The conspiracie of Catiline, written by Constancius, Felicius, Durantinus, and translated bi Thomas Paynell: with the historye of Iugurth, writen by the famous Romaine Salust, and translated into Englyshe by Alexander Barcklaye — De conjuratione L. Catalinae. English

The conspiracie of Catiline, written by Constancius, Felicius, Durantinus, and translated bi Thomas Paynell: with the historye of Iugurth, writen by the famous Romaine Salust, and translated into Englyshe by Alexander Barcklaye — De conjuratione L. Catalinae. English

Table of contents

[1]

Title page

¶ To the most mightie, moste excellente, our moste gracious soueraigne lorde Henry the eight, the very Kynge of England, Ireland, and of Fraunce, the true defender of christes faithe, and in earthe supreme heade immediately vnder Christe of the churche of England, his moste humble seruaunte and chaplaine Thomas Paynell desireth moste hyghe honoure and perfecte felicitie.

The table.

¶ The wyt, maners, dedes, and affections of Catiline.

Cap. primo.

¶The fyrste Conspiracie of L. Catiline and P. Antronius. Cap. ii

¶Of the other conspirary far greatter and more greuous. Cap. iii.

The condicions. the dedes, and maners of them that were felowes of the conspyracy, whiche were in the city. Cap. iiii.

¶The oracion of L Catiline to hys felowes of the conspiracie. Cap. v.

¶ The confederacie concluded and knytte vp with man••s bloude. Cap. vi.

¶Of .vii. that desired the consulshyppe, among• whome Cicero preuayled. Cap. vii.

¶ Power that had ben gyuen of the Decemuiri by the law Agraria. if Cicero had not resisted. Cap. viii.

¶Cicero commeth by knowlege of the conspiracie. Cap. ix.

¶Cicero gaue ouer his businesse of Fraunce to C. Antonius, and reconciled the chiualrye of Rome to the fauour of the Senatours. Cap. x.

¶Catilines endeuour and dilygence, in augmentyng the conspyracie. Cap. xi.

¶How Cicero opened the conspiracy before the Senatours Cap. xii.

The decree of the Senate, that the common weale shulde take none harme. Cap. xiii.

¶How Manlius and other Catilins companyons prepare• warre abrode. Cap. xiiii.

¶ The oration of Manlius ambassadours of Q. Martius. Ca. xv

¶The fury and fiersenesse of Catiline. Cap. xvi.

¶ Cicero and Catiline in the Senate. Cap. xvii.

¶The oration of M.T. Cicero ageynste L. Sergius Catiline.

¶Catilines answere to Cicero in the Senate. Cap. xix.

¶Catiline in great wrathe, departeth out of the court exhorteth his companions to stycke to their enterprise, he voydeth the citye, and prepareth warre. Cap. xx.

¶Catiline sente diuers letters into the citie agaynste Cicero, in which he feyned hym selfe to be exiled. Cap. xxi.

¶Many in the citye blamed the softnes of Cicero, that he suffred their enemye to go his waye. Cap. xxii.

¶Catiline and Manlius be proclaymed ennemies, vnto whom fled very many hope• ostes. Cap. xxiii.

¶Ambassadours are sente from the senate, into diuers prouinces of Italy, to wythstande the rebellion. Cap. xxiiii.

¶The preparacion of the rebelles in the citie, and their councelles wyth the ambassadours of Dolphinois. Cap. xx.v.

¶Ciceros watchefull diligence, and hys monicions to the frenche ambassadours, whych vttered the secretes of the conspiracy. Cap. xxvi.

¶ The vayne braggyng of Lentulus, and cruel councel of the conspiratours in the citye. Cap. xxvii.

¶The nyght appointed to crueltye, the fury and wrathe of Cethegus, the deceite of Lentulus. Cap. xxviii.

¶L. Vulturcius wyth letters of Lentulus to Catiline, and the frenche Ambassadours be taken in theyr iourney. Cap. xxix.

¶The conspiratores are by Cicero brought in to the Senate, and wytnesses ageynst them, and accusers are examined. Cap. xxx.

¶The thankes and most ample prayses geuen of the Senate to Cicero for deteccion of the conspiracye. Cap. xxxi.

L. Tarquinius caused M. Crassus to be suspects of the conspiracy. Cap. xxxiiii.

¶The oracion defensiue made for M. Crassus by hys friendes. Cap. xxxv.

¶The decree of the Senate for M. Crassus, the suspition agenst Cicero, and his purgation. Cap. xxxvi.

¶Of Lentulus and his felowes sedition seruantes bond and fre, and wonderfull token shewed to Cicero. Cap. xxxvii,

¶The sentence of D. Syllanus and other noble men gyuen agaynst the conspiratours. Cap. xxxviii.

¶The oration of C. Caesar, wherin he contendeth, that the conspiratours shulde not be put to de•h, but kepte continually in prison. Cap. xxxix.

¶The oracion and sentence of Ceaser, pleased very much euen the frendes of Cicero. Cap. xl,

¶ The oration of the consull against the conspiratours. Cap. xli.

¶The oration of M. Cato taken out of Saluste. Capitulo .xlii.

¶The contention of C. Cesar, and M. Cato in the Senate, and of the loue letters sent to Cesar, Cap. xliii.

¶L Vectius accuseth C. Cesar as culpable of the conspiracye, Cesar clereth and reuengeth hym selfe. Cap. xliiii.

The execucion don• on Lentulus and his felowes. Cap. xlv.

¶After the conspiratours were deade, the people wyth greate glory brought Cicero home to his howse. Cap. xlvi.

¶Ciceros othe in the ende of his consullshyp. Cap. xlvii.

¶The contencion betwene Cicero & Q. Metellus Nepos. Ca. xlviii.

¶M. Catos request to Metellus. Cap. xlix.

❧The contention of Cato and Metleius, Cap. l.

¶Q Metellus and C. Cesar ar remoued from theyr offices. Capitulo. li.

¶Cesar with commendation is restoryd to his offyce. Capitulo .lii.

¶Catilines armye hys laboures, and iourney towarde Fraunce. Capitulo .liii.

¶Catyline inclosed betwne two armyes, determyned to fyght. Capitulo .liii.

¶The oration of Catilyne to his souldyours, in whiche he exhorteth them to fyght manfully. Cap. lv.

¶Howe Catilyne ordered hys battayles. Cap. lvi.

¶The oration of M. Petreius to the souldiours. Cap. lvii.

¶Howe Petreius ordered hys battayles. Cap. lxiii.

¶Howe valiaunt a capytayne Catilyne was.

¶The warre that C. Promptinius made wyth the Delphinois. Cap. lx.

¶The other conspiratours condempned at Rome. Cap. lxi.

[2]

Title page

To the ryghte honorable Lorde Antonye Vycounte Mountegue, knyghte of the ryghte honorable order of the garter, and one of the Kynge and Queenes magesties pryuie counsayle: Thomas Paynel wishhonoure and perfecte felicitie.

The Prologue of this presente Cronicle compiled in laten by the famous Romayne Salust: and translated into Englysshe, by Alexander Barcley Preest.

¶Of what matter Salust intendeth to treate in proces of hys boke and what causes moueth hym of suche mater to wryte. The fyrste Chapter.

¶How the kynge Massinissa came into the fauoure of the Romayns, and howe the lande of Numydy was commytted vnto hym. The second Chapter.

¶Howe Publius Scipio counselled Iugurth at his departyng after the cyte of Numance was dystroyed. The thyrde Chapter.

¶The sentence of the letter dyrect from Publius Scipio captaine of the Romayne army in Hyspayne vnto Micipsa kynge of Numidy. The fourthe Chapter.

¶Howe the kyng Micipsa adopted Iugurth vnto his sonne. The fyfte. Chapter.

¶The exortacion which the kyng Micipsa a lytell before his deth had to Iugurth. The .vi. Chapter.

¶Howe the kyng Mycipsa departed from lyfe and of the fyrst cause of dissencion and discord betwene Iugurth, A•herball and Hiempsall. The .vii. Chapter.

¶Howe Iugurth by reason murdred Hiempsall the yonger sonne of •ynge Micipsa. The .viii. Chapter,

¶Howe Iugurth ouercame Adherball in battayl and putte hym to flyght howe Adherball fledde to Rome to complayne to the senatours: and howe Iugurth accloyed wyth rewardes many of the rulers of Rome: by whose fauour hys crueltie was defended. The .ix. Chapter.

¶Here insueth the oration of Adherball, deuysed in forme deliberatiue: in whiche he exhorteth the senatours to commaunde socours and ayde to be assigned vnto hym, prouynge the same to be profytable honest and easy to the Romaines to do: profitable: that he myght continue a frende vnto the empyre of Rome: honest, for his father and graunfather hadde so deserued: easy to be done, for the Romains at that tyme had no other warre els where. The .x. Chapter.

¶How the embassadours of Iugurth replied against these wordes of Adherbal, & what direccion was taken for bothe partes of the Senatours of Rome. The .xi. Chapter

¶Howe Iugurth inuaded the kingdome of Adherball yet ones agayne and howe Adherball agayne was ouercome in batayle: and put to flyght. The .xiii. Chapter,

¶How ye fauourers of Iugurth at Rome laboured so in his cause yt thre yong me inexperte & without policy were send embassadours into Aff•ike to cesse this strife bitwene ye two kinges: & how these embassadours retourned to Rome without any thing done. The .xiiii. Chap.

¶ The sentence of the letters sente from Adherball vnto the senatours, what tyme he laye beseged by Iugurth within the towne of C•rtha. The .xv. Chapter.

¶Howe the senatours sende new embassadours to Iugurth commaundynge hym to desyst from his persecucion of Adherbal, and howe they preualed nothing: howe the towne of Cyrtha was yelded to Iugurth, & howe he slewe adherball. The .xvi. Chapter.

¶ Howe the Senatours certyfied of thys crueltie of Iugurth prepared on army against hym: how the embassadours of Iugurth were not receyued into Rome: and how Calphurnius the Romaine captaine was acloyed wyth brybes. The .xvii. Chapter.

❧ Howe the rulers of Rome for the most parte were greuously displeased for grauntyng of this peace, and disalowed the same. And how Memmius inflamed the commen people agaynst the fauourers of Iugurth. The .xviii. Chapter.

¶The oracion of Memmius had before the commē people of Rome. In whiche oracion he induceth them to defende theyr lyberte, And to expresse and persecute wyth hatered the no•le men of Rome. The .xix. Chapter.

¶How Memmius induced the people of Rome by the sayde oracion: so yt Cassius was sente for Iugurth to brynge hym to Rome to declare and accuse the supporter of hys dedes. The .xx. Chapter.

¶Of the behauour of the Soudyours and other which were lafte in Numidy while Scaurus the consull was at Rome. The .xxi. Chapter.

¶Howe Iugurth came to Rome with Cassius and howe he behaued hym selfe there. The .xxii. Chapter.

¶Howe Iugurth encreased his crueltie at Rome and renued his murdre in sleyng an other noble man of the stocke of Micipsa by occasion wherof he was constrained to departe from Rome, & the batayle renewed againe of hole. The .xxiii. Chapyter.

¶Howe Albynus consull of Rome renew•d the warre of Iugurth, and at laste returned againe to Rome, leauyng hys brother Aulus in Numidye, wyth the army in his roume. The .xxiiii. Chapyter.

¶ Howe Aulus and the Romayne armye were discomfyted of Iugurth: and howe peace was graunted to hym by Aulus: and to what shame the Romaynes were 〈◊〉 ra••e folye of the same capytayne Aulus. The .xxv. Chapter.

¶What sorow and heuines was at Rome, and how they demeaned them selfe in the Citie after that tydynges were brought thither. The .xxvi. Chapter.

¶Wherof the discord and takynge of partyes betwene the noble men and commens of Rome had fyrst begynnyng The .xxvii. Chapter.

¶Howe Metellus was create consull and sende by the Romayns to war agaynst Iugurth, and of the wyse and discrete behaueour of the same Metellus. The .xxviii. Chapter.

¶Of the behaueour of Iugurth against Metellus, and howe he send embassadours to Metellus requiryng vnfaynedly to yelde vp the kyngedom of Numidy to the empyre of Rome: and how Metellus behaued hymselfe agaynst the same embassadours. The .xxix. Chapter.

¶Howe Iugurth prepared and addressed hym selfe to warre, and what ordinaunce and pollicye he vsed agaynste the newe consull Metel•us. The .xxx. Chapter.

¶Of the fyrst batayle foughten betwene Metellus and Iugurth. The .xxxi. Chapyter.

¶Howe Bomylchar vnder captayne of Iugurth and hys companye were discomfyted by Rutilius vnder captayne of Metellus. The .xxxii. Chapter.

¶What waste and destruccion Metellus made in the lande of Numidye after this fyrst batayle and flyght of Iugurth: and of the gyle of Iugurth agaynste Metellus. The .xxvi. Chapter.

¶ Of the great ioye that was demeaned at Rome for thys worthy behaue our of Metellus, and how he guided hym selfe and hys army to contynue and augment this honour which he had gotten. The .xxxiiii. Chapter.

¶ How Metellus besieged Samam one of the strongest townes of Numidie and how Marius vndercaptayne of Metellus escaped the daunger of Iugurth. The .xxxv. Chapyter.

¶Howe Iugurth assayled and inuaded the rentes of the Romayns in the meane tyme whyle Metellus gaue assault to the towne of Samam. The .xxxvi. Chapter.

¶Howe Metellus behaued hym selfe for his part, and of the greate conflict which the Romains had agianst the Numidians: Metellus with hys footemen assaylyng the towne of Samam for the one parte, and Iugurth fierselye fyghtyng wyth the Romayns speremen on the other parte. The .xxxvii. Chapyter.

¶Howe Metellus remoued the syege from zamam, and how Bomylchar so parswaded Iugurth that he yelded hym selfe, hys kyngedome, and all other thynges to mercye and grace of the Romayns. And howe Iugurth after losse of hys men, treasour, elephantes, armoure, and horse: chaunged hys mynde agayne. The .xxxviii. Chapter.

¶How Marius by ambicion labored to be consull & to prosecute the war of Numidy, & how he detracted and supplani•o the consul Metellus. The. .xxix. Chapter.

¶ How Jugurth renewed the warre agaynst Metellus, and how the Numidians inhabiters of the towne of Vacca by treason murdred the garnison of the Romayns whych Metellus had set in the same towne. The .•l. Chapter.

¶ How Metellus destroyed the towne of Vacca, & slew al the inhabytants in reuengyng theyr treason: and how Turpilius leuetenant or captayn of the towne was beheaded at commaundement of Metellus. The .xli. Chapter.

¶ Howe Bomylchar conspyred treason agaynste Iugurth, and by what meanes thys treason was discouered, and Bomylchar wyth certayn other put to death for the same. The .xlii. Chapyter.

¶ How Metellus renewed the warte agaynst Iugurth, and how Marius was creat consull and assygned to execute the warre of Numidy at the pleasure of the comens against the wyll of all the noble men of Rome. The .xliii. Chapter.

¶Of the seconde batayle foughten bytwene Metellus and Iugurth, and how Iugurth lost the batayl & also one of his chief townes named Thala. The .xliiii. Chapter.

¶The descripcion of that place of Affryke whyche is named the Phele• •utres, and for what cause the same place was fyrste so named. The .xlvi. Chapter.

¶How Iugurth assembled a new army of the rude Getulians agaynst the Romayns, and how he associated to hym Bocchus kynge of the Mauriens to strength hym in batayle agaynst Metellus. The .xlvii. Chapter.

¶How Metellus vsed hym selfe heryng that these two kynges were confederate agaynste hym, and howe after he was certified that the prouince of Numidy was assigned to Marius the new consull: he ceassed the warre for the nonce. The .xlviii. Chapter.

¶ Of the great ordinance and preparacion whych Marius the newe consull made agaynst Iugurth, and for the warre of Numidy. The .xlix. Chapter.

¶The oracion or exhortacion of the consull Marius had to the commen people of Rome before hys voyage into Numydye, whiche exhortacion is demonstratyue contaynyng the laude and praise of Marius, and dispraise and blame of the noble men of Rome. The .l. Chapter.

¶Howe Marius after hys exho•tacion ended, anone laded shyppes wyth ordynaunce of warre, and sende forwarde wyth the same one Manlyus hys embassadoure: and howe he hym selfe anone after folowed wyth all hys companye. And howe he behaued hym selfe in Numydy at the fyrste begynnynge. The .li. Chapter.

¶Howe Metellus the olde consull retourned to Roome, and of the worthy and valyaunte behaueour of Maryu• agaynste Iugurth, and of hys greate actes at his begynnyng. The .lii. Chapter.

¶How Marius wan the greate and ryche Citye named Capsa. and howe he vtterly destroyed the same and gaue all the ryches thereof to hauock• 〈◊〉 his souldiours. The .liii. Chapter.

¶How Marius by fortune more then by strengthe wonne the strongest• castle of all Numidy, wherin were the treasoures of Iugurth. The .liiii. Chapter.

¶How in the meane tyme while this castle was in wynnyng, a noble man of Rome named Lucius Sylla came from Rome to Marius with a gret bende of horsemen, and of the maners and behaueour of thys Sylla. The .lv. Chapter.

¶How Marius preuayled in batayl againste the .ii. kinges, Jugurth and Bocchus. The .lvi. Chapter.

¶Of the great prouision and wisedome of Marius after hys victory, and of the second batayle which he had against the two kynges, in whiche also he had great victory with laude & honour. The .lvii. Chapter.

¶Howe Bocchus after that he was thus twyse ouercome in batayle purposed to make peace with the Romayns, and howe at hys request Marius sende vnto hym Sylla and Manlius to knowe his mynd in that behalfe. The .lviii. Chapter.

¶Of the wordes of Sylla treasourer of the Romayne armye had before kynge Bocchus. The .lix. Chapter.

¶Of the answere of Bocchus made to Sylla, and of the vnstablenes of mynde of the same Bocchus. The .lx. Chapter.

¶How Bocchus chaunged his purpose yet once againe, & send newe embassadours to Marius to treate of peace, & how Sylla receyued them and treated them in absence of Marius. The .lxi. Chapter.

¶ Howe Marius harde the embassadours of Bocchus and sende them to Rome, and how they were answered of the Senatours The .lxii. Chapter.

¶Howe Marius sent Sylla agayne to Bocchus at hys desyre, and what daunger the same Sylla escaped by help of Volu• son of kyng Bocchus. The .lxiii. Chapter.

¶ Of the metyng and secrete apoyntmentes betwene Bocchus & Sylla, and howe betwene them they bothe abused Asper the imbassadour of Iugurth. The .lxiiii. Chapyter.

¶Of the second comming together of Bocchus & Sylla, & the wordes of Bocchus hed to Sylla, & replicacion & answere of Sylla agayne to hym. And how Bocchus graunted & concluded to betraye Iugurth to the Romaynes. The .lxv. Chapter.

¶Howe Bocchus betrayed Iugurth and deliuered hym bound to Sylla. The .lxvi. Chapter.

¶How Marius was receiued into Rome with tryumphe, & how Iugurth was caste into pryson where he contynued in myserable captiuitie tyl he dyed. The .lxvii. Chapter

§

§

§

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The Conspiracie of Catiline, written by Constancius, Felicius, Durantinus, and translated bi Thomas Paynell: with the historye of Iugurth, writen by the famous Romaine Salust, and translated into Englyshe by Alexander Barcklaye.

(⸫)

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¶ To the most mightie, moste excellente, our moste gracious soueraigne lorde Henry the eight, the very Kynge of England, Ireland, and of Fraunce, the true defender of christes faithe, and in earthe supreme heade immediately vnder Christe of the churche of England, his moste humble seruaunte and chaplaine Thomas Paynell desireth moste hyghe honoure and perfecte felicitie.

WHen I consider how we are bounde by the lawe of god, to be faithful and obedient vnto our gouernour, which is so many waies careful for oure welthes, surelye I thynke that all that we can do, to ayde and helpe hym, bothe with bodye, counsayle, goodes and prayer, is but our dutie: than most gracious soueraigne lorde, what manne is he? naye what monstrous beaste, that wolde once thynke to rebell againste, or wylfully dysobey your regall power, lawes, ordinaunces, and expresse commaundementes? yet notwithstandinge, wee haue seene some in oure dayes, so slyppe from god, that they attempted greate thynges agaynste your hyghe maiestye, which by his iuste iudgemente and wyll, receiued condigne punyshemente. The whiche examples withoute farther authoritie and knoweledge, eyther of holye scripture, or other prophane histories (as me semeth) shoulde abaundauntlye suffice, to teache men to bee euer obediente vnto theire lyege lorde: for it is a thynge of all other mooste euidente and clere, that god wyll not suffer so vnkynde caytiues, so desperate wretches, [Page] anye thinge to preuaile againste his ymage in earthe, a kynge. Where shall we rede in all histories, that rauenous rebelles coulde obteyne againste the soueraigne gouernours? Surelye if euer any possible myghte, Lucius Catiline the Romaine shoulde haue done, for he was in a common weale that hadde manie rulers, of whome some the chiefeste fauored his faccion, he hadde on his syde, that conspired wyth hym, the nobleste of the Senatours: he hadde an armye readie at his hande abroade, in the citye suche aidours confederate with hym, that in maner, no wisedome, power or policye coulde represse: he was therewithall so wyttie, soo wylye, soo subtile, soo full of crafte and deceite, soo diligente and watchefull, soo bolde and hardie, soo experte and polytike in warre, that he seemed inuincible: yet by the wysedome, prudence, and diligence of a fewe good and vertuous menne, that then ruled the common weale, hee and all his confederates weere ouerthrowen and cleane subdued, as it shall appeare to the readers of thys Catilynes conspiracie, whyche I haue translated oute of latine into Englyshe specially for this intente, that al that be vnlerned maye se, if God among the gentiles, wold not suffer riottous rebelles to ouerrunne rulers & distroye cōmon weales: howe moche lesse then wyll he suffer them to preuayle ageynste a chrysten prynce, his veray image in erthe? Therfore let al mē lerne by this exaumple of Catiline what the ende of them is, that rise against theyr rulers and euermore hatefully abhorre to here speke of this cursed monster, this deadelye poyson in a common [Page] weale, Rebellion: but wyth all wytte, industrie, power, cunnynge, ryches, wyshe for, laboure for, loue, fauour, and maynteyne Obedience: whereof I wolde write moche more, ne were it, that I speke to your highnesse, which hath gyuen vnto vs so manyfolde occasyons to be moost feythfullye beloued, and moste entierlye obeyed. For whose magnificente mayestie, we are mooste derelye bounde, dayly on oure knees to praye god to preserue, ouer vs to reyne as many yeres as Nestor lyued. Amen.

The table.

THE wytte, maners, deedes, and affections of Catiline cap. i.

fol. primo.

The fyrste conspiracie of L. Catiline and P. Antronius. cap. ii.

fol. ii.

Of the other conspyracy farre greater and more greuouse. cap. iii.

fol. iii.

The condicions, the dedes and maners of them that were felowes of the conspyracye, whyche were in the cytye, ca. iiii.

fol. iiii.

The oration of L Catiline to hys felowes of the conspiracye. cap. v,

fol. vii

The confederacye concluded and knytte vp wyth mannes blond, cap, vi.

fol. x

Of seuen that desyred the consulshyp, amonge whome Cicero preuayled. cap. vii,

fo. eodem

Power that had ben geuen to the Decemuiri by the lawe Agraria, if Cicero had not resysted, ca, viii,

fol. xii

Cicero commeth by knowledge of the conspyracy, ca, ix,

fol. xiiii.

Cicero gaue ouer the busynes of Fraunce to C, Antonius, and reconciled the chiualry of Rome to the fauoure of the Senatours cap, x.

fol, eodem

Catylynes endeuoure and dylygence, in augmentynge the conspyracy cap, xi.

fol. xv

Howe Cicero opened the conspyracy before the Senatours, ca, xii,

fo. xvi

The decree of the Senate, that the common weale shoulde take none harme, cap, xiii,

fol, xviii

Howe Manlyus and other Catylynes companyons prepared warre abrode, cap, xiiii,

fol, xix.

The oration of Manlyus ambassadours to Q, Martius, ca, xv,

fol. xx

The furye and fyercenes of Catilyne, cap, xvi,

fol. xxii

Cicero and Catylyne in the Senate, cap, xvii.

fo, xxiii

The oration of M. T. Cicero agaynste L. Sergyus Catilyne, cap. xviii

fol. xxiiii

Catilynes answere to Cicero in the Senate, cap, xix,

fol, xxxiii

Catilyne in great wrathe departeth out of the court, exhorteth his companyons to stycke to their enterpryse, he voydeth the cytye prepareth warre. cap, xx

fol. xl

Catilyne sente diuers letters into the citye againste Cicero, in whyche he feyned hym selfe to be exiled, cap. xxi

fol xli

Many in the citye blamed the softenes of Cicero, that he sufferrd theyre ennemye to go his waye, cap. xxii.

fol. xlii

Catilyne and Manlyus are proclaymed ennemyes, vnto whom fled very many hopelostes cap. xxiii

fol xliii.

Ambassadoures are sente frome the Senate into diuers prouynces of Italy, to wythstande the rebellyon. cap. xxiiii,

fol. xliiii

[Page]The preparation of the rebelles in the citye, and theyre councelles wyth ambassadours of Delphinois, cap, xxv.

fol. xlv.

Ciceros watcheful dilygence, and hys monicions to the Frenche ambassadours, whyche vttered secretes of the conspiracy. ca. xxvi.

fo. eodē

The vayne braggynge of Lentulus, and cruell councell of the conspyratours in the citye. cap, xxvii.

fol. xlvii

The nyght appoynted to crueltye, the fury and wrathe of Cethegus, the deceyte of Lentulus, cap. xxviii.

fol. xlvi.

L. Vulturtius wyth letters of Lentulus to Catylyne, and the Frenche ambassadours be taken in theyr iourney, cap, xxix.

fol. xlix

The conspyratours are by Cicero brought into the Senate, and wytnesses agaynste them, and accusers are examyned. cap. xxx.

fol, eodem

The thankes and moste ample preyses geuen of the Senate to Cicero for detection of the conspiracy, cap, xxxi.

fol. li

The sentence of the Senate concernyng the conspirators, cap, xxxii

fo. eodem.

Why in ciuile warre tryumph after vyctory is to none graunted, cap, xxxiii

fol. lii

L. Tarquinius caused M. Crassus to be suspecte of the conspiracye, cap. xxxiiii.

fol. lii

The oration defensiue made for M. Crassus by hys fryndes, cap. xxxv

fol. eodem

The decree of the Senate for M. Crassus, the suspicion agaynste Cicero and his purgation, cap, xxxvi.

fol. lv

Of Lentulus and hys felowes sedicious seruauntes bonde and free, and a wonderfull token shewed to Cicero, cap, xxxvii.

fol. lvi

The sentence of D. Sylianus and other noble men geuen againste the conspiratours cap, xxxviii.

fol, eodem

The oration of C. Caser, wherein he contendeth that the conspyratours shoulde not be put to deathe, but kepte contynuallye in pryson, cap. xxxix,

fol. lvii

The oration and sentence of Caeser, pleased verye muche euen the fryndes of Cicero, cap. xl,

fol, lix

The oration of the consull agaynste the conspyratours, ca, xii,

fol, lx

The oration of M. Cato taken out of Saluste, cap xlii,

fol. lxviii

The contention of C. Caeser, and Cato in the Senate, and of the loue letters sente to Caeser, cap, xiiii,

fol, lxx

L. Vectius accuseth C. Caesar as culpable of the conspiracie, Caeser clereth and reuengeth hym selfe, cap, xliiii.

fol, lxxi

The execucion done on Lentulus and his felowes. cap. xlv

fo. lxxii

After the conspiratours were deade, the people wyth greate glorye broughte Cicero home to hys house, cap, xlvi.

fol. eodem

Ciceros othe in the ende of hys consulshyp, cap, xlvii.

fol. lxxiii

The contencion betwene Cicero, and Q. Metellus Nepos, cap, xlviii.

fol. eodem

[Page]M. Catos requeste to Metellus, cap. xlix,

fol. lxxiiii.

The contencion of Cato and Metellus, ca. l.

fol. eodem.

Q. Metellus and C. Ceasar are remoued from their offices. cap. li.

fol, lxxv.

Ceasar wyth commendacion is restored to hys office. cap. lii

fol. lxxvi

Catilynes armye, his labours and hys iourney towarde Fraunce. cap. liii.

fol eodem.

Catiline inclosed betwene two armyes, determined to fyghte. cap. liiii.

fol lxxvii.

The oration of Catiline to his souldydurs, in whyche he exhorteth them to fyght manfullye, cap. lv.

fol. lxxviii

Howe Catiline ordered hys battailes, cap, lvi.

fol. lxxix

The oracion of M. Petteius to his souldiours cap, lvii.

fol. lxxx

Howe valyaunt a capitaine Catiline was, cap, lix.

fol. lxxxiii

The warre that C. Promptinius made wyth the Delphinoyes cap, lx

fol, lxxxv

The other conspiratours condempned at Rome, cap, lxi

fo, eodē,

FINIS TABVLE.

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¶ The wyt, maners, dedes, and affections of Catiline.

Cap. primo.

LVCIVS Sergius Catiline, a noble man borne, hadde manye vertues, dusked and defaced with exceadynge greate vices. He was ingenious and bolde, hee hadde a good memorie, and was well lerned. To doo anye greate enterprise, hys counsayle was not to seeke, and to goo thoroughe therewythall, he wanted neyther tongue nor hande. He was an experte man of warre: he coulde suffer and endure labour, watche, colde, thryste, and honger, far beyonde that any man wolde beleue. But at these his qualities men most merueiled: hee coulde wynne and obteyne the loue and friendshyp of euery man, and with seruiseable lowlines kepe and mainteyne the same: all that he hadde was at his friendes commaundement, and he denied to no man desiringe any thyng that he coulde geue. But excedynge greate vices surmounted these vertues: hys audacitie was incredible, hys vnshamefastnes very singuler, hys vnconstancie wonderfull, fierce of mynde, dishonest, disceytefull, and lecherous: ne there was neuer man more vnfaythful or more cruell then he. Ne there was neuer man in this worlde, I thynke, that had his desires and inclinacions so contrarie, so diuers, and so repugnante to nature. In rapinge and catchinge he was auaricious, in rewardynge prodigall: he kepte company wyth manye lewde and dishonest persons: and yet feyned him selfe to esteme none but men moste vertuous and honorable. He hyghly hated all good men: and was most famyliar with men most noble. With men of sadnes he lyued [Page] soberly, with pleasaunt felowes merilye, with olde men saddely, with youth youthely, with misdoers boldly, with lecherous lecherously. This man from his child hade led his lyfe in all vnlefull lewdenes: many thynges after his luste and pleasure, and many thinges crucily, he dyd to the citizens of Rome and their alies: and many deedes of sacrilege and wickednes he committed bothe againste the goddes and men. For he takynge Syllas parte, slewe with his owne hande Q. Cecilius, M. Volumnius, and L. Tantasius, moste noble cityzens of Rome: bycause they were of the contrary parte. Also after that he had with beatynges all to haled and torne throughe the citie of Rome M. Marius Grandianus (the whiche was of the common people singularly beloued, and which had ben twise Pretor, and to whom for honour the people had erected images in eueri strete of Rome) he strake of the heade frome his shulders, the people lookinge vpon hym: and he with his owne handes bare the head not yet fullye deade, frome the lyttell towne, not farre frome Rome, called Ianiculum, vnto Sylla to the temple of Appollo. There be also, whyche saye that Catiline defyled hym selfe wyth slaughter of his owne brother: and afterwarde dredyng therfore to be punyshed, he besoughte Sylla that his brother that he had kylde, myght be intituled amonge the nombre of them that were condemned. He slewe also Catullus, his systers husbande, a ryght worshypfull knight of Rome. Catiline was had in suspicion of incest, committed with hys owne syster. Farthermore beyng Pretor in Affrica, he so vexed and afflicted the countrey, that the ambassadoures of Affrike (hee yet gouernynge the Prouince) made a greuous complaynte vpon hym in the Senate [Page] house, and sharpe sentences were of the fathers gyuen agaynste hym in the senate house: for some Senatours wolde he shoulde haue ben delyuered to the Ambassadours, And as sone as he was returned from Affryca, the yonge man Pub. Clodius accused hym or extorcion and brybery. Cicero in Toga cādida, and Lucretius in the orations that he worte agaynste Catiline, obiected agaynste hym, that he had maryed his owne doughter, the whiche he begate on a gentell woman, whose company he haunted very moche: And it was reported for so certayne, that he had committed fornicacyon with Fabia, Ciceros wyfes sister, and a nonne, that beinge accused therof, vnneth he escaped through fauour of Catulus. Finally Catiline caught with the loue of Aurely Orestilla, that had (as the fame wente) a faire and a beautifull face, slewe his owne wife. After that he desired Aurelia to his wyfe, but she not fearing his house that runne of bloude of his fyrste wife, but that she was adredde of his sonne in lawe a yonge man, therfore she sayde she durste, not marye with hym. But Catiline to the ende he mighte haue Aurelia, heaped myschyefe vppon mischyefe: for when he hadde poysoned hys sonne in lawe, he maried Aurelia. Nor Catiline defiled hym selfe noo more with the filthy loue of women, then he did of boyes. Thus Catiline beinge spotted with so manye wicked cursed, and shamefull dedes burned alwaye with an incredyble desyre to oppresse the common welthe. For he coueted honours, the imperial roumes, prouynces, triumphes, and thynges out of his reache: the whiche he had no hope to obteyne, so longe as the common weale was in quiete: but beinge troubled, he beleued veryly to haue them. Lastely trustynge in hys [Page] great route of vnthriftes and hopelostes, he toke counsayle to enuade the common weale.

¶But for bycause L. Catiline conspired twise ageynst the common weale, ones when Lepidus and Vulcatius weere consuls, and ageyne when Cicero was consul it is requisite, before we come to the thynges that were done in the time of Ciceros consulshyp, somwhat to recite of the former Conspiracy.

¶The fyrste Conspiracie of L. Catiline and P. Antronius. Cap. ii

WHAN P. Antronius and P. Sylla were chosen to be consuls: (L. Tullus, M. Lepidus beinge consuls) they were accused of ambition, and spoyled of honour and fame: Antronius (as he was a man, which in prosperitie was accustomed to dispise al men, and in aduersitie to striue ageynste those that were good men) wold neyther gyue place to tyme, nor yet to Fortune her selfe, but thought in his mynde by force to recouer the consulship, which he had forgone by iustice. Wherefore he disclosed his intente to L. Catiline, and L. Vargunteius, and Gn. Piso, an vnthriftye, riottous, and hasty yonge man, and very desyrous to disturbe the common weale. The whiche supposynge they coulde not easely brynge this thinge to passe, withoute the helpe of some greate man, they got to associate and helpe them L. Licinius Crassus, a man that florished in great fauour, rychesse, and honoure. Hym they made theyr chiefe capitayne in this matter? bycause he was not frendely but ennemye to Gn. Pompei, and sore agreued that he grewe so gret in the common weale. These men conspired aboute the [Page] vij. daye of December, and purposed with a great nombre of bondmen and sworde players, gathered together the fyrste daye Ianuarye folowinge, to slee L. Cotta, and L. Torquatus the consuls, and to besiege the Palaice: and after they had murdered many of the Senatoures, Crassus shoulde inuade the dictatourshyppe: Catiline and Antronius, catchynge vp the ornamentes of consulshyp with the sergiantes, shulde descende into the felde: and the common weale ordered after theyr diuise, Piso withe an armye shoulde be sente to conquere bothe Spaynes. But Crassus, when the daye of thys murther was come, repentinge hym selfe, wolde not be there. Wherfore the other conspiratoures were so discoraged, by reason of his absence, that they coulde not performe theyr enterprise. Some report otherwise, and they writen, that these noble men were not slaine, by reson that Catiline gaue token to the rebels, before they were redy. C. Caesar, and P. Sylla, moste noble citezens were named to be in this conspiracie. And farther theye saye, it was so appoynted, Caesar shoulde haue ben maister of the horsemen. But Caesars vertue, noblenesse, and magnyficente mynde defendethe hym not to be in this conspiracie: And the moste noble oratour, Q. Hortentus defendethe Sylla. Of this conspiracye Cicero speaketh in his eplstoll, which he sent to Pompei, of his dedes, and of chastite of the common weale wrytynge, that two yeres befoore, there was an incredyble foroure, and broughte to lyghte in hys consulshyppe, But hytherto we haue spoken of the fyrste conspiracye.

[Page]

¶Of the other conspirary far greatter and more greuous. Cap. iii.

AL thoughe the fyrste conspyracye came shamefullye to passe, yet Catiline chaunged not his purpose, nor woulde desyste frome his wicked and cursed perswasyon to oppresse the common weale: But was more feruente and desyrous by reason that he supposed, some mishap letted, that the first conspiracy went not luckely forwarde: and againe bycause there were many citizens of Rome, whiche to lyue in lust and lykynge, were so farre endetted, that they coulde not come, oute withoute sellynge of theyr landes. But they loued so moche theyre possessions, that rather then they shulde be spoyled of them, Catiline wiste verye wel thei wolde venter to do what soeuer he desired them. Also the hope that he had, to obtayne the consulshep, kendeled moche his courage, and, namely, bycause he hoped to haue to be hys felowe in office C. Antonius his speciall frende. Farthermore his decaye in substaunce, and his beastely, cruel, and importunate nature stered hym, which desired neyther rest nor yet warre: except it were amonge them selfe. There was also a greatter cause whiche stablyshed Catiline (a man of his owne corage bent to disturbe the common weale) in hys hardynes & desyre: For after that L. Sylla had by conquest taken on hym to rule the common weale, puttinge out the old inhabitaunce of Fesules, appoynted his men of warre (to whome he had gyuen ryght greate prayes) to dwel there. These men of nedy persons beinge sodeynly enryched with other mennes goodes, beganne, to buylde [Page] righte sumptous and statelye manour places and houses, and to make costly feastes and great expences. And whyle they thus lyued after the maner and arraye of kynges, the greate abundaunce of goodes, that they by spillynge of bloude and slaughter of citizens had heaped together, were sone wasted and spente. For yll goten goodes are soone broughte to naughte.Ill gotten goodes. And after warde in that nedynes, the ryottous and sumptouse facion, that they vsed in abundaunde remaynyng styl, it is incredible to speake, howe greately they fel in det. And for this cause all theyr hole desire was to haue sedicion, discorde, and warre amonge them selfes. And to the great settynge forwarde of theyr matter, Gn. Pyso a stoute stomaked and valyant yonge man, of whome we spake before, was in the hither Spayne wyth an armye. But he was endued and brought vp in condicion lyke Catiline, couetous a foo to reste and quietnes, ennemy to good men, a waster of his owne goodes, and a catcher of other mennes, a standarde bearer of sedicion and sterer to stryfe of chapemem. Fartherfore P. Siccinius Nucerius ruled then the prouynce of Maurytayne, whiche was a man beyonde al measure desirous of a newe alteracion in the common weale: those were Catilines greattest frendes. For lykenes of nature and maners hath great strength in knittyng fast frindshyp.Likenes of maners With these two Catiline had oft afore tyme a counsayl as concerninge to moue warre, and hoped now at thys tyme, that the conspyracye should be ryght greatly forthered by theyr ayde and power, Into this deuellysshe desyre he was drawen with a certayne vehemency and fury bycause he sawe al thinges went as Gn. Pompei, and a fewe other wolde haue it. For whyle L. Tullus, [Page] and M. Lepidus were consuls, it was longe debated in the Senate house, who shulde be chosen capitaine ageynste the kynge Mithridates: Catiline laboured all that he coulde with frendshippe, fauour, and ambition, to be capitayne of that warre: but all the Senatoures styfely withstode hym, and appoynted Gn. Pompey, to be in that hyghe roume, namely by the meanes of Cicero, then beinge Pretor. Fierce Catiline touched wythe this rebuke, beinge ennemie to good men, and sore displeased with the Senatoures, determyned hym selfe to disturbe the common weale. Callynge also to mynde, how many citizens he had slaine, the manyfolde cursed and wicked fornications, & aduoutryes, and the infinite vengeable dedes, that he had commytted and doone ageynste his countrey, the goddes and men, and thought euery houre eyther to be put in pryson or to be banished For the misdoers fere always to be punished.Feare foloweth misdoers. And this semed to Catiline to make highly for his purpose, that there was none armye in Italye, and that euery place was ful of desperate, vnthrifty, and naughty persones. Wherfore Catiline surely trusted by so manye and soo great oportunities, easely to oppresse the comon weale, got vnto hym very many frendes and alies of al sortes of men.

The condicions. the dedes, and maners of them that were felowes of the conspyracy, whiche were in the city. Cap. iiii.

THERE WAS neither at Rome, nor yet in no corner of Italy, any poysoner, sword plaier, thefe, murderer, parentes sleer, forger of false testamentes, horemonger, riottoure, or aduouterer, but that he was somewhat familiarlye acqueynted [Page] with Catiline. And who so euer at Rome had prodigally spent awaye his landes, and ryottouisy consumed his goodes, suche were Catilines moste nere and dereste frendes. And loke whom he knewe folehardye, him moste gladlye wolde he reteyne into his frendeship. For he saide they that muste be called to be assocyate in a ciuyll warre, shulde in no wise be feareful and coward caytyues. Farthermore he intyced to hym manye noble yonge men, to some promysynge bodilye luste and pleasure, to some the deathe of theyr parentes, some he wan with money, some with fauoure, some withe bodelye labour, ye with the helpe of a myscheuous dede, if nede required: and as he sawe in them diuers inclinacions, so withe diuers reasons he allured them to be his frendes. Also he enterteyned certayne men of greate power and honestye by dissimulacion and cloked vertue. For (as we sayde) he was adourned with many noble qualities, the whiche I woulde to god he had turned and applyed to a better intent and purpose.

¶Thus whan Catiline had got together a huge multitude of ryottous hopelostes, and vnthriftye caytyues about the fyrste daye of Iune, L. Iulius Cesar, and C. Marius Fygulus beynge consuls, fyrste he beganne to proue euery mans courage aparte secretely, & to declare what great aduauncementes they shulde haue by reason of the conspiracie, to some that were couetous he sayde, theyr tyme was come to haue inoughe: to some desirous thereof he behighte roume and auctorite: some he put in remembraunce of greate spoyle, pillage, and robberye. And so after he perceiued they were redye and prompt to the matter, all the moste noble, and moste valiante and hardye enterprisers, and them, with whom he was most [Page] familiar and nerest alied, he assembled together into the house of M. Lecca. This house Catiline chose oute for hym, bycause it stode farre from the frequence and resorte of people: for he demed an oute corner or a solytary place moste conueniente for hys purpose. So thither resorted to this assembly of the most noble linage of the Cornelians, P. Lentulus Sura, a manne lykelye to be consull, and was nephewe to that moste noble and worthy Lentulus, which beinge armed, pursued Gracchus into the hyll Auentine. This Lentulus in feruente desyre of roume and auctorite was egall to Catiline: but touchynge the greate diligence, wit, and polyce vsed in warre, he was nothynge comparable to hym. Ne the lesse he was a man of goodlye personne, and righte eloquente in wordes, and beinge induced by diuinacion, he beleued, that his name was predestinate to destroye the common weale. For he sayde, that by the bokes of Sybill, and answeres of the southesayers, there shoulde be three of that name Cornelius, that shulde be souerayne gouernours: and that he him selfe was the thyrde Cornelius, to whome the empire and kingdome of the Romaynes ought of necessitie to come. For he sayde, that Sinna and Sylla had bene before him.

¶Miserable and wretched ar those men that put truste in suche southsaiers, to whome the punishement of Lentulus ought to be a good example, on how many rough rockes and perils they make men to runne

¶In this lentulus noughte remayned of the noble bloude of his ancestoures, ne nothing of theyr glorious and famous dedes: but all thynges contrary to theym, for in stede of theyre honestie, temperaunce, manlinesse, and prudence, he was indewed with fylthynesse, lechery [Page] sluggishe slouthe and foolehardynesse. But yet he was twyse Senatour, and twise accused in iudgemente, and escaped.

¶Also thither came C. Cethegus, this man passed Catiline in lewde enterprises, and foolehardynesse, but in feates of warre, nobilitie, and strength of body, he was in maner egall to hym. For he beinge but a souldioure in the warres, dyd many greate and notable dedes, full oft his ennemy in armes he ouerthrewe: he was a right good horseman, and a perfect man of armes. And there was no businesse so weyghty, nor none so harde and difficile, but that it semed to him lighte and easy: So grete so large, and so immoderate was his hart and courage. This man had afore time fore wounded the moste noble and worthye man Q. Metelius Pius. And had an other tyme, as it was saide, conspired agaynst the common weale

¶Also of this band was P. Cimber Gabinius, a great man of birthe: but hee was dishoneste, cruell, a poller, proude, deceitfull, vnshamefaste, and gyuen to bodelye luste.

¶Also of this confideraci were L, Crassus Longinus and P. Antronius, bothe noble men, bothe eloquente, boothe hadde in great honour and estimacion, and both were consuls at diuers times: those two were lyke in carnall luste, in cruelnes, in shamefastenes, and their audacitie double: of the whiche the tone by force and violence thruste men out of theyr possessions, slewe and murthered, and robbed churches and chapels, the tother commytted many abuoutries and fornications. It were to longe for me to diseriue euery mannes lyfe and maners, namely sythe I haste me to declare the thyngs [Page] that are more necessary to be spoken.

¶ Soo there assembled together in this house, beside those that are afore rehersed, L. Vargunteius a Senatour, P. Seruius Silla, Q. Curius, Q. Annius, P. & M. Lecca, L. Calphurmus Bestia, M. Fuluius Nobilior, P. Satilius, P. Furius, Manlius Chilo, and P. Tongillus: And more ouer straungers borne and inhabitantes of townes that were vnder the dominion of the Romaines, suche as were chiefest and of moste estimacion, they made of counsaile with them.

¶ Also there were some, that woulde not come at thys assemble, but they were priuelye parteners to this myscheuous dede, and secretly dyd ayde and helpe Catiline. Amonge the whiche some saide, that M. Crassus, and C. Cesar, had knowledge of this conspiracie, and were bothe helpers and furtherers of the same. They sayde, that Crassus was driuen thereto by reason that he was sore greued in his mynde to se G. Pompei hys ennemye to be of al men (for the noble dedes and conquestes that he had done, both by lande and sea) demed and estemed as chiefe and soueraigne of the citye: and for that cause Crassus trusted, if the conspiratours dydde vanquishe and ouercome, that he hym selfe myghte easelye bee the prince and soueraigne of all the worlde. They sayde Cesar was driuen therto, by reason that through his great and large liberalitie, he owed aboue, DCCC.xxx. talentes. Some saye that all these thynges were feyned and blowen abrode by their enemies: and shoulde in no wyse be beleued, that so noble men shoulde confederate them selues with Lentulus Catiline, and Cethegus, desperate caitiues. What certeine knowledge I haue of eyther of them, I wyl after in place conuenient declare. [Page] But when these men that I haue rehersed were there assembled together, Catiline tooke them a parte, and thus he sayde.

¶The oracion of L Catiline to hys felowes of the conspiracie. Cap. v.

YOVRE incredible faythefulnes, and the great fortitude and manhode that I haue alwaye perceiued in you, dothe encourage my herte, yea and putteth me in greate hope, not onelye to recouer libertie, but also to enlarge and augmente our olde dignitie. For whan I loke and well beholde eche of you, I se no man in this companye, that hath not done some noble and worthye acte: ne no man, but that he derely tēdereth my welth, ne no man but either he hath done me pleasure, or els I him, ne no man but that I am bounde to remembre for euer more his goodnes toward me. And therfore now I haue no feare to disclose and open vnto you, what I purpose and intende: nor I haue no drede nor mistruste, but that eche of you wil endeuour hym to the vttermoste of your power, to accomplysshe and bringe to effecte, that that I shall shewe you. For the olde lawe of iuste and trewe amitie, that of a longe time hath ben betwene vs, is, that frendes shulde alwaye wyll one thynge: nor there is no bonde of frendshyppe more certayne and sure, then the consent and societie of counsayll and wyll. And therfore in this cause most specially your wyls and myne ought to be one, for soo moche as ye shall well perceiue, that those thinges, that my harte so sore desyreth to bringe to passe, are egally good and euyll, bothe for you and me. Oftentimes by my selfe thinking on the miseries, that [Page] we many yeres haue benne wrapped in, and (as me semeth, shall be styll, onlesse your moste prudente wysedomes woll prouide remedy: I am wonte to call to remembraunce, what a wretched life we shal leade in time to come, without we set our selfe at libertie. For I nede not to reherse to you, your selfe beare it well inoughe in in remembraunce, howe many and dyuers hurtes and griefes we haue endured sithe the moste common wele through the crueltie of certayne vngratious persones, was permitted and let slippe to be vnder the rule, order, and power of a fewe, and suche as began to take more, vpon them, then all the rest besyde. For I, lettinge passe to reherse the mishappe and chaunce that ech of vs hath had, you maye with one regarde beholde all vs that be here: noble, stronge, and valiante men, whiche often tymes for the common weale haue not eschewed perylles moste greate and greuous) and hauynge neyther lande nor rent, lefte as wretches, nedy, sorowfull, and out castes, haue as moche as we can do, to defende our liues, fame, citie and goodes, But they, whiche violate, vexe, and trouble all together, bothe the lawe of god and mā, not onely walowinge in riches and welthe, pleasantlye passe awaye theyr tyme where they luste: but also euery thynge beinge done at theyr commaundement and wyl, seke wayes and meanes to attrappe and destroye the moste noble and valiant men of our citie: and they them selfe are in doubte of nothinge: finallye theye haue and exercise a regall power. I haue no word more greuous when I name this royal power: but surely theyr power is greatter than a kinges. What kingdome was there euer, that had mo kynges at one tyme, what kinge was there euer so mightie and soo stronge, the whiche had a [Page] power to constitute and make kynges? But these men haue full power to rule all prouinces, and depriue free nacions of theyr landes, and to geue and dispose other mennes royalmes and kyngedomes. To these men all the whole world, kynges, princes, and straunge nacions haue ben alwaies tributours. And so they haue all the power, fauoure, ryches, worshyp, and honoure. To the satisfiynge of the whole couetousenes, surelye it semeth all the whole worlde is to lyttell and ouer straite. But nowe, if they wolde seeke only to haue the power, riches and honoure, they shulde be to vs greuous, but yet they mought be suffered and borne. But what is he that can endure and suffer, that they hauynge abundance of cattell, golde, syluer, iuorie, ryche araye, costlye howsholde stuffe, and other thynges, shulde daylye lye in awaite to catche vs in some snare, that are nedy and want al these thynges, and that are with their boastynges and bragges, greuouslye wronged: ye and beside that, to goo aboute styl to depriue vs of this oure sorowfull and most wretched lyfe? We are sore thretened, and are in perpetuall peryll and dreede of them, oure iudgementes and puttynge from all roumes and offices are prepared. Whyche thynges howe longe wyll you most valiaunte and noble men, pacientlye beare and suffer? Were it not better for a man a thousande tymes to dye, then to lyue in that citye where he is an abiecte, contemned, and despised of all other, desperate and forsaken, tremblynge and quakynge, mistrustinge his owne affaires, not so hardye to speke, without lybertie, without auctorite, and wythout any shappe of free man? Yea and to be subiecte to those, the whiche if wee had a common weale, wolde be in feare and dreede of vs. Wherfore moste hardy and [Page] valiant men, let vs at laste shake of our stuggishenesse, and let vs take suche hart and courage as besemeth noble Romaynes borne. Our forefathers coulde not suffre the proude kynge Tarquimus: and canne we suffer not one kynge, but many moste cruell tyrantes? Surely I will neuer leaue you, I wyll monishe you, I wyll teache and instructe you, I wyll alwaye declare to you, what I thynke beste to be done: there shall no tyme escape me neyther night nor daye, but that I woll minde and imagine, what soo euer concerninge oure libertye, ought to be thought on, that thynge, that oughte to be entreprised and done, wyll not I make courtsye to doo, but shall desyre and praye you to haue the doinge therof, fynally I wyll do that that becometh a worthy Romayne to do: that is, for our libertie I wyll put my life in ieoperdy: But I protest before god and man, that the victorie is in our handes, if we wyll playe the men. We haue here at hande Syllas souldiours, withe all theyr fauour, strengthe, and one assente, redye to ayde vs: by whose sodeyne commynge, we shall shortelye haue a stronge and sure hoste of men, With like diligence, fauour and loue to recouer libertie, the moste bolde and valiante men, Gn. Piso, and P. Siccinius Nucerius, haue conspired with vs: of the whiche the tone is in the hither Spayne with a great armye, the tother is capytayne and ruleth Mauritaine. Those two shal we haue as felowes in counsaylynge, and moste trusty and sure helpers in our nedes and busynesse. But other menne, good lorde what routes, and withe what fauoure, and hardy courage they agree with vs to recouer liberte? I let passe here to speake of the noble citizens, the whiche hauinge neither lande nor rent left, and being wrapped [Page] in great wretchednesse and nede, can vnneth suffer and endure, that this so noble and mighty a citie shoulde be subiecte to the wyll and power of a fewe persons. For who is the moste noble and valiante men, the whose ryches, worshyp, honour, prouynces, roumes, offyces, and hyghe auctorities, are not dere and pleasante? Whereto shulde I reherse to you the good wylles of poore men, whiche vnfortunate felowes, beinge oppressed with excedynge greate dette, and trouble with infinite wronges, can not be safe and sure by none other meane than by ciuile warre, But what nedethe me to remembre to you these men, the whiche very nede, the whiche priuate iniuries, the whiche feare of iugementes, and the which necessitie compellethe vnto warre? I swere to you my faythe, there is no citizen, without this dominacion of the mighty men, the whiche wold not with al his harte resiste and withstande these cruell tyrantes. There are but ouer many redy to recouer liberti, the market place is ful of those men, al the townes of Italye are ful, all Italie is reysed vp, men of al states and condicion, and finally men of euery age agree and consent all on this one thynge. And it doth not a litle helpe forwarde, that the riches of these men is spited amonge stronge nations theyr, might hated, the consuls power, withe whiche (at the next election) I truste you shal se me adourned. Do you than doubte, I beinge your consul and capitaine, the souldioures myndes styrred and kendeled herto and all Italy conspiring with vs to recouer agayne your libertie? For goddes sake moste strong and valiant men, let not slyppe, but take sure holde on this occasion offered vnto you, and at last cal to your remembraunce, that you be Romaine princes. We haue suche [Page] a time, as neuer man hadde before vs. And if you lette this scape, you shall neuer haue suche an other tyme agayne. I am longe in exhortinge you: There is nothynge elles that, I will monishe you: for there is no man so foolyshe, but that he perceiueth, that we can be none other way in saftie. Wherfore necessitie, perill, the large rewardes that shal aryse by thys warre, shoulde moche more stere and prouoke you therto, then mine ooracion. You shal haue me to bee your capitaine or elles your companion, or rather bothe twayne: Neyther my mynde nor body shal euer fayle you. And although my mynde and corage hath euer ben prompte and redy: yet the time hathe fayled vs: but alwaye as soone as oportunite appered, I was my selfe the chiefe and principal that wold haue recouered agayne your libertie. Soo that I beinge consull and prince and you the auctoures and capitaines (the goddes beinge, helpers) surelye in shorte tyme we shall be free, and out of al bondage: excepte we had rather be in thraldome, then lyke men by feate of armes and dente of sw [...]rde, to trye the matter.

¶Whan he had saide, euery man moste highlye lauded Catiline, they gaue him greate thankes, and approued his counsaile. And vnto manye of them, that asked him what the condition of this warre shulde be and what rewardes and winninges shulde ensue and folow of this conspiracye. Catiline fyrste promysed them, the deathe of great riche men, newe proscriptions, prouinces, offyces, and honoures, Than he discriued vnto them al the hole maner of this warre. And lastly he exhorted them that they shuld moste fauourably sticke to him in the request of the consulshyp. And after they hadde embraced and taken eche other by the hande, he let them departe,

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¶ The confederacie concluded and knytte vp with man [...]s bloude. Cap. vi.

I WYL NOT in thys place omytte, that Linius and Saluste haue lefte in writing. After Catiline had ended his oration, and had with all kynde of assurances and othes knytte vnto him felowes of his furie, to go forthe with theyre wicked and vengeable enterpryse, he powred wyne and mannes bloude together in a cuppe, and firste he beganne: and after gaue it to hys felowes to drinke. Some other wryters haue added hereunto, that this confideracie was not onelye concluded wythe mannes bloude, but also it was stablyshed and con [...]yrmed withe the fastinge of the flesshe of a certayne man, that Catiline had slayne. And they say, he dyd it for this consideracion, that throughe suche a cruell deede they shulde be the more faythfull one to an other. Some other consideringe the great cruelnesse of the dede, thinke it is but a feyned matter, and incredible. But I am not onlye sone perswaded, to thynke that it was so done, but also I deme hym not to haue doone that, to the entente that they shulde be the more faythful among them selfe But I beleue, he dyd it, to reache the conspiratoures by example, the maner and vse of wilde beastes, of whiche there are none more cruel and mortal then they (as men saye) whiche haue ones tasted mannes fleshe. So likewise, whan they had ones take a taste of mannes bloud, there shuld be no enterprise so fierse and fel, nor no dede so cruel, that they ought to feare and abhorre to do. And to beleue this thinge, that I lerned of a certayne greate auctour induceth me: how Catiline was borne in hand [Page] by southesayers, that a certaine Egle or standarde of Siluer, that C. Maryus had in the warres agaynste the Cimbrians, was predestinate to be the destruction and ruine of the common weale: to the whiche, as we rede, he erected aulters, and ordeyned and oratorye at home in his house, and was wonte to worshyppe it is a godly thynge, whan he wente in hande with any enterprise. O crueltie that neuer was harde of before those dayes, that there shulde be than some founde, the which vnder the shappe of men, were in harte fierce and cruell wilde beastes.

¶Of .vii. that desired the consulshyppe, among [...] whome Cicero preuayled. Cap. vii.

IN THE MEANE whyle, when they wente to electe newe consuls, there came foorthe .vij. that desyred to bee consulles, of the whiche, twoe were descended of noble linage, L. Catiline, and P. Galba: Foure were meaner personnes, of the whiche, two were moore noble. C. Antonius, the sonne of the moste wittye and eloquent Oratour M. Antonius, L. Cassus Longinus, that was amonge them at the foresayde vngratious assemblye: Q, Cornificius C. Licinius sacerdos: and oone of theym a knyghtes sonne borne, M. Tullius Cicero, the whiche in noble birthes was inferioure to the other, but in wytte, counsayle, eloquence, and stoutenesse of stomacke, he far passed them all. When this man through the great fouour, good wyll, and loue of the people, had bene Tresourer, Gardian of the temples, and Mayre, as his age serued him, thoughe he were a newe gentylman, yet hauynge [Page] truge in his vertuous demeanoure, beganne to require the consulshyp. For before that tyme the nobilitie kepte that dignitie with strength and wisedome to them selfe. Nor there was no newe gentleman consull of a longe season before. But of these .vij. Cassius, Galba, Cornificius, and Licinius were slower in requiring the consulshyp then they made for. But Catiline hauing great hope to be consull, ranne frome tribe to tribe, and called vpon and went in hande with all those that vsed at eleccion of the hyghe officers to deale money, and gyue rewardes on the behalfe of the noble men, and he despised M. Tully Cicero, and denyed that a straunger myghte striue with hym before an egall iudge: he tooke Antonius as his felowe in office, and not as one that stroue with hym to be consull. For they two were agreed together to shyfte Cicero beside the consulshyp, throughe the assured helpe of M. Crassus and C. Ceaser. Ambicion was extremely in vre in those dayes. For Catiline and Antonius dyd all that they coulde wyth exceadinge greate gyftes and rewardes, too come to the consulshyppe. Wherefore throughe the perswasion that Cicero made there vpon in the senate house, the Senatoures decreed that a newe lawe shulde be made againste ambicion, and the penalte thereof augmented. And because Q. Mutius Oressinus the profectour of the commontie wolde haue letted this decree to go forthe, to the sore and greuouse displeasure of the Senatoures: Cicero rose vp and ryghte sharpelye rebuked Q. Mutius: and vehementlye inuehed againste L. Catiline and C. Antonius, with manye and fauorable murmuracions of the hole senate therunto. And in that same oracion, spekynge vnto Catiline (the whiche a fewe dayes before, [Page] was by preuaricacion and falsehod quite of pelye theft) he prophecied and saide: O thou wretche, that doste not perceiue that thou were not clerely quite and deliuered by that iudgemente, but reserued to suffer a sharper and more greuous punyshment. And at the very same tyme of eleccion, a rumoure was spredde abrode amonge the commons, that certaine citizens were confederate and agreed together, to oppresse the common weale, and to murther and slee the Senatours. The ground and begynner of this rumoure was Q. Curius, felowe and partener of all theire counsaylynges, the whiche kepte paramoure one Fuluia, not onely a ryghte noble but also a notable woman. This man beynge hollye geuen to bodelye pleasure, ydlenes, and vanities, to the intent he myghte throughe hope of the conspiracie allure her the better to loue and fauoure hym, he tolde to her all the counsayles of the conspiratoures. Nowe as the nature of women is, the whych can neyther kepe in secrete thinges, nor hyde priuities, and rather wyll a womanne quenche flame in a burnynge mouthe, than keepe counsayle. So this Fuluia tolde vnto manye and diuers, all that euer she herde of Curius, withoute namynge anye of the conspiratoures. This thynge holpe and greatlye furthered Cicero to bee consull. For all that desyred to saue and defend the common weale from that myschief, incontinent went and stacke to Cicero as to a man that naturally was inclined to reste and peace, and that had the knoweledge of warfare, and experience in all other kynde of businesse. Thus than when it came to the election Cicero was chosen consul with suche sauour and affection of all the people, as fewe of the nobilitie had ben, but neuer no newe gentlemanne before him. Antonius [Page] had a fewe mo Centurians than Catiline. And all be it that he had an yll name, for in Sillas victorye he behaued him selfe cruellye, and spoyled and pilled the countrey of Achaia, and beinge accused therof, refused to come and make answere, and was greatlye indetted to diuers men, and finallye for his dishonestie was by the senatours remoued and put out of the Senate: yet partly bycause the other desirers of the consulshyp waxed slacke, as I saide before, and partelye for the noble remembraunce and worthye renowne of his father, he was better fauoured and had clerely moo handes then Catiline Also the plaies and enterludes furthered gretly Antonius towarde the opteynyng of the consulship, the whiche he, fyrste of al the Romaynes, made moste magnificently and richely on syluer stages: whome. L Murena ensued, the whiche the nexte yeare folowinge caused the playes to be made before the peple with most gay and gorgiouse apparayle, and also with syluer stages. Those playes maruaylously delyted the people. And althoughe Cicero, that moste excellent lerned man was far distant from the opinion of the common people (whiche also made thre playes in the time of his edileship) yet he sayde, that he alsoo had a siluer stage, that required to haue the consulshyp. But the furye of Catyline althoughe his peticion tooke no place dimynished not, but dayly made greate preparation he assayed and solicited manye thinges, he appointed armoure in dyuers partes of Italye that were oportune for his purpose. He sente C. Manlius a braynsycke bolde man of his band into Hetruria, to styrre vp Sillas soludiours and to prepare [...] armye, and he commanded hym to be redy in armes [...] daye of Nouembre. And sayde, [Page] that for as moche as fortune dyd ofte greately helpe in chosinge of the consuls, he wolde yet ones againe the next yeare desire and make labour to be consull: and in the meane tyme to laye awayt to attrappe, Cicero, & to prepare to murther and sle the noble men of Rome. And within a fewe monthes after L. Lucullus, that most noble man, & that to speake in his cause was moste prompt and redye, accused hym amonge the murtherers, but through the helpe of manye noble men, and by the sentence and iudgement of a greate nombre, he was quite This is he the noble and myghtye man Lucullus, that warred agaynste the moste puissante kinge Mithridates: from the whiche warre he returninge home as conqueroure, throughe detraction of his ennemies was let from his triumphe by the space of thre yeres, but by the worthy ayde and diligence of Cicero in hys consulshyp, he syttynge in a chare mooste noble and ryche, was tryumphantly conueyed into the Capytoll. And he was afterwarde mooste speciall ayde and helpe to Cicero, to quenche this ferefull firebrande of conspiracye. But after that Cicero had the firste daye of Ienuary taken on hym the rule and goueraaunce of the common weale, (the which through suspicion of the lawe Agraria, was full of trouble and feare) he delyuered the Senatoures and all other good honest men from drede.

¶ Power that had ben gyuen of the Decemuiri by the law Agraria. if Cicero had not resisted. Cap. viii.

