpent, to our grane and prime mother, against the most iust and holy proceedings of our Creator with her and Adam, thereby to rayse in her apprehensions of Soueraynty, and a desire of equality with God, shee being ready to [Page 43] giue eare thereto, and either not willing or vnprouided how to resolue and answere the same, proued in the issue of the disputation, a quodlibet of vnspeakeable losse and infelicity to either of them and their posterity, and not otherwise satisfiable, then by the most precious blood of the eternall Sonne of God.
As this quodlibeticall method serued amongst other furtherances, as a speciall meane to draw our first parents to a defection from their Creator: so if wee should inquire into the occasions of Atheisme, of heresie, of disloyalty and treason in their descendants: we shall finde that it hath in sundry ages giuen life and nourishment to the same. But I will not insist vpon particularities herein: what hath been already sayd, I hope will suffice for conuincing the Assumption in question of im [...]y.
The inference that is necessarily deduced thereupon, and which is of preiudyce to the state of Princes, is a liberty of disputing against their persons, their title and interest to their Crownes, their resolutions and proceedings. For if wee holde it for lawfull to call God into question, to [Page 44] arraigne him as it were at the barre, and to deuest him of his prerogatiues royall: then is it much more allowable to frame in our disputes, a bill of an inditement against the Monarches of this worlde, to heape personall imputations and scandals vpon them, to proue a nullity in their titles, to iustifie the excommunications thundred out against them and the absoluing of Subiects from their alleageances to auouch it for an honourable and meritorious act, to remoue them from their thrones by publique armes, or indirect practises, to traduce and proclayme to the world their proceedings for such, as exceed for tyranny and cruelty, the actions of the most barbarous tyrant that euer had Scepter in his hand. Now howsoeuer the Quilibet disguiseth with vs, as if he had for no other intent made choyse of this method, then to bandy a Iesuit too and fro: a [...] redly his principall scope, was the hauing of some pretext and colour to deliuer his spleene against her Maiesties proceedings: which hee hath in his Quodlibets formally done: and yet so, as hee would haue it interpreted, that they are thus branded and depraued not by himselfe, but by the intemperate [Page 45] tongue and pen of others. But it is neither his good intent, nor the prerogatiue of a quodlibeticall method, that will procure him a discharge in a court of iustice and impunity in this behalfe. If he or any for him should pleade that opposits marshalled directly in opposition one to the other, doe so much the more cleere and notifie themselues: it will be remembred vnto him, that this maxim holdeth trew, not when the one is proued to be the other, but when each of them is seuerally in his proper nature and colours presented vnto vs, and so a conference made of the one with the other: as her Maiesties most honorable, iust, and temperate proceedings with those tyrannous and barbarous massacers that haue beene in other Countries violently and often performed against the trew Professors of the Gospell.
I would here giue end to this quodlibet of the Quilibets insufficiency, were there not offered vnto me for some further blasing thereof, one extraordinary particular and fruite of his wit. pag. 138. of his Quodlibets, where he thus speaketh: ‘The doctrine of the Catholique Church consists of three speciall causes: the one is [Page 46] Fayth, which is the matter thereof: the other, Charity, which is the forme or efficient: and the third, Hope, which is the finall end thereof, &c.’
Whether this peece of learning had his originall from the Priest, or were furnished vnto him by his friends, I know not. Sure I am it will not make for the credit of his wit, as shall appeare First, he deliuers for essentiall causes of the whole distributed, such things as are consequents thereof, and seuered in place from it. For fayth and charity, which he sets downe for particular vertues infused and resident in each trew Christian, receiue their conception and birth from the doctrine of the Gospell, accompanied with the effectuall operation of the holy Ghost: so as in regard of priority in nature and time, which the sayd doctrine hath of the existence it yeeldeth vnto them, by the ordinance [...] God, of the separation in place it holdeth from them, they cannot be essentiall causes of the same. Secondly, whereas fayth is the roote, from which charity and hope doe spring and braunch: is it not beside all sense, to make the roote the matter of the sayd doctrine, and of the two braunches, [Page 47] the one the forme or efficient thereof, the other the finall end of the same? If he had conceiued that the matter of this holy doctrine did in part consist in the precepts and documents of these infused vertues comprised in the Scripture, his speech had fauoured of learning But suppose fayth to be the matter of it. That it should runne in account for the whole matter of the doctrine professed by the Church, is impossible: there being so many other different particularities recorded therein, which will challenge place in the matter thereof. To make it a part onely of the matter, is contrarv to the intention of the Quilibet: who speaking of the whole doctrine, and withall describing the generall forme and end of it, will out of common wisedome note vnto vs a matter proportionable thereto. Further, if favth as it is a vertue residing in the heart of man, be the matter whereof the holy Scriptures consist: then as faith doth determine with the person of the beleeuer, so doth the matter also of the sacred Scripture proportionably. And consequently, if that which supplies the place of this matter bee the fayth of all Gods children: then for as much as the greatest [Page 48] part of them is already retyred into paradise, and their fayth vpon the instant of their departure abolished, it must of necessitie follow that the matter wherof the Scripture is consisting, is for the greatest part thereof already wasted and extinct. Or if the fayth of some only be the sayde matter: let him note out the persons vnto vs, and render a reason, why the fayth of one rather then of another, should haue this preheminence: or why the other vertues mentioned should be excluded.
Touching charity, hee cannot resolue whether it be the efficient or forme of the sayd doctrine. Is he a Priest of such rare parts, and of that expedition in deciding of Quodlibets, and yet can be not satisfie vs in so vulgar a Quodlibet? Beside the argument already in generall deliuered, whereby these Theologicals are conuinced to be effects and no essentiall causes in the case propounded: let him call to mind by whom the doctrine of the Scripture was inspired and indited. I trust he will not ascribe the performance of this most holy and admirable seruice to the vertue of charity, that harbours in the breast of man, and so depriue God of the honour [Page 49] due vnto him in this behalf. As God himselfe is the author and efficient of that doctrine, and not charity: so neither can charity be the forme thereof, vnlesse we make imperfection the forme of perfection, and that which is apt to receiue diminution and encrease the forme of that which is immutable and free from such alteration. If in the latter age of the world charity shall grow cold, and fayth almost to an vtter decay: and yet the one rest the forme of the written word, the other the matter thereof: the said worde must necessarily fall into very hard termes, vpon the enduring of so great an eclipse both of matter and forme.
The finall end of the doctrine professed by the Catholike Church he affirmeth to be hope. True it is that fayth in the Messias [...]d consequently hope of eternal happ [...]s through his bloud, is an end where [...] the said doctrine doth looke and ayme: and yet but an end subordinate to that mayne and soueraigne end of the maiesty and glory of God shining in the saluation of his children. So as whether he take hope [...]o be the onely or principall end, he fayles [...]n either.
[Page 50] There are in this text of his three speciall causes, whereof the doctrine of the Church consisteth, other phantastick incō gruities, as, that charity should therefore giue the Crowne to King and Queene, because she is the forme and efficient of the sayd doctrine: and that faith should be the gate of entrance into the Church, because it is sayd, Hebr. 11. Accedent [...]m ad D [...]um oportet credere. But I will no longer stand vpon the refelling of such dreames.
CAP. 2.
That the principall drift of the Quodlibets [...] i [...] the reestablishing of the Popes authoritie amongst vs, with the fall of her Maiestie and the Gospell.
HAuing in the former chapter discouered the insufficiency of the Quilibe [...] which by sundrie particularities of his discourse appeareth to be such, as where out of conceit and partiality he infranchizeth professors of the Gospell, into the companie of grossum caputs and men vnlearned himselfe may vpon iust desert challenge the freedome and priuiledge of the same [Page 51] will now proceede to take view of his Quodlibets: which being many in number and contayning variety of matter, I will draw into question onely such points of them, of which it doth specially import vs to be informed: least in this seede time of Romish proiects and treacheries for supplanting the Gospell, our ignorance in this behalfe be abused in the qualitie of an instrument and meane to aduance the growth thereof. And because in all proceedings of moment, the end wherto they are directed, is a matter considerable and worthy of note: I will in the first place examine and dispute the mayne and principall scope of the Decacordon: which I take to be the restoring of the soueraigne interest and authoritie of the Pope within her Maiest [...]s dominions, and consequently the fall of her royall Scepter and the Gospell professed amongst vs. The grounds or verifying this assertion, we shall finde dispersed and deliuered in seuerall passages of his Quodlibets. In his preamble thereto, imparting with vs some other collaterall ends of diuulging the same, hee doth with solemnitie protest and auerre his intent herein also to bee the giuing vnto the [Page 52] Romish Church her due. Now that which he supposeth to be due vnto the said church, is a regall and vnlimited power in the Pope the head thereof, to guide, dispose, and reforme all persons and causes Ecclesiastick, hauing withall annexed thereto the prerogatiue of superiority aboue the Prince, as he doth couertly insinuate pag. 221. where making the Ecclesiasticall state, the first and principall of the two members in a body politicall: and holding it for an infallible axiom that in the Pope absolutely resideth the supreme headship and soueraignty ouer the sayde State: he cannot hereupon deduce other conclusion then that, as the state of the Church hath an eminency and precedence aboue the Ciuill, so the supreme head of the same state, shall hold the like proportion of superiority ouer the soueraigne Commander of the Ciuill, which is with vs, her acred Maiesty. If then this regality ouer both States, be the due he would by publication of his Quodlibets, restore and reinuest in the head of the Romish Church▪ I wrong him not in charging him with this drift and intendment of exalting in this land, that purple pontificall Antichrist of [Page 53] Rome, with the fall of her Maiesty and the Gospell. If he shall pleade that his giuing vnto the Sea of Rome her due, is no more the capitall end propounded to his Decacordon, then his freeing of the ignorant from error, and his endeauour to make knowne what loyalty ought to bee in euery Subiect towardes his Prince and Countrey: we may iustly except against this plea, as being of no validity. For sith the pamphlets which passed the presse, before this Decacordon was tendered vnto vs, doe labour to satisfie the Reader, partly in the matter of difference betwixt the Secular and the Iesuit, partly in the poyntes of duty owing from the Catholique subiect to the Prince: the pretences mentioned here by the Quilibet cannot be allowed for sufficient: vnlesse both the text in hand for informing herein the Readers [...]nowledge and conscience be so obscure, and the Reader likewise so dull of conceit, as the one and the other require an iteration and supplie of quodlibeticall disputes. Besides, the question of the Subiects loyaltie to his Prince is so coldly and vnskilfully debated, as in regarde of the insufficiency thereof to perswade, it cannot be in [Page 54] common sense conceiued that the instruction of the Catholike Subiect in his cariage and affection to her Maiestie was specially intended by the Decacordon. Wherein if hee had proceeded with purpose to informe and rectifie the iudgem̄et of misguided Catholikes: hee should by light of argument out of the holy word of God haue cleered it vnto them, that the alleageáce due from a subiect to his prince is of that nature and temper, as in the case of any communication thereof with a forraine potentate, whether in causes Ecclesiastick or Ciuil, it ceaseth to be sincere and vnblemished. This course being professedly omitted by him, and the contrary inforced, it is dotage or delusion to pretend the directing of Catholikes in the way of true and vndiuided obedience to her Maiestie.
But howsoeuer hee shall with complement and formality of speech, colour the intent of his Decacordon: yet that it is such as I charge him with, may further appeare by calling into consideration, not onely his patheticall and often protestations of indisguised obedience to the Pope, euen to death, accompanied with an humble [Page 55] submittance of all his actions and discourses to the censure of his venerable Holines, and with a profession of vowed and most carefull endeauours on his part, for conuersion of this Realme to the Sea Apostolique: but especially, the course he holdeth of winning fauour and reputation to his side, by a palpable soothing and admiring of her Maiestie, by extolling (contrary to all former custome and humor in Romanists) her Highnes proceedings, by offer vnto her of all duty and seruice on the part of the Catholiques, and likewise, as well by infaming the Iesuits, and discouery of their plots, as by purging his fellow Seculars from all imputation of disloyalty and Treason. Can hee holde this course, and yet propound vnto himselfe no speciall end and employment of the grace and fauour he would obtayne? Or can there be in discourse of reason, other end and vse thereof, then the fortifying and aduauncement of the faction whereof he is? And can this aduauncement succeede and take place without the suppression of the Gospell? The opposition of it, and Popery being such, that the one laboreth the subuersion of the other. I do [...] [Page 56] therefore vpon his holding of the sayde course, inferre that he intends thereby the reuiuing and erection of that forraine and Antichristian soueraynty ouer vs.
Moreouer, if his deseigne and intent were other then is charged, he would not so affectionately meditate and presse the procurement and graunt of such meanes, whereby the estate of her Maiesty might bee perilled, and the proceedings of the holy Ministery established amongst vs, impeached. That hee doth insist hereupon, and veremently affect the compassing thereof, his Decacordon will giue testimony with me. For in it he pleadeth for a repeale or mitigation of such penall Statutes as were enacted to secure her Maiesties royall person, and the state of Religion, against all attempts and practises, as well of the Secular Priest as the Iesuit. In it he vrgeth a toleration of the publique exercise of Popery, as well in some Colledges of the Vniuersities, to bee allotted to this seuerall vse and profession, as in other partes and diuisions of the Realme. And lastly, in it vnder that odious name of Puritans, hee doth with an extraordinary passion and rhetorique, solicit an vtter [Page 57] extirpation of many thousands, both as sound professors of the Gospell, and as loyall subiects to her Maiesty, as euer liued vnder the Sunne. As the due execution of the sayde Statutes, the suppression of Romish seducements in opinion and affection, the multitude and loue of the subiects to her Maiesty, with the sole intertainment of the Religion already authorised, are capitall and infallible meanes of strength and surety to her Highnesse person, and the sacred truth professed in her Kingdomes: so vpon the withdrawing and fayling of them, both the one and the other must quaile and determine. But hee will deny the abolition of these meanes, to be of so dangerous a sequell, especially to her Maiesty, considering that vpon the graunt of the repeale and toleration desired, it is intended she should be against all tre [...]s [...]nable attempts secured by sufficient caution. Were not Romish Catholiques in a dreame, or had they any politique sense, or in case they did honourably apprehend of her Maiesties wisdome, they would neuer propound so silly an ex [...] dient for preuention of perill in this behalfe. First, there is an impossibility of [Page 58] such caution: there being nothing that this or any forraine nation can yeelde, which could be in valew satisfactory and answerable to her Maiesties life. Secondly, a possibility herein supposed: yet cautions of what nature soeuer, will be found exposed to so many incertainties, as that they cannot serue for groundes of assurance in the case of so precious and inestimable a iewell. Obligation of othe is with Romanists dispensable: Ostages subiect to mortality and other accidents: pledges in the nature of lands or chattels, decayable: caution of townes from forraine Catholiques, full of difficulties and inconuenients. Thirdly, vpon the succeeding of an attempt against her Soueraigne and vnualuable person, how shall we in so great a confusion and astonishment, either reteyne in our hands without present daunger, the caution giuen, or pursue the recouery of satisfaction if we be not seazed thereof▪ Speech therefore in the case proposed of caution is senseles.