THERE were certaine of the Protectours of the commontie, whiche indeuoured theim to haue the lawe Agraria; of [...]reatinge the Decemuiri with imperiall auctoritie,The [...]ower of Decemuiri. to be publyshed: [Page] to whome by that lawe it was permitted, to goo throughe the hole worlde with mooste hyghe and souerayne auctoritie, to depriue fre nacions of their landes, to take kyngedomes frome whome they wolde, and to make and call kinges whome they pleased, to knowe and to hear the causes of al maner of peple, to taxe men wythout counsaile, to punyshe men withoute any appellacion, and it was permitted to theym for the space of fyue yeres, to iudge the consuls and protectoures of the comontie, and no man myght iudge them. They myght remayne at Rome when they wolde, and mought be absent when it was to them commodious. Also it was laufull for them to deuide and sel all the fieldes that weere common in the countrey of Campana, Stellata, Bithinia, and the common fieldes that were in Paphlagonia in Ponto, Capadocia, in Macedonia, in Alexandria, in Affrica, and in Hispania. Further they myghte sende men to inhabite certeine places, or renewe the olde inhabitours: and infinite power was geuen to them to make money innumerable. And truely they had the name of Decemuiri, but in verye dede they shulde haue constituted tenne Lordes ouer all the hole worlde. The Senatoures were of these lawes sore in drede, and the people had therby great hope of large liberalitie and rewards, and of newe businesses for their profite. These perturbacions and troubles of the citie, weere very meete and oportune for Catiline, and shulde moste speciallye haue holpen forwarde the conspiracie, that gan to growe apace, if the moste prudente pollicie of the consull had not prouided remedie for the matter. For Cicero calling the protectours of the commontie to parliamente before the Senatours, with suche greuous and sharpe wordes rebuked [Page] them, that Rullus a man full of audacitie and wordes, was sore afrayde, and durste not ones speake. After all, this Cicero perceyuinge that they craked and bosted them selfe vehemently amonge the people, and that the people moste highly lauded and praysed them, he made an oration of suche grauitie that although the people had greatlye allowed the soresayde lawe, yet in so turned mennes myndes, and playnelye declared the sayde lawe to be contrarye to the profyte of the commontie, that nothynge was so plausyble to the people as perswasion agaynste the lawe Agraria, Then the peple forth with reproued the lawe, and forsoke, contemned, and dispised theym that wente aboute to haue the lawe estahlyshed. Thus the lawe Agraria that had bē alwayes so acceptable to the commons, and that had caused so many and so greate troubles and busynesses was all hole throughe the counsayle and eloquence of Cicero, repudiate and caste awaye, So pleasaunte and swete, of so greate strengthe, and so copius ware Ciceros wordes, that with tellynge his tale he coulde bring to passe what so euer he wolde.

¶Elas what a time be we in? For nowe a dayes onlye the schole maysters in a maner do giue and lerne vs the preceptes of Eloquence: and euery man for desire of luker and money, gothe in hande to studye the lawe. Whereof it folowethe, that all we be but as baabes, and can not declare and expresse, that we haue conceiued in our myndes. But nowe let vs retourne agayne to our purpose.

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¶Cicero commeth by knowlege of the conspiracie. Cap. ix.

THE lawe Agraria beinge reiected, the consull intended fullye to take peyne to redresse and amende manye thynges that were amisse in the common weale: And when he harde that manye troublous coū sayles agaynste the state and quiete of the comon weale were taken partely before and partely si [...]he he was chosed consul, he toke peyne bothe daye an [...] nighte, to the ende to knowe what felowes they were, that enterprysed and went about suche matters. Thus moste diligētly serchynge and inquiringe out the grounde of this rumour, he founde, that it came out fyrste by Fuliua and priuely he sente for her to come and speake with him, to thentente she shulde enforme hym what she knew of the conspiracye: he promysed her greate rewardes and also other whyle he thretned her: that without she dyd open and confesse to hym the trouthe by fayre meanes, he wolde constrayne her therto by torturs and peynes. After that Fuluya had tolde hym, that she herde it of Curius, incontinent he sent for Curius. And with moche fayre intreatinge, monisshinge, wythe manye fayre promyses, and ofte threteninge, be broughte to passe that D. Curius opened vnto hym all the fashion and order of the conspiracie. Then Cicero exhorted Curius to dissēble the matter as moch as he might, and so sente hym away in greate hope and trust to be wel rewarded But the consull perceyuynge that Catiline was chiefe and principall of the conspiracye, and dredynge lest Antonius his companyon in office, a troublous man, and moste familiar frend to Ca [...]iline, shuld to hym consent [Page] and withe hym conspyre (for he vnderstode nowe, that Catiline had attempted him therto, and that it was no thinge displesant to hym to heare speake of the conspiracie) he lefte not to accuse him, to stere hym to eschew infamy, and prouoked and exhorted hym to folow that course, wherin is gotte honoure and laude, and to agre and conforme hym selfe to them that were in dede good and honorable, and to holde on that waye, that he sawe his noble auncestoures had gone. At length with wisdome and lowely diligence he remoued him frome the counsayles of the conspyracy, and broughte hym to folow his minde.

¶Cicero gaue ouer his businesse of Fraunce to C. Antonius, and reconciled the chiualrye of Rome to the fauour of the Senatours. Cap. x.

THAN BY auctorytie of the Senatoures, the prouince of Fraunce was decreed too Cicero, the cause and matter of triumphes, with an armye and moneye appoynted and furnyshed at the ful. But he deemed it farre better for the common weale, if he coulde deliuer it frome the snares and deceytes at home, than if he shulde subdue that prouince to the publike weale, for the vertue is no greatter to enlarge the marches of the empire, than to defend them that were al redy won. Nor the prayses of warre are no greatter then the ciuil policies, for these consiste in counsayle and wisedome, the other stand in the handes of fortune. Wherfore the consull, assembled a greate multitude together, sayde

¶ Bycause the time and nede of the comman weale so [Page] required it, he wolde not take on hym the busynes of Fraunce. And leste that his companyon shoulde hyndre hym in defendynge the common weale, by hys wisedome brought about, that the busynes of Fraunce was appyonted to Antonius. For if Cicero had not at that time bi some honorable meanes remoued Antonius frō counsaylynge with Catiline, and from the citie, I shal saye as I thynke, of trouth the conspiracie had not ben quenched without great effusion of bloud. And bycause he saw, that Catiline laye dayly in awayte to attrappe hym: he went alwaye well and strongely accompanyed withe his frendes and vsed also and had aboute hym the safegarde of his lyfe a pyked sorte of lustye yonge men of Aretta. Furthermore he made agremēt betwene the knyghtes of Rome, and the Senatoures, with concorde beinge at al times moche necessarye, was in that troublous season of the common weale, moste nedeful and expedient. For before that tyme, the seperatinge of the chiualrie or gentylmen, from the senatours, caused manye yeres moste greuouse contencion and strife betwene them. For where as is diuision and part taking in a common weale, there muste nedes folowe not only sedicion, but also moste pestilent warres amonge them selues. Nor I maruaile not at all that Catiline wente aboute to trouble the common weale, seinge he was of nature inclyned, and withe soo manye occasions styrred and inflamed therto. This also made for hym, that euē the same tyme, theyr children that were banished came forthe and required the honorable roumes and offices: whiche if they had opteyned, it was thought of trouthe they wolde haue conspired with Catiline. And therfore the Consull, vppon his owne hatred, without promyse [Page] of rewarde, kepte them from election.

¶ When all this was done, the consull thoughte it yet no tyme to disclose and open the conspiracie before the Senatoures. Therefore hee not with the publike ayde and strengthe, but with his priuate diligence, defend [...]d and kepte hym selfe from Catilines wyses and snares: and dayly wythstode and fordyd his driftes, abated his boldenes and courage, and resisted his mischeuous purp [...]e, withoute publyke ruffelinge or steryng of the people. But the more prouision that the consull made, the more conspiracie grewe and increased.

¶Catilines endeuour and dilygence, in augmentyng the conspyracie. Cap. xi.

TRVELY there was no streete, no corner in all the cytie, but Catiline instanted, prouoked, tempted and stered. And to opteyne hys desyre, he suffered colde, thryste, hunger and trauayle. But speciallye hee entyced the youthe. Some of them he hym selfe loued: and to somes loue he was ryght seruiseable, for some he prepared and gotte harlottes, and for some horses: hee taughte some the feates of armes, some hee wanne wyth money, but many mo with his faire flatterynge wordes. And if he perceiued any of them to be a man of stoute and valiaunt courage: hym firste woulde he wynne by vertue: but afterwardes by diligence and costume, he wolde by littell and lyttell drawe hym headlonge into all vnleful luste. For the maners and condicions of menne proceede neyther of nature her selfe (as many falsely do suppose) nor yet of lynage, but are oftetymes planted in vs by those, wyth whome we lyue and [Page] be conuersant. Catiline (as sayde is) was maruaylous subtyle and crafty, to styre yonge men to luste and pleasure: wherwith not onelye that age, whiche is slipperye and vncertayne, but also graue men of auncientie, are attached, with this his varyable nature, he dayly augmented the nombre of the conspiratours.

¶And I am well assured, that Catiline at that tyme dyd not onely allure men to that myscheuouse dede, but also he made of counsayle with hym, certayne noble women which had liued wantonly, prodigallye, voluptously, and horishelye. For by thē he hoped, he moughte eyther get theyr husbands to take his parte, or elles to murther those that wolde not agree therto, Besydes al this, he dyd many thynges priuely: he had h [...]s assembes by nyghte and euer laide snares to attrap the cōsul.

¶Nor Catiline letted not for al these so greate busynsses to set his mynde and courage to require the consullshyp: but beinge glad and mery, accompanyed with a lusty hande of yonge men, made ofte tyme lowlye suite to the peple, and submyttynge hym selfe to the tribunes made many great promyses, he humblye beseched hee wyllyngty off [...]rynge hym selfe prayed his fathers frendes he sued and soughte to, he repayred ofte to the houses of some noble menne, by these craftes makynge hys waye to come to the consulshyp.

¶How Cicero opened the conspiracy before the Senatours Cap. xii.

THAN the consull consideringe theese two myschiefes, that hee coulde noo longer by his priuate diligence defende the common weale, and howe peryllous it were for the [Page] common weale of Catiline shulde be consull: determyned to enforme the Senatoures of the matter, to prorogue the election of officers, and to make Catiline hated for his conspiracie wherby he shulde be hyndered in his requeste of consulshyp. For rumours, yea thoughe they be false, and a feyned tale troubleth all to gether and changeth holye the opinion of the electoures. Thus when they were assembled in parliament, he instructed them, how Catiline and other, assocyate withe hym in that mischiefe and madde dede, were secretly agreed to oppresse the common weale, to slee the Senatours and murther the citizens. Than was it decreed, that on the morowe shulde be none election to thende they mought in parliament treate of these matters.

¶On the morowe, the consull opened in the parlyamente house manye thynges of the conspiracye: and demaunded Catiline, if he wolde oughte saye, touchinge those matters, that were layed to his charge. But Catiline, althoughe he were full of all fraude and lyinge, and whiche with greate diligence and craft augmented those vices, vnto whiche he was naturally inclined: yet beinge pricked withe his conscience, dyd not soo moche clere and purge, as he opened and shewed hym self fauty.Catiline openeth hymselfe to the Senate. For he saide than, The common weale had two bodies, one weake with a sycke feble head: the other strōge without a head. To this body, syth it had of hym wel deserued it, he woulde be heade as longe as he liued. The weake bodye with a sycke feble heade, he called the consent and agrement of good men together, the whych he wolde they shulde vnderstande, myght easely be broken and ouercome of the other sorte (leude and naught) syth he was theyr capitaine.

[Page]¶But the Senate at that tyme vsed great myldnes, or rather pacience, that wolde not, concerninge those matters decre any thynge againste Catiline: namelye sythe he a fewe daies before whan Cato (the perpetuall ennemie of dishonest and naughty persons) thretned hym to be punyshed, aunswered and saide: If there weere any fire prepared to burne his goodes, he wolde not quench it with water, but with ruine. But therefore they were not harde to hym, partely because they dradde nothyng, partely because they dradde, and partelye because some fauoured hym. Yet I harde say that this rumour spred abrode in the citye, dyd greatelye hynder Catiline in requeste of the consulshyppe, althoughe manye supposed it to be false.

¶ In the meane whyle, the tyme instantynge to choose the consuls, Catiline hauing prepared a greate companye (as it semed) determined if he weere not elected consull, to make a slaughter in the fielde, and to slee hys Competitors,Competitor is he that desireth lyke office. Seruius Sulpice Postumus, L. Murena, D. Syllanus, but namelye M. Tully the consull. But the consull, whan the daye of election was come, descended into the fielde, enuironed about wyth a great route of his friendes, and with a large and bryghte habergion, not whiche myght defende hym. (For Catiline vsed not to stryke at the sydes or bealye, but at the head and necke) but that al good men shuld take hede, & when they sawe the consul in drede and peryl (whyche chaunced afterwarde) to runne to succoure and helpe hym. Thus the consull beynge defended wyth strengthe and power of his frindes, wythstode the vengeable purpose of Catiline. But D. Syllanus, and L. Murena weere chosen consuls, the whyche Murena was after accused [Page] of ambiciō, by Seruice Sulpice. and M. Cato: Whom Cicero the consul defended, whose moste goodlye oracion, inti [...]uled Pro L. Murena, remayneth to this daye.

¶After Catiline perceyued he coulde not be consull to trouble and vexe the common weale,Catiline prepareth al thinges for warre. beynge a priuate person, determined to make warre. And so all the money that he coulde heape together, he caused to be caryed to Manlius beynge at Fesulas: and to hym he sente before axes, roddes, hornes, trumpettes, armoure, bannars, and stremars for warre, and also that same syluer Egle, to the worship wherof he at home in his house had made an oratorie. Moreouer he sente L. Septimius into the countrey Picenium, and C. Iulius into Apulia, an other into the countreye Camertes, an other into the dominion of Fraunce, to styrre vp those countreys: For into these partes as it were an infection, this myschiefe was entred. And he at home in Rome attemted manye thynges. At the laste the .xxvi. daye of October he determined with a stronge power violently to entre into the court,The court was t [...]e place where the Senatours late and after he had slaine the consul, and a great part of the Senatours, to go to Manlius wher his army laye. But M. Cicero watching night and day and knowyng these matters, about the .xix. day of October, called a great counsayle. He began with a proeme farre fetched, to declare the vengeable driftes & mischeuous imaginacions of Catiline, hee shewed them what strengthe and power he had prepared to slee the Senatours, and how he had sente C. Manlius into Hetruria to reyse an armye, and that he wolde be in harneys erre the .xxiiij. daye of October, and how he sente C. Iulius into Apulia, to styrre vp the shepeherdes. He sayde, hee feared not Manlius nor Iulius, but he was in drede of [Page] those whom he dayelye sawe brag vp & downe in places of moste assemblye, yea whom he sawe come into the Senate house amonge them: by whome the slaughter, burninges, & destructiō of the common weal, was prepared

¶More ouer he diligētly admonished the Senatoures to be ware of such perylles that were iminent, to prouide for the safegarde of theyr countrey, to defende and mainteine the common weale, For if they made not good prouision, it was not the publycacyon of the lawe Agraria, nor a common sedition, or suche a hurte as beinge some tyme harde spokenne of, is lamented but those felowes haue secretelye concluded, te burne this citye, to mourder and slee che citizens, and to ex [...]incte the Romaynes names, He sayde, there was no nation, no kynge, that was able to make warre to the Romaynes: there was not outwarde danger to be dredde: within the citye were the snares layde, within was the pestilence shutte within was the Troyan horse, of whiche so longe as he was consul, they shulde neuer be oppressed slepynge: he saide theyre ennemyes were not at the gates (whiche were a thynge moste greuous) but in the citie, in the markette place in the palays. After this he shewed howe thys great mischiefe myghte be remedyed. Finallye he admonished the conspiratoures to leaue theyr furyousnesse, to laye noo mo snares for his distruction, and noo more to mynde murders, burninges, robberyes: and to perswade them selfe that the consuls were righte vigilante about the common weale, and that there were many noble officers, manye valyent and worthy men, and suche as moste hartely loued the common weale, whiche wold more sharpely do theyr endeuour for the profyt publike, then they wolde for the d [...]struction therof: and that they [Page] shulde trust no more vpon the slaughterr of riche men, so longe as he was consull, For seinge th [...]t al consuls shulde be careful and diligent to defende the common weale yet oughte they moste specially which by the only fauour of the people of Rome and not for any noble actes images or commendacion of theyre auncetours were made consuls. He sayde, they dyd nothinge, that went aboute nothinge, nor imagined any thynge, that coulde be hyd from him, I knowe (ꝙ he) whom ye haue sent into Hetrurya to reyse warre, whom into Apulia, who in to the countreye of Pice, and who is sente into Fraunce. He sayde, they were farre wyde, if they supposed, that he wolde vse them alway gentelly. He sayd he had not tolde all, and how he had suffered moche. And that now it was nedefull to do sharpe punishemente: And that he mighte so do, he had examples of his predecessoures: whiche oftentymes vpon theyr owne mindes dyd put suche mischeuous and vngratious persons to deathe. He sayde more ouer, he marueyled greatelye, if they could not lyue honestly, why they wolde rather die shamefully. Fynally he sayde, that not onelye men, but also all the goddes wolde resiste and withstande suche and so great cruelty.

The decree of the Senate, that the common weale shulde take none harme. Cap. xiii.

AL be it that there were manye, that gaue no credence to the consulles wordes for the greatnesse of the cryme, and manye throughe foolyshenesse coude not thynke it to be so, and manye of the leude and naughtye sorte fauoured the matter: yet the Senate [Page] perswaded by certayne noble and valiant menne, made a decree, that the consuls shoulde take hede, that the common weale toke none harme. This decree was not wonte to be made, but agaynste detestable lawes, whan the people was moued to departe and leaue the citie, whan the citie was in greate trouble and busynes or in feare of sedicion. And by that one verse or decree the greattest power of all Rome was gyuen to the consuls as to reyse an armye: to make warre, and to be the mooste hyghe iudges in all causes, as well at home as forth in warfare.

¶Whan the .xxvj. day of Octobre came, by reason that the consull had layed a garison of men a boute the Palaice Catiline coude not accomplishe his purpose. He quickelye bethoughte hym to doo an other feate. The towne preneste standynge not farre from Rome is by naturall situacion of the place verye stronge: the same, for many oportunities of the warre, Catiline purposed the fyrste daye of Nouembre, to take with assaut in the nighte. But the consull, forseinge that in his mynde, furnysshed that fortresse strongely with men of armes Wherfore Catiline enterprysed that feate in vaine. But afore that there chaunced a thynge (I thynke, euen by the goodnesse of god) the whiche some what troubled Catlines mynd. For G. Piso (of whom we spake before) in whome Catilyne had greatest confidence and hope of victorye: was slayne of certayne Spanyarde horse men or, as some other saye he was kild by Pompeys horse men. And hard it was to iudge whether his deathe was more ioyful and pleasaunt to good men, or heuy and sorowful to the conspiratours.

[Page]

¶How Manlius and other Catilins companyons prepare [...] warre abrode. Cap. xiiii.

IN THE meane whyle, Manlius wyth faire promisses reysed the commons in Hetruria, that were broughte lowe with the calamitie of Syllas tyme, and very desirous of a comotion. Farther he allured into this hope of robbery and spoyle theus, shepeherdes, and al sortes of men that he thuoghte mete for the warre, Of the multitude that gathered to him from Aretia and Fesules, he made a great army, which remembringe Syllas victory, and beinge accustomed to robbe and spoile desyred greatelye ciuil warre. They also, that Catiline had sente into dyuers places, imagined in my thinges For cloustringe to gether in companyes by night, they prepared weapons, they styred vp seruauntes and slaues, they prouoked vnthriftes to violente deedes, to slaughter and robery: places mete for theyre purpose they besieged with armed men, and dyd put men in greter feare than ieoperdy.

¶Whan those newes were harde at Rome, all the citie was troubled, ful of heuynesse, ful of feare. There was none euell, none aduersitie but good men feared it, and the leude and euil sorte loked for it. The thretnynge wordes of Catiline were borne and spoken of al aboute his lookes, his runninge vp and downe, his riottous route about hym, his cloustringe together of most leud and naughty persons, caused greate drede and sedition in the citye. The ciuile dessentions, that had ben in tymes paste, were freshe in euery mans syghte, the myserable behedinges, the spoyle and robbing of honest men [Page] the market place heaped full of deade bodyes, and ouer flowen with bloude, the memorie of those thynges made the citie sorowfull, and to lyue in great feare. The prodigies, and wonderfull tokens that felle, augmented the feare of the people. For it was reported, that M. Herennius, a free man of Rome made by Pompey, was in a fayre clere daye slayne withe thonder. In the nighte tymes flames of fyre and marueylous burninge of the ayre: there was harde noyse and clatteringe of harnyes thunder clappes, and horyble erthequakes, wyth manyeny other terryble and wonderful thinges. For the mone fayled in clerenesse, and the sonne shone moche brighter and hotter than he was wonte to do. Thus writerh Cycero in the seconde of his consulshyppe. More ouer he wryteth in the same boke that the apperinge of blasinge sterres, and dyuers terrible shapes sene bye nyghte, and the hedy motion of the plantes, and the vehemente runnynge together of the starres dyd pronostycate and sygnyfie thys conspyracye. But yet the southsayers answer troubled moste mennes myndes. For L. Cotta, and L. Torquatus beinge consuls, many toures of the Capytoll were smytenne downe wyth thunder, the images of the goddes immortall, and of the aunciente noble Romaines were ouerthrowen with lightninge, and also the image of Romulus with his nurse Lupa were striken from heauen, and the brasen tables of the lawe mostenne: the Southesayers aunswered, that all those thynges betokened burnynge, slaughters, robbinges spoylynges of temples, mooste bloudye warre amonge them selfes, and mooste bytter bondage and thraldome of the Romaynes. And soo they commaunded a ryghte greate image of Iupiter, to be made, and the same to be [Page] set on the toppe of a toure of the capitoll, Eastewarde, to loke toward the market place and the palace: which image being set vp they trusted, the Iupiter, lustringe and beholdinge all thynges, wolde discouer the counsailes & intentes of those vngratious hopelostes. Therfore euery man fearinge, and hastinge (as in peryll it is ofte wonte to be) they prayed to theyre goddes, and worshipped them, the matrones in deuoute wyse ranne to the aulters, they made vowes, they lamented, and bewayled theyr lyttel yonge children, what soeuer noise or rushe they hard, they fered it was Catiline & Manlius

¶Then it was Decreed, that who so euer wolde detect the conspiracye, that was made agaynste the common weale, if he were a bandman, hee shoulde haue his freedome, and an hundred sexters: if he were a free manne, beside perdone of punishement for the matters, he shuld haue two hundred thousand sexters. Also it was decreed by the senate, that al places shulde be fortified wythe men of armes, and that the inferiour officers to se that good watche and warde were kept throughe out al the citie, Furthermoore theye decreed, that Q. Martius shulde be sente to Fesulas, Q. Metellus Creticus into Apulia, the Pretours, Q. Pompeius to Capua, Q. Metellus Celer, into the cuntrey Picenum and Frāce And to these men it was permitted to reyse an armye, and to do all other thynges for the profyte and nede of the common weale.

¶ The oration of Manlius ambassadours of Q. Martius. Ca. xv

WHen Q. Martius was come in to Hetruria Manlius sente ambassadours to hym, whose wordes were in maner after this sorte.

[Page]¶We take both god and man to wytnesse, that we dyd not arme vs to make warre on our countrey, or to doo any man wronge or iniurye: but to kepe and defend our bodyes from the crueltie: of the pretors and vsurers. Whose nature is soo fierce and fell, that not with standyng they haue taken and spoyled vs of our goodly manours, landes, and possessions, and fynallye of all oure goodes, and raymente to our backes, and haue lefte vs nothynge, but calamitie and nedynesse: yet not beinge satisfied with these our myseryes. they wolde haue vs in continuall darkenesse, in perpetuall bandes. and closed in stronge prysons, to ende our liues. Theyr auarice whiche they can not satysfie with huge sommes of money, they couet to contente with miseries and bloude of vs citezens. And seinge we haue delyuered vp all that euer we hadde, saue our lyues, ne haue reserued to oure selues nothynge that was lefte vs for a monumente or remembrance of our ancestours, we humbly pray, that beinge spoyled of honour, fame, and goodes, it maye be lefull for vs to vse the benefyte of the lawe, whiche permytteth, that after a man hath loste his patrymony, his body shulde be fre out of durance, and that this benefite shuld not be takē from vs, we lowely beseche ye Senate and people of Roome, Our predecessoures (quod they) oftentymes contented and payed mennes dettes of the common treasure. Money of the common treasure hath ben manye a tyme dealed and distrybuted amonge the people. The commons verye often haue armed theym selfes and taken parte together agaynste the nobles for honours, ryches, and power. We wil no riches nor power haue, we desire not so moche as that, that is taken from vs. Let other take the honours, the ryches, the [Page] prouinces, the lordshyppes, the tryumphes. The vsurers, worthy Capitaine, do possesse oure manoures, our houses are open to them, and shutte agaynste vs: oure great housholdes and famylie are at their commaundement, we haue not one seruaunt: wee be bare and haue nothynge to helpe oure selfe wyth: and are contente to suffer and take pacience. What wyll they more? why do they pursue vs? why do they so sharpelye assayle vs? O good lorde, what beastlye crueltye is this? They wyll not suffer vs moste wretched caytiues to peryshe in our lamentable myseries, they wyll bereue vs of our lyues, the whiche we leade forthe in greateste turment and sorowe: and seynge they be of all other mooste cruell, me thynke it shulde be greatter pleasure for them to suffer vs to lyue thus wretchedly, than to slee vs. Wee beseche the noble capitaine that it maye bee lefull for vs to lyue in nedynesse, that it may be lefull for vs, seyng our goodes be gone, after the maner of our forefathers, to haue our bodies at lybertie, that the vsurers beynge contente wyth our goodes, shall not desyre our lyues and bloude to be spylte: that seynge they haue berefte vs of all that euer we had, that they also take not from vs this lyght, common to vs all. Whych thynge worthye capitaine, if we can not opteyne, wee haue determined, rather to dye wyth manye, then to peryshe alone.

¶Q. Marcius answered the ambassadours and sayde that they had done bothe folyshelye and proudelye, that they of their owne myndes, agaynste the lawes, and maners of their forefathers, had armed them selfes. It behoued them, if they wolde haue had any thynge, to haue asked it of the Senate, and not to haue runne to harneys: The Senate and the people of Rome haue alway [Page] ben founde mercifull, and that nowe also, if they wolde require any thynge, they shulde fyrste laye awaye theyr harneys: leste it shoulde seme, that they eyther by vyolence, or els for drede wolde opteyne theyr purpose. And so than in lowly and humble wise, to go vnto the Senate, and aske forgyuenesse for theyr offences: and that he doubted not, but they shulde optayne what soo euer they desyred of the senate. For the Senate hath alway vsed suche iustice and gentilnes, that they neuer denyed any man theyr helpe, that iustely desyred it. And that theyr parlyament house had alwaye ben for al nations, and namely for such as were in misery and wanted succour, a castel and refuge: The ambassadours: with that answere, returned ageyne to Manlius.

¶The fury and fiersenesse of Catiline. Cap. xvi.

AND all be it fierce Catiline sawe the cytie strongelye kepte and defended wythe good watche and warde, and the consull verye circumspecte and diligente to make prouision to withstande hym: yet he prepared and attempted his purpose, his cruell mynde was stil occupied thervppon, But he did nothinge, he pursued nothinge, he wente about or pretended nothynge, but M. Cicero knewe it, and dyd lette it: yet for al that he woulde not cesse to folowe hys wycked will and purpose. Such a greate fury, the companion of mischiefe and audacitie, had embraced his vnbridled minde and importune nature, that no dreede, no reason, no peryll, none aduersitie, nor all thinges that went ageinste hym, coude make him reuoke his vehemente desire. Therefore when he, this hopeloste, sawe [Page] that none of his attemptates went forward, he thought now to proue what he coulde do apertlye and by open warre: for those thynges, that he had attempted priuely, came foule and crokedlye to passe. He determyned to take his iourney to Manlyus and to augmente the army, before the Pretours had gathered theyr strengthe togther: and withe baners displayed to haste theym to the citye.

¶And soo in the deade tyme of the nighte he assembled together in the house of M. Lecca, all the chiefe of the conspiracy, to councel with them, how this warre shuld be maynteyned, This nighte of all times was mooste sharpe and bitter. Than all the partes and prouinces of Italie were distributed, than the daye that Catiline shulde take his iourneie to the armye, was appoynted, than they ordered, in what state all other shulde stande that remayned behynd, than they constituted a description throughe al the citie of slaughter and burninge. But those thynges were after this maner and fourme diuided amonge them: that Catiline shoulde take his iourney to the army. That Antonius shulde take and posses Tuscayne Marcus Ceparius Apulia, C. Marcellus Capua, and other shulde haue other places of Italie Lentulus shuld remayne in the citye Cassius and Statilius shulde set fyre on .xij, partes of the citie, Cetegus, and with hym Gabinius shoulde haue the procurement of the murther and slaughter that shulde bee done, The nighte that they intended to accomplisshe these thinges they ordeined also that whan Catiline with his armie shulde approche the citie. L. Beastia shuld make an oracion to stere the people to the enuye and hatred of Cicero, bycause he hadde worthfully prouoked [Page] Catiline to reyse warre, and by that token, the same nyght folowinge, euery man shulde go about hys busynesse. These thynges thus ordeyned and done, Catiline saide, one thynge letted hym moche, that Cicero lyued: and that his mynde and wil was, before he tooke his iourneye to the armye, to oppresse hym: for with his wytte and counsell he wolde be a greate lette and hynderaunce to them. Than C. Cornelius, and L. Vargunteius, knightes of Rome desyred that they might haue the doinge therof, and promysed that they wolde go erelye in the mornyng to salute hym, and so for good loue and amitie beinge let in, they wolde sle hym in his bed But the consull, hauynge knowledge of this thynge by Q. Curius, fortified and fenced his house with greate strengthe of men: and kepte his gates shutte agaynste theym that came to slee hym in the morninge. Some write that it was not L. Vargunteyus, but C. Cethegus with C. Cornelius, that vndertoke to slee the consull. But it appereth in Saluste and Cicero, that they erre in thys, as they do in many other thynges

¶Whan the conspiratoures had orneyned, instituted, and prepared those thynges, the consulles myndes was troubled with wante great and greuous thoughts whithe wolde not suffer hym to take rest neyther night nor daye. Fyrst he was verye careful how he myghte defende the common weale, whiche was at that tyme a great thing and right diffieile seinge he had to do with a man so valiante, so vehement, so cruel, so wylye and so watchfull aboute myschiefe. Secondly he was careful for the treason and snares, that were daylye so dyuysed and layde for hym, that it semed they coulde by no meanes be eschewed for the secrete and hid hatredsHydde hatered. [Page] are more peryllous, than the manifest and open. For he that is an open ennemye, in takinge good hede may easely be eschewed, but the cloked ennemyes often tymes oppressen before it can be perceyued what it is. Wherfore seinge that al the conspiratours desyred much to destroye the consul, and who they were, was verye harde to knowe, he must nedes mistruste some of his frendes. This also was an other cause whyche much moued the mynde of the righte worthy consull, that he coude with no diligence, with no defence, with noo meanes turne Catilines courage. Wherefore the consul beinge vered and troubled weth these so manie and so great difficulteis, and that at one selfe tyme determyned to dysclose the matter to the sanete, for so moche as those matters whiche he wolde declare and semed vnto some incredithe greate heynousenes of the mischiefe, in the ofte and manye thynges openynge to the Senate, his wordes shulde be the better beleued.

¶ Cicero and Catiline in the Senate. Cap. xvii.

SO THE nexte daye after that he was almooste slayne at home in his house, he assembled the Senatoures in the temple of Iupiter Stator: and dysclosed to theym all the matter: whether whan Catiline was come, whether it were to auoyde suspition, or eiles to clere hym selfe, no man saluted hym, And more ouer many of the Senatours, on that syde that he came, forsoke theyre seates, and lefte theym voyde and bare. Than M. Tullius thoughte it beste with an oration (wherin he waas excelent) to feare and abashe hym, and to commaunde hym to departe out of the cite: thinkynge this in his mynde, [Page] that if al the conspiratours with Catiline wolde departout of the citie, they might be easely subdued abrode: or if they taryed behynde, without Catiline, they shuld be but weake and feble. For Catiline alone in the city was dredefull. He serched out all thynges, he most diligently prouided all thynges: he knewe howe to preuente, to begyle, to deceyue, to dissemble, to attempte, to sollicyetate, to perswade, to mooue, to watche, to laboure, to trouble, for the while, and to wreste and bow hither and thyther. He appoynted euery one of the conspiratoures certayne busynes to do: but yet whan he had commaunded any thynge to be done, he thoughte it was not accomplysshed, excepte he him selfe ouersawe all thyngsges, he ranne aboute he made prouysyon. So that if the consul had not dryuen hym oute of the citye, surely the common weale had suffred great calamyty. Some may w [...]ll say: Wherfore than dyd not the consull apprehend and take hym? why dydde he not put hym to deathe? I answere. Bycause he thought it not profytable. For excepte it were a fewe good men, all wolde saye, that Cicero had not done nobly but cruellye: and also he well percyued, that by his deathe the conspiracy should be a lytel whyle repressed, but not extincted for euer: for beīg oppressed with enuy, he could not pursue the other conspiratours. Therfore for these causes, coueting to driue Catiliine out of the citye he rose vp, and with this most godly oration he inuehed ageinst L. Sergius Catiline

¶The oration of M.T. Cicero ageynste L. Sergius Catiline.

HOw longe wilt thou o Catiline, abuse our pacience? How longe shal this thy fury delude vs? To what ende shal the brag of thine vnbridled [Page] boldenesse come? Do not the nightelye defences of the Palaice, the watchynge of the citie, the feare of the people, the concourse and agrement of good men, this most stronge place of the Senate, the regarde and countenaunce of these men nothynge moue the? Dost thou not perceyue that thy counsayle is bewrayed? Dost thou not se, that thy conspiracye is openly knowen to all the Senatours? Dost thou thinke, that any of vs is ignorante what thou dydst the laste nyght, and the nighte before, where thou waste, whome thou dydst assemble together or what counsayle thou tokeste? Oh what a worlde is this? Oh what maners be these? The Senate doth vnderstande this thinge, the consull dothe se it, and yet he lyueth. Liueth he? Ye verylye, he commeth also into the parlyamente house, and is parte taker of the common counsayle. He dothe make, and with his eies dothe appoynte euery on of vs that shall be slayne. And we seme to playe the men for the common weale, if we eschewe the fury and violence of this man. Thou oughtest Catiline longe sence to haue ben put to deathe by the commaundement of the consull, Thys pestilence and myschiefe, whiche longe ago thou dydst imagin ageynst vs shulde haue be layde vpon thyne owne necke. If the noble man P. Scipio, the highe byshoppe, and a priuate man, slewe Tiberius Gracchus, meanelye troublynge the state of the common weale, shall we the Consulles suffre Catiline, whiche desyreth with fyre and slaughter to destroye the hole worlde? I ouerpasse the olde historyes, how Q. Tiberius Hala slewe with his own hand Sp. Aelius that wente aboute to alter the common weale. Suche vertue and power in olde time was in this common weale, that the worthy men wolde punish [Page] a pernicious and a naughty cytizen more sharply, than a cruell ennemie. We haue agaynste thee Catiline a vehement and greuous decre, wee lacke no counsaile, wee lacke none auctoritie of thys hyghe courte, concernynge the state of the common weale: But we the consuls, wee the consuls (I speake it openlye) be to slacke in this matter. In tyme paste the Senate decreed, that L. Opimius the consull shulde take hede that the common weale toke no damage: and the selfe same day the noble borne man C. Gracchus was slayne, for certeyne suspicions of a sedicion. And M. Fuluius, whiche had ben consull was slayne with hys children. And by suche another decree, the common weale was committed to C. Marius and L. Valerius the consuls. Dyd deathe and the punyshement of the common weale stay L. Saturnius the procectour of the commontie, and C. Seruilius one daye? But this is the .xx. daye that we haue suffered the sharpe auctoritie of these worthye Senatours to waxe dull and blunte. For we haue a lyke decree, but it is closed vp in tables, and as it were put vp in the shethe: by the whiche decree of the Senatours, thou Catiline shuldest forth with haue ben put to deathe. But thou arte a lyue, and doste lyue, not to cease and leaue of, but to confyrme and increase thy boldenes. My desyre chosen fathers is to bee courteise and mylde, but it is not my desyre in so great ieopardi of the common weale, to be sene dissolute or neglygente. Surely I do nowe condempne my selfe of folye and wickednes. There is an armye in Italy reysed vp agaynste the common weale, they haue pytched at Fesulas in Hetruria. The noumbre of our enemies dothe increase daylye more and more. But the chiefe of that armye, and capitaine of our ennemies, ye [Page] se here wythin the walles: yea in the senate, dayely imaginynge some greate myschiefe againste the common weale. If I (o Catilyne) shulde commande the to be taken and put to death, I nede not to doubte, but that all good men wolde saye, that I were rather to slowe than to cruel in thys deede. Neuerthelesse, it that oughte to haue ben doone longe sence, I am not yet (for certeyne skyll) determined to do. But I wolle then at length put the to death, whan there shall no man be found so leud, so farre past all hope, nor so lyke thee in condicions, the whyche wyll not plainlye affirme that I haue doone it ryghteouslye. As longe as there is anye man that dare defend the, thou shalt liue: and so thou shalt liue as thou lyuest now, beset about wyth my manifold and sure defences, that thou shalt not once moue or stir ageinste the cōmon weale. Also many eies & eares shal (as thei haue doone styll hitherto) warelye watche and harken what thou doest and sayeste, and thou not perceiuynge it. For what shuldest thou Catiline yet looke for? if neyther the obscuritie and darkenes of the nyghte can hyde thy detestable assembles, nor no priuate house with his wals keepe in the voice of thy conspiracie? If euerye thynge come to lyght, if euery thynge burste oute, change nowe thys thy mynde, geue credence to me, forgette the murther and burnynge, that thou intendeste. Wee vnderstande and knowe all thy secrete workynges and imaginacions. If thou haste forgot, I wol put thee in mind of them. Doest thou not remembre that I sayd in the senate the .xij. kalendes of Nouember, that by a certayne daye (whiche shulde bee the .ix. kalendes of Nouember) C. Manlius the manne of garde and chiefe dooer in thy bolde enterprise, wolde be in harneys? Was I deceiued [Page] Catiline, eyther in the thynge, whiche is so greate, soo cruell, and so incredible or elles in the daye? I sayd farthermore in the senate, that thou hadste determined to murder the noble men the .v. kalendas of Nouembre, euen than whan many of the chiefe rulers were fled frō Rome, not so moche for theyr owne sauegarde, as to represse and withstande thy detestable enterprise. Canste thou deny, but that (throughe my strength, prouision, and diligence) thou were so beset on all sydes, that thou coudeste not ones sturre or moue ageynst the common weale, whan thou saydst, thou waste yet well contente (though the other were fledde) with the slaughter of vs that taryed styll? what, hopedst not thou the fyrste daye of Nouembre, to haue taken Preneste by assaulte in the nighte? Dyddest not thou perceyue that the towne was strongely fortified, defended, and kepte by my commandement, by my garryson, warde and watches? Thou doste nothinge, thou purposeste nothinge thou imagenest nothynge whiche I not onelye here of, but also see it, and playnely pecceyue it. Aknowledge nowe with me that other nighte: and thou shalte vnderstande, that I am more vigilant sharpe and quicke for sauegarde and defence of the common weale, than thou arte to destroy it. I saye, thou camest the other nighte amonge the falcarios (I will be playne with the (Thou and many other,He calleth the cōspiratours falcarios, for as wyth s [...]hes they purposed wyth the sword and fyre to ouercome at the cytie, felowes of thy madnesse and mischiefe, assembled together the laste nighte in the house of M. Lecea. Darest thou deny thys? why spekest not? If thou woldeste denye it, I can proue it. For I se here in the Senate some of thē: that were there together with the. O good lorde where be we? what a common weale haue we? In what citie lyue we? There are here, euen here amonge [Page] vs, of our sorte most honorable fathers, in this moste graue and constant counsayle of al the worlde the whiche imagin to destroy vs, this citie yea and the whole worlde I the consul doo see them, and desire to knowe your myndes concerninge the common weal. For those which I ought to haue dispatched withe the sworde I haue not yet wounded with my worde. Than thou Catline, wast that nighte in Leccas house, there thou dydst distribute and diuide the prouinces and shyres of Italye, thou dydst appoynte whither euery man shulde goo: thou chosest out those that thou woldeste leaue at Rome, and those that shoulde go withe the: thou dydste lymitte what partes of the citie shuld be set on fyre: and that thou woldeste than departe out of the citie, Thou saydst, that there was nowe none other let of thy iourneye, but that I lyued. There weere two knightes of Rome stepte forth to ryd thee of this care whiche promysed the same nighte, that they a littell before daye, wolde slee me in my bedde. I was scarsely departed fro you, whan we sate in counsayle, but that I had knowlege of all these matters, I fortyfyed myne house more strongely than it was before, with men of armes and other prouision: whan the selfe same men came, whiche thou dydst sende to salute me in the morninge I shutte them out, of whose commynge at the same tyme, I enformed manye noble men before. Seinge thou Catiline that this that I haue sayde is true, gette the forwarde thyther: as thou haste appoynted: depart ones oute of the citie, the gates are open, trudge forthe. Thy souldiours that Manlius hath reysed desyre the, theyre capitaine, ouer longe taryenge from them. Take all thy felowes with the, or at the leaste wise the moste part of [Page] them. Make clene the citie of them, Thou shalte rydde me from greate drede so that the walle be betwene me and the. Thou canste nowe no lenger be conuersaunte with vs: I can not beare it, I can not endure it, I may not suffer it. We oughte highlie to thanke the gods immortall, and Iupiter Stator the moste auncient defender of this citie, that we haue so oft tymes escaped this so cruell, so horryble and so greuouse pestylence to the common weale. The good estate of the common weale shuld not so oft stande in daunger in (me) one man. As longe as thou Catiline dydst lye in awaye for me elected to be consull not wyth the publike aide of the citie, but with mine owne pryuate diligence I defended my selfe. But at the laste election of the consuls, whan thou woldeste haue slaine me the consull, and thy competytours in the field. I with the helpe and strength of my frendes, withstode thy detestable enterprise without any vprore or publyke rusfelynge amonge the people. And as often as thou wentest aboute to hurt me, I my selfe withstode the, not withstandinge that I saw, that my destruction wold redound to the great calamyty of the common weale. But now it is manyfeste that thou gost aboute to destroye the common weale, the temples the goddes immortall, the edifices of the citie, to slea al the good citizens and finally thou callest al Italy to vtter ruine and desolacion. Wherfore bycause I dare not do it that best as & most agreable with the discipline of our forefathers I wol do that yt is most easy touching seuerite & most profitable for the comon weale. For if I shuld cōmand the to be put to death: the other conspiratours, which is a stronge band, shuld remayne styl in a common weale. But if thou (wherunto I exhorted the [Page] while ere) woldest go thy waye, the great and stinking pompe of thy companyons, so hurtefull to the common weale, shulde be drawen out of the citie. What meaneste thou Catiline? Doubtest thou Catiline, to do that thing at my commaundement, whiche thou were willinge to do of thy selfe? The consull commaundeth the ennemye to departe oute of the citie. Doste thou aske me. What into exile? No, that is not my commaundemente: but if thou wolt do by my counsayl. I aduise the so. For what is it Catiline, that maie nowe delite the in this Citye? In the whiche there is no man, excepte the hopelosses of this conspiracy, but the feareth the, no man but he hatethe the. What blotte of domistical filthynes is there wherwith thy lyfe is not defiled? what priuate dishonestie or shame is there, wherwith thou art not defamed what luste of the eyes, what lewde acte of the handes what vngratious dede of al the body, hath escaped the? what yonge man is there, to whom, beinge snared with thy corrupte entiementes, thou haste not mynistred eyther weapons to do mischiefe, or an harlotte for bodely luste? And now of late, whan with deathe of thy fyrste wyfe, madeste thy house voyde for thy newe maryage: dydst thou not also with an incredible offence augment that mischeuous dede?Sleynge his fyrste wiues son. Whiche thynge I let passe, and am well contente it be not spoken of: to the ende that it shulde not be noted that so abominable a dede was eyther commytted within this citie, or els not punisshed, I ouer passe thyne vnlucky chance of pouertie, the whiche thou shalte well fele and perceyue at the nexte sessyon of parlyament.

¶I come nowe to those thynges, which do not apperteyne to the priuate shame of thy vices, not to thy scarsitie, [Page] nede, and filthynesse, but vnto the highe estate of the common weale, and vnto the lyues and welfare of vs all. Can the lighte of this lyfe Catiline, Can breathynge of ayre be pleasaunte vnto the? seinge thou arte certayne, that all these men do knowe, that the last day of December, Lepidus and Tullus beinge consulles,Than and there it was not leful to bere a weapon. thou stodest where the consuls be chosen withe a darte in thy hande, and a company of men prepared to slee the consuls, and chiefest rulers of the citye? and nother any wisedome, or the drede that thou haddest, but the good chance and fortune of the common weale withstode thy myscheuous purpose and fury. But I lette passe those thynges (for they be not vnknowen, nor it was not long after, ere they were done) Howe ofte woldest thou haue slayne me, elected consull? howe ofte beinge Consull? Howe many thine assautys, so pretended, that it semed they coulde not be auoyded, haue I eschewed with a little declynynge or bowynge of my body? Thou dost nothynge, thou preuayleste nothynge, thou goest about nothyng, but that I knowe it in tyme conuenyent: and yet thine endeuoure and wyll to mischiefe cesseth not. How ofte hathe this thy dagger ben wronge out of thy handes.Thy dagger .i. thine enterprise. Howe ofte hathe it fallen out of thy hande by some chaunce? Yet coudest thou not be longe without it. How thou haste halowed and vowed it I can not tell, thou thinkest it necessary to be sticked in the consuls bodye. But nowe what a lyfe leadest thou? For I will talke with the, as I semed not to be moued with hatred as I ought to be, but with mercy, wherof thou arte vnworthy. Thou camest while ere in to the Senate, whiche of this so great an assembly, of so many thy friends and kinsmen dydde salute the? If this thynge neuer chaunced [Page] to any man, as farre as men can remembre, doste thou loke for rebukefull wordes, beinge condempned with the moste greuous iudgemente of sylence. How is it, that at thy commynge those seates be lefte voyde? What meaneth it that all those that haue bene consuls, whiche thou haste ofte appoynted to be slayne, as sone as thou sateste downe by theym, forsoke that syde, and lefte the seates voyd and emptye? With what hert canst thou suffre it? Surely if my serauuntes shulde on suche wyse drede me as al thy good citizens feare the, I wold thynke it conuenient to forsake myne house. Dost thou not deme it good for the to voide the citye? And if I saw my selfe for iniurie so greuously suspected and hated of my citizens, I wold rather be out of theyr sight, than they all with theyr hateful eyes, shulde se me. And seinge thy conscience causeth the to aknowledge, that for thyne offences they all iustely beare the, the hatred, whiche nowe of a longe season hath ben to the due. Dooste thou doubte to eschewe the sighte and presence of them, whose myndes and senses thou dost vexe and trouble? If thy parentes shulde be afrayde of the, and thy frendes hate the nor by no meane thou coudest please them: as I thinke, thou woldest go some whither out of theyr sighte. Now thy countrey, (which is as a mother to vs al) hateth and dredeth the, and hath a longe season iudged the, to imagine nothinge elles but her destrucuyon: wylte thou neyther stande in drede of her auctority nor folowe her iugement, nor feare her power? Which reasoneth with the Catiline, spekinge as it were on thys wyse. There hath these many yeres none yll dede benne doone but by the, nor no haynous offence withoute the. Thou alone for sleinge of many citezens vexinge, and [Page] spoylynge of oure frindes and alies, hast escaped freely wythout punyshement. Thou not onlye dydst boldly neglecte and despyse lawes and iudgementes, but also ouerthrowe and breake them. Those thynges aforesayd, although they were not to be suffered, yet as I myghte, I haue borne them. But now it can not be suffered, that I shulde be all in dreede of the alone, nor that Catiline for euery cracke shoulde be feared, nor no counsayle taken agaynst me, that shoulde abhorre thy wycked dede. Wherfore get the hence and deliuer me from this feare. If it be true, that I be not opressed: if it be false, that at the laste I maye ceasse to be afraide.

¶If thy countreye (as I haue sayde) shoulde reason wyth thee those thynges, oughte shee not to opteyne, althoughe she weere not able by strengthe to doo it? what meante it that thou yeldest thy selfe to be in warde? To what intente saidest, that to auoide suspicion thou woldest dwel wyth M. Lepidus? And when he wold not receiue the, thou camste boldlye to me: and desiredst that thou myghteste bee kepte at home in myne house. And whan thou hadst of me also receyued this answere, that I coude in no wyse be in safegard with the in one house together, that am in greate peryll, because wee be bothe within one citye: thou camst to Q. Metellus the maire, and beyng reiected of hym, thou wentest to thy companion, that moste worthye man M. Marcellus, whome thou thoughteste wolde moste diligently kepe the, most sagely intreate for the: and moste boldelye gyue iudgemente for the. But howe farre out of pryson and bands shulde he seme to be, the whiche alredy iudgeth hymself worthy to be in warde? Then seynge it is soo Catiline, doutest thou (if thou canste not here remayne in quyete) [Page] to go into some other countreye, and commyt this thy lyte escaped from many iuste and due punyshmentes▪ to flyght and wyldernesse? Thou sayeste: Put it to the Senate. Doest thou desire me? And if it please the Senate to decree that thou be banyshed, sayeste thou that thou wylte obey? Nay, I wyll not referre it to them: for that is contrarye and ageinste my nature: but yet I wyll cause the to vnderstand, what they deme of the. Get the out of the cytie Catiline: deliuer the common weale frō feare: go into exile, if thou loke to hear this word spokē. What is the matter Catiline? Why dooeste thou tarye? what, doeste thou not marke the sylence of those? They suffer, they holde theyr peace. Why doeste thou looke for the auctoritie of them, speakynge, whan by keepinge of silence, thou knoweste their wyll and mynde? But if I shulde haue saide as muche to thys noble yonge manne P. Sextius, or to the moste myghtie man M. Marcellus: the senatours wolde (and that lawfully) haue laide violent handes vpon me the consull, yea beynge in thys temple. But as touching thee Catiline, whan they be in quiet, they approue, when the suffer, they decerne: whan they holde their peace, they crye aloude. Nor they onely whose autorite is so noble, or whose life most profitable, but also those ryght worshypfull knightes & honest gentlemen of Rome, yea and other most valiaunt cityzens, whiche enuiron and stand about the Senate, whose oft and great resorte hither, whose fauoure and affections, and whose woordes thou myghteste a lytle whyle erre haue seene, perceyued, and playnelye herde: whose handes and weapons I can scasely kepe from thee: the same can easelye enduce, that they shall folowe after thee euen to the gates, if thou wilt leaue those thynges, which [Page] a whyle a go thou dydest imagin to destroye. But what do I saye? that anye thynge can breake thee of thy purpose? that thou wylte euer correcte thy selfe? that thou wolt minde anie flyght? that thou wolte thinke on anye exile? Oh that the goddes immortall wolde sende thee this mynde. And thoughe I see howe greuous a tempest of hatered, if not at this presente tyme, by reason of the freshe remembrance of thy detestable dedes, in time to come thine exile induced by myne oracion, shall stirre vp ageinste me: yet I care lytle for it, soo that thys bee thy priuate calamitie, and the common weale cleane deliuered from peryll. But it is not to be required, that thou shuldest be remoued from thy vices, that thou shuldeste dreede the punishementes of the lawes, that thou shuldest applie thy selfe to the common weale according as the tyme requireth. For thou Catiline arte not the man, whom eyther shame can euer withdrawe from fylthy liuinge, or feare frome peryll, or reason frome furye & madnes. Wherfore (as I haue oft saide) get the away And if thou wylt cause me (as thou sayest) thyne ennemie to be hated, get the strayght waye into exile. I shall with great difficultie beare mens wordes, if thou wolte this do, I shall scasely be able to susteine the burthen of this euyl wyll, if thou at the consuls commaundemente wylte go into exile. But if thou haddest rather doo that that maye be for mine honour and praise: trudge hence with thy cruel company of euyl doers, get thee to Manlius, styre vp naughtye citizens, separate thy selfe frome the good, make warre vpon thy countrey, reioyce in wycked robrie, that men maye see that thou arte not by me driuen hence, to dwell amonge straungers: but called to come to thine owne men. And yet wherto shuld [Page] I bydde the go: seinge I knowe, thou haste sente for the certayne, whiche armed tary thy commynge at Forum Aurelium: seinge I knowe, what daye thou haste appoynted and promysed to be with Manlyus: and allsoo seinge that I knowe, thou hast sente thyther before that syluer Eigle, the whiche I truste shal be the destruction and deathe of the and all thyne, to the whiche thou madest an oratorie of thy detestable dedes at home in thine house. How canst thou longe be without that Eigle, to the whiche thou were wonte to do sacrifice, when thou dydste intende anye manslaugter: from whose altare thou haste oftentymes retired thy wicked hande to the sleinge of some citezen? At the laste thou wilte gette the thyther as thyne vnbrydled luste and fury hath longe a go violently drawen the, for this to do is no griefe too the, but an incredible pleasure. Vnto this madnes Nature h [...]th borne the, wil hath exercised the, and Fortune hath kepte the. Thou dydst neuer desyre quietnesse, nor yet warre, excepte it were detestable. Thou hast gotten to the a company of suche as are yll and dishonest, men drowned in naughtynesse, vtterly set on mischiefe, beggerly hopelostes. Here, what gladnes, can the gladde? what ioye can the reioyce? what pleasure can the please, whan in this wyse so great a nombre thou shalt neither here nor se one good man. To this sorte and fascion of lyfe, those thy laboures, that are commonlye spoken of, haue ben exercisid: To lye vpon the grounde, not onely to lay siege to some harlotte, but also to do some other mysdede. To watche, not onelye tyll men were a slepe, that thou myghteste haue theyr wyues at thy pleasure, but also to murther and spoyle. Thou hast, wherin thou mayst make a shewe of thy noble suffraunce, of hunger, [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] colde, and extreme pouertie, with the whiche thou shalt shortely perceyue thy selfe confounded. I so moche preuayled, whan I put the by the consulshyp, that thou beinge banyshed shulde rather attempte it, than beinge consull myghtest vexe and trouble the common weale. And that thy detestable enterprise shulde rather be called a robbery than a warre. Nowe moste honorable fathers, as I do detest and eschewe in maner a iust complaynte of my countreye, so I beseche you, marke dilygently the thynges that I shall tel you, and prynt them inwardly in your myndes.

¶For if my countrey, which is moch derer to me than my lyfe, if al Italye, if the hole common welth shoulde saye thus to me: Marcus Tully, what doste thou? wilt thou suffre hym to go his waye, whom thou hast found an open ennemye, whome thou seeste, must be the capytayn of the warre, whom thou perceiuest our ennemies loke for to be theyr chiefe leader, the auctour of this mischiefe the principall of the conspiracye, the reys [...] vp of bande men and naughtye citizens? Dothe it [...], that thou rather bryngest hym into the citye, than sende hym out of the citye, wilte thou not commaunde this felowe to prison, to be violentely handeled, and with most cruell turment to be put to deathe? What thynge letteth the. The custome of our forefathers? They beinge oute of auctority haue full ofte in this common weale, punysshed with deathe the naughty detestable citezens Do the lawes, whyche were stablished to punisshe cityzens founde culpable, let thee? But theye in this citye whiche do ageynste the common weale enioye not the priuilege of the citizens. Doste thou not feare the enuyered of those that are to come? Surely thou shalt gyue [Page] the peple of Rome ryght hygh thankes, the which haue auanced the, beyng a man of smal reputacion, wythoute commendacion of thine ancestours, from one honorable office to an other, euen to the most high roume of al, and that in thy florishing age: if thou for hatred, or for drede of any other peryl, doste not neglecte the sauegarde and wealthe of thy citizens. But if there be any feare of hatred, the enuie of seueritie and fortitude is not more vehementlye to be dradde, then slouthe and negligence in punysheing euill deedes. Whan Italye shall be wasted with warre, whan the cities shall be vexed and troubled whan the buildynges shal be brente, doest thou not suppose, thou shalt be burned with the flame of enuye? To those most constant wordes of the common weale, and to those mennes myndes that agree to the same, I wyll in fewe wordes make answere. If I had demed it best, most honorable fathers, to put Catiline to deth, I wold not haue geuen this gladiatour one houre space to lyue,Gladiatores were men that foughte with swordes vnarmed. For if the most excellent and noble citizens, not only did not defile them selues by sleyng of Saturninus, bothe the Gracchus and Flaccus, and many other afore tyme but also gat thereby great worshyp: surely I ought not to drede enuie here after, for puttinge to death this murderer of citizens. And all be it moost greuous enuye is lyke to folowe, yet I haue alwaye bene of this mynde, that enuie gotten bi fortitude,Fortitude valyaunte courage. fering nothinge but shame, mā fully beatynge and sufferynge prosperite & aduersite I haue reputed glory, not enuye. Not withstandinge there be here some Senatoures, the whiche either see not those thinges that are iminent, or els they discemble as thoughe they dyd not se them. The which with their soft sentences, haue nourished Catilines hope, and not beleeuinge it, haue corroborate and made stronge the conspiracie, beginninge [Page] to springe: whose authoritie manye folowynge not onlye such as are dishonest, but also ignoraunte and without knowledge, wolde saye, if I shuld punishe this man that I had not done nobly but cruelly. Now I perceiue well, if this man be once come to Manlius armie, whither he intendeth to go, that there is no man so folyshe, which shall not see the conspiracie plainlye disclosed, no man so leude and dishonest, whiche wyl not confesse the same. This man alone beinge put to deathe, I perceiue that this tribulacion of the common weale maye bee a lytle whyle repressed, but not for euer extyncted. But if he woll ariue at Manlius army, and thyther gather to gether from al places the other his felowes of shypwracke, this rype myschiefe and pestilence of the common weale shuld not only be extincted and cleane quenched, but also the stalke and sede of all euils and incommodities. For we most prudent fathers, haue ben longe in danger of this conspiracie & snares layde for vs: but I can not tell you by what meanes, this sore of all detestable dedes, olde furie, and brainesicke boldenesse, dyd waxe rype, & brast out in the tyme of my consulshyp. If that of so great a nomber of rebelles and robbers this one man alone shuld haue bene put to deathe, we shulde paraduenture for a lytle whyle seme to be releued from care and drede: but the peryl shulde remaine styl, closed within the vaines and bowels of the common weale. As men oftentymes sycke of a greuous disease, and vexed with a burninge ague, if they drinke colde water, seme at the firste to be wel refreshed, and yet afterwardes are more greuously handeled: So this disease, whiche is in the common welthe, reliued with the punyshement of this man, shoulde more vehementlye greue the [Page] residue of the citizens. wherfore let those that be naught departe, let them seperate them selfes from the good, let them be gathered together into one place, finally let the walles (as I sayde before) seuer theym from the good men, let them leaue lying in awayte aboute the consuls house let them leaue standynge about the pretors iugement place, to besiege the palayce wyth swordes, to prepare mallettes and torches to set fyre on the citye, finally let it be written in euery one of theyr forehedes,Wallettes were lyke arrowes, whyche were caste burnynge. what good wyll and mynde they bare to the common weale. I promyse you moste honorable fathers, that in vs the consuls shall be founde so greate diligence, in you suche auctoritie, suche power and strengthe in the knyghtes and gentylmen of Rome, and suche consent and agreement of all good men, that ye shall see by Catilines departynge euery thynge opened, playnely dysclosed, oppressed, reuenged, withe all these thynges Catiline, the highe preseruation of the common weale, withe thyne owne myschyefe and confusyon, and with the destructiō of them, whiche haue benne confederate with the in all damnable dedes and murders, trudge hence to thy wicked and detestable warre. And thou o Iupiter, whome we name the stablysher of this citye & empire, with the same fauorable aspecte that this citye was builded by Romulus,Inuocaciō dryue and expulse this man and his felows from thyne aulters and other temples: from the edifices of the citie and walles, from the lyfe and goodes of all the citizens: and punysshe with eternall peynes in this worlde and in an other, all the ennemyes to good men, and fooes to theyr countrey, the robbers of Italye and suche as are confederate with them in a detestable felowship to do mischiefe.

[Page]¶Whan the consull hadd ended his woordes, Catiline was so confounded and troubled with his oracion, that not onely his greate wyt and exercise in pleading, wherin alwaye he was very excellent, but also his vnshamefastnes, wherein he passed all other, sodaynelye fayled hym. Wyth so greate contencion of mynde, wytte, voice sydes, and graue gesture of the bodie spake the consull. Hys words flashed in Catilines face as it wer the leam of a bryght burnynge torche, that the mooste vnshamefaste man, and to speake moste ready, durst not open his mouth, or speake one word for hym selfe: but sodeinelye dyd flee oute of the Senate, wyth certayne manassynge and cruell thretninges. Wherefore Cicero wrytynge to Brutus, mooste soberlye praysinge that his singuler facultie of pleadinge, and rekenynge vp certaine of hys ryght noble oracions, amonge other thynges what confounded Catiline, hee for good cause glorieth. Of me (sayth he) the moste hardy and bolde man Catiline was accused in the Senate, and helde his peace. But there be other that saye otherwyse: they wryte that Catiline answered the consull. And there remayneth and is commonlye in mennes handes a ryghte faire oracion, which is written in Catilines name. The which oracion I do not so much beleue to be his, as of some greate and olde authour of suche feyned oracions. The example of whiche oracion I haue therfore set in this place, that when I had shewed myne, and other mens mindes, I mighte leaue it to be iudged of other hereafter. Then Catiline (as I saye) althoughe he were terriblye feared with the consuls oracion, yet because he was prompte in speeche, and readie to dissemble al thynges, toke courage, and in thys wyse answered to the consuls oracion.

[Page]

¶Catilines answere to Cicero in the Senate. Cap. xix.

IT besemeth all menne, whiche be in mooste hyghe office and authoritie, or that consulte of matters publike or priuate, principally to take hede, that they rashely incline not to any affeccions, nor that they cast down vnder foote with furie or anger, the wytte, that shulde be at lybertie: But with all diligence they must indeuour them selues, that their myndes remaine vncorrupte that they egallie examen and trye euerie mans reason, and that they leane to no parte, vntyll the matter bee clerely opened, and sufficiently debated. For it is a harde thynge, the mynde beinge disquieted, and the wytte troubled, to perswade any man to the truthe. Such is oftentimes the strength and power of an oracion. If you, most discrete fathers, had had this consideracion with you, whē our consull with so sharpe bytyng wordes, wrongefully spake of my maners, whē he with his pernicious and insolent eloquence incensed and kendled your mindes against me: I dare boldelye saye, myne innocente lyfe shulde this daye cleane haue quailed, his proude crakinge wordes. But nowe I see, that ye by the consulles suggestion, prepare sentence againste me, and that ye can scaselie suffer to here me, to gyue credence to his authoritie, mistrusting mine honestie. Wherefore I maye well feare lest the defence of myne helth be greatly hindered. For innocentes through the vniuste enuie or iniurie of a fewe, are often times troden vnder foote. The which thynge surely besemeth neither the constancie of noble men, nor the maners of the Romains, nor the dignitie and office of the Senatours. Therfore most honorable [Page] fathers, I beseeche you for the goddes sakes immortall, and for your humanitie, that in so greate and waighty matters ye lightelye giue not iudgemente: reduce againe your mindes, mollified and ouercome with Ciceros eloquence, to your olde integritie, and so restore you them, that at length you maye vnderstand the wordes of Catiline a Romaine, descended of noble lynage. If I worthy citizens, haue done anye offence againste my countrey, I neither desire fauour nor mercie. Then ryd me out of this lyfe, put this bodye to cruell deathe, and teare these shameful members in pieces, for myne oracion tendeth not, that ye shulde haue mercie on Catiline. For why? sodenly to put to cruell deathe hym that entendeth to destroye his countrey, is moste hygh mercye. But the clemenry of this citye I desire moste honorable fathers, that in no maner wise ye forsake not innocencie, leste whyle ye defende lybertie, throughe the iniquitie of a fewe, you shulde go aboute to destroy manye gyltles persons. I wyll shewe you and clerely open vnto you, that the greuous and sharpe enmitie that oure consull beareth me, is not for the sauegarde of the comman weale: nor for any desire that he hath to mainteine liberetie, but to vexe and trouble the common weal. For howe many and howe immoderate discordes dyd fyrste in tymes past kindle and prouoke hym ageinste me, nor what strife & contencion hath not ben betwene vs sence. I nede not to declare: For they are to you honorable fathers sufficiently knowen. But I woll rather tell you those thinges, whiche he at the laste eleccion, when hee was chosen consull, shamefully, yea and rashely blasted out, howe he desired the consulshyp for nothinge more, than for the destruccion of Catiline. These two mooste [Page] noble men C. Antonius, and C. Cesar are wytnesses of the same: by whose authoritie, that his thretnynge was at the same tyme reproued as vndiscreete. Goo to nowe moste prudente fathers, gyue your hyghe dignities and offices to suche minded men, the whiche woll more dylygently pursue priuate ennimities, than the profite and sauegarde of all this common weale. Cicero desired not the consulshyp to succour the miserable, or to restrayne the power and myght of the euyll doers, to defende the cytie, to prouide for the common weale, but specialli that he myght quayle Catiline and banyshe hym. Are these the duetyes of a man called to the consulshyp? Preferre suche menne in geuynge them highe roumes, before the noble men, whose hole minde is to extincte the nobilitie. For that that is thretned me of thys man, shall returne vnto you all. Beleue me moste prudente fathers, beleue me, the consent of beneuolence and loue is rare betwene myndes so vnlyke. He beynge a straunger of the towne Arpinate, a newe geast planted into thys cytie, thinketh vpon his naturall rage and hatered, the whiche his maners haue not only prepared ageynst newe and strange citizens, but also nature by olde custome. Fyrst at the begynninge of hys consulshyp, hys countrey was caste in his tethe, and sometyme his newe gentlemanshyp was obiected againste hym: thynke ye that the manne moste vnpacient, could take soo great rebuke pacientelye? At that tyme his wytte beynge kendled with a frowarde spirite, and as it were a viperous serpente, his fierce and cruel mynde, with an inflamed and venomed stomacke, was all to tossed. Thys man that nameth hym selfe the father of the countreye, that is wonte to saye that thys common weale was ornated wyth his noblenesse in lyuynge, [Page] he that by his maners maketh hym selfe not onlye egall to the kynredes of al the moste noble and excellente men, but also to excel in vertue al oure forefathers Whan he sawe his newe gentlemanshyppe obiected againste hym, how thynke you dyd hee take it? Hee than gnashed his tethe together, and againste you all he was striken prittelye wyth a woodenes, and gan to whet hys anger: the whiche ye maye not thynke woll asswage in tyme to come, by opteyning of the consulshyppe, seeynge that he iudgeth, that not by your fauoures, but for hys moste greatest vertues hee worthely is aduaunced to so hyghe a dignitie. And soo uowe he dothe execute those hys former affections, nowe wyth those craftes he intendeth to trouble the citye: now with suche inuencions he woll reuenge hym selfe, and brynge the nobilitie in suche case, that they shall neuer obiecte agaynste hym hys newe gentlemanshyp. He shall do it moste honorable fathers, he shall do it, onlesse your mooste prudente wysedomes at lengthe prouide both for the healthe of vs all and for the common weale. For nowe oure citie by thys ryngeleader of myschiefe & artificer of damnable dedes is so be spotted with a vengeable and pestilent blemysh, he so soweth abroade his detestable seede vpon our countrey, that if it once take roote, and grow to any forwardnesse, thys publyke weale shall be cleane extincted, and thys moste floryshyng empire shall be vtterly broughte to naughte. For there is nothynge more perilous vnto cities, than whan the chiefe and principall citizens bee at stryfe amonge them selfe. For Discorde is greatteste fooe to floryshynge common weales. Discorde alone disparpleth and turneth vp sette downe, thynges stronge and myghtye. Truely discorde hath brought this busynes [Page] into our citie, it hath cast vs into this calamitie: the whiche if it be not prouided for in tyme, I see that thys mooste floryshing common weale is in greate daunger, I see the weapons in youre handes, the oone of you to withstande the other, this man banyshed, and that man murdred. Wold to god that innocent Catiline mighte be the ende of all tribulacions, like as he is the beginning: there is no peryll that shulde greue me to take in hande for the common weale, I coulde be contente to be proscribed, to be banyshed, to suffer death for my countrey. But euerie man is not at all tymes of oone selfe mynd. An other shall be more vnpacient, the which had rather be auenged, then to suffer the iniuries of naughtye persons. Then the matter muste needes be tryed by cyuile warre, then shall our countrey stande in daunger to bee loste, and wyll shortelye fall into doubtefull chaunces, and sure destruccion of the cytie: than shall he greatelye reioyce and glorye, that he hathe opteined hys purpose: When he shall see this countreye glyster and shyne in bryghte armoure, and this citye set on fyre gyue lyghte: Than shall hee preyse his inuencions and driftes, and extoll his inuincible mynde, and thynke he hathe sufficientlye reuenged hym selfe, and his fore fathers, for the contumelies and rebukes done to hym. For he is wonte sometyme to saye, that he is of the family and kinred of Tullius Hostilius kynge of the Volscians, speciall ennemie to the people of Rome: the whiche thynge is the onelye knowen occasion, why vniuersallre the name of Romaines is hatefull vnto hym, and he shall alway abhorre this common weale, by whose dominion the house and family of his ancestours is dymmed, and their empiere cleane subdued and ouerthrowen, whiche thynge, [Page] howe great cares it carieth into mennes mindes, iudge ye your owne selues. This I may only esteme of Cicero, that as longe as that enuye of his fore fathers, and those olde enmities of vnpacient mynde, shall turmoile and vexe his braine, he wolle neuer cesse from hys violence and madnes. So greate is his vnmoderate luste and mynd to destroye this empiere. And euen now truely, the hole worlde beyng in peace, so many kynges, people, and straunge nacions subdued, all menne bothe by lande and see obeyinge vnto vs, and nowe that there is no superior enemie of the people of Rome, but doo approue our great puisance and noble actes. And therfore he hath no hope to bringe this empiere to destruccion by outward hostilitie. All thinges are in sure quiete vnder vs, all men wyllinglye obey vnto vs. But for as muche as he greatly desireth to reuenge hym selfe and his ancestours, and that his harde and cruell mynde wyll neuer cesse from that opinion, he flyeth to those perturbacions, with the which priuate enmities fyrst with me, lastly he intendeth to greue the hole common weale. And so first he accuseth Catline his ennemie, and manye other felowes with hym in his conspiracie, that they intend to inuade the common weale, ouer runne theyr countreye, deface the citie, to burne houses, temples, aultares, to rauyshe virgins, to murther and slee the auncient men, the peple, and the nobles, ne neuer stinte frome wrathe, ne spare the sworde, vntyll they haue vtterlye destroyed this moste beautifull cytie, the soueraine princesse ouer all the world. But I swere by the immortall goddes, I wot not to what ende this vayne estimacion of men wol come, that any mortall man shoulde beleue, that there were any so vtterlie an hopelost, or so ignorante of reason, [Page] that dothe not pereriue a certayne zeale and tender loue towarde his cuntreye planted in hym, the whyche alwaye throughe a certayne secrete and vehemente power of nature, is powred in to mennes breastes. Than what Romaine mynde wolde desire to brynge the common weale to so great calamitie? For what moste cruell ennemye of the Romaines, yea the verye Capitayne of Carthage Anniball, coulde inuente and imagine greatter, or the lyke hurtes to vs? Wolde I inuade the common weale, whiche haue for the common weale enterprised and susteyned so excedynge great perilles? Shuld I be so bolde, to deface the Senate and citie, whiche haue adorned my lynage with so many most large benefites? Shulde I burne the temples of Rome, the which shew forthe so manye grauen images and tables of mine ancestoures? Shuld I murder the noble men of bloud or Senatoures, that am nowe in honoure and dignitie amonge them? Shuld I wearyng the honorable robe defile the citie with other mischeuous dedes, yt which with all diligence haue withstand, that other shoulde not defile it? What hope? what mynde? what occasion shoulde driue me to do suche a deede? Shoulde the luste and desire of dominion and rule, whereof a lytle whyle ere Cicero reasoned? haue I not quietely opteyned the dignite aboue all? haue not I as good hoope lefte me to excuse other dignities, as it is lawful for any mortal man to require? for I am both of the bloud of noble Senatours, and haue opteined the dignitie of a Senatour, and here after, I may be consul or dictatour. The whiche dignities are suche and so greate, that not onlye in this moste noble citie, but also they far excel the empiers and principalities of all people, of all nacions, that are in all the [Page] worlde. What nedeth it then to seke that thinge in harde warre, whiche willingelye in peace is prepared for me? But peraduenture as Cicero sayde, enuie styrred me, great dette, pouertie, immoderate boldenesse to beare a rule. But this shuld be estemed of a man that is wylful rashe, and brainesicke, or of any other, the which in hope to wynne and gette goodes, maye vnwyselye make soo great a sedicion amonge the people of Rome: and not of a man of the noblest bloud borne, and in a citie aboundynge in welthe. For shuld he that is honestly furnished with riches, doubte that he shulde at [...]nye tyme wante? for so muche lucre and wynning doth euen offer it selfe, and suche profite cometh of the common treasure: that if a man shulde a lytle decaye, and in no wyse obeye vnto honestie, it is incredible, howe easelye he maye be laded wyth aboundance of riches. And to let passe other thinges, thou Cicero, arte an example vnto me, whyche in a maner the other daye entredst into this citye, bare & nedy of al thynges, after thou gottest thee once in office, thou gatheredst sodeinly together so great a heap of ryches, that all the townes belonginge to Rome as it semed were scasely sufficient for thy factoures. Wherfore thou doste but folyshely, to laye couetousenes, pouertie, and greate det vnto my charge. All whiche thynges I coulde by a more sure maye appease, then to disturbe the common weale, to take the vncerteine for certeyne, for a lytle commoditie to enterprise exceadynge greate peryls. Neither I (as touchinge suche thynges as I am accused of) wolde for any priuate debate haue goone in hande with so horrible a dede. There is no man in thys common weale, that I reken to be myne ennemie, onlye Cicero is agreued with me, because I coulde not cloke [Page] his vices, whyche he dyd secretlye: whose folyshe and trifling toyes if I sholde haue exchewed and put from me, I had many wayes to reuenge my selfe, wythoute publike peryll. Nor I neded no refuge to the hurt of the common weale, seynge there was neither drede nor ieopardy to withstande or let me, for if he were rydde oute of this lyfe, there shulde remaine no man that wold not onely reuenge hym, but also mourne at his funerall. But god forbydde, that I shulde dishoneste my selfe for hys fole hardynes. For it is no laude for noble men to be reuenged on abiecte persons, yet perchance if I wold haue desired it, it shuld not be imputed worthy citizens, but that I (if I had gone about it at that tyme) myghte haue had muche more oportunitie, than he shulde haue had. Surely if I fortified myne house wyth strength of men of armes, broughte in my companions, and made good watche, for I wyll not deny any of these thynges, I did it most prudent fathers not to do any man wrong but to resyste the violence of the consull. I dradde hys wytte, I knowe his eloquence, I was not ignoraunt of his malice, I vnderstode he had instructed this conspiracy. And so I was in feare, lefte that by his eloquence ye shulde sodeinly disdaine me in your mindes, and that ye (the daungers once declared) cleane ageinste my question, wolde greuouselye punyshe me. For if I had bene once deliuered in to his handes, in vaine afterwarde shoulde I haue founde place for my defence. And so I haue with greate laboure prolonged my lyfe vnto this daie. And in all this great trouble, by meanes of thy perswasion, I haue scaselye escaped, that I was not of all men condemned as gyltie. But nowe Cicero, when thou hadst lesse nede, otherwise thā thou hopedst, I am come [Page] into the Senate: and as muche as seemed to me sufficient, I haue opened a fewe of thy leaste fautes: the whyche by that tyme they be knowen, thou woldeste rather they shulde be forgotten, then that so great crimes shuld come to lyghte and be knowen. I was nothing afraied of thy mischeuous dedes, nor thine oracion at that time, nor thy mocions coniected willingly againste me, made me not afraied. For what feare in so great assemblye of Senatours, in so greate a companye of noble cityzens, could trouble any innocent mynd? Therfore I haue the daye, whiche I most speciallye desired, whiche assuredly thou dydst least loke for. I haue a Senate which can vnderstand myne innocencie, before whom thy damnable offences shall be opened. I haue therfore with good peryll prouided against my peryls, if at any tyme wyth strength of men of armes I defended thy fury, if at any season without drede I stode styffe in the cōmon weale, while by all meanes thou dydst perswade me to flee, I contrarie wyse mynded to tarye. But o good lorde wher be wee? Who seeth not a mighty false accusacion? what other thing dyd all thy oracion meane, but that I shuld flee? But if (as thou saieste) all my deedes be well knowen, if mine imaginaciōs be more clerer then the lyght: why doest thou nowe perswade me to flee? Here I am, hauinge no power or defence of myne owne aboute me. The Senate is presente, whyche wyll prohibite and let the from harme, Shewe forth these mischeuous dedes: open plainely the sedicion, do punyshemente. For it besemeth the not to be mercifull in so great perils. Delay, and to be without helpe, maye be hurtful: If thou haue the principall of the conspiracie, if the capitaine of the ennimies be in thy handes, why doest thou tarye? Why [Page] doste thou couet to caste hym oute? For it is more profitable, that the armie wante a capitaine: for so they shall be the more slacke to make warre. But I see (as it is wonte to chance) in the myddes of euyls, thou for feare of punyshement, beginnest to waxe colde, for thou seeste the myschaunce that thou preparest either for me, or for the common weale, shall lyghte vppon thy selfe. Thys thynge nowe to thy greate daunger is farre otherwyse handled than thou thoughtest. Doubtest not nowe, that I woll obiecte againste the thy goodes? Dyddest thou thynke, that I wolde come into the Senate? Therefore when I came, thou forthwith were sore afraied. Thynkest thou nowe to make me afraied wyth thy threatninges? Knoweste thou not howe free, and howe bolde the stomake of an innocente is? Wylte thou Cicero that I flee? Surelye I wyll not flee, but abyde and ouercome thy proude bragges? I muste nedes reproue thy mischeuous deedes and inuencions. Let thy witnesses come in to this place, of whom thou saiest thou hast so great plentie, that nothynge of my deedes can be couered or hydde from thee. Whom bringest thou forth? Q. Curius? surely a man of a good opinion, and of an honest lyfe: or suche one as hath nobly with his leud and naughty dedes dishonested this order, and therefore was abiected. Or wylte thou brynge forth Fuluia his mate in bodely lust, whiche was neuer priuye to no murder, nor is not the nurce chylde of aduoutrye and fornicacion, nor of none other vnlaufull copulacion: or elles she hathe so lyued, that as an example of abhominable vice, she her selfe alone canne excell all the craftes and deceites of hoores. These are the moste noble men, that suspect the trouble and vnquietnes of the citie, and that are broughte in as [Page] witnesses ageinste me. But I swere by the goddes immortall, that nowe thou Cicero, doest shewe by thy maners, that thou doest very shamefullye abuse thy farye? For if thy mynde was to ryd me oute of the waye, thou shuldest not haue sought witnesse of them that are open conspiratoures. Thou oughtest to haue chosen theym, whose lyfe is more vnknowen, and their robberies a lytle more secrete. Many menne for that money, wolde more profitably haue plyed to thyne ambicion. For no good citizen ought to be a frayed of their yll and malicious wordes. They maye easely be reproued, seyng that their fortune, theire fidelitie and deedes are sufficiente, whiche if they wolde fauoure me, I wolde rather they shulde be myne iniurious aduersaries, lest their familiaritie shulde bringe my lyfe lykewise in a contempt. And so nowe moste honorable fathers, al the dedes and imaginacions of the consull I haue opened plainelye vnto you: nowe also mine innocency maye appeare vnto you. Ye see what thinge caused that he wolde destroye Catiline, and disturbe the common weale. He is styrred and striueth with me for priuate enmities. For castinge in the tethē of his newe gentlemanshyp, hee hateth all the nobilitie after the maner of his fore fathers. For he abhorreth this countrey, and therefore he goeth aboute to make sedicion, to sowe discorde, his vnpaciente stomake wyll neuer be in quiete, till he brynge vs to destruccion. Fyrste he accuseth me, beyng borne of the noble bloude of Rome, and a Senatour, to be a murderer: where as the noble actes and dedes, hygh dominions, offices and dygnities, and greate and large benefites doone to thys common weale by myne auncestours, do mooste honorably glyster and shyne. He obiecteth nedynes [...] [Page] me, the whiche in this mooste plentifull citie coulde neuer bee an hynderaunce to theym that are in lowe and meane offices. He obiecteth enmities againste me, the whiche seme vnto me, not to be sufficient, to disturbe the common weale. Ye see what witnesses he bringeth forth the whiche are suche, that they exceede the wittes of all mischeuous caytiues. Whyche attemptates, after hee sawe came not to passe, as he hoped they wold, nor hath no greate truste in the senate, he is forthwith ouerthrowen with feare. He commaundeth me to flee, whan if I had ben fautie, to reuenge soo heynous an offence, the greatest punyshemente that is, coulde not be sufficiente. Than if you most honorable fathers see myne innocencye, if ye perceiue his fierce cruell mynde, if ye ponder the peryls of the common weale, than at the laste looke vp, take pitie, and saue from ruine the empire of Rome. Ye haue euen amonge you a slipper serpente, ye haue in this order included, the calamlitie of the common weale whiche is ryghte watchefull, to brynge to confusion the peple of Rome. You haue aduanced hym to most hyghe honour. Beware, leste at length that parte of pestilence, by to muche libertie, infecte all the bodye, and as a contagious disease growe vp amonge you. Go to quickelie, auoyde this stinkynge pompe of vengeaunce and myschiefe, depose this man frome his consulshyp, leste that his foule shamefull dedes defyle this moste hyghe and honorable dignitie: caste him out of this common weale leste that here after he shulde be seene within the walles of this our moste noble citie, by hym broughte to greate ruyne and decaye. If the monumentes of this citye bee derely beloued vnto you, if the syghte of your chyldren be pleasaunt vnto you, if it delite you to haue chaste virgins, [Page] if the temples, if the power, priestehode, companye, houses, ryches, seruauntes, clyentes, all goodes of fortune, and the commodities of all our countreye, bee acceptable vnto you: Nowe, nowe rote out of this common weale this seede of all euyls, rydde him oute of the citizens syghte, the whiche thynketh vtterly to destroye you and all your goodes, whiche hath determined with priuie hatered and discord, to disturbe the honorable estate of the Romaine empire. Succour and help in this peryll. Resiste this calamitie: then all suspicion shall cease, then this gyle shall incontinently be remoued frō the handes of men of warre. In this one man resteth al their hoope. For who coulde haue moued or styrred vp the myndes of a fewe vngracious persons against this moste greateste empire, the chiefe and soueraigne of all the worlde, but he? What citizen in this common weale coulde haue imagined so cruell a myschiefe? This, this newe gentleman Cicero of Arpinas, of the kinrede of Tullians, priueli strueth snares for our destruccion. He accuseth Catiline of conspiracie wherby he might haue the better oportunitie for his purpose. He bringeth manye of vs to examinacion, that he, by gatherynge together of strength of men by the meane of vs, might therby the easier inuade the common weale. O mooste prudente fathers, do you not se your owne perils? Hold vp the miserable common weale, staggerynge and redy to fall: helpe your contrey: se mercifullye to the sauegarde of your parentes, and of vs all, and ryd me a noble man borne, and the people of Rome out of the cruell handes of the malicious consull. And restore me humbly besechynge and instantynge you to my former nobilitie, fauour and beneuolence of all the citizens.

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¶Catiline in great wrathe, departeth out of the court exhorteth his companions to stycke to their enterprise, he voydeth the citye, and prepareth warre. Cap. xx.

VNeathe Catiline hadde ended his wordes, but that many senatours beganne to murmure, and to call hym manqueller and ennemye. Than Catiline full of furye, sayde: For as muche as I am beset aboute wyth ennemies, and am ouerthrowen hedlynge I wyll not quenche the burnynge of myne anger wyth water, but with your ruine. After that, all pale and chafed, he sodeinly rushed out of the courte, and gatte hym home, with many greate and cruell manassinges, there myndynge manye thynges, he determined to take hys iourney to Manlyus armie: fearinge, if he shulde tarye any longer, lest the people stomaked against hym wyth the consuls oracion, shulde runne vpon hym. Therefore assemblynge to gether Lentulus, Cethegus, and other the chiefe of the conspiracie, he shewed to them his counsel, exhortyng them to be alwaye redy, and of good courage, and not to be afraied for anye laboure and peryll, and that they shuld diligentlie execute the thynges, that they had apoynted the other nyght: and that they shulde allure as many as they could to ioyne with them in that warre. In the meane whyle he warned them that they shulde sprede a rumour aboute the citie, that he an innocent was banyshed to Massula: that by reason thereof Cicero might runne in hatred, and that therby he might vnwares inuade the citie. When he had saide these, and other lyke thinges, about midnyght with a fewe, or (as some other saye) with .iij. C. men of armes, he departed out of the citie: nor he went not by the waye called Flaminia [Page] (as some falselye write) but by the waye aurelia: The morowe after that Catiline was fled out of the citie, M. Cicero made an oracion to the people: which bycause it is written among Ciceros oracions, I ouerpas here what then was saide of the consull to them.

¶Catiline sente diuers letters into the citie agaynste Cicero, in which he feyned hym selfe to be exiled. Cap. xxi.

BVt Catiline as he was in his iournei, wrot letters to many that had ben consulles, and sente theym to all suche as were chiefe and principall: to whome he sayde that he was circumuented with false accusacions, and seperate frome the Senate: and bicause hee coulde not resiste the consull, he gaue place for the tyme, and as a banished man wente vnto Massilia, not that he knewe hym selfe coulpable in anye offence, but to the ende the common weale shulde be in quiete, and that the consull, couetynge to destroy the nobilitie, shuld not by feyninge of Catilines conspiracie, brynge to destruccion manye good and innocente men: And that he wolde rather forsake his countrey, than that for his sake anye dissencion of ciuyle warre shulde aryse. This thynge caused Cicero to be greatly hated: for there were many that sayde, that Catiline was not astonied and afraied for the consuls diligence, nor put frome his hope or enterprise, but by the consuls violence and thretnynges, he vncondemned and an innocente was banyshed, nor they disproued not hym, but saide that Cicero was to tymerous, and a consull not diligent, but a tyranne moste cruell. But whan Catiline, with the ornamentes of a consull, and lyke a soueraine Captaine was come into the countrey [Page] of Fesuls, and had receyued the armye of Manlius, he determined not to make warre, before he had augmented the armye, and tyl he had a fewe dayes exercised and accustumed his souldiours, after the discipline of the ancient Romaines, to indure laboure and warfare. Then Catiline watchinge, laborynge, settynge his menne in aray, callynge his souldioures by name, monyshinge, exhortynge, dayly more and more he reduced and brought them againe to the knowledge and discipline of warfare While Catiline in marciall feates instructed his army, Q. Catulus, a man in moste highe estimacion and autoritie, which sometyme was Catilines familiar friend, redde the letters in the Senate, whiche he sayde Catiline sente to hym, the tenoure of whyche letters hereafter foloweth.

¶L. Catiline to Q. Catulus gretynge. Thy greate fidelitie approued in deede, to me in peryll ryghte muche beneficiall, geueth a sure truste to my commendacion. Wherfore I purpose not in newe councel to prepare defence, nor for any conscience of offence to make satisfaccion: the which not withstandinge in very deede ye shall knowe to be true. Yet for as much as I prouoked wyth rebukes and iniuries, and depriued of the fruite of my labour and diligence, opteyned not the state of dignitie, as my custome is, toke vpon me to defende the cause of suche as are miserable, not that I want or haue not sufficient possessions to paye myne owne dettes, seyng that the liberalitie of my wyfe Horistilla, with her owne and her doughters goodes, hath payed other mens dettes, but bycause I sawe men vnworthye, auaunced to honour: and my selfe, throughe false suspicion, alienated and put from honour. And for this cause I haue, for the [Page] case that I am in, gotten metely good hope to conserue suche dignitie, as hereafter shal chaunce me. As I wold haue written mo thinges, it was shewed mee, violence was prepared against me. Nowe I commende and deliuer Horistilla to your fidelitie, prayinge you for the loue that ye beare to your children, defende her from iniuries. Farewell.

¶Many in the citye blamed the softnes of Cicero, that he suffred their enemye to go his waye. Cap. xxii.

BVT when it was knowen at Rome, by manye mennes letters, and often messages, that Catiline was admitted capytaine ouer the armye, and that hee intended too make warre vpon his countreye: there were verye manye that greatelye blamed the consull, bycause he had not taken soo greuous an enemie to the cōmon weale, and that he had let scape the principall and chiefe of the conspiracie. For at that tyme, the people reasoned and commoned amonge them selfes, on this maner: Catiline longer this tyme, ought to haue ben put to deathe by the consulles commaundement, and with moste cruell and sharpe tourmentes to haue ben punished. This mischief, which he hath craftly imagined againste vs, oughte to haue ben layde vppon his owne necke. For if the consull had put hym to death, (as he hath deserued) we had ben nowe without warre, the straytes of Hetruria had not ben fylled with the tentes of our enemies, the common welthe had ben nowe in quiete and rest. It was no nede at that tyme to haue vsed mercy, it had ben a very mercifull dede, most sharply to haue punyshed oure ennemie, and by the deathe of [Page] one wicked personne, to haue preserued the whole common wealthe. Some other vsinge the aunciente examples shewed, howe that Sp. Elius desiringe to reigne alone was slayne of P. Seruilius Hala. And lykewise Tiberius Gracchus of P. Scipio, and also howe that C. Marius, slew L. Saturnius protectour of the commonaltie, and C Seruilius Glaucia the mayre, for certaine suspicions of sedicion: But Cicero hath commaunded him (whom he knewe to be an enemy most greuous whom also he perceiued to be loked for of their enemies to be their cap [...]taine and gouernour) to go vnto his armye, and so to make warre ageynste his countreye.

¶O the miserable estate of them that gouerned suche cōmon welthes, in the which he that is diligēte, is called wayward and hard to please: He that is negligente, dyshoneste: where he that is constante and iuste, is called cruell and vngentle: and he that is mercifull, fearfull, and dissolute: wherin is geuen no pardon to them that do amysse, and small praise to them that do well. Or euer it was spoken that L. Catiline was gone in exile, it was sayde, that he was not by Cicero spoyled of his armours of boldenes, that he was not circumuented and weakened by the diligente labour and councel of Cicero and that he had altered his intente, not bycause that he dyd greatly feare: but that he vncondemned and an innocent was exiled only by the wordes and power of the consull. He was not then called vnhappy, but fearefull: Contrary wyse, the consull not diligente, but cruel. But seynge there were menne, that spake these thinges, what wolde they haue saide if Catiline had ben put to deathe? Nowe for as muche as Catiline lyueth, and is vnpunished, they call Cicero a manne of no greate counsell, but [Page] ignoraunte, fearefull, and dissolute. Certes there is nothinge more ignorant and vnwise, than the vulgare people, whiche without any difference or wisedome iudgeth and onelye pondreth the chaunce of the thynge, and to whom any thynge well happeneth, hym they saye to be very prouident and circumspecte, and to whome otherwyse, he to perceyue and knowe nothinge. But let vs omytte these thinges.

¶Catiline and Manlius be proclaymed ennemies, vnto whom fled very many hope [...] ostes. Cap. xxiii.

BVT when it was surelye knowen at Rome, that Catiline was admitted capitayne ouer the armye, and intended to make warre vpon his countrey, there was an acte of parliament made, in the whiche Catiline and Manlius were iudged to be vtter enemies to the common welthe. And to all other there was a daye appoynted (sauynge to those that were alredy condemned) that it shuld be lawful for them to departe from the army vnpunyshed. And if any man after that tyme shulde go vnto Catiline, the senate to take hym as a traytoure againste the common weale, and agaynste all mennes safegarde and profite. The senate also decreed, that the consuls shulde muster, and that C. Antonius with suche ayde as he myght gather, shulde pursue Catiline bothe by lande and sea, and Cicero to defende the citye frome al deceites and mischaunces. Neuerthelesse the mindes of desperate persons were nothynge refrained by these sharpe decrees. For there was none out of soo greate a company of conspiratours that departed from Catiline excepte it were eyther to spye, or to doo some myschiefe: but contrary wyse there were many that drewe to hym, [Page] bothe out of the countrey, and out of the citye. But of all those that drewe to hym, he refused bonde seruantes, of whō an innumerable multitude fled to hym, he estemed it a thinge vnsemely, that runnagates shulde haue to do in citizens matters: and thynkinge this also, whiche in dede shoulde haue come to passe, (if his companions at Rome had performed their enterprise) that huge routes of snaphances and hope lostes, from all partes of Italy wolde resorte to hym. For not onlye they that were confederate in the conspiracye, coueted that Catiline shulde victoriousely ouercome, but also whosoeuer were greatly indetted, who soo euer had solde awaye their landes, who so euer were in tyme paste condemned or atteinted: Many also by troublynge of the common weale, looked to be aduaunced to honours and moost hyghe ronmes, many desired warre by reason that of such ruffeling and dissencions, they opteyned power. Farthermore in a greate city are alwayes many naughty yll doers, hope lostes, malaperte, troublous, sedicious and nedye felowes, which with a becke are redy to disturbe the quiet and rest of a citie. But most specially the delycate youth, and lytle bearded yonge men, or Catilines flocke wythout beardes, whiche smellynge all of muske, their heares featelye comed, wearinge veyles and not gownes, allowed Catilines counsayles. And of these, manye got them to catilines armye. And of that number was one Fuluius, the sonne of Aulus a Snatour, the whyche if he coulde haue exchewed Catilines company and amytie, he had nothyng gone oute of kynde from his forefathers. He was excellently lerned in greke and latine: he had a ioly quicke wytte, he was a goodly yonge manne and a towarde. But he with Catilines company and amitie [Page] made vnlyke to hym selfe, in a folyshe brayde, fled vnto Catilines campe: Whom his harde father returnynge hym backe againe frome hys iourney, whanne he hadde with spytefull rebukes rated, hee afterwarde commaunded hym to be slayne. Also there was an opinion that P. Clodius, the sonne of Appius, departed out of the citie, to thentente to go to Catiline. After that chaunging his purpose, he returned to the citie, and so Cicero obiecteth againste hym in manye places, that he was companion of the conspiracie, the whiche cryme although it werē obiected of an enemye, yet I beleue it to be true, for the lyfe and maners of Clodius approue that he boldely enterprised all thinges. Also there were some that saide that C. Antonius the consull was one that conspired with Catiline, whoose opinion was approued by this one argumente, that Antonius neuer endeuoured hym selfe to auoide that suspicion of familiaritie wyth Catiline, which men than had of hym, neyther by denyinge, nor yet by dissimulacion. Nor this furious infeccion, dyd not onelye inuade the citie, but in a maner all Italy, and was nowe spred priuely throughe many prouinces. And excepte the conspiracie had bene discouered in the citie, surely Catiline in short tyme had gathered an infinite armye, and the commocions in all places had ben excedynge greate. In Apulia, in Brutiis, in Pelignis, in Capua, in a countrey of Pise, and specially amonge the Pisaurians, and Camercians, in Tuschayne, in Fraunce, the hither, and further, the bandes of men of armes romed abrod some priuelye, and some openlye.

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¶Ambassadours are sente from the senate, into diuers prouinces of Italy, to wythstande the rebellion. Cap. xxiiii.

BVT the huge mocion of this cursed conspiracie reysed vp by Marcellus the father and the sonne, disclosed by L. Vectius, was appealed and brought downe by Bibulus in pelignis and by Cicero in Brutus, and by them they were bothe punyshed. But in the further Fraunce, C. Murena the legate, brother vnto Murena that was apointed to bee consull: In the countreye of Pyse, and the one parte of Fraunce, the noble maire Q. Metellus, dyd withstand and let the myscheuous fury and ententes of the conspiratours. And many of these dyd Metellus cast in prisō. Albeit (through the faulte of the writers as I suppose) it is falsely red in Saluste, that this C. Murena shulde be the ruler of the hyther Fraunce. For Cicero doth affirme, that he was at that tyme in the further Fraunce, with all his power. And by the same authour wee haue shewed before, that Q. Metellus Celer, was sente from the senate into the countrey of Pise & a part of Fraunce. Furthermore Cicero the consul cōmaunded, that all the inhabitantes and dwellers there aboute, shulde strongly fortifie their townes with garisons of men of armes, and to defende their borders and cities from the inuasion of Catiline. Also he sente P. Sestius the treasourer with an army to Capua, bycause he herde saye that the rebels wente about to take it. Than whan he was come to Capua, he banyshed frome thence C. Meulanus, a man geuen to ryot, and C. Marcellus endeuoryng him selfe to wynne the citie by force, and to reyse vp a seruile [Page] warre, and entendynge to do many other leude deedes, and deliuered that citie frome mooste greuouse peryll. Wherfore the chiefe rulers of Capua, for that the welth of their citie was preserued, they in honour of M. Tullius, sette vp a golden image, and called hym their patrone, and to P. Sestius they openly gaue gret thākes.

¶The preparacion of the rebelles in the citie, and their councelles wyth the ambassadours of Dolphinois. Cap. xx.v.

AT THE same season the capitaines lefte by Catiline in the citie, entised vnto warre the citizens, the straungers, the noble men, the meane, and men of lowe degree, of what sort so euer they were, which they sawe desyrous of new alteracions, that were mete for warre: further they prepared mallettes to set fire on the citye, and sente secretlye vnto Catiline bothe armoure and money.

¶There were than at Rome ambassatours of Fraūce sente from a citie somwhat in trouble, desiryng of the senat to deliuer their towne which was greatly indetted. Wherfore Lētulus supposed lightly to allure those men to ayde them in their warres, for as much as the french men are of nature inclined to warre, and alwaye intentiue to newe businesse, and hated the present estate of the people of Rome. In this confederacie were many commodities. Fyrst, Fraunce had great plentie of horsemen. of whome the conspiratoures sawe them selfes to haue greate neede. Seconde, bycause the people of Dolpiny were next adioynynge to Italye, and by the reason that Fraūce shuld be in an vprore & ruffelinge, they thought no man could resiste the conspiracy. And so bycause P. Vmbrenus was aqueinted with the frenchemen, they [Page] gaue hym charge, that he shulde require the saide ambassadoures, to take their partes, and shewed hym by what reason it myght be done. Vmbrenus sente for the ambassadours, and diligently accomplyshed the matter.

¶Ciceros watchefull diligence, and hys monicions to the frenche ambassadours, whych vttered the secretes of the conspiracy. Cap. xxvi.

BVT M. Cicero beynge alway watcheful and prouident, to see and perceiue, what the conspiratours wente aboute and intended, vsed the helpe and counsaile of L. Torquatus, P. Lentulus Spinter, Q. Catulus, M. Lucullus, P. Seruilius, M. Cato, Q. Sanga, and of many other moste noble and worthy men. They hyghly fauoryng the common weale, inquered and serched out al thyng, and what so euer came to their knowlege, they forthwith made relacion therof to the consull. Than as fortune woulde, the ambassadoures communed of these matters wyth Q. Fabius Sanga, a righte noble manne, whyche was the Frenche mens patrone. He beyng a a counsel wyth Cicero in al thinges, spedely shewed the matter to the consull. Than the consull thynkinge that he hadde nowe good occasion, openlye to conuince the conspiratours, which thing he alway desyred, commaunded the ambassadours to come secretelye vnto hym: and admonyshed them that they shulde not bee ennemyes to the people of Rome withoute a cause: Nor that they shulde ioyne their welthy state, with the wretched condicion of Catiline, Lentulus, and other miserable personnes: nor that it behoued them to enteprise thynges vncertayne for certayne, or for a small commoditee to aduenture vpon exceding great perylles. All [Page] warre is easelye begonne, but it is not in his power to make an ende, that beganne it. He sayde Catiline by my counsailes, by my great laboure and trauaile, and wyth mi strēgth of men of armes is so be set about on al sides febled, yt my felowe Antonius with an army may easely subdue hym. Within the citie al thinges are abundantly foreseen and prouided for, that no man can once sturre against the common weale. And that if it were knowen that they had done, begon, or intended to do any thynge against the common weale, the Senate and people of Rome wyll as they are accostumed, moste sharpelye reuenge it: Therfore he aduised them to take good hede to them selues and their citie. But in case they wolde bee ruled and do as he wolde aduise them, they shulde stand in possibilitie to obteyne of the people of Rome all thynges what soo euer they wolde require. The ambassadours full gently answered to those thynges and sayde: It is true, they were required by Lētulus to be felowes with them in warre, but they weere not in so miserable state, nor of soo wylfull a mynde, that they wolde sodeinly spyl and cast away the amitie that they had wyth the people of Roome, opteined with so greate laboure and businesse, and that their desire was to accomplyshe all thinges what soo euer he wolde commaunde them. Than the consull gaue them in charge, that they shulde make as though they vehementely fauoured the conspiracie, and laboure to get letters of theire hande wrytynge, and sealed with eche of the conspiratours seales: and diligently to serche oute all their intentes and purposes. The ambassadours promisynge to do their endeuoire, slepte not the matter, by Gabinius (for to hym Vmbrenus firste broughte the frenche men) they spake [Page] with Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Cassius: and required of them an othe, their letters and seales, to the entente they myghte brynge home to their nacion some sure knowledge of the matter. For otherwyse they sayde their citizens coulde not be perswaded to take in hande so greate an enterprise. Than they suspectynge nothyng, sente vnto the rulers and people of Delphinois, an othe & their letters. (Surely there is nothinge more perilous, than to put in writinge that thynge that a man wolde haue kepte secrete.) Farther they gaue them in commaundement, that they as shortely as coulde be, shulde come into Italye, with a stronge bende of horsemenne, for they saide they had souldiours inoughe. But Cassius, that he myght the more easely stere the barbarous men to warre, knowyng that outward nacions are muche moued with nobilitie, named certayne of the nobles, and saide, they hadde agreed and were consented wyth them.

¶ The vayne braggyng of Lentulus, and cruel councel of the conspiratours in the citye. Cap. xxvii.

ALSO Lentulus, to encorage the french men said, that by the bokes of Sibilla, and the diuiuours answers the kingdom of the Romaines shulde be geuen to the Cornelians: Cinna and Sillia haue had alredy the regal power, and he him selfe was the third Cornelius, to whom the hyghe imperiall power shulde fal. He sayd also, that the same was the predestinate yere, in whyche the common weale shulde peryshe and finallye decaye. For it was .xx. yere sythe the Capitoll was burned, and the tenth yere sens the virgins Vestales absoluciō. The [Page] whiche yere (as the diuinours haue often tymes geuen answer) shulde be to the people of Roome vnluckye and vnfortunate. After all thys the conspiratours descriued vnto the frenchemen, the maner and fashion of all the hole warre. But those thynges whiche they appointed to be done at Rome, was afterward found to be deuised and distributed amonge the conspiratours: that whan L. Sergius Catiline shulde come wyth an armye in to the fielde Fesulan, L. Bestia protectour of the commonaltie, shulde make an oracion, to brynge Cicero in hatred, bycause that by his prouocacion Catiline had reysed vp a ciuyle warre. And by that token, the nexte night folowyng, L. Cassius, and P. Statilius shulde set fyre on .xij. partes of the citie. Which was done for this consideracion, that by that vprore and ruffelyng, they might more easely murder the citizens. Notwithstanding ther is a certeine author that saith that they had chosen oute an hundred men, which shulde set fire on an hundred places of the citie: and certeine were appointed to defende and stoppe the wayes to the cundites, and to sley al such as endeuored them selues to quenche the fire. Also they chose oute a certeine, whiche shulde besiege Pompeys house, and take his chyldren a lyue, and kepe them as it were in hostage, therby to wynne and reteine the friendshyppe of Gu. Pompeius, which at that season ledde a myghty great hoste in Asia: and it was nowe reported for a surety, that he had accomplyshed many very great warres, and wold shortly returne into Italie. Further it was appointed that C. Cethegus shoulde assayle Ciceros house with the sword and fire, and had the charge to sley hym: and he beyng slaine, he had other two, that had ben consulles, and .iiij. that had ben pretors, to sley. [Page] The other citizens shulde be numbred by the bande of yongemen, led by Gabinius. And amonge theym also was lymitted who shuld take and defende the Capitoll, who the market place, who the portes, and who the gates of the citie. Moreouer they ordeyned (it that is wont to chaunce in the conqueste of the citye of ennemies) to spoyle the citye, to burne the temples, to rauyshe the honeste wyues, noble mens children, virgins, and nunnes, and fyll all places with lamentacion, deade bodies, and bloude. And whan the citye were all set on fyre, robrie, and slaughter, Catiline shuld be redy with his armye to take suche as wolde fle, and ioyne hym selfe wyth these capitaines that were in the citye. Here I marueyle, seeynge Cicero saieth these thynges were thus appointed, wherfore Salust shuld declare them to be other wise deuised amonge the conspiratours. For hee writeth that Gabinius tooke vppon hym the businesse of burnynge, and that Cassius shulde go into Fraunce: whan contrarye wyse Gabinius was appoynted capitaine of the slaughter, and Cassius of burnynge. But yet in thys thing, I suppose more credence shuld be geuē to Cicero, which disclosed the conspiracie, than to Salustre. But I woll returne agayne to theyr communicacion.

¶The nyght appointed to crueltye, the fury and wrathe of Cethegus, the deceite of Lentulus. Cap. xxviii.

THAN said the frenchemen: Al these thinges Lentulus are right well and politikely appointed, but whan shall that wysshed nyghte bee? Whan shall oure Bestia make that desired oracion? It shall be but a short tyme (said Lentulus) these thynges must be done at the [Page] feaste of Saturne. Then sayde Cethegus: What speke ye Lentulus of the feast of Saturne? What short tyme meane ye? Ye shuld not tarye one houre. Very great perturbacions are often tymes done in a littell momente. For seyng spede is nedeful in eueri busines, thē specially in warre, namely amonge citizens. For slowyng and delaye may surely do great hurt, but no profite. Wherfore take hede Lentulus, lest thys thy shorte and lytell tyme be ouer much, yea and more then ouer long. Then when all the other answered, it behoued those thynges to bee done at the feaste of Saturnus, Cethegus was soo inflamed, and so wrothefullye ranne here and there, that without any doubte he semed to waxe rauinge mad: he smote hym selfe on the forehead, he coulde reste in noo place, oftentymes he layde hande on hys sworde: Why do I tary sayd he? his countenaunce was full of furye, his wordes arrogant and proude, he fomed at the mouthe, his eyes glowed, his crueltie appeared in his looke. Than sayd Cassius: Why doste thou Cethegus trouble oure ioyes? Why doest thou (sayd he) delaye oure ioyes? And he sware an othe, that if a fewe wolde folowe hym, the other makyng delaye, he hym selfe wolde assaute the palayce. After these woordes, they kepte a lytell whyle sylence. Than spake Lentulus to the frenchmen on this wyse: What thynke you oure Cethegus woll doo that nyghte, whan euen nowe he thynketh to come to hande strokes? Thinke you that the consull, thoughe he haue an army about hym, can withstand this most valiaunte man? Yee saye trothe quod they: for wee neuer sawe a bolder man. After this Lentulus sayde, it pleased hym, that the Frenchemennne, in the same iourney before they wente home in to their countreye, shoulde go vnto Catiline, [Page] that they myght confirme the leage and bonde of friendeshyppe with hym? And he appointed one Tytus Vulturcius to accompany and conduite them vnto Catiline. To this Vulturcius he gaue letters to cary to Catiline, without any name subscribed: but after this maner. Who I am, ye shall knowe of hym that I haue sent to you. Loke that ye playe the man: and thinke in what state ye be: and se what is now behoueful for you. Take hede that ye refuse no mans helpe, be he neuer so poore. Fare well. Furthermore he sente hym worde by mouth, that seynge he was iudged of the Senate as an enemy, he shulde vse the ayde and helpe of bonde men, and that he shulde set forward, and without delaye draw toward the citie. For in the city al things were diligently prepared & redy accordinge to his appointement. Lastly when they had determined, that the frenche ambassadoures shuld the .iij. nonas decembris departe oute of the citie, they sente them away with Vulturcius in their companye. About the same tyme M. Crassus came by nyghte to Cicros house with letters of L. Catiline, in the whiche Catiline exhorted hym, as one priuie to the conspiracye, to strength and ayde them. Cicero thanked hym, and greatly praised the good wyll and loue that he bare to hys countrey. But for what intente Crassus dyd it, whether because he wolde not be reputed a felow of the conspiracy, if by chaunce it happed to be disclosed, or else that he ment wel and truely, we do not certeinly knowe. Neuerthelesse Cicero in a certeine oracion whiche after Crassus death came to lyghte, writeth that M. Crassus was companion of the cōspiracie. But Cethegus alway blamed his felowes, bicause thei tarying for the feast of Saturne, let slyp a great occasion of victorye. He sayde, [Page] the thinge shulde be done forth with, with out any delay which while they taried, ye cōspiracy might come to light

¶L. Vulturcius wyth letters of Lentulus to Catiline, and the frenche Ambassadours be taken in theyr iourney. Cap. xxix.

BVT Marcus Cicero, knowyng what nyghte the Ambassadoures and Vultureius woulde take their iourneye, with a verye friendely courage commaunded L. Flaccus, and C. Promptinius the Pretours, that in the euenynge they shoulde beset the brydge Milnius wyth menne of armes on bothe sydes, and thys to accomplyshe, hee lycenced that they shoulde take with them certayne pyked yonge men of Rhetia, whyche he had ofte vsed to haue aboute hym for the safegarde of his lyfe. He dysclosed to them all the hole matter, and committed the wealthe of the cytye to their fidelitie. They atcheued the matter diligentlye, lyke as the consul had commanded. Beholde, after midnyght the french ambassadours, and wyth them Vulturcius, with a great company, came to the brydge Miluius. Then sodeinelye on the one syde of the brydge L. Flaccus, on the other syde C. Promtinius wyth theyre swordes drawen set vpon them. The frenchemen at the firste drewe out their swordes: after that knowyng their intencion, they lightly yelded them selues to the pretors. But Vulturcius, when he had long defended hym selfe, waxing feynt with bledyng, and ofte beseching Promptinius to saue his life, he yelded him self to them. Than the pretors toke from the frenchemen, and frome Vulturcius their letters, and sendynge spedelye tydinges to the consull, whan the daye began to breke, they brought then those that they had taken vnto the consul.

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¶The conspiratores are by Cicero brought in to the Senate, and wytnesses ageynst them, and accusers are examined. Cap. xxx.

BVT the consull commaunded Gabinius, Lentulus, Cethegus, Satilius, and M. Ceparius to come forthwyth vnto hym, not doubtyng for the safegarde of the common weale, to susteyne the hatered and malice of so many noble men. All the other suspectynge nothinge, came without delaye, Ceparius hearyng of the matter, fledde out of the citye: but within a while after he was taken in his iourney, and committed to the warde and kepynge of C. Terencius. But Cassius was departed oute of the citye alytell before the ambassado [...]res, as though he wolde haue returned shortely agayne. When the frenche men hadde informed the consull, that Cethegus house was ful of armour and weapons, he sent thyther P. Sulpicius the Pretor, whiche broughte oute of Cethegus house a huge greate numbre of harneyses. And whan the consull hadde inquired hym whether he intended to leade an armye in to any prouince, bycause he had gathered together soo muche multitude of harnes? No truely saide he, but I haue alwaye had a desire to be well furnyshed wyth good harnesses. Than after that the Senate was quickelye assembled, he commanded the conspiratours and their detectours to come forth, beynge accompanied for sauegarde of hys bodye, wyth a myghty stronge bande of knyghtes and gentlemen of Rome. And whan Vulturtius was broughte in to the Senate, he appointed .iiii. Senatours: C. Cosconius the pretor, M. Messala, P. Nigidius, App. Claudius, the which shuld wryte all the detectours sayinges [Page] interrogatories and answers: the which men he knewe to be not onelye vertuous and faithefull, but also of excellent memory and knowledge, & that could with great cele [...]itie easely regester those thynges that shulde be spoken. He demaunded of Vulturcius, what businesse hee had with the frenche menne, whither he was goynge, to whome, and whoo deliuered to hym those letters that were founde about hym. At the fyrste Vulturtius beganne to feine and dissemble many thinges concerninge his iourney and the lettres: but after that by commandment of the Senate, the consull had warraunted hym, he sayde, hee hadde commendations and letters of P. Lentulus; and that a fewe daies past he was allured to the felowship of this Cōspiracy by Gabinius and Caparius, and thus he harde saye, that P. Antronius. Seruius. Sylla. C. Cornelius. L. Vergunteius, and many other were of the same conspiracy: and that they had consented and agred to burne the cyty, to murder the citesens, to wast and destroy Italy, and clerely extinct the common weale. When the french men were brought in, they sayd, they had an othe and letters deliuered them to beare to their nation: and that they herde L. Cassius say, that all they, which Vulturtius had before named were bent with them, And in maner they told yt self same that Vulturtius had shewed of burnynge sleing, and murdering of the citesins. And they shewed what a great strife was betwene Cethegus & the other, bicause Lentulus and the other wold do this feate at the feast of Saturne, and Cethegus sayd, this warre requyred great spede. Furthermore they declared all that Lentulus had spoken vnto theym of Sibils prophecy, and of other matters, by whose meanes, and how often they [Page] had ben with hym. Then M. Tullius caused sodeinlye the letters to be brought forth, and commanded to open them. Fyrste he shewed them to Cethegus: he knowledged his hande and his seale, the letters were read openly, the sentence or effect of which was this: They intended surely to accomplyshe those thinges that they hadde confirmed to theire ambassadoures, desiringe that they wolde performe those thynges that their ambass [...]dours vndertooke. Statilius letters were read, the effecte of which was lyke the other. After that the consul shewed the letters to Lentulus, saying: Knowest not thou thys seale Lentulus? He graunted to be hys, This is (sayde the consull) the image of that mooste noble manne, thy graund father, which only loued his countrey and cityzens, the whych domme Image ought to haue reuoked thy mynde from so horrible a deede. And he inquired of hym whether he had not talked wyth the frenchemen of Sibyls prophecie? And sodeinly he confessed it, whiche no manne thought he wolde haue done. Than he had licence to speke in his defence what he wolde. But Lentulus, althoughe he were a good oratour, yet conuicted of his owne conscience, he was clene discouraged, oute of countinaunce, changed coloure, and had not a worde to speake. To be briefe. They confessed truthe. And not withstandynge that Gabinius at the fyrste beganne styffely to denye, yet at the laste he disproued nothynge. But besyde their letters, seales, their owne handes, and euery mannes confession, the feare disturbance in them selfe, suspensed and wauerynge countenance, and ofte chaunging of colour condempned them.

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¶The thankes and most ample prayses geuen of the Senate to Cicero for deteccion of the conspiracye. Cap. xxxi.

AFter the deteccions openlye publyshed, the Consull consulted wyth the Senate, what theire pleasure was, to bee doone concernynge the safegarde of the common weale. Than fyrste the Senate gaue hym mooste hyghe thankes, that by hys power, councell, laboure, and diligence, (with the danger of his own life) without vprore, without bludshedynge, without an army, without contencion in batayle .iiij. men beyng taken, the citie from burnyng, the citizens frome murder, Italy frome wastyng, and spoylyng, and the common weale from vtter destruccion was deliuered. And they so adorned him with laudes and preisinges, as neuer man before at any tyme with so manye and so synguler wordes was in the Senate lauded. Q. Catulus, the prince and chief of the Senatours, & M. Cato that moste worthy man, & that most derely loued the cōmon weale, in the gretest assembly of the senatours called him Pater patrie, the father of the countrey. L. Gellius, a man ful of honour & bountifulnes, sayd. The cōmon weale, for his reward ought to geue hym a ciuyle garland.A ciuile garland of oken leues was vsed to be geuē to him that had saued a citizen in batayle. Finally all that had bene or were meete to be consulles, and pretours soo lauded hym, that there was no man, whiche dyd not geue lyke thankes as he had ben their father, whiche thought not that by his meanes the cōmon weale, their goodes, their children and their liues were saued. And also they forget not to laude and praise L. Flaccus and C. Promptinius, for that the consull hadde founde them soo valyaunt, so diligent, and so faithfull in that hys busines. [...] [Page] fore hym neuer chaunced to man) supplicacion was decreed. At rysinge and departyng of the senate, Lentulus was committed to the custody and kepynge of P. Lentulus Spinter, which was then in the office Edilis: P. Statilius, in C. Cesar ye pretor, C. Cethegus to Q. Cornificius, and Gabinius to M. Crassus. But the common people of Rome, whiche before beynge desirous of newe busines and ruffelinge, fauored Catilines enterprise, it is incredible, the conspiracie being detected, with what heart and courage they weere kendled to defende their libertie. They stroue with the Senatours, whiche of them loued the common weale beste. They esteemed Cicero to be a greate and an excellente manne: they called hym the keper of their libertye, the preseruer of their citye, and the father of the countrey. Whose magnitude of mynde, whose counsailes, they wyth prayses extolled as hyghe as heauen.

¶The nexte daye, the Senate gaue to the frenche ambassadours, and to Titus Vulturcius, approuing their deteccion, right great and ample rewardes.

¶Cicero writeth, that at the same season ther were many, the which no man accusing or reprouing them, were forced with prickyng of their conscience, to disclose them selues to be of the conspiracy. The violence of their conscience is great:Violence of conscience. The whiche constrayneth men, that haue done any wicked or damnable dede, thoughe it were secretelye, manye tymes yet to bewraye and disclose them selues. For the conscience for the mysdedes, and paine of the lawes, suffereth the transgressours, not onely neuer carelesse to take reste, but also not once to drawe theyr breath without feare.

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L. Tarquinius caused M. Crassus to be suspects of the conspiracy. Cap. xxxiiii.

AT THE same tyme one of the conspiratours, called L. Tarquinius (vpon a safeconducte) was brought before the Senate, to open and shewe what he knewe of the conspiracie: and hee declared to them the same thynges that the frenche ambassadoures and T. Vulturcius tolde, of the burnyng of the citye, of the murtherynge of the cityzens, and of all those that were confederate to doo this myschiefe. Moreouer he saide, that M. Crassus was companion and partener of the conspiracie: and howe he hadde certaine messages frome hym to Catiline, that he shuld not be discouraged, although the captaines of the warre in the citie were taken & in hold, but that he shuld with all celeritie and speede haste hym with his army to the citye, to deliuer the conspiratours oute of pryson, and to accomplyshe all other thynges amonge them ordeyned and appoynted: In the citye all thynges was full of feare. But whan Tarquinius named Crassus, many of his familiar friendes, of whome he had a great nombre, sayd with a loude voice: The detectour is false and corrupted with meede.

¶The oracion defensiue made for M. Crassus by hys friendes. Cap. xxxv.

IN AL thinges honorable fathers (sayd they) whiche are mooste greuous and cruell, what anye manne woll doo or imagine, shoulde not be pondered after the voyce and speeche of the people, but accordinge to his lyfe and maners, whyche is accused. For if M. Crassus (prudente fathers) shulde [Page] therfore be demed culpable, bicause Tarquinius accuseth hym amonge the conspyratours, what shoulde it profite hym, to haue ledde euer more hitherto a life most pure withoute blame or shame? What dyfference than shall there be betwene the good menne and the yuell? What man moste innocente or vertuous can assure hym self from deceytes, if it behoueth to gyue credence to the yuel sayeng of euery lewede and vngratious person? But if we shall examine the lyfe of M. Crassus, what bodyly lust lurketh, what mischeuous dede lieth hydde, what crueltye, or what braynsicke boldenes: there shall be neyther errour nor obscuritie in the cause: So greate is the greatnes of this mischiefe, that without fylthy youthe, without many yuel dedes before cōmitted, with out a lyfe defiled with all damnable actes, with out prodigall expence with disworship and shame, without vnbridled boldnes be shewed, and not onely braynsyke boldnes, but very furor and madnes, no manne will beleue, that euer he wolde entreprise soo heynous, so cruel, and so bitter a dede. Furthermore we muste lay here vnto, a lust to rule, the hate of peace and good men, drede of punishement, dishonest frendes, dette, pouerty, tyme meete and conuenient. All whiche thynges excepte they be manyfest, truely (as we saye) so vngratious a dede so cruell, and so farre agaynst all reason, wyll not be beleued. What thynge, what hope, what lewde luste coude enforce Crassus to do suche a dede? Coude nede or scarsitie compel hym, whiche is so riche, that there are fewe or none in this great multitude of men, that haue more aboundance of riches? Coude ambition, whiche oft tymes maketh many men noughte? For bothe good and badde desyre glory, honour, rule, gouernaunces of prouinces, [Page] dignities of the churche, and triumphes. The good men by vertue: the ille men mistrustyng theyr vnworthines, by naughty and crafty menes crepe vp: and the honours whiche they, thynges beynge in quiet and good order, despeyre to wynne: by rufflynge and troubling of the cōmon weale, they thynke to opteyne. Than thus hath not Crassus in peace & rest atteyned vnto the moste ample and highe honours of the Cytye without repulce? But peraduenture his vngentyl maners fierce cruelty, vnbridled boldnes enforced Crassus vnto this. Who is more courteyse then he? Who is more mylde? What dede dyd we euer se hym do, ouer boldly, or wythout good aduisement and consideracion? We omit nowe the weale publike, which hath euer ben to Crassus most derely beloued. We speke nothynge of his estate, of hys maner of lyuinge, of his nature, of his most gentyl conditions, of his incredible loue toward good men, of hys study and diligence to conserue the common quiet reste and peace. Nor we do not omit those thīges, as though they were not of most weyghty importance but bycause they are to you notably knowen. Is it than credible, than in this most honest mynde, in this lyfe, so abhominable a dede coulde take place? Loke well vnto hym, and beholde those other, laye the crime and his lyfe together. Whold Crassus burne the cyty, sle the senatours wast Italy, destroye the weale publyke, and brynge the name of the people of Rome to naught? This suspition honorable fathers, taketh no holde on this pure honest mynde, on this lyfe, on this man. They were sauage beastes, wylde and cruell, in the shape of men, that went aboute to destroye those thynges. And what ment it? whan Traquinius named Antronius, Vargunteius, [Page] Lecca, Seruius, Sylla, Cornelius, and manye other, that ye all attentiuely gaue eare? For those, if no manne wolde accuse them, yet their condicions and lyfe woulde conuince theym. But whan hee beganne to name M. Crassus, dydde not euery man vehementlye crye oute agaynste hym? For no manne demed that the lyfe of anye man could so sodenly be changed, or nature altered: that he which a lytle before was the beste and moste honeste man, wolde anone after in crueltie passe the wylde beastes. Consider a lytell in your myndes honorable fathers (for so ye shall vnderstande how far of, Crassus is from suspicion of thys heynous deede) consider I saye, Catiline, Antronius, Cassius, Cethegus, Lētulus, Gabinius, and other men which are alied to this detestable dede, what murthers, what aduoutries, what robryes, howe manye and what greate vnheard of and singular dedes of myschiefe, of brainesicke boldenesse, of voluptuous pleasure, of falsehoode, of promise breakynge, of crueltye, of auarice shall ye fynde in these menne? Who doth marueile, that Catiline hath conspired against the weale publike? beynge of all men (sythe man was firste formed) the most muscheuest, ye most cruel, and the most fylthy. Whych hath defiled so many worshypful wyues, so many noble yonge men, whome L. Sylla appointed to sley the knyghtes of Roome: amonge the whiche hee slewe Catullus his systers husbande, and M. Marius moste derely beloued of the people of Rome. Whiche in Affrica destroyed many houses, spoyled many townes, and all the temples, and so vexed and wasted that prouince, that (as it semed) it coulde scaselye bee restored ageyne in many yeres after. In whose lyfe there can be founde no houre voyde from aduoutrye, from mourder, [Page] from mischief, from cruelty, from doing yl dedes, whom we sawe afterwardes accused of petye briberye, and incest: & whom alway al men thought to be borne to make discorde and variance in the common weale. Who wondereth that Lentulus was familierly acqueinted wyth hym, seinge he was nedye, sumptuous, bolde, proude, lecherous? Wherto shulde we reherse the furious brainesyckenes of Cethegus? or how he wounded Pius Metellus? Who was euer more stubborne, more fierce, or more cruell than he? And who coulde bee founde more voluptuous, more lecherous, more deceiteful thā Antronius? Whome we knewe was condempned for ambicion, whome wee knewe committed murther, and spoiled the temples of our confederate friendes. It were an infinite busines, to declare to you all their deedes. But it is your part honorable fathers, though we reherse them not, keping silence inwardly to mynde all those, whiche are knowen to haue conspired. For ye shall wel perceiue eche of them to be sooner condempned of his owne lyfe, then by oure suspicion. Dyddest thou than thynke Tarquinius with those deteccions to brynge Crassus from this dignitie of familiars, in to thys flocke, in to thys nombre of wicked caytiues and parent sleyers? Is it not now apparant, honorable fathers, that those crimes are feyned? Do ye not se that thynge, that the detector hathe sayd of Crassus, corrupted eyther wyth meede or hope, or with drede depraued, or elles to procede of ennemies? Wherfore let not this gappe lye open to ennemies, that who so euer a manne dothe hate, hym by some detectour in false crimes appealed, he may rydde out of lyfe. Suffer yt in most greatest crimes, the life of euery man may be his witnes. Reteyne styll this moste worthye cityzen, [Page] this moste valyant man, that most derely loued this honorable Senate, and that is so prompte and redy wyth harte and mynde to all thinges, that shulde be prouided for the common weale. Finally loke well to, that this most noble and most mighty man by your cruelty shuld not seme to be violently intreated.

¶The decree of the Senate for M. Crassus, the suspition agenst Cicero, and his purgation. Cap. xxxvi.

FOR as much as somme thought this thing incredible, and some other though they beleued it, yet knowynge the manne to be soo myghty puissaunt and rich, in suche a troublous time, demed it better by all wayes and meanes to reteyne his fauour, than stere hym to displeasure, the Senate decreed, Tarquinius detection to be false, he to be committed to prison, and clene to be put to silence, excepte he wolde shewe, who instanted hym to feyne soo great a thynge. There were somme the same season that thought this detector had bene subornated by P. Antronius, to thend that Crassus, for the danger of their felowshyp, shulde with his riches helpe the conspiratours. Other there were amōg the which also was Crassus him selfe, whiche beleued, that this man was craftily broughte in by Cicero, to thende that Crassus for this suspition, shulde not take vpon hym the defence of those that were in prison. Whervpon there arose exceding greate hatred betwene Crassus and Cicero. But the yonge man P. Crassus, the preisar, the folower, and louer of Cicero, did let Crassus to pursue Cicero opēly. But by whose counsayle Tarquynius was craftylye brought in, as yet we know not the certaynety. We beleue [Page] not, that it was Ciceros drifte. For this is playne, that Q. Catulus and C. Piso, Cesars enemies, coulde for no fauour opteyne of hym, that C. Ceser eyther by the frenche ambassadoures, or by any other detectour, shuld be named to be in the conspiracy of Catiline. And I fynde that Cicero in this busines bare hym selfe very vpryghtly with out any parcialyte. He neyther accused any man as culpable of this mischiuous dede wyth out a clere probation, or kepte secrete for frendship, or for mede conceled any man.

¶Of Lentulus and his felowes sedition seruantes bond and fre, and wonderfull token shewed to Cicero. Cap. xxxvii,

WHILE these thinges were in doinge all Lentulus and Cethegus seruantes bonde and free, ran aboute from tauerne to tauerne, from shoppe to shope to stur vp the myndes with mede of suche as were nedy and naught. And whan they had reysed vp a great rout of craftis menne, they by dyuers wayes prepared to inuade the Pretors houses. But the Consull hauynge knowlege therof had in his mynd many imaginations, what shulde be done with the conspiratours that were take. and in holde, if he shuld do punishemente on them, the conspiracy were extyncte: but being milde and mercifull in all his lyfe, he dradde the name of cruelty: and right wel forsawe, that for this matter he shulde in time to come be in danger of great hatred and enuie. Whyle he mused on this matter, somme wryte, that this wonderfull token was shewed to hym, as they were doinge sacrifice in his house for the people, on the alter, the fire [Page] beyng almoste quenched, sodeynly out of the ashes and imbers, a longe and a pure flame burned vp bright, and answere was made by the diuinours, that Cicero shuld not doubt to accomplishe those thinges for the common weale, wherabout he in his mind so much mused, & that thereby to hym of the goddes immortall was sygnified great fame and glory. I dare not affirme, whether this be true or no, because we reade that such sacrifice for the people was not wont to be done in ye consuls house, but alwaies in the high byshops. Furthermore Cicero was nothing moued with such wonderfull sygnes & tokens.

¶The sentence of D. Syllanus and other noble men gyuen agaynst the conspiratours. Cap. xxxviii.

THAN the consull strongelye fortifyed the citye, and with all celeritie and spede assembled the Senate, and required their aduise what shulde be donne with those that were in holde. Than D. Sillanus, elected to bee consull, was first desired to say his mind, whose sentēce was, that those that were in warde, also L. Cassius, whyche desyred to be charged with the burnynge of the citye. P. Furius, Manlius Chilo, Q. Annius, P. Vmbrenus, which were alwaye occupied in solicitynge the frenche ambassadours (if they myghte be taken) shulde be put to deathe. To this agreed the other that had ben or like to be consuls, and namely Q. Catulus, in an oracion ful of seueritie, sayd that the conspiratours oughte not to lyue and enioye this lyghte one momente of an houre. But whan it came to C. Cesar, and T. Nero, to saye their myndes, they began to reason the contrarye, and sayde. They oughte not to be put to deathe, bycause [Page] the lawes dyde it prohibyte, but their iudgement was that the conspiratours, their goodes beyng confiscate, shuld be sundred and surely kepte in dyuerse holdes vntyll that Catilyne were by warre vanquised. This matter Salust writeth as foloweth.