But he hath happely some better ground for displanting and extermination of Puritans. Howsoeuer it pleaseth him in shew to distinguish betwixt such, as agreeing in [Page 59] the opinion of doctrine against the church of Rome, doe notwithstanding differ in some honourable additions and circumstances of discipline: yet in truth, and in the secret account of his popish heart, whosoeuer acknowledgeth not the soueraignety of Peters chayre, or standeth in opposition of iudgement to the Counsell of Trent [...] is vnto him and to all of his stampe a Puritan: and shall in that day of Iubiley, which they haue so long attended, passe as conuict of heresie to the faggot or sworde. In those times of Queene Mary, when the Pope swayed the Scepter in this land, it was not enough to pleade a concurrence with them in opinion, touching the gouernement of the state Ecclesiasticke by Bishops and other subordinate officers of the Clergy. It was neither the Episcopall Roc [...]et, nor the ornament of Typpet, nor the squarenes of a Cap, nor the mustring in Cope or Surplice, that could then priuiledge a Protestant against the Clinke, or the Purgatory of Smithfield. And doe we thinke, if then euery Professor of the Gospell, from the Archbishoppe, to the poore Curate, and from the person of Honour to the Cobler were drawne into [Page 60] question of life, that any hereafter shall for respect of his Typpit or Rochet, finde fauour and impunity? I doubt not but there haue beene many of each sorte and quality in France, Germany, the lowe Countries, and else where, who shoulde haue beene spared from the hard measure and extremity offered vnto them, if their liking of the auncient dignities, and outward formalities in the Churche, could haue procured them regarde and grace. It were against common sense, to conceiue that they will persecute the refusing of the Surplice, and leaue vncensured the contempt of the Masse: punish all inconformity to externall ceremonies, and beare with contradiction to the Popes Supremacy. As to the Duke of Medina, if in 88. hee had preuayled in his attempt against vs, each Catholique would haue seem [...]d: Protestant, his sworde not discerning the one from the other, but resolutely proceeding on to make roome for the King his Master: So, if the Lorde in his iustice should abandon this sinfull Land to the mercy of the Secular Priest and Iesuit then to smooth the way and passage for S. Peters Vicar, euery Protestant should [Page 61] be adiudged a Puritan. Whereas therefore hee pretendeth in word the ruine of the Puritans, I hold it for certaine he intendeth in deede the generall dispatch of all Protestants. For what else can we probably conceiue to be his drift herein? It is cleere, that his heaping of so many scandalous indignities vpon them, and his charging them not only in generall, with endeauours to pull downe Kings and Princes, but in particular, with practise to kill her Maiesty, and to subuert all other Protestants, cannot haue other scope then the raysing and nourishing of perpetuall ielousies, great feares, and bloody hatreds, not onely betwixt the Protestant and the supposed Puritan, but specially betwixt her royall selfe, and many thousands her faythfull subiects, and consequently, the absolute depriuing her of their ready and dutifull seruices. If then he labour to destitute and strip his Prince of the loyall affection and seruice, which an infinite multitude woulde tender and performe vnto her: if hee would likewise stirre the flame of ciuill contention amongst all the Protestant subiects of this State: doth he not thereby ayme at some fearefull eclipsing [Page 62] of her Maiesties power and strength: Doth he not prepare and fashion an ouerture to a desolation and change of State? Either Religion and peace with the loue, seruice, and multitude of people on the one part, and the reciprocall fauour and respect from the Prince on the other part, are not the true foundations and pillars of the stand and greatnes of Monarches within their seuerall dominions: or if they be, then he that shall employ the whole force of his wit and affection, as well to the expugnation of Religion, and the mutuall amity amongst compatriots, as to disarme his Soueraigne of the loue, seruice, and multitude of his subiects, and to worke in him a reiection likewise on his part, of all Princely and respectiue conceit towardes them, cannot but stand in the iudgement of vnpartial men, iustly chargeable with the imputation of a trayterous heart to his Prince and Countrey. As therefore the vrged repeale of the sayde Statutes, and the toleration of Popery is of a pernicious consequence: so would he through the side of the Puritan, wound both Prince and Subiect, both Bishop and Curate.
[Page 63] Besides, to yeelde vnto the mayne question in hand some further light, let it be considered what doctrine he deliuereth in his Quodlibets, of State and Succession, for resolution and direction of the Subiect, in case of the Popes excommunication. The regarde of the time, and the present affliction indured by Catholiques, makes him (as hee sayth) vnwilling to maintaine positions odious to the State: but yet hee is bolde to enforme the Subiects of their duty herein. First, therefore hee giues them to vnderstand, that it is lawfull for his Popeship to excommunicate Princes, and lawfull also for the Subiects to put in execution the sentence of such excommunication. Secondly, he doth aduertise them, that howsoeuer both the one and the other be lawfull, yet in regard of the manifold inconueniencies insuing thereof, it is not expedient so to proceede. Thirdly, because the question of expediency should not vpon occasion offered, for aduauncement of their religion, either intangle scrupulous and nice consciences, or minister discouragement to the forward and hotspirited Catholique, he cleareth it, and directeth them when they are [Page 64] to refuse their allegeance vnto their Soueraigne, and take armes against him for execution of the sayd sentence. Hee doth therefore (the Bull and the denounciation thereof being supposed to bee of sufficient validity) teach and instruct [...]g. 255. r 256. them, that when they may without any notable hurt or losse vnto themselues, withdrawe their obedience from their Prince, and doe otherwise finde themselues inabled for the prosecution of this seruice, they doe then stand bound to see the say de Bull executed. Now whereto is the publication of this seditious and treasonable doctrine addressed? Is it not to resolue, prepare, and direct the hearts of all Catholique Subiects, to a most disloyall attempt, for displacing her Maiesty from her Imperiall throne, with a finall extinction of the light of the Gospell? Might he preuayle in his mediation, for liberty to reconcile whome he could, to obedience vnto the Sea Apostolique, and for the ride dance of so many thousands her Highnes most affectionate seruants and Subiects, as hee so often brandeth with the odious title of Puritans: then would hee no longer dispute this question of expediency, [Page 65] but found the alarum to the fielde. And whereas now vpon consideration of the punishments iustly inflicted on the Catholiques, for enterprising the execution of excommunications against her Maiesty, he doth with all bitternes censure and reproue both the procurers and actors therof: had their vnnaturall and detestable proceedings for [...]ed to effect: then would he haue chaunted io poean, and composed Panegyricks in their honour: then should you neuer haue receiued from him any Satyres against the Iesuit. But sith these Papalb censures haue in issue beene preiudiciall vnto them, and occasioned question of their liues, liberties, and goods: now out of pollicy to amusevs, and to masque the cariage of their disseignes, vnder the credit of the Seculars loyalty: they must taxe the Pope himselfe with credulity and indiscretion, his Bulls with inualidity, the denounciation of them with insufficiency, the plotters, abetters, and actors, with treason and rebellion: the lesuits who contriued the tragedy, must be capitall enemyes to her Maiesty, and the Secular Priestes who acted it, louing and faythfull subiects.
I will end the question of the Quilibets [Page 66] mayne ende, with an argument drawne from the consideration of the pretended difference betwixt the Iesuit and the Secular. If the say'd difference which is [...]pilried in shew on the part of this Priest, as well with all violence of spleene and detestation towards the Iesuit, and with [...] small preiudice and dishonour to the Pope and Spanyard, as with profession of extraordinary duty and alleageance to her Maiesty and the State, bee notwithstanding a matter only of colour and disguisement: I hope the Seculars themselues will acknowledge (considering the correspondence held betwixt them and the heads of their faction in all proceedings of moment and consequence such as this is) theyr intent and drift in this Decacordon too bee principally, an endeauour of furthering the Pope to a recouery of the interest and tytle hee challengeth in the Soueraignety ouer the Churche of England, and consequently, of transferring the Crowne Imperiall, from that sacred and most Princely head, whereon it now resteth. For what else can they intend and ayme at, in the course taken by them for gayning of fauour and reputation to theyr [Page 67] side, in theyr intercession for a repeale of the sayde penall Statutes, in theyr mediation for the free exercise of labouring the conuersion of the Realme vnto the Popes obedience, in theyr vrging the vtter extirpation of all Protestants vnder the name of Puritans, in theyr publishing of doctrines, whereby to resolue and direct all Romish subiects in the question of executing those barbarous and Satanicall Bulls? Howsoeuer the consecution deduced in this proposition here layd down, may happely passe without controulement: I doubt not, but my assuming, that the sayd difference is onely a counterfeyte and politique scolding, will receiue speciall opposition. This assumption therefore I am to cleere: which because it is a question of importance, shall bee debated seuerally, and by it selfe, in the next chapter, and so serue to furnish an whole Antiquodlibet.
CAP. 3.
That the contention betwixt the Iesuit and Secular Priest, being in such nature, and in such degree as is pretended, is a colour and pretext only: or in case it be vnfeyned on theyr part, yet on the part of the Superiors and heads of theyr faction, it is interteyned out of a pollicy dangerous to her Maiesty and the State.
IF I seeme in this question to impugne a knowne and currant trueth: it may please the Reader to spare his censure till hee haue perused the whole discourse thereof: and then also, to make iudgement of the same, not by one single argument, but out of the ioynt consideration of all the particular presumptions. And let not in the meane tyme eyther any detection already perfourmed by the Seculars, of practises against the State, or theyr present profession of future discoueries, moue him to apprehend the sayde contention to bee vnfeyned. For there haue beene euer some amongst them, in the tyme of theyr best [Page 69] agreement and peace, who haue giuen intelligence of the treasonable disseignes and attempts against her Maiesty: and therefore this disclosing of them on the part of the Priestes, no argument of so peremptory and violent a quarrell betwixt them and the Iesuits. Besides, what will these Seculars reueale other then such proiects and deuises, as are of purpose contryued to delude vs? Or if they shall at any tyme detect some secret practizes interteyned really, and out of a malicious intent agaynst the State, it will bee with purpose onely to winne credit, and oportunity to deceiue in matters of like or greater moment. And for detections of this nature and seruice, they haue vndoubtedly receyued dispensation, according to the course held with theyr predecessors: with whom it was ordinary, and answerably to theyr commission, to pretend and performe also the disclosing of Secrets. But let vs proceede to cleere the position in hand.
If the say de contention being such as is pretended, would frustrate the plots and courses embraced for the publique interest and good of the Romish Churche: [Page 70] And if for that regard there haue beene alwayes had a carefull and vigilant eye on the part of the Pope and his faction, to preuent and moderate all accidents that might trouble the common peace of the best Catholiques, and empeach theyr disseignements for aduauncing the authoryty of Saint Peters Chayre: then eyther the Seculars entertayne not the sayde contention, or in case they doe they renounce all respect of giuing furtherance and support to theyr common cause. That theyr difference being of the nature and reach as is supposed, will disappoynt the proceedings helde for the publique good of the Romish Church, may appeare first by this, in that it is accompanyed with a profession to reueale all treasonable courses against the State, whether open hostilities, or secret conspyracies. Now all the practises for reestablishing the Soueraygnty of the Pope ouer the Church of this land, fall within the compasse of treasons: so as if the Seculars doe effectually answere this theyr profession, the State may vpon notice giuen of them, take sufficient order for theyr preuention. Againe, as they professe [Page 71] this discouery, so they pretend also a peremptory resolution to oppose personally against all attempts of this nature, and further to draw vnto an actuall correspondence with them herein all Catholiques, with whome they shall bee able to preuayle. Moreouer, not reason onely, but experience of all tymes hath taught, that the disunion of confederates▪ though followed on the one part onely with the extremity of malice, neuer fayleth eyther to worke and rayse impediments to the common cause, or to seeke the weakening and suppression of the aduerse party. Further, whereas it is affirmed, that there hath beene a carefull course held to preuent the disturbance of theyr common peace, and of their disseignes, the trueth hereof will be testified, by the directions they receyue ordinarily from theyr Superiors, how to carry themselues in matters of weight, by the order and discipline established amongst them, to encounter and remedy scandalous accidents, by the entercourse of intelligence that is betwixt them and the Commaunders of theyr faction, by theyr watchfulnes and continuall preparation to take aduantage of all [Page 72] occurrents and tymes fitting theyr intents. Hereupon it is, that they want not theyr Catalogues of the number in each Shire and City, deuoted to theyr side, and how they are furnished with armes, munitions, and other abilityes. Wherefore vppon the considerations aboue remembred, I doe inferre, that eyther theyr quarrell is colourable, and entertayned of pollicy, or they instrumentes of hinderance to the aduauncement intended vnto the publique cause of the Sea Apostolique. If any shall in this place outof the obiection aboue mentioned, reply that theyr profession to discouer and oppose against all treacheries, whether in plot or action, doth cleere the pretended difference from the imputation of disguising and fraude: Igraunt it doth so, in case it be really and sincerely vpon all occasions performed, what is verbally professed But in doing hereof, they shall bee found guilty of high Treason against the authority of the Romane Church, whose cause by this course of detection and opposition, they doe wilfully betray. But against this later, they doe contest and openly professe all readinesse to shed each [Page 73] droppe of theyr best blood, for the publique good and honour of Saint Peters Chayre. What therefore can we conceyue and conclude other then this, that both the pretended contention and the sayd profession, accompaning the same, is counterfeyte?