¶The oration of C. Caesar, wherin he contendeth, that the conspiratours shulde not be put to de [...]h, but kepte continually in prison. Cap. xxxix.

IT becommeth all menne, honorable fathers, whiche shall gyue counsayle and saye their aduise in matters doubtfull, to be cleane without hatred, frendship, wrathe, and mercy. The mynde can not easily forese the trouthe, where those affections beare a stroke, nor no man at one tyme foloweth his yl affection, and the profit of the weale publyke, where vnto a manne applyeth his wyt, there it auayleth. If affection possesse the wyt, she ruleth, reason auayleth nothynge. I coulde abundantly recyte vnto you honorable fathers. what kinges and people moued with wrath or mercy, haue ylle and hurtfully ordered theym selfes in consultation, but I wyll rather reherse to you, what our forefathers haue done wel & ordinatly ageynst their natural inclination.

¶In the warre of Macedony, which we made ageinst the kynge of Persy, the great and myghty cyty of Rhodes (whiche increased in greate ryches by the goodes of the people of Rome) was vnto vs contrarye and vnfaithful. But after the war was finished, they counceled what shulde be done of the Rhodians: Our forefathers let them go vnpunished, lest any man shulde saye, that the warre was begun ageynste theym, more for wynnyng [Page] of ryches than to reuenge iniurye.

Also in al the warres Punycke, whan the Carthaginois, ofte tymes bothe in tyme of peace and truce dyd many detestable deedes ageynste all ryght, yet our forefathers hauyng accasyon, neuer dyd such thinges, they sought more, what became them, then what they myght laufully do ageynst their enemies. This thing also, honorable fathers shuld of you be foresene, leste the detestable deede of P Lentulus, and the other conspiratours, shuld more inforce you to reueng, than besemeth your dygnyty, or rather incline to your wrathe, than to your honorable fame. For if worthy punyshmente for their deedes be founde, I approue new council. But if ye gretnes of ye mischeuous dede both passe all mens wyts my mynd is to vse those punishmentes which are ordeyned by the lawes: Many of them yt before me haue sayd theyr mindes, discretely and magnificently haue bewailed the decay of the cōmon weale, and haue full eloquētly reckened vp, how cruel a thing warre is, what yuels chanceth to them that are conquered, the virgins rauished the yong babes and children vyolently pulled out of the fathers and mothers armes, the honeste wyues must suffre what soo euer please the subduers, the temples and houses are spoyled, slaughter, and burnynges are done, finally all thinges fylled with armour, carcases, bloud, and lamentations. But tell me I praye you, wherto serueth that oration? was it to stomake you ageynst the conspiracy? If so greate and so cruell a dede will not moue a mans spirites, shall an oration kendell hym? It is not lykely. Nor there is no mortall creature that thinkethe his wronges littell: many haue taken these their iniuries more greuousely than ryght required. [Page] But some thinge honorable fathers may better be suffered in some men than in other some. If the priuate persons, that lyue obscurely vnknowen, cōmit through anger any dishoneste dede: Fewe knowe it. Their fame & fortune are egal. The greate rulars and hygh gouernours, all men knowe their actes. So in hyghest felycitie, is least libertye to do a mysse. It besemeth suche menne not to be spitefull, not to beare hatred, but in no wyse to be angry. The affection which in other is called anger in the hygh rulars is named Pride and crueltie. Surely, honorable fathers, I deme all turmentes lasse than their detestable dedes. But many men remēbring the last punishementes, and forgettinge the mischeuous dede of the transgressours, they reason of the peyne, whether it be more cruell than it shulde be. I surely knowe, that what so euer the honorable and moste valiant man. D. Syllanus hathe sayde, he spake it for the great affection that he beareth to the common weale. Neyther hath he in so weyghty a cause, said any thynge for fauour, nor yet for hatred, I know his maners and sobrenes to be suche. Truly his sentence to me semeth not cruel (for what cruelty can be done to suche menne, but yet not all thynge agreable to the common weale. For certeynely either dreade or iniury hath constreyned you Syllanus, chosen consull for the yere to come, to adiudge the conspiratours to suffer a new kynde of punishement. As touchyng feare, to reason therof it were but in vayne, namely sith the great dyligence of the noble consul hathe soo strongly warded and defended the cyty with men of armes. As concernynge their punishment, I may speke as the truthe is, that death to those that be in heuynes and misery is not a tourmente, but [Page] rather a quyet and rest from all wofull wretchednes. For death fynishethe all griefes and euyls that mortall creatures endure. But I pray you Syllane, why dyd you not adde, that they shulde be fyrst beaten? was it bycause the lawe Portia, or some other lawes do prohibit it? Lykewyse the lawes forbyd that citezins condemned shulde be put to death, but they commaunde to banishe them. Left ye that vnspoken, bycause it is more greuous to be beaten, than to be put to deathe? And yet what punyshemente is to cruell or greuous to men conuicte of soo greate and detestable a deede? But if you spake not of beatynge, bycause it is easier? howe inconuenient is it to feare the lawe in the lesse busines, and to neglecte it in the greater? For who shall reprehend that that is decreed ageynst traitours to the common weale? Tyme, day, fortune, after whose luste nations are ruled. To them what soo euer euyll hapneth, chanceth accordyng to their deseruinges. But consider honorable fathers, what lawes ye ordeyne for other. All euyl examples take their beginning of good thīges for after imperial gouernaunce instituted by good mē, came to ye handling of those that were euyl: ye new exāple was transferred from the worthy and mete, to the vnworthy & vnmet persones. Whan the Lacedemonians had subdued ye Athemenses, they ordeyned .xxx. menne to rule ye common weale. They at the fyrst put no man to death but suche as for their offences were iustely condemned. The people was ryght glade of this law, and sayde, it was very well done. But after, this licence increasinge by littell and littel, they slewe for their pleasure as well good men as bad, and put the other in feare, and so the citie beynge oppressed with bondage and thraldome, [Page] they greuously repented theyr former folyshe gladnes.

¶We remembre, Sylla hauynge the vpper hande, commaunded Dasippus and suche other hope lostes, that were growen riche, to the great hurte of the common weeale, to be put to dethe. Who dyd not preyse hys dede? They sayd, vngratious and detestable persons, and such as with sedi [...]ions troubled the common weale, were well and iustely put to dethe. But that thinge was the beginning of a greate mischefe. For if any of Syllas souldiours coueted to haue any mans house in the citye, manour in the countrey, iewell, or garmente,A man proscripted, was in case that the fyrste that mete him might laufully sle hym. they dyd their endeuoure, that he, whose good they desired, might be amonge the nombre of theym that were proscripted. So that they, whiche reioysed at the death of Damasippus, were sone after brought to the same end. Neyther was there any ende of slaughter vntyll that Sylla had aboundantly satisfied hys souldiors wyth ryches. But I neither feare this thing in M. Tullius, nor at this tyme, but in a greate cytie, many and diuerse are the wittes. An other tyme, an other beynge consul, and hauinge an army at his commaundemente, some thynge false may be beleued to be trewe: whan suche a consull after this example, by decree of the senate, shall drawe out his sworde, who shall make hym put it vp? or who shall moderate hym? Our auncestours, honorable fathers, wanted at any tyme neyther councell, nor boldnes, neyther pryde letted theym to folowe the lawes and maners of other nacions, yf they were allowable. Armur and weapons of warre, they toke of the Sainnites, many ornamentes belongynge to the great offycers and rulars, they receyued of the Tuscayns. Finally, where so euer they sawe any mete or conuenient [Page] thyng amonge their frendes or foes, the same with great dilygence they vsed at home. They wolde rather folow, than enuy those that were good. But oure auncestours folowyng the maners of the Greekes, punished their citizins with beatynges, and put to deathe suche as were condemned. After the publike weale increased, and that partakenge amonge the people began to grow, by reason of the multitude: the innocentes began to be circumuented, and other such lyke mischifes to be practised, than the lawe Portia and other lawes were ordeined, by the which exyle was granted to them that were condemned. Therfore I thynke this cause, mooste honorable fathers, to be very great, wherby we shall not nede to take any new councell. Verily, there was more vertu and wysedome in them that of so small ryches brought this impire to soo greate welth and renoume, than in vs, whiche can scasely maynteyne and kepe thinges well wonne. Is it therfore my mind that they shulde be let go, and increase Catilines army? No truly. But my iudgemente is that their goodes be forfete, and they to remayne in pryson in suche townes belongynge to Rome, as be moste welthy. Nor that none from hensforthe shulde sue to the senate, or laboure to the people for them, And he that wolde so do, the senate to esteme hym to do ageynste the weale publike, & sauegarde of vs all.

¶The oracion and sentence of Ceaser, pleased very much euen the frendes of Cicero. Cap. xl,

WITH this oraciō of Ceasar, soo much altred were mēs mindes quickly, & suche dred of false accusatyō & cruelty toke theim: yt D. Sillanus [Page] greatlye repented hym of his sentence, that he was the principall and chiefe that iudged the conspiratoures to deathe: and was glad aftewardes wyth interpretacion to myttigate his sentence (for shame it was to change it) and so to folowe the iudgement of Tiberius Nero. And some other there were, that wold rather seme more bolder in geuing sentēce, which said: They minded nothing their owne perilles, but feared lest the consul shulde not be stronge ynoughe to accomplyshe their ordinaunces. But the frendes and kinsefolke of the consul were most specially moued wyth thys oracion. They consideringe what greate enuye and hatered of the commune people myght here after aryse against Cicero, if the senat breakynge the lawe Portia, shulde without the consente of the people, put noble citezins to deathe, they all agreed to the sentence of Caesar, and prayed the consul that he wolde loke to his owne saluegard and profit, neyther colde they in the meane whyle absteyne from teares. Caesar, by his oration drawynge soo many to hym, among whom was also Qu. Cicero, had obteyned his purpose, if the oration of the most prudent consul, and Cato, had not encouraged the senatours myndes, that began to quayle. The consul was of nature mylde and mercifull, but except he shuld than haue shewed sharpenes, he sawe the weale publyke lyke to be brought in to greate daunger. For if they shewed them selfe more softe and gentle, they deemed that the conspiratours shoulde be the bolder and more encouraged, and in the meane tyme, some commocion myght ryse in the citye. But if they shewed them selues very vehemente againste those that were taken, he foresawe that all the puissaunce, all the hoope, all the ryches of the conspiratours, these perylles [Page] of the citye beinge put awaye, shulde sodeinelye quaile. And thoughe he vnderstode, that thys thynge could not be brought to passe wythoute great daungeir of his owne lyfe, yet so derely loued he the cōmon weale that he more estemed the welth publyke, than his owne lyfe. Than whan he sawe the senate inclinynge to Caesars sentence, coueting to slaye them beginnynge to wauer, rose vp and sayd as hereafter foloweth.

¶ The oration of the consull against the conspiratours. Cap. xli.

ISE, honorable fathers, all youre vysages and eyes tourned towarde mee, I see you not onelye for youre owne peryl, and for the publyke weale, but also (if that weere put awaye) verye heauye and thoughteful for the daungeire that I am in. Your good wyll towarde me, is to me in aduersitie ioyful, and in sorowe acceptable: But I beseche you for the goddes sakes immortall, set asyde that good wyll, and forgettynge my sauegarde, thinke vpon your selfe, and your chyldren. If this condicion of consulshyppe be geuen me, that I shulde suffer all bytter aduersities, all sorowes and tormentes, I wyll beare them not onelye stoutely, but also wyllynglie: so that by my trauailes to you and the people of Rome, honorable fathers, dignitie and prosperitie maye be procured. I am that consul honorable senatoures, for whose sake neyther the common place of iudgement, wherin al equity is conteined: nor the fielde, consecrate for chosynge of highe officers: nor this courte of senatours, the speciall ayde of all nacions: nor my house, the common refuge of all men: nor [Page] my bedde ordeined for reste, nor finallye this honorable place, this seate appointed for the mooste hyghe gouernours, was neuer voyde from peryll of deathe, and disceytes. Many thinges haue I kepte secrete, many thinges haue I endured, many thynges haue I graunted, many thynges to my greate sorowe, beinge in dreede for you, haue I holpe. Nowe if the goddes immortall wyll this to be the ende of my consulshyppe, that I shulde deliuer you honorable fathers, and the citizens of Rome frome miserable slaughter, your wyues and chyldrene and the vyrginnes Vestalles, from vtter vexacion, the temples and holy places, this our moste goodlye countrey from moste cruell bournynge, al Italy from warre and destruccion, what soo euer fortune is appointed to me onely, I wyll aduenture it. For if P. Lentulus, induced by the southesayers, thoughte that hys name was predestinate to destroie the publyke weale, why shoulde not I reioyse that my consulshyppe is ordeyned for the conseruacion of the same common weale? Wherefore honorable fathers, prouide for your selues, see too the sauegarde of youre countrey, saue your selues, your wyues, youre children, and youre goodes, and defende the name and wealthe of the people of Roome: take ye noo care nor thought for me. For firste my speciall truste is, that all the goddes whiche preserue this citye, wyll rewarde me, accordinge to my deseruinges. Secondelye if any thynge chaunce, I wyll with an vpryghte mynde and a good courage, dye. For vnto a valiaunte manne deathe is not shamefull, nor vnto a Consull, it commeth not to sone, ne vnto a wyse man it is not wretched. And yet haue I not so yron a stomacke, but that I am moued wyth the sorow of my most dere and louing brother [Page] here present, and with the teares of all those, whiche ye se inuiron me about: also my wyfe that is halfe deade, oftentimes reuoketh my minde homewardes, and my doughter well nere deade for feare, and my litell sonne, the whiche seemeth to me, dothe imbrace the common weale, as a pledge of my consulshyppe, nor my sonne in lawe, that standeth here awaytinge the ende of this day all these thynges doo moue me, but yet in suchewyse, that all shuld be in sauetie with vs, yea rather I wold some vyolence shoulde oppresse me, than they, and we with the common weale shoulde perysshe togyther. Wherfore honourable fathers, stycke to the sauegarde of the common weale, prouyde surelye for all stormes that maye falle. Withoute ye take good hede, not T. Gracchus, whiche wolde ones agayne be made protectour of the comminaltie, nor C. Gracchus, that went about to reuyue the lawes Agrarie, nor L. Saturninus, which slew C. Memmius, is brought to any ieopardy, or to your sharpe iudgemente: but they are in holde, that taryed styll in Rome, to bourne the citie, to mourder you al, and so to receyue in Catilin. We haue theyr letters, theyr seales, theyr owne hand writynges and fynally eche of theyr own confessions. The frenche ambassatours are sollicited, the slaues and seruauntes are styrred vp, Catilyne is sent for. This councel haue they taken, that all beyng slayne, no man shuld be left, to bewayle the name of the common weale, and to lament the calamitie of so great an empire. All these thinges the detectours haue declared, the accused haue confessed. You haue iudged it by manye tokens soo to bee: Fyrst in that ye haue geuen me hygh thankes in special wordes, and haue affirmed, that by mine industrie and [Page] diligence, the conspiracy of these hope lostes, is openly knowen: further in that ye haue compellyd Lentulus to yelde vp his office of Pretorshyp. And in that ye haue gyuen sentence, that he and the other shoulde be commytted to ward, and specially that ye haue decreed procession to be made in my name, whiche honour was neuer done to any man in tyme of peace before me. Finally, in that ye rewarded yesterday so magnyficently the frenche ambassatours and T. Vulturtius. All whiche thynges are of suche forte, that they whiche by name ar put in holde, wythout doubt seme of you to be condemned. But I determyned to referre holly vnto you honorable fathers, bothe what you wyll iudge of the dede, & what you wyll determyne touchynge the punyshment. I wyll shewe you before, what pertayneth to the consul.

¶ I behelde not longe sence, great furye waltrynge in the weale publyke, and some new myschefes a brewing. But I neuer thought this so great and so mortall a cō spiracy to be enterprised of the citesens. Now, what soeuer it be, whither soo euer youre myndes and sentences inclyne, it muste be determyned er nyght. You see vnto howe greate a daunger we be brought, wherunto yf ye thynke, a fewe are confederate, you are farre wyde. This myschiefe is sprawled abrode further than you thynke: For it hath not onely ouerflowen Italy, but is also runne ouer the mountayns Alpes, preuily crepyng forth, hath now inuaded many prouinces. This thynge in no wyse can be oppressed by sustaynyng and prolongyng therof. What so euer way it pleaseth you to take, you must spedily determyne ther vppon. I se there are two sundrye sentences, one of Syllanus, whose iugement was, that they, whiche were bent on this greate [Page] mischiefe shulde be put to deth. The other of C. Cesar the whiche dysalowyng the punyshment of deth, wolde they shuld suffer all greuous peyne, and tourmente. Eyther of them, accordyng to his dignitie, and weyght of the cause, with greate grauitie handlyd the matter. The one thought, that they whiche indeuoured theym selfe, to slee vs all, and the people of Rome, whiche wolde distroye the empyre, that wolde extincte the name of Romaynes, were not worthye to lyue the mynute of an howre. And that kynd of punyshmente oftentymes executed vppon suche naughtie citesens in this common weale, remaneth or recorde. The other vnderstandethe that dethe is not ordeyned of the goddis immortall, as a punishmente, but as necessitie of nature, or els a reste from trauayle and myseries. Therfore wise men neuer grutched agaynst it, yea oftentymes they wyth a hardy courage, and wyllyngly desyred death. And to lye in yrons perpetually in pryson, is a syngular punyshmente inuented for heynous offences. He wyllethe, that they shulde be seuered into sundry townes, whiche thinge if he wolde haue cōmaunded, standeth but lytel with equitie, if he wolde desyre it, it semeth a harde thynge to be done: yet if it please you, let it be so decreed. For I wyll take it vpon me, and I trust to fynde theym, that wyll not thynke it to be agaynst theyr dignitie and honoure, to do that ye shall ordeyne for the wealthe of vs all. He chargeth the townsmen with a greate penaltie, if any of them breake prison, and wold they shuld be surely kepte and hath appoynted peynes mete for suche greuous offenders, and that there shall no man labour, neyther by the senate, nor by the people, to mitigate the punysshementes that they are condempned to suffre. Also he taketh [Page] away the hope, whiche only is wonte to be a mans comfort in misery: and moreouer he wylleth theyr goodes to be confiscate. The lyfe onely he leaueth to those wycked offendours, whiche if he wolde haue taken away: with one griefe he shulde haue dispatched theym of many tribulations of mynde and bodye, and of all peynes of transgressions. And bycause the yl doers in theyr lyfe shulde stande in some dreede, our forefathers sayd, that suche peynes as be in hell were ordeyned for wycked lyuers, meanynge therby, that yf the feare of suche infernall peynes were taken away, men wolde no whyt be arfayde of deathe.

¶Nowe honorable fathers, I see howe thys thynge toucheth me, yf you shulde folowe Ceasars mynde, bycause he leaueth to the way of the common weale, that is acceptable to the people, peraduenture I shall not nede greatly to feare the furius rage of the people, he being the author of this sentence, but if you will folowe the other sentence, I doubte whether it shall turne me to more busines yea or nay. But yet the profyte of the common weale wayeth more with me, than all myne owne perylles. We haue also Ceasars mynde and sentence (accordyng to his honourable estate, and as it be semeth a man descēded of so noble a linage) as a pledge of his contynuall good wyll to the common weale. And we vnderstande, what dyfference is betwene the myldnes of oratours, and hym that truly loueth the people, and tendreth theyr welth. I se that some of them, which wolde be sene to fauor the people, be absente, bycause they wyll not gyue sentence of deathe agaynste the citizens of Rome. This man not thre dayes past, commytted towarde Cethegus, and P. Lentulus citesens of [Page] Rome, and decreed vnto me porcession, and yesterday he gaue great rewardes to the detectours of the conspiracy. Nowe there is noo manne that doubteth, what his mynde and iudgemente is concerninge all this busynes, whiche committed the offendours to warde, that so greatly thanked the Questor, and decreed the detector to be so highly rewarded. But C. Cesar vnderstandeth the lawe Sempronia to be constituted and made for the citesens of Rome: but he that is an enemye to the common welthe, can in noo wyse be a citisyn, and farther the selfe maker of the lawe Sempronie, was by commaundement of the people greuously punyshed. He also demeth Lentulus to be lyberall and not prodygall: and that he, that so sharply, so cruelly imagened, by that meanes he myght destroye his common weale, and confounde this citie, maye be called a fouourer of the people. And so this moste mylde and courteys man doubteth not to commande, that Lentulus shulde lyue perpetually fettred in darke prison. Also he hathe establyshed, that no man hereafter booste hym selfe, that he mytigated his peyne, & that no man, offending ageinste the comon weale, be rekned a fauourer of the people. He wylleth furthermore, theyr goodes shulde be confiscate, that beside all theyr tormentes of mynde and body, they woulde be oppressed wyth nede and pouertye. Wherfore whether ye wyll determin this, ye must cause the people to here me with loue and fauoure: Or if ye wyll rather folowe the sentence of Sillanus, ye shall easylie defende bothe you and me from blame of crueltie. And yet honorable fathers, what crueltie can there be, in punyshyng so greate and so cruell a dede? Truely I speake according to my mynde: for so mote I wyth [Page] you enioye the common weale, as I, that in this cause am ryght vehemente, am not moued with anye crueltye of minde. For who is more milder than I? but yet after a certayne singuler humanitie and mercie. For why me thinketh that I see this citie, the lanterne of the hole worlde, and the fortres of defence for all nacions, sodeinely burninge fall in desolacion. I see in my minde oure countreye cleane destroied, and the miserable heapes of cityzens lye vnburied. The furious loke of Cethegus frantike madde in the slaughter of you, is neuer oute of my syghte. Whan I call to remembraunce Lentulus, reigninge lyke a kynge, lyke as he confessed to haue seene him selfe by predestinacion: Gabinius arayed in a purple weede: and Catiline come with his armie: O howe I than abhorre to see the lamentacion of the honeste wiues, the flyghte of yonge maides and childrene, and the trouble of the virginnes Vestalles. And because these thinges seme to me vehementely miserable and to be pitied: therfore I shew my selfe sharp and vehemente againste those, that wolde haue performed them. I aske you, whether that householder which dothe moste sharpely and greuouselye punishe his seruaunte that sleyeth his childrene, kylleth his wife, and burneth his house, is to bee counted milde and mercifull, or els fierce and cruell? I iudge him importunate and of an yron courage, that wolde not asswage his sorowe with the turmenting of suche a seruaunt: In like maner we shall be rekened mercifull, if wee shewe oure selues moste sharpe and vehemente againste those that wolde murder vs, oure wiues, our children, that with all their indeuour go aboute to destroye euerie mannes house, and this vniuersall common weale, whyche haue [Page] doone their beste to haue stablyshed the nacion of Delphinois in the steppes of thys citye, and in the asshes of thys empiere, distroied wyth fire: but if wee wyll be seene to be remisse and negligente, we shal be vtterly defamed of crueltie, for sufferynge our countrey and citesens to be distroyed. Excepte any man wyll thynke L? Caesar that noble and valyant man, and that mooste derely loueth this common weale, was the other day very cruel, what he sayd, that his sisters husband, that most honorable lady, beinge present, and heryng hym, was worthy to dye. Whan he sayd, Flaccus was slayn by the consuls cōmandement: and his sonne, not .xiiii. yere of age, bounde and cast into pryson to be slayne Was any of theyr dedes lyke this? What counsayle toke they to destroy the common weale? Largesse was than vsed in the cōmon weale, to come to honour, and some contencion and part takynge. And euen at that tyme this Lētulus grandfather, that most noble mā being armed, pursued Gracchꝰ, & was thā sore woūded, to the ende the hygh dignitie of the cōmon weale shulde nothyng be blemyshed. This Lentulus hath styrred vp the Frenchemen to tourne vpset downe this common weale: he hath reysed slaues and bondemen, he hath callyd forthe Catiline, he hath allotted vs to Cethegus, the other cityzens to bee slayne by Gabinius, the citye to be burned by Cassius, all Italy to be wasted and spoyled by Catilyne. I deeme, you dreede leste that in this so cruell and cursed a deede, ye shulde be seene to determine any thinge ouer sharpe and rigorous: Whan it is muche more to be feared, leste by negligence of punyshement, we shall seme rather cruell to our countrey, than by sharpenes of punyshemente ouer vehemente against [Page] our moste cruell ennemies.

¶ But honorable fathers, I can nat dissemble, that I haue herd spoken. For wordes ar blowē abrode, whiche are come to my hearyng, of them, that seme to feare, leste I shal not be stronge inough to execute those thinges, that ye shall this day determyne to be done. All thynges prudent fathers, ar foresene, prepared, and in a redynesse by my no lyttell care and dilygence, but moche more by the good courage that the commynaltie hathe to maynteyne and defende this most highe empire, and theyr owne goodes. They be all, of euery state and degree, and of euery age, bent here vppon. The market place is full, soo be all the wayes and passages to this place and temple. This cause, sith the buyldinge of the citie, is founde to be alone, in the whiche al agree on one selfe thinge: excepte those whiche, seynge they muste nedes ende theyr wretched life, they had rather dy with all other, than peryshe alone. Those men I except, and gladly seuer them from vs. Nor I accompt not theym amonge the numbre of honest citesins, but from henseforth to be taken for our mooste cruell ennemies. But good lorde, with howe greate multitude, with what fauour and affection, with what wood harte and courage do all other consent and agree to the dignite and welthe of vs all? Wherto shoulde I here reherse the gentyll men of Rome, whiche so gyueth place to you in degree and consultation, that they wylle contende wyth vs in loue of the common weale? the whiche this daye and this cause hathe retired from longe dissentyon and debate, had with this order, and knytte you faste frendes togyther: whiche knote of frendshype confyrmed in my consuls shyppe, if we contynually kepe in the common [Page] weale, I assure you after this no ciuile harme amonge our selfe, shall endomage the common weale on noo syde. Wyth lyke fauour to defende the common weale, I see the treasourers, (men woste hardy and valyante) assemble theym selues togyther. Also all the notaries and scrybes, whiche in great numbre chaunce this daye hath broughte to the treasoure house, I perceyue they, lokynge to what ende this busines wyll come, ar fully bent on the common welth. Here is also the holle multitude of the meane sorte of freemen. For who is he, to whome those temples, the aspecte of this citie, the possession of libertie, and fynally this lyghte, and this oure natiue countrey, is not dere, swete, and pleasante. It is a ioyfull thynge honorable fathers, to see the fauoure and affection of the lybertines, whiche chauncynge to enioye the franches of this citie, accompte it to be theyr owne countree: whiche cytie some that be here borne, and comme of noble lynage, iudge not theyr countrey, but take it as a towne of theyr enemyes. But whereto shall I recyte vnto you those men and degrees, whome theyr owne priuate cōmoditie, the common profite, fredome and lybertie, of all thinges the moste swetest, hath a waked and styred to defende the welthe of theyr countrey? There is no slaue, whose seruile condition is anye thynge tollerable, whiche dothe not vtterly abhore the saucy and malapert boldnes of our citisens, that wolde not haue thē bridled, that doth not, as moche as he dare and as muche as he can, applye his good wylle for the cōmon weale? Wherfore if haplye any of you be moued with this, that a rumoure is blowen abrode, that a certayne ruffyan, longing to Lentulus runneth about frō shope to shope, hopynge with mede to stere and reyse vp [Page] routes of such as be nedy and ignoraunt what thinges meane: Surely this was begunne and attempted: but yet there was none founde so poore nor so wretched but that wylleth and desyreth, that his shoppe and place, where he getteth his lyuinge, his chambre for his bed, and the quiet course of his lyfe, myght be in safegarde. And the moste parte of those, that lyue by theyr handye crafte, yea I shulde say, this vniuersall kynde of people, do loue to lyue in quiete and reste. For all theyr instrumentes, theyr workes and wynninges are maynteyned by concurse and resorte of the people, & nourisshed wyth peace and concorde, whose gaynes and wynnynges, yf by shuttynge in of theyr shoppes, is wonte to be mynyshed, what shall they gette, whan they be bourned. These thynges beynge thus, honourable fathers, you canne lacke noo helpe to defende the common weale: Take ye good hede, that ye fayle not the common welth you haue the Consull, escaped frome manye perylles and disceytes, and frome the very poynte of deathe, not onely for his owne lyfe, but for youre welthe reserued: all states and degrees with one mynde, one wylle, one fauour, oone force, wyth oone voyce, contente to saue and defende the commune weale. Thys oure countrey besette aboute wyth fyre brondes and weapons of this wyicked conspyracye, mekelye holdeth vp her handes to you. To you she commendeth the lyfe of all her cytesyns, the castell and Capytoll, the aulteres and ymages, the perpetualle bournynge fyre of the goddes Vesta, the Temples and Chapelles of the goddis, the walles and buyldynges of the Cytie.

Furthermore, you muste this daye gyue a Iugemente, concerning your owne lyfe, your wyues and childerns [Page] lyues, and that toucheth all youre goodes, possessions and howses. Ye haue a capytatne myndefull of you, and forgetfull of hym selfe, whiche abilitie is not alway gyuen, that a man forgettynge hym selfe, shulde be myndfull of other. Ye haue all estates and degrees all men, the holle publyque weale, it that in a cyuylle cause, we shall this daye fyrste see, agreynge all as one. Calle to mynde, that one nyght shall vtterly confounde and brynge to nought, this impyre, founded wyth so great labours, our lybertie stablysshed wyth so greatte prowesse, our goodes so greatly incresed and augmented by the benignitie of the goddis. You must this daye so prouyde, that neuer hereafter this thyng be not onlye done, but that noo manne ymagine to doo suche a dede: And those thynges I haue not spoken to encourage you, whiche in fauoure and good zeale, farre passe me, but to the ende, that my voyce, which oughte to be chiefe in the common weale, shuld be sene to supplye the duety of a consull. Nowe before that I returne to the sentēce, I wyll some what speake of my selfe.

¶Me thynketh. I haue gote as greate a multitude of ennemyes, as there is in noumbre of conspiratours, whiche ye se is very great, but this greate route I iuge to be shamefull, weake, not to be regarded, and verye abiectes. But yf hereafter this multitude, prouoked by any mannes furye or myschiefe, doth more preuayle than yours, and the common welthes dignitie: yet honorable fathers, I wyll neuer repente me of those dedes that I haue done, or of the councels that I haue gyuen. For deathe, wherwith perchance, they threten me, no man can escape. More greatter prayse than ye haue gyuen me in my lyfe, by your decrees neuer man [Page] obteyned. For alwaye vnto other, for well gouernynge of the common weale, but vnto me for the conseruation therof, ye haue decreed ryght hygh thankes.

¶Let the noble Scipio haue his renonme, by whose councell, prowes and polycy, Hanniball was constrayned to retourne into Aphrike, and to departe out of Italy. Let Aphricanus be adourned wyth moste hyghe laude, whiche distroyed two greate cities, Carthage, and Numantia moste greuous enimies to this impire. Let hym. L. Paulus be counted for a mā most excellent whose chariot, Perses sometyme a kynge most myghty and most noble dyd greatly honor. Let Marius haue eternall glory, whiche twyse delyuered Italy frome inuasion and drede of seruitude and thraldome. Let Pompeius be preferred aboue all other, whose conquestes and knightly actes ar knowen through all the worlde. And surely among the honourable renoume and prayses of these men, our glory must take some place, excepte peraduenture it be a greater feate to conquere to vs prouinces, by whiche we myghte haue passage than it is warely to prouyde, that they that are absente, maye haue a place, whither as conquerors they maye returne agayne. Not withstandynge the state of outwarde vyctorye is in one thyng better, thā the domesticall bycause straunge enemyes subdued, do eyther serue vs, or receyued as frendes, do thynke them selfe bounde vnto vs. But yf any of our cytesyns, throughe some madnesse waxynge lewde and nought, begyne ones to be enmyes to theyr countrye, whan we go aboute to wythstande, that they endomage not the common weale, we can neither by violence restrayne theym, nor wyth benefittes pacify them. Wherfore I see welle, I haue entred into [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] continuall warre with these hope lost citesyns, the whiche I trust through the ayde of you and all suche other as ar good and vertuous, remembring so greate perils of the which not only we, that ar reserued and kepte, but all nations shall speke and beare in mind easily to repel from me & myne. Nor assuredly there can not be founde so great force & violence, that can breake & quayle your vnitie and the gentilmen of Rome, and so great consent and agremente of all good men. Seinge honorable fathers, yt these thinges ar thus, for myn impire, for myne army, for my prouynce, whiche I neglected, for my triumph, and other notable thinges of laude and preyse, whiche for your cities sake and safegarde of youre welthes, I forsake, for my clientes, for the men of my prouynce, for the right of hospitalite: for all these thynges, and for my singulare fauoure and affection to youe, for that diligence whiche you see in me to preserue the weale publike, I aske nothinge elles of you, but the remembrāce of my Consuls shyp all this tyme. Whiche being fast fixed in your myndes, I iudge my selfe surely fenced about with a walle moste stronge. But if my hope be dispointed and quayled by the power of the lewde and naughty, I cōmende to you my littell sonne: to whome surelye it shalbe a sufficiente garrison of defence, not onely for his sauegarde, but also for his high aduancement if ye wille vouchesafe to remembre him to be his sonne, whiche with his perill alone preserued all these thinges. Wherfore mooste prudente fathers, ordeyne and prouide diligentely and boldelye: as ye beganne, for your owne wealth: youre wyues and children: for your aultars and oratories: for youre Chapelles and temples: for the buyldynges and sytuacions [Page] of all this citie, for this empire, for youre lybertye, for the welth of Italye, and for the vniuersall weale publyke. For ye haue a consull, that doubteth not to obeye your decrees, and as longe as lyfe is in hym, and to the vttermoste of his power, to defend those ordynaū ces that ye shall decree.

¶Whan the Consull had ended his oration, turnynge hym to Marcus Cato, whome he knewe loued his contrye moste entierly, of a stoute stomake, a prudente coū sayllour, and excedynge constaunte, desyred hym to saye his mynde. Than. M. Cato rose vp, and spake in thys manner:

¶The oration of M. Cato taken out of Saluste. Capitulo .xlii.

WHAN I consider, honorable fathers, our busynes, and the greate daunger that we stand in, whan I ofte thinke on som mens [...]entences: my mynde is farre frome theyr opynion. They seeme to me to haue reasoned, what peynes they shulde suffer, that haue prepared to make warre against theyr countrey, theyr parentes, the aulter and oratories. But the matter warneth vs rather to take hede & beware of them, that to consulte, what we shulde decree againste them. Other mysdedes may be punished after they be done: but yf it be not loked well to, that this euel dede be not done, it wyll be to late to execute iustyce. The cyte being got, the subdued can nothinge doo. But I requyre you by the goddis immortall saye the trouth, that you haue more estemed your houses in the citie, & manors in the countrey, your grauen images & peinted tables, thā the cōmon weale, [Page] yf ye wyll retayne stylle these, suche as they be, delectations, that you so derely loue, yf ye woll haue tyme and space to vse your pleasures: at the laste awake, and enbrace the common weale. For nowe the reasonyng is not of our tributes, nor of the wronges doone to oure confederates. Our lybertie and lyfe is in daunger. I haue very often honorable fathers, spoken many thynges amonge you here, I haue ofte complayned of the excesse and auarice of oure citesins: And for that cause I haue many men agaynste me. For I that neuer forgaue my selfe any offence, coulde not lyghtely forgyue other mens mysdedes. And though ye lyttell regarded my wordes, yet was the weale publyke in good case, for the welthynes thereof supported your neglygence. But nowe it is not in debatynge, after what maners, good or badde we shulde lyue, or how great or how magnificient the Romayne empire shulde be: but whether these thynges, howe so euer they be shalbe ours alone, or enioyed together with vs of our enemies. Wyll anye man in this matter ones name myldenesse, and mercy? Surely we haue of late loste the true names of thynges. For to gyue awaye othermens goodes is callyd Liberalyte. Boldenesse to do yuell dedes is called Fortitude, therfore the weale publyke is at the last cast. Let them for me, seing the maner and fascion is so, be lyberall of other mens goodes, let them be mercyfull to stealers of the common treasure: so that they gyue not to them our bloude, and sparynge a fewe lewde & naught, they vndo all that be good and honest. C. Cesar while eare reasoned well and substancially before you of lyfe and deathe, supposynge I beleue, that those thynges be false, whiche are reported of hel, that the yuell doers [Page] are sondred a way from the good, dwellynge in places obscure, vile, stynkyng, vncleane, & fearefull. And so he iudged, that theyr goodes shuld be forfayted, and they them selues to be kept in warde in dyuers townes, fearing twis, leste if they were styll in Rome, they shoulde by stronge hande bee set againe at lybertie, eyther by the fauorers of the conspiracie, or elles by the multitude of hopelostes hired ther vnto: As though naughty and vngracious persons were only in Rome, & not through out all Italy: or as though braynsicke boldnes coude not more preuaile ther, where as is lesse power to make de [...]ence. Wherfore this counsayle is surely of none effecte, if he stande in drede of them: but if he alone in so great feare to all men, is not afrayde: so moche the more it behoueth me to be fearefull bothe for my selfe and you. Therfore whan ye gyue iudgement agaynste P. Lentulus and other that be taken: Know for a suretie, that ye gyue iudgement agaynst Catiline, his army, and all the conspiratours. And the more diligence ye vse in this matter, the lesse courage shall they haue. If they may perceyue, that you wax faynt harted: they all full fierce wyll soone be here. Thynke not, that our forefathers haue of a very lyttel, made a great cōmon weale by feates of armes: if it so were, we shuld haue it farre more goodly. For our abundance of confederate frendes, citesyns, armour, and horses, is greatter than euer our auncetours had. But there were other thynges that made them mighty, whiche we want: At home they were studyous and dilygente, in theyr dealynge with strangers, iuste and trewe, in consultation theyr myndes were free from all affections, they neglected not theyr duetie, nor inclyned to bodilye luste. In [Page] stede of these vertues we haue prodigall expence and couetousnes, the cōminaltie poore, and many priuatly ryche and welthy: We preyse ryches, and folowe sleuth and ydelnesse. There is no difference betwene the good men and the badde: Ambition hath al the rewardes of vertue. And no meruell, syth eche of you seketh for his owne priuate cōmodite: syth ye at home giue your selfes to volupties and pleasures, and here in the senate study howe to wynne money and frendshyp. Wherby the weale publyke, voyde, exhauste, and deserte, is inuaded. But I let passe these matters. Noble cytesins haue conspired to burne theyr countrey, they haue styred vp the Frenchemen, moste greuous ennemyes to Romaynes, vnto warre. The capitayn Catilyne with his army is in our neckes. Ye make delaye, yea in soo weyghty a busynes, and stand in doubt, what ye shuld do with our enmies taken within the walles. I thynke good, ye take pitie on them, they beinge yongemenne through ambition haue done amisse, gyue them leaue, yea beinge armed, to departe away. I feare, leste this mildenes and mercy, if they begyn to arme them, wyll turne vs to great misery. It is eth to know, how sharp and greuous a conspiracy is, but ye feare it not, yes ywys do you, and that very soore, but throughe neglygence & faynt courage ye dryue forth the tyme, one lokyng what an other wyl do, as it were trustynge to the goodis immortal, which ful oft haue saued this weale publike, in most greatest peryls. The aide and helpe of the goddis is not gotten with vowes and womanlye prayers: but by watchfull diligence, well doing & good counsailynge, all thinges done prospere. Whan a man gyueth hym self to sluggishnes and discourage, he shal [Page] call vpon the goddis in vaine: for they be displeased and greued with suche one. In olde tyme in the warres of France, A. Manlius Torquatus, cōmanded his owne sone to be put to deth, bycause he fought with his enmy cōtrary to his imperial cōmandemēt. And so he ye noble yong mā, full derely bought with deth his exceding mā ly enterprise, & ye stand musinge what you shulde determin ageinst most cruel traitors to their coūtrey. Verily their good liuing in tymes past lettith this mischeuous dede to be punished. But spare you Lentulus dignitie, if he euer spared to lyue filthily, if he euer cared for hys good name and fame, if he euer regarded god or man. Forgiue Cethegus youth, if this be not the second tyme that he maketh warre aginst his countrey. For what shulde I speake of Gabinius, Statilius Ceparyus? yf they had bene men of any cōsideration, they wolde neuer haue take suche coūsellinges against the cōmon weale. Finally, if this offence, honorable fathers were not intollerable, so god help me, I could be cōtent ye were punyshed by this euel chaunce, bycause ye regard not good monition: but we are beset rounde about, Catiline wyth his army standeth gaping to deuoure Italy, other our enemies ar within the walles, in the verye harte of the citie, neither can we make any prouision or take concell secretly: Wherfore it behoueth vs to vse the more celeritie and spede. Therfore my mynd is, seinge the cōmon weale, through the cursed counsell of mischiefull cytesyns, is brought into so great daunger, and seinge they by the detection of Vulturtius, and the Frenche ambassabours are conuycted, and haue confessed, that they intended to murdere and burne, and to doo other cursed and cruel dedes to theyr owne citisins and countrey, [Page] that suche as haue a knowleged theyr treson, we shulde after the maner of our forefathers, put to death.

¶The contention of C. Cesar, and M. Cato in the Senate, and of the loue letters sent to Cesar, Cap. xliii.

WHAN Cato was set downe, well nere al the Senatours, one calling an other fearfull, approued his sentence, they most hyghly extollyd his valyante courage, hys constancy and manly harte. Fynally they decreed accordynge to Catos sentence. But Cesar for all that styll wythstode it, so longe vntyll a greate bande of the gentylmen of Rome, whiche all armed stode aboute the temple of Concorde, for safegarde and defence of the Senate, came with theyr swordes drawen to haue slayne hym, eyther bicause they beleued he was confederate with the cōspirators, for that he wolde not haue them put to deathe: or els being moued wyth the peryll that the weale publyke was in. Than Curio, as it is sayde imbracyng hym, and castyng his gowne betwene them, defended hym. Farthermore Cicero with sharpe rebukes, feared them from sleynge of Cesar. It is also sayd, that while Cesar and Cato were in contention for the punyshment of the offenders, there chanced a thyng not very honest to be tolde.

¶Seruilia Catos syster sore wounded wyth the loue of Cesar, delyuered certayne letters, louyngly wrytten, to an vndiscrete man, to beare vnto hym: whiche whan he came to Cesars house, and was informed by the porter, that Cesar was in the senate, streyghte waye this rude felowe came into the Senate, and delyuered the letters to Cesar. Whiche whan Cato sawe, he began to [Page] say with a lowde voyce, these are the conspiratours letters, and wold in any wyse that they shulde be openlye redde. Than Cesar dredynge lest they shulde be openly redde, toke theym vnto Cato. Whyche whan Cato had red, he threwe them agayne to Cesar, and in the Senate called hym Drunkarde, that naturally was verye sobre. This is the propertye of loue and suche delectations, that oftentymes they cause a man most noble to fyle hym selfe with some blotte of fylthynes or shame.

¶L Vectius accuseth C. Cesar as culpable of the conspiracye, Cesar clereth and reuengeth hym selfe. Cap. xliiii.

BVT SONE after happened a thynge that more troubled Cesars mynde. For L. Vectius accused hym before Nouiꝰ the Questor, as culpable of the conspiracy, and Q, Curius broughte hym in greate hatred, bycause he named hym in the Senate a parte taker with the conspiratours. Vectius promysed to brynge forth Catilyns owne handewritynge: Curius sayde, he knewe it by Catilyne, Cesar takyng greuousely, that he shulde be spotted wyth soo shamefull a blotte came into the Senate to purge hym selfe. But the Senate syttyng longer than was accustomed, and excedynge multitude of the common people, ranne thyther in greate haste. For the troublous people, which demed that the Senate wolde decre some greuous thyng agaynst Cesar, inflamed wyth his loue and sturred with his peryll, beganne to make a greate shout, and seditiousely required the Senate to let Cesar go. M. Cato, to withdrawe from Cesar all occasion of sedition, perswaded the Senate to diuyde amonge [Page] the cōmon people of Rome, greate quantitie of wheate, by whiche liberalitie, the hartis, of the poore cōminaltie were meruelously reconciled to Cato and the Senate. For the cōmons hate nigardes, they fauoure the plentyfull and liberall, they loue largesse, they are ledde wyth great feastes, moued with plays, and bowed with gyftes. And with giftes mens myndes are blynded.

¶After this, Cesar made an oration, in whiche oration he declared, not only that he was none of the conspiratours, but also that he had opened to the consull certaine thinges of the cōsperacy. And whā he had lamentablye d [...]red Cicero to wytnesse the same, Cicero clered hym from all suspition. Thus dyd the consull, either bicause he knew nothing certainly to charge Cesar with, or els bicause he thought it best to wynke at the matter. For though Cesar and Crassus myght both haue bene manifestly conuicted, yet coulde they not haue bene punyshed, seynge the tone of theim was surely fenced wyth excedynge greatte rychesse, the tother with fauour of the people.

¶But afterwarde Cesar vehemently inuehed ageinste L. Vectius, whan he hadde in his oration torne hym with most sharpe wordes, spoylinge hym of his householde stouffe, and taking pledges and sureties he greuousely punyshed hym: and he caste Nouius the Questor in prison, bycause he suffred the Pretor) aboue hym in auttoritie to plede before hym. For the higher offycers maye not be commaunded of theyr inferiours or equalles. Ceaser not beinge content herewyth broughte to passe, that to Curius shoulde not be gyuen the rewardes, whiche vnto hym bycause he fyrste detected the conspyracye, were decreed in mooste ample wyse. [Page] But to retourne agayne where I lefte, whan I nede [...]ully speake of Caesar.

The execucion don [...] on Lentulus and his felowes. Cap. xlv.

IT was than the fifte daye of December, and drewe towarde euenynge, after longe consultacion had in the Senate, at lengthe they decreed, as is aforesaide, accordinge to Catos sentence, that execucion shoulde be doone on them that were founde gyltie. Wherfore the consul thought best, to preuent the night that was at hande, leste in the meane space, some myschefull and cursed parte myght be plaide by those that thoughte by force and violence to deliuer and set them at large. Oute of the senate house he came accompanied with all the Senatoures, the knyghtes of Rome, and the yonge men of noble bloudde armed. And from thence he wente to their house that hadde the custodye of them that were caste. Fyrste he brought Lentulus, that was in the keepynge of Lentulus Spynther, from the Palayce, by the waye callyd Sacra uia, and throughe the myddes of the markette place, vnto the prysone, and delyuered hym to the executioner, commaundynge, that he forthe with shoulde strangle hym with an halter. But to the ende there shoulde be noo sedytion, the Consulle sette the foresayde knyghtes of Rome, with theyr tergates and swerdes drawen, in the pytche of the hyll Capytolyne. The same execution was done on Statilius, Cethegus, Gabinius, and Ceparius. For they beinge brought to the pryson be the Pretours, were all strangled. ¶After they were all putte to deathe, the Consull to debylitate and [Page] cutte asunder theyr endeuoir and hope, whiche prepared in the nyght to do some feate, tourned aboute to the multitude, and sayde wyth a loud voyce, that all myght here hym, They were alyue, sygnifienge by that lyghte sayeng, they were dead. Whan he had said these wordes nyght was come.

¶After the conspiratours were deade, the people wyth greate glory brought Cicero home to his howse. Cap. xlvi.

THan the cōsul takyng his way homeward was accōpanied with a meruaylous multitud of the people, most ioyfully thanking hym, what waye soeuer he wente, through all the stretes of the citie laumpes, lynkes torches, and cressettes, burned bryghte, the wyndowes and doores were all full of men and women: they callid Cicero, the defender of the cite, the preseruer of theyr lybertye, the father of the countrey, that they were citysens, that they were fre, that they lyued was al through his wysedome, policie, and dilygence. This greate company and pompe honoured hym home to his house. I omytte here the great ioye and gladnes that was made afterwarde through all Italy, I passe ouer the moste excellente and moste honorable preyses of other good townes and cities. I speake not of the greate thankes that all good men thā gaue vnto. M. Tullius. L. Flaccus, and C. Promptinius. ¶In the meane whyle Cicero commaunded P. Sestius, countremanded by letters from Capua, with the army that he than had wyth hym, and with all spede to haste hym after Antonius. These thynges done, the citie, whiche before trembled for dred, was now delyuered from feare, & the remnant [Page] of the conspiracy, that was so hotte and hastye, begane to waxe colde and slowe. And Cicero in hys gowne got an exceding and an immortall glorye, foldyd vp in the enuie and yuell wylle of many men. For all the yonge men, gyuen to bodilie lust and wantonnesse, and al such as were dishonest and naughte he made his foes. The whiche dyd hate Cicero not onely by cause he repressed theyr horryble violence and cursed enterprises, but also bycause they thought as longe as he lyued, they shulde neuer brynge suche a thinge to passe ageyne. And so very many amonge the whiche was alsoo. C, Cesar, but namely. L. Bestia, and Q Metellus Nepos, beganne to reprehende, tosse, and detracte the actes & dedes that Cicero had done.

¶Ciceros othe in the ende of his consullshyp. Cap. xlvii.

WHerfore whan Cicero the laste daye of Decembre, leauyng vp his consulshype wolde as the maner was, haue declared in an oration, what actes he had doone in hys offyce. Q. Metellus protectour of the comminaltie, forbode and wolde not suffer hym to speake, sayeng, It was ryght vnsemely, to gyue him leue to speke, that had done punishement on other, the cause not herde or knowen. Whiche thinge was to Cicero more honorable thā if he had suffered hym to make his oration. For whā Metellus permytted, that he shuld onely make an othe, Cicero sware, that by his labour and diligence alone, the weale publike and the citie was saued. Whiche othe so large and so greate, all the people of Rome with one voyce and one consente sware, that he hadde sworne trewely.

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¶The contencion betwene Cicero & Q. Metellus Nepos. Ca. xlviii.

THis his glory, the peple of Rome did augmēt with an other glory. For the self same daye, the people in moste honorable wyse, with greattest ioy and gladnes, & as thyck as they coulde go in the stretes, broughte hym from the market place home to his house. But yet the fyrst day of Ianuarye he with so manly a courage spake of the cōmon weale, that euery man myght well perceyue, that the actes which he dyd in his consulship were done by his wysedome, prudence, and policy, and not by chaunce. And Q. Metellus disputing with him of the cōmon weale, he quayled in the Senate with an oration all full of grauitie: and Cicero boldly shewed hym, that he shuld haue to do with a man that wāteth no stomake, or that is to seke in any thyng that he shal say. Wherby his aduersaries were the more kendlid ageynst hym: bycause they sawe him chief in the senate, they fled al to the cōmons. Than Metellus, associate & ayded with C. Cesar, desired of the people that Pompeius with his army, myght be countermanded home, to subdue Catiline: and to cōmit the cōmon weale vnto him, that he shuld se that it toke none harm. Their wordes were, that Pompeius shuld be coūtremāded home to subdue Catilin: but in very dede theyr pretense was, that the cōmon weale shuld come to the rule and gouernance of Pompei: and by that mean the auctoritie consular of M. Tullius, and the power of the Senators myghte be fordoone: and in processe the glorye of soo great a man, for preseruing of the cōmon weale, might be dymynyshed

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¶M. Catos request to Metellus. Cap. xlix.

WHan this cursed publication was spoken in the senate. M. Cato rose vp, & wyth many wordes desired Metellus for his cōstancy, trouth & honorable estate, to desyste from that purpose: besechynge hym for his dead fathers sake, for that Metellus Numidius sake, the whiche wolde rather be dryuen oute of the citie, than to be forsworne: and for all the Metellus those most noble citisēs sakes, whiche alway withstode seditious persones, whiche euermore in all thynges folowed the auctorytie of the senate, and consente of good mē. And he declared that it neded not, that Pompeius shoulde be countermaunded home with his armye. For soo moche as C. Antonius hadde a greatte hoste, and Q. Metellus Celer, his brother hadde prepared a strōg power agaynst Catiline. And theyr enemyes at home beyng subdewed (of whome was moste nede to beware) the conspyracy was soo enfeblyd and weaked, that the common weale coulde not be hurt, or indomaged by the importunate sworder Catilyne.

❧The contention of Cato and Metleius, Cap. l.

BVt whan the equite of his oration, nor the authoritie of M. Cato coulde moue Metellus, and whanne the other Senatoures neyther by intreating nor monisshing could incline him, but that he thretenyd to doo all thynges by force of armes: Cato eftesoones tournynge his tale, shamefully rebuked hym, and wyth an oration [Page] all full of grauitie, with commendation and approbation of the hole Senate, he accused hym as gyltie, and finally he said, he wold neuer while he lyued suffre, that Pompeus with his armye shulde retourne home to the citie. But whan the daye of Rogation was come, and that Metellus and Cesar being Pretor, had the nyghte before furnyshed the temple of Castor with men of armes, good men beganne greatly to mystruste, leste the law shuld passe. For armed men kepte the market place and other places of assemblees. And the common people of the citie, alway desyrous to se nouelties, fauored Metellus in publyshinge the lawe. And therfore verye manye councelled Cato to beware and take good hede to him selfe. But he beinge ennewed wyth an incredible and straunge manlynesse of stomake, grauytie, and fortitude, which (thought hym selfe borne for his countreys sake, and not for his owne) wolde rather put hym selfe in ioperdy, than not to succoure the common weale being at the poynte to perishe. And so earlye in the mornyng, not only without any power & strengthe of men, but also with a fewe of his frendes, he descended into the market place, all men so fearinge that he shulde nto escape with his lyfe, that the teares ranne downe the chekes of some of Catos nere frendes. And neyther the continuallye weepynge of his wyfe, nor the mournynge garmentes, nor the teares of his systers, and incredible sorowe and heuines of his frendes, coulde kepe hym at home. So than Cato beynge allonely accompanied with Munatius Thermus, hys felowe in office (for all other that came with hym were put backe by those that kepte the entrie of the temple) came into the temple Metellus satte in the place, where matters [Page] were publyshed or declared to the people, and nexte to Mettellus Cesar: than Cato interrupte theyr cōmunication, sat hym downe in the myddes betwene theym bothe, many beinge therof excedinge ioyfull, and muche wondering at his most manly mynde. Catos dede was than very notable, & his felowes Thermus acte ryghte noble. For Cato prohibitynge Metellus secretarye to rede the rogation: Metellus hym selfe taking it in hys owne handes began to rede. But Cato by and by toke the lawe out of his handes. And whan Metellus wold haue recited the lawe wythout writinge (for he coulde it by hart) Thermus laying his hand vpon his mouthe wolde not suffer hym to speke. Metellus takynge this greuously, and a token beinge giuen, his swordes made a greate shoute, and beganne to make an assaute: With this sodayne fraye, all the multitude of people greately complayninge, voyded oute of the markete place. Cato throwen out of the publication place, and wel nere lefte a lone in the market, styll fyghtyng and stryuinge wyth his voyce and crienge, and manye sekinge to slee hym with stones and other weapons, was by the ayde of L. Murena the consull saued. Than Metellus thynkyng that he had ouercome Cato, commaunded theym that were harneysed to auoyde, and turnynge agayne to the place of publication beganne to declare the lawe. But they that before were fledde awaye, chaungynge theyr myndes came agayne and with greate clamoure, vyle wordes and murmuration cried out on Metellus, and with ioyfull countenaunce fauoured Cato retourninge agayne to the place. Wherfore Metellus beynge soore troubled and abashed, he and his departed oute of the market place. But Cato after he had in a longe oration [Page] preised the greate loue and zele that the people of Rome bare him, and had exorted them to resyst the lawe, that pretended so muche the destrurtion of the cōmon weale, and sturrynge vp of a ciuile warre, with meruaylouse reioysynge of the people, and with greate glorye gatte hym home.

¶Q Metellus and C. Cesar ar remoued from theyr offices. Capitulo. li.

AFter whan they had longe debated in the Senate house touchynge the skyrmysshe that Metellus menne of armes made, of the castinge of stones, and of the feare and flyghte of good menne, and that men, hadde sharpely spoken ageinst Cesar, and reprochfully rebuked Metellus: the senate decreed, that Metellus shuld leaue vp his trybuneshype, and Cesar his pretorshyp, and bothe shuld absteyne from ministration of the common weale. Nor the Senate beinge contente with this maner punyshement, and purposynge to put Metellus to open shame. M. Cato wolde in no wyse agree thereto & dissuaded the senate that they shulde not do it. Than was his mekenes preysed of the people of Rome, and his counsayle allowed, bycause those thynges whiche he dyd, and whiche he toke vppon him, he dyd them not for the hatred, that he bare to any man, but for the loue that he had to the comon weale.

¶So Metellus beinge depriued frome mynistration of the common weale, and forsaken of the people: He purposed to take his iourney into Asia, as thoughe he wolde go and informe Pompeius of all these matters. But ere he wente he made certayne orations, in the whiche [Page] he spake very reprochefully agaynste the Senate, he sayde: He coulde not suffere Cicero to reygne lyke a kynge, nor the tyranny of Cato: and that the tyme shuld come, that the people of Rome shulde sore repente them that they had done so many iniuries to the mooste noble man Pompeius. But afterwarde Pompeius was not onely contented and pleased with Cato, and M. Tullius, but also gaue eche of them hyghe thankes. Yea (as Cicero in secunda Philippica, and .i. lib. officiorū sayeth) as sone as Pompeius departynge out of Syria, sawe Cicero imbracyng and thankynge hym, saye in the presence of many that were by: He shoulde in vayne haue gotten his thyrde triumphe, if that throughe Ciceros benefyte to the common weale, he had not hadde a place to tryumphe in. And afterwarde it is sayde he, shoulde saye in a certayne oration that the cōmon weale oughte of ryght to gyue thankes to the towne Arpynas, for frome thens came two defenders, C. Marius, and M. Cicero, of the whiche two, the tone delyuered the common weale frome domesticall peryll, and the other from outward daunger.

¶Cesar with commendation is restoryd to his offyce. Capitulo .lii.

ANd nowe I wyl returne ageyne to Cesar, which contempning the most graue decree of the Senate, and contynuing stylle in his offyce, the Senate gaue in commaundemēt to certayne, to prohybite him parforce. Thā Cesar changinge his apparell, and layeng away the ornamentes of pretorship, heuily shutte hym selfe in hys [Page] house, gyuynge place to tyme. Vpon a two days after whan this thing was knowen, an huge multitude gathered vnto Cesar, and seditiousely offered their endeuoir, to restore hym a gayne to his dignitie. Cesar preisynge and approuyng their louynge affection, with an oration, wherin he was greately renoumed) appeased the cōmons, that were excedingly amoued agaynst the Senatours. Whiche Modestie or temperance so moch pleased the senate (whose intention was alway either with drede or with peyne to feare men frome leude and naughtye attemptates, or with rewardes, to allure men to good dedes) that by the chiefest of the citie they gaue hygh thankes vnto Cesar, and callynge hym to the court, and restorynge hym to his pretorshyp, they magnified hym with most ample preyses.

¶Catilines armye hys laboures, and iourney towarde Fraunce. Capitulo .liii.

PVrposynge to speake manye thynges, Catiline, from whome we are nowe farre digressed, calleth me backe againe to hym. Whyche whyle those thynges were gested and donne at Rome, hadde nowe (as some reporte) gathered together aboute twenty thousande men. But I suppose he had assembled together a greatter noumbre of cruell caytyues. But of all these there was not paste the fourthe parte arrayed and instructed lyke men of warre, the other hadde not armour warrelyke, but suche as men vse to beare iorneyinge by the waye

¶With this multitude he Catilyne iournayed vppon the sharpe mountaynes: oftentymes he remoued his, [Page] army, and the same moste strongely dyd fortifye aboute with a trenche and a bulwarke: sometyme he made towarde the citie, sometyme towarde Fraunce: nowe he besegeth the mountayns, whithin a while after he passethe ouer those hylles: nowe on horsebacke, nowe on fote. Also he caused dylygent watches to be kepte, and he hym selfe wolde be the first, that shulde goo about it: he wolde be among them in theyr labours, and in their battayles, he wolde benignely calle, admonysshe, and exhorte his souldyours, he wolde very oft take his rest and lye vpon the grounde, to thentent that other shulde the more wyllyngly endure labour and trauayle. Fynally he wold neuer gyue battayle to Antony: bycause that he, in prolonging of the tyme, might augmente his army with the great multytude of hopelostes, robbers, and theues, that dayly drewe to him from all partes of Italy: whiche trustynge to spoyle and robbe, and couetynge warre, had gyuen ouer theyr husbandry, & daylye wynnyng. And also bycause Catiline thought it more surer to abyde tylle the tyme his felowes at Rome had atcheued theyr enterprises, and rather to drawe toward the citie than to assay the hasard of batayle. And as he now hasted with all his power to inuade his countrey: a messanger came and tolde to hym, how the conspiracy was openly knowen at Rome, and that they (of whome we spake before) were putte to death. Than Catylyne being soore troubled with these tydinges, alterynge his counsayle, lefte the citie, and toke his iourney towarde France transalpine, hopyng that the nation of Frenchmen, vtter ennemies to the Romayns, and alwaye gyuen to newefanglenes, wolde soone be induced to take theyr partes in this warre. He thought to brynge outward [Page] nations armed to the citie, and to make a myghty stronge army of men. He had the better hope, bycause the Delphinoys, whiche are the nereste borderers vnto Italy, were by certayne of the conspirators, wyth great promyess alredy inticed, and the frenche men wyllingly harkened vnto them.

¶Catyline inclosed betwne two armyes, determyned to fyght. Capitulo .liii.

BVt Q. Metellus the pretor (whiche led an army of .iii. legions in the countrey of Picene) being enfourmed by thē that fled to hī, what way Catiline toke spedilye dislodged, & pitched vnder the very fot of ye mountaine with his thre legions, by the whiche way Catilyne purposed to passe into Fraunce, and with a greate numbre of horsemen, and lyght harneysed, he laye priuilye in awayte in a places mete and conuenient. Whiche thynge whan Catilyne, beinge entred into the countrey of Pystoria, knewe, he determyned for many causes to make no longer delay, but as soone as euer he coulde, to gyue battayle to Antonius. Of all whiche this was the most speciall cause, for that he sawe before hym his ennemye Metellus, with thre legiōs, redy to encoūter wyth hym: and Antonius at his backe with a greate hoste, whiche dyd pursue hym in his flyghte: one euerye syde were the mountayns, whiche dyd let, that he coulde not saue hym selfe by flyght, and therfore he thought it was no maystry for his enmies: stoppyng the wayes, that no vytayles shulde come to him: to opteine the vyctorye without any stroke strikinge, if he shuld abide tyll the two hostis [Page] had inclosed him betwene them. Also he feared, leste by longe delayeng, his army wolde slyppe from him. For many fledde frome him, whan tydinges came, that the matter wente yll on theyr syde at Rome: and many hastinge to come to him, retourned backe home ageyne. And also bycause the numbre of his enemies daylye encreased. Also the nede of corne soore greued hym, for the ways beinge stopt, with great peine any vitailes coulde be brought to him. Than Catilyne, all these thinges considered & seinge he had no hoope (eyther to scape by flight, or that anye succours shulde come to him) but onely in battayle, determined to assaye fortune, and to proue the vttermoste ayde. Wherefore assemblynge his counsaile togyther, and callinge to the same counsayle souldiours of all sortes and degrees, he made to them an oration, the which though it be found in Salust, yet bicause it can not be so properly Salustis as Catilins, I haue therfore vnderwriten here the copie therof. For Iustinus writeth, that Pompeius Trogus, the greate writer of hystories, reproueth Liuius and Saluste, bycause that they in many places of theyr bookes, putte other mens orations for theyr owne. And so vndoubtedly the oration that Salust hathe plāted in the conspiracye of Catiline, vnder the person of Cesar & Cato beinge at altercation togyther touchinge the peyne & punishment of the conspirators (whiche we haue sowed to this oure worke) were euery word Cesars & Catos, Plutarchus sayth it: whiche wryteth in the lyfe of Cato, that M. Cicero appoynted certayne writers in the Senate, whyche by theyr seleritie and spedynesse in wrytinge, shulde moste easilye regester the sentences of the Senatours: and by that meane the same oration of Cato was kept. [Page] But whether this oration folowynge, were Salustes, (as I beleue it was) or els Catilyns, I for certayn consyderations, wolde rathere haue it put pere, than myne owne. Nowe than let vs here Catyline exhortynge hys souldiours to battayle.

¶The oration of Catilyne to his souldyours, in whiche he exhorteth them to fyght manfully. Cap. lv.