Besides, for a further proofe hereof, let vs drawe into examination the vehement protestation tendered by the Seculars of all sincere and dutifull alleageance to her Maiesty, and likewise of all detestation towards the Spanyard and his title. If the protestation both of the one and the other proceede not from any found affection, but from a fraudulent intention of the heart: wee may then with good reason charge them with want of loyal and faythfull meaning in their pretended difference. For of these three, namely theyr zeale to her Maiesty, theyr hatred to the Spanyard, theyr quarrell with the Iesuites, there is originally the same ground and ende, viz. the aduauncement and good of theyr common cause: and the two first are made the motiues of the latter. For out of a zeale to the surety of her Maiesties state, and vpon hatred of the Spanyard and his [Page 74] tytle, they pretend a capitall abhorring of the Iesuits, whose complots tend to the destruction of the one, and to the aduantage of the other: so as of what quality and tincture the two former are, of the same wee are to iudge that to bee which groweth from them. But the question is of this protestation whether it be feyned. First, that it is so in that part thereof which is of duty and alleageance to her Maiesty, I haue these presumptions to perswade me. Where the same opinion in Religion, the same obligation of dutifull respect and obedience to the Pope, the same endeauours of supplanting the Gospell and aduauncing Popery, the same distrust and feare of her Maiesty infinitly wronged and dishonoured by them, the same apprehension of supposed vexations and tyrannies executed vpon them, and in generall, where the same cause of malice and hatred to her royall person and the State doth remayne, there in all likelyhood can be no change of affection. For the disposing of a malicious and trayterous heart to duty and fidelity, must proceede from a surcease of those causes which gaue life and breath to malice and treachery. As [Page 75] they nourish in heart the originall and spring of theyr disloyalty and malice: so is there no probability of theyr inclination to alter and remoue it, theyr meanes being as great as heretofore, theyr confederates as many and strong, theyr aduauntages agaynst vs encreased: as may appeare by theyr glorious vauntes of fauour in Court and Countrey, theyr inlarged hopes and insolency, theyr conceyt and reporte of desperate hostility betwixt Protestants and Puritans. Besides, were they out of a grieued heart, for theyr former rebellious cariage sincerely affected to the safety and preseruation of her Highnesse, would they perswade the graunt of such meanes, as threaten a present and an ineuitable daunger to her person and the state? They prease a repeale of the Statutes which secure her Crowne and dignity: they solicit a tolleration of theyr religion, that they might without perill and controulement employ theyr seruice in effecting reconcilements to the Pope: they direct catholique subiects when to proceede to the execution of most Antichristian censures and Bulls, for deposition of our Soueraigne: lastly, they labour a finall disunion [Page 76] and diuision, first, betwixt her Maiesty and her Subiects, and then betwixt Subiect and Subiect: and so consequently, the subuersion both of Prince and people. Can they solicit and labour the ruine of her Maiesty, and yet be reputed sincere and vnfeyned in theyr profession of allegeance and fidelity vnto her? Againe, were they resolutely and soundly deuoted to performe loyalty and duety vnto her in all such poyntes of seruice as concerne her honour and safety, and particularly in detection of treacherous disseignements, in recouery of disaffected subiects from the Pope to her obedience, in aduenturing theyr persons and goods agaynst all forraine attempts: then would the Pope and Spanyard surcease theyr plots and practises against this State, vpon feare of theyr discouery, defection of Catholiques from them, and dispayre of preuayling. To conceyue, that the inuadors will come furnished out of theyr owne sufficiency, and so stand absolutely vpon theyr domestical and proper strength, not looking to finde the helpe and succour of a faction amongst vs, is idle: or to thinke they shall bee able to preuayle, notwithstanding the discouery [Page 77] made of theyr proiects and attempts, were to hold vs for accessary to our own ruine, in leauing to the inuadors the helpes they attend and hope for, and in fayling to furnish all due meanes on our part for resistance. If then vpon seasonable aduertisement giuen of theyr intended enterprises, we shall disappoynt them of the strength and supplies they expect, and inable our selues in euery respect, with preparations of all natures fitting an honourable and assured defence: they grounding theyr attempt partly vpon our weakenes and defect of preparing, partly vpon hope of a faction and all needfull supplyes amongst vs, and finding a frustration of their hopes in this behalfe, will in all probable discourse lay aside theyr thoughts and intents of proceeding agaynst vs. If it shall bee obiected that the surcease of attempting aboue mentioned, is already performed on the part of the Pope and the Spanyard: theyr late combination and practise for the conquest of Ireland and Ostend, the present courses held for reconciling vnto the Pope, the directions giuen and secretly executed for winning a party vnto the infanta, or to the King regnāt, wil sufficiently [Page 78] answere and conuince this doubt. But for a further inforcement of the Seculars protestation in this particular of theyr alleageance, and to win credit thereto, it will be anouched, that the auncienter sort of them euer misliked this course, of restoring religion by treason and inuasion. If they alwayes disliked it, why did they not detect it, and so preuent (as much as rested in them) the perill intended to her Maiesty and the State? They answere, That the respect of theyr common cause, and the hope they had, the politicall Fathers would [...] growne more moderate in theyr disseignements against our Soueraigne, moued them to bee silent in this behalfe. Which is in effect, as if they should say, the hope conceyued that theyr sayde disseignements would in the meane tyme haue preuayled, moued them to this silence. VVere they touched with so simple and light a regard of her Maiesties life, that they had rather she should in her person receyue a mortall wound, th [...] themselues vtter a word to preuent it? Is it in the imminent daunger of the Church and State, which by theyr disclosing might bee diuerted, a sufficient iustification of theyr silence herein, in that they hoped [Page 79] the contriuers of the perill would haue reclaymed themselues? If the issue had answered your desires, then would you haue honoured the Machiauillian Fathers with a crowne of glory, whome now in shewe you pursue with the greatest infamies and indignities. If then in the tyme of so present an hazard, you refused (notwithstanding your pretended fidelity and mislike of the course in hand) to affoord so much as one syllable from your Priestly lips, for preseruing the life of your Soueraigne: there is no probability, that hereafter in the like case of attempt and hope of successe on your side, you reteyning the same dutifull respect to the Pope and your common cause, rather in an higher degree of affection then heretofore, you will fall to a ready performance of the loyall seruice, whereof you make so often profession. But what is it that drew you to a mislike of the practises interteined by the Iesuiticall Fathers, for executing the Popes sentence? It cannot be the consideration of any vnlawfulnes in them. For howsoeuer you finde it against the reason of expediency, that eyther the Pope should excommunicate, or the catholique subiect execute [Page 80] the sentence denounced, till the proceeding thereto might be without notable hurt and preiudice: yet you hold both the one and the other to be lawfull. Neyther can it bee the inconuenience and trouble which befell vnto your persons, vpon the issue of the sayd practises, that moued you to detest them. For in the question of aduauncing the honour and good of the Romane Church, you hold no account of liberty or life: the glory of your supposed martyrdome, doth weigh more with you then any worldly respect: you are not eyther so vnwise as to esteeme of the resolutions and courses by the euent, or so enamoured with your selues, as to prefer your particular before the generall. Besides the sayd course being not onely warrantable de iure in your opinion, but de facto, plotted with all politique foresight, out of due consideration of the meanes, for prosecution and compassing thereof, out of the best intelligence that could bee procured, and with speciall regard to the good of the Seculars: what ground of iust exception can they haue against it? If there were imperfection in the cariage of it: the blame must rest vpon the Actors, and not [Page 81] vpon the plot. Agayne, whereas the successe of the courses held, became also preiudiciall to the Iesuits, why doe not those Fathers indite Satyrs agaynst the Seculars? Why doe not they who had theyr part in contriuing of them, discharge theyr spleene agaynst the Seculars, who had a principall hand in acting them? Or why doe not both Iesuit and Secular, publish theyr detestation of the Pope, by whose warrant and authority they proceeded, both to the plotting of theyr courses, and the execution of them? If then the Seculars hatred of Iesuiticall practises, cannot probably grow from the ground and cause pretended by them: it cannot runne in other account then of forgery: and therefore theyr protesting of shewing loyalty to her Maiesty, in opposing agaynst the sayd practises, must needes receyue the like [...]and and censure. But let vs graunt vnto them that, whereof they would haue vs to rest perswaded: viz. that the enacting of penall lawes, the restraynt of theyr persons, and in some the losse of life and goods occasioned by the sayde practises, did draw them to a dislike of the same. First, in this confession they contradict [Page 82] themselues: this theyr pretended dislike being a censuring of the sayde courses for detestable treasons: and so are they styled by them in sundry passages. Now if they partake in nature with treasons: how can they be reputed lawfull? But you allowe them for lawfull: and giue direction when they may bee executed. Secondly, if the sayde inconuenience to your persons and goods, were the principall motiue of your hatred to the sayde courses: then did you approue them considered in themselues, and so far forth as they intended her Maiesties destruction. And this latter would you haue well disgested, in that her proceeding agaynst you, was adiudged by you to bee a tyrannous persecution and oppression. You neuer notified your mislike of those courses, till experience acquainted you with the danger of them to your persons ▪ you betooke your sel [...]es to your beades, solicited al your Saints, plyed the mumbling of Masses, perswaded others to theyr particular deuotions for the happy successe of the same: and were ready also to bee imployed personally in some part of the appoynted seruice. If then the disseignes in question (they being considered [Page 83] in themselues, and for such, as by warrant from the Pope, did intend the aduauncement of the Sea Apostolique, with the suppression of her Maiesty) were allowed by you: and if the supposed persecution onely, occasioned by the issue of them, moued you to mislike thereof, and to an hatred of her Maiesty, as may appeare by your infamous discourses and libels: what are we to apprehend of your professed allegeance? which growes not from conscience of duty, nor from perswasion of vnlawfulnes in the sayd disseignes, nor yet from consideration of the pretended hurts you haue receiued by them.
Hitherto touching that part of the Seculars protestation, which is of allegeance to her Maiesty. Let vs consider the other, which is of detestation to the Spanyard and his tytle. And this also I holde for a me [...]e disguisement. For neyther hath the Spanyard done any acte, that can iustly incense them agaynst him, neyther is there in the opinion of Catholiques, any so choyse and meete a person besides, on whom in reason they may rely and builde theyr future hopes. If they obiect his plots and seuerall inuasions, they were solicited [Page 84] by some of theyr owne coate and profession: and furthered by theyr aduertisements: they were in part for theyr aduauncement and good: they were warranted by the authority and commission from the Sea Apostolique: they were assisted not onely with contributions from the Pope, but with supplies of other quality. And therefore no ground out of this obiection for theyr hatred to the Spanyard: vnlesse they will both hate him, who was at an extraordinary cost to relieue and aduaunce them, and likewise detest the Pope who was in this action a principall concurrent with him, yea themselues also who were deepely ingaged in it. If the feare of his future cruelties doth stirre this passion against him: they grounde theyr hatred vpon an incertainty and accident which the Seculars should not doe, considering the experience they haue had of his fauourable inclination towards them in his publike attempts and priuate courses: out of which he hath affoorded them succours and reliefe in theyr distresse and peregrinations: erected Colleges for their maintenance: allotted vnto sundry of them annuall pensions. Neither can their hatred [Page 85] vpon this originall be in that degree as is pretended. For hauing receiued at his hands sundry demōstrations of his princely fauours, and neuer any disgrace or wrong of note: there cannot be any foundation for so great a feare and hatred of him, as they publish. And shall we thinke that they will without speciall ground and cause shew themselues so ingratefull as to hate him, who hath so often reached his hande of strength and bounty to theyr helpe? and who concurreth with them in religion and in purpose to aduance the same? whereas also in the conceit of most Catholikes, he the said Spaniard, as well in regard of his power and oportunitie of meanes, as of his resolution and readines to restore the Popedome amongst vs, is the fittest & sufficientest Prince, on whom to repose for theyr future hopes and aduancements: in case they abandon him to whom will they haue recourse? if to any besides him: they incounter the Popes designe and resolued furtherance of the Spanish title: they incurre the daunger of his heauy censure: they runne a course repugnant to theyr profession and othe of being ordered by him in all cases and actions [Page 86] of this nature. To relie vpon some domesticall competitor, Dolmans censure will not permit them, they being not assured either of his abilities or deuotion to the Pope. And as for the Scot: how can they hope for toleration vnder a Prince of his profession, and who hath seene experience in her Maiesty, in himselfe, in other States, of the aduantage and benefit growing from the suppression of Popery and sufferance of the Gospell onely? The law of God therefore, the president of other Princes, the consideration of the perilous inconueniences accompanying the said toleration, will make him a professed aduersary thereto. Seeing then there is rather cause of their loue vnto the Spaniard and dependance on him, then any iust pretext of hatred towards him and his title: I doe conclude that this part also of the protestation in question is to pa [...]se in account for a fiction. If therefore this their whole protestation be in the seueral parts thereof vnsound and fraudulent: what can wee iudge their pretended quarrel with the lesuits to be, other then a plotted and deuised brabble? Which may further be cleered by consideration of the gaine and aduantage [Page 87] that will accrew vnto the state of her Maiesty and the Gospell, in case the opposition betwixt them the said Seculars and Iesuits be serious and with a resolute intent to discouer and withstand all practises and attempts intertained against her Highnes Throne and the Religion established by her. For this course of opposition will serue to secure and aduance her imperiall Crowne and the sacred trueth professed within her dominions. But such meanes as are directly and effectually seruiceable to this vse and purpose, will not be imbraced and followed by them, who protest and offer euen vnto death the performance of al dutie and ready seruice for recouery of the Popes interest and soueraigne power ouer this Church of England: it being a principle in reason and policy, that no faction or multitude will betray and [...]rustrate the aduancement of that cause, which out of conscience and hope of future benefit it doth affect: so as I may probably conclude, that one thing is pretended, and another intended by them.