I Knowe verye well good souldiours, that wordes can not make menne couragious, nor a cowarde and a fearefull armye, can not be made stronge and valyaunte by the capitaynes oration: but looke what audacitie euery man hathe by nature or custome, suche is it wonte to appere in battayle. For in vayne thou shalte exhort hym, whom neyther▪ glory nor peryll can encorage, feare of the mynde an [...]oyeth the herynge. But I haue tolde you together, to declare vnto you a fewe thynges, and also to kreake and open my mynde vnto youe. Ye know my souldiours, to what affliction and myschefe the feynt courage and cowardyse of Lentulus, hath brought hym selfe and vs: and nowe that I taryeng for succours to come frome the citie can not nowe passe into Fraunce. Nowe you all perceyue as well as I, in what case we stande. Oure ennemyes haue two hostes, the tone wyll not suffre vs to drawe to the citie, the tother doth let vs to enter into Fraunce, to tary longer in these places, thoughe we wolde neuer so fayne, nede and lacke of vytayle and other thynges wyll not suffer vs: whither so euer it pleaseth you to goo the way must be opened with your wepons. Wherefore I warne you, be of good courage, and whan ye shall [Page] fyght, remembre, that yf ye fyght manfullye, youe shall wynne with your handes not onely ryches, glorye, and worshyp, but also lybertie and your countrey. If we ouercome, all thynges shall surely be ours, we shal haue abundance of vitayles, cities and townes alyed to the Romayns shalbe opened vnto vs. If feare make vs to shrynke, the selfe same thynges shalbe agaynst vs: for neyther place, nor frende shall succour hym, whome his armour coulde not defende. Furthermore my souldiors theyr necessitie and ours is not alyke: we fyghte for our countrey, for our lybertie, and oure lyues, it is no nede for them to fyght, that a fewe maye be myghty & strōg. Wherfore set vpon them the more boldly, remembrynge what noble actes ye haue done in tyme past. Ye myghte haue ledde forth your lyues in exile with greate shame and reproche: and some of you, hauynge none youre selues, myght haue gaped longe inough at Rome vppon the goodes and ryches of other: But bycause that facion semed vnto you, beinge men, shamefull and intollerable: ye determyne to take this waye. If ye wyll relynquishe those thynges, it behoueth you to be bolde. For no man excepte a conquerour, changeth warre for peace. For to hope to saue your selfe by flyghte (whan ye returne your backes, or throwe awaye your armour, wherewith youre bodyes are defended) that is a verye madnesse. For euermore in batayle they are in greatest peryll, that be mooste fearefull. Boldenesse is in stede of a stronge wall. Whan I consyder youe my souldyours, and whan I ponder youre dedes, a greatte hope of vyctory enbraceth me: youre lustye stomackes, youre youthe, your strengthe encourageth me, farther, oure extreme neede, the whiche maketh the fearefull stronge [Page] and hardy. The multitude of our enemies can not compasse vs about, the straytnes of the place wyll not suffer them. But in case that Fortune wold not fauor your valyante dedes take heede that ye dye not vnreuenged, or be taken & murdred as beastis, but rather fyghtynge lyke men, leaue to our ennemies a blouddy and lamentable victorye.

¶Howe Catilyne ordered hys battayles. Cap. lvi.

WHan he hade sayde these wordes, he ledde out of their lodgingis all his armye, and fyrst he couered his owne horse, and after al the other mennes horses oute of syghte, to the ende the souldyours beynge euerye manne in egall daunger, shulde wyth the better stomacke entre into battayle, and also that noo man shoulde hope to saue him selfe by flyghte. This done, he ordred his batayl on this wise. In the vawarde he ordeyned, viii. cohortes, and among them he appoynted the best of the petycaptayns, and of the cōmone soudiours suche as were best harneysed. In the myddelle batayle were Syllas souldiours, whiche though they were but a fewe, yet for their valiantnesse, Catilyne had greate hope by them to get the victorye. Those, whose dede in battayle he lytell trusted, which eyther for lacke of knowlege in warefare, or that were but yl harneysed, he sette aparte, as it were to ayde the othere battayles, and to make a shewe and a bragge of fyghtinge men to the drede of their ennemies. But to be capitaine in the lefte wynge he appoynted a certayne Fesulane, in the ryght wyng. C. Manlius hym selfe stode in the myddel battayle nexte to the standerde, the Egle, whyche hee [Page] thought predestinate to distroy the cōmon weale. Whā Catiline had thus ordred his battayles, he went forth a lyttel from his campe, that if Antonius wolde fyght, he myght haue oportunitie. Whiche thynge, whan Antonius army behelde, they sayde aloude: An occasion soo good for the atcheuyng of theyr busines, shulde not bee omitted, it was tyme to set vpon thē. But C. Antonius not withstandinge he estemed him selfe a great deale to strong for his enmies, bothe for the multitude of hys & fewnes of theirs, & for the ancient glory wone in warre yet he wolde not cōtende in battayle, ouermuch dreding the cōmon hasarde, and vncertaine chances of warre.

¶Thus Antonius doubtynge and resystynge their desyre, and saynge aloude, it pleased hym not to fyghte: sodaynly his treasourer, P. Sestius, a valyante manne beganne to intreate and praye hym, that he shulde haue no doubte to giue battayle: and othere whyle he accused hym, that by delayeng he wold lette slyppe soo good and so great oportunitie. The goddis immortall (sayde he) do sygnifye to vs the vyctorye. For lyke as wee alwayes desyred our souldiours alredye encouraged to fyght, hereafter we shall not haue no suche occasyon. For if Catilyne maye gette into Fraunce, we shall not wynne the vyctorye without great effusion of bloudde, and destruction of all Italy. Whith many lyke persuasions. at the laste he broughte Antonius in the mynde, that he wold gyue battaile to Catiline. Wherefore Antonius, committynge the armye to M. Petreius (a right noble and valiant man, and in hyghe aucthorytie amonge the souldiours, and wondrrfullye experte in chyualrye) hym selfe, bycause he was syckelye, abode stylle in his tente. Than M. Petrius bryngynge [Page] the armye out of theyr Campe, though he sawe them desyrous to fyght, yet he iudged it for the best to exhorte them, he callyd them togyther, and with these wordes stomaked them.

¶The oration of M. Petreius to the souldiours. Cap. lvii.

AL thoughe I perceyued good souldiours, that in this case is was noo nede to exhorte you to do laubable: for why there is no man so ignorante of thynges, or so folyshe, whiche vnderstandeth not, that yf Catiline shulde at this tyme (whiche god forbyde) ouer come vs, we shulde endure not onelye a cruell & proude domination, but also an infamous, and full of all myschiefe, nor shulde dare refuse any maner of sharpe punyshement, youe knowe Catilyns crueltie: youe knowe there is nothinge in hym but braynsyke boldnes, pryde, sensualitie, viciousnesse [...], and selfe wyll, you knowe hys frendes, ye knowe all his kynrede, and that vnyuersally they are dycers, drunkardes, murderers of theyr parentes, and of all other moste mischefull. He promysed to gyue this citie to his theues to spoyle, and nowe they appoynte out and dyuide amonge them selfes, our goodes manours and houses. Nor they do not onelye desyre our goodes, but also beynge angrie, they couet oure bloudde. There is no pastyme moore pleasant to them, than effusion of bloudde, than hangynge, beatinge, and to see the citesyns tourmented before theyr faces. And they that for theyr solace, wer wonte to drynke mennes bloudde: whose bloudde trowe ye nowe in soo greatte thryste and hatred of good menne, wolle they spare to spyll? Therfore he that wyll not be sturred wyth these [Page] so horryble and cruell dedes: what mans oration can any thynge do or preuayle with hym? yet worthy souldyours, I woll doo as good maryners are wont, whiche though the shyppe hauynge wynde at wyll, sayleth swyftly: yet for the more spede they row wt they oores: And as good horsemen do, whiche though they se their horses gallop lustily, yet the with voyce and spurres courage thē. So likewise I exhort you being kendled, and with those thynges vehemently starred to defende your lybertie, and (as it is sayde) pricke you forwardes that rounne all redye. Wherfore I beseche you, dilygentely, take hede what I shall saye, an prynte my wordes well in your myndes. The matter nowe good souldiours, that we haue in hande, is not howe large or howe magnifycent the Romayne boundes shall be: but howe we shall this daye with our swerdes manyteyne and defende those thynges, that our forefathers by theyr many folde labours, vyctories, and in manye yeres space conquered and got. Ye shal not nowe fight for glorye, for trybutes, or to reuenge iniuryes done to our frendes (for whyche the Romanye armye is alwaye wonte to entre in to battayle) but for your common weale, for the temples for the goddes immortall, for all your goodes, for your aultars and oratories, for the lyues of your wyues and chyldern, for your libertie, and fynallye for the healthe of all the worlde. We muste contende with an horrible and a cruel beast, whych because he is fallen into the dyche, lette hym be ouerwhelmed. Behynde, afore, and on euerye syde he is harde holde, opppressed, and greued. If he escape our handes, this cruell pestylence shall sodeynly flye into the fieldes aboute the subburbes, than shall oure [Page] fieldes be wasted and distroyed, our manours robbed and spoyled, the goodly edifyces of the citie bourned, the honeste wyues and noble mennes chylderne shalle be taken awaye, and delyuered to the souldyours. In the senate shall be feare in the markette place conspyracye, in the fielde an armye: but in euerye other seate and place, the sworde and fyre shalle beare the rule. If the common weale dydde euer lamentablye desyre the prowesse, helpe, and fortitude for her souldiours, at [...]is tyme I saye, she requyreth it: whyche beinge be [...] with fyre and weapons of this wycked conspy [...]ye, sheweth her selfe, and in maner speaketh thus to you.

¶ I haue endured many thynges, the which in a citie of freedome were not to be suffered. For what tyme, what day, or what night hath there ben, in which those caytiues haue not wrought me some myscheuous dyspleasure? What murther hath ben doone these many yeres without theym? What vngratious or abhomynable dede without them? And though these thynges aforesayde were intollerable, yet (as I coulde) I bare theym. But nowe who can endure, that I all togither for this one mans sake, shoulde stande in drede and in mooste greattest daunger? Wherfore moste valiaunt souldiours, I beseche and praye you, suffre not that I being deliuered by diuine counsel, and the consuls prudence, from the snares and deceytes of Lentulus and other inward enemies, be oppressed by the cursed theft of this man. Moreouer I cōmende vnto you the castel and capitoll, the walles of the citie, your auters the sepulcres of your forefathers, the lawes, customes, libertie. Your forfathers contended in battayle not onely to [Page] be out of bondage, but also to rule and cōmande. And than what ought you to do, to escape the horryble and moste cruell dominion of this vncleane thefe? Wherefore moste valyaunt souldyours, seynge the matter is brought to so great a ieoperdy, eyther ye must this day reteyne styll by feate of armes, the propper lybertie of the Romaynes, and of your name, or elles ye must preferre deathe aboue bondage. For they, these yuell doers, whiche victoriousely ye shall vanquyshe, shall also for theyr parentes sleing be punyshed in helle. But yf any of you happe to be slayn in the battayle, ye shall opteyne and come to the place of good blessyd menne. These words my countrey speaketh vnto you. Nowe harken vnto me.

¶ Seynge good souldyours, that many and dyuerse kyndes of deathe hange ouer men: it semeth we ought rather to reioyce than to be sorye, yf that sorte of dethe whiche is mooste goodly (to dye for oure countreye) shoulde chaunce vnto vs: and that by our deathe the libertie of the cytie myght be reteyned stylle. For the lyfe is shorte, but the course of glorye is eternall. And seynge that euery manne muste dye, we shoulde desyre mooste specyally to dye for our countrey. For though we lyue not here bodylye, yet we shall lyue in perpetuall glorye. But nowe trewely, that that shulde be repelled by deathe, we maye eschewe withoute shedynge of any of our bloudde. Whiche thynge that ye maye the better vnderstande, I wylle declare to you, of what sortes of people, this noble army of Catilins is gatheryd togyther. I here saye they be conflate or gathered togyther of three kyndes of men. The fyrste kynde is of those that Sylla sente to inhabyte the [Page] towne of Fesules. These menne, bycause they haue wasted awaye theyr owne goodes, looke that Catylyne shoulde gyue theym newe tables, and prescriptions of ryche menne. For they haue not forgotte, howe sodeynely in Syllas tyme of poore menne, they were made ryche. And not with standynge I here saye they be good bolde menne, yet I thynke theym in no wyse to be doubted, for eyther that theyr olde strengthe is by ydelnesse or bodyly pleasure cleane quayled, or yf it remayne and contynue, they bothe in manlynesse and numbre are vnable to matche with you. The seconde kynde is of those cytesyns (yf they may be callyd citesens and not rather beastes) whych whyle they gaped for our goodes, wasted a way theyr owne. These men, ouer whelmed with wyne, glutted with meate, and febled with aduoutry, loke to be Consulles, Pretours, or Trybunes. Amonge this sort are they, with whych Catiline being propt vp, walked stately vp and downe at Rome, wiche he wolde neuer suffre to go from hym the whyche neuer exercysed theyr youthe in rydynge, shotyng, or other good feates of armes, in watchyng, in endurynge warrelyke labour: but for those thynges they lerned to loue and to be loued, to dance, syng, to make bankettes, and to play at dice. Wherfore they are nothynge to be cared for: for they shal rather curse and wysshe vs yuell, than be able, by feate of armes to greue vs. The thyrde kynde is dyuers, myngled togyther of many sortes of people. For in this route are all dycers, aduouterers, swordplayers, shepards, robbers, parentsleers, finally all vngratious knaues, and moste pestilent of all Italy. I iuge veryly all those to be gathered here togither, that now this day they may [Page] for theyr myschieuous dedes receyue punyshemente, dewe vnto theym many yeares agone. And of all this greatte route, scarse the fourthe parte is well harneysed. All othere gaue no targettes, helmettes, moryspykes, nor harneys: But for these thynges they haue hedginge bylles, iauelyns, or pyked stakes. Oh battayle verye moche to be feared, whan menne vnarmed, shall fyght wyth armed men, foolyshe loutes with men moste polytyke, drounkarddes with sobre men, lyther luskes, with men moste stronge and hardy, sluggysshe slepers with men vigilaunt and watchefull: Whanne fynally iniquitie, myschiefe, lechery, nedynesse, cowardyse, foolehardynesse, all vyces shall contende wyth equytie, goodnesse: temperaunce, strengthe, prudence, and with all other vertues. Also we muste nedes truste, that in this battayle, the verye goddis immortall woll fauourable prospere vs. Wherefore, excepte we wolle nedes be slaues, the vyctorie is surelye ours. Whyche thynges beinge thus good souldyours. I admonyshe you for the common whealthes sake (than whiche nothynge ought to be derer vnto anye manne) I exhorte you for my greate dylygence, whiche ye knowe I haue practysed in warre faare, and I beseeche youe for the greatnesse of the perylle that wee stande in, thynke that all the ayde and succoure of the commone wealle, all the state of the Cytye, the wealthe and lybertie of all the Citisens, is layde and faste fyxed to youre swordes poynted in this one battayle. Other nations canne suffre seruytude and bondage, Romaynes canne nat awaye therewith. Therefore eyther it behouethe vs to conquere, or elles let vs, the princes of all the worlde, and of all nations, rather dye wyth glorye, thanne to [Page] liue in seruitude with reproche.

¶Howe Petreius ordered hys battayles. Cap. lxiii.

WHAN this oracion was done, the souldiours myndes were merueilouselie kendled and soo lustie a courage and desire to fight tooke them that vneathe they wolde abide the sounde of the trumpet. Petreius orderinge his armie in two batailes, the aunciente cohortes of warriours in the vawarde, and the resydue of his hoste behinde, to ayde and souccoure them, and all thinges diligentelye aduised and marked, his souldiours instantelie requiringe and feruentelye desirynge it, he blewe vp his trumpet. At the sounde of the trumpet, they on bothe partes so fierselye shewed their violence, and so sodainelye and soo hastelye ranne together, that they lefte no space to caste dartes at their ennemies, but fought hande to hande wyth their swordes. Catilines menne beynge in extreme hoope of healthe, stacke fyerselye to it: The aunciente warrioures inflamed with Petreius wordes, and compelled wyth the glorie of their olde warrefare, strongelye receyued the fierce brounte of their ennemies. They foughte longe on bothe sydes mooste mannefullye, and with a fierce courage: the clamoure and noyse, and the dynne of swordes, myngled wyth gronynge was greate and hydeous. Dysdaine and the glorye of warrefare encouraged the tone parte, necessitie and desperacion stomacked the other.

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¶Howe valiaunt a capytayne Catilyne was.

CATILINE in the meane whyle sent succours to suche of his menne as weere in daungier, and their places that were wounded and wearie, he furnyshed with freshe and lustie souldiours, he ofte strake his ennemye, and exhorted them that weere slowe to battayle, hee retourned backe theym that fledde, and rounynge hyther and thyther, he soo dilygently prouyded for all thynges, that it were harde to iudge, whither he played the parte of a souldiour mooste valyant, or of a capytayne moste politike. But at the self same tyme, he dydde bothe. Wolde to god Catilyn had hadde as good a mynde to gouerne the cōmon weale, as he had a body to make warre, and wolde to god he had not consumed his excellent wytte in myschiefe. Assuredly fewe citesynes wolde haue gouerned the common weale better than he. But whan the immoderate luste to rule and haue the souerayntie, had swalowed hym vp, all these ornamentes, whiche in hym were excedynge great, with this myschief were obscured. And whyle he coueted to be lyke L. Sylla, and C. Marius, he was founde to be moste vnlyke to his auncestours. For Catilyne (I wyll omytte his father and grandfather) was the sonnes son of that M. Sergius, whose prowesse soo many warrelyke preyses wytnessen. Not withstandynge I redde of late certayne authors, that say, that Catilynes lynage came out of the house of the Scipions: But nothyng can be spoken more contrary to lernyng. But nowe let vs returne agayne to the batayle. [Page] Than Catilynes souldyours by his knyghtely dedes beinge put in good hope, and freshely encouraged, fought so egerly, that Antonius souldiours a lytell reculyd. Whan Petreius perceyued that, he sente the seconde battayle to ayde theym that were in peryll: soo whan they that were fresshe and lustye were in the places of them that were werye and wounded, Catilynes men coulde not susteyne their vyolence. Than the Fesulane in goinge aboute to succour his souldyours is slayne. Manlius oppressed with greate multitude of ennemies, mooste manfullye fyghtynge is slayne, with the moste parte of the souldiours.

¶Whan Catilyne sawe the mattier at such a mischief and that there was no succours that myght be sente to helpe them, remembryng the lynage that he came of, and myndynge also that an honest deathe oftentymes dothe exornate a shamefull lyfe, despeyryng to escape, gotte hym a monge the thyckest of his ennemies, there sleinge many of them, he compellyd the resydue a lytle to recule. And whyle he fiersely preased vpon them, all the multitude tourned agaynst hym, there foughte he egerly hande to hand. At length being oppressed with multitude of enemyes, and receyuyng many greuous woundes, that he coulde scarsely stande, makynge a great slaughter aboute hym, with hyghe laude (if he had dyed for the cōmen weale) he was slayne. But the other ennemies, beinge paste all hope to escape alyue, shewed suche manlynesse, that whan they that stoode before were ouerthrowen, they that were nexte defended them valiantly: and loke what place any of them toke being alyue, they couered it beinge deade: fewe saued theym selues by flyghte, whome noo man folowinge, [Page] they escaped easelie.

¶The warre that C. Promptinius made wyth the Delphinois. Cap. lx.

THE same season certaine of the conspiratoures, with greate promyses sturred the Delphinois to make warre to the Romaines, whiche thinge I meruaile that Saluste (whiche wrote thys conspiracie) spake nothinge of. Than to represse their violence, an armie was sente forthe, leddé by C. Promptinius, whiche beynge Pretor with L. Flaccus, toke the deteccions of the conspiracie: who fought with them manie times prosperouselie. And whan he had with many batailes weried the Delphinois, and the common weale deliuerid from drede, being in rest, he determined to go no farther. For alway tyll that time the Romaine capitaines thoughte better to resyst the frenche men by war, than to prouoke them to it: Nor there was none other nacion thoughte able to make warre to the Romaines. All other businesses both by lande and sea, for the most part by the prowes onelie of Gn. Pompeius, were surelie pacified.

¶The other conspiratours condempned at Rome. Cap. lxi.

AFter this at Rome greate and greuouse Iudgementes were geuen againste the conspyratoures, L. Vergunteius a Senatour P. Antronius, Seruius Sylla, C. Cornelyus, Marcus Lecca, M. Fuluius nobilior, and manie other weere condempned. Yet manye of the partenars of the conspiracie escaped. For whan [Page] the citye, and almoste all Italy was infected with this myschiefe, the Senate thoughte, that by the punishment of a fewe, the myndes of the other myghte be cured. But thys thynge I wyl not leaue vnspoken: for though the lawes wyll not, that seruauntes shulde be rackte to accuse their masters, yet concerninge this myscheful conspiracie, they rackte them to disclose their masters. And no wronge. For the mooste prudente Senatours decreed, that they that had enterprised so great a mischiefe, ought to be bare and destitute of al helpe both of lawe and man. Thus Catilynes warre, the most terrible & most perilous that man can remē bre, was by Cicero in his robe and bi Antonius armed capitaynes and Consulles, stinted and brought to an ende.

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¶ Thus endeth the conspiracy of Catiline Imprinted at Loddon in Foster lane by Iohn Waley.

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Here begynneth the famous Cronicle of warre, whyche the Romaynes hadde agaynst Iugurth vsurper of the kyngedome of Numidie: whiche Cronicle is compiled in Laten by the renowmed Romayne Saluste: and translated into englyshe by syr alexander Barklaye prieste. And nowe perused and corrected by Thomas Paynell.

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Newely Imprinted in the yere of oure Lorde God M.D.L vij.

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To the ryghte honorable Lorde Antonye Vycounte Mountegue, knyghte of the ryghte honorable order of the garter, and one of the Kynge and Queenes magesties pryuie counsayle: Thomas Paynel wishhonoure and perfecte felicitie.

A Friend of myne (most honorable Lord) beinge muche desirous to haue the Conspiracie of Catiline, that noble and learned Citizen of Rome, and the historie of Iugurth kynge of Numidie, most valiaunt and politike in feates of warre, in one volume comprised, instantlie desired me: for as much as I had already translated the one, to peruse the other. Whose translator was nowe departed, but yet not out of freshe memorie: suche are his diuers workes very ingeniouslie inuented, and ryght eloquentlie translated. But yet here & there (thorough vnlearned correctors) somewhat mangled and corrupted. I, to do my friend a pleasure, and the gentle readers of these two excellente histories no disprofite, haue accomplyshed my friendes requeste: trusting the matters of these histories to be so cherefull and pleasaunt, the oracions so ingenious and wyttie, the stratagemes so close & craftie, the inuencions of things so diuers and subtile, the answers of the prudent and polytike Romaines so ingenious and readie, the feates of Iugurth with his Numidians so worthy and manlie, the Romains resistence and enterprises so warlyke and coragious, the actes of the whole warre betwene them so variable and diuers, and Ladye fortune (whiche in [Page] these thinges hathe rule and dominion) nowe smylinge vpon the one and the other most flatteringly and cloked lie, that no man (except enuie do rule hym) can myslyke the historie or the translacion of the same: The whiche because the reader shulde most redelie and plainely vnderstande and perceiue the thinge, dothe paraphrastical lie so open the hole matter, that no scruple remaineth to be douted vpon. For Saluste the noble historiographe, doth in the laten tonge so compendiouselie and briefely, but yet moste eloquentlie and truely, knyt vp the whole historie of Iugurth, that the reader in diuers places (excepte he be very rype and perfecte in the eloquence and figures of the laten tonge, and phrases of the same) shal stumble and stagger in the conueyaunce and vnderstandinge of the true meanyng and sence therof. But nowe to turne my pen somewhat vnto your lordeshyp: What thinge is there so obscure or intricate in sence, be it in laten, Italian, Frenche, or Englyshe, that your fine and subtile wytte can not perce and perceiue? What politike feat of war, what instrument or warlyke engine is ther that ye mooste finelye and exactlye can not handle? Yea what tytle or poynte of nobilitie, or of any other thynge perteinynge to a noble man, is vnknowen to your lordshyp, or yet to manie other of this moste noble realme? But I at this presente wyll not speake of your knoweledge and litterature, of your comely and decent ciuilitie and maners, nor howe ye fauoure & maintaine learnynge and learned men, nor yet howe your lordeshyp to to your great renowme and eternall fame, hathe at all tymes, and against all the rablemente of heretykes sustained, and moste constantly and christianly auaunced [Page] the catholyke fayth of our Sauiour and redemer Iesus Christ. And truely to saye, suche a nother was that excellente and noble man your father, faithfull I mean to his liege lorde and kynge, and to our lorde his God, moste faithfull. But of hys constante faythe, and other his famouse actes, prudente counselles, and wyttye inuencions, at more leasure. In the meane season I mooste humblye desire your good Lordeshyp fauorablye to accepte thys hystorie wyth my rude preamble, and mutually wyth fauoure to loue me, for to my slender power I am youres to commaunde.

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The Prologue of this presente Cronicle compiled in laten by the famous Romayne Salust: and translated into Englysshe, by Alexander Barcley Preest.

MAnkynde wrongfully complayneth of hys naturall dysposicion: sayeng, that his feble and fraile life of shorte cōtinuaunce of tyme is rather ruled by chaunces of fortune: than by prouision of strength or vertue: But yf man wyll consyder his naturall inclination: contrarye to suche opinion: he shall fynde that nothyng longynge to mankynde, may be founde and proued greater, better, or more preeminent than his naturall inclination: & that his owne diligence and exercise, rather faileth him than outher myght or longe continuaunce of lyfe time. But in this opinion to iuge indifferētly: let man vnderstande that the mynde is ordayned, guyder, ruler and captayne of mannes lyfe: whiche mynde: whan it valyantly intendeth to attayne, to worshyp and dignitie, by way of vertue: it nedeth nat to force of fortune, nor to care for her vncertayne giftes: but to dyspise her as nat able to gyue to any man honesty, diligēce or other good and vertuous exercises: nor able to depriue mā agayne of the same gyftes: after he hath obtayned the same. But on the other parte if this minde of man, taken and blynded with froward pleasurs be subdued vnto slouth and bodyly lustes: after it hathe exercised and occupyed such ieoperdous pleasure by a lytel seasō: and after that by cowardous slouth, bothe the strength, the tyme and [Page] she wyte are vanysshed away and decayed: than anone the infirmitie and febilnes of nature is accused and put in blame. And thus all suche slouthfull doers transpose and lay awaye the faute whiche in them selfe is culpable, vnto the difficulte of such besinesse, as they haue omitted by negligence. But if it were so: that men had as greate cure and affection of thinges good and profytable, as they haue desyre & pleasure in sekynge and folowynge thinges contrary vnto them, and nothynge profitable, ye: and also muche perylous and hurtfull: than shulde nat they be more ruled by the chaūces of fortune than they shuld rule the sayd chaunces. And thus shuld they attayne and procede vnto so greate excellence: that where they be mortal of nature they shuld be made immortall by glory and renowmed fame. For in lykewyse as man is composed and made of .ii. thynges (that is to say of the body and soule) ryght so all thynges, all besinesses and exercises, to mankynde belongyng, foloweth some the nature of the bodye: to decay brefely and to be mortall: as it is, which thing forther to proue by example, we daly se that the goodly beauty of the visage and shape of mankynde, great abondaunce of ryches, & also the strength of the body, wyth all other suche thynges and semblable, decayeth and vanyssheth awaye wythin shorte tyme. But contrarely the excellente and worthy actes: belonging to mans wyt: be immortall and euerlastyng: as the soule is immortall. And finally in lykewyse as the begynning of the gyftes corporall or naturall, and of the gyftes of fortune is caduke, vayne, and vncertayne: ryght so is the ende of the same mutable & transitory. And all thynges whiche be borne and springyng: agayne decayeth and approcheth to deth: & whan [Page] these same be growē and increased to the high of theyr perfectiō: agayne they begyne to decay and consume by age and debilite. But the mynde and soule beynge incorrupte, eternal and gouernoure of mankynde, ruleth and weldeth al thynges: but it selfe can nat be violently ruled nor compelled by any thynge erthly, consyderyng the frewyll, whiche it optayneth of his creatour. For whiche consyderation the frowarde iniquite of them is more to be maruayled: which subdued to the ioyes and pleasures of the body, passe forthe the time of theyr lyfe in carnall lustes and ydelnes. But towchyng theyr wyt (whiche is the best gyfte and grettest treasure graūted to mankynde) that suffre they to slomber and to slepe wythout exercise, in slouthe and ydelnes: whose dulnes surely is somoch more to be blamed: namely sith so many & diuers noble exercises & occupacions of the mynd be: by whom most clere nobles and fame vndefiled may be optayned. But of suche diuers exercises concernyng the mynd some are better refused: thā procured in troublous tymes & inquiet. And namely in this tyme turbulent and season vnquiet: great offyces, lordeshyppes, rowmes to commaunde and rule, and brefely to speke. All maner cure concerning the administracion of thynges appartenyninge to the commen wele: semeth vnto me nat at all to be coueted or desyred of any wyse man. For neyther is honour giuen vnto vertue, as condigne rewarde and worthy therto belongynge nother such as haue gotten iurisdictiō and honoure, by fraude and vnlaufull meanes (in lyke case) can nat be moore sure nor more honest, by meane of such honour so vnryghtwysly obtayned. For certenly a man to rule hys countrey & kynred by myght and violence: all if he haue power so [Page] to do and also though he ryght wysly correct the crimes of the transgressours and misdoers. Neuertheles: so to do it is vnbehouefull and vnexpediente. And often at conclusion more perylous and daungerous: than it is sure or profytable, and namelye, syth all mutacions of thynges, and chaunges of gouernours pretende & threten slaughter, of some exile or wylfull flyghte, imprisonmente wyth othere lyke crueltyes, more belongyng to ennemies of a commen wele, than to defenders of the same. Than forthermore: a man to labour to the vttermost of his power, and all in vayne. And in weryenge him selfe to get noughte els but euyll wyll and hatred: it is a point of extreme & vtter madnes, excepte parchaunce it be suche one, whiche hath a disshonest, a foule and perelous pleasur to cast away for nought hys owne worshyppe & libertie, for pleasure of a fewe mighty men vsurpers of dominion and lordshyp. But amōg all other besinesse, whiche are exercised by mannes wyt the redyng of hystories and the reducing of the same to memory: is moch more necessary and profitable to al degrees beryng rule of a commen wele, but most namely vnto princes. Of power, profet, and commodite wherof I purpose at this tyme to passe ouer wt silence, bycause many other authours haue wrytten of ye same befor my time. And also yt no mā shuld suppose my selfe by prid or insolēce, to bost mine owne study vainly laudīg ye same. But meche contrarye I beleue rather yt some enuious malygners shalbe hereafter, which shal obiect & ascribe a name of slouth and negligence to this my laboure. Nowe great and profitable so euer it be: & that bycause I haue determyned to lede my lyfe solitarely: fre from medlyng with the commen wele. Certaynly (as I suppose) [Page] they onely shall impute and ascribe suche name to me, & to this my labour: which thinketh it a most great and singular craft or practised wysedome to wynne beniuolence, by salutyng the commen people, and by dyssimulate reuerence done to euery man passyng by them or els to get fauour by feastynge and flateryng the commenty. Whiche enuious maligners: yf they wolde consider bothe in what maner seasons and in what ieopardous tymes I haue obtayned offices & rownes of auctorite, and what men wolde gladly, and yet myght nat obtayne suche rowmes. Moreouer yf they call to mynd what maner of men afterwarde came into the order of senatoures. For certayne if my wyllers consider indifferently these premisses: than shall they thinke that I haue chaunged the purpose of my mynd: more for cause reasonable: and by good aduisement, thā for slouth and cowardise, and they shall fynde, that more profete shall come to the commen wele by this my study (which they count but ydelnes and tyme mysspente) than of the laboure and besynes whiche other men take vpon them fayntly and iniustlye administrynge the common wele. And they shall fynde that my writing shal proue it selfe more laudable and profitable to the comentie, thā theyr vndiscrete gouernaunce. For often haue I harde of the famous prynces Quintus Maximus, and Publius Scipio, and besyde these of many other ryght famous and worthy men of the cytie of Rome, whiche whā they behelde the ymages of theyr forefathers made of stone of waxe, or of metall, & erecte into hye trones in memoriall of the valiaunte and magnificente actes by them doone for the commen wele: the sayde princes in aduisinge suche ymages weere wonte to saye vnto suche [Page] as stode nere by them: that theyr myndes were gretlye kyndeled to vertue and nobles in contemplynge of the same. The case is playne: that suche figures of metall stone, or waxe had nat such operatiō nor myght within them selfe. But such hygh courage and flame was kindeled and increased in the hardye hertes of suche noble men and valiante warrious, by remembraunce of the gloryous dedes of theyr forefathers in theyr lyfe tyme done and represented to their memory by such ymages in so moche that this flame kyndled in theyr hertes to vertue coude neuer be slaked nor saciate in thē, tyl tyme that they were equall with their forefathers in vertue, fame, and glory. Than how moch more ought the clere description of hystores to kyndell vnto boldnes & vertu the myndes of noble men by redyng of the same. But moche contrary, yf we aduert the worlde as it is nowe amonge all men whiche lyue, and conforme them selfe to the maners vsed nowe adayes, where shall we fynde one: but that wyll striue and contende wyth theyr forefathers to ouercome them, other in couetise and superfluous ryches, or els in prodigalite and wastfull expences, and nat in honest and laudable lyfe, good excercises and diligence? And moreouer genty linē of the fyrst hed whiche were wont to preuente auncient noble men and ascende vnto vertue and nobles, by vertuous maners: suche laboure nowe to lordeshyp, honour and authorite by fraude and falshode: rather then by very vertue or good meanes and laudable. After such maner as if the offyce of a hye Juge, of a Tresourer, a Cōsull, a Prouost, and all suche other great offices, were noble & excellente of them selfe. And nat in maners as if suche offices shulde be counted of worthines and dignite: after [Page] as the vertue and honour is, of such as rule in the same offices and by rowmes. But playnlye affirmynge the treuth: the man maketh the office noble and worsshypefull: yf his maners shyne by vertue. But yf his conuersacion be contrary, no offyce, no rowme, can make hym noble nor worshypfull. But this omittyng I haue proceded in this prologue wyth ouer ferre circumstaunce, and also wyth somewhat to moche libertie of wordes, more than in a preface is requisite: for that it pyteeth me of these tedious maners of this oure citye of Rome. But now wyl I come to my mater purposed, and fyrst interpryse begonne.

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¶Of what matter Salust intendeth to treate in proces of hys boke and what causes moueth hym of suche mater to wryte. The fyrste Chapter.

IN this warke I purpose to wrytte of the warre, whiche the Romaynes had an executed agaynste the tyrannye Iugurthe, wronfully vsurpyng the name of a kynge ouer the lande of Numidy. Many causes moueth me by writinge to commend this warre to perpetuall memory. Fyrst for that in the same was foughten at many tymes with greate multitude of men on eyther partie, with moche cruell murdre and variable victorye: the Romaines sometyme, sometyme the Iugurthius preuaylyng in victory. Forthermore bycause that fyrst at this batayle: and from thens forwarde the commen people of Rome matched with the princes, resistynge theyr pryde. For where as before this tyme the noble men of Rome oppressed & subdued the commens with vnresonable rigoure, the commens elect one named [Page] Marius a man of basse byrth to be cōsul of Rome and captayne in this batayle: whiche after he had obtayned victory ouer Iugurth with greate glorye, triumph and fauoure of the commentie, he supported thē in suche wyse agaynst the noble men: that of the same rose a cyuile bataile and greuous discorde, betwene the noble men and commens of Rome: Marius maintenyng the commens partie, and Silla susteyninge that partie of the noble men. In somoch that finallye bytwene these two partes and captayns of the same was foughten an vnkynde, vnnaturall, and cruell batell: to the greuous ruine of the Romaine empire, and subuercion of the cō men wele. whiche contention and variaunce confounded bothe the lawes of god and man, and by the same were all good ordinaunces disordred. And this same furious debate and folye proceded at last to so vnresonable madnesse & excecate fury, that it neuer desisted, nor this varyaunce and discencion bytwene the noble men and commens neuer ceased: tyll tyme that cruell & mortall batayle foughten bytwene both parties, & tyl tyme that also distructiō of the land of Italy compelled both parties at last to consyder theyr owne blynde folye and cruell furor: & so finallye to mittigate and fynishe theyr debate and vnresonable dyssencion. But fyrst or I begyn to write of this batell I shall repeate and declare a few thinges done before this war began: to thentent that al thinges moost chiefe, worthye & expedient to be knowē may be more euidēt, open & clere, to the reders.

¶How the kynge Massinissa came into the fauoure of the Romayns, and howe the lande of Numydy was commytted vnto hym. The second Chapter.

[Page] THe Romayns had thre notable & famous batayls agaynste the Carthaginences, in whiche the same Romayns had great dā mage. Howe be it in conclusion of euery batayle they wanne victorye of theyr ennemyes: in the seconde of these batailes what tyme Haniball duke and captayne of the Carthaginences wasted the welth and riches of Italy more thā any other enemy had euer done before, after the Romayns beganne to haue any greate name and to delate theyr dominion: A famous prince named Massinissa kynge of the lande of Numydy was receyued into frindshippe and fauour of the Romaynes: by one Publius Scipio captayne of the sayd Romaynes, whiche Scipio afterward for his manhode was named Scipio affrycan, bycause he ouer came and subdued the lande of Affrike. This Massinissa so receyued into fauour of the Romayns in the foresayde batayle dyd many noble and famous actes of chyualry, with hygh valiantise and corage. For whiche dedes: after the Romayns had ouercome the Carthaginences and theyr citie, and after they had taken prisoner the king Sciphax, which had in Affrik a worthy, great and large impire the people of Rome gaue frely vnto the same kynge Massinissa, all suche cities and landes as they had taken and wone in batayle. For whiche benefites so magnificent and ample Massinissa cōtinued vnto them in profitable and faythful frendshyp hys life induring but at last his lyfe ended, and the welth of his empire decayed also with hym. This kynge departyng lefte behynd hym thre sonnes, whose names were Macipsa, Manastaball, and Galussa, of whome Micipsa suceded his father, and alone obtayned the kyngedome [Page] after that the other two brethern Manastabal and Galussa, were departed frome this lyfe by sickenesse. This Micipsa had two sonnes named Adherball & Hiempsall. But Manastaball his brother which departed (as sayd is) left behynd him one sonne nat lauflly borne, but a bastarde, begoten of his cōcubine: wherfore departing he lefte hym orbate withoute lande or lyuelode. This consyderinge Micipsa suffered hym nat to faute nor decaye: but forasmoche as he was his brothers sonne, receyued hym into his court, & hym cherished in lyke wise as he dyd his owne sonnes, Adherbal & Hiemsal. This Iugurth after yt he was a lytel growen vp to age: was myghty in strength comely, and fayre of face: but moost of all, excellente of wyt & wysedome. Nor he gaue nat hym selfe to be corrupte with lust nor incraftye slouthe: but as is the custome & maner of the people of Numidi hymselfe he exercised, somtyme in rydyng, somtime in castyng the dart & iustyng, & somtyme in ronnyng & wrestlynge with his companyons of lyke age. And nat with standyng, that in laud and prayse he passed al his peres yet none enuied hym but he was derely beloued, cheryshed, & lauded of al men. Moreouer he passed moche of his tyme in huntynge of wyld bestes which in that land habounded: he was the firste, or one amonge the firste which durst assaile and stryke the lyon, and other cruell and wylde bestes: he dyde moche: & lytel sayd or bosted of hymselfe. For suche demeanour his vncle Micipsa at first begynnynge was gladde and ioyefull: supposynge that in tyme to come the manly behauour & strength of Iugurth shuld be glory & honour to al his kyngdome But afterwarde in processe of tyme whan he cōsydred & [Page] vnderstode his lyfe approchinge fast to ende, hys naturall sonnes yonge, and vnexperte. And this yonge man Iugurth in honour and fauour dayly encreasing more and more he reueyled many thynges in minde greatly moued with such solicitude and busenesse. Forthermore he consydred that, all men of kynde be naturally inclyned to desyre to rule, and commaunde by lordeshyppe, rather than to be ruled and subiecte. And howe man is proue and hedlyng inclined to fulfyll the desyers of his mynde dredynge no daungers: nor suspectynge no peryl while he is excecate by ambicion and desyre of lordship. Moreouer aduisyng the oportunite of his owne age, & of the age of his chyldren whiche for youth were not able to resyst any power or violence: which oportunite is wonte to be not small confort, audacite and courage, not onelye to bolde hertes, but also to meane men and cowardes, intendyng to conspyre agaynst theyr princes in hope of praye and promocions. Suche consyderacyons feared sore the mynde of Micipsa, besyde these, hys drede and doloure was augmented, whan he behelde the fauoure and hertes of all his subiectes of the lande of Numidy vtterly inclyned to Iugurth: wherefore to put to death the same Iugurth by anye gyle (as hys purpose was to to) he dreade moost of all: dowtynge leste thereof myght succede bytwene hym and hys subiectes some insurrexion or battayle. Micipsa compased on euery syde wyth these dyfficultyes, was soore troubled in mind. And whā, he saw ye nother by strēgth nor gyle he might destroy a man so well beloued of the commens (as was Iugurth) at last he deuised an other waye to ryde hym, and that without daunger or suspeccion, [Page] wherfore wherfore Micipsa aduertynge that Iugurth was redy of hande to strike, auenterous & moche desyrous of honour and laude of chiualry, he concluded with himselfe to obiect hym to daunger & peryl of war, and by that meane to assay the fortune of batayle.

¶Now at the same seasō the Romains warred against a cite of Hispayne named Numaunce, vnto which war diuers kinges to the commens associate sent vnto them succours agaynst the same cite. Among whom Micipsa also sent a fayre companye of horsmen and fotemen, ouer whome he made Iugurth captaine, and sent hym forth wyth them into Hispayne, trustynge that there he lyghtlye shulde be ouerthrowen and slayne in batayle, other in shewynge his manhod and strength, or els by fyersnes and crueltye of his enemyes. But this thynge fortuned moche contrary to his opinion. For Iugurth was of mynde and courage valiaunt and bolde, and of wytte quicke and redye, so that after he had parceyued the disposision, behauour and maners of Publius Scipio, at that tyme captayne of the Romains, and whā he had consydred also the maners of his ennemyes, he behaued hymselfe in such wise with moch labour, besines and cure, in obeynge his captayne with so good maner and often tymes countryng his enemies without dred of perill. In somoch that within shorte tyme he came to so great fame and worshyppe, that vnto the Romayns he was marueylous dere and well beloued, and of the Numantines dreade as deth: and certaynly, among the chefyst he was worthy and valiaunte in batayle: and also good of counsell, of wysedome pregnaunt and circumspect. Whiche two thinges be muche harde to be in one man both togyder, for wysedome is often wonte to [Page] make men aferde and to drede many peryls because of prouidence. But boldnes and audacite causeth men to be rasshe and folehardy, bycause of stout courage. But his wysedome directed his strength, and his strengthe was obediente to wysdome. Wherfore Scipio the captaine dyd almost euery ieopardous and whyghty thing by hande and counsell of Iugurth, hym countynge among his chefe frendes and daily cherysshed him more and more, and no marueyle, for there was no counsell, nor interprise begone of Iugurth frustrate or in vayne but all came to good effect. Besyde these gyftes aboue sayd he was curtes of mynde, lyberal, and of wyt right discreate and prudent: by which giftes he adioyned vnto hym many of the Romayns in familier frendshype. At that same season in the army of Rome were ryghte many newe, and also auncient gentylmen, whiche sette more by riches than goodnes or honeste. At home in Rome were they sowers of dyscord and debatful, great in fame among the frendes of the Romains. But more famous by worshyppe and rowme, than by honest conuersacion. These kyndled the mynde of Iugurth nat a lytell-promising often tymes and sayenge to set his corage on fyre, that if the kyng Micipsa discessed the time shulde come that Iugurth alone shulde enioye the hole kyngdome of Numidy wythout any partiner. For in hym (they sayde) was greate vertue, greate manhode, strength, and audacite wyth wisedome, able to gouerne suche a kyngdō, and nothing was so iniust and false but that might be iustified at Rome for gold, and all thynges were there to be sold by couetyse of noble men.

¶Howe Publius Scipio counselled Iugurth at his departyng after the cyte of Numance was dystroyed. The thyrde Chapter.

[...]

[Page] THus contynued Iugurth in the Romains army in Hispayne wyth greate fauoure of the Romains and namely of Scipio the captaine, tyll at last the army of Rome had distroyed the sayde citie of Numance. Thā Publius Scipio cōcluded to retourne agayne to Rome and to congye and lycence suche socours as were sente vnto him from other kynges: amonge all other he called Iugurth vnto him, and before the multitude of all the army assembled, lauded and commended him magnificently recitynge his glorious actes and manly dedes of chyualry. And after that worthely and rychelye rewarded hym for his labours. This done, he conueied hym into the captains tente, and there secretly warned hym that he shuld continue and worshyp ye frindeship of the people of Rome rather hole togyder and comenly, thā priuatly leanyng to any singuler rulers. Moreouer addynge these monicions, that he shulde nat rather rewarde and be liberall to a fewe priuatly: than to a hole commente, sayeng that it was a perillous thyng to bye that, of a fewe persons, whiche belonge vnto many in commen. If he wolde perseuer and continue in so noble condicions as he had begon, he shulde shortely come to greate honour, glory and dignite royall, more than he wolde desyre. But if he wolde procede and labour to ascende ouer hastely, than shulde both he and his ryches fall heedlynge to ruyne and decaye. After Scipio had sayd these wordes with suche like, he licensed Iugurth to depart, and sent him vnto his vncle Mycipsa againe into the lande of Numidy wyth letters directe vnto the same kynge Micipsa, of whiche letters the tenure and sentence hereafter ensueth, and was suche.

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¶The sentence of the letter dyrect from Publius Scipio captaine of the Romayne army in Hyspayne vnto Micipsa kynge of Numidy. The fourthe Chapter.

PVblius Scipio Captaine of the Romayne army in Hispayne sendeth helth and salutacion to Micipsa kynge of Numidy frende & felowe of the empire of Rome. The vertue strength and noblenes of your neuewe Iugurth whome ye sent vnto our socours hathe bene proued in this warre of Numance, ferre excellent aboue any other warriour of our retynue, which thing I know for certayne is to your greate pleasure and gladnes. For his worthy merytes he is right dere and wel beloued vnto vs. And we shall deuoyr vs to the best of oure power that he may bee lyke deere and well beloued of all the senatours & people of Rome. I am surely ryght ioyefull on youre behalfe of this youre treasoure Iugurth, thauncient amyte betwene you and me, byndeth me to be gladde of this your commodite. For certaynely lo here haue ye a man of Iugurth wrrthy to discende of such noble stocke as ye are and as his grandefather Massinissa was in his dayes whom he foloweth in all poyntes of vertue and magnanimite.

¶Howe the kyng Micipsa adopted Iugurth vnto his sonne. The fyfte. Chapter.

WIth these letters of Scipio Iugurth retourned vnto Numidy vnto his vncle Mycipsa, where he was worthely and ioyefully receiued of the cōmentie. But after that the king Micipsa vnderstode by these letters of commendacion of the captayne [Page] Scipio: that the valiaunte and noble actes of Iugurth were trewe, whiche longe before he had harde by report of the cōmen fame, thā what for the nobles of Iugurth and fauoure bothe of his dedes and commendacion of Scipio he moued his mynde chaunged frō his forsayd purpose, and not forther intended to oppresse Iugurthe by malyce nor enuy. But concluded to attempt to ouercome him with benefites and kindnesse, to thentent that he so ouercome, shulde not in tyme to come fynde in his hert for pyte to indommage hym nor his heyres. And sone after this purpose the same Micipsa adopted Iugurth vnto his sonne: and farthermore decreed & ordayned in his testament that Iugurth shulde be one of his heyres, and partener in possession of his kingdome togyder with his two natural sōnes, Adherbal & Hiempsall. But a fewe yeres after this ordinaunce Micipsa what by age, what by sykenesse, drew nere vnto his end of lyfe, and was consumed by age and disease: wherfore consideryng his deth so fast approchynge it is sayd that he called Iugurth before him and than before many of his frendes and kynsmen, also in presēce of his two natural sōnes Adherbal and Hiempsal, he had to the same Iugurth such wordes as he herafter insue & folowe.

¶The exortacion which the kyng Micipsa a lytell before his deth had to Iugurth. The .vi. Chapter.

MI dere sonne Iugurth, I knowe it is not oute of your remembraūce, howe after that ye had lost your father my brother I charitably & louingly receiued you yonge & of tender age into my kyngdome: what tyme ye warre without riches, wythout conforte, and without any hope of comferte or [Page] ryches: but very lykely to haue bene cast awaye. This dyd I thinkyng that for these my benefytes and kyndnesse I shoulde bee vnto you not lesse intyerly beloued than of myne owne naturall chyldren with my body begotten. Nor certainly this thing hath not disceiued me. For why to ouerpasse your other great, magnificente & excellente dedes of you valyauntly done before, specially now last of all cōmynge from the warre of Numāce ye greatly adourned and inhaunced to honoure & glory bothe of mine owne person and this my kingdome. And where as the Romaynes in fore times were frendes vnto vs, by your vertue and manlye actes, ye haue establyshed that amitie: and of frendes made thē moche moore frendes. So that in Hispayne the name & glorie of oure householde by your manhode is renouate and renewed. Thus finally, ye haue ouercome the enuie of your yl willers onely by your glorious actes and valiaunt interprises, whiche is one of the moost difficultie, wherfore nowe my sonne Iugurth, sithe it is so that nature hath nere concluded the ende of my life, I admonishe, charge and exhorte you by the faith of your right hand, and by the faith and fidelite which ye owe to this my kingdome I obtest and require you, that ye loue, meintaine and cherishe these my two sonnes, Adherbal and Hiempsall: whiche of kinnered be nere to you, and by my benefite and kindnes are bretherene vnto you. Forthremore I exhorte you that ye counte not better and moore pleasure to acquainte and conioine vnto youe forayns or straungers, rather than to ret [...]yne suche as be ioyned to you by natural blode and kynred. For neyther is a great army of men nor habundance of treasours: ye chefe socours or defence of a kyngdome: but [Page] [...]oche rather trusty & faythfull frendes: whome a man canne neyther compelled by force of armes: nor yet bye with golde nor syluer to parseuer in stedfast amyte: but they be optayned & kept by kyndnesse, good dedes, fidelite & faythfulnes. But among all frendes: who can be more frendlye & stedfaste in amyte than brother to brother. Certaynly none ought to be more louyng of natural inclination. Or what straūger shal ye fynd faythful and trusty to you: if ye shewe your selfe ennemy to your owne kynsmen. Forsothe if ye contynue togyder honest good & louyng in agreable concorde bytwene your selfe thanne this kyngdome which I committe & gaue vnto you shall continue sure and stedfast: as it is nowe. But cōtrarely if ye be yll and disagreynge among your selfe ye shal in short season make it ryght poore, feble & incertayne. For by loue peace & concorde: small ryches, small lordshyppes, & generally al smal thynges increase and multiplie: by discorde the grettest thynges of the worlde decay and fall vtterly to ruyne. But you my sonne Iugurthe by cause ye passe these myne other two naturall sonnes in age & wysdome, therfore it semeth you moche more than them: to make suche wyse prouision bothe for your selfe and for them also that nothyng happen other wyse than well. For in euery stryffe & debate howe be it whiche is mightyer & rycher often suffreth iniury. Neuerthelesse it semeth more that he dothe wronge thanne his feble aduersary. But ye my dere sonnes Adherball & Hiempsall se that ye worshipe and loue this Iugurth your worthy vncle. And bewar that ye nat offende nor dysplease hym: but folow his vertue & manly behauour And do your deuoir to the best of your power after his example behauynge your selfe, so discretly & so wysely [Page] that it be nat hereafter reported by me, that I haue taken vnto me by adoption, better chyldren than I haue begottē. Thus concluded the kyng Micipsa his words Howe be it Iugurth well perceyued the kynges wordes, but fayned and spoken agaynst his herte, if any other remedy myghte haue bene founde: neuertheles he answered benygnely for the tyme, all if he thought and reuoulued in his mynde moche otherwyse, and contrary to his humble and mylde answere.

¶Howe the kyng Mycipsa departed from lyfe and of the fyrst cause of dissencion and discord betwene Iugurth, A [...]herball and Hiempsall. The .vii. Chapter.

NOt long after the kynge Micipsa decessed whose deathe was dolourous and sore bewayled of all his subiectes: but most of all to his naturall sonnes it was to be lamented, and not without greate cause as the processe of this hystorie shall afterwarde declare. But after the kynges funerall exequies were magnificentlye ended as appertayned to his state royal. The thre princes that is to say Adherball, Hiempsall, & Iugurth anone assembled to the intent to commen and treate of busynesses of the royalme, concernynge particion & separation of the same: and all other thinges conuenient. But whan they shuld sytte and take theyr places in order: Hiempsal yongest of the thre was somewhat fiers of nature, & disposed to statelynesse. And in mynd longe before this time he disdained the ignobilitie of Iugurth for asmoche as he was vnlike vnto them of birth towchinge his mothers side, and a bastard borne, as is said before, wherefore he disdained that the same Iugurthe [Page] shulde haue the place of moost honoure amonge them, whiche were naturall sonnes of a kinge, and also laufully borne: and so in contempte of Iugurth he set him selfe downe on the ryght hande his brother Adherball: to thintent that Iugurth shulde not syt in the myddes, bytwene them: whiche rowme the Numidiens count of most honour. And afterwarde howe be it his brother Adherball requyred him oftē to giue place to Iugurth bycause of his age: yet vnnethes coude he with moche paine induce hym therto, but at last fatygate by requestes of his brother & of other noble men of the realme, he chaunged his place and set hym vpon the other side with countenance declarynge his mynde not contented. And thus at last satte Iugurth for his age in the middes bitwene them bothe, as in place of moost honoure. Whan the thre prynces were thus sette and had communed of many thinges concernynge the administracion of the kyngdome, amonge many and dyuers other thinges Iugurth sayde, that all the statutes and ordinaunces which the kynge Micipsa had made fyue yeres before his deth, ought of congruence to be adnulled as of none effecte. For in that season (as sayde he) hys witte what for age, what for syckenesse was feble, dull and of small valoure. And therfore suche thinges as he had in that space enacted were done without wisdome or reason. Whan Hiempsall herde Iugurth thus speke he answered sayenge that it pleased him right well that it shuld so be done. For within the same thre yeres (said he) our father Micipsa hath adopted you to his sonne, & in his testament ordained you to be partiner of his kīgdome, whiche was the worst and most vnaduised dede that euer he dyd yonge or olde, wherfore Iugurthe according [Page] to youre owne ordinaunce this must fyrst af al be adnulled and broken, whiche done, my brother and I shall not greatly contende for the remenaunt. These wordes of Hiempsal pearsed the hart of Iugurth more profou [...]dely than any man there thoughte or suspected. Wherfore frome that tyme forwarde, what for wrathe of these wordes, and for drede of losse of his porcyon of the kyngdome, his mynde was in great trouble and anguyshe. In somoche that from thens forthe he went aboute, ymagyned, ordained, and onely reuoulued in his mind, by what gile or treasō Hiempsal might be caught in his daunger. But whan his purpose proceded but slowly forwarde, considerynge that the frowarde desire and vnresonable appetite of his mynde coud not be mytigated nor pacified, he cōcluded to bring his enterprise to effect by any maner meanes other by preuye treason and gyle, or els by euydent and open violence & force of armes. But to retourne agayne where I lefte In thys first assemble of the thre princes of whiche I spake before, it pleased them all that the treasours of kinge Micipsa shulde be deuided among them bicause of this dissencion. And also that the marches and boundes of eche of theyr dominions, seuerally shulde be assigned to eche of them hys porcion, wherfore the tyme was appoynted and prefixed whanne bothe shulde be doone but the tyme to departe the treasoures was sooner assigned than to deuyde and limitte the boundes of theyre dominions. This appointement made: the princes departed company: the mynde of Iugurth not a lytell inquieted for the sayde checke of Hiempsall, for whiche cause he awayted his tyme to reuenge hym.

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¶Howe Iugurth by reason murdred Hiempsall the yonger sonne of [...]ynge Micipsa. The .viii. Chapter,

WHan the thre prynces were departed in sō der, as I haue sayd before they soiourned in sondrye places, & that nere to the towre where the treasure laye. Hiempsall drewe him to a towne named Thirmida not far distant, In whiche towne he had a dwellyng place: thā as happened in the same towne was a man of the gard longing to Iugurth of his lorde ryght derele beloued, and with him greatly in fauour. This seruaunt of Iugurth was moche conuersaunte & familyer in ye house of Hiempsall, whan Iugurth by chaunce remembred this oportunite to his myscheuous purpose, he called secretly vnto hym his sayde seruaunte. And after many wordes spoken to serche his minde: at last by promesse of large rewardes he induced him to consente to go as if it were to visite the house of Hiempsall: as he had often done before tyme, and bi some meanes & craft to counterfayte the kayes of the gates and brynge them vnto hym. For the right kayes (after the gates were locked) nyghtly were delyuered vnto Hiempsall hym selfe: soo myght they nat be vnmyssed the space of a nyght, whan Iugurth had induced the Numidian to consent to this dede: he promysed hym self win short time after to come to the sayd lodgyng of Hiempsal what tyme ye case shuld requyre: with great power of armed men. The Numydyan in shorte tyme perfourmed the commaundemente of Iugurth, in somoche that he brought vnto hym the counterfayted keys: as he had apoynted. Iugurth here of was gladde in mynde: and anone prepared secretly a [Page] great company of armed men: whome he commaunded to bringe vnto him the heed of Hiempsal trenched from the body & in executynge of this dede he commaunded them al to be ruled by the Numidyan which had counterfayted the keys. This done the sayd Numidian connayed these armed men preuyly by nyght into the house of Hiempsall, lyke as he was infourmed by Iugurth. Whan this tratoure satellyte was entred with his company & had broken into the in warde edifices: diuers of them serched for the prince Hiempsal: som murdred his seruauntes as they lay slepenge in theyr beddys suspectynge no suche treason: some other a wakened with the dynne, stert vp & mette theyr enemyes defendynge them selfe but al in vayne: for they had no leyser to arme thē selfe And therfore were they slayne anone vnarmed, of men armed & apointed to myschefe: whan the treatours had longe sought Hiempsall and myght nat fynde hym than serched they more nerely euery hyd corner, and secret close places they braste open: all was full of dynne mengled with noyse and clamour: So moche they sought and so nerely: that at last they founde out Hiempsal hyd in the cotage of a poore seruynge woman to whiche place he had fled at begynnyg of this affraye: as a man astonyed for drede and ignorant of the place. Anone as the Numidians had foūde him they slewe him without any mecri. And as they were commaunded cutte of his hed & brought the same to Iugurth; but shortly after ye fame of this cruell & tyrannous dede was diuulgate & ouer spred all the landes of Affrike: Adherball and all they whiche were vnder subieccion of Micipsa whyle he lyued: were sore troubled and abasshed with fere for this tyrannous crueltie of Iugurth. The Numidians [Page] anone duyded themselfe into two parties. The moost part drewe and leaned to Adherball, but suche as were most manly and best to batayle drew them to the other parte: and leaned to Iugurth. Wherfore he made redy as great an armie as he myght ioininge vnto him and bringing vnder his subieccion the townes and cities of Numidi: some by violence, & some other by theyr owne volūtary will. Insomoch that finally he kept vnder his subieccion and bondage the hole lande of Numidy. But notwithstanding that Adherbal had sent embassadours to Rome: to certify the senatours of ye deth of his brother how cowardly he was murdred, & also to informe thē of his own miserable fortune & in what case he was neuer thelesse he made himselfe redy to fyght with Iugurth as he which had trust & confidence in multitude of his souldyours assembled redy to batayle.

¶Howe Iugurth ouercame Adherball in battayl and putte hym to flyght howe Adherball fledde to Rome to complayne to the senatours: and howe Iugurth accloyed wyth rewardes many of the rulers of Rome: by whose fauour hys crueltie was defended. The .ix. Chapter.

NOwe had Iugurth assembled hys hoost redy vnto batayle, not lyke in multitude of the company of Adharbal: but as I sayd before moche bolder better experte and exercised in warre. On the other partie Adherball had his people redy apointed, & both the armyes approched togider. But whan they ioyned batayle, & whan it came to byckerynge: that the matter must be tryed with strokes. Anone Adherball was vanquished: and to saue his life fledde from the batayle into a prouince marchynge on the land of Numidi: & from thens with all hast sped him vnto Rome to complayne his miserable fortune, & to requyre socours, as I shall after warde declare. But [Page] thā Iugurth whē he had al the land of Numidy at his pleasure, counselled wt his frendes of many thinges At conclusion: whan he considred himself that he had slaine Hiempsall and chased Adherball out of his kingdome whan he was ydle & at rest: he oftē secretly reuolued in mynd his owne crueltie: sore dredyng what punisshmēt ye Romains wold ordeine agaynst ye same. Nor against the ire & displeasure of the Romains had he none other hope nor conforte, saue in the couetyse of the noble men of Rome, and in thabundaunce of his treasoure: wherwith he trusted to corrupte the rulers of Rome to be fauorable to him. This consydred within fewe dayes after he sent to Rome embassadours with moche golde & siluer to whome he gaue in commaundement: that first of al they shuld satisfy his olde frendes with rewardes and money, and thā to spare no gyftes to get vnto him mo new frendes. And brefely that they shulde not spare nor tary to procure vnto him fauourers & mainteiners of his part: and all thinges for his auauntage by giftes & promisses. But after these embassadours were come to Rome: according to the cōmaundement of theyr king they gaue & sent to his acquayntaunce and frendes, and to suche as among the senatours: at that time had most authorite: large and great rewardes. In somoche that anone among thē was so great a chaunge that the maruelous enuy, hatred & euyl wil: which they had agaynst Iugurth was al chaunged into fauour & grace among the noble men. Of whome some wer so induced by gyftes receyued: & some other by hope of brybes in tyme to come: that they went about among the senatours from one to one labourynge & intreatyng that at that season nothyng shuld be extremely nor greuously determined [Page] against Iugurth. Thus after the embassadours of Iugurth hadde confidence and trust ynough in theyr cause they laboured to haue a day apointed to apere in courte. The day of apearaunce was graunted as wel to them as to Adherball: to Adherball as playntife, and to the embassadours as defendentes for Iugurth: whan the daye assigned was come bothe the parties appered in courte before the senatours, than after audience graunted Adherball began to speke vnder forme folowynge, for complainte and declaracion of his iniuries and oppression,

¶Here insueth the oration of Adherball, deuysed in forme deliberatiue: in whiche he exhorteth the senatours to commaunde socours and ayde to be assigned vnto hym, prouynge the same to be profytable honest and easy to the Romaines to do: profitable: that he myght continue a frende vnto the empyre of Rome: honest, for his father and graunfather hadde so deserued: easy to be done, for the Romains at that tyme had no other warre els where. The .x. Chapter.

MOost discrete chosen fathers and noble senatours, Micipsa my father at houre of his deth commaunded me that I shulde thinke nought els of the land of Numidie to apertaine to me, saue onely the rule and admynistracion of the same, affirmynge that the title of possession and empire of the same belonged to you and to the people of Rome. Moreouer he gaue me in commaū demente to do my deuoure, to be vnto you seruisable aboue all thinges, both in place and warre. And that I shulde count you vnto me in place of kynsmen: and nerest frendes of alyaunce. Saienge that if I so dyd: thā by your amite and frendshyppe, I shuld fynde socoure riches and defence of the kyngdome of Numidy, and of me and myne all tymes of nede, whiche preceptes of [Page] my father: whyle I caste in mynde to obserue: sodaynlye Iugurthe the moost cruell and cursed of all men whome the grounde susteyneth: dyspisynge youre empyre: hathe dryuen me frome youre kyngdome and frome all my other goodes of fortune: nothynge regardynge that I am neuewe of Massiniss [...], and by myne auncestry a felowe and frende of the empyre and people of Roome. But certaynlye worthye and chosen fathers: sythe I am come to that myserye that necessytye constrayneth me to desyre youre ayde and succoures: I wolde moche rather that I myghte call for youre helpe: for myne owne merytes agaynste you doone: than for the merytes of my forefathers: and that by suche meanes of myne owne deseruynge: youre benefytes and socours were due vnto me, whiche wolde God that I neded not at all: but yf this youre socoures myghte soo of you be desyred by my merytes and deseruynge, than shulde I call boldlye to you: and vse youre socours of duetye as myne auncestrye haue doone in tymes passed. But nowe sythe it is soo, that honeste lyfe and innocencye: in thys worlde fyndeth lytell surenesse by theim selfe wythoute protection of some other. Moreouer syth it was not in my power to mitigate nor to withstande this tyrannous iniurye of Iugurthe. Therfore chosen fathers I am nowe flede vnto you as to my chefe refuge, coarted to necessitie to requyre youre socours and constrayned to put you to besynes and charge: before I haue done anye pleasure or profete vnto you: whiche thynge greued me moost of all, and is one of my gretest myseryes. Ryght worthy senatours other kynges haue ben receiued into your frindshyp & fauoure after ye haue ouercō [Page] them in battayle, or els perceyuinge them selfe in danger and in doubtefull chaunces of fortune, they haue coueited and desyred your feloweshype and fauour, rather for theyr owne wele than for yours. But moch cō contrarely: our forefathers and rote of our linage. Massinissa confederated hymselfe with the people of Rome in the secōd bataile of Carthage, what tyme was more faythfulnes to be trusted in thē & theyr good wil, thē of welth or riches to be optained of the Romains, beinge at that tyme assayled with warre on euery side, theyr riches and treasours consumed by often batayles. Thus it is euident that our auncestry confederat not themself to your felowship for their owne defence, in hope of dominion: nor for any other priuate profet, but onelye for fauour & loue whiche they had vnto your empire, wherfore noble senatours suffre not the progeny and braunches of his stocke to be distroied. Suffer not me which am neuew of your trusty frēd Massinissa to aske of you helpe and socoure in vaine. But prudent fathers, if it were so that I had none other cause to demaūd socours of you, saue onely this miserable fortune wherewith I am oppressed, that I whiche was lately a kynge by lyneall discent: myghty of auncestry: excellent and clere of fame, habundaunte in riches, and of men of armes: and and now disformed by miserable calamite, poore & nedy, so that I am constrained to seke helpe and socours of other men: if I had none other mater whereof to cō plaine, saue this miserable fortune onely. Neuertheles it longeth and is conueniente to the magesty of the people of Roome, to prohibite and to withstande iniurye, nat to suffer the kyngedome or dominion of anye man to ryse and increase by falshode and mischeuous tyrannye. [Page] And the ryght heires agaynst right, agaynst iustice and agaynst reason, to be excluded from theyr true heritage. But verely I am excluded and cast forthe of that countrey, which the Romaines in time passed gaue vnto my forefathers: out of the which countrey my father and grandfather accompayned with your army & helpe haue chased the kyng Siphax, and also the Carthaginences, bothe moost violente enmyes to the empyre of Rome. Your benefites be spoyled fro me: In this myne iniurye be ye dispysed: Wo is me miserable exulate: Alas my dere father, Micipsa, are youre good dedes and kyndnesses against Jugurth come to this poynte and conclusion: that he before all other shoulde namelye be dystroyer of your lynage and chyldren: whome ye haue made felowe with your owne sonnes: and also partiner of youre kyngedome: alas than shall oure stocke and houshold neuer be quyet? Shal we alway be tossed and turned in effusion of blode, and, in batayle, in exyle and in chasing from our countrie.

¶While the Carthaginences reigned in prosperite, we suffered and that paciently, and not vndeserued al cruelte & vexation. For then were our enemies on euery side of vs: our frendes in whome we shulde haue found socoure at tyme of nede were ferre disioyned and separate from vs. Thus all our hope: all our trust was in oure strength and armoure. But nowe after that pestilente dystruction of the Carthaginences is chased and casten out of affrike we continued a tyme ioyfull & quiet: passinge oure life in peace and tranquilite, for why we had no ennemy: excepte paraduenture for any iniury done agaynste you ye wolde commaunde vs to take youre enmy for ours also as reason and ryghte requyred. [Page] But now sodainly & vnwarely to vs: this Jugurth exaltyng him selfe by his intollerable audacite, by cruelte & pride hath first slaine my brother & his own nere kinsman Hiempsall: & in augmenting his mischefe hath vsurped to him as in pray my brothers part & porcion of the kingdome of Numidy, & after: seing that he mighte not take me lyke maner of trayne as he had done my brother, what time I douted nothing lesse than any violence or bataile in the kingdō whiche I holde of you, he hath chased me (as ye maie se) out of your kingdome and hath made me as an abiect outlaw: chased frō my coūtrey: and dwelling place, oppressed with pouertye, & laded with miseries. In so moch that I maie be ī more surety & saue garde in any place of the worlde, than in owne natife countrey & kingdome, whiche I holde of you. Forsoth worthy senatours: I haue euer thought in like maner as I haue oftentimes herd my father Micipsa openly reporte with sadnesse: saieng ye they whiche shulde dyligentlye continue in youre frendship by theyr merites must take great labours at many tymes vpon themselfe in your causes: but of all men they were most sure from iniury of any man. And sothely all my linage hath done asmouche as in them was at your desyres: And euer hath ben redy in all batails and nedes to assyst you. Wherfore if ye folow the precepts of gratitude, if ye bere in remembraunce these merites of myne auncestry, it is both right & honesty yt in this myne extreme necessite, ye ayde and socoure me and restore me againe to quietnesse, whyle ye haue none othere businesse in hande, whiche maye be to youe inpedimente in this enterprise. Moost discrete fathers: more brefely and clerly to declare vnto you my complaint and my myseries. [Page] And also to certifie youre excellence moore playnlye of myne vnnaturall and vnkynde kynseman Jugurth: and of his cruelte. It is not vnknowen vnto youre maiestie: that my father Micipsa after his departing: lefte behynde him vs two brethern his naturall and lauful sonnes: supposynge that by his benefites and merites Iugurth shulde be ioyned wyth vs, as thyrde brother. But alas: muche contrary the one of vs is murdred by this cruell Iugurthe, blynded by insaciable ambicion and desyre of dominion. And I my selfe the second brother scarselye and wyth greate difficulte haue escaped his cruell and vnmercifull handes, what maye I doo? or whether shall I rathest flee for conforte vnhappye exulate thus desolate and infortunate as I am? All the socours all the comforte, of my stocke and kinred is extincte by dethe, my grandfather Massinissa, and my father Micipsa: as necessite hathe constrayned them: haue payed the generall tribute of nature: delyuered frome these mundayne vexacions by naturall deth. My nere kynsman Iugurth: moch otherwyse thā it be came him to doo: hathe cursedlye berefte my brother of his lyfe by tyranny and myscheuous couetise of dominion: mine other kinsmen by consanguinite and affinite: with mine other frendes by his cruelte bene also oppressed or put to dethe, some by one meanes and some by other: some of them be taken captiue: some put to shameful death of gybet, galous, or crosse, wyth most cruel tourmēt: some be casten to wylde and rauenous beastes to be deuoured of thē. A fewe which ar left with theyr lyues ar closed ī dongions & darkenes: passīg theyr miserable liues wt mournīg & wayling more greuous thā dethe. Thus am I inuironed wt anguish on euery side. But if it were [Page] so that all these socours whiche I haue lost by crueltie of Jugurth: or if all thinges which be turned to me, frō prosperite to aduersite, remained to this hour hole with oute detriment or dāmage lyke as they were in my best estate, yet certainly noble senatours: if any yll or misfortune prouided shuld happen to me: I durst be bolde to call your ayde and conforte. Bycause it semeth you to haue cure of right and wrong belongyng to euery man consydryng the excellent magnitude & gretnes of your empire, and to suffer no vertue vnrewarded, or vice vnpunished, and finally no wretch oppressed to cōtinue vndefended. But now moost of all syth I am exulate frō my natife countrey, frome the kyngdome which my father ruled vnder you, and from my owne house & dwellynge place: also nedy and poore of all thinges belongynge to myne estate and alone without company or defence, to whome or to what place may I resorte, or in whom may I cal: for ayde or conforte in these my manifolde miseries. Shall I resorte or call for socours of nations, or of kynges adiacent and aboute the lande of Numidy, alas I shulde lytell preuayle or nought at al. Sith al they for your amite ioyned with you, be mortal ennemies to vs & so oure linage: maye I resorte to any contrey aboute vs: but that I shulde fynde there many tokens of cruelte of warre, which my fathers haue don in theyr times passed in your causes. Whether shall any of them whiche haue bene olde ennemies, haue mercy or compassion on vs nowe in this extremite. But finally most noble senatours, my father Micipsa thus ordred vs at his departinge: and gaue vs in commaundement that we shulde obserue nor mentayne the frendeshyppe of none other king nor people, saue onely of the [Page] people of Rome: and that we shuld seke no new felowshype, nor newe confederacions or bondes of concorde, sayeng that in your frendshyp and helpe: we shulde find great-socours & ayde and that largely. But if it shulde fortune that the welth of this your empire shuld fall into ruyne or change from this excellence (which the goddes defende) than: sayde he that we and our kingdome of necessite shulde also decay togyther with you. But nowe landed be the goddes by whose helpe and fauour and by your owne strength & vertue: ye be at this tyme myghty and riche: al thyng to you is prosperous and to your cōmaundement obeyng. Wherfore it is so moche more laufull easy and conueniente to you to take cure & charge in redressynge thiniuries done to youre frendes and felowes. I am onely in drede and dout of this one thyng, lest the frendshipe and singuler fauoure of Iugurth: not parfetly knowen as he is worthy: do induce the mindes of some so parcialite against Iustice & right I here & vnderstande that suche laboure with all theyr myght for fauour of Iugurth goynge aboute from mā to man, praing and intreating wt moche solicitude many of you aparte by one and one, desirynge and requyring you to determine nothyng against Iugurth while he is absent, and the matter and cause not knowen perfetly: I here suche persons corrupt with parcialitie and fauour obiectinge secretly agaynst me, and sayeng that I fayne and ymagine these wordes to accuse Iugurth vndeseruyngly, and that I fayne to be chased forthe of my lande by hym: where as I might surelye ynoughe haue remayned within ye kyngdome of Numidy. That wold god I might se once the cursed & vnkind kinsman of mine Iugurth, by whose vnmerciful & cruel dedes I [Page] am castē in these miseries, in such case: yt he wer faining ye same thinges vnder like maner as I faine thē at this time: & wold god I might ones se hī as truely without fayning driuen out the land of Numidy, as I am now chased frō the same by his cruelty: & wold god yt at last other ye or els ye immortall goddes wold so care for ye businesses & troubles of vs miserable mē in erth; yt the same Iugurth which now bereth himselfe proud of his sīfull dedes shewinge himselfe & coūting hī noble onely bicause he escapeth vnpunished for his sinne & cruelte: might therfore suffer greuous punishmēt wt all my miseries & other mischeues & yls, accordīg to his deseruing: for his vnmerciful cruelte shewed against our father Micipsa ī murdrīg of my dere brother Hiempsal, & chasīg me forth of my natife coūtre: thus oppressed wt al miseries ī extreme necessite. O my brother my brother Hiēpsal most dere to my hart of al creatures: how be it nowe thy life is berefte yt in thy flourīg youth, lōg before thy natural hour of deth and yt by cruelte of him, whō it semed not of al mē, so to haue done: neuertheles me thīketh ī my mind this chaūce of thy deth, more to be ioyed of: thā to be sorowed. For yu hast not onely lost thy life & thy kingdom but also yu hast escaped this chasīg, this flight, this exile this ned, this pouerty, wt al other wretchednesses & miseries, which oppresseth me wtout confort or socours. But I vnhappy & miserable exulate thus throwē downe frō my fathers kingdome into so many yls & so greate myseries; may wel be an example & spectacle to al ye world of the mutable courses wherein fortune turneth mankinde. O my dere brother vncertayne am I what I doo: whyther I thus distitute of socour & ayde: maye persecute and reuenge thy iniuries and thy deth: or els whether I may prouide & seke socours for recoueringe [Page] of the land of Numidy. I am in that case: that my life & deth dependeth in the socour of other men, wold god I were dead out of hande: yf death mighte be an honeste conclusion of these my miserable misfortunes: rather than to be counted as contente & pleased to lyue in rebuke, and shame, as an exulate weryed and ouercome with iniures: and giuenge place to the iniust cruelte of tyrannous persecucion, and not able nor bolde to resiste the same. But nowe certaynly it is against my wyl that I liue, for in my life I haue no likinge nor pleasure, & yet can I not dye without disshonour. Wherfore moost prudente fathers and noble senatours: these premisses cōsidered: I obtest and humbly requyre you: in honour of the goddes immortall: for the aunciente amite bytwene you & my forefathers: for the naturall loue which ye haue against your children and parentes, and by the magestie of the people of Rome, & this your most excellēt empire, haue pite of my manifold calamites & socour this my miserie. Resist this tirānous dealyng & iniury of Iugurth cōmitted not onelye against my wretched persō, but also against you & your empire. Suffre not ye kingdō of Numidy, which is youre owne, to decay & be destroied by cruel tirāny of Iugurth, & by the effusiō of blod & murdre of ye linage of Massinissa, somtyme most faythfull and constant friend of this your empire.

¶How the embassadours of Iugurth replied against these wordes of Adherbal, & what direccion was taken for bothe partes of the Senatours of Rome. The .xi. Chapter

AFter yt Adherbal in forme aboue writē had ended his cōplaint, anone ye embassadours of Iugurth arose & answered brefely in few wordes as they whiche had more trust and confidence in theyr greate giftes giuen befoore to manye of the rulers of [Page] Rome: than in any right of theyr cause & thus they replyed in effecte: saieng before the senatours that Hiempsall was slayne of the Numidians for his owne hastynes & cruelte, and not by knowlege of Iugurth: and as touchyng Adherba [...]: he began warre agaynst Iugurth of his owne froward mynde without any occasion: but after he was ouercome in batayle, bycause he was not able to reuenge him self, nor to make his partie good, he fled vnto Rome to complayne hym to the senatours of Iugurth: where al ye faute was in himselfe & in none other, concernyng the partie of Iugurth: they requyred the senatours in his behalfe in his absence to count him none other, than he was proued & knowen in the warre of Numance: & that they wold not set more by the wordes of his ennemy, than by his dedes magnificently proued. This saide: anone after: bothe parties departed in sonder from the court. Immediatly the Senatours toke coūsell what best was to be done in the cause. The fauourers of Iugurth & of his embassadours, and more ouer a great part of the Senatours wer corrupt before by parcialite, fauour, and rewardes of Iugurth, & so deprauat: that they contemned & set at nought ye wordes of Adherball, exaltyng & cōmendynge the manhode of Iugurth: with laude, fauour, coūtenaunce, voyce, & all other signes: And so finally they laboured by al maner of meanes for an other myscheuous vice & cruell crime to defende the same: as if it had ben in defence of theyr owne honor, worshyp, & honeste. But on the other part were a fewe other, whiche set more by iustice & honeste, than by false goten riches: these counselled to socour Adherbal & sharply to punisshe & reuēge the death of Hiēpsall. But amonge al other of this opinion: was one named [Page] Emilius Scaurus a man of noble byrth redy to disturbe euery busynes, debatfull & besye: desirous of power, of authorite, of honour & of riches: but crafty in cloking of these his fautes. After this Emiliꝰ Scaurꝰ sawe his gyueng of brybes of Iugurth so shamfully & openly knowne: he fered lest ye corrupcion of the Senatours and head rulers of Rome might ingendre enuie, debate and slaughter betwene them and the commons, lyke as in suche cases often had fortuned in tymes before. Wherefore in this consideracion, he refrained his mynde at this tyme from his accostumed vnlawful lustes. Neuertheles among the Senatours in this counsell the worste parte preuayled: and that part which set more by fauour and rewardes, then by right and equitie, ouercame the other part, whiche labored to sustaine the ryght without any fauour or parcialitie. And so the fauorers of Iugurthe optayned their purpose, and hys crueltie had no punyshement. Neuertheles it was concluded and decreed that .x. embassadours shuld be sente into Numidie to deuide the kingdome which longed to Micipsa betwene Iugurth and Adherbal. The principal of this ambassad was one named Lucius Opimus a man of noble fame, of greate authoritie and power amonge the Senatours in those daies: what tyme Caius Gracchus and Marcus Fuluius great fauorers of the cōmens: were slaine of the noble men of Rome for the same cause. After victorie of the noble men againste the cōmons & the same two princes: this L. Opimus enraged greuously with rigorous & sharpe inquisicions & examinacions against the pore comontie: and was one of the chiefe oppressors of them. What time this L. Opimus with his companie was come to Numidye: Iugurth [...] [Page] deuouringe all thinges whiche they maye ouercome. But this omittinge I wyll now brefelye declare what maner people firste of all inhabited this coūtrey of Affrike & what people thither resorted to inhabite nexte after thē. And how ye same peoples wer mingled togyder. Howe be it that whiche I shall write is moche diuers from the commen fame and opinion of many men: neuerthelesse, I shall folowe the bokes writen in Affrike langage which) as it is sayd) belonged to ye yong prince Hiempsall: whome Iugurth murdred, of the same bokes I shall folowe the true interpretacion in this mater, and lyke as the inhabitauntes of the same countrey affirme to be true. But touchynge the very credence of the truthe of the mater I reporte that to the authours.

¶The first people which inhabited the countrey of Affrike weere named Getulians and Libians, a people harde, sharpe and vnmanerd. These lyued of fleshe of wylde beastes, and fedde vpon the grounde as beastes vnresonable. And were not ruled by any maners, but lyued without lordes or lawes, as vagabundes & rouers. They had no certayne bydinge place, but wher as the night toke thē ther they rested for the time. But after that Hercules died in Hispain as the Affricans say, his armye whiche was assembled of dyuers nations, whan their captayne and heede was lost: dispersed thē abrode anone after his deth, and came to dyuers places of the world to seke theyr fortune, wher they might optaine any habitacion or lordshyppe. Of whiche company the Medeans, Perseans, and Armenians arriued wyth their shyppes in that coost of Affrike, whiche was nerest to the empire of Rome, and longe tyme after occupied those costes. But ye Persians inhabited thē [Page] self more inward in ye cuntrei toward the ocean sea, & in stede of houses thei turned their ships botoms vpward & dwelled vnder the same. And no marueil, for in yt cuntrei about thē grew no timber nor other stuffe mete for building, nor of ye Spaniards which inhabited next to thē might they nether bie nor borowe. For ye sea was so gret & tēpesteous betwen thē, & their lāgages so diuers & vnknowen to either people, yt by these .ij. īpedimentes they wer letted frō ye cours of marchādise or exchanges betwen thē. These Persiēs by mean of mariages by lytle & litle mīgled ye Getuliās with thē, & bicause thei proued oftētimes ye cōmoditie of their groūd & fildes, by often cōmutaciōs & changings one wt other, at last thei named thē selfe Numidiās, that is to say herdmē diuided. And to this presēt day ye cotages or tylmens houses be made long wt croked sides or couerturs bowing īward as if thei wer belies of ships trāsuersed or turned vp set downe. Touching ye Medeās & Armeniens thei ioyned thē self wt the Libiēs. For ye Medeans and Armeniens dwelled before more nere to ye sea of Affrike. The Getuliās īhabited more nere to ye sunne rising: not far frō the feruēt cuntrey of Inde, & this peple anone had roumes & dwelling places, for ye sea bitwene thē & Spaine was but narow, wherfore they agreed wt the Spaniards to make exchāges & bargins of merchādise with thē. The Libiēs corrupted their name by litle & litle changing ye same, & at last in sted of Medeās, named thē selfe Mauriēs by barbarike ꝓnūciacion of their lāgage. But the welth & riches of the Persiēs in short tyme increased & multiplied. In somoch yt after they had named thē selfe Numidiās, thei īcreased in so gret multitude: that theyr fyrst coūtrey was not able to noryshe thē al. So yt after [Page] ward many of ye yong & lusty people departed in sonder frō theyr frindes & left their cuntrey, resorting to a cuntry nere ye citie of Carthage, vacāt at yt tyme. In which cūtrey they īhabited thē selfe & named it Numidy after their name. Shortly after this: both they which remayned stil in their first cūtrei & these which remoued thēce assisted one an other with al maner help & socour. In so much yt what by strength & what by feare they brought vnder theyr subiecciō & dominiō suche other nacions as marched nere thē: so yt within short tyme they much inhaūced & augmented their name and glory, but namely they which inhabited ye part of Affrike, which is ouer against Italy & nere ye Italian sea, these most īcreased in welth & honor. For ye Libiens were not so good men of war as ye Getuliās or Numidiās. And so al the inward part of Affrike was for ye most parte in possession of the Numidians, & so much dyd they: yt al the nacions of thē subdued, wer called Numidians after ye name of ouercomers. Now haue we declared how ye Getulians & Libiēs wer first inhabitātes of Affrike: & how the Perseans, Medeās, & Armeniens came afterward & ioyned wt thē. How the Perseans named thēselfe Numidians. And ye Medeās & Armeniens by corrupciō of langage wer called Mauriens. And now cōsequently I shal declare what other peple came afterward & inhabited the same land of Affrike. After al these naciōs before rehersed, out of ye land of Phenice cam much peple to inhabit thē selfe in Affrike. Some bicause theyr owne countrey was not sufficiēt to sustaine so grete a multitude as werof thē. And other some great men of birth & desirous of lordship raised vp & assēbled ye nedy cōmen people & left their owne cūtrey: in hope to fynd some other greter dominiō [Page] els where, & in proces of tyme ariued at ye land of Affrike: & there builded thre cities vpon the sea cost named Hippona, Abrumentū & Leptis: wt other diuers cyties, but not so gret and famous as these were. These cities in short tyme wer so augmēted & incresed yt some of thē wer honour, and some socour & ayd to their original cūtries. But of the citie of Carthage whiche also by thē was bylded: & afterward became ye hed citie of Affrike, I thinke it is better to pas ouer with silence, thā of it to speke a litel & thā to leue ye matter in the myds vnperfet and also this my busines procedeth to an other purpose. Neuertheles some what shal I touch the fyrst foundaciō of this citie of Carthage, not folowing mine author Salust: which wrteth nothing therof: but folowing the opiniō of Virgil as he writeth in ye first boke of Eneas.

¶The quene Dido doughter of Belus kyng of ye land of Cipre & wife to Sicheus king of Phenice, fled wyth her shyps laded wt gold & other riches out of her owne cūtrey: dreding the cruelte of her brother Pigmaliō whiche blinded by couetise and ambicion had slayne her husband Sicheus by tresō. This Dido at last ariued with her shyps & cōpani at the coast of Affrike, wher reigned a king named Hierbas: which moued wt beaute of Dido, desired her to wife. But for loue whiche she had to her first husbād Sicheus she wold not cōsent therto by any meanes: but desired to bie of ye same kyng as much groūde as might be cōpased about wt the hide of a bul. And after yt it was graūted, she cut the hide of smal that with the same she cōpased .iij. myle of groūde about. In which space she buylded a citie, which first was named Birsa, after in ꝓces of tyme it was called Tiros, & last of al Carthage. Vnder which name bi long cōtinuaūce [Page] so amply it encreased in fame & welth, that it contained xxiiij. miles in compasse. But whā it was in most excellence it was vtterly distroied bi the Romains, Publius Scipio Affrican [...] ye tyme being captayne of ye Romaine armye. Touching ye foundacion of this famous citie of Carthage, so moch haue I writtē more than mine authour Salust. But now wil I returne to mine institute & purpose concerning ye discripcion of Affrike, & brefely bring it to cōclusion. The valey of whō I spake before named in Affricke langage Cathahathmō, deuided the coūtrey of Affrike frō Egipt on ye side, saue that an arme of ye see is bitwene ye first citie or habitaciō of Affrik toward this valey, & is called Cirene. And nere to the same be other two cities, ye one named Tolonia ye other Thercō: beiond these thre cities be two quicksādes & bytwen both ye sādes a cite named Leptis. Beyond this cite of Leptis is a place named of ye Romains Phylenorū, in english, ye auters of two brethern called Philenis bicause these two brethern suffred thē selfe to be quicke buried in ye same place for ye commē wele of their coūtre wherof thistory herafter shal be writtē at more oportunite. This place diuideth ye dominiō of Carthage from Egipt on ye side. After this place on ye side costs be other cities belonging to ye dominiō of Punike. Al the places from thens forth to Mauritany or land of the Mauriens, be vnder subiecciō of ye Numidians. The Mauriens haue theyr habitacion nere to Hispaine. But as we rede, ye Getulians haue theyr habitaciō beiond ye Numidiās: some in pore lodgis: & some other more vilely wt out habitaciō wandring as vagabūdes. Beyonde these Getuliās is ye land of Ethiope: & frō thens forth be coū treis so brent wt feruour of the sōne yt they be inhabitable. [Page] But durīg this war bitwene ye Romaīs & Iugurth the Romains had ī their possessiō many townes of Punike & much of the costes of thēpire of Carthage: & ruled ye same by officers vnder thē therto assigned. A gret part of Numidy & of the Getulians vnto a flode named Muluchā: was vnder the dominiō of Iugurth. Ouer al ye Mauriās raigned one kinge named Bocchus of whō the Romaīs had no knowledge saue of his name only. And before this bataile, he was nother in peace nor in war acquainted nor knowē of the Romains. Of Affrik & of thinhabitaūtes of the same, ynough is spoken, & as muche as is requisite of necessite to the processe of this hystory. Nowe wyll I make regression and prosecute my first purposed mater insuing mine authour Salust.

¶Howe Iugurth inuaded the kingdome of Adherball yet ones agayne and howe Adherball agayne was ouercome in batayle: and put to flyght. The .xiii. Chapter,

AFter the embassadours of Rome: of whom I haue spokē before, had deuided ye realme of Numidy bytwene Adherbal & Iugurth, & wer departed out of Affricke toward Rome: anone Iugurth reuoulued in mynd how he had escaped vnpunished for his crueltie otherwise thā his mind feared before: And how ī sted of punishemēt for his sine: he was rewarded wt the better part of the land of Numidy. Now he considred yt al was true which his frēdes had told him before whyle he was in Hispaine wt the Romayne armie in the war of Numāce: yt is to saye. That nothing was so false & iniust: but yt myghte be iustified at Rome for money, for all thinge mighte be bought ther for money. This cōsideraciō inhaūced his mynde vnto esperaūce & [Page] yt not a litel. Forthermore he was inflamed wt the large promesses of thē, whom he had acloied before wt gyftes & rewardes at Rome, In somoch yt agayne of newe, he fixed his mind to inuade & vsurpe the kingdō of Adherbal, & by some poynt of prodiciō to take him in trape as he had done Hiēpsal his brother. Thus Iugurth was fierce: sharpe, & apte to war, wel inured with the same, & expert in feates therof, but cōtrarely Adherbal: whō he assaied & pursued, was a mete mā & oportune to take in iurye: more fereful & dreding other, thā to be dread of other. Wherefore sodēly. & without any prouisiō on party of Adherbal: Iugurth inuaded the marches of hys kingdō, with a great power & multitud of mē of armes many of thinhabitātes he murdred: & many toke he prisoners with bestes & al other maner of praies: robbīg & spoiling euery wher: as for as his armie dispersed, townes, castels, & other edifices he brente & beate downe, & many other places he assailed & inuaded more inwardly ī the coūtrey by excourses of his horsemē. This done he returned into his coūtrey with al his multitude, prayes and prisoners: supposing ye Adherbal moued wyth angre & displeasure wold reuenge these iniuryes, and ye thing shuld be cause and occasion of open war bytwene thē. But Adherbal aduised him selfe wel: by remēbraū ce of his first bataile had wt Iugurth yt he was not able to cōtend with him in bataile nor with force of armes: & more ouer he had more confidence and trust in frēdship of the Romains: thā in the incōstant Numidyā: whiche leaned more to his ennemy thā to him. These thynges cōsidred: he send embassadours to Iugurth to cōplayne of these iniures. But these embassadours had noughte els of him, but cōtumelious proud, and hastye wordes. And so disposed of Iugurth returned agayne to theyr [Page] lorde Adherbal: though such answers myght haue moued any coragious hert: neuerthelesse, Adherbal determined in mind: to suffer al thīges: and to take manye in iures paciētly, rather thā againe to begyn bataile wyth Iugurthe. For (as said is) the bataile foughtē befoore bytwene thē was both disshonour & also great dāmage. But for al this sufferaūce of Adherbal: the mind of Iugurth was not more pacified, nor lessed of his cruelte. The pacience of Adherbal abated not ye ire of Iugurth but it augmēted. For all redy he had cōcluded in mind to inuade ye hole kingdō of Numidy. Therfore he begā againe of new, not as before wt a cōpany of rouers, but with a mighty and gret army assēbled togither demeaning opē war, and chalāging openly the hole empire of Numidy, and with such power proceded into the land of Adherball: wasting the townes & fyldes on euery syde, driuing away praies of catel & other riches: and increasing corage to his men and dred to his ennemis. Whan Adherbal saw it was come to yt point yt he must nedes other abandō and giue ouer his kingdome, or els maintayne it with force of armes, as he which was cōstrayned by extreme necessite, he assēbled & empareiled an army aswel as he might, & with the same proceded forthe to mete Iugurth. At last the two hostes of Adherbal & of Iugurth approched & rested nere togither, beside a towne named Cirtha not fer distant from the see coost & for asmoch as ye day drew nere to night: the bataile was not anone begon, but either remained in theyr tentes. Anone after moch of the night was ouerpassed, and the starre lyght some what dimmed with obscurite of cloudes. The soudiours of Iugurth raysed by the sound of trumpettes vnwarly, & sodenly inuaded and assailed the tentes and felde of Adherbal, some they murdr [...] halfe [Page] slepinge: and some other they slewe whyle they were in hand to arme them selfe. On the part of Adherball was pityful murdre, and on Iugurthes syde no mercy, but obstinate persecuciō and vengeaūce & so fiersly fought, Iugurth & his cōpanye ye shortly Adherball fled to the towne of Cirtha, acompaned wt a few horsemē. But Iugurth pursued him so nerely yt if the inhabitātes of the towne of Cirtha in hast and wt great multitude had not receyued Adherbal, and wt force of armes defended the walles, and kept forth ye soudiours of Iugurth, whiche persued Adherbal, the bataile bitwene thē both shulde haue begō and ended yt same daye, and ye to destruction of Adherbal, But Iugurth perceiuinge the entre into ye towne denied to him, a none beseged it on euerye side wt al maner ingines inuasiue to his ennemies & defēsiue to his cōpany: he caused hastely to be framed large pauaises and towers of timbre to be driuen vpō whelis toward ye walles of the towne. And wt these & al maner other ingins wente in hand fiersly to assayle the towne, & somoch more hastely he sped him to thintēt to bring his purpose to effect, before any embassadours shulde come frō Rome to resist his enterprise. For asmoch as before this bataile he herd yt Adherbal had sēd embassadours to Rome to certifie ye senatours of his miserable state.

¶How ye fauourers of Iugurth at Rome laboured so in his cause yt thre yong me inexperte & without policy were send embassadours into Aff [...]ike to cesse this strife bitwene ye two kinges: & how these embassadours retourned to Rome without any thing done. The .xiiii. Chap.

BVt after & Senatours at Rome herd tidinges of this battel, they send into Affrike thre yonge gentilmē embassad cōmaunding them to go to both the kinges, & to cōmaund thē in behalfe of the Senatours [Page] and of the hole people of Rome to cesse theyr warre, and to shewe them that the senate and Romains wylled and vtterly commaunded them so to do. And so doing, they shulde do as it semed them: and as of congruence they ought to do bothe for pleasure of the Romains and for theyr owne honour & profite. The embassadours with suche commaundement hasted them & came vnto Affrike, the Senatours had commaunded them to make somoche more expediciō in theyr iourney bycause tidinges were brought to Rome: whā these embassadours prepared themselfe forwarde: howe the batayle was done bytwene Adherball and Iugurth, and how Iugurth kepte Adherball beseged straitly within the towne of Cirtha. But this rumour was somewhat alayed & kepte by fauourers of Iugurth, after these embassadours were come to Numidy: they expressed to Iugurth the effect of theyr embassad, in forme as the Senatours had commaunded them, whā Iugurth vnderstode the pleasur of the Senatours by theyr wordes and embassade: he answered benignely, saieng that he counted no erthly thing more greate, nor excellente, nor more dere vnto hym than the authorite of the senatours and people of Rome, and that from his youth to that tyme he had euer so indeuored to order hymselfe, yt euery good and worshypfull man commended and alowed hym for his vertue and manhode, and not for malyce nor mysdemenour. And for the same manlyues, & not for malicious dedes, nor for disordred maners hys company and conuersacion was accepte and pleasure vnto the righte hyghe and worthye Captaine Publius Scipio. Moreouer: for the fame, conuersaciō and good maners & not for faute of chyldren naturell, hys vncle [Page] Micipsa had adopted him for his sonne: and made him inheritour of his kyngdome, partner wt his owne naturall sonnes: and for asmuch as he had demeaned him selfe ryght wel & worthely, in executynge of many hygh & glorious interprises: somuch the lesse coude he suffre iniury done vnto hym vnreuenged. As touchyng Adherbal Iugurth alleged for hymselfe that this Adherball by gyle and treason lay in wayt to flee hym: whiche thynge perceyued: he made resystence agaynst the same to the best of his power, as any man was bounde to do for sauegard of his owne lyfe. And if the Romayns wolde prohybit and deny that vnto hym, which Iustice permytted to euery man (that is, with violence to resyst and repell violence) than shulde they neyther do wel nor ryghtwysely in that behalfe. Whan Iugurth had answered the embassadours after this maner: than said he for conclusion that shortly after he wold send embassadours to certify the Senatours of all other thynges cōcernyng this busynes: and on this poynt Iugurth & the embassadours departed in sonder. Thus Adherball had no confort nor lycence to reply agaynst the wordes of Iugurth, nor syght or cōmunicacion with ye embassadours: all onely was it graunted vnto hym to appeale to ye court of Rome, for of these embassadours coude he haue no iustice, nor dyreccion, in his iniuries and persecucion. Whan Iugurth thought that thembasssadours were passed forth of Affrike, toward Rome, and whan he saw yt with force of armes he coud not wynne the towne of Cirtha, bycause of natural sytuacion & difficulte of the place. Anone he besiged the towne agayn of new, and all difficultes not wtstādyng, he made a profounde and depe trench rounde about the towne with sharpe [Page] stakes and pales sticked on the hygheste parte of the same trenches wyth sharpe pykes at the vpper endes. This dyd Iugurth for manye consideracions: firste to thintent that the inhabitantes shuld not breke forthe of of the towne sodenly at any syde vpon any parte of hys souldiours which besieged them. Secondly to thintent that on no part any vitailes shuld be brought in to thē. Thirdlye that the men of war within the towne shulde not thruste forthe withoute the towne the multitude of poore commons in tyme of famine and scarsitie of vytayles. And fourthlye, that no succours shoulde enter in to them to rescue the towne, nor to supplye theyr garyson. Whan thys trenche was made and fynyshed, Iugurth moreouer made stronge bulwarkes and towres of tymber withoute the towne, and strengthed the same wyth a garrison of wyghte and bolde menne of armes. Besyde all these ordinaunces he lefte nothyng vnassayed, neyther spared he to attempt any thyng by strength, or by treason and gyle. Somtyme he proued the watch men and defenders of the walles wyth gyftes exciting them to betraye the towne. Whan his rewardes auayled naughte, than he threatened them wyth fyerce and sharpe woordes, hee inhaunced by exhortacions the myndes and courages of hys owne menne to manlynesse and audacitye. And soo he applyed his businesse that nothynge he omitted wonte or possible to be doone in suche a case, nor no engynne of warre lefte he vnprouided, whyche in those dayes was contryued or founde: but rather besyde all olde inuencions he imagyned and deuysed newe enginnes and ordinaunces of warre not sene before that tyme, and al for destrucciō of the towne of Cirtha, and of Adherball whome he besieged wythin [Page] the same. But what tyme Adherball consydred hys fortune come to extremyte on all partes, he cast manye thinges in mynde. On the one syde he pereciued his ennemy Iugurth violente agaynste him, and no trust of comfort or socours. On the other syde he consydred wel that for penury and wante of soudiours and other thinges necessary he was not able nother to fyght with hys ennemie, nor to dryue forth or prolong the batayle: and for faute of vytaile he myght not long defend ye towne. These thinges with many mo well reuoulued in mind: he chose for the two whiche were most diligent and trusty of that company which had fled with hym into Cirtha. To them he wofully bewailed his misfortune: and made so large promisses of rewardes vnto them: that at last he induced them to go forthe of the towne by night priuely, and if they might escape theyr ennemies, to resorte to the nexte hauen towne: and from thens to haste them to Rome with letters whiche he had deuised and written to be delyuered to the senatours. These messā gers were trusty and faythfull, wythin few daies without any disturbance: they fulfylled the commaundemēt of theyr soueraigne, and delyuered the letters of Adherball vnto the Senatours, whiche letters anone were redde in the counselhous before the senatours of Rome of which letters ye sentēce hereafter insueth & was such.

¶ The sentence of the letters sente from Adherball vnto the senatours, what tyme he laye beseged by Iugurth within the towne of C [...]rtha. The .xv. Chapter.

MOost worthy fathers, it is not throughe my faute yt I sende so often to you requiring your socours, & complaining myne iniures, but the violence [Page] & rigour of Iugurth, compelleth therto, whose mynde is filled with so great a lust and desire to bereue my lyfe: yt neyther hath he in mynde the dred of goddes punishement, nor feare of your displeasure. My bloude he coueiteth more than all thinges: Insomoch that now is the .v. moneth sith I am kept closed & besiged wt armed men, by tiranny of Iugurth. He nothing regardīg that I am confederate felowe & frende of the people of Rome. Neither can preuaile nor help ye great benefites of my father Micipsa done to this Iugurth, nor youre authorite nor ordynaunces or decres. I am vncertaine whyther I am constrained & oppressed more greuously by force of armes or by hunger, for bothe involueth me on all sides, I wolde wryte vnto you moche more touching the tirannous cruelte of Iugurth but my miserable fortune moueth me contrary: and moreouer I haue often perceiued before this time: that small credence is gyuen to such as ar oppressed with misery. Saue this I perceiue clerely that the mind of Iugurth coueteth a greater thinge thā my deth or kyngdom. And if by your sufferāce: he shal subdue me and bereue me of my kingdom: at last he shal ryse and rebel agynst your empyre. Wherfore yf ye lyste not to defende and socour my lyfe: at leest defende your kyngdome of Numidy, and preuente the vsurper of youre empire. Suffre not this tyran to enioye the kyngedome of Numidye, and your good wyll wythall. But truely ye may well perceyue that he loketh not after your fauour: after he shal haue vsurped the realme of Numidy. But whyther he setteth lesse by losse of youre frendshyppe and fauoure, or of the domynion of Numidy, none is so blynde but that maye euydentlye perceyue the trouth. For his deedes [Page] declare: that he counteth lesse greuous to haue youre hygh displeasur, than to lose his fiers purpose to sle me, and than to ocupy the hole lande of Numidy. For this hath he proued and made manifeste by hys vnnaturall and cruell dedes, first of all he hathe slayne my brother Hiempsall: which dede he durst not haue done if he had feared your displeasure, next that, he droue me forth of my countrey & fathers kyngedome. But these iniures for certayne wer done agaynst my brother and me, & nothinge they longed to you. But nowe he conspyred hyer inuadinge, vsurpinge, and wastynge the hole lande of Numidy with force of armes. And where as ye set me as your leuetenaunte vnder you to gouerne a parte of Numidy. This Iugurth nowe hath dryuen me frome my libertie into the towne of Cirtha, and besegeth me wyth menne of armes closed on all sydes with outward drede and inwarde famine: So that my peryls maye playnlye declare howe lytell he setteth by the wordes of youre embassadours. Certaynly I can se nothinge remayninge able to remoue his violence: nor that cane socoure this my misery, saue onely your power and violence. I wolde right gladly: that these thynges whiche nowe I write to youe: and all those thinges whiche I haue complayned before in the counsell house were but fayned and false rather than this my euidente myserye shulde proue them true and credible vnto you. But sith I was borne in that hour, and my destiny is suche that Iugurth mooste manifesteth his coursed crueltye by me: therfore nowe my request nor prayer is not that I may escape the sharpenes and cruelte of deth whiche I behold instant & ineuitable but onely my prayer is yt I [Page] maye escape the long subiection and bondage of my ennemie and prolonged tourmentes of my miserable body. But worthy fathers: touchinge the kyngdō of Numidy, whiche apertayneth to you: prouide youe for the same as it likethe you, and if it be your pleasure: rid and deliuer me from the cruell and vnmercyfull handes of Iugurth my mortall ennemy for the honoure and mageste of your empyre, and for the fidelite of all frenshyp yf any remembraunce of my grandfather Massinissa remayneth yet among you.

¶Howe the senatours sende new embassadours to Iugurth commaundynge hym to desyst from his persecucion of Adherbal, and howe they preualed nothing: howe the towne of Cyrtha was yelded to Iugurth, & howe he slewe adherball. The .xvi. Chapter.

AFter these foresaide letters were openly red and recited before the senatours: manye of them were, whiche counsailed to sende an army into Affrike, and in all hast conueniente to socour and helpe Adherball. And in the meane tyme they wolde take counsell and aduise touchinge Iugurth what shuld be done to him: bicause he had not obeyed theyr embassadours. Whan the fauourers of Iugurth herde of this they laboured withall theyr might: that no suche decre shulde be made nor procede to effect. And thus the commen wele was ouer come and subdued by pryuate profete and parciall fauour, as in many other businesses is dayly wont to happen, Not withstanding this parcialite: at last it was so determined: that other new embassadours wer sent yet [Page] ones agayn to Affrike, not yong men & inexpert as before but well aged men of grauite and discress [...]on which were of great dignite: & had borne great & worshypfull offices ī tyme past in the cite of Rome. Amonge which embassadours was one named Marcus Emilius, Scaurus, of whome we haue made mencion before. This Scaurus was a man by riches and fame coūted able to be coūseller of Rome: & also at that tyme a mightie prince & great doer among the Senatours, and in maner ruler of them all. For asmuch as all men for the moost part were displeased with Iugurth and sore murmured agaynst his cruelte & agaynst ye parciall fauour shewed to hym at Rome: and also for that ye messāgers of Iugurth besought the embassadours to hast them to Numidy, therfore ye third day after theyr cōmission they departed from Italy, & toke shypping and in short tyme after aryued in Affrike, at a citie named Vtica in a prouince subiect to ye Romains: Assone as they wer ariued they sende letters vnto Iugurth chargyng hym in all hast to come to the sayd prouince to knowe the pleasure of the Senatours to Rome which had sende them therfor the nones with certen commaundemētes dyrect vnto hym. Whan Iugurth vnderstode that such noble mē famous, & of preeminent authorite at Rome were come to prohybit his interprise, at first begynnyng he was somwhat troubled with drede, on the other part his lust was much kyndled to wyn the towne of Cirtha, and to get Adherbal into his hādes, and so was his mynd diuersly distract with drede & desyre: with drede of the embassadours, & with desire to bryng his purpose to effect. Greatly he feared the angre and displeasur of the Senatours if he dyd not obey theyr embassadours: but his [Page] mynde on the other part was vtterly blynded by lust of dominion, which desyre drew him violently to performe that he had begon. And so at conclusion in such mynde desyrous of lordshyp, the worst counsell ouercome the best. And couetise excluded feare: & thus he determined in mynde to win the towne (if he might) before he wold go to cōmen with the embassadours This thing determined and fixed in mynde he compased the [...]owne about with his army: and with great violence assayled it contendyng to breke in therto: this dyd he: trustyng that namely: by diuidynge of his armye on all sydes of the towne, and compellyng his ennemeis within the towne to breke theyr hole company for to defende the walles assayled on all parties, he myght at last by such meanes wyn victory ouer thē. But after many & sharp assautes at last whan he sawe his purpose proceded not to effect and that he was not of power to haue his pleasure of the towne and of Adherball before he shulde cōmen wt the embassadours, he was right pensyue in mynd. And lest his prolongyng might angre Scaurus ye chefe of the embassadours whom he greatli drad: at last he cam into the prouince with a smal cōpany of horsmen. Assone as he was come the embassadours shewed vnto hym many greuous manaces and words of displeasure in name of all the senate bycause he cessed not for all theyr cōmaundementes from beseging of the towne of Cirtha but at cōclusion after much communication spent in vayne: the embassadours departed agayn to Rome: wt out any dyreccion or apoyntmēt made. Whan tidynges herof came to Cirtha such as defended the towne were much abasshed, but Adherball most of all. At last the Italyans, of whom many were within ye towne: and by [Page] whose strength the walles wer chefly defēded, began to thynke among them selfe yt if the towne were yelded vp to Iugurth, he durst not be so bolde to shewe any violence agaynst them for the honour and mageste of the name of Romayns. For asmuche as ye same Italians were counted as Romayns. In such dyuises they came to Adherball and hym aduised to yelde hym selfe and the towne to Iugurth vpon apointment and condicion, that the same Iugurth onely wolde promyse to graunt hym his life: and as touchyng all other iniuries which Iugurth had done to hym, the Senatours whan they shuld se tyme oportune & conuenient wold se a dyreccion and remedy: Adherbal heryng this counsell, anone considred in his mind that nothyng coude be more vnstable nor more incertayne, than was the promes of Iugurth. Agayn he called to mynd that if he accorded not to theyr counsell it was in theyr power to compell hym therto. And so accordyng to theyr aduisment he yelded vp the towne to Iugurth vpon promyse onely to haue his lyfe saued. But anone Iugurth contrary to his promes put Adherbal to deth first of al with manyfolde tourmētes. After that he slewe all the yonge and lusty men of the towne bothe Numidyans and Italyans marchauntes indyfferently: sparyng none namely if they were found in harnesse.

¶ Howe the Senatours certyfied of thys crueltie of Iugurth prepared on army against hym: how the embassadours of Iugurth were not receyued into Rome: and how Calphurnius the Romaine captaine was acloyed wyth brybes. The .xvii. Chapter.

WHan this cruelte of Iugurth was knowen at Rome the Senatours beganne to take coūsell what thyng was best to be done in the case But [Page] they whose fauour Iugurth had bought before sore distourbed the counsell, and prolonged the tyme wt faire wordes and prayer somtyme: somtime with [...]auorable promes made to other lordes: And other whyle wt braulyng & thretnyng couertly. In somuch yt bi such meanes at last they alayed the dispeasur taken against Iugurth and mitigated the cruelte of his dedes. And certaynly all the yll wyll and hatred whiche was taken agaynst Iugurth shuld vtterly haue ben let fal and quēched by dryuyng forth the tyme in counsellyng: had not ben the resystence & repugnaunce of one named Caius Menmius: So great was the power of the fauour & treasur of Iugurth. This M [...]nmius was elect and assigned to be protectour of the cōmens for the yere next insuyng & was a man sharpe and fiers of cōdicions, and agaynst the power of the noble men of Rome wt all his myght: and therfore whan he sawe this vnresonable fauour and parcialite among the Senatours he informed the commen people that ye Senatours wer about to pardon the cruelte of Iugurth, by couetyse and corrupcion of a fewe debateful lordes. The commenty vnderstandyng this, was sore moued against the Senatours and counsell. And the Senatours againe sore feared the cōmens bycause of the offences bothe of Iugurth and of them in fauouring hym were openly knowen: therfore they dradde lest all the cōmens ioyned togyder myght make insurrection agaynst thē: wherfore they thought it necessary to pacify and alay the commens. Nowe it was so that long before this tyme a noble man of Rome named Sempronius whyle he was in authorite made a statute and lawe that if it fortuned at any tyme: that the Romayns stode in doute and feare leste any warre or [Page] batayle myght come vpon them sodenly, newe cōsuls than shulde be chosen and assigned for the nexte yere to come, and send into suche prouynces where the batayle or warre was feared. These consuls were thus chosen before the yere of the olde consuls was fully expyred to thintent that in meane tyme they myght haue more tyme and leyser to make conuenient prouision for the warre: And this act so decreed was called the lawe of Sempronius, bicause he first inacted the same. By this lawe of Sempronius: the two prouinces of Numidy and Italy were decreed to the two cōsuls for the yere to come. The prouince of Italy to be defended and conserued: & the prouince of Numidy to be recouerd (Scipio Nasica) (and Calphurnius Bestia) were proclamed Cōsuls for the next yere commyng. The lande of Numidy came by lot to Calphurnius that he shulde do his dilgence to recouer the same, and the countrey of Italy fell to Scipio to defende the same. After this an army was assembled to be sende into Affirke, and so forth to Numidy: wages, and vitayles for the soudyours with other thynges nedefull to war, were decreed of the Senatours, and: prouyded of the cōsull Calphurnius. But whan Iugurth herd tidyng from his frendes at Rome of this ordynaunce, and perceyued that the mater went forward, other wyse thā he trusted it shulde haue done. For his mynd was fixed that al thing right and wrong myght be bought and solde at Rome: nowe went he in hand agayn with his olde craftes, and sende his sonne with other two of his moost familyer and trusty frends embassadours vnto the Senatours. And lyke as he had commaunded these embassadours whome he had sende to Rome after he had murdred Hiempsall: ryght [Page] so he commaunded these that they shuld go in hande to stop euery mānes mouth with money. For in his great treasour and in couetyse of the rulers of Rome was al his confidence. O cursed hunger of gold most execrable thou driuest blynd myndes to yls innumerable. Whan these embassadours of Iugurth wer come nere Rome: the consull Calphurnius demaunded aduise and counsell of the Senatours whyther it pleased them that the sayd embassadours shuld be receyued within the wales of Rome or not. But the Senatours decreed, yt except they came to yelde bothe Iugurth and kyngdome of Numidy vnto the Romains: vpon a great payne they shulde depart out of the countrey of Italy within x. dayes next after. Calphurnius commaunded this ordinance and decree of the Senatours to be brone and declared to the Numidyās by one named Decius. And so thembassadours departed home agayne without any thynge done, wherefore they came. In the meane time Calphurnius prepared his armye: & chose to him noble men, debateful, and hauyng mani clyentes and seruātes retayned with them. This dyd he, to thintēt that if he dyd any thyng amysse in his viage: he myght trust to be supported by theyr authorite. Among whome was named Scaurus: of whose cōdicions & behauour I haue spoken before. But in this consull Calphurnius, weere mani good propertis and vertuous condicions, bothe of mynde and body: but the cursed vice of couetyse which was in hym: blynded and ouer came all those vertues: so yt he put thē not in execucion: he might wel indure labour, his wit was quick & pregnāt, he was puident and ware inough. In batail he was so expert yt in gretest peril, he was boldest & strōgst ageinst ye gile of his enmies [Page] But to our purpose, this Calphurniꝰ whā he had elect and assembled such compani as him thought competent for an army, he deuyded all his hoost into legyous, contaynyng in euery legion .vi.M.vi.C.lx. & sir men. And so sende forth his men by legiōs by ye countrey of Italy to a towne called Regium, which towne is in the marches betwene Italy and Cycil: frō this towne of Regiū they wer conuayed into Cycile, and so into Affrike, and there they mustred and wer set in aray, and so proceded by lande tyll they attayned vnto Numidie. Anone Calphurnius prepared vitailes and all maner ordinaunces requisite, and proceded forwarde, assaylyng fierselye the land of Numidy, as a hardy captayne, pretendyng great valyantise at the first brunt. Many men toke he prisoners, & a fewe townes he subdued vnto him suche as resysted his power he brent them, to the grounde to increase fere to theyr neighbours. Iugurth aduertyng this sharpnes of Calphurnius send embassadours to hym with great plenty of gold to attēpt his mynde, and shewed vnto hym ye hardnes and difficulte of the warre which he had begon. Whā Calphurnius felt the wyght & valour of the glystryng gold, his corrupt & vnstable mynde by contagion of couetyse, anone was peruerted to receyue the money, and induced to fauour and assist the part of Iugurth. But Scaurus (of whome I haue spoken before) was receyued vnto thē for partiner and felowe of al theyr counsels & busynesses. And howbeit at begynnyng this same Scaurus strongly resisted the party of Iugurth: what tyme many other of his sect were corrupt and accloyed with bribes long before this neuertheles now at last his mynde was abstract lyke other mo from the defence of goodnes and honesty vnto [Page] his olde vice of insaciable & execrable couetyse by mean of haboundaunce of golde and greate rewardes of Iugurth. But at firste begynnyng, this Iugurth redemed of Calphurnius, but onely delayinge and deferrynge of of the warre: trustynge that in the meane tyme he shuld bringe aboute somwhat of his purpose at Rome, other by pryce, prayer, or fauour. But now after he had wone Scaurus to be partener of hys busynesse, and fauorer of hys cause also wyth Calphurnius: he was broughte in to a verye greate truste fullye to recouer his peace at Roome: and concluded whyle both Calphurnius and Scaurus weere presente together, to take aduisemente and treate presently with them of all apoyntmente and thinges necessary to be done for performing of his purpose. Howe be it he trusted not Calphurnius so muche that he wold come to his army, except some hostages of the Romaines were lefte within some stronge towne of his, and in warde of his people wherby he myght truste without damage safely to be remitted againe to his armie. Calphurnius to auoide this dout of Iugurth, and to put hym in more assurance, send the treasourer of the Romaine armie named Sertius, vnto one of the chiefe townes belongyng to Iugurth called Vacca, fayninge among the army that he sente the treasourer thither for prouision of wheat and other vytayles necessary to hys hooste. And the same commaundemente to prouyd vytayles the captaine Calphurnius gaue to his tresourer openly in commen audience: to the intent that no manne shulde suspecte his false purpose: saying to his tresourer that he neded not to be in doute of Iugurth, for asmuch as truce was taken betwene both parties tyll a certeine daye prefyxed. The tresourer Sextius went to the sayd [Page] cyte of Vacca at commaundement of Calphurnius his captayne. Wherfore anone after Iugurth (lyke as he apointed before) came to the army of Calphurnius, and there in presence of the rulers and counsell of the Romains, spake lytell of his purgacion, concernyng the displeasure, enuy, and hatredde, which the senate and commens of Rome had takē against him for his dedes sayeng that he had nought done but prouoked of his ennemies, and for his owne defence: with violence to resyst violence. Howe beit he sayd that he was cōtented to yelde and submit hym selfe vnto the Romayns clemencie and mercy. Somuch spoke he openly before al the chefe counsel of the army. But al the remenaunt he concluded & dyd secretly with Calphurnius & Scaurus at more leasure, and thus ended ye cōmunication of this day. On the next day after insuynge the captayne and the counsel of the army, and also Iugurth assembled togyder agayn to common of the same mater concernyng peace to be graūted to Iugurth. Now it was so that at Rome was decreed an ordinaunce long before this time named among the Romayns the Satyre lawe, which lawe commaunded that the captayne of euerye armye shulde aske aduyse of all wyse counsell of his hoost whā he went about any wheyghty mater concernynge the cōmen wele. Wherfore Calphurnius thought so to order hymselfe that he shulde not be counted a brekar of this lawe: And desyred counsell and aduise of all the noble and wyse men of his hoost. This dyd he to thyntēt that if the peace graunted to Iugurth shulde be afterward dysalowed at Rome (as it was) he myght auoyde the faute from hym selfe into the common counsell. But at conclusion, whan Calphurnius acordyng to the sayd [Page] lawe had required aduise of the common counsel, euery man cōsented that peace shulde be graūted to Iugurth vpon condicion and conuenaunt that he shulde delyuer vnto the Romayns thirtie Elyphantes with moche other catel and many horses with a great some of golde. To which ordinaunce Iugurth acorded and soone after deliuered the same Eliphantes, catell, and horses & golde vnto the tresourer of the Romayne hoost. Thys done the consull Calphurnius departed to Rome to requyre the senatours and other rulers to confirme thys peace and concorde whiche they had made wt Iugurth. In meane tyme ouer all Numidy and also in the Romayne army was peace and concorde in abydynge the answere of the senate and rulers at Rome.

❧ Howe the rulers of Rome for the most parte were greuously displeased for grauntyng of this peace, and disalowed the same. And how Memmius inflamed the commen people agaynst the fauourers of Iugurth. The .xviii. Chapter.

BVt after it was knowen at Rome in what maner the consull had behaued hym selfe in Affrike with Iugurth: in euery place aboute Rome, and amonge euery companye within Rome it was commined of the dede of Calphurnius. In somoche that among the commē ty was raysed greuous hatered and displeasure against hym. The senatours were sore troubled & wer in doute whyther they myght confirme and alowe this foule & shamefull dede of the consull, or els abrogate and annull the same. In this perplexite they were long tyme vncertayne. And moost of all the myght and power of Scaurus (bycause he was a doer and felowe with the [Page] consull in the saide dede) let them from discussing of the ryght. But whyle the senatours in such wise prolonged the tyme. In this dubitacion Memmius (of whose condicions, promptnes of wytte, and hatered: which he had against ye power of the estates and noble men we haue written before) at dyuers tymes he assembled the common people, exhortyng and inflamyng them to reuenge the cruelte of Iugurth, and parcialite of his fauourers and warning them not to forsake the defence of theyr commen weale and lybertye of theyr cite. He rehersed vnto them the pride the cruelte, and manyfolde vnlawfull dedes of the senatours and of other estates at many tymes done to disworshyp and oppression of the commen wele. And vtterly at conclusion so he behaued hymselfe that he kyndled the myndes of the vniuersall commentie to resyst the parcialyte of the estates, and to se the cruelte of Iugurth extremely punyshed. But bycause the eloquence of this Memmius at that season was at Rome notable and moche set by, dyscrete and of greate authoryte. I haue intended of so many exortacions as he had to the people to commyt one to remembraunce by wrytinge. And speciallye before all other I wyll wryte that exortacion whiche after returnynge of Calphurnius from Affrike the sayde Memmius spake before the commen people in fourme folowyng.

¶The oracion of Memmius had before the commē people of Rome. In whiche oracion he induceth them to defende theyr lyberte, And to expresse and persecute wyth hatered the no [...]le men of Rome. The .xix. Chapter.

RIght worthu cetizins many thinges wolde wt draw me from defence of you and from charge & medling wt your businesses were not ye great [Page] loue & fauour which I haue to the commen wele: yt causeth me to set a side al such impedimentes, & vtterly to take vpon me the defence of youre liberte against these corrupt estates. More plainly to ascertaine you: ye thynges which might withdrawe me from defence of youre cause be these. F [...]rst the power of them which are beginers of this variaūce, yt is to saye of Calphurnius and Scaurus. Secondly your paciēce whiche is easye to be subdued of cruelte: sithe ye be disposed to endure this wronge. Ayd thyrdly ye infecciō of Iustice whiche is no wher here among vs, but clene exyled from oure cytie. And principally this letteth me for that I se you so innocent, so feble minded, & so simple, yt in eueri place ye ar sure of al ye peryl, of al the laboure: & of al the paine, but these estates which do nought yt is cōmendable haue al ye honour: auantage, & worshyp. And sothely, it greueth me to speke to you of ye iniury yt now of late hath bē don to you: howe moch ye haue ben had in skorne, derision & in disdayne: to ye power & pryde of a few estates. And al so it greueth to recount how vnreuenged many of your defēders by thē haue shamfully be put to deth for your sake within these fiftene yeres. And to se how your mindes be corrupt with cowardise & negligence yt ye wolde neuer socoure them whiche in your quarell and defence haue suddued thē self to deth. What intend ye? wil ye stil be subiect vnto these estates your enemies. It is surely tyme at the last to arise and defend your lybertie, ye do dred them, whome if semeth to doute and to drede you, consyderynge youre true quarell, and theyr vngodlye misdemeanour. But not wythstandynge that ye bee thus dysposed to lose youre lybertye and in myserye to passe forthe the resydue of youre lyues, neuertheles [Page] the good wyll, whiche I haue to you and to the commē wele causeth and dryueth my minde to resyste this fals fauoure and parcialyte of these proude and vniuste lordes. Certesse I shall assay and proue howe I can defēd the lyberte whiche my father lefte me, but whyther I shall so do to auauntage or els in vayne that lieth hole in your handes and power. Surely worthy citezins I do not exorte you to withstande these wronges and oppressions with force of armes as our forefathers haue often done. To resyst and repell this wronge nedeth no violence no deuydynge of you frome the senatours as your elders haue done before tyme. It must nedes be yt these great men confederate in malyce at last shal come to decaye by theyr owne condicions and insolente behauoure.

¶Were not sharp inquisicions & greuous examinaciōs had against the commen people of Rome, after that Tiberius Graccus was slayne for the defēce of the lawes belonging to the commentie: whome his euyll wyllers accused as vsurper of kingdome ouer the commen people. And moreouer after yt Caius Graccus and Marcus Fuluius, were put to deth for defending of your lyberte, were not many of youre order and behauour that is to saye of the commentie put to deathe or murdred in prison: And at both the seasons the estates made no ende of theyr crueltie agaynst you after the lawe, but after theyr immoderate pleasur. Well forsothe I graunt that it be reputed for treason and vsurpacion of a kingdome to defende the lawes and the right of the commē tie, and I graunt also that what thyng can not be condygnely punished without effusion of blode of many citezins, that the same punishemēt be executed according [Page] to lawe and right vpon a fewe such as were begynners of the trespasse, within these fewe yeres passed ye disdained and murmured secretly amonge your selfe that the sayde lordes spoyled the commen treasoure wythout youre consente. And that kynges and nacions contrybutory to Rome, payed theyr trybutes to a fewe priuate estates, and not generall to the vniuersall citie in commen: and ye grutched that these estates had all the moost dignite and all the rychesse and treasoure, also in theyr handes. Neuerthelesse they counted but a small thynge to escape vnpunyshed for these so great offences. Wherfore nowe are they become so bolde, so fiers, and proude: by youre sufferance that at last they haue betrayed and put in handes of youre ennemyes, your lawes, your dignite, youre magestye, wyth all other thinges bothe humayne and diuine to your libertie belongyng. So that in pardoninge of these inhumayne and cruell offences of Iugurth they haue polluted and betrayed the lawes bothe of god and man. And howe be it that suche is theyr demeanour it nothynge repenteth them: nor they be nought asshamede therof. But dayly iette before youre faces solemly and pompouslye bostynge them selfe: Some of theyr dignities, theyr lordshyppes, and offices. And other some craking of their triumphes and victories, as who saieth that they attained the same by honoure, and not by falsehoode and robberie. Haue ye not dayly experience seynge that symple bondmen bought & solde for money wyl not suffer nor endure the vniust commaundementes of theyr lordes or maisters. But contrarye wyse ye gentylmen: fre borne cetezyns, are contented to suffre wyth meke myndes thys bondage wherin ye are holden subiecte by the power of [Page] these lordes. But I praye you what maner of men be these whiche thus subdue you, and presume thus longe to occupy the commen weale at this season? Forsothe they be menne most vicious▪ with bloddy handes infected, with the blode of innocentes. Men of immoderate and insaciable couetyse: noysom and greuous to euery good man. Whose pride incredible no man can comprehend, which for money haue sold & dayly are redy for to sell for lucre: theyr fidelite, theyr worshyppe, theyr deuocyon, and good name: And brefely all thynges honest & dishonest are they redy to do for auantage. Wherby it apereth euidently that all theyr ioye and felicite resteth in couetyse. Some of them count hymself more assured bycause they haue slayne the protectours of the commentie to the intent that other may drede thē so much more And other some of them in wronge examinacions and inquisicions had agaynst you reioyse & count them selfe hardy and surer therby: And many other thinketh their defence and auauncement in murdring of you, bostyng them selfe of the same: and thus howe muche wors that eche of them doth: ye more sure he is & more set by. In so much yt wher they ought to fere you for theyr mysdedes they transpose that fear vnto you, and cause you by your cowardyse to fear and drede them: whiche are conioyned al togyder agaynst you in one maner desyre of yl, in one maner couetyse, ī one hateredde of good, & in one maner fere of your auauncemet, but among good men to be al of one mynde vnder this maner one not withstandynge an other it is to be counted for amyte and frendshyppe. Among yl men such agreynge of maners is but a knot of discorde and causeth sedicion, variaunce, and debate. But verily if ye had so great desyre and care to recouer [Page] your lybertye (whiche is lost) as they haue to encrease theyr lordeshyppe: than shulde not the commen wele be oppressed and wasted as it is nowe: and than shoulde the offices, maiestershyppes, and dignitees of Rome, (whiche are your benefites to gyue where lykethe you) be in handes of good and vertuous men, and not in the handes of bolde bosters and iniust men confederate in myschefe. The comentie of Rome youre forefathers beefore this tyme haue armed themselfe and forsaken the senatours two sondrye tymes and kepte them selfe togyther vpon the hyll of Aduentyue, onely bycause they wolde haue a lawe decreed and inacted of them. And maisters or officers electe for them whiche shulde be theyr protectours againste the iniury and extorcyon of the estates whan nede shuld [...] [...]quyre, whiche thinge at last was graunted to them and manye other lyberties also. Than shulde not [...]e laboure mouche more wyth all youre myghte for co [...]seruacion of the same lyberties, whiche they haue l [...]te vnto you as hole as euer they had them. And speciall for this cause ought ye to defend your priuileges for that it is more shame and rebuke to lese the priuilege and lybertie goten than neuer to haue optayned them: And speciallye what shame is it to you nothynge to augmente nor encrease that authorite, whiche youre elders and forefathers haue lefte to you: but to suffer the same by youre cowardise by lytell and lytell to decay, and at laste vtterly to be loste & come to noughte. But anye of you maye than requyre of me what is youre mynde what wyll ye that we doo. I wyll forsouthe and counsell that punyshemente be taken vppon them whiche haue betrayed the [Page] honour of the common wele vnto your enemy Iugurth without aduyse of the Senatours or of the commenty: but this my counsel is not to punyssh them violenly wt your power in batayle, for certes that were more dyshonoure vnto you to do, than to them to suffre the same. Not withstandynge that they be worthy so to be delt withall But this thyng mai be best done bi inquysition examinacion and confession of Iugurth hymselfe, and by his accusacion of these treatours, whiche Iugurth surely wyll be obedient to come hyther to Rome at your commaundement if it be true that he hath yelded hymselfe. But if he dyspise your commaundementes than may ye wel thinke and consider what peace or yeldinge he hath made by the which yeldyng he is vnpunyshed and pardoned of his detestable and shamefull dedes and these estates laded with richesse and treasure. But our cite and welthe of the commenty is come to losse, dammage, and vtter shame & disworshyp. Thus muste ye do, suche examinacions muste ye make without ye thynke that these great men haue not yet sufficiēt lordshyppe and power in theyr handes or els without ye shewe outward that ye were better pleased and content with that season whan kyngdomes, prouinces, iustices lawes, iugementes, batayle, peace finally euery thyng both diuine & humaine were in handes of a few estates. Than ye be now pleased with the season and tyme that now is whan your lybertie is gyuen to you which ye are able to mayntayne if ye so be disposed. But in that season passed, howe beit ye were vnouercome of your ennemies, maisters, and emperours, ouer the most part of the worlde: yet had ye ynough to do to defende your own lyfe from the cruelty of these few mighty men. For [Page] of you al who was so bolde to withstād their subieccion and bōdage. Wherfore if ye entend to endure and suffre the destruction of your libertie as ye begyn than truely the tyme which is to come shalbe much more cruell to you than the tyme passed. But as for me not withstandyng that I vnderstand the great offence and abhominable of this wycked Iugurth is suffred vnpunyshed: yet wolde I suffre paciently that ye shulde forgyue and pardō the wicked doers of this dede as men most vngracious bycause they be citezins. If it wer not so, that such mercy and forgyuenes shulde tourne to our dystruction and ruyne of our empire. For ye may se how great oportunite & sufferance they haue in somoch that they counte but a smal thyng to do vnhappely without punishment. Wherfore they now dayly encrease theyr cruelty against you, if ye do not herafter take from them the power and authorite therof. And specially cōtynual busynes without end shal remayne vnto you whan ye se playnly that outher ye must be seruauntes or bondemen: or els ye must retaygne and defende your libertie by strength of your handes. For what hope or trust is there of faithfulnes or of concord bytwene you and them? None surely. For their mynde is vtterly set to be lordes ouer you: and ye on the other parte wyl nedes be fre and at libertie. They be extremely inclined and disposed to do wrong and iniury vnto you. And ye labour to withstande them vtterly. And brefely to speke they take the frendes and felowes of our empire for ennemies. But our mortall ennemies they take for theyr felowes and frendes. But ye wolde withstand this cursed and vnkynd behauour. Wherfore can ye suppose that peace, loue, or friendshyp can be among people so cōtrary of myndes & disposicion [Page] For these consyderacions I warne and exhorte you that ye suffre not so greate myschefe to escape vnpunyshed. This offence is nothynge lyke to the robbyng of the common treasure, nor to the spoylinge of money by extorcion from the felowes and frendes of oure empire. Whiche dedes (how be it they be greuous and in maner intollerable) neuertheles by custome and vse of the same thei are repu [...]ed for smal fautes & for nought. But this dede is moche more greuous and vtterly intollerable. For the authorite of the senate is betrayed to our most cruell and fiers ennemy Iugurth, youre empire is falsly betraied to other mennes handes and possession. The commen wele hathe bene put to sale to Iugurth by the senatours bothe at home in our citye, and also in oure army by Calphurnius the consull: In so moche that if examinacion be not made hereof: and if they be not punished whiche be culpable and fautie her in. What thynge shall remayne vnto vs but that we must passe our lyfe vnder obedience and bondage of thē which thus haue done, and vs shall they kepe in subiection as yf they were kynges? For what thinge longeth to a kynge saue to parfourme his wyll and pleasure be it good or yl without any resistēce or punishmēt of any mā. Do not these estates without any contradictiō, notwythstanding yt it is in your power to withstand thē if ye wil. Nor certes worthi citezins I do not thus exhort you to coueyte rather that youre citezins shulde do yll than well. But I speke to thintente, that ye shulde not so fauour and: forbere a fewe iniust and yll disposed mē that the vtter distruction of all good men shulde proceede of suche indiscrete fauoure. And also namelye in a cytie or a commen weale it is muche better [Page] and more tollerable to forgette the reward of good dedes, than the punishement of yll dedes. For a good mā seynge his goodnes not rewarded nor set by, he dothe but onely withdrawe his owne kyndnes: but an yl man not punished, is the more bolde and cursed: And moreouer if suche as be misdoers be punished: at ye last theyr nombre shalbe abated and decresed, and if there be few vniust men, the lesse wronge is done. And he to whome no wronge is done nedeth not to call for socoure nor helpe. Thus is it better to leaue a good dede vnrewarded, than an yll dede vnpunished.