Moreouer, whereas they concurre, according to theyr solemne protestation on [Page 88] this behalfe, in the same generall end for the good of the Romish Church: as difference in ends and intentions doth ordinarily diuide confederates: so this concurrence will hold them so farre vnited, as that they will not for particular respects expose to perill and ruine the generall cause. For in doing hereof they could not be said to concurre in the same end: so as either the Seculars fayle in this concurrence and ayme, or if they rest constant therein, they wil not prosecute the meanes whereby to ouerthrow the said common end: and therefore not be caried in so violent a course of opposition to the Iesuit, as is pretended.
Besides, it is acknowledged by them that they are resolued to continue in all faythfull obedience to the Pope euen to death, and witha [...] in word and fact to maintaine the honour and authoritie of his sword. If they stand thus affected: it is altogether improbable they will proclaime against the Iesuit a warre of that heate and fury, as shall draw them either to taxe and challenge publikely the Popes indiscretion, his credulitie in matters of information, his rashnes in excommunicating, the [Page 89] inualidity of his censures the insufficiencie of Commissions giuen to his Legats and ministers: or to contest openly and oppose against him in case of his personall comming into England. For hereby they should wilfully bring S. Peters chayre, vnto which they professe all reuerence and duty, and to whose censure they submit all theyr actions, into publike contempt and obloquy: and themselues into an estate of present and exceeding danger, vnlesse his Hollownes should out of his fatherly compassion be pleased to seale them an Indulgence. VVhereas therefore out of the sharpnes of theyr humour and spleene to the Iesuit they haue entred into this course of disgrace and reproch to his Popeship: either they are serious therein: or they do it vpon a presumed dispensation to make it so much the more probable that they [...] contention with the Iesuit. But their often and vnfayned protestations to the contrary, doe apparantly conuince them of not being serious therein. Whereupon I doe inferre it to be done to winne at our hands a beleefe that theyr quarrell is such as is reported. But it will be sayd, that the Popes haue been abused [Page 90] with misinformations, and so drawne to excommunicate her Maiestie and to proceede accordingly. Whereto I answere, that it standeth with no likelihood that so many holy Fathers and Potentates ioyning with them, should not discerne the insufficiency of the suggestions presented. Pius 5. Gregory 13. Xistus 5. and the King of Spayne, with some other Princes of the same confederacy, receiued from England the best intelligence and direction for the cariage of theyr designes agaynst her Maiestie, that the Catholike Laity or Clergy, Nobles or Gentry, Souldiers or Mariners of the Realme could affoord: so as the obiected misleading through informations is not likely. And if error herein had beene committed by one of them, the matter being of that consequence it would haue [...]n reformed by another.
But let vs examine the originall of this their contention, and see whether it will not yeeld some argument whereby to charge them with collusion. In the first Quodlibet the Iesuits affecting of soueraignty ouer the Seculars, is set downe for the true originall and cause of this strife. In other places he imputeth it to the inconueniences [Page 91] and h [...]s which ensued vpon the practises held by ye Iesuites against the State. Touching the superiority affected by the Iesuits: it is straunge it should be the roote of so daungerous a warre, as wherein the Pope himselfe is like in the poynt of his supremacy and in the graund cause of the Catholike Church to receyue a deadly and incurable wounde, It was granted and ordayned by his Holines, aduisedly no doubt and vpon due consideration of the necessity thereof. Could not this respect of the Popes authentical grant and ordination, be of force to temper and satisfie the Seculars, who professe all dutifull obedience and ready submittance of their actions vnto him? If it could not stay their priestly wisedomes from quarrelling and from notifying theyr ambition and pride vnto the world ▪ might it not yet haue restrayned them from proceeding to a contention in so high a degree and of such sequell, as will by discoueries secure the estate of her Maiestie and the Gospell, defeate the hope and cause of the Romane Church, cast reproch vpon the Pope and his authoritie? will they for a matter of priuate spleene run this desperate course? [Page 92] Themselues disclaime it: theyr profession of hatred to the Gospell, of theyr vowed indeuours for aduancing the good of their Church, of all reuerence and deuotion to the Pope will testifie the contrarie. If then they runne not this course of ruining their common cause: the sayd contention, touching this degree and the effects thereof, is fayned: and so the sayd affected Soueraigntie no cause of the same. Doth it then take budding and growth from the supposed persecution and oppression inflicted on them, by occasion of the practises and conspiracies which the Iesuits wrought agaynst the State? The persecution they speake of, which was in truth no other the a iustifiable, moderate, and necessary seueritie in the punishment of detestable treasons, was for prioritie of time before the question of supe [...] betwixt them: so as either the affecting of Soueraigntie gaue not beginning to theyr pretended contention, or in case it did, then cannot the original thereof be ascribed to the supposed persecution: of which because there hath beene alreadie sufficient speech and proofe made, that the Seculars hatred to the Iesuit and his courses can haue no iust [Page 93] or probable foundation thereon, I will insist no further in this argument.
To these presumptions of dissimulation in the sayd contention, may be added the repugnancy shewed in the Quilibets affection and speech. For were the quarrell of that nature and in that condition of heate and reach, as hee would make it, and the heart of the Quilibet of such sinceritie and singlenes, as becommeth the profession of priesthood: he would not breathe out and publish repugnancies in the discouerie of his intentions. He admires her Maiesties proceedings for gracious and moderate, yet calleth them an vniust vexation and heauy persecution: he professeth a perpetuall hatred to the Iesuit, and an infallible alleageance to her Maiesty, yet he submitteth himselfe in this behalfe to be ordered by the Pope. He [...] all vnfayned loyaltie and duty to her Maiestie, yet instructeth and directeth her subiects when they may take armes against her: He professeth the perfourming of all faithfull seruice to her Maiesty, and yet would for her ouerthrow rayse a mortall diuision and warre betwixt her and her louing subiects, as also betwixt subiect and subiect: Hee [Page 94] professeth all carefull indeuours for securing her person and State, yet would [...]ee strip and depriue her of the best meanes for her preseruation and safetie; He commendeth the ancient Seculars for theyr mislike of treasons agaynst her Maiestie, and yet approoueth theyr concealing of them in the case of imminent daunger to her royall person and Crowne: Hee pretends detecting all Iesuiticall practises agaynst her Highnes and the State, yet laboureth vnder hande a reconcilement of her subiects vnto the Pope: He pretends a kinde conceit and affection towards the Protestants, yet would worke a subuersion of them and their religion: He censureth for rebels all such as attempted to execute the Popes excommunication, yet alloweth the execution thereof when it may be perfourmed without [...] and losse to the a [...] tors: He protesteth his deuotion and imployment of his person with the losse o [...] his life for the aduancement of theyr common cause: and yet offereth her Maiesti [...] his seruice for discouery of the designes and meanes that tend to the said aduancement: He challengeth the Pope for [...] dulous, indiscreete, rash, partiall, and exposeth [Page 95] his authority to contempt and obloquie, yet professeth all readines euen to death, to maintaine the honour and reputation of his holy Fatherhood: He purgeth the Seculars from the crime of disloyalty to her Maiestie, yet acknowledgeth theyr priuity and allowance of treasons: Hee protesteth a perpetuall detestation of the Spanyard and his title, yet offereth herein to be ordered by the Pope: He condemneth Iesuites for contriuing the treason, and commendeth the Seculars who acted it. Whether these and such other repug [...]ancies doe not discouer in the Quilibet a double and disguising cariage of himselfe in his Quodlibets, I referre to the iudgement of the wise and vnpartiall reader.
Hitherto hath beene shewed that the contention betwixt the Iesuit and the Se [...]ular priest being of such nature and in [...]uch degree as is pretended, is counterfeit: [...]t remaines to prooue that in case it be vn [...]ayned on their part, yet on the part of the [...]uperiours and heads of their faction, it is [...]tertayned out of policie. The reason in [...]ucing me to this apprehension is this:
The sayd Superiours and heads being [...]ade acquainted with this contention, [Page 96] and particularly with the whole nature and cariage thereof, doe either politically intertayne the same, or labour the suppression thereof: it being cleere, considering the termes wherein now it is, that it will be of aduantage or preiudice vnto such theyr designes as concerne our State: and it being likewise not vnknowne, that all occurrents and matters of moment are caried and ordered by direction of the sayd Superiours: who are so carefull for aduancing the common interest and good of the Romish Church, as they wil not suffer any course to proceede that may be an impediment or harre to theyr proiects & practises in this behalfe. Such is partly their inconsiderate zeale to the Sea Apostolike, or rather Antichristian Synagogue of Rome, and partly theyr hatred to our profession, and desire of reuenge vpon many & great supposed wrongs and [...] offered by this State vnto them: so as what opportunity and aduantage the time or i [...] expected accidents shal present for furtherance of theyr proceedings, they are real to imbrace it. Vpon consideration where of I take it for euident and confessed, that they will not in an accident of this importance [Page 97] demeane themselues in the qualitie of neutrals or idle spectacles, but according to the vse they may make thereof to theyr common cause, they will intertayne it in policy, or suppresse it. But the suppression of the same is not laboured by them. For in case it were: then would the sayd difference betwixt them expire and determine. If, notwithstanding the endeauour and course taken to suppresse it, the prosecution of the same be continued on the part of the Seculars: then the insuppression groweth eyther from want of power in the Superiours to effect what is meete in this case, or from the desperate contumacy of the parties who will not be ordred. But it is apparant that there is no defect of sufficient authority and power whereby to [...]ompell the sayd parties vnto order and agreement. And as for the poynt of con [...]umacy. they doe renounce it, and pub [...]kely professe an absolute submittance of [...]ll theyr actions to the censure and ordering of the holy Father. I conclude therefore that in truth they labour not to supresse it. Besides, there is no cause that [...]ay iustly induce them to stay and end [...]e same, as may appeare by this, in that [Page 98] the cariage of the said quarrell, howsoeuer preiudiciall in shew to the Catholike cause in regard of the profession made for discoueries, is indeede of speciall aduantage and consequence for aduauncing the publike good of the sayd cause. For it holdeth a course of winning fauour and credit to the Seculars, in respect of theyr ancient dislike of treasons, theyr pretended detections, theyr profession of all alleageance to her Maiestie, and of opposing to the Pope himselfe: it soweth discord, and indeuoureth a disunion betwixt her Highnes and her subiects, and betwixt subiect and subiect: it soliciteth a repeale of penall statutes, and a toleration of the publike exercise of Popery. If then the sayd contention bee not suppressed, as appeareth by prosecuting the same in printed pamphlets: and if there be neyther labouring for suppression thereof, nor any [...] prete [...] why it should bee suppressed, but speci [...] cause why it should be intertayned: I do hereupon inferre, that it is intertayned by the heads and Commanders of theyr fa [...] tion, out of a policy dangerous to her Maiesty and the State.
CAP. 4.
That toleration of Popish religion is perswaded by the Quilibet, vpon idle and false grounds.
AMongst the meanes which are seruiceable to the mayne end aymed at in the Quodlibets, Toleration of Popish religion is one which yeeldeth very speciall and assured furtherance thereto: and therefore in foure seuerall passages cunningly perswaded by the Quilibet. Now because the fog and mist of this perswasion standeth betwixt our eye and the light of truth: it shall not be inconuenient, to disperse and remoue the same. Hee doth insinuate, pag. 151. that the Iesuits for sundry particular re [...]vued and absolute dislike of toleration, will imploy their best endeuours with a brace of thousand pounds to vndermine and crosse all motions in that behalfe. VVherein as they should, in case of theyr serious disaffection thereto, doe a seruice more aduantageable to the state of religion, then agreeable with theyr humours and designements: so there [Page 100] being no likelihood of the least opposition in them to the same, we are vpon obseruation made of the disguising vsed by the Seculars herein, iustly occasioned to rayse and improoue our suspition of extraordinary fraud on theyr part. The Quilibet forsooth wil not directly and as from himselfe present any motiues in this causes least hee might seeme to be caried rather with respect to the particular good of the Seculars and theyr faction, then with any due regard to the publike interest of her Maiesty and the State. And therefore to deceiue our eye, and so to winne fauour and approbation with vs, whom hee knoweth to be already incensed agaynst the Iesuits, he pretends yt toleration is infinitly odious vnto them, and that in hearkening thereto we shal not so much satisfie the Secular, as distast the Iesuites and impeach theyr courses, to the inestimable benefit and security of her Highnes royall Scepter an present gouernment. But let vs weigh the reasons, which hauing drawne the Ignati [...]n Fathers to so extreame an hatred of toleration, as that they preferre in their choise death before the same, may on the contrary induce her Maiesty to approoue and [Page 101] embrace it. The first is an effect proceeding from toleration, concluded thus:
What course will dull the spirits of English Catholikes, and disable them for practises and attempts against the State, the same her Maiestie may with good reason approue and embrace.
But toleration is a course that will dull the spirits of English Catholikes, & disable them for practises against the State.
Therefore toleration may with good reason be embraced by her Maiestie.