¶How Memmius induced the people of Rome by the sayde oracion: so yt Cassius was sente for Iugurth to brynge hym to Rome to declare and accuse the supporter of hys dedes. The .xx. Chapter.

MEmmius coūsellynge and inducynge often tymes by these wordes & other lyke at laste dyd so moche that Lucius Cassius one of ye chefe .x. iudges of Rome shulde be sende to Iugurth and assure hym of his lyfe, and to come and retourne in saue garde vpon promes & fayth of all the hole commenty of Rome. And vpon this promes to bring him to Rome to thintent that by his owne wordes and confession of the treuth, the falshode & couetyse of Calphurnius the consull, of Scaurus & of other whiche had bene corrupted by hym before by money & rewardes myght be euydently proued and knowen.

¶Of the behauour of the Soudyours and other which were lafte in Numidy while Scaurus the consull was at Rome. The .xxi. Chapter.

[Page] WHyle these thinges were in hand and done at Rome, in meane tyme the chefe of ye soudiours, whiche Calphurnius had lefte behynde hym, in Numidy folowed the maners and behauoure of theyr captayne and dyd many vngodly and myscheuous dedes. Some of them were so corrupt with golde that they delyuered agayne to Iugurth the olyphantes, which he had gyuen to Calphurnius what tyme the peace was graunted & truce, first taken bytwene them. Some other solde to Iugurth the traytours whiche had fled from hym vnto the Romayns army. And other some spoyled & robbed the people of Numidy, whiche had al redy peace wt the Romains, and had yelded themselfe. So great and shamefull was the violence of couetyse whiche had infected theyr minde, as if it had ben an vniuersall contagion of pestilence. But nowe wyll I returne to my mater wher I left before cōcerning Cassius the iudge & his viage to Numidy for to bringe Iugurth vnto Rome.

¶Howe Iugurth came to Rome with Cassius and howe he behaued hym selfe there. The .xxii. Chapter.

CAyus Memmius in name of all the commens gaue commaundemente to Cassius, (accordynge to the ordinaunce inacted) to spede hym towardes Numidye, and to bid Iugurth come to Rome vnder suerte and condition before rehersed. Whā the estates which knew them selfe cul [...]able vnderstod of this were maruelusly abashed. But whan Cassius was come to Iugurth not wythstandynge that he was ferefull of hys parte, [Page] and had no confidence in his cause for asmoche as he knewe hymselfe fauty in his owne conscience, yet Cassius aduised him: and induced hym, bycause he had yelded hym selfe to come vnto Rome: without he wold rather proue the Romayns strengthe and violence than theyr mercy and pyte: and moreouer the sayde Cassius promised also hys owne faith and trouth that if he wold come to Rome and answere truly to all suche thynges as there shulde be demaunded of hym, he shulde safely go and come wythout any impediment. Cassius had so good a name at that tyme that Iugurth had asmoche confidence in his fayth & promes alone as in the promes or assurāce of the hole cite: And so at last Iugurth consented to go to Rome wyth Cassius. Wherfore to enduce the Romains to the more pyte he arayed himselfe in rude aparell agaynst his honour royall moche vile & myserable, and, so wyth Cassius came to Rome not as a kyng, but poorly and with a small company. And not wythstandyng that his mynde was moche confirmed, assured, and bolded: by the conforte of them whiche he had corrupted with rewardes before, whose defence & supportacion he had committed so moche cruelty, yet he behaued hym so wyth his gyftes of newe assone as he was come to Rome, that by his great reward be induced a lorde of Rome named Caius Bebius, one of the protectours of the commenty to be supporter & mayntener of his cause amonge the other mo. By whose dyshonest and vnmesurable couetise he trusted assuredlye to be defended, astaynst lawe, from all punyshmentes due vnto hys demerites. But the commentye of Rome was violently and sore wrathe agaynst Iugurth, some commaunded to haue hym to prison, and there to kepe [Page] hym in bandes: And other some wolde that acordyng to the lawe punyshment of dethe shulde be taken of thē as of theyr mortal enemy, if he wold nat shortly cōfesse and discouer the felowes, partiners, and supporters of his cruell dedes. Caius Mēmius heryng herof called togyder the cōmenty and alayed the mocyon and wrath of theyr myndes apeasing theyr vnauised rancour. And requiringe them to kepe the fayth and trouth of citie (which they had promysed to Iugurth) clere, inuiolate and vndefyled. Thus dyd Memmius exhort them as he which more regarded & set more by the conseruacion of the dignite of Rome, than by the parfourminge and satisfyeng the wrath and ire of the rude cōmens. But whan sylence was made among all the assemble: anone Iugurth was brought forth before them al. Memmiꝰ than began to speke to him demurely rehersing & openli recounting how he had corrupt the estates of Rome with his treasur, & cruelli against right had done mani abhominable dedes at Rome, & also in Numidi against the king Micipsa and his sonnes, as slaine Adherball and Hiempsall falsly dysceiued the king Micipsa: and wasted the kingdome of Numidi. And howe beit (sayd Memmius) that the Romaynes knewe well his supporters yet they wolde moste of all that Iugurth shuld openly discouer and accuse them himselfe. Wherfore he desired him truely to cōfesse the names of thē by whose supportacion he was so bolde to cōmyt so many inmoderate and cruel dedes. Sayng that if he wolde so do & confesse & disclose the trouth than might he haue great trust and confydence in the fauour clemency, and mercy of the people of Rome But if he wolde not so do, he shulde do no profite by his silence to the noble menne of [Page] Rome whiche had supported him. And also he shuld be dystruction and vndoinge of himselfe, and of his riches also. On this pointe Memmins ceased his wordes and helde hym styll. Anone Iugurth was commaunded of the commente to make answere. But whan he was redy to haue spoken Caius Bebius whome he had corrupted with treasure (as I haue made mencion before) commaunded hym to holde his peace. In somoche that howe be it the people sore moued wyth displeasure put him in feare with exclamacion agaynste hym with angry countenances and often violentlye rennynge vpon hym, and with other tokens of yre and dyspleasure. Neuerthelesse for all this the frowarde counsell of Bebius ouercame theyr threatnyng, in somuche that Iugurth wolde nothing speke nor dysclose. And thus the people had in derision and abused, departed from the cō gregacion and assemble. So the myndes of Iugurthe of Calphurnius, and of other theyr partyners were thā inhansed & increased in boldnesse: which wer troubled and moche ferefull before, whan Iugurth was fyrste sende for and brought to be examined.

¶Howe Iugurth encreased his crueltie at Rome and renued his murdre in sleyng an other noble man of the stocke of Micipsa by occasion wherof he was constrained to departe from Rome, & the batayle renewed againe of hole. The .xxiii. Chapyter.

AT the same season was a gentelman at Rome named Massiua, borne of the countrye of Numidy, whiche was the sonne of Galussa, and neuewe to the good kynge Massinissa. Thys Massyua was agaynste Iugurth in the stryfe and discencion betwene [Page] Adherball and hym, whan the towne of Cirtha was yelded and Adherball slayne. Wherfore he trusted not Iugurth, but to saue hymselfe fled from Numidy vnto Rome. Nowe was a lord [...] at Rome named Albinus, whiche was creat consull wyth an other partayninge felowe named. Minucius, the next yere after Calphurnius. This Albinus came to Massiua and counsayled hym (bicause he was of ye stocke of Massinissa) to greue Iugurth, asmoche as he coulde, wyth enuy, feare, and displeasure for his offences and cruelte: And by peticion to desyre of the Senatours the administracion of the kyngdome of Numidy. Albinus gaue to hym this coū sel, for as much as he hymselfe was desirous of bataile wherfore he wold much rather that euery thynge were moued wyth trouble, than pacified or at rest. Thā was a custome at Rome, that the consull shulde haue a partynge felowe, and bytwene them the prouinces belongynge to Rome shulde be deuided. Thus in departyng of the prouinces, the countre of Numidy fel to Albinus and the countrey of Macidony to his felow Minutus. Shortly after Massiua begā to moue the mater to the senatours touchynge administracion of the kyngdome of Numidy. Iugurth heringe of thys had not so greate trust in hys mater not to hys frendes as he had before: For some of them wyth drewe theyr selfe for knowlege of theyr fautes, and other some for feare of yll name & fame or rumour of the people. Wherfore Iugurth consyderynge this, requyred Bomilchar, one of his moste nere and trusty frendes to prouyde and to hyer by gyftes and rewardes a company to sle the sayde Massiua: and that as pryuely as coulde be done. But if it coulde not priuely be done, thā to sle him openlie by one meane [Page] or other Bomilchar shortly went about ye commaundement of Iugurth, and anone prouided men and hyred such as were mete for such a dede: and commaunded thē to espy and serche his wayes, his goynges & commnigs and to wayte a season and place cōuenient to parforme theyr enterprise. But afterward whan he sawe his time he prepared to execute this treason. Wherfore one of thē which were ordayned and assigned to this murdre, assayled Massiua rashely, with smal prouisyon or auisement and slewe hym vnware. But he whiche dyd the deede anone was taken and brought before the iudges. The people in great nombre desyred and at last constrayned him to tell by whose counsell he dyd that myscheuous dede, and specially Albinus the consul coarted hym therto. The murderer anone confessed the treuth & declared howe he had done it at the instigacion and counsell of Bomilchar: And not withstāding that the same Bomilchar came to Rome, vnder sauegarde and assurance of the fayth of the commente as dyd Iugurth, yet he was iudged gyltie of the dede, consideryng that he was counselloure therto, and not accordyng to the common lawe, but after very equite and good cōscience. But Iugurth consyderyng himselfe culpable in the same faute, ye wold by no meane confesse nor knowlege hymselfe fautie, tyll tyme that he vnderstode and sawe that the enuy and displeasure which was taken agaynst this dede passed al his fauour and rewardes which he had gyuen at Rome, so that at last in his giftes he found no socour nor ayde. But howe be it in the first accion or accusemēt which was layed agaynst him, he had brought in and layd .l. suerties of his frendes for hym and all other of his retynue that he shuld purge hymselfe of euery thing [Page] which was or shuld be layed agaynst hym, yet thought he better to prouide for the proteccion for his pledges or suerties. And this cōsydring he priuely sent Bomilchar a way from Rome vnto Numidy, dredinge that if condyng and worthy punyshement were taken of Bomylchar at Rome, lest the other commentie of his realme at home wolde drede to be obedient to hym. And anone after Bomilchar was departed Iugurth hymselfe fled also from Rome after hym, commaunded of the Senatours to depart from Italy as enemy to the Romains and theyr empyre. But whan he was departed a lytell without Rome: it is sayde that he loked often backewarde behynde spekyng secretly to himselfe, but at the last he spake playnly in audience that they whiche were assistent might here him and sayd. O noble and famous citie corrupt and accloyed with infect citezins, whose couetyse is so insaciable that they wyll profer the forth to sale, and shortly thou shuldest be solde and peryshe, if thy rulers could fynde any man that wold bye the, and gyue money for thee.

¶Howe Albynus consull of Rome renew [...]d the warre of Iugurth, and at laste returned againe to Rome, leauyng hys brother Aulus in Numidye, wyth the army in his roume. The .xxiiii. Chapyter.

IN the meane season Albinus which was create consull next Calphurnius renewed the warre agaynst Iugurth and without [...]aryeng: causeth vitayls, wages & all other thynges necessary, expedient, & belonginge to soudyours: to be conueyed spedely into Affrike. And he anone hymselfe in all haste toke his vyage thytherwarde [Page] also, and so forth to Numidy. In which vyage he made more hasty expedicion to thintent to fynishe the warre with Iugurth, other by force of armes, or els constrayning him to yelde himselfe, or by some other meanes what so euer might be founde namely before the tyme of election of newe cosuls, whiche tyme was not longe to come. But contrary wise Iugurth prolonged euery thing by one cause or other. As faste as Albinus went forward, so fast Iugurth found impedimentes, somtyme he promised to yeld himselfe, and somtyme fained himselfe afrayed. One whyle he fled from the army of Albinus whan it was nere hande to him: And anone after lest his men shuld mistrust by disconfort or dispayre, he boldely withstode and defended himselfe manly. And thus in prolonging the tyme: somtime with warre and somtyme with peace, he abused and mocked the consull, wherfore some were which suspected that Albinus was not ignorant of the counsel of Iugurth, but consentyng to him bi fauoure: And for asmuche as at the begynninge he was so fiers, hasty, and diligent: it was suspected that he droue forth the tyme nowe rather by craft than cowardise. But after the tyme was passed and the day of election of newe consuls aproched and come faste on. The consull Albinus ordayned his brother named Aulus, to remayne in his steede as capytayne and ruler in the army: and he himselfe departed towarde Rome, to be at election of the newe consuls, as the lawe requyred.

¶ Howe Aulus and the Romayne armye were discomfyted of Iugurth: and howe peace was graunted to hym by Aulus: and to what shame the Romaynes were [...] ra [...]e folye of the same capytayne Aulus. The .xxv. Chapter.

[Page] IN the same season was the commen weale at Rome muche troubled with variaunce and debate, betwene the protectours of the commenti. For of thē one named Lucullus and an other Annius laboured to continue and kepe styll their office and agaynst the ordynaunce of the lawe to contynue more than one yere. Wherfore the other whiche were partyng felowes in office with them labored with all their myght the contrary to resyst them and to mayntayne ye olde constitucion, ordynaunce and custom. This dyscencion & debate letted the election of the newe consuls al that yere. Aulus whom Albinus had left with the army in Numidy as his lyefetenant herd of this prolongyng of the tyme and was brought in great hope to wynne great honour or treasour. Wherfore in the colde moneth of Ianuary he called the souldyours forth of theyr tentes to execute the batayle with Iugurth without more delaye. Outher dyd he thus shortly to make an ende of the batayle in his tyme, and therby to wynne honoure or els with his army to put Iugurth in feare (so that to haue peace) he should redeme the same of Aulus with great treasoure. Aulus concludynge on this purpose, spedde hym so fast with his soudyours makynge dayly great iournayes (notwithstandyng the sharpnesse of wynter) that at last he came to a towne in Numidy, named Suthull: in which towne the treasurs of Iugurth were laied. This towne with walles, waters, and mountaygnes of nature was strongly defended: for without the walles buylded on the heyght of a mountaygne broken on the forefronte was a great plaine fenne, or marrayse grounde: al ouer couered with mudde, and standyng wynter water. In [Page] somoche that what for the sharpnesse of the wynter season: and what for natural defence of the place, this town coulde by no meanes be well besyged nor taken: yet this notwithstādyng Aulus to encrease fere to Iugurth, and for the blynd desyre which he had to wyn ye towne in maner of dissimulacion assayled the same & made pauasies about the walles of shieldes conioyned like vines, wher vnder his men myght fyght with lesse dāmage or peryl Than made he a dyche or trench round about the town with great hepes of erth casten vpon the sydes of the same, to the entent that no socour shuld entre into them, nor they escape forth at theyr pleasurs. And finally he made redy euery thynge which belonged or was necessary to besegyng of suche a towne. But Iugurth anone perceyued the vayne and folyshe behauoure of Aulus, and craftely encreased by polycy the madnes of hym, sending often embassadours vnto him to requyre in derysion that he wolde desyst & leue besyging of the towne and intreatyng hym of peace mekely. But in the meane tyme Iugurth hymselfe in maner as yf he wolde not intermel with Aulus, ledde his army by wodes, forests by streyte passages, by hyls and dales, and by bywaies causinge Aulus to suspect that he was a dradde of him: And finallye he enduced Aulus to truste after some appointemente. And thus Iugurth with his men fleyng alway into desertes and hidde places gaue confort to Aulus and encreased his corage by such auoyding. In somuche that at laste Aulus gaue vp the segynge of the towne of Suthul: And with his hole power hastely pursued Iugurth as sleynge from him for drede into places vnknowen to him and his men. Thus was the treason of Iugurth more hydde from Aulus, wherfore [Page] he made the les prouision therfore. In the meane sea [...]on Iugurth by subtyl messangers attempted the Romaine army day and night inducyng them to consent to betray theyr felowes, the capytayns, and vndercaptayns: anon for lucre consented to hym. Some in tyme of batayle to forsake and betray theyr owne company and to fyght on the part of Iugurth. And other which wolde not graunt to so foul a dede, as to fyght against theyr owne compani, he exhorted & induced thē whā the trumpettes shulde blowe to batayle to leue theyr places and array: And depart from theyr company without stroke on one syde or other. Whan euery thing was brought to his purpose and accorded to his requestes: Than about midnight he stale priuely toward the tentes of the Romains & sodenly with a gret compani of Numidians, cōpassed them about on euery syde and assailed them fiersly. The Romayne soudyours which were with Aulus, thus vnwarly inuaded: were meruelously abashed and amased, for the vnwonte and sodayne feare of this treason. Some of the most noble hertes: with great courage drew to them theyr harnes, and resysted theyr enemies valyantly: fully assured and prefyxed to dye lyke men: yf fortune shuld graunt them none other meanes to escape that instant danger. Some other as cowardes hydde theim selfe in caues and other secrete places, yf they might any fynde. The boldest and most vsed to suche chaunces conforted theyr felowes whiche were ferefull and vnexpert of such chaunces of warre. How beit none of them al was so bolde nor so well assured of hymselfe, but that he was bothe in great drede and daunger. And no maruayle, for in euery place and on all sydes about them they were inuironed in compasse with great violence [Page] and plenteous noumber of theyr ennemyes hidde vnder the darkenesse of the nyghte and cloudes, which vtterly obscured the starres lyghte. Theyr peryll was indifferente and doubtefull whether they fledde or abode the batayle. For death was instante and depended ouer theyr heades euery waye, and either hope or esperaunce was none, saue deathe ineuitable. So that fynallye it was vncertayne vnto theym whether it was better or more sure to flee, or to abyde their aduenture. But of that companye whiche Iugurth hadde corrupted with rewardes, as we haue sayde before, one bende or cohorte of Lumbardes and twoo turmes, that is to saye three score Thraciens, and a fewe rude and commen souldioures betrayed the Romaynes, and went ouer to Iugurth. Also the Centurion whyche was assygned to be capitayne ouer them, whyche were committed to fyghte aboute the firste standarde of the thyrde legion drewe hym and hys companye a syde, and suffered theyre ennemies to entre in to the myddes of the hooste on that syde whiche they hadde taken to defend. Thus all the Numidians brake in on that syde wythoute anye resystence. And at conclusion the Romaynes hadde a foule flyghte and a shamefull discounfiture, in so muche that they trusted more to theire feete, than to their handes and armoure. And manye of them to ren lyghter, threwe away theyr harnesse, and toke the top of an hyll whiche was neare thereby, and there taried. The companie of Jugurthe, what for spoylynge of the Romaynes tentes, and darkenesse of the nyghte hadde lesse honoure of vyctorie, and suffered many of the Romaynes to escape. On the next day after Jugurth and [Page] Aulus came to communication together. Than sayde Jugurth to Aulus that not withstandinge that he had hym and his army which were lefte a liue sure ynough compased and enuironed wyth wepen and hunger soo that they cold not escape hym: and how be it it was in his power to oppres hym and all his. Neuertheles he remembred well ynough the incertaine chances of mā nes businesse & wolde not be to hym cruel nor vncurtes so that he wolde make wt hym a bonde of peace and no more contend agaynst him in batayle, on this condicion that all the soudyours of Aulus shuld do obesance vnto hym and passe vnder a spere in token of subiectyon & so without more damage departe out of the contrey of Numidy wythin the space of .x. dayes nexte after. But how be it this composision and condicions were harde, and greuous, and full of shame and misery, and worthy to be punished of the Senatours yf Aulus agreed to them. Neuerthelesse theyr myndes so wauered for dred of deth that at last the composicion and agrement was concluded and agreed at the wyll and pleasure of Jugurth vpon the sayde condicions.

¶What sorow and heuines was at Rome, and how they demeaned them selfe in the Citie after that tydynges were brought thither. The .xxvi. Chapter.

WHan the Romayns vnderstode of this at Rome, all the cite was fylled with drede, [...] rowe, lamentacion and mourning. S [...]me bewalyng the worshyp of thempire as lost, by that shamefull composicion. And other vncustomed to suche busynesse of batayle and not knowyng nor consideryng the variable mutabilite of chaū ces [Page] of war fered the losse of their libertie, of their cite, and of al theyr empire. They al were wroth and vtterly displeased wt Auius cause of this subiection and shamefull composicion. But namely they which had ben good warriours in their dayes wer displeased with him most of al: whan they considred that he beyng armed and wel apointed to batail rather sought meanes to escape from deth by suche shameful and bond cōposicion than manly abyding the e [...]tremite of bataile to haue delyuered hym selfe and his cōpani: or els valyantly to haue died with honoure. But the consull Albinus, himselfe dreded sore for this thinge considring that for his brothers faute in tyme to come he shulde not auoyde the displeasure of the Senatours and commens of Rome. For as he coniectured all his brothers dedes shuld redounde to his dishonour and paryll, bycause he had lymitted hym in Numidy in his stede to be captayne of the army in his absence. Wherfore (these thyngs duely aduised) he went to the Senatours desyringe them to take counsell and aduisemēt whether they wold approbate and alowe the sayd cōposicion bytwene his brother Aulus & Jugurth or els not. But he knew ryght wel that the Senatours wolde not cōfirme the same. Wherfore (in meane tyme whyle they were counselling) he elect soudyours for supplemēt to fulffyl & parforme agayn the army which was in Affrike, and sore diminished. For many of them were slayne by Iugurth and his company. Wherfore Albinus raysed vp socours of suche as were nere to the costes of Rome, and frendes to thempire: as Latinians and Italians with other nacions. Of these he raysed as many as he myght, and assembled them togyder by all meanes which he could deuyse to fournishe and augmente [Page] his army. At conclusion the Senatours decreed in their counsell that no bonde of peace nor composicion might be confirmed without their consent & without the aduyse and commaundement of the commen people also as right and reason requyred. And thus was the sayd composicion of Aulus abrogate, as a thynge presumed without consent or commaundement of the Senatours or commens. But whan the consull Albinus had ordayned and prepared supplemēt of his army (as sayd is (he was prohybet and letted by the protectours of the commenty: In somuche that he was not suffred by them to conuey suche company as he had raised into Affrike, with hym as he intended to repayre and fornyshe the army whiche there remayned. Wherfore he spedde himselfe forth into Affrike disapoynted of his purpose with a smal company of men, of his owne retinue. The army of the Romayns whiche he before had commytted to Aulus his brother: accordyng to the apoyntment with Jugurth, was departed forth of Numidy. And to passe forth the wynter, taryed in a prouince of Affrike which was subiect to thempire of Rome. Whan Albinus the consull was arryued and come thyder: his mynd ardently was kyndled with desyre to pursue Iugurth, and to remedy the yl wyll and displeasure which the commens at Rome had against Aulus his brother. Neuertheles whan he knewe the maners and yll behauour of the soudyours: of whome some were fled treyterously to Iugurth (as is sayd before) and some by sufferaunce of theyr captayne were infected and corrupted with ouermuch pleasure, dissolute liberty, and voluptuous lyuing this consydring he concluded (as the case requyred) to do nothyng for a season: and to attempte no maistry but [Page] to passe forth the wynter with his army without remouynge or puttyng himselfe in ieopardy or paryll.

¶ In the meane season whyle Albinus and his army soiourned in the prouince of Affrike tyl the wynter wer ouerpassed. At Rome was one named Caius Manlius elect and lymitted protectoure of the commen people whiche anone after he was set in authorite: assembled the commens: and desyred and counsayled them that inquisicion might be made of all such whose supportacion and counsel Jugurth had dyspised and set at nought the ordinaūces decreed of the Senatours. And against them whiche had restored agayne to Iugurth the elyphantes which Iugurth had delyuerd to Calphurnius at the first composicion and apoyntment whiche was made with him. And also agaynst them whiche had receyued any money or other rewarde of Iugurth whyle they were embassadours or captains of armies ageynst him: send forth by the Romayns. And finally the same inquisicion also was extended against all such as had made any pactions, apointmentes, or promises of peace or of warre with enemyes of thempire without general consent of the Senatours or commens.

¶Whan this inquire was moued, many of the Senatours and noble men of Rome knewe them selfe culpable in the forsaide articles. And other some douted sore of peryls for to come because of the yll wyll and malice whiche the partye of the commens confederate had againste them. Wherfore syth the same noble men might not well resyste the examinacion of these artycles openlye, but of necessitye they muste agree thereto, eyther elles knoweledge them selfe (by theyr resystence) gyltie in the same: th [...]rfore they prepared impedimēt priuely [Page] agaynst suche inquisicions by theyr frendes, but specially by the felowes of thempire which were confederate wyth the Romaynes, as Italyans and Latinians. The princes of these nacions and suche other like gaue counsell to the senatours whiche were not fauty in the premisses, and also to the commenty: that in such a troublous, besy, and peryllous season no suche examinatiōs shulde be made nor procede forwarde to effect: for drede of many inconueniences whiche of the same myght rise bytwene the noble men and the cōmens. But (this not wythstandynge) it is a merueylous thynge and in maner incredible to speke of, how besy and diligent the cō mens were to haue the same inquisicion to procede, and to be brought to effect: and that rather for hatred which they had agaynst the noble men (against whom the said inquisicion was ordayned) than for any good wyll or fauour, whiche they had to the commen wele. So great pleasure & desire of variance was among thē. Wherfore while the remenant of the noble mē were sore troubled with fere and dred. Marcus Scaurus whiche was before sent into Affrike wt Calphurnius (as I haue sayd) prouyded for hym selfe in craftye maner as I shall nowe declare. Whyle the commentie was merye and ioyeouse of thys examinacion, and manye of the companye of Scaurus that knewe theim selfe faultye fled for feare. And the hole cytie was in muche dreede and Manlius obtayned his peticion and wyll of the commentye. In so muche that anone were ordayned thre noble menne commissioners to examine the three articles before rehearsed and here insuynge, of whom the fyrste was of theim whyche counselled Jugurthe to dispise the decreis of the senatours and that toke money [Page] or rewardes of hym. The second was of them that sold agayne to Iugurth the foresayde elyphantes and the Numidiens that leste Iugurth commynge on the Romayns sayde. And the thyrde examination was of them whiche had made any appointmente of peace or warre wyth the enemies of Rome as was Iugurth. But not withstanding that Calphurnius was culpable in the same asmoche as any other of the noble men. Neuerthelesse he shyfted so for hymselfe that he was electe to be one of the examinours or commyssioners to make inquisicion of these thre pointes rehersed. The inquisicion proceded to effecte & was handled and put in execucion with moche violence and sharpely after the commen rumour and pleasure of the commenty. Thus the people seynge theyr pleasure fulfylled, at tyme beganne to bee proud and stately therof in lykewyse as the estates had ben in foretyme of theyr power and lordshyp. But here wyll I make a small dygression for my purpose and tel wherof this variance and discorde bytwene the commens & noble men first proceded.

¶Wherof the discord and takynge of partyes betwene the noble men and commens of Rome had fyrst begynnyng The .xxvii. Chapter.

THis maner of deuisyon of the commente from the estates of Rome: This discorde and takyng of parties bytwene them: and this inordinate custom of al other inconuenyences began among them but a fewe yeres before this tyme by meane of ouer muche reste and ydlenes: by superfluous habundance of richesse, voluptuosite, and of other worldely delectacions: which many counte and repute for most chiefe pleasures of this lyfe. [Page] For before the dystruction of Carthage, the Senatours and commenty of Rome treated and gouerned the commen wele bytwene them peasably in loue and concorde. So that among the citezins was no stryfe nor debate, for laud, excellence, for diginte, nor for great dominion. The drede whiche they had of their enemis made them ware and kepte them in good maners causyng them to gouerne their citye with good and vertues institutes, without variance, without robbery, without oppression, without slaughter nor other lyke cruell tyrannies. But whan Carthage was ouercome anone was expulsed fere from theyr myndes: and voluptuosite, wantonnes, and pride (which ar greatly loued in welth and prosperitye) anone entred their myndes: so that they desyred peace whan they had warre. But whan the warre was ended: and that they had peace and ydlenes after theyr owne desyre: theyr peace and rest was more sharp, more bytter, more intollerable, and more perillous to them than the war was before. For the estates bgan to tourn theyr dignite and worshyp, into immoderate affection of great lordshyppe and dominacion. And the commen people began to tourne theyr libertie into lust and pleasure. Euery man prouyded and drewe to hymselfe robbynge and reauynge without measure, from the cōmen wele. Thus was the commentie abstract and deuyded from the lordes. So was the citye deuyded into .ii. partes. And the cōmen weale which was in the myddes bytwene them on euery side was pylled, robbed, and vtterly wasted of them both: on both sides. But the power of the noble men and of theyr party was more mighty thā the power of the commens. For all the estates were all togyder assembled, conioyned, and vnyed. But the commens [Page] were dispersed and spred abroade into diuers places and companies gettyng their liuynge with laboure of their handes and sweat of their bodyes. So euerye thinge was gouerned in peace and in warre at the pleasure and aduise of a fewe priuate noble men. The commen treasure, the prouinces, mastershyps, offices, trybutes, worship, triumphes, & al other things longing to honour or auantage, wer only in the handes and possession of the same few noble men. But the symple cōmen people was weried and opressed with pouertye, bataile, and warfare. Euer in ieopardie, and neuer in auantage nor lucre. For the capitaynes with a fewe other noble men pulled suche prayes as were taken in batayle only to their singuler auantage and behofe. But in the mean season the parentes and smal children of the souldiours wer driuen from their dwelling places and possessions by the saide noble men, eche one of them by that lord vnto whom they dwelled nereste. And so the myghte and power of suche noble men conioyned with immoderate couetise assayled, defyled, wasted, and destroyed euerye thynge without good maner, without measure or moderacion: hauing no respect nor consideracion of any thing belonging to goodnes or vertue, tyl they had so farforth proceded that at conclusion they were destroyed and ouerthrowen by their owne obstinate pryde and tyranni. But at laste as soone as euer some of the estates were founde which remembring and considering them selfe: sette more by true and laudable glorye, than by vniuste power & dignitie. And wer moued in mind by cōpassion to shew merci, & pite against ye cōmente & to socour their misery, thā began the citie to be troubled & moued greuously for the courage of ye cōmens was reuiued by supportacion [Page] of such noble men: by meanes wherof discord and deuysion began to ryse in the cite, as it were drye dust of the grounde raysed in a great and tempesteous wynde. For after that Tiberius Gracchus, and Caius Gracchus (whose progenitours much encreased the cō men weale in many batayls, but namely in the batayle of Carthage) began to restore the commētie into theyr olde libertie, and to detect the cruel mysdedes of the few iniurious estates. Than al the lordes cōfederate: and after maner chafede with yre assembled theyr felowes, as Latynians and some knyghtes of Rome, which in hope of promocion left the commens party and helde with the nobel men. All these with suche as were to them lenyng of other nacions began to withstand the accusementes of ye cōmenty: and first of al they slew Tiberius Graccus: And after that within a fewe yeres the slewe the other brother named Caius Graccus, while he was protector of ye cōmenty, bicause that he according to law & right deuided among ye pore cōmente such landes as they had won in batayle of theyr ennemies. And at the same season the estates put to deth also a lorde named Marcus Flaccus, bycause he defended the commens liberte agaynst theyr extorcion. But touchyng the two bretherin Tiberius, and Caius Graccus: sothly their myndes were greatly immoderate and vnmeasurable in theyr desyre to ouercome thestates. Neuerthelesse it had be muche better to thestates to haue suffred them in theyr ryghtwyse tytell, and somewhat to haue inclyned to theyr myndes than to haue ouercome them so iniuriously, how best that they were ouer hasty and busy. But whā thestates had the victory of them after their desyre and pleasure than put they to death the commenty with [Page] out nombre, and many they exiled and droue out of the cite. In somuch that from thens forth they rather encresed theyr crueltie and feare to the commens, than their owne honoure or power. By which meanes many worthy cityes haue often tymes ben dystroyed whyle the estates and commens contend the one, to ouercome the other, by one meane or other. And whyle the party vyctoure wyll punyshe ouer greuously that party which is ouercome. But if I wolde prepare to write of the besines and dedes of both the parties seriatly and distinctly And yf I shuld touch al the maners of the cite acording to the gretnesse of the mater and as it requyrth: sothely the tyme shuld fayle me rather thā the mater. Wherfore I will omyt this superfluous and infinite besynes, and retourne to my first mater and purpose touchyng this cronycle of this tyranne Iugurth.

¶Howe Metellus was create consull and sende by the Romayns to war agaynst Iugurth, and of the wyse and discrete behaueour of the same Metellus. The .xxviii. Chapter.

AFter the truce and composicion of Aulus before sayde made with Iugurth, and the foule and shameful flyght of the Romayne army: Quintus Metellus, and Marcus Sillanus, wer create & proclaimed cōsuls of Rome, whiche acordyng to the olde custome parted and deuided the prouinces belonging to Rome betwene them both. The countrey of Numidi fell and happened to Metellus. This Metellus was a fierse man and a noble and a worthy warriour. And how be it he fauored the party of the noble men and, was contrary to the party of the commens: neuertheles he was of fame vndefyled [Page] and vnuiolat & coūted of good name indifferēly on bothe parties. Assone as euer this Metellus entred in his office and dignite, he thought that euery thynge apartayning to his rowme and charge belōged aswell to his partynge felowe as to himselfe, saue the war of Numidy: whiche onely belonged to himselfe and to his particuler charge: Wherfore he commytted all other charges to Sillanus, and onely sette his mind to make prouysion for the war agaynst Iugurth. But bycause he mistrusted the olde army whiche was in Numidy with Albinus and Aulus, and had no confydence in the myndes of these soudyours corrupted with ydelnes and many other vices: therfore he elected & assembled newe soudyours. And of al such as were felowes and frendes confederate to the Romayns, he called for helpe and socours. He prepared & made redy armoure, wepyn, horse harnes, and all other ordynaunce expediēt to warfare. And also he ordained abundance of vytayls. And shortly to speke all thynge he ordayned which ar wont to be necessary and profitable to the variable chaunces and incertayne accidentes, and ieopardies of warre which requyreth reparacion of many thinges and chargeable. But suche as were felowes of the empire of Rome at instaunce and request of the Senatours: and by theyr authorite and by the Latinians many other strange kinges of their own frewil sent socours to Metellus to auaunce him in his enterpryse: And shortly to speke the hole citie laboured with all theyr might to socoure and ayde Metellus in his besines. Thus at last whā euery thynge was prouided & sette in order after his pleasure and intent: than toke he his iournay in Numidi [...], with great hope of all the citezins of Rome that for his good [Page] maners: and specially for that his minde was vnouercome with ryches or couetise that he shulde do more honour to the empire then his predecessors had in the war of Numidie. For before his departing the welth of Numidie (by couetyse of the officers of Roome) was augmented: but the welth of the Romaines wasted and diminyshed. Whan Metellus was come to Affrike, the army was deliuered to hym by Albinus: which armye was vncraftie, sluggishe and feble, neyther able to endure peryl nor labour: of tonge more readye, fierce and hardy, then of hande: which was wont to pyll from felowes and frindes of the empire. But it self indured by cowardise to be robbed and spoyled of ennemies of the empire, as a laweles and disordred company of men vngouerned and without authoritie or maners. Wherfore Metellus the newe capitaine had muche more thought and busynes, for such corrupt and vicious maners of a companye so farre oute of order, than he hadde helpe or good hope of conforte in the multitude of them. Thus howe be it he sawe the tyme of eleccion of newe consuls drawe nere, and also though he vnderstode that the Romaynes dayely looked after some ende of the warre. These causes not withstanding yet he concluded, not to begyn warre, tyll he had exercised and vsed the souldyours with busines and labour after the instruccion and custume of olde captaines vsed before his tyme. For why, Albinus was so astonyed wyth the aduersitie and myschaunce of hys brother Aulus, and for the murther of his host: yt after he purposed not to departe out of the Romains prouince which was in Affrike he kept ye souldiors alway idle in their tentes as long as somer lasted [Page] and as long as he was in authoritie, in so muche that they chaunged no place except the corrupt sauour of the place, or els necessitie of vytaile constrained them to remoue. Nor according to the custome and maner of warriours among them was no watche: but euerye manne came and went at his owne plesure, and absented them selfe from their standerds whan it lyked them. The scolions and pages wandred daye and nyghte mingled amonge the horsemen and chief of the soldiours without any order. And many other as rouers dispersed abrode destroyed the countrey, fyghtyng against the small villages and not against cities nor townes. They caried a waye from the said vyllages praies of catell, and led away with them also the inhabitantes as prisoners with other praies, striuing together who myght haue moste and than after chaunged the sayde robries with marchants for delicious and stronge wynes caried from other straunge cuntreis, where better wyne grewe than in that cuntrey, and for other suche delicious thynges. They solde away the whete and other vitayles whiche was deliuerd of their captaines among them in commē and dayly they bought theire bread. And finally what so euer shame or rebuke longyng to couetise or lechery could eyther be saide, done, or imagined of any man, all was vsed in that hoste. And amonge some, more shamefull dedes than ought to be named. But Metellus behaued him selfe as a mighty and wyse man, not lesse in this difficultie and hardnes, than if it had bene in a bataile foughten agaynst his enemies, as he which in the middes of so great couetise, voluptuositie, and crueltye, was singulerly induced with temperance: and he vsed meruelouse good maner in coartyng the same faultes. [Page] Wherfore at the fyrst beginning he withdrewe & auoyded from the army at his cōmaundemēt and ordinance the occasions which stired the soudiours to such slouth, cowardise, and voluptuositie. For he commaunded vnder great paine that no person shuld be so hardye to sell among the souldiours nother bread nor other vitaile al redy dressed saue the common prouision: that the pages, waterlaggers & scolions shuld not come nere the army nor folowe the same. That none of the commen & symple souldiors shuld kepe or maintaine seruant nor beast in their tentes nor vyage, while they moued fro place to place. These inconueniences firste of all he redressed & reformed. After these amended, al other fautes he mesured bi his wisedome, craft, and pollicie: reforming them by litle and litle. This done (to haue his souldiors occupied) he moued daylye from place to place: and that not in waies commen & vsed, but by hard and vnoccupyed waies. He caused them dayly to cast dyches & trenches about the armie, to the intente that they shuld not waxe slouthful nor vicious, by ouermuch reste and ydlenesse. He ordeined ouermuche watch among thē euery night, and he hym selfe accompanied with his vndercaptains and head officers often serched if the watches were truly kept cōpassing about the army on euery side. While they remoued & chaunged places, sometyme he was in the forward and among the firste, sometime in the rereward or hinder part, and anone in the middes, ouerseyng their order to the intente that none shuld passe oute of order, aray & place to them assigned. But kepe thicke together euery man and company about their owne stā dards: and also he ordeined that among them selfe they shuld conuey & carye their owne vitailes and armoure. [Page] And thus in shorte tyme he confirmed and sette the armye in good order rather wyth faire wordes, or rebukinge and blaminge theire faultes, and prohibitinge their disordre: than in chastisinge or punyshynge their offences with rigour or crueltye.

¶Of the behaueour of Iugurth against Metellus, and howe he send embassadours to Metellus requiryng vnfaynedly to yelde vp the kyngedom of Numidy to the empyre of Rome: and how Metellus behaued hymselfe agaynst the same embassadours. The .xxix. Chapter.

IN the meane season whan Iugurthe vnderstode by messangers and espyes of this behauour of Metellus: and also whan he remembred that which was infourmed to him at Rome of the integrite and vndefiled name of Metellus, whiche wolde not be corrupte with money nor accloyed with brybes lyke other before: he began to mystruste his matters and to haue lesse confydence in his cause, thā euer he had before. In somuch that thā he began to labour to yelde himself vnfaynedly and to make a trewe composytion with Metellus and the Romains without any fiction, gyle, or disceyt. Wherfore he sende embassadours with supplicacions and peticions, requyring humbly of Metellus to graunt to him his owne lyfe: & the lyfe of his chyldren onely: and concernyng al other thing he wold yelde thē into ye handes of the Romayns. But Metellus knewe well ynough long before this tyme by often experience that the Numidians of natural disposiciō wer vnfaythful, mouable and vnstable of minde: newfangled and much desirous of newe besynesse and nouelties. Wherfore he began with the emassadours of Iugurth, tasting and prouing the mynde of eche of them, by lytel & lytel, and separatly [Page] one by one. And whan he knewe that they somwhat inclyned to his purpose: he then promised to them great gyftes and promocions so that they woulde doo some pleasure for hym, and for the Senatours and people of Rome. Than at laste he counselled and desired them to deliuer Iugurthe to hym a lyue, speciallye if it myghte be broughte a boute: And if they coulde not so, then to delyuer hym eyther quicke or deade. But when he had made this apointment secretly with the ambassadours deuided in sonder one by one, than openlye that euerye man myght here, he shewed to them all together as his pleasure was that they shoulde certifie theyr kinge Iugurth concernynge theyr ambassade.

¶After this within fewe dayes when he sawe his host moste ready, and contrary to Iugurth he remoued his tentes, and so addressed hym with his armye readye in araye, and wente forwarde into Numidye, where contrarye to any similitude of warre the vyllages and cotages were full of menne, the fieldes ful of beastes and tyllmen, and euerye where as muche plentye of people yonge and olde, namelye rude people and tyllers of the grounde, whyche hadde styll fledde before the armye in fore tyme for feare: but at laste when they sawe no defence nor socoure, the kynges liefetenauntes and all other lefte theyr townes, villages, and lodges, and went foorthe to meete Metellus wyth all humilitie, honour, and seruice submittynge them selfe to hym, and readye to gyue to him wheat and other corne such as they had. And to cary vitailes after his hooste to ease the souldyours to do and parfourme all other thynges what euer they were cōmaunded. But for all this, Metellus was not lesse diligent nor circumspect in ordering of his host [Page] but proceded forward togyder with his army in aray redy in armour, & defended as if theyr enemies had ben nere at hand serchyng the cuntrey abrode on euery syde by his espyes doutynge treason and thynking that all these tokens of subiection were but for a face or cloke to couer the treason and gile of Iugurth. And so by suche dysceyt to wayt a tyme to execute his treason. Wherfore Metellus thus mysdemynge kept himselfe in the forwarde of the hoost with an elect and chosen company of archers, slyngers, and other lyke soudyours apoynted in lyght harnes. His vnder captayne Caius Marius had rule and charge of the rereward among the horsmē and on bothe the wynges of his hoost he ordayned horsmen and other soudyours for supplement, subsidy, and socours of the forwarde yf nede shulde requyre, and among them to expell their ennemies on what syde so euer they shuld come, wer mengled bowmen and other lyght harnenised fotemen wt dartes, pikes, and iauelins to trouble the horsmē of theyr enemies. For in Iugurth was so muche gile so great experience and knowledge of the countrey, and also so great practyse of chyualrie: that a man coude not well know whether he were more to be douted or more greuous in peace or in ware or whyle he was absent or present.

¶ Not farre from that way whiche Metellus helde with his army was a towne of the Numidians muche acustomed and frequented of marchantes of Italy and other strange cuntreis: and the princypal market towne of al the kingdom of Numidi. This towne was named Vacca, Metellus drewe him and his army thyder, and set garnyson into the same towne. This dyd he to proue the inhabytantes: for if they had kept forth the garnison [Page] than shulde they euydently haue declared themselfe ennemies of the Romayns. And also he ledde a garnyson thyder to thintent to haue taken the towne by force of armes, yf the inhabytauntes wolde not haue admytted the same garnyson. Also he commaunded vytayls, and all other thinges necessary or expedyent to warre for to be brought thyder thinkinge (as the case required) that the concours of marchantes resortyng thyther, and his good prouision of vytayls shulde be great defence and conseruacyon for him & his army bothe in warre and in peace. But whan the citezins sawe such purneyance as he made of vitels considring that he shulde not hurt nor disprouyde thē whyle he had vttail ynough of his owne prouyson: anon they opened the gates and suffred hym to entre withall his garnyson and retynue. But in the mean tyme Iugurth agayne sende his embassadours to Metellus more diligentlie and instantly than he had done before, mekely beseching & requyring him of peace And yeldynge to him euerye thinge, onely reserued his owne lyfe: and the lyfe of his chyldren. Metellus sende these embassadours home againe attysed to the prodyciō of their master Iugurth as he had done to the other embassadours which were sent before. But concernyng the peace which they desyred in their maisters name: neyther he graunted nor vtterly denyed it. And in this prolongyng of tyme he loked alway after parfourming of the promesse of the other embassadours, which before had graunted to the betrayeng of Iugurth. But whan Iugurth consydred and pondered togyder the wordes and dedes of Metellus, & whan he parceyued in mynde himselfe assayled with his owne craftes of subtylte: and that Metellus vsed suche craftes againste him, as he [Page] himselfe had vsed agaynst other: than was his mynde greued most of all. For Metellus fayned peace, but in very dede he shewed sharpe warre. Iugurth thus considred also: that his greattest towne named Vacca, was alienate and lost from him: his ennemies by longe continuaunce and exercise knew the coostes of his countrey of Numidy. The myndes of his lordes and commens were prouoked and moued agaynst him. Whan he aduysed these dyfficulties with other mo contray to hym he concluded and fullye determined at laste to resyste and withstand Metellus in batayl, with strength and force of armes and no farther to meke nor submitte himselfe by peticion.

¶Howe Iugurth prepared and addressed hym selfe to warre, and what ordinaunce and pollicye he vsed agaynste the newe consull Metel [...]us. The .xxx. Chapter.

WHerfore Iugurth thus determyninge to assaile Metellus caused his wayes to be espyed, hauyng hope of victorie by auauncement and auauntage of some place: where he intended of the place and countrey: and anone prepared the greattest army that he coude of all sortes of people. This done, he dyd so much that by hils narowe passages and bypathes he preuented and ouerpassed the hoost of Metellus.

¶ In that parte of Numidi whiche before in deuision of the kingdom was assigned in possessyon to Adherbal was a flodde named Muthull, rennyng from the meridyonall parte of the countrey. A certaine hyll and longe was nere to this water, so that at any place the hil was about .xx. myle from the streme and of equall dystance [Page] in length. The grounde of this hil was of suche nature that euer it was barayne, wherfore it was not apte to mennes habitacion but deserte. Aboute the myddes and pendant of it was an other hil smaller of quantite: but of an vnmesurable height couered and all ouergrowne with wyld olyue trees, with myr trees, and other sortes of trees wont to grow naturally on dry & sandy groūd. The playne bytwene the hils and the water was desert and vnhabitable for lacke of water: saue such places of the playne as were nere to the flodde of Muthul which parte was growen with smal trees, and occupyed with men and beastes. Iugurth came to the saide small hyll whych descended from the pendante of the greater hyll ouerthwarte the valey. And there toke place wyth hys armye not together, but dispersed abrode amonge the trees by companies and bendes: he made his frind Bomilchar capitaine and gouernoure of his olyphantes, and of part of his army of fotemen, and informed hym parfitely howe he shuld behaue hym selfe, and gouerne them whome he hadde committed to hym bothe before the batayle, and also in the batayle whan it came to the poynte. But he hym selfe drewe nerer to the greate hyll wyth all the horsemen and many of the footemen whiche were electe and chosen menne, and set them in order and in aray with much policie & wisedome. This done he hym selfe w [...]nt about & compassed euerye companie, cohort, and bende singulerly, and one by one warninge & requiring thē to call to their mindes their olde strength, nobles and victorie: and therby to defend themselfe and their cuntrey of Numidy from the immoderate couetyse of the Romayns, which were not content nor satisfied with the possession of the most part of the world: [Page] sayinge fathermore that they shuld fight but with suche as they before had ouercome and subdued. And how be it they had chaunged theyr capytayne: the cowardise of their hertes was not chaunged: Also he rehersed and declared to them that he had made all prouision for thē whiche a captayne might or ought to make for his army. He declared howe he had taken for them the vpper place: that they were crafty in batayle and many in nombre: and shulde fyght with a fewe vncrafty cowardes. Wherfore he desyred & exhorted them whan tyme shuld come that than they wolde be redy to assayle the Romayns manly at sounde of the trumpettes, for that one same day sayd he shuld other establishe al theyr labours victories, and besynesses: or els it shulde be the heed and beginning of their most great mischief, and distruccion. Moreouer through out all his army he put them in remēbrance man by man of the benefytes which he had done to them before for their manly dedes of chyualry: as suche as for their worthynes he had rewarded with dignite, money offices, or other worshyp: & shewed suche vnto other comen soudyours sayenge that if they wolde so demeane themselfe manly: so shuld they be promoted and auanced to worshyp & ryches. And thus he conforted thē all euery man after his maners and condicions, some with gyftes, some with promesse, some with thretnynges, and other lyke ways accordynge to the disposicion of their mindes and nature.

¶ Whyle Iugurth thus exhorted his soudyours Metellus nought knowyng of his ennemies apered with his company dyscēdyng downe the pendant of the great hyl which at first seyng but fewe men much marueyled what it might signifie, for he suspected nothyng lesse [Page] than bataile, but in beholding more intentifely toward the top of the small hyl afore hym, he espyed among the yonge trees both horses and men which were not fully hyd, because of the lowenes of the trees: yet was he incerteine what it might be. For what by secretnes of the place, and what by gyle of Iugurth, theire baners and the most parte of the souldiours were obscured and hydlyinge downe vpon the ground. But anone after when he perceiued this gyle and treason: by litle and lytle, he set his army in araye proceding forward styl as he dyd before, fayninge hym selfe ignorant of the treason. But he chaunged the order of his souldiours, & on the right winge which was next to the Numidiens his enemies, he ordeyned as it were a forward enforced with a threfold subsidie or socour, that is to saye with thre bendes of proued souldiours to rescue & help them whan nede shulde be. The archers, such as with slynges shuld cast against their enemies plūmets of lead and yron, and al other which were of lyght harnes: all these he deuided amomge the standerdes of other souldiours as the case required: where as after the right ordinaunce of batail, such souldiours by them selfe deuided shulde begin the batayle: but in this bataile the situacion of the place not so required. All the hole cōpany of his horsemen he ordered in the extremities and corners of the fore front of the batayle. This done as the breuitie of the tyme suffered, he made a shorte exhortacion vnto his souldiours, and so proceded forth with his hoost set in a raye in maner beforesaid. But because Iugurth was on the small hyll before hym, and by that meane on the hyer ground he thoughte to remedye that incommoditie, and ledde forth his hooste on the side halfe, not toward Iugurth, [Page] but alonge on the hill to warde the flodde Muthul, into ye playne which was betwene the hyll and the flod. But whan he sawe the Numidiens quyet and that they departed not from the hyll whiche they had taken, he considred the hete and feruentnes of the somer season. And lest his army might perishe for lacke or scarcite of water: he sent before one of his capitayns named Rutilius with a cōpany of lyght harnessed souldyours & parte of his horsmen vnto the flodde named Muthul for to take vp a place wherin they might set their tentes in tyme of nede: thinking that his ennemies wyllyng to continue longe in that place by often assautes and scyrmishes shuld disturbe the Romayns whyle they resorted to the water. And for asmuche as the Numidiens trusted not much in their strength and armoure. He thought that they purposed and intended to trouble his soldyours with werynes and thirst. Whan Rutilius was gone towarde the water, Metellus descended procedyng forth withal by lytel and lytel as the mater and place requyred: he commaunded one named Marius, with his company to kepe in the rerewarde. But Metellus himselfe with the horsemen kept him in the lyfte wyng of the forward of the batayle, which alway remoued forward first of all his army.

¶Of the fyrst batayle foughten betwene Metellus and Iugurth. The .xxxi. Chapyter.

BVT whan Iugurthe sawe that the rerewarde of Metellus was passed his foreward: he beset the hyl from which Metellus discended with two thousand fotemen by which garnisō if Metellus wold again [Page] take socour of the same hyll, he shuld be prohibyted and dryuen bacwarde agayne into the handes of Iugurth. This done: sodenly he dyd the trumpetes to be blowne and anone withall, inuaded and set vpon the company of Metellus on euery syde. The Numidyens assayled and bete downe the Romayns, some on the rerewarde and other some dyd their deuoyre to breke the aray on both sydes: both on the ryght and lyft wyng, withall their myght assaylyng the Romanys, and auauncing them selfe on euery syde to breake their araye and ordinaunce: & after theyr power to trouble, disturb, & deuide them. The Romayns whyche were moste stable and bolde of mynde in metynge their enemies were abused and deceyued wyth the vncertaine bataile. For their ordinaunce and araye was set and strengthed only but on one syde. But their ennemies assayled them on euerye syde: so that somtyme they were striken and wounded of their ennemies from farre of, but by no meanes coulde they strike their enemies againe, nor ioyne wyth them. For Iugurth had taught his Numidiās on horseback before the bataile, that whan they shuld begyn to assaile the Romains: they shuld not kepe thē selfe together, nor nere, but as much dispersed as they coulde, & in diuers places: one company here, and an other ther. And wher the souldiors of Iugurth could not auoyd nor repel the Romains whiche assayled thē, because they were mo in nombre: therfore they cōpassed and trapped thē behinde or on the sides beaten of & disioyned from their companie. And wher it fortuned any of thē to flee, the Numydians had more auantage then ye Romains. For where they fled into the fieldes, they assailed the Romains on the backe halfe or els on both sides in diuers cōpanies. [Page] But where they sawe it was more auayle and expediēt to fle agayne to the hyl where they set first their ordynaunce. They had also auantage therby for their horses wer acustomed to mountaynes and combred wayes, wherfore they mounted with lesse difficultie, but in contrary wise the Romayns for the sharpnes of the hylles and lacke of vse could not folowe them in their assēding without much difficulte, payne, and paryll. But not withstandyng that Iugurth and his men had the most auantage of the countrey and grounde, yet the batayle on both sides was variable, vngoodly, vncertein & miserable to behold: for the best men sonest were slayne & in most ieopardy. For the corage & valyant mindes & bold hertes of the Romains: was worth wt the gyle & treson of ye Iugurthyns: & so on both sydes he which was boldest & most auaunced himselfe was sonest ouerthrowen Some which were deuyded from their owne company and in hande of their ennemies, gaue place to them and yelded themselfe. And agayne some folowed and chased their ennemies fleyng: where they myght make their party good: there resysted eyther partie manly. None of bothe parties kept vnder their standerdes: nor folowed not the order of batayle: nor kept none order nor array, but euery man resysted & defended hymselfe ther where most ieopardy & paril was laied to him: and endeuored himselfe to withstande vyolence of his ennemis with hye valyantise. And so the armour defensyfe, dartes, mē horse, Romayns, Numidians, soudyours, and pages were all confounded and mengled together: withoute order or ordinaunce obserued. Nothyng was done with dyscression of the soudyours nor with counsell of the captayns: vnauysed fortune and chaunce gouerned all [Page] the bysynesse of that day: so vnstable was the batayle. All was committed to rule of fortune, and thus passed forth muche, of the day in great murder and slaughter yet styl was the end of the batayle vncertayne and none knewe whyther partye shulde haue the victorye. At last bothe parties with labour and heat began to languyshe and become wery. Metellus vnderstandynge that the Numidians lesse resysted in fyghtyng than they dyd before assembled and gathered togyder agayne his souldyours by lytell and lytell, and without tary restored the aray and set them agayne in order. And .iiii. cohorts taken forthe of the legyons he set agaynste the fotemen of his ennemies. But before Metellus had thus assembled his company: a great parte of them oppressed with woundes and werynesse, withdrew themselfe to the hyl before named and to the hyer places from the batayle ther to refreshe and rest themself. But whan Metellus (as sayd is) had reasembled them againe: he began in fewe wordes to pray and exhort them in such maner.

¶ O worthy and trusty souldyours and companyons dyscourage not your selfe in this batayle, nor lette not your olde noblenesse nowe fayle you? suffre not your ennemies wont to put their trust in flyght, now to ouer come you by your ferefull myndes. Remēbre well: if ye be disposed cowardly to flee: ye haue no tentes, no cities no townes, no castels, nor no maner places of defence: wherto ye may ren for refuge and saue your selfe: your helth, your hope, and defence is onely in your armoure and strength: and specially in your bold hert. Wherfore dere frendes remembre your olde worshyp. and suffre not the hole empire of Rome to suffre disworshyp by your temerous and cowarde myndes. Remembre it [Page] worthyer to dye in batayl lyke men than to fle, and than to be taken and murdred lyke bestes, or to dye in prison. With these wordes and such lyke Metellus recōforted the hertes of his soudyours. But in meane tyme Iugurth for his part was not ydle, quiet nor lesse prouidēt but compassed and went about his men conforting and exhortyng thē also and praysng their dedes. He renued the batayle also for his part: and among the myddes of elect soudyours he fought and proued thextremite of euery thynge: & assaid al meanes wherby any auantage might be wonne conforting and socouringe men with wordes, dedes, and exāple. He boldly fought and assailed suche of the Romayns as were in fear of dout: and suche as he knew and proued bolde and stedfast, he kept them of with arowes, iauelyns, and dartes that they coude not approche to their felowes to auaunce them nor to be socoured of thē. Thus two worthy men noble & excellēt captains fought & cōtended togeder bytwene themselfe. They themselfe lyke in strength, courage, wysdome, and policy: but of things longing to chiualry vnlike of prouision. For Metellus had strength of soudiours sufficiently: but the auantage of the countrey and place was muche contrary to him. But Iugurth had euery thing necessary & expedient, saue company of men of armes whiche he wanted.

¶ At last the Romayns whā they vnderstode that ther was no sure place wherto they might fle: and also that they coude finde no meanes to fight with their enemies indifferently hande to hande. And that the night was come vpon them: at laste they ascended vpon the toppe of an hill which was ouer against them like as Metellus their captayne commaunded them to do. For the [Page] Numidians had lost that place and were fled and spred abrode dispersed, but fewe of them were slayne: for they were swyfte, and the countrey was not well knowen to the Romaines to pursue thē: wherby many of the Numidians were defended: and so by flyght escaped. But Iugurth with his horsemen of gard for his body: fled also from the batayle whan he had longe foughten and sawe none auaile nor auauntage.

¶Howe Bomylchar vnder captayne of Iugurth and hys companye were discomfyted by Rutilius vnder captayne of Metellus. The .xxxii. Chapter.

IN the meane season Bomylchar, whome Iugurth hadde made maister of hys Oliphantes, and of a parte of hys foote menne (as I haue wrytten before) assoone as he sawe that Rutilius (whyche Metellus had sente vnto the flodde of Muthull to prouyde a place for theyre tentes) was ouerpassed hys companye, by lytle and lytle he conuayed and ledde downe hys companye into a playne. And while this Rutilius hasted hym towarde the flodde as he was commaunded of Metellus. Bomylchar set hys companye in order and araye styll and quyetlye as the matter and case requyred. And in the meane time he forgatte not to searche by espyes what Metellus dydde, and what waye Rutilius toke toward the sayd flodde, and in what maner he behaued hym selfe and guided hys armye. Wherfore after he vnderstode by his epyes that Rutilius with his cō pany had takē their place by the said flod wher he wold abide, & was voide of busines, quiet & douting no peril. And on the other syde when he vnderstode yt the crye of the bataile betwene Iugurth and Metellus encresed, [Page] he feared lest Rutilius (if he vnderstode therof) wolde leue his place by the flodde: and retourne to the batayle to socour his felowes which were in ieopardy. In this consideracion Bomilchar: where as before he had ordered his army nere togyder by craft and that bycause he mystrusted the courage of his men: and in their boldnes had no great confidence. Therfore nowe agayne he deuyded them abrode muche larger than they were before: and so proceded towarde the tentes of Rutilius to thintent to lette hym and his company on euery syde, if they prepared towarde rescous of Metellus. Rutilyus and his company suspectynge no peryll sodaynlie of vnware aduysed great vyolence of smoke and duste styred vp & raysed by mouyng of the ground: but what it mighte be they coulde not parceiue by any meane bycause of the thicknesse of yonge trees that grewe on all the ground bytwen them which letted their sight. First of al they thought it had proceded of drines of grounde by mouyng of the winde. But afterwarde whan they sawe the same smoke and dust continue styll after one maner: & that the same approched alwaye nerer & nerer likewise as the company of their ennemies moued and drewe toward them. Than they parceyued and knewe the mater as it was: and in al hast euery man toke to him his harnesse: and stode redy before the defence of their tentes as their captaine Rutilius had ordred and commaunded them euery man redy at defence and in aray. After whan their enemies approched nerer with an horryble noise and cry, they ranne togidre on bothe parties. The Numidiens did but onely continue the skirmishe abidinge and loking after their eliphantes in helpe of whom was al their trust. But whan they sawe [Page] that their eliphantes wer stopped and lette with thyckenesse of the bowes of the trees: and so taried and kept from their socours by the compassing of the Romayns so that in them was no trust of socours. Than all they toke them to flight with all their power. But many of them (leuing their armour behinde them) escaped with out wounde by helpe of the hylls which were about the place: which they coude better and quicklier ascend than the Romains. And also by socour of the darknes of the night (which than was at hande) many of them escaped hole and sounde and saued themselfe. Foure of the elyphantes were taken and all the remenaunt (fourty in nombre) were slain. Whan this was done: the company of Rutilius, notwithstandinge that they were fatigate and weried with great iourneis before, and also with muche labour in ordering of their tentes: and with the sayd bataile or skyrmyshe: neuertheles whan they sawe that Metellus their chiefe captaine taried longer than they thought he wolde haue done, if all thyng had happened well wyth hym, they ordred them selfe redy & dylygently went backeward againe to mete hym. For the falsehode and gyle of Iugurth and of the Numidians caused them to be busye, diligent, and circumspect in euerie thyng for sauegard of their lyues, and suffered them to do nothing slowely nor with delaying. But whē they were in their iourney in ye darkenes of the night the cō panies on bothe parties were not far in sunder the one from the other: & bothe parties approched together not knowing eche other as if they had ben ennemies. The one against the other makyng noyse and clamour eche one increasing feare to other as warriours are wont to do at beginning of batail. In somuch yt a miserable destruction [Page] and murdre had almost ben cōmitted bytwen them by their imprudent negligence, if the espyes and horsmen which were sent bytwene them on bothe sydes had not with more diligēce & wyselyer espied the treuth of the mater. But whan the parties knewe eche other, their sadnes and feare tourned to great ioye and gladnesse. The souldyours ioifully anone met together one saluting and welcoming other. One shewed to other their actes done on bothe parties: and ioyous they were to here on both sides euery mā cōmending and exalting their own dedes, and also the dedes of other vnto heuen with mirthe and gladnesse. And that aswell suche as were worthy men as vnworthy cowardis ascribed to themselfe worthynesse. And certes in suche businesse it often happeneth, that on that side whiche hath victorie: such as be but cowards, rude and vncrafty, exalteth thē enioyeth, and may bost themself on other mennes dedes and worthynesse. But in cōtrary wyse on that partie whiche is ouercom though many be good warryours, noble and worthy men: yet ar they reputed for cowards without policye, bycause of other mens cowardyse and aduersite of fortune. Thus farethe it in skirmisshes of bataile. But whan Metellus and Rutilius (as I haue said before) wer met together & rehersed their actes one to other Metellus hasted him with all his army to the flodde of Muthull, and taried in the places and tentes which Rutilius had prepared and soiourned there the space of foure daies. In this season he was besy in refreshing and healing his souldyours whiche were wounded, suche as manly had behaued themselfe in the bataile he worthely rewarded them, he called them togyder al into one cōpany & greatly lauded and commended [Page] them: thanking and much praysing thē for the great diligēce, paine, and labours: which they had taken in defence of the honoure & dignite of their empire with suche wordes.