The proposition is a [...] and may not passe without checke. For howsoeuer her Maiesty may in politike reason wish all popefied persons blunted and dispirited in matters of deuice and conspiracy against her: yet can she not allow and accept of the course leading thereto. vnlesse she finde it warranted by the law of God, and standing with the publike good and honour of the State. Wherein the course of toleration fayleth, hauing no such ground. For as the doctrine of Rome is in the worship it tendereth vnto the Lord, and in sundrie other particulars of greatest moment opposit to the law of God: so must it needes be euen for that respect of speciall preiudice [Page 102] and dishonour to the State: considering that the prosperitie and glorie of a kingdome proceedeth from intertayning such constitutions and decrees in religion, as God himselfe hath enacted and deliuered. And whereas the sayd doctrine and practise thereof doth priuiledge the whole state Ecclesiasticke, agaynst the iudiciall Court of the Magistrate and in the case of ordinary contributions, and doth likewise deny vnto the Prince himselfe an absolute soueraignety within his dominions, rendring him subiect to a forraine power, and reputing him, whensoeuer hee shall passe vnder the censure of excommunication, a Prince de facto only, and not de iure: how can her Maiestie without apparant hurt to her honour and state, intertaine the toleration of such a docttine? Besides, the practises of the Ro [...]ts being uncertayne and defeaseable, whereof her Maiestie (to the praise of Gods power and mercie towards her selfe and her subiects) hath had often experience: it were not sitting with the quality of ordinary wisedome, much lesse with the deepe reach of a Prince to remedy vncertaine and the lesser accidents, by opening free passage to more assured [Page 103] and greater perils. The Assumption likewise must runne in the same account. For how doth it appeare that publike liberty of conscience will make the Romanists vnfit for practises agaynst the State? It cannot bee sayd that they haue in this case attayned vnto theyr end, and will for that regard retire theyr thoughts from all further complots: the sayd libertie being only a step and subordinate meane to the end propounded vnto theyr designes: so as the sayd end remayning vncompassed, theyr desire and inducements to recouer it continuing the same, theyr possibilities greater, theyr distance from it lesse then heretofore, what hope is there they will abandon all care and study of the meanes whereby to come vnto it? The neerer we draw to our long attēded good, the more eager and sensible we are in our appe [...]es t [...]er [...]to: and the more wee doe sharpen and bestirre our conceits for the remoue of all impediments, which may disappoynt our approch and ful enioyance of the same. Neyther can it in fauour of the Assumption be alleaged that grief and trouble is inuentiue and stirring: & therfore such as liue vnder it more apt for [Page 104] practise and attempt. For first it is by accident that it hath this effect, it being of a farre different operation in many natures, which are so altred and deiected by it, as they lay aside all apprehensions of practising theyr deliuerance, specially by meanes indirect and perilous. Secondly, when trouble is accompanied with passions of feare, extreame malice and reuenge, as we finde it in the case of priesthed and Iesuited Romanists, then the eye of the minde and wit beholding as it were through the dimme glasse of the sayd passions such obiects as present themselues, must likewise be dimmed and hindred in the sight of them, and consequently fayle in discerning and iudging, if not of the thing it selfe to bee done or omitted, yet of the needfull circumstances of time, place and persons belonging thereto: whereas when the minde is in some [...]me from these passions, it is cleere and not dim of sight, mature in deliberation and aduised in execution. Thirdly, these Romanists retavning in theyr hearts, notwithstanding this release from trouble, the true and ancient causes of aptnes and readines to practise agaynst the State, namely an [Page 105] inflamed desire of reestablishing the authority of S. Peters chayre, together with the humours of malice and reuenge, which the said toleration agreeably to the nature of the Romish reconcilement & doctrine, will from time to time feede and nourish: how can it be true either that their resting in the condition wherein they are, is the principall cause of theyr practising, or that theyr inlargement from the same will be a meane to disable them in this behalfe?
The second argument to perswade tolerat on is this:
If vpon grant of toleration there will be no pretext left to traduce in forraine nations her Maisties proceedings against Catholikes for cruell and tyrann [...]call persecutions: then may it with good reason be allowed and intertayned.
But vpon grant of toleration there will be [...] pretext l [...]t to such purpose.
Therefore toleration may with good reason be allowed and int [...]rtayned.
The proposition is a ridi [...]ulous fanc [...] of an idle brayne. For to intertayne and establish toleration of Poperie, that there might bee no pretext left to slaunder her Maiesties proceedings, were to cure an vlcer [Page 106] by admitting a gangrene, and to remedie a scratch of a pin by a potion of poyson. If we compare the slanderous reports vented out agaynst the State with the toleration solicited, and diligently consider as on the one part the authors of the sayd reports, the insufficient ground of them, and the little measure o [...] preiudice growne thereby to the honour of her Maiestie, so on the other side the ineuitable dishonor, daunger and mischiefe of the sayd toleration: we shall easily discerne that the former is not worthy of the least regard with vs, when there is question of the latter. It is an admonition no lesse wise then ancient, that in matters of meane importance, Non sunt ponendi rumores ante salutem: much lesse therefore in the case of a kingdome, and such as concernes not only the scepter of a Prince on earth, but the glory of the immorta [...] God: from the aduancement whereof no respect of perill o [...] obloquy ought to withdraw a Christian Magistrate. If it be replied that the said reports, how lightly soeuer we value them, haue wounded the honour and reputation of the State: to omit the disbeleefe and contradiction they haue encountred amongst [Page 107] all forrayne States and persons, who are not car [...]ed with partiality or passion agaynst vs, it is cleere that her Maiesties proceedings agaynst the Romanists, cannot in equity receiue blemish or stayne therby, vnlesse it appeare by sound proofe that they haue been vniust oppressions or tyrannous persecutions, and not moderate and iustifiable punishments vpon offences of treason. They exclayme in Courts of Princes, and blaze through all parts of Christendome by theyr malicious libels, that they indure a most barbarous and extreame persecution for religion: and this Iesuiticall Quilibet, howsoeuer he seemeth elswhere to admire her Maiesties clemencie and equity in her proceedings, being rapt into a wonder that (the occasions and circumstance of their offences considered) any Romanist should bee left aliue, doth notwi [...]a [...]ing exceedingly depraue the honourable iustice of the State, calling it an iniust vexation, & vaunting that numbers of theyr faction haue d [...]ed of late yeeres amongst vs in the glorious condition of Martyrs. For disproofe whereof, and in iustification of the proceeding held agaynst them, I will by way of a pertinent [Page 108] and allowable digression, present to the graue consideration of all wise and vnpartiall men this briefe dispute:
If the Romanists suffer for the true and Catholike religion, the religion for which they suffer is grounded vpon and warranted by the word of God.
But the religion for which they suffer is not grounded vpon and warranted by the law of God.
Therefore the Romanists suffer not for the true and Catholike religion: and consequently are no Martyrs.
The proposition is free from all iust exception: the whole scruple is touching the Assumption, which is cleered thus:
No religion in the articles thereof grounded vpon and warranted by the word of God, is treason against the lawfull authoritie and state of a prince. For in case such religion were trea [...]on ▪ [...]en [...]ou [...]d God be repugnant to himselfe, and maintaine in his word a direct opposition betwixt his owne ordinance, which is the lawfull authoritie of Princes, and the articles of doctrine deliuered in his sayd word.
But the popish religion is in the articles [Page 109] thereof, for which the Romanists suffer, treason against the lawful authoritie and state of a prince.
Therefore the p [...]pish religion in the articles therof for which they suffer, is not grounded vpon and warranted by the word of God.
For proofe of the Assumption in this latter syllogisme, it must bee remembred that the Popes excommunication or bull is with them a matter of religion: and that they doe in generall acknowledge the same for a lawfull and iust censure, and likewise themselues bound to see the contents thereof executed in case of his commaundement And whereas in particular the said bull doth import and declare his Popeships soueraignty aboue her Maiestie, by vertue whereof he proceedes agaynst her, the ground of his proceeding, namely her defe [...]on [...]om the Romane faith, his depriuing her from the Crowne imperiall of this Realme, his discharging her subiects from all alleageance vnto her, his charging them to disobey her and her lawes: hereupon our English Romanists out of a perswasion of an erronious and misguided conscience, carying them according to direction [Page 110] giuen in that behalfe to an execution of y sayd censure, haue taken boldnes to auouch their immunity and exemption from her Maiesties power ouer persons & causes ecclesiastick, to repute and adiudge her for an heretike, to deny her to be the lawfull Queene of England, being in theyr iudgement iustly depriued of all such regal title and dignity, to hold themselues absolutely discharged from al duty and subiection to her and her lawes, to reconcile and withdraw whom they could from alleageance to her Maiestie vnto the obedience of a forraine Potentate, thereby to fit and prepare them for courses of alteration, to plot and practise the destruction of her royall person, to solicite both domesticks and strangers to take armes for her deposition, to allow and iustifie home insurrections, and the Popes hostile proceedings in warre against her, to giue interta [...]ment, comfort and aduice to such whose hand is in conspiracies and attempts for subuersion of the State, to indite and disperse sedicious writings, whereby to rayse all contempt to her Maiestie, and all reuerent estimation and respect to the Popes bull. Now out of this, which is here set downe, I [Page 111] deduce this conclusion, which is a confirmation of the assumption in question:
The actions aboue mentioned for the execution of the sayd bull, are treasons against the lawfull authoritie of her Maiestie and the State.
The articles of popish religion, for which the Romanists suffer, are the actions aboue mentioned for the execution of the sayd bull.
Therefore the articles of popish religion, for which the Romanists suffer, are treasons against the lawfull authoritie of her Maiestie and the State.
The proposition being the expresse letter and text of the law, falles not within the compasse of controulement: vnlesse [...]t be auerrred that the royall authoritie of her Maiestie is vsurped and vnlawfull, as some of the Priestl [...] and [...]uiticall progenie haue not blushed to publish, taking for warrant of this theyr treasonable assertion the sayd bull of Pius 5. and his successors. In refutation wherof, though vnworthy of answere, we may alleage what the Quilibet in this question of her Maiesties in depriued and lawfull authoritie, hath from such his authors as are of note and account [Page 112] with the Church of Rome, receiued and set downe, viz. that Princes cannot be remoued from their scepters propter defecti [...] nem a fide: pag. 250. Item 293. where hee hath laboured to yeeld an ample demonstration hereof, agreeably to that maxim of reason and law: Cuius est imperium adimere, [...]iusdem est conferre. But the Pope hath no warrant either from the law of God, or the particular lawes of this State to conferre, and bestow the Crowne of England. Therefore it resteth not in him to transferre it from that most princelie and sacred head, on which it is inuested and feated by God himselfe, according to the right of succession by bloud and inheritance established by the lawes and statutes of this land. Were it not a labour needles in so cleere [...] sunneshine of trueth▪ I would further ins [...]st vpon the illustration thereof.
The assumption is a matter of authentical record in such Courts of iustice where the Romanists haue iudicially receyued triall and sentence: and sundry of them haue vnder theyr hands, as may yet appeare, confessed the actions and disloy [...]lties charged vpon them. Neither is it now [Page 113] a competent and iustifiable plea in behalfe of the condemned Seminaries, to affirme the proceeding agaynst them to bee for matter of Religion and conscience; when the politique lawes of the State, agreeable with the holy ordinances of the Lord, doe finde such Religion to be treason, and censure such conscience for a disloyalty in [...]udgement and affection. And were the aboue named actions, which are warranted by the sayd bull, of the nature and quality that is pretended: then would there ensue [...] confusion of matter ciuill with spirituall: whereas both diuine and humane reason hath euer distinguished betwixt them: [...]olding that for matter of Religion and [...]avth, which being prescribed in the first able is a part of Gods worship, and di [...]ectly regardeth a future life: and that for [...]iuill, which [...]ded in the [...]cond, is not originally, and in it selfe a part of Gods spirituall worship, but may oncerne the fame and the life to come, [...]v consequent and interposition of some [...]hird thing. And therefore the savd bull, [...] farre as it importeth the deposition of Princes from theyr regalities, being in [...]uery particular article and action leading [Page 114] thereto, a direction for matters of this worlde, enioyned or prohibited in the second table, and not communicating in nature with the spirituall seruice of the Lord, cannot fall vnder the account of a matter spirituall and of fayth. And so the poyn [...] of Supremacy being no part of the worship required in the first table, but a soueraigue power deliuered vnto Princes from the second, to see the sayde worship accordingly performed, must not bee reputed for other then a temporall and politiq [...] royalty or soueraignety. It is true, that by consequent, and in regard of the thing ordered by direction from the same, it d [...] concerne fayth and Religion: but it is n [...] employment in any function or office Ecclesiasticke. For had it been of other the of a ciuill consideration: the religion Kings of Iuda [...] in [...] medling in the same, as a matter not co [...] patible with theyr callings.
The summe therefore of this latter [...] gument is this:
Matters of Religion and fayth, are parts Gods spirituall worship, and prescri [...] in the first table.
But the articles and actions for which [Page 115] Romanists suffer, are not parts of Gods spirituall worship, and prescribed in the first table.
Therefore the articles and actions for which the Romanists suffer, are not matters of Religion and fayth.
The Assumption may receyue proofe hereby:
Matters of this world, and which concerne obedience or disobedience to princes, commaunded or forbidden in the second table, are not parts of Gods worship prescribed in the first.
But the articles and actions for which the Romanists suffer, are matters, of this world, and which concerne obedience or disobedience to princes, commaunded or for bidden in the second table.
Therefore the articles and actions for which the Romanists suffer, are not partes of Gods worship prescribed in the first: and consequently no matters of Religion and fayth: and so the sayd Romanists no Martyrs, but Traytors iustly executed.
Thus much of the second argument and of the persecution implied therein, and [Page 116] charged vpon the State by the Quilibet, though indirectly.
The third not vnsutable with the second, is of this sort:
Vpon the graunt of toleration, the Iesuits can haue no cause to publish and tradu [...]e England for the nurcery of all faction and warre amongst the potentates of the world.
Therefore her Maiesty may with good reason admit and intertaine the sayde toleration.
First, touching the antecedent, we cannot passe our allowance thereof. For if the reiection of Popery from amongst vs were the motiue on theyr part for deliuering a slaunder of this nature agaynst the State: then the same Popery, notwithstanding the admittance of toleration, standing reiected and disclaymed, as yet some remarkeable degree by the law [...] of the land, and the publique profession of hee Maiesty, and the best part of her subiects, the Iesuits will proportionably, and with respect to the degree of disgrace continued vpon theyr religion, continew likewise theyr course of slaundering in this behalf [...] [Page 117] For they being resolued, as the Quilibet reporteth of them, eyther to haue a perfit and entire reformation or none at all, will not bee induced through the graunt of toleration, to an absolute surcease of theyr de [...]aming and malicious tongue. Besides, this surcease being altogether vncertaine and accidentary: it cannot be in policy a sufficient ground for the embracing of so important a matter as is in question. But if the publishing of the reproch here mentioned, and the occasion of offering vnto the State so great a wrong, hath originally proceeded eyther from the humor of malice and hatred conceyued agaynst the truth wee professe, or from some discontentment, in that others haue found grace and preferment before them: then what likelihood is there, that (while they shall in theyr hearts entertayne and feede the very spring of this odious proceeding held by them, which no toleration is of force to dam and stoppe) they will retyre theyr tongue or penne to a course of silence herein?
But let vs suppose a truth in the antecedent: yet the consequence deduced thereon, is fond and vnworthy of regard. [Page 118] For were it an acte answerable to the wisdome of so renowmed a Prince as her Maiesty, by admitting toleration, to prefer the staye or preuention of a slaunder before the glory of Christ, the safety of her person, and the publique good of her most affectionate subiects? or in case policy could allowe the redressing of a light and vncertaine distemper in the body politique, by a wound in the heart, were it not yet exceedingly offensiue and against sense, to commit euill in an high degree, and of a perillous issue, that some meane and slender good may grow thereof? For the good yeelded to the State from the silence of a few seditious Fugitiues, what is it in respect of the mischiefes accompaning toleration?
The fourth argument followeth:
What course will bee a meane to stay all Catholique potentates from host [...]e attempts against the Realme, the same her Maiestie should in politique reason allow and imbrace.
But toleration will be a course and meane to staye all Catholique potentates from hostile attemptss against the Realme.
Therefore her Maiesty should in politique [Page 119] reason allow and embrace it.
As agaynst some part of his sophistry already presented vnto vs, so agaynst the proposition of this syllogisme, I must alleage these two maxims: the one, Non est faciendum malum vt inde preueniat bonum: the other, ex periculis minus eligendum. Now in the case proposed, toleration for the free exercise of idolatry, and for publication of doctrines, whereby to displant and remooue Christ Iesus from amongest vs, being a capitall sinne, and in an high degree of treason agaynst the maiesty of God, and being likewise a course of more certayne perils, then in reason the hostile attempts of Catholique potentates can be: (which in that theyr cariage is open, and such whereof good intelligence may bee had, are preuentable, whereas toleration proceeding with shew of holines and duty to God and her Maiesty, may by secret and inexpected practises, without suspition taken of them surprise the State) the sayd toleration ought not vppon any such regard of preuenting forraine inuasion, to receyue place and entertaynement with vs: weighing with all the often experience her Maiesty hath had of Gods mighty [Page 120] protection, and manifold blessings vpon her selfe and her people during this whole tyme of her resolute and most Princely opposition thereto, which consideration may be a worthy inducement to so worthy and vnmatchable a Princesse of remayning Semper eadem.
Concerning the Assumption, that also is not to find credit with vs. For it is not religion that hath [...]barked them in courses of hostility agaynst this land (I deny not but it hath serued in part for a pre text) but they haue beene drawne thereto, by the violent humors, partly of ambicious aspyres to a monarchy, partly of malice and reuenge vppon supposed indignities, and partly of securing theyr owne greatnes, by impeaching theyr neighbours: so as if the trew groundes of theyr enterprising agaynst vs haue beene such as are mentioned, and not the cause of religion: why should we thinke that the graunt of popish religion, which concerneth not the sayde potentates more, then the establishment of the Gospell within theyr dominions concerneth her Maiesty, will bee of such regard with them, as to moue them to a surcease of hostility? They are not eyther [Page 121] so vnwise or so hoat in deuotion, as for the pleasuring of English Fugitiues and some our domesticall malcontents, to enter a course of infinit charge to themselues, of bloud and destruction to theyr subiects, of perpetuall quarrell with theyr neighbours, of priuation of trafficke, of ielousie and enuy abroad, of discontentments and mutinies at home. Howsoeuer they pretend an honourable care of restoring Religion: they will (notwithstanding a toleration admitted therof) neuer grow to peaceable tearmes and capitulations of vnfe [...]ned amity with this State, vntill they eyther receyue satisfaction in the respects which first drew them to armes, or be compelled thereto through some extraordinary necessity and disability. But let vs suppose with the Quilibet the cause of Religion to bee the ground of theyr hostile proceedings: shall we conceyue that they will ingage themselues in a warre for toleration, and will attempt nothing for an absolute and perfit reformation? It is this latter and not the former, that is in speciall regarde with them, if in this behalfe they haue been [...]ed at all with apprehensions of Religion. Hauing therefore in the case of toleration, [Page 122] not attayned to theyr disseignements, we cannot with probality thinke of any readines on theyr part, to a surcease of hostility: but they will continew the same, eyther publikely as before, or secretly by way of indirect practises: the oportunity and meanes for interteyning whereof, the sayd toleration will fitly minister and supply vnto them.
The fift reason to perswade toleration is this:
Vpon graunt of toleration, the platforme for establishing the Iesuits monarchy ouer the whole world would bee frustrated.
Her Maiestie therefore may with good reason embrace it.
Here first, the Antecedent doth suppose the Iesuits in so deepe a melancholy, as to dreame of a Monarchy, not ouer the parts of Europe only, but ouer the whole globe of the ear [...]h: which is altogether improbable, considering the reputation they cary for wisdome and discretion. Secondly, the compassing of such a monarchy, is a meere impossibily, and therefore the reason taken from thence of no force to perswade. Thirdly, in case it were a matter [Page 123] possible: yet would there fall out so many yeeres betwixt the platforme and the reall existence thereof, as that wee should not need for feare of the same to shew the Seculars the least curtesie, much lesse runne a course of speciall dishonour and preiudice. Fourthly, if the possibility thereof were such, as the erection of it amongst vs were not otherwise impeachable then by admittance of the sayd toleration: yet for as much as the mayne end of toleration aymed at within her Maiesties dominions, is one and the same with the scope and drift of the Iesuits, viz. the reestablishment of Antichristianity with the subuersion of the Gospell and the State: for the effecting whereof, the course in question would bee a fit and seruiceable instrument to the Iesuit: it were no lesse a phrensie to intertaine toleration vpon any such respect and ground, then for preuenting the miscariage of a ship to sayle from Scilla to Charibdi [...].
But what confirmation hath the Quilibet yeelded to the sayd Antecedent? If it be not of better strength then the in [...]erence depending thereon, it is not answerable to the credit of his reuerend priesthood. Such as I finde it shall be presented [Page 124] to examination. In this manner then hee disputeth:
What course will be a meane for establishing Catholike Bishops in England, the same will frustrate the platforme of the Iesuiticall Monarchy.
But toleration will be a meane for establishing Catholike Bishops in England.
Toleration therefore will frustrate the sayd platforme.
Were he not a Secular Priest, that is, a professed enemie to the Gospell and the present gouernment: I should thinke hee did in this argument collude and betray the cause he hath in hand. For if toleration draw with it into allowance within the Realme the office and iurisdiction of Popish Bishops: then as the authority and commission of the most reuerend Fathers and worthy Prelates of this Church will grow short and limited, they being not to deale with persons and causes subiect to this new Romish Court and Hyerarchy: so likewise will there ensue an vnsufferable incrochment vpon her Maiesties scepter and soueraignety: these new Bishops being to represent and supply the person and office of the Pope, in all such affayres as [Page 125] shall concerne his supremacy. But let vs examine the Quilibets reason. The proposition we may iustly deny. For if the Bishops established, be Iesuited in affection, or otherwise commaunded by the Pope rather to giue furtherance then any impediment to the sayd platforme: then can it not be true that such course will furstrate the designes of Iesuits in this behalfe, and interrupt all dependency vppon them, as will serue for erection of a Popish prelacie.
The sixt motiue for toleration, whereto I will adde that which hee setteth downe for the eleuenth, hath this conclusion:
What course will be a meane to discouer al malicious deuices, plots and conspiracies agaynst her Maiestie and the State, the same she should in reason admit and imbrace.
But toleration will be a meane to discouer all malicious deuices and plots agaynst her Maiestie and the State.
Toleration therefore should her Maiestie in reason admit and imbrace.
Hee cannot with any arte so colour the Proposition, but that the fraude thereof will forthwith appeare, if we shall examine [Page 126] it by the square or rule of the maxims aboue remembred. For if wee may not walke in the trayne of sinne and disobedience to God, that thereby some aduauntage may grow vnto vs in our particular: and further, if it be a grosse error in policy for the preuention of an accidentary perill, to make choyse of a certaine mischiefe: then cannot her Maiesty, for the stay of proiects and confederacies (they being incertayne for theyr birth and cariage, as also liable to disappoyntment by the gracious prouidence of the Almighty, and such politique meanes, as haue formerly in like cases been vsed) allow intertaynment and place to toleration.
Neyther is there lesse deceit offered vs in the Assumption. For if the free exercise of Popery will double in Romanists, theyr alleageance and deuotion to the Pope, trebble theyr detestation to our Religion, nourish and rayse theyr desires of a full and entire reestablishment, that they may be in theyr professions and estates secured agaynst all daungers of future alteration: how can it be probable that they will, contrary to the approbation of theyr conscience, and preiudicially to the publique [Page 127] good of theyr Church and theyr priuate interests, tender such aduertisements and discoueries as is pretended? Theyr exercises of religion being of the quality and operation as is remembred: will they, the more they malice vs and our profession, be so much the more ready to doe offices of extraordinary benefit and aduauntage to vs and it? Will they, the more they loue theyr religion and honour the Pope, so much the more indeauour to frustrate the aduauncement both of the one and the other? And will they, hauing as it were, gayned the wall and places of speciall strength, in the siege of our Ierusalem, sound the retraite and proceede no further? If the Marchant or Marriner should tell vs, that after a long and tedious Nauigation, being within ken of the port wished for, hee would rest satisfied with the sight of the same a farre of, and so lay aside all purpose, and crosse all meanes of attayning thereto: wee could not beleeue him, nor conceyue him to be so phranticke and senseles in his apprehensions. The like opinion wee are to haue of the Seculars in this tale they propound vnto vs, of discouering practises and conspiracies.
[Page 128] Besides, it being supposed that the Seculars and others so affected as they are, will be ready to doe seruice to the State in this poynt of discouery: yet can they performe no more herein, then is answerable to theyr intelligence: so as if they are too short in knowledge of disseignements (as needes they must, it being certayne, that vppon notice of theyr disposition in this behalfe, they shall not be made acquainted with any plot or practise of moment) what reason hath her Maiesty to allowe toleration in regard of an aduauntage, which she shall not rece [...]ue thereby?
The seuenth inducement is of this kinde:
What course will be a meane to preuent the rebelling of English Romanists, vpon promise and hope of preferments vnder a forraine Prince, the same her Maiesty may allow and imbrace.
But toleration will be a meane to preuent the rebelling of English Romanists, vpon promise and hope of preferments vnder a forraine Prince.
Therefore her Maiesty may allow and imbrace it.
The Proposition hauing the same defect [Page 129] and imperfection that hath beene obserued in others aboue set downe, is to receyue the like answere. For wee may not for the respect of any good, publique or particular, attempt ought that is offensiue to the highest Maiesty: neyther must we in the case of daungers, remedy an vncertayne perill, by another that is assured and of equall hurt and mischiefe.
The Assumption, least wee should censure it for an vntruth, is thus demonstrated by him:
A League being made with forraine Princes, French and Spanish, English Romanists can haue no hope of preferments vnder them within England.
But vpon the graunt of toleration, there will follow a League with the sayd forraine Princes.
Therefore vpon the graunt of toleration, English Romanists can haue no hope of preferments vnder them within England.
I may iustly dissent from the Quilibet, touching the proposition. For whereas Popish Princes hold all confederations no further obligatory, then may stand with the aduauncement of theyr particular deseignes: [Page 130] and doe finde also the violation of them dispensable by the Pope, in cases importing the interest of the Romish Church: why may not the English Romanists, (considering withall the variety of occurrents and causes drawing Princes to faction and diuision) attend a disunion of the sayde confederats, and so bee caried into hopes of preferments vnder them, in case they preuayle in theyr attempts? Now concerning the Assumption of this latter conclusion: how doth it appeare, that vpon graunt of toleration, there will ensue a League with forraine Princes? If hee could make it cleere, that the trew ground of theyr hostile proceedings agaynst the State, were in that hitherto toleration hath not been condescended vnto: I would approue his Assumption. But it hath beene already declared, that other respects, and not this in question, haue drawne forrayne potentates to these attempts of hostility: and therefore no probability, the sayd respects continuing, of any confederation to ensue vpon the onely regard of the sayde graunt. Further, why should wee not rather apprehend, that vpon our deniall to yeeld vnto a perfit and entire reformation [Page 131] pretended to bee sought by them in theyr courses of inuasion, they will refuse to growe to any capitulation and tearmes of alliance and peace with vs?
The eyght argument, is to this effect:
If toleration will cut off in English Romanists two bloudie practises, the one for her Maiesties death, the other for the aduauncement of some Competetor: then may her Maiesty with good reason allow the same.
But toleration will cut off the sayd two bloudie practises.
Therefore her Maiestie may with good reason allow it.
Toleration concurring with all other Iesuiticall practises and attempts agaynst her Maiesty, in the mayne drift and issue, which these Priesting perswaders thereof, propound vnto themselues: I must giue such answere to the Proposition of this syllogisme, as is formerly made to others of the same moulde: out of which hee would fashion a speciall poynt of wisdome for preuention of perils: it being according to the trayne of his perswasion in this behalfe, no meane policy for auoyding our perishing in some other part of the Sea, to [Page 132] runne a course ouer the Goodwin San [...]s. For so should we doe in the admittance of toleration, thereby to preuent other practises of daunger.
To the Assumption hee hath yeelded this proofe:
What course will frustrate and waste all hopes and thoughts of alteration, the same will cut off the sayd two bloudie practises.
But toleration will frustrate and waste all hopes and thoughts of alteration. For the Romanists being freed from trouble, all disloyall apprehensions and affections will cease in them.
Therefore toleration will cut off the said two bloudy practises.
Hee doth so reason in the first sentence of this syllogisme, as if the sayde practises had originally proceeded from the desire of alteration in religion, and had reference onely thereto, as to theyr mayne ende: which being vntrue in sundry of them, which had for theyr principall ground, in the chiefe authors and contriuers, eyther malice and reuenge, or the humour of ambition for growing to an higher pitch of greatnes, or some respect for securing [Page 133] theyr states, by casting this flourishing Realme into confusion and combustion: it is likewise vntrew, that the sayd practises will determine vppon the expiring and vanishing of the thoughts and hopes that tend to alteration. The second sentence also here set downe doth carry with it an euident vntruth. For hauing not attayned vnto theyr end by the grant of toleration: it is not freedome from trouble that will free theyr minds from thoughts and hopes of compassing it. They will no more rest satisfied in this behalfe, then a traueller, who hauing passed the one halfe of his way, wil not lay aside his hope and meanes of gayning the end of his iourney. The Quilibet affirmeth pag. 232. that euery man is bound to propagate and establish the religion he is of to the vttermost of his power. The Romanists therefore imploying themselues with all care and diligence for the aduancement of the publike cause of theyr Church, some in one course of seruice, some in another, cannot but hope for such successe of theyr indeuours, as shal both ruine the State of the Gospell, and restore vnto the Pope his vsurped heretofore and now challenged soueraignety amongst [Page 134] vs. And can they hope for this issue of the toleration allowed them, and yet not hope for alteration? Further he saith, pag. 152. that many good Catholikes are loyall subiects, who yet will not reueale any vnnaturall and monstrous conspiracies agaynst her Maiestie. To omit his treasonable description of a loy all subiect: Can the Romanists stand thus affected in the case of a most barbarous conspiracy against her Highnes royal person and scepter, and yet not conceiue hopes and thoughts touching a chaunge? If they find fauour, they will in the opiniō of the Quilibet renounce all wishes and cogitations of this kind. Being then scanted in theyr proportion of grace from her Maiestie, they will returne vnto them. Further, if wee consider the quality of the doctrines and multiplicy of Iesuiticall instructions, they are in this seed time of toleration to sow and disperse in each Prouince, City, Village, and corner of this kingdom: and shall with all remember that they are to proceede in this husbandrie according to direction from the Pope and his subordinate officers: we shall then easily discerne, that as some fundamentall poynts of theyr Romish doctrine [Page 135] or capitall treasons agaynst her Maiesty and this State, so howsoeuer they pretend a disclayming of the sayde hopes and thoughts, they labour notwithstanding and attend no other euent then an absolute alteration of the present religion and gouernment.
The ninth argument.
What course will stay the combining of the English Romanists with the Spanyard, in case of his attempts against England, the same her Maiestie may with good reason allow and intertaine.
But toleration is a course that will stay the combining of them with the Spanyard, in case of his attempts agaynst England.
Therefore toleration may with good reason be intertayned by her Maiestie.
Touching the proposition: first the readines he supposeth in the English to assist the Spanyard in his sayd attempts, is a matter improbable: considering that restitution of Religion, which must be the ground of this readines, is not the scope and end the Spanyard herein propoundeth vnto himself, as may hereby appeare. For what should moue him to vndertake a seruice of this nature, whereto he stands [Page 136] no more bound, then her Maiestie to the planting of ye Gospel in Spayne? Is it any spirit of zeale to the glory of Christ? An vnlikly affection in a Prince trayned vp in pleasures, so little regarding the extirpation of Atheisme, and morall enormities within his owne kingdomes, serued also by such who measure religion by the line of policie. Is it any direction or perswasion from the Pope? He is not so base as to be imployed as a vassall and instrument at the appetite of a Priest. Is it the importunate solicitation of our English and a compassionate regarde of them? It is neither zeale in himselfe, nor instigation of the Pope, nor any respect to fugitiues, or to the supposed distresse of others of theyr faction, that can draw a Prince of his wisedome to an enterprise of such difficultie and streames of bloud, of so vnmeasurable expence, of so infinit hatred and quarrel, of so little aduantage to his particular. For hauing performed the restitution intended, what hath he gayned thereby? If you say a kingdom, or the spoyle of a rich and furnished Countrey, with a disabling of vs to impeach him in his estate, or the benefit of confederation and alliance agaynst his [Page 137] enemies, or a reuenge of the dishonors and iniuries offered him: the answere is friuolous and importing the end of this action to bee other then the restitution of Religion: whereto only if he directed the ayme of his attempts, hauing compassed his designe, hee is answerably thereto to retyre his forces from hence. But let vs graunt that he intendeth the restoring of Popery: as I thinke hee doth accidentally and by a collaterall intent: it being credible that hauing seazed vpon the imperiall Crowne and soueraignty of this kingdome, he will erect, as Ieroboam did, certaine golden calues, whereby to draw the people from all thoughts of the Lords house in Iuda. Yet may we iustly presume, that (his principall disseigne, being to satisfic his ambition in the scepter, and his malice in reuenge) the due consideration of the infinite, both publique and priuat indignities and calamities that will accompany the Spanyards attempt in this behalfe, will restraine the better and wiser sort from com [...]ining with him. They will call to minde [...]he experience and records of his proceedings elsewhere: and apprehend they cannot [Page 138] receiue better measure from him; then the Portingals in theyr cities and villages, the Italians in Millan and Naples, the Netherlanders in the Low Countries. They will remember the speech of the Duke of Medina: and thereupon conceyue that he will not bring with him, an eye to discerne betwixt a Papist and a Protestant. They cannot but reteyne in theyr conscience some remorse of duety to theyr Soueraigne, some sparkes of piety to theyr natiue Countrey, some feare of insolency and oppression to bee offered on the part of the Spanyard. They will weigh with themselues, that a stranger, and the same a Spanyard, cannot be caried with that tender affection towards them, as her Maiesty theyr naturall Prince: vnder whose gracious and sweete gouernement they may enioy the priuat liberty of theyr conscience, the comfort of Wife and Children, the solace of their houses, lands and goods, the entercourse of kindenesse with theyr friendes, and all priuiledges of a Subiect, vppon theyr outward conformity to her Highnesse lawes: whereas, in case they fall vnder the authority and scepter of the [Page 139] Spanyard, howsoeuer they may happely be allowed the publique and free exercise of that idolatrous Masse, yet must they be content to lye exposed in themselues, in the persons of theyr Wiues and Children, in theyr houses, lands and goods, to the vnbridled appetite and villany of euery Dom Diego. They will then finde that departing from her Maiesty to the Spanyard, they haue exchanged a Salomon for a Rehoboam: whose little finger will exceede in weight, the whole strength of her Maiesties body. I doubt not, but these and other like regards will bee to all English Romanists, no meane inducements for restrayning them from all correspondence with the Spanyard in his enterprise agaynst this State, at least during her Maiesties life.
But let vs with the Quilibet suppose in the English Catholiques, a readines to ioyne with the Spanyard in his sayde attempt. Should her Maiesty, for preuenting thereof, intertayne toleration? First, why rather at this present then heretofore? Are not her meanes for an honorable resistance in a most worthy cause, [Page 140] agaynst an vnprincely and irreligious attempt, as great and accomplished as formerly they haue been? Are not her people as many, faithfull, and valiant? Is not the prouidence and fauour of God the same towards her? Secondly, are there not besides toleration, other as effectuall and sufficient meanes to disappoynt theyr cōcurrence with him in this so vniust an action? Thirdly, is not toleration as ready an addresse and instrument for the reestablishing of Popery as the Spanyards attempt? in admitting whereof, thereby to preuent all confederation with him, what should her Maiestie else doe, then amongst different wayes to the vtter desolation of her kingdome, make choyse of that which will soonest direct & bring her vnto the same? wherein she should also proceede disagreeably to the law of God by committing a sinfull act, that some good may grow thereby. Hitherto of the Quilibets supposition and consequence included in the proposition of this latter syllogisme.
In the Assumption also he offereth vnto vs an abuse. For toleration is no more fit a remedy agaynst the combination of the [Page 141] English Romanists with the Spanyard in the case of his sayd attempt, then is a large proportion of the noblest wine agaynst a burning feauer. Such is the nature of theyr religion: such the drift of popish reconcilement: such are the courses they holde to intertayne theyr friends in the hopes of perfit reformation: and so to fashion and prepare them for all oportunities that shal bee presented to that purpose. I cannot compare toleration more aptly then to a protection granted to the Irish rebell. For as hee doth vnder the countenance and commodity of this protection repayre vnto the principall townes and places of his acquaintance, where hee both giueth and findeth encouragements to obstinate himselfe and others in a rebellious disposition, with directions for performance of seruice agaynst the State: and where likewise hee recey [...]eth intelligence as well of all resolutions and proceedings on our part, as of the meanes and abilities thereto, together with a supply of his particular defects and wants of victuall, money, munitions: and being thus furnished in euery respect, doth immediatly renounce the benefit of his [Page 142] protection, and imploy himselfe and his followers in courses of treason and rebellion: So vpon graunt and opportunity of the sayde toleration, the Romanists will boldly visit each Prouince, City, and corner of the Realme, where ministring to others, and mutually receyuing from them some heate of encouragement they will bestow theyr best endeuours in the seruice of reconcilement vnto the Pope, in raising to an higher degree the hatred alreadie conceyued agaynst our profession, in cleering the doctrine and obligatory power of Popish buls and censures, in procuring intelligence in Court and countrie, in giuing and taking directions when and how to proceede in all seruices for the Romish Church, in supplying themselues with abilities and furnitures of each sort and nature: So as the time of toleration will not prooue other then, partly a seede time as well of hopes and desires to haue an entire reestablishment of the Popes soueraignty amongst vs, as of sundry proiects tending thereto, and partly also a meane of speciall aduantage whereby to fortifie theyr side, and to inable it for the execution of the [Page 143] sayd proiects. But for that the Assumption may seeme questionable and doubtfull, the Quilibet yeeldeth it this light:
If there be no excommunication against refusall of combining with the Spanyard, the English Romanists will not combine with him.
But vpon graunt of toleration there will not be any new or old excommunication to that purpose.
Therefore vpon grant of toleration the English Romanists will not combine with him.
Albeit the proposition be subiect to question: yet shall it at this time passe for a probability. But the Assumption may not finde the like fauour. For who should hinder the procuring of a new and formall excommunication to that effect, or an absolute repeale of the old? Are the Seculars in greater credit and grace with the Pope then eyther the Iesuite or the King of Spayne, who is specially interessed in the cause? Will the Pope in so great a likelihood and oportunity of preuailing against our religion, and aduancing both his owne and the Spanish title, as toleration hath offered [Page 144] vnto him, forbeare to vse in furtherance thereof so powerfull a meane as excommunication is held to be? The Quilibet speakes in this assumption, if he disguise not, as if the Pope and Spanyard were at his deuotion, and would in regarde of a curtesie done to the Catholikes in the cause of toleration, disclayme theyr titles of soueraignty to England: and the neerer they approch to the long attended and wished issue of theyr deseignments, the more irresolute and backward they would be in seconding the same.
The tenth argument.
Vpon graunt of toleration the Iesuits should be disabled to intertaine brokers of their treacheries and slaunders, and to winne any to their side.
Therefore her Maiestie may with good reason graunt the same.
To iustifie the Antecedent, hee telleth vs that the collections of money, which now the Iesuites enioy, and whereby they stand inabled for the seruices here specified, would be otherwise disposed of vpon the admittance of toleration. For answere whereto, first it is improbable that the Iesuits, [Page 145] men of rare giftes, of speciall fauour with the Pope and Spanyard, of extraordinary care and dexterity for the aduauncement of the Catholique cause, should be left vnfurnished of such contributions and meanes as may serue them in that behalfe. Secondly, though the said contributions should determine or be otherwise imployde: yet should they not rest destitute of instruments for broking theyr treacheries, and many others that would side and confederate with them. For toleration would in a short tyme supply vnto them gratis, a generation fitted to theyr humors. Thirdly, notwithstanding there were a trueth in the Antecedent: yet the consequence implying that grosse error in piety and policy, which hath been in this dispute so often obserued, deserueth checke and reiection.
The eleuenth motiue is of no more validity then the former.
Vpon graunt of toleration, euery Catholique would be ready to abandon and expell the Iesuits, as the authors of theyr former troubles.
Therefore it may please her Maiestie to admit it.
[Page 146] The Quilibet so dealeth with vs, as if the nature of toleration, and the effects, accompaning the same, were vnknowne to the State. When hee telleth vs therefore, that toleration will be a meane to rayse in the hearts of Catholiques, such a detestation of the Iesuites, as that they will labour the extermination of them and theyr confederates: wee must apprehend and interpret it as a meere delusion: being not ignorant that the doctrine and directions, which will (during the tyme of toleration) bee sowne and dispersed, doe require the imployment of Iesuites, who in the account of the Commaunders and heads of these factions, are reputed men of best sufficiency for managing the aduauncement of the Romish Church. And whereas hee alleageth for the grounde of this hatred agaynst the Iesuites, that they haue beene the authors of trouble to the Catholiques: herein the Catholiques, (who knew that the plots and practises agaynst her Maiesty and the State, haue been intertayned, not only by the Iesuits, but by the Secular Priests likewise, yea, by the Pope himselfe and the Spanyard) may iustly censure him for calumniation [Page 147] and forgery. But it being graunted that the Catholiques would hold such proceeding agaynst the Iesuites, yet the regarde thereof cannot bee a sufficient warrant to her Maiesty, to commit an impiety, and such as is ioyned with dishonour and perill.
Hitherto of the motiues delyuered by the Quilibet, pag. 151. Here hee ceaseth not: but soliciteth elsewhere the same cause: and namely pag. 229. where hee pleadeth thus by a twelfth argument.
The twelfth argument:
If toleration will secure the present interest of her Maiestie, of the State in generalls of the Nobility, of the Bishoppes: her Maiestie may in reason admitte it.
But toleration will secure the present interest of her Maiestie, the State, the Nobility, the Bishops.
Therefore her Maiestie may in reason admit it.
The Proposition presenteth vnto vs an inconsequence. For vnlesse the vtility and aduauntage of toleration recommended therein, bee euident and of continuance [Page 148] also (which poyntes are not cleered by the Quilibet) it cannot in the case of so notorious a chaunge, stand with the policy of this State, to allow and imbrac [...] it. Besides, if it were apparant, that the say de toleration would bring with it an assured and perpetuall security to her Maiesty and her Kingdomes: yet till it appeare to be iustifiable by the lawe of God, it ought not from the Scepter of a Christian Prince to receyue allowance. Let vs examine therefore what proofe hee hath of this pretended security. The Assumption is to acquaint vs herewith. First, hee sheweth the security her Maiesty reapeth thereby.
It is (saith he) a preuention of all daungers to her Royall Person: for it will discouer them.
Therefore it will secure her present interest.
For answere to the Antecedent, and the reason thereof, it may please the Reader to allow my remittance of him, to the refutation already set downe of the same, in the sixt and eyght argument. The consequence inferred thereon, is no lesse idle [Page 149] and vnworthy then the Antecedent. For hee so reasoneth, as if her Maiesties royall interest and State, did wholy and entirely rest in the safety of her Person: whereas in trueth it is in generall extendable to each particular of her Soueraignety: so as shee may bee free from daunger in her Royall Person, and yet suffer exceeding preiudice by incrochment vppon her Crowne and Supremacy, by reconcilement of her Subiects to the obedience of a forrayne potentate, by courses held for the ruine of the Gospell, established by her authority, by practises for discouery of her resolutions, and for betraying some parte of her dominions vnto her enemies. The Quilibets consequence therefore being the concluding of a generall vppon a particular, is to receyue no approbation from vs. Secondly, touching the security that is to growe to the State in generall: the grounde of his dispute is the same which is set downe in the precedent argument of safety to her Highnesse Person: and therefore to receyue the same aunswere. Thirdly, concerning the Nobility and Bishops, hee yeeldeth no proofe of sesecurity [Page 150] growing by toleration vnto them: as in deede he cannot: it being cleere, that they shall receyue thereby speciall preiudice, if not presently, yet at least, in regard of the proceedings likely to bee held, for vndermining the Soueraignety of her Maiesty and the State in generall, both Ecclasiasticke and Ciuill: vnlesse it bee conceyued, that they are not to communicate in the publique calamities and miseries of the Common-wealth. The Honourable and Reuerend Fathers of our Churche are not (I graunt) immediatly vpon the admittance of toleration, to sustayne any hinderance in they present incumbency, and the authority annexed thereto, or any abatement in theyr reuenewes. But who can warrant and assure theyr continuance in these termes for any tyme? Considering they are to haue on the part of the Catholiques sundry concurrents: who out of opinion that the honour and present interest of the places Episcopall belongeth vnto them, will accordingly prepare the way for theyr future inuestiture.
For a further inducement of our allowance [Page 151] to toleration, hee perswadeth it pag. 271. The thirteenth motiue therefore is this.
Her Maiestie permitteth Puritans, Brownists, Barowists, Familians.
Therefore she may with like reason, tolerate the free exercise of Popery.
Concerning the Antecedent: such of them as doe scandalously and with schisme withdrawe themselues from our publique congregations, refusing there to serue the Lorde with vs in Prayer, in hearing the word preached, and receyuing the Sacraments, her Maiesty permitteth not, but punisheth theyr contempt and irreligious cariage, according to the lawe prouided in that behalfe. The Antecedent therefore contaynes an vntruth. The consequence also deduced from it, is no lesse exorbitant and out of square. For first, the Sectaries mentioned in the Antecedent holde not, for ought I knowe, any opinions directly opposite, eyther to the Maiesty of God, or her Highnesse Soueraignety, as the Romanist doth: and they were neuer found as I thinke, conuict of treasonable practises agaynst her sacred Person and the [Page 152] State, as numbers haue beene of the Romish faction: Secondly, if they did disloyally offend, both in opinion and practise, yet could it stand with no policy, by admittance of Popery, to adde a multitude of Romanists to the sayd Sectaries, and so to suffer a multiplication and increase of disloyall Subiects. Thirdly, the perill from the sayde Sectaries, and the English Romanists, is not to her Maiesty and the State alike: the latter being more daungerous then the former, not onely in opinion of doctrine and vndutifull cariage, but for theyr number and dependency at home and abroade. And this is the iudgement of the State, as may appeare by the sundry penall statutes, prouided agaynst the one, and not agaynst the other. So as there is not the like reason for toleration of the Romanist, as there is for permission of the Brownist and the rest. But the Quilibet fearing the weakenesse of the sayd consequence, doth thus strengthen it:
The consequence deduced by Athenagoras in his Apologie to the Emperor Commodus, from the sayde Emperors allowance [Page 153] of other sects, to perswade his allowance of the Christians, was sounde and warrantable.
Therefore the consequence from her Maiesties permission of the aboue named sectaries, to perswade her toleration of the Romanists and theyr religian, is likewise sound.
If the Brownists and the rest aboue mentioned, were as impious in opinion as the Heretiques and Idolaters permitted by the Emperour Commodus: and if the English Romanists were in the articles of religion as sound, and in the practise of obedience to theyr Soueraigne as loyall, as the Christians were, in whose fauour Athenagoras tendred his apology & humble sute: I would then take no exception to the sayd consequence, but allow of it for such as were no lesse iustifiable then that of Athenagoras. But sith there appeareth a mayne difference betwixt our Romanists and the sayd Christians, these being free from iust charge of Idolatry agaynst God, and of disloyaltie towards the Emperour, whereas the sayd Romanists stand conuinced of both: and sith likewise the Barowists [Page 154] and Brownists doe offend in a lesse degree of error and impiety, then the Sectaries and Idolaters to whom the sayd Emperor allowed place for the exercise of their superstition: we must censure and reiect the Quilibets consequence in the case proposed for an inconsiderate poynt of sophistrie.
The fourteenth argument.
The persecuting Emperours in former ages allowed vnto the Christians some places for exercise of their religion, and were farre from inflicting such a generall and heauy affliction vpon them, as the English Catholikes doe sustayne.
Therefore her Maiestie being behinde none of them in goodnes of nature, should shew the like fauour to the English Romanists.
The Quilibet being carefull to record and publish to the worlde her Maiesties proceedings agaynst some Papists, for such as exceed in barbarousnes and tyranny the acts and courses of the greatest persecuton that euer breathed vnder the Sunne, doth, not out of his owne conceit and in his own name (for hee would traduce and defan [...] [Page 155] her Highnes and the State, and yet without perill to himselfe) but out of the apprehension of others and in theyr name, deliuer at large that all former persecutors come short of her Maiestie in cruelty agaynst Catholikes. But in the end, least he might (notwithstanding the cariage of this trayterous imputation vnder the shadow of others) be challenged for the same: he smootheth the matter on his owne part, and as if he allowed her Maiesties proceedings, which elsewhere hee brandeth with the title of an vniust vexation he tendreth an answere and defence in the behalfe of them. He sayth therefore that considering the English Romanists sought the death of theyr Soueraigne, the conquest of theyr natiue countrey, the subuersion of the State, the alteration of all lawes and customes, the destruction of all the ancient inhabitants of the land: it is rather to bee wondred that one Catholike should bee left aliue in England, then that theyr persecution hath been so great. Which answer of his her Maiesty may take for a sufficient warrant for her forbearance of imitating the sayd Emperours in this particular of [Page 156] allowing Chappels and Churches for the exercise of Popery. The Christians, to whom this fauour was yeelded, were not in opinion, affection and action traytors to God and to the Emperours, as some pretended Catholikes haue been and are vnto God and her Maiestie: and therefore the cause of the sayd Christians and the English Romanists being so vnlike and different, her Maiesty is not to hold the like course towards the one, as the Emperours held towards the other.
The fifteenth argument.
Vnder the Persian and the Turke there is liberty of conscience granted to all men.
Her Maiestie therefore may with good reason grant the like libertie vnto English Romanists.
No action of a Pagan and atheall Monarch ought in a question of the worship and seruice of the Lord to be a president vnto a Christian Prince. Besides, such to whom the Persian and Turke allow this liberty, doe neither in opinion derogate ought from theyr soueraignty, nor in action attempt any thing agaynst the same, nor for number or other respects are able [Page 157] so to doe: whereas in the case of the Romanists within this kingdome it is farre otherwise: they being for opinion aduersaries to her Maiesties supremacie, for loyaltie freed by popish buls from acknowledgement of alleageance vnto her, for affection deuoted to a forrayne Potentate, for theyr carriage in plot and action heretofore conspirators agaynst God & theyr Prince, for intention and wish aymers at alteration, for number dependency, confederacy as well forraine as domesticke and other correspondent abilities, strong and to be suspected. Vpon which regards I do inferre that the proceeding of the Persian and Turk in this cause of toleration, ought not to be vnto her Maiesty a direction for doing the like.
The sixteenth argument.
All Kings and princes of this age haue thought it the fittest and safest course to grant libertie of conscience to their subiects: as in France, Flanders, Germany, and other countries hath bin practised.
Therefore her Maiestie should allow vnto Papists the same fauour for exercise of their religion.
[Page 158] The Quilibet offereth vnto vs an [...] truth in the Antecedent. For the Princes and Gouernours of the Countries here mentioned, and all other Potentates holding correspondence in religion with the Pope as they doe, haue for the most part both in plot and action imployed theyr vtmost policy and meanes to the supplanting and extirpation of the Gospell and the professors thereof within theyr kingdomes and territories: hauing for warrant of theyr proceedings in this behalfe the decree and resolution of the Councell of Trent, particular directions from the Pope, and the iudgement of the Prelates and Clergy within they owne dominions. It is not vnknowne how passionate and violent the Spaniard hath been now a long time for an vtter suppression of the holy truth, professed by some his subiects. His Inquisition, his secret combination with the Guisian, his armies by sea and land do testifie agaynst him. The riuers of bloud that France in the dayes of Henry the second, but especially of his three sonnes successiuely hath seene in attempts and massacres agaynst the Hugonots, are scarce yet [Page 159] dry. What should I speake of the courses held agaynst the Gospell in Flanders? and heretofore in Germany and England? Is there at this day any popish Prince and gouernour, who is of sufficient power to displant and subuert the profession of the same within his seuerall iurisdictions, and doth it not? If any shall alleage the toleration of religion at this present in France: he must consider that the sayd religion is allowed vpon the same ground of necessity and dishability on the part of the Catholikes to expugne and ruine it, as it was in the time of Charles the 9. and Henry the third. [...]or were they of sufficient strength to remoue or abolish it: well might the memorie and name of Hugonots remayne in theyr records: assuredly theyr persons should not hold other place and interest there, then now they do at Seuil in Spaine, or at Millan and Rome in Italy: in which places there is streight order taken to proceede with al rigour agaynst them whereas if the Pope, Spanyard and other Princes of like iudgement and affection in religion held it the safest course to graunt liberty of conscience, as the Quilibet vntruly [Page 160] insinuateth, they would repeale theyr Edicts and decrees agaynst Protestants, cancell and frustrate the power of the Inquisition, spare all search after theyr persons, surcease theyr confiscations and all criminall processe agaynst them.
As the Antecendent deserueth no credit with vs: so the consequence inferred theron may iustly be censured. For, disproofe whereof, we must remember that R [...]tion [...] & legibus viuitur non exomplis. Experience hath euicted it to bee a course of perill for princes to gouerne themselues by exāples, especially where there is not a cōcurrence of the same reasons and circumstances inducing thereto. Now in this case of allowing toleration, the circumstances and reasons are not like: first, in the Princes themselues, of which the Emperor, the French, the Spanyard, the Polonian, [...]e for outward profession and practi [...], deuoted Papists: whereas her Maiesty professeth the Gospell. Secondly, in the particular to be graunted: they supposed to allowe the free exercise of the Gospell, a doctrine in it selfe most lawfull and holy, and which yeeldeth vnto Princes, euery [Page 161] parcell of theyr honour, and euery poynt of Soueraignety: whereas her Maiesty is solicited to the admittance of Popery, a thing in it selfe impious, and which denyeth vnto Princes, a Soueraigne interest and power ouer theyr Subiects, and transferreth it to a forraine Potentate. Thirdly, in the ground and motiues of graunting this libertie: the sayd Princes (I meane such of them as haue yeelded herein) induced thereto not out of humour to gratifie theyr subiects, nor out of respects of security to theyr persons and States, but out of extreame necessity, as absolutely disabled to preuaile agaynst them: whereas no such violent and desperate regard doth as yet inforce her Maiesty vnto it. Lastly in the persons, to whom this fauour of toleration is to be communicated: they, the sayd Princes allowing it to such, who repute and acknowledge them for their lawfull Soueraignes, and who neuer plotted or attempted ought agaynst their Crowne and life: whereas her Maiesty is to impart and yeeld it to those who hold her for disinuested by the Popes bull of her imperiall Crowne and regalities, who haue disposed [Page 162] of theyr alleageance to a forrayne Prince, who haue been interessed in proiects and practises agaynst her royall person and State, and who are ready vpon opportunity offered, and vpon direction mandatory receyued from the Vicar of Rome, to take armes for the subuersion of her scepter and the Gospell. So as the examples propounded to perswade and inforce an imitation in her Maiesty, carying with them so many differences in the circumstance of the persons and things in questions are not meete presidents, and such from which a sound consequence may be deduced to draw allowance from her Maiestie of the toleration solicited.
The seauenteenth Argument is in pag. 280.
Vpon grant of toleration all occasion would be taken away of sending english youths to the Seminaries beyond the Seas, there to be trayned and fitted for practises against the State.
[...]refore her Maiestie may with good rea [...]n allow the same.
[...]cerning the Antecedent: first, it is [...] and vncertaine, whether vpon [Page 163] this occasion they would surcease transmitting theyr youths to the sayd Seminaryes. Secondly, if they should: yet theyr institution of discipline within the Realme, may bee the same for substance, and to the same intent and purpose, it hath beene formerly in the sayde Seminaryes: considering that toleration is able to furnish vnto them instructors, and doctrines of the same quality and vse. But let vs suppose the contrary: should her Maiesty, to preuent theyr trayning in a schoole of treachery, giue place and intertainement to toleration? VVere not this to cure the indisposition of some members of the State, by a remedy fitted in euery respect to augment the malady, yea, to infect the whole body? Besides, to consent to an alteration of this nature and consequence, as toleration is of, were not onely agaynst the rule of piety and duty to God, but agaynst the law also of ordinary policie and wisedom, except in the case of deliuerance from greater and imminenter perill, and in counterchaunge of profits more importing. To receiue and allow the free exercise [Page 164] of Poperie in the State by publike authoritie, were to broch a vessell of poyson and to haue the Antidote vncertaine: or to rayse a flame in a Citie, and to leaue the quenching therof to doubtfull possibilities.