¶ O worthy soudyours ye se nowe that, the hardest of our labour is ouerpassed by your boldnes and manhod wherfore I exhort you: be ye of lyke courage in the residue of our besinesse, whiche shalbe but light and easy in cōparison of this which is ouerpassed. The beginning and first brunt of euery besinesse is hardest. Which shall be but light vnto bolde and circūspect beginners and cōstant folowers of their eneterprises. But this beginnyng ye haue manly ouercome by constant labour as a thinge most easy. Inough haue we foughtē alredy for ye glorie of victory: for that haue we optayned in the firste conflicte. If we labour or fight any more it shalbe but onely for prayes and robberies of our enemies wherby we shalbe enryched in substance: like as we nowe be inhaunced with glorie of victory. Wherfore my dere felowes and mooste constaunte friendes of the commen welth, nowe I exhorte you for complement of all your honorable fame, to remembre your old accostomed worthynes: and suffer not thys excellente honour and glory whiche ye haue now optayned by boldenes: to be quenched and decaye againe by ignominious cowardyse.

¶With such wordes & many other like Metellus recō forted his cōpaynie, and maruelousely kindled their corage to the desire of honour by valiant feates of armes But in the meane season the knowen gyle of Iugurthe went not frō his mynd: & therfore to exclude al danger of tresō, he fente certaine of ye Numidiās, which betraying Iugurth had forsaken him & fled to the Romains: [Page] and also wyth them he sente forthe diuerse other of hys owne companie whiche were expert of the cuntrey, and oportune to suche businesse to serche and espie amonge what people or in what place Iugurth helde hym selfe: and wherein he was occupyed. Whether he kepte hym with a smal company, or whether he hadde an army reassembled for a newe batayle, and how he behaued him selfe, and where about he went sythe he was ouercome. But Iugurth had conuaied him selfe into suche places as were ful of dyches, valeis, hylles, trees, bushes, and dales defended of nature. And there had he assembled agayne a newe armie of men mo in numbre than he had before. But they were but vncrafty, inexpert, and dul to bataile: and could better tyll the ground and kepe beastes, then exercise the dedes of chiualrie. For therto had they neuer ben vsed before: but in the other seruyle occupacions and businesses had they ben occupied al their lyfe tyme without intermixtion of other occupacion. It fortuned that Iugurth had non other souldiors but suche rurall people aboute hym at thys tyme, namelye for this cause. For whan he fled from the bataile foughten before with Metellus, none of all his souldiors folowed hym, except the horsemen of his gard. For al the other souldiors departed where it lyked them best. Nor this is not counted nor reputed for any fault or rebuke among the Numidian souldiours. For suche is the costume of the cuntrey: whan the captaine fleeth, the hoste forsaketh hym.

¶What waste and destruccion Metellus made in the lande of Numidye after this fyrst batayle and flyght of Iugurth: and of the gyle of Iugurth agaynste Metellus. The .xxvi. Chapter.

[Page] WHan Metellus vnderstode by his espyes that the mynd of Iugurth cōtinued yet styl in his olde fiersenes & crueltie, thoughe he was lately ouercome in bataile. And whan Metellus sawe that Iugurth renewed the warre againe, and prepared a new bataile: which could not be done but at the pleasure of Iugurthe, bicause he had taken suche a place to abyde in that no man coulde conueniently contende with hym for difficultie thereof. Metellus this knowing aduised himselfe of many thinges. Namely he considred that they were not indifferēt and egall on both parties in executyng therof. For al if that he had the vpper hand ouer Iugurth, and had put him to flight, yet lost he mo men, and had more damage in ouercomyng hym, then Iugurth had which was ouercome. For this cōsideracion Metellus purposed no more to contend with him in plaine fildes nor in ordred bataile, but by an other maner to execute war with him from thence forthe. This determined: Metellus with his hole host and ordinaunce went forth into the moste ryche and plentefull places of all Numidye, and there wasted and destroied the fieldes and contrey on euerye side. He toke without any resistence castles and townes not strongly defended with walles, dyches, nor garnyson. And brente and beate them downe to the grounde. All suche as came in his waye and were able to beare harnesse, full growen to age and apte to batayle he slew and rydde out of hand. Thinkyng that the mo he slew, the fewer aduersaries and ennemies shulde he haue to contende againste hym. He commaunded his souldiors to spare no robbery nor prayes, but gaue all thynge hauocke amonge his souldiours.

[Page]¶For feare of this crueltie many of the Numidyens yelded themselfe to the Romains: and gaue vnto them hostages, vytaile, soldyours, and all other thinges necessary abundauntly. In some townes whiche were taken: Metellus sette defence and garnison where nede requyred and fortified them sufficiently. This besinesse troubled the mind of Iugurth muche more than the bataile that was foughten before to his great damage and disconfort of his men. For he lost more people by this way than by any other meane before. Thus Iugurth whiche before put all his hope and trust in his flyght: was nowe of necessite compelled to folowe and pursue his ennemies: and he whiche could not defende his owne places whiche styll remianed in his possession was constrained nowe to warre in those coostes, which Metellus had wonne of him to recouer them if fortune wolde suffre him. Neuertheles of suche poore shyft and counsel as he had he toke the best which could be taken by his aduyse in such extreme necessite. He commaūded his army for the most part to remayne styll in the same place where they were. And he himselfe with a cōpany of horsemen whiche wer bolde and chosen men ensued Metellus priuely, making his iourneis by night tyme by biwaies & secrete valeys. And at last sodeinly of vnwares he fel vpon a part of the Romaines which were dispersed abrode frō the host in foraging and spoyling. Many of thē without armour wer slaine, & many takē. None of thē al scaped clen nor fre without dāmage, but ether wer slaine or els sore woūded. Whē Iugurth had done this skirmy she anone he withdrue him selfe & his cōpany into the hyls & mountaines next to thē: before anye socours or rescous myght come from Metellus to [Page] reuenge their treason and deathe of the Romaynes.

¶ Of the great ioye that was demeaned at Rome for thys worthy behaue our of Metellus, and how he guided hym selfe and hys army to contynue and augment this honour which he had gotten. The .xxxiiii. Chapter.

WHile Metellus and Iugurthe striued thus together: the one wt manhode, wisedom & strēgth, the other with treason crafte and gyle: tydings were brought to Rome of this noble behaueour of Metellus. Ouer all the citie was demeaned great ioye and gladnes for that Metellus behaued himself and gyded his army acordyng to the maner and ordinance of olde noble capitains of the Romains before his days. And how be it he was in place aduerse & contrary to him, yet had he ye vpper hande of his ennemies as victorie ouer thē. And by his strength & manhod he had in possession the countrey of his ennemies: and had driuen thē from place to place. Al these things cōsidred: they much reioyced & greatly cōmended Metellus: namely for yt he had caused Iugurth to put his trust of helth only in fleyng into the moūtaines & wildernes which before was magnificent and proud by the feare & cowardise of Aulus predecessor of Metellus. Wherfore for these fortunat & glorious dedes of Metellus, ye Senatours decreed & commaunded ouer all the citie sacrifices and suffrages to be done to their ydolles. The citizens which before were fearful & sore troubled douting the vnsure chance and incertaine fortune of the ende of this warre demeaned nowe amonge them myrth and gladnesse ouer all. The honour and fame of Metellus was recounted very noble, excellente, & glorious in euery mans mouthe. Wherfore he so much was the more diligent & labored more busely towarde the victory laboring & hastyng to [Page] finyshe the warre by all meanes and wayes so it might be to his honoure and confusion of Iugurth. But neuertheles he was well ware from puttyng himselfe in danger of his ennemies: and was ware exchuynge oportunite of their gile in euery place where he went. He remēbred well and consydred that often after laude and glorie foloweth enny and euyl wyll. And therfore howe muche more noble that he was reputed: the more besy and dilygent he was to meyntayne his fame and honour, and in drede to lose this worthy fame whiche he optayned. Nor after the foresayd gyle of Iugurth he suffred not his hoost to deuide nor to departe themselfe dispersed one from an other: nor to make excourses to forage or spoyle in diuers places far dystant in sonder. But whan they had neede eyther of mannes meate or horsemeate: all the horsemen with great companyes of the fotemen, went forth and kept them nere about suche as were sende forthe to make prouision to defende and socour them: if nede shulde requyre. Metellus himselfe deuyded his hoost in two partes: the one part he kept with himselfe: and the other he commytted to a noble warriour of his hoost named Marius, bytwene them both they distroied and wasted the contrey on euery side but rather with fire than with robbry or prayes. Metellus and Marius set their tentes in places not farar distant in sondre. But whan any perilous or nedy besines was to be done with Iugurth or his company whiche required great might: than anone Metellus and Marius were redy together; but they kept themselfe thus in sonder in diuerse places to trouble the Numidiens, and increase their feare more largely in eueery coost: and to make them fle and auoyde fer abrode in cōpas for fear.

[Page]¶At his season Iugurth ensued by the hylles and desert places sekyng and espyeng a conuenient season or place to make some skirmishe with the Romains (that is to say) if he coudle espy any parcell of them sekyng forth foūtayns of water for the army of the which was much penury in those costes. If he might any such espy than anone wold he breke downe from the hylles vpon them. Somtyme he shewed himselfe to Metellus somtyme to Marius, somtyme he wolde assemble his company togyder in a bend as if he wolde fight with the Romayns to attēpt them, and after wold he retourne againe vnto the mountaynes. And afterwarde sodenly appere againe thretning nowe the one company of the Romayns, and nowe the other. Yet wold he neyther anēture batayle nor suffre neyther the Romayns to be ydle or in rest, nor yet himselfe. His mynde was onely sette to kepe his ennemies from their begynnyng and purpose of distroying of the contrey which they intēded.

¶ How Metellus besieged Samam one of the strongest townes of Numidie and how Marius vndercaptayne of Metellus escaped the daunger of Iugurth. The .xxxv. Chapyter.

WHan Metellus sawe hym selfe so weryed with the gyles and craftes of Iugurth and that by no policy he coudle haue faculty or tyme to fight with him in playn batayle: at last he concluded to besiege & assaile a great towne named zamā, which was the most chife & strōgest holde of all the realme of Numidy in that part of the lande where it was buylded. And so sped him thyder with all his army & ordinance wher the sayd holde was (thinkyng as the mater requyred) that Iugurth wolde drawe thyther for defence of his chife towne and for socour [Page] and relefe of his people and so shuld the batayle be there foughten bytwene thē. But whā Metellus was in his iourney thyder warde, anone were certayn of his army whiche fled to Iugurth and certified him of this prouision and interprise of Metellus. Whan Iugurth herof was certified he hasted him by gret iourneis so yt he ouerpassed the cōpayy of Metellus and came to the towne of zamam before him: and there exhorted the inhabitātes boldly to defend ye walles. And farthermore assigned to socour and helpe thē all suche as had fled frō the Romains, & had brought him those tidings. These traitours were the surest men which Iugurth had. For they could not disceiue him, but if they wold yelde them agayne to the Romains whome they had forsaken and betrayed which thing was not sure to them to do. Whā Iugurth had ioyned these souldiours to the garnison & socours of ye towne and castell, & had ordred & apointed all other thinges acording to his mind: thā he promised to be there agayne with them with all his hole army in tyme of nede. This done he departed frō the towne into the most preuy and secret places which he knewe in his coūtrei ther by. But whā Metellus was in his iourney toward zaman, he send Marius for prouision of whete and other corne and vitayle for the army vnto a towne name Sicca, which was ye first towne yt forsoke Iugurth & was yelded to Marius after ye batel late foughten with Iugurth to his great damage. Whā Iugurth had knowledge herof he went thyder by nyght priuely wt his elect souldiours so yt whā Marius had sped his maters & was redy to depart forth of ye town: Iugruth was redy at ye gates to assayl ye Romains cruelly crieng wt a hye voyce to them of the towne and exhortynge thē [Page] to assail ye Romains also on ye backehalf: saing yt fortune had offred to thē ye chaunce of a noble acte of an excellēt & glorious dede: so that (if they wold folowe his desire) they shulde restore him againe into his kingdome, and thē selfe into their lybertie & frō thens forth passe their tyme without peryl, wythout danger or drede. And certeynly if Marius had not boldly and strongely broken out of the towne with his stādardes and men of armes through the thickest of his enemies which wer in ye gates. All they of the towne or ye most part wold haue broken their othe & promes which thei had made before to Metellus whē thei first yelded thēself & the citie to him The mindes of the Numidiās be so vnstedfast & mouable. But Iugurth so cōforted his souldiors yt they resisted the Romains a litle seasō. But whē Marius & his cōpani began to encrese their violence against ye Iugurthius, and more fiersly to prease vpon thē. Anone some wer slain, & the residue fled with their master Iugurth. This daunger ouer passed: Marius departed thens toward the town of zamā, & at the last came thither safe with al his cōpany & busines sped wherfore he was sēt.

¶ This Samam was a towne bylded in the playne grounde without hylles or waters nere it defended rather by the warke of mannes hande, than by nature of the place. In it fayled nothing necessary to batayle. For it was wel garnished both with men, ordinaūce, vitails, & armoure. Anone whā Marius was come: Metellus acordyng to the tyme and place made redy all thynges necessary and compassed the walles on euery syde with his army: assigning to euery one of his vndercapitains a separate place of the towne to assayle and there to do his deuoyre and shewe his manhode.

[Page]Whan euery thynge was thus ordred, Metellus commaūded to sound to the assaulte with trumpets and clarions. The Romaines immediately assayled the towne on euery side with horrible noyse & clamour. The Numidians therof were not a dradde at all, but stode styll and kept them selfe in silence as if they had not ben displeased nor prouoked to batayle: howe be it they kepte the walles euery man on the part to hym assigned, and all were ready to resyste and to assayle the Romaynes. Anone the batayle was begon. The Romaines exercised and occupied them selfe euery man with such wepin as he coulde beste handle, and was most expert in: some with slinges threw plummets of lead, and some stones from a farre into the citie, and at them which defended the walles: some assayled the towne nerer inuading the same, and couetyng to haue entrey and vnderminynge the walles: some boldely scaled the walles, desiringe to come so nere that they myght fyght hande to hand. On the other side thinhabitantes of the towne and garnyson resisted manly. Some rowled downe and ouerturned great and waighty stones on such as were nerest to them and that vndermined the walles. Some pytched downe vpon them dartes, iauelins, pykes, firebrandes and also greate burnyng polles, faggots, and blockes ouercouered with pytche and brimstone ardentlye flamyng. Some boldely ouerturned the scalyng ladders, and slewe and ouerthrewe suche as scaled the walles. But some other whiche were farther from the towne, & for prease coulde not approche nere to the walles in the meane season were nother fearefull nor ydle. For there was no maner instrumente of batayle which coulde be throwen wyth hand, or with any other engine of batail [Page] but that they threwe it into the towne, wherewith they wounded and slewe many of the inhabitātes and of the defenders of the walles. The dartes & crossebowes on both parties were not vnoccupied. Artyllery nor gōnes had thei none. For at yt time was no mencion of thē nor they were not yet inuented. The Romains which were farthest of al from the walles escaped not free: but with dartes were ouerthrowen in great nombre. Howe be it their cowardous and fearfull myndes caused them to drawe them selfe a loofe behynd al other for to saue thē selfe, yet could they not auoide the peryl. Thus wer the worthy and vnworthy Romayns in lyke ieopardy and peryl: but their glory and fame was much vnlyke.

¶Howe Iugurth assayled and inuaded the rentes of the Romayns in the meane tyme whyle Metellus gaue assault to the towne of Samam. The .xxxvi. Chapter.

WHyle the assault continued thus at zamam with great murdre and distruccion on both parties: Iugurth sodeinlye and of vnware stale downe from the mountaines wher he was hyd, and wyth a greate power of men assayled & inuaded the Romains tentes whyle the souldiours whom Metellus had assigned to the ward and defence of them were within the same at their reste, and suspectyng nothing lesse then any suche assaulte. Wherfore Iugurth brake in vpon thē vnprouided. The Romains were sore abashed of that sodein feare. And eueman prouided for him selfe according to his maner and disposicion. Some which were cowardes fled wyth all theyr myght: some other valyant and bolde herted men drew to their harnes & manly withstode their enemies. [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] Neuerthelesse the moost parte of them all were, eyther wounded or slayne. But among all the company and of all the multitude of thē wer no more but .xl. men which abode. These .xl. acompanyed themselfe together remē bringe the worshyp of the empire of Rome, and tooke a place a litel aboue their enemies: which place they defē ded so manly that they coude not be driuen from it by muche violence of their ennemies, agaynst whome they thrue dartes from a far. And such dartes as their ennemies thrue at thē: they thrue they same againe. So they beyng but a few against so many dyd nothing in vayne. For they could throw no dart, but that it lighted among the thyckest of them. But so coulde not their ennemies do against them. For they were so fewe: so nere togyther & on so sure a place that their enemies might litel thing preuail against thē. But whā the Numidiēs approched nerer to them: than specially these .xl. valiant Romayns shewed and bestowed their manhode and strength with most excellēt courage assayling their enemies: ouerthrowyng and chasynge them backwarde by very force and strengthe.

¶ In the meane tyme whyle Metellus was moste of all ocupied and busyed in the forsaide assault of zamam sodenly he herde behynde hym a great clamour & noyse of people. Anone he refrained his horse: and in tourning backe parceiued great cōpanies of men renning toward him: wherby he well kenwe that they were of his owne people and company. But whan he vnderstode all the chaunce which was be fallen. Anone in all hast he sent al the hole company of his horsmen vnto his tentes: and soone after he sent thither also his chefe vndercaptayne Caius Marius with his retynue and company to him [Page] assigned. And sore wepynge he obtested exhorted, and besought hym for all loue and frindshyp, and for the honour of the commen weale, that the wold not suffer any disworship or contumely remaine in the Romayns that daye whyche euer thytherto had ben victorious and ouercommers with greate laude and honoure: and that he wold not suffer their ennemie Iugurth and his company to departe awaye vnreuenged. Marius dyd the commaundement of Metellus, and that shortlye. But in the meane season Iugurth perceyued many of the kepers of the tentes fallen into dyches that were made aboute the same for defence: so that for haste to runne awaye they hurte them selfe more then he dyd. Iugurth aduysing their daunger, considered that hym selfe was lykelye to be set vnder the same maner, if he auentured ouer farre. And therfore he departed betyme into the surest places that he coulde deuise nere by, leauyng many of his men behynde, eyther deade or mortally wounded. Thus was Marius frustrat of his labour: for Iugurth was fled before he came to the tentes. But Metellus (without any thynge brought to ende at zamam) whan the nyght drewe neere, retourned wyth his hoste into his tentes. On the next morowe after, before he retourned againe to the assault of zamam: he commaunded all the companye of his horse men to course vp and downe before their tentes on that syde where they supposed Iugurth wolde come to socoure his people. The entres into the tentes and places neere to them he commytted and deuided to warde of hys vnder captaynes. After that he retourned agayne to the towne, and fiersely assayled the walles in lyke maner as he hadde done the daye before.

[Page]¶ In the meane season Iugurth agayne sodenly stale vpon the Romayns: and speciallye on them which coursed before the tentes: they which wer next him and whō he encountred first of al were a lytel tyme sore troubled and abashed: but the remenant of the Romayns lightly assembled their socoure. And so valiantly behaued them selfe that the Numidiens shulde not long haue cōtinued the skyrmyshe: if their footemen myngled with the Romains horsmen had not in the mydell commytted great myschefe & dystruction. For the horsemen of Iugurthe trustyng to the helpe of these fotemen which wer myngled among thē: did not first procede forward auaūcing themselfe and than retourne backe agayne as the vse is in a bataile of speremen. But thei ran in making incourses among the thickest of the Romains ouerthwart & sydlinge: in foldynge and dowblyng theyr courses: and cōtendyng to trouble and disorder the array and order of the forwarde and wynges of the Romayne hoost. In somuche that whā with the Numidiens on horsebacke & with thē on fote it lacked but lytel: but the Romains were confounded & ouercom in that greuous conflict.

¶ But here wyll I leue the horsemen of the Romains fightyng for their lyues and honour agaynst Iugurth and his speremen. And nowe shall I declare howe Metellus the chefe capitayn of the Romayns behaued him selfe with hys hoost in the assaut of zammam.

¶Howe Metellus behaued hym selfe for his part, and of the greate conflict which the Romains had agianst the Numidians: Metellus with hys footemen assaylyng the towne of Samam for the one parte, and Iugurth fierselye fyghtyng wyth the Romayns speremen on the other parte. The .xxxvii. Chapyter.

[Page] IN the fame tyme whyle this skirmyshe cō tinued bytwen the Romains horsemen and the Numidiens, which wer with Iugurth the assaut also against the towne of zamam indured with muche strength, violence, and murder. And specially wher as Metellus had assigned his vnder captaines on euerye syde of the towne (as I haue sayd before) there cōtynued the assaute most sharply. One of them put not his trust nor hope in other: but euery man in his own dedes and in himselfe. Vnder the same maner dyd the garnyson and inhabitantes of the towne behaue themselfe: they fought manly againe and also ordayned all thinges cōuenient for their defence in euery place of the towne. Bothe the parties were redier and more besye one to strike and wounde other, than to defende themselfe. The clamoure and noyse was myxt with exhortaciō and confort of some, and the ioye of the quellars & murderers was mingled with the wayling of them which were quelled and murdred. The sounde of the armoure, & horrious strokes mounted to the ayre The sky was darked with dartes fleing on eyther syde. And the walles and dychesse were dyed with blode: and fylled with deed corses pyteful to se. But whan the Numidiens were somwhat at laiser, & whan the Romains a lytell abated and remitted the assaut: than they whiche defended the walles of the towne looked out a far and intentifeley behelde the batayle of the horsmen whiche styl cōtinued. There might one haue sene thē somtyme mery and ioyous, somtyme ful of dolour and heuynesse after as they sawe the case of the part of Iugurth went forwade or bacwarde. And aswell as they could be sene and herde of their felowes which were with theyr king [Page] Iugurth: some warned them to audacite, some exhorted them to courage, other thei gaue them signes with their hands or with the iesture of their bodyes & coūtenances mouyng & excityng them to boldnes. If they saw a Romaine strike a Numidian: they moued & withdrue their bodies auoiding the stroke as if it had ben thēselfe whiche had ben striken. And if they sawe a Numidian cast a dart against a Romain: they moued their bodies also as they had cast it themself. Thus toke they so intentife hede to the bataile that they forgat themselfe wher they wer, & it semed thē that thei had ben with their felowes in batayle. Whan Marius which besyged the towne on that syde: vnderstode this maner and behauour of the inhabitauntes and garyson: he abated his fiersnes for policy & was more slow in besyeging of the towne than before, faining that he had no trust nor cōfidence to wyn it and suffred the Numidiēs within the towne to behold the bataile of their kinge, for a while without any resistence or besynes. But whā he sawe thē most intentifely beholding the batayle, and most amased for the besinesse of their felowes and coūtrey men: than sodenly with all his power he gaue assaut to the walles, so that many of the Romains with ladders & other ingines, had almost mounted vnto the highest part of thē. Thinhabitantes seinge this expelled their amasednes remembryng thē selfe: & ran manly against thē with resystence throwing vpon them stones, fire, and all maner dartes of bataile. The Romains at byginning resisted valiantly, defendyng themselfe and auancyng them to the walles. But whā thinhabitantes had first ouerthrowen and broken one ladder, and than ouerturned an other. They which abode last were maymed or slaine. Anone the remenant [Page] departed and gaue ouer the walles vnder the beste maner that they coulde a fewe or none whole. For a greate parte of theim wythdrewe them selfe transfixed wyth mortall woundes. Anone after the nyghte fell vpon theym whyche caused bothe the partyes to desyste, and leaue of the batayle.

¶Howe Metellus remoued the syege from zamam, and how Bomylchar so parswaded Iugurth that he yelded hym selfe, hys kyngedome, and all other thynges to mercye and grace of the Romayns. And howe Iugurth after losse of hys men, treasour, elephantes, armoure, and horse: chaunged hys mynde agayne. The .xxxviii. Chapter.

BVt when Metellus sawe his purpose and labour all in vayne: and that he coulde not wynne the towne: & also that Iugurth dyd nought but by gyle and falsehod, nor wold not fight but if it were in places for his profite and great [...]uauntage. And also whan he perceyued that the sommer was passed, he departed from the siege of zamam, and in such townes as he had wonne of Iugurth, which were strongly defended wyth walles and water, he set garnisō and souldiours of his company to defende them. But the remenaunt of his armye he conuayed and ordred in the nexte prouince vnto Numidye, which was subiect to the Romains: to remaine ther tyl the sharpnes of wynter were passed. Nor in the meane tyme suffered not them, nor hym selfe to be corrupted wyth superfluous wealthe, reste, nor lecherye: after the maner of other before hym. But because the warre proceded forwarde but lytle wyth armoure or strength he beganne to proue and prepare treison agynste a treytoure, deceyte agaynste a deceyuer, and gyle agaynste [Page] gyle of Iugurth: and this thought he to proue by suche as were most chiefe frindes of Iugurth, and moste familier about hym. So that he purposed to vse the false hode and treason of them against their master: in stede of armour and batayle. Wherfore firste of all he began to proue the mynd of Bomilchar which had ben before at Rome with Iugurth: and (as I haue sayde before) fled priuely from thence for the death of Massiua, leauyng his sureties behind in daunger for his cause. Metellus considered that thys Bomylchar (because of the great frindshyp and familiaritie which he had with Iugurth) sonest myght deceiue and betray hym. Wherfore (as I haue saide before) he beganne and went in hande with hym firste of all by promisyng of grete rewardes. And firste of all he dyd so muche that this Bomilchar came priuely to Metellus & spake with hym. Metellus anone promised him on faith and truth to do so for him that the Senatours shulde pardon hym of all thynges past, and of his lyfe and goodes: so that he wold betray or deliuer to him Iugurth either quicke or dead. Lightlye he perswaded the Numidian: for anone Bomilchar agreed ther to. What for his traiterous and false mynd which he had of nature: and what for that he douted if any peace or composicion after that shulde be made betwene Iugurth and the Romaines, hym selfe shuld be deliuered by condicion to the Romaines to be punished for the deathe of Massiua whom he caused to be slayne at Rome. This Bomilchar whan he saw his time toke leaue of Metellus on this apointment, and soone after came to Iugurth whom he found doutfull in care and bewaylyng his aduerse and miserable fortune with profounde syghes and heuynes, and doutynge what waye [Page] was most expedient to be taken. Bomilchar after many wordes beganne to counsell and warne him, praynge, and obtesting him piteously wepyng and wayting: and requyring that at last he wold make some prouision for the sauegarde and socours of himselfe, of his children & frendes: and for the people of Numidi whiche well had deserued agaynst him to be prouided for and better sene to. Bomilchar also obiected to Iugurth how he and his menne were ouercome in euery bataile, and his people also diminished or alienate frō him, his feldes & townes wasted and distroied, or els in possession of his enemies: his men some taken and in prison. Some slaine: & many wounded and maimed: the ryches of his realme diminished and wasted. Bomilchar alleged also to him that he had proued the strength of his souldyors and fauour of fortune sufficiently ynough, wherfore it were better for him to se some remedy and prouision for all these ylles and other mo, and to be ware lest whyle he prolonged the tyme douted: the people of the contrey shuld prouide for themselfe without his aduise or counsell. With these wordes and other lyke Bomilchar induced the kynges mynde to make some cōposicion, or els to yeld him selfe and al other thinges to mercy & grace of the Romains. Anone embassadours were send to Metellus to certify him that Iugurth was redy to do what euer he wolde desyre or commaunde him: and that he wolde commyt and yelde both himselfe and his kingdome to the fayth and grace of Metellus: and of the Romayns without any pactyon, conuenaunt, or exception: sauing onely as it pleased them to deale with him. Metellus heryng of this mynd of Iugurth was very glad: & commaunded all the most wyse, noble, and worthy men of his army [Page] a none to be called together vnto him from their wyntring places. Whan they were come thā toke he counsel of them and of other such as he knewe wysest and most discrete touchynge the embassade of Iugurth. Anone it was cōcluded & decreed among the coūsel and declared to the embassadours (acordinge to the olde custome of Rome) that they shuld commaunde Iugurth to sende to Metellus and the Romains two hundred thousande pound weyght of syluer: al his elyphātes which he ocupyed in war: & a certayne quantite of armour & a nōbre of his chife horses. Al these things were fulfilled & done of Iugurth without any tary or delay. Wherfore anone after Metellus commaunded agayne that al they whiche had betrayed his host, forsaken hym and fled to Iugurth shuld be bounden and so brought to him againe. The most part of them wer brought as he commaūded but a fewe of thē whā they herde first of this cōposicion (fering the same mater) fled vnto Bocchus kynge of the Moryens.

¶ Whan Iugurthe after this maner was bereft of his armour of his horse, of his men, & also of his treasour. Anone after he was called by Metellus to come to atowne called Tysidium there to here what farthermore shuld be commaunded to him: and to yelde hymselfe to thempire of Rome acordynge to his embassade. But he began than to change and to tourne his mynde agayne dredyng for the knoleging of his cruell dedes that he shulde neuer escape condigne punyshement if he were ones in the Romains handes. Thus he cōtinued many dayes in douting what was best to be done Somtyme he volued in mynd rather to subdue hymselfe to any difficultie & to byde all paines than to begyne war agayn: [Page] considerynge the aduerse and vnhappy fortune whyche he hadde before. Sometyme agayne he called to mynd howe greuous a fall it shoulde be to descende frome a kyngedome into subieccion and bondage. But at conclusion whan in vaine and to none effecte he hadde loste suche greate ordinaunce and helpe of warre as he had lately deliuered to Metellus, as a volage brained man he fullye determined agayne to begynne and continue the warre wyth Metellus, rather then to yelde hym selfe to deathe or captiuitie.

¶But duringe this season at Rome was a counsell among the Senatours cōcerning thassignement of rule & gouernauce of the prouinces belonging to the empire in which counsel it was decreed that the contrey & war of Numidy shuld be committed to Metellus by prorogacion of hys authoritie for another yere more.

¶But here wyl I leaue a while to speke of Metellus, and write of the ambicion of Marius: and howe he behaued him selfe in supplantinge the same Metellus for his roume and dignitie.

¶How Marius by ambicion labored to be consull & to prosecute the war of Numidy, & how he detracted and supplani [...]o the consul Metellus. The. .xxix. Chapter.

AT the same season the sayd Marius was in a towne named Vtica, & there made supp [...]cacion & oblacion to the ydols with much sacrifice to the intent that it myght be his fortune (by helpe) to haue ye place of Metellus. A costome dānable was amonge the people at those dayes, whan they slew any beast in sacrifice, to loke within the intranes & bowels of the same beast so sacrifised: where was shewed vnto them diuers tokens whither they shoulde haue [Page] any hope to bringe that mater to effect: for which they sacrifised or els not. And often times the wicked spirites to cause thē perseuer in their ydolatry: & to gyue credēce to that blind errour shewed many tokēs to them in such maner sacrifice: which tokēs they often found true. But now to my purpose. The preest of the ydolles whiche sacrifysed for Marius shewed great and marueylous tokēs vnto him: wherby he might greatly trust to come to his intent and purpose, byddyng him prosecute that thing on whiche he had sette his mynde: and haue sure confidence in his goddes. Sayng that if he wold proue the extremite of fortune diligētly and often: than doutlesse euery thing prosperously shuld happen to him. But Maryus afore that tyme a longe season wonderouslye desyred in his minde the dignite of the consull. And to say trueth he wanted nothing which longed to him whiche shulde haue suche a dignite saue onely antiquite of his progeny & auncient noblenes of birth. For thoughe he were but a gentyl man of the first heed: neuertheles his cōdicions were worthy and excellēt. In him was great experiēce of wisdome, much probite, honestie, and sadnesse. He had greate polycy and conning in chyualry: in batayle his mynde was excellent and bolde. But in peace it was lowe and moderate. He ouercame couetise and sensualite of his body. He desyred nor coueyted nothing erthly saue glorie, lande, and worshyp. This Marius was borne and brought vp by all his chyldhode in the coūtrey of Champayne beionde Fraunce in a towne named Arpine. But assone as he was encreased, so that he might bere harnesse and bide the herdnes of warfare he concluded to lyue on the wages of chyualrie. And in that study he exarcysed hymselfe: and not in eloquence [Page] of greke langage or in other study or science: nor yet in the superfluous aparayle nor carnall lustes of citezins vnto whiche he neuer subdued his body. And thus was he indued with good maners: and excercysed amonge honest ocupacions and so continued that his hole and vndefyled wytte shortly encreased and exalted himselfe growyng to honour & vertu. First whan this Marius desyred of the commenty of Rome to haue an office: that is to say, to be ordained protectour of the souldyours: many of the citezins knewe not his persone: bycause he was alway from the citie in warre and batayle: but his actes made his name wel knowen. Wherfore after that the cōmentye vnderstode that he was Marius of whose nobles al Italy much cōmuned and talked: anone they graunted his peticion, and proclaimed hym protectour of the souldyours ouer all the prouinces and tribes of Italy. In that maistership and office he behaued himselfe so well and wisely that after that he obtained an other office of more worship and authorite: and after that againe an other of hyer dignite. And shortly to speke: in euery office and dignite he so behaued himselfe that euery man thought & coūted him worthyer of more dignite and honour than he had. How beit for al these cōdicions as honorable as he was: he durst neuer before desyre thoffice of consull of Rome tyll this tyme whan he had suche comfort by his sacrifice. But whan he was thus warned and put in hope and confort, euer after he was hedlyng enclined to ambicion & couetise of that dignite.

¶ At this season the commenty of Rome had all other offices amonge them or at their gyfte and dystribucion But the estates and noble men kept among them and in their handes the consulship yerely one succedyng other [Page] by election. So that of the commenty was none so noble nor excellent of dedes, but that was reputed vnworthy of that dignite, and as who saithe vyle and polluted. But whan Marius sawe and consydred that the wordes and counsel of the enchauntour and preest whiche he helde his sacrifice pretended to the same poynte and conclusion as the desyre of his mynde moued him longe before. Anone he came to his captiaine Metellus besechyng hym to be dyscharged of the batayle tyll he mighte go to Rome to thintente to desyre the consulship of the Senatours. But how beit that in his Metellus was vertu, glorye, worship, and al other things longing to a good man plentifully ynough. Neuerthelesse of his courage and mynde was he sōwhat proude, despisinge and dysdaynyng other: which were not come of so hye lynage as he was. But speciallye he was statelye and proude of minde: which is a commen vyce and mischefe amonge estates and gentylmen. Wherfore Metellus hering this interprise of Marius, first of al was moued with the nouelty of his peticion. For at that tyme were none wonte to speke for that dignite, but if they were come of a noble stocke. And so was not Marius. And thus Metellus marueyled much at his enterpryse: and who might counsel him therto: warninge him as vnder colour of amyte and frendshyppe, not to presume vpon so contrary and vnlikely a thyng: nor to exalt his mynd so hy aboue fortune cōuenient for his state and cōdicion Sayng also to hym that euery thing was not to be coueyted or desired of euery man. And that it became him wel by reason to be contented, pleased and satisfied with that honoure which he had and that was his owne, and not to desyre thyngs vnmete for his degre. And finally [Page] he exhorted and counselled hym to beware to desyre the thynge of the Romayns whyche lawfullye myghte be denyed vnto hym, considerynge and hauyng regarde to hys lynage and auncestrie.

¶After Metellus had counseiled Marius wyth these wordes and other lyke, and that he could not turne nor apease hys mynde, he answered hym at last, that assone as he could conuenyently (not lettynge the busynesse of of the commen weale) he wold graunt his desyre and peticion. But after this when Marius desired the same discharge importunely and often: he made hym answer saying that he shuld not make so gret hast to Rome for that purpose, for he shulde come tymely ynoughe to demaund that dignitie acompanied with the sonne of the same Metellus, which sonne shuld also go to Rome in tyme to come to demaunde of the Senatours the same dignitie wyth Marius. This sonne of Metellus was at that tyme in the armye of hys father, continually exercising the feates of warre, notwythstandinge that he was but twenty yeres of age. Thys answer of Metellus stirred▪ Marius against him with greuous yre and wrath, what for the honour which he desired, and what for the lycence to departe, whyche he could not obtayne of hym by no prayer nor requeste at hys pleasure. In so muche that he enraged agaynste Metellus moued by desyre of that office, and prouoked by yre, whyche two vyces ambicion and yre, counselled and impelled thys Marius to muche euyll agaynste the sayde Metellus, sparyng neyther worde nor deede whiche myght endamage or hynder hym, hys honour and name. And that myght helpe or auaunce hym selfe by ambicion to come to the dygnitie whyche he desyred.

[Page]He gouerned the souldiours which passed forth the winter vnder his gouernāce not as he ought to do, but suffered them to haue their pleasure to the intente thereby to optaine their fauoure and good wyll in his enterpryse. Also he spake often in blaming Metellus, and proudly cōmending and exalting him selfe to the marchantes of Rome: of whom was great resorte and concours to the sayd citye of Vtica where Marius soiourned. And oftē tymes he boasted saying to them, that if the one halfe of the armye were graunted and committed to hym within fewe dayes he woulde so behaue hym selfe that he wolde haue Iugurthe in bondes and subieccion. Furthermore he sayde to them in auauncinge him selfe that Metellus prolōged the bataile for the nonce, for a craft because he was a man pompous and desirous of glory and worshyp, vtterly reioysing in authoritie and geuen to pryde and affeccion of dygnitie: and because he knew well that whyle the batayle continued he shulde be reputed in maner as a kyng, therfore he dyd hys deuoyre the more to prolonge the warre to the ende that in the meane tyme he myghte exalte and magnifie hym selfe. The wordes of Marius semed to the sayd marchantes certayne and trewe, and also as they thoughte (by suche informacion) moste expediente to the common weale that some newe captayne were chosen, whiche shortely wolde fynyshe that warre. For by longe continuance of the same warre: many of the sayde marchauntes hadde wasted and spente muche of their sayde substaunce and rychesse. And also to suche desyrefull myndes as they had, nothing could to faste be hasted or brought to end.

¶Moreouer at thys season was in companye of the Romayne armye a certeine Numidian named Gauda, [Page] whiche was sonne of Manastaball, and neuewe vnto Massinissa. Micipsa in his testamēt ordeined that this Gauda shuld be second heire of Numidi after the death of his two sonnes and of Iugurthe. This Gauda was sore enfebled wyth diseases and sickenes, and for that cause his mynd was a lytle endulled and priuate of reason and memorie. While this Gauda (as sayd is) was in the Romains army: he required of Metellus to suffer hym to haue his seate and siege next vnto hym after the vse of kynges of Numidye. Also after that because of defence and garde of his body: he desired that a company of souldiours of the Romayns myght be graunted and assigned to hym. But Metellus extremely denyed both his peticions, saying for the firste, that suche honour longed only to them whom the Romaines toke and named for kynges. And also for the second peticion he sayd that it were vnaduised and iniurious ordinance if the Romaine souldiours were geuē or assigned to the garde and seruice of a Numidian, which was no kyng but a souldiour lyke many mo hyred for stipend. Whyle Gauda was displeased and angry wyth Metellus for denying of these his peticions: Marius came to hym, and prouoked hym to reuenge the displeasure and iniurye whiche the captayne hadde done to hym with hys helpe and auauncement. This Gauda (as I haue sayd before) was feble and vnstable minde, and the mannes wytte was of lytle valour by meanes of diseases whyche long hadde holden hym. Wherefore Marius wyth hys elegante, fayre and flatteryng wordes at his owne pleasure induced hym, and exalted hys mynde sayinge that he was a kynge, and an excellente and great man: and also neuewe to the worthy and noble kyng Massinissa. [Page] Wherfore (sayd he) yf Iugurth wer eyther slayne or taken prisoner it were lickely to come to that poynt: that the kyngdome of Numidi shulde be assigned and commytted to him of the Senatours without any tary or resystence: whiche thynge shulde shortely be brought to passe yf Marius himselfe were creat consull in place of Metellus, and than assigned to execute & finyshe the warre with Iugurth. Vnder this maner Marius coū selled and induced bothe the said Gauda, the Romayne knyghtes, the commen souldyours, and also the marchauntes and occupyers whiche were in the towne at that season with many other whō he impelled with his wordes so: that some of them for loue whiche they had to Marius: And other some for great hope and desyre whiche they had to haue peace and concorde wrote to Rome to their to kynsmen and frendes of the bataile of Numidy and that very sharpely agaynst Metellus desyring and beseching them to labour at Rome with all their myght yt Marius might be elect consul & assigned to erecte the warre of Numidi. And thus at Rome was the consulshyp desyred by many men with great fauour and very honest peticiōs for Marius. Also at that tyme had the said Marius this auauntage. For the cōmentie at that season deposed many of the states: and exalted suche as were newe gentelmen after the lawe of one named Manlius whiche before had ben protectour of the commentie. This Manlius ordeyned & inacted a lawe that if any thing were vngoodly done and against right of the states beynge in any office or dignitie: than he whiche so had done shuld be deposed of his office: and in his place some newe gentyll or actyue man of the cōmentie sette and deputed and so exalted.

[Page]This lawe in those daies was kepte in effecte and executed at Rome: wherfore euery thynge proceded prosperousely to the purpose and profite of Marius. For (as I haue saide before) in hym was no noblenesse of auncient lynage nor byrthe.

¶ But here wyll I leaue to speake of the ambicion of Marius, and retourne to write of Iugurth: and howe he behaued hym selfe against Metellus.

¶ How Jugurth renewed the warre agaynst Metellus, and how the Numidians inhabiters of the towne of Vacca by treason murdred the garnison of the Romayns whych Metellus had set in the same towne. The . [...]l. Chapter.

IN the meane tyme whan Jugurthe hadde brokē the composicion which he had before made with Metellus by counsel of Bomilchar, & had concluded againe to begyn the war: thē anone he prepared al things necessary to warre with great diligence, and with great hast he assēbled an army. Moreouer he dayly troubled with thretnings or feare, or els with great rewardes: suche cities & townes as before had forsaken hym and yelded thē selfe to Metellus. So that he spared no pollicye to make them render them selfe againe to hym. In suche holdes & townes as were in his possession: he set garnison and defence of men of war. He renewed & bought agayne armour and wepen, & set al other thinges which he had lost before, or deliuered to Metellus in hoope of peace. He attised to hym many of the Romaine subiects and bondmen by promising to thē their lybertie. He also proued & attempted with rewards thē, whom Metellus had set & assigned in garnisō, gard & defence of such places as he had wonne in Numidy: so that vtterly he suffered nothing to be left quiet or vnassayed but by all [Page] maner meanes made prouysion for him selfe mouyng and puttyng in profe euery thinge. But among al other thinhabitantes of the citie called Vacca (in which Metellus at beginning had set his garnisō: whan Jugurth first sought his peace of Metellus) were desired often of Jugurthe and with great and importune instance exited to treason. In somuche that at last they assented to him to cōspire against the Romains. Thinhabitants of the cite dyd not yelde themselfe from Iugurth with their owne good wyll: and namely thestates and rulers therof did neuer yelde them to Metellus saue fainedly. Wherfore specially they were the firste that conspired against him secretely amonge themselfe. For why as it often happened the commentie, and speciallye of the Numidiens were vnstable of minde, vtterly enclined to sedicion and discorde couetous of newe thinges: and contrary to rest and quyetnesse. But (as I haue said before) whan the chife of this cite had secretly concluded & apointed their mater & treason among thē selfe: against the third day they ordeined that the same thyrd day next after shuld be cōmaūded solemne, holy, and worshipped ouer all the countrey of Affrike, and Numidie. Which day shewed and pretended by al similitude mirth, game and sport: rather than any drede to the Romains wiche were in garnison of the cite. But the Numidiens full of prodicion and treason whan they sawe their tyme called vnto their houses all the chefe captains and maister souldiours of the Romains whiche were in towne. And also one named Turpilius: whome Metellus had ordained to be his lieuetenant, prouost and chife capitain of the towne: they enuited and called as if it had ben to there and feast them, one to one house, an other to an other. [Page] But this chere was such as the Scorpiō is wont to make: whiche whyle she maketh glad semblante with her mouth mortally stingeth with the taile: so this feast was a cloke to mortal treason. For whyle the Romains were in middes of their dainties vnarmed suspectinge no parill. All the Numidiens at a token geuen, and at one houre apointed before, slewe eche one his geest whiche dined with him without fauoure: so that among thē all escaped not one, except the sayd Turpilius heed capitaine or lieutenant of the towne. This done: all the Numidiens together set vpon the remenant of the commen souldyours whiche wandred and straied abrode in the towne & in the stretes, dispersed abrode without any armour: as is wont on such a dai without order, ferīg nor douting no daūger. Some of the cōmens whē thestates had made them priuie of this treason came also to helpe them, and some other ignorant of the mater sauing that, that they had desyre & pleasure in such murder inuaded the Romains also. For though they were ignorant of the counsell of this dede: yet the noyse or skirmyshe and nouelty of the matter pleased them ynough. The Romain souldyours were ignorant and incertaine of the vnprouided feare and cruel murder douting what was best to be done. Their enemies cōpasinge them on euery side letted them to go to the castell of the towne where their armour and wepyn was: & the gates of the towne were shut on euery syde before this skirmishe beganne, wherby they wer prohibyted to auoyd the towne. Moreouer women & children threw downe vpon them stones and other thinges that came next to hand from the windows & hiest parts of their houses: striuing who might throw first and most. Thus this doutful & vnprouided [Page] mischife could not be eschued: nor they which wer right worthy and strong souldiours wer not able to resyst the very cowardyse and feblenes of women and chyldren, whiche thrue downe vpon thē. Thus both good and yll worthy, and vnworthy, strong, and feble: wer all slayne without difference. In this so great ieopardy: the Numidiens being mad and cruell in murdre, and the gates shutte on euery syde: of all the Romayns, or Italyens: onely Turpilius the captayne escaped without hurt of his bodye. Whyther it so happed by the fauoure of his host which called him to banket: or by some apointment of treason: or els by some other chance: it was not knowne for certayn. But this was knowen that euer after as long as he lyued he was reputed for a vile & a wretched cowarde and without credence: bycause that in so gerat losse and mischief he counted it better to escape: and after to lyue, and dye in shame and rebuke: thā manly to haue died in defence of the towne. And euer after to haue had an honorable name of a worthy capitaine.

¶ How Metellus destroyed the towne of Vacca, & slew al the inhabytants in reuengyng theyr treason: and how Turpilius leuetenant or captayn of the towne was beheaded at commaundement of Metellus. The .xli. Chapter.

Whan Metellus vnderstode of this lamentable chance, and treasō doone at the towne of Vacca: his mind was meruaylously greued, abashed, and sadde withall. But to thintent that none shulde parceyue his heuines he withdrue hymselfe frome company a litell tyme: but after whan he had satisfied his mynde with teares, and secrete lamentacion. And whan his dolour was myxed [Page] wyth wrath and displeasure agaynste that cruell deede, then hasted he hym selfe with greate cure and diligence to go to reuenge thys iniurious and cruell treason. Anone he called forthe a legyon of souldioures whyche passed forthe the wynter wyth hym, and wyth them also as many horsemen of the Numidians as he might assē ble whiche had forsaken Jugurthe and fledde to hym, whom he thoughte moste trusty. Hys legion he arayed in lyghte harnesse and easye armoure to the intente to speede the waye more redelye. And because he entended to go aboute thys matter secretely: therefore pryuely euen wyth the sunne goynge downe, he tooke hys iourney and proceded forw [...]rde towarde Vacca, and labored so that on the nexte daye after aboute the third hour he came wyth hys company into a certayne playne a lytle closed or compassed aboute wyth small downes not muche hygher then the extremities of the valey. There called he together his souldiours whyche were weary for the greate laboure of their iourney, and longe waye whyche they had gone. In so muche that they refused to procede any farther. But Metellus conforted them saying that the towne was but one myle thence. Wherfore he desired them to suffer and endure the remenante of theyr labour wyth paciente myndes, but onely to reuenge the death of the cityzens and theyr felowes whiche were stronge and worthy men: and very miserably murdred. Moreouer he shewed to them benynglye the greate praye whyche was ready for them, if they wold manly procede. Thus weere their myndes exalted, conforted, and enboldened wyth his wordes. Metellus seyng that, was glad, anone cōmaunded the horsemen to procede in the forward: these horsemen wer Numidiās. [Page] And the fotemen he commaunded to kepe secrete their standerdes, conysances, and badges: and to go behynd vnder the shadowe of the horsmen as nere togyder as they might: and so proceded he towarde the towne.

¶ Whan the citezyns saw an army approche and moue towarde them: at the beginning they thought it had ben Metellus (as it was in deede) and anone shut the gates of the towne against him. But afterwarde whan they aduysed them well: and sawe that the company whiche approched made no deuastacion nor distruction by the feldes nor countrey as they went. And also whan they parceiued that the horsmen which wer in the forwarde were Numidiens: againe the thought that it was Jugurth with his company. Wherfore with great ioy they issued forth of that towne to mete him. Metellus anone parceiued their ignorance & gaue a token to his people to assaile them. The horsmen and fotemen knowinge the wyll of their captayne by blaste of the trūpettes assayled and ouerthrue the commentie which came out of the cite against them dispersed ouer the feldes. Some of the Romains ran to the gates of the towne & entred without resistence: and some toke & inuaded the towres of the walles maugre the kepars. Thus the dispeasure and yre whiche the Romains had for death of their felowes: and the hope of prayes of the towne ouercame & excluded their werines which they had in their iournay thyderwarde. Thus the inhabitantes of Vacca enioied treson but onely two daies. For onely the space of two daies cōtinued their falshode and crueltie vnreuenged. For that great and riche cite was all giuen to hauocke and murdre vtterlye distroied of the Romaines: so that no creature escaped a lyue to bost of their treason before [Page] committed agaynste the Romains whome they had so traiterously slayn within their cite. Turpilius lieftenant or captayne of the towne whiche (as I haue said before escaped onely with his lyfe: was called before Metellus and commaunded to answere for hymselfe by what way or meanes he escaped, whyther by treason done to the towne, or by any other policy. But bycause he coude but simply excuse nor pourge hymselfe of that whiche was layed against him, he first was scourged and beatē and after that his heed striken of from his shulders, for that it was thought that if he had not be [...]raied the cite he coude not haue escaped more than any other. Farthermore that great dystruction of the Romains was ascribed to his negligēce or treason. If this Turpilius had ben a Romain he shuld not haue bē put to deth. For the lawe of Porcius prohibyted any citezen of Rome to be slayn: but if they cōmitted any great offence, the extreme punyshement by the lawe was to commyt them to exyle But this Turpilius inioyed not the priuylege of this lawe: for asmuche as he was no citezyne of Rome but an Italyan of the towne of Collace.

¶ Howe Bomylchar conspyred treason agaynste Iugurth, and by what meanes thys treason was discouered, and Bomylchar wyth certayn other put to death for the same. The .xlii. Chapyter.

AT the same tyme Bomilchar (by whose coū sell and mocyon Iugurth before hadde begon the composicion with Metellus, whi [...]h he omitted and brake agayn for feare) was cōuersant with Iugurthe, whiche a lytell suspected this Bomilchar of treason. Wherfore he suspectynge him agayne ymagyned newe policy agaynste [...] [Page] deuyses entred his mind & much cure he had in musyng what was moost expedient to be done in the cause. But whyle he was in this study: sodenly he fell in a slombre and his wery membres desyring rest moued him to fall in slepe. This Nabdalsa had a seruant longyng to him whome he muche loued and trusted, in somuche that no busynesse nor counsel he hidde nor kept secret from him, this counsell of betraynge of Iugurthe onely excepte. Whan this seruant vnderstod that the sayd letters were brought to his lorde he thought that he had nede of his counsell as he was wont & acustomed to haue in other maters: anone entred in to the tent where his maister lay. And seing him fast in slepe he toke the letters which Nabdalsa had vnwysely layd aboue his heed vpon the pyllowe: and seyng by the superscripcion that the letter came from Bomilchar he redde it to thende. But whan he vnderstode the treason: in all hast he addressed with the same letter to Iugurth. Nabdalsa not longe after awaked and missed the letter, wherfore anone he enquyred who had ben there in his tent. But in short season came dyuers of his louers from Iugurth, whiche certifyed him of al the mater as it was done. Nabdalsa first of al entended to pursue his accuser: but whan he perceyued that it was but in vayne so to do, consyderinge that he was all redy in the company of Iugurthe: he went vnto Iugurth himselfe to thintent to pacify & mitigate his displeasure & wrath. And sayd vnto hym that whan the sayd letters wer first deliuerd vnto him he had fully purposed not to kepe them secret: but hymselfe to haue disclosed them to Iugurth. But whyle he was sleping his false seruant (in hope to be aduansed therby had preuented him his purpose and done the same thing which [Page] he himselfe had fully purposed to do. Farthermore wepyng he besought and required hym for all amyte and loue whiche had ben bytwene them and for all the faithfull seruice whiche he had done to hym in foretyme not to haue him suspected in so cruell a dede. Iugurth answered to these requestes of Nabdalsa myldly and soberly lest any gretter variance myght ryse therof: but muche contrary to the disposicion of his mynde. For he thought otherwyse than he answered: howe beit he had well refrayned and alayed his wrath before with the deth of Bomilchar, and of many other whome he knew first deuisours and partynge felowes of that treason whome he had caused to be put to death before the comming of Nabdalsa: lest some batayle or other insurrection shuld haue porceded of that businesse if they had lyued and leuger.

¶ From this day forwarde Iugurth was neuer quiet day nor night: so that he trusted neyther place, neither man, nor time: but suspected and mistrusted euery thing His ennemies and his owne subiectes he dreeded and suspected both in lyke and after one maner. He searched and espyed euery place for drede of treason douting and suspectyng euery sound or noise that he herde. He rested and lay some night in one place some night in an other, and that in abiect and secrete places against the honour of his estate roiall. Somtyme he rose from his bed in his slepe in myddes of the night & armed himselfe cring enraging, and violently smiting agaynst the walles of the chambre: as if he had ben in bataile. So that for the great drede of treason whiche he had, he toke no rest nother slepynge nor wakyng: but was violently vexed and fered like a mad man without reason or discression.

[Page]

¶ How Metellus renewed the warte agaynst Iugurth, and how Marius was creat consull and assygned to execute the warre of Numidy at the pleasure of the comens against the wyll of all the noble men of Rome. The .xliii. Chapter.

WHan Metellus by suche as sledde bitwene the two parties vnderstode of the chance of Bomilchar and of his treason disclosed, he began than agayne to contende with Iugurth: with open warre and therto hasted all thyng necessary and expedient. And considryng that Marius was cōtinually cryeng on hym for the sayde licence and congy to depart to Rome and also greuous, hatefull, and contrary to hym: aduysyng hym not much necessary but lytell mete in so sharpe a besynes. And seyng hym yll wyllyng to euery thing he graunted hym lycēce at last: to depart toward Rome as he before had often requyred and demaunded by peticion.

¶ But as I haue sayd longe before, the letters whiche were sende to Rome to the commens by fauourers of Marius were well accepted. For whan the commentie had ouersene them, and by them vnderstode the praising of Marius, and the dispraysyng of Metellus. They were al inclined vtterly to the auaūcement of Marius and detraccion of the other. The noblenes of Metellus the capitayne whiche was before to his great worshyp and honour tourned now to enuye and hatered against hym. But the lownes and vnnoblenes of Marius encreased to hym fauour specially of the cōmentie whiche were come of vnnoble bloude, as he was. But the diligente fauour of bothe the parties (that is to say of the states which helde with Metellus: and of the commens that helde with Marius) dyd measure and gyde euery [Page] thing rather than the good or yll disposcions of the two aduersaryes Metellus or Marius. For the cōmens to dye for it cōcluded to exalte Marius. And thestates in the same maner labored to kepe hym vnder because he was vnnoble borne, and to exalte none saue thē whiche were come of noble progeny. Farthermore the masters & head officers of the cōmenty which loued debate at euery assēble & congregaciō of the cōmens, sore blamed Metellus & dispised his deedes, desiring of the cōmens that Metellus might lose his head: saying that he was so worthy for that he prolonged the war in Numidy against Iugurth more than nede was. But in despising & accusyng Metellus, they forgat not to cōmend Marius & exalte hym with wordes somwhat to much, and more thē he was worthy in many pointes. In so moche that the people wer so gretly inclined to him with their fauour, that al the craftes men & laborers of the citie, & also of the contrey which had no liuynge saue in the labour of their handes, left their worke & busines & folowed Marius, frequēting and resorting to his cōpanie. And set more by his auancement & honor, then by their owne profet or auantage, trusting that after if he obteyned the said honor, they shuld haue their liuing by him. And thus shortlye to speke, the estates & noble men beyng sore astoined, the cōsulshyp was cōmitted to Marius a newe gentleman whose predecessours before hym to suche dignitie could neuer attayne, and were counted vnworthy. Thus that thyng which many yeres before that tyme could neuer be done nor brought about, was now brought to effecte: that is to saye the consulshyppe which was ye most excellēt dignitie of Rome was now in hādes of ye cōmense, & cōmitted to a mā of base birth [Page] Shortly after this, the protectour of the commenty named Lucius. Maulius enquired & demaunded of the people whom it wold please them to send into Numidy to fynyshe the warre with Iugurth. The most parte of the commentie answered that Marius shuld haue that office and busines: how be it a lytle before that tyme the Senatoures had assigned by their ordinaunce the prouince of Numidie to Metellus for his worthy deedes: wherfore now this ordinance was frustrat & void. For the cōmēty wold haue their statuts executed & fulfilled.

¶Of the seconde batayle foughten bytwene Metellus and Iugurth, and how Iugurth lost the batayl & also one of his chief townes named Thala. The .xliiii. Chapter.

IN the meane tyme whyle the enterprise of Marius proceded thus forward at Rome Iugurth was sore troubled in his mind for many cōsideracions. Fyrst he considred the losse of many whō he reputed for his friendes tyl before he knewe their treason of whō he had many put to death, and many other had fled from hym for feare, some to the Romains, and other some to Bochus king of the Mauriens. He called also to his mynd that without ministers and men of warre, he was not able to execute the warre: and moreouer he thought it ieoperdous after so greate falsehode and treason of his olde frendes to proue or assay the fidelitie of newe. For these causes and mo lyke (as I haue sayd before) his mynde was driuen to and fro, variable & incerteine in diuers opinions, I so much that there was no maner thyng, no counsell nor no maner man that could sufficiently satisfie nor please his mynd. He chaunged his iourneys and waies euery day into sundry places for feare of treasō. [Page] Somtyme he addressed hym towarde his enemies: and anone after returned into wodes & wildernesses. Often tymes he had trust and cofidence in flyght: and anone after put his trust in armour and bataile. He douted whither he might lesse trust to strength or trueth of his mē which wer with him: so that what euer he purposed to do: or whither so euer he intended, euery thynge was contrary to hym. But while Iugurth thus prolonged & taryed: sodenly Metellus with his army appered in his syght. Iugurth that parceiuing: set in order and array his Numidiens aswel as he might after the short tyme which he had therto. And immidiatly the armies approched: and the batayle began. In that part of the batayle where Iugurth himselfe was: they stroue and resysted a lytell space but all the other Numidyens at the firste brūt, concourse or assaut wer put to flyght with violence and driuen backwarde. The Romayns toke some of their standeres and armour, whiche they fleyng away left behynde them: but of their ennemies they toke but fewe. For the Numidiens in that bataile and almoost in all other defended themselfe better with their fete: than with their handes or armoure. Iugurth at this tyme: mystrusted his case muche more than at any other tyme euer before, for the cowardous withdrawynge of his people. Wherfore he acompanyed himselfe with the Romayns which had forsaken and betrayed Metellus and fled to him. With them, and with a part of his horsmen he fled in to the wildernesses therby: and frō thens vnto a towne named Thala, which was a great towne and a riche: and much of his treasour and of the aparell longing to the youthe of his yong chyldren was in the same towne. But whan Metellus vnderstode that Iugurth [Page] was fled to so ryche a towne, how beit he knewe that bytwene the towne and the next flod therto was .l. mile space of dry ground voyde and without habitacion neuerthelesse he toke in hande to ouercome all sharpnes and difficultie of places: and also to ouercome nature, though it semed impossible to mannes mynde. This thynge Metellus toke in hande in hope to fynishe the batayle muche soner yf he myght wynne that towne.

¶ Wherfore he commaunded that al the beestes which serued for cariage, shuld be vnladen of al such baggage and burthen as they caried longynge to the souldyours saue onely whete and vitayle for the space of .x. dayes. Also he commaūded some of the bestes to be laded with bottels full of water, and other vessels mete to be caried with water. Moreouer: ouer all the contrey he gathered togyder as many tame bestes as he coude get and them laded with empty vessels of euery sort. Many of them were treene vessell which he had done to be gathered among the villages of the Numidiens. Farthermore he commaunded thinhabitantes of those marches whiche after the flight of Iugurth had yelded them to him that they shulde make them redy to folowe the hoost euery man with asmuche water as they myght beare. And assigned them a daye and place, where they shulde be redy vnder payne of deathe. Whan Metellus was come to the sayd flod which was fifty mile from the towne of Thala, & nerest water therto (as I haue said before) he dyd all the beestes to be laded of the same water. And so went towarde Thala, his hoost set in order and aray: so that if any ieopardy apered he was euer redy at defence but afterwarde whan he was come to that place where he had apoynted the Numidiens to mete him with the [Page] water wherwith they were laded and folowed the host. And whan his tentes were pitched, set, and defended about with trēches, cut tres, bowes and stakes after the polycie of warre, sodeinlye from the heauen descended greate violence and plentie of rayne water that it was more than sufficient to all the armye, as well to men as beastes. Moreouer their vitayles were more plentefull then they trusted or looked after. For the Numidians which newly were yelded, were so much the more seruisable & redy to minister euery thyng necessary to the army. And no maruell: for euery thyng is quicke at the beginnyng, which often fadeth at the ende. But the souldiours and men of warre, were more glad to occupye the rayne water for deuocion, than suche water which was brought to them in vessels by cariage. For thei supposed that their goddes loued and fauored them, whiche in so drye a countrey, and in suche a chaunce sente to them so greate plentie of water besyde prouision of theire captayne. This thynge greatlye conforted the myndes of them all: and incouraged them with boldenesse, strengthe, and dilygence to ouercome all difficulties whyche remayned. Thys conforte kyndelynge theyr myndes: they sped them selfe so forward, that on the nexte daye after they came to the towne of Thala, contrary vnto the opinion or knoweledge of Iugurthe. The inhabitauntes whiche thought them selfe surelye defended by the sharpenesse and difficultie of the place, were sodeinly abashed and astonied for that great vnwonte and vnprouided case. Neuertheles they made prouision to batail as quickly as they might by sufferance of the time. The Romains addressed them in the same maner. But kyng Iugurth anone cast in his mynde yt to Metellus [Page] was nothing vnprouided nor vnable to be done: as he that by his craft, diligence, & polycie: had ouercome both wepen, armour, place, and tyme. And also nature it selfe which ruleth other thinges longing vnto men. Iugurth this aduysing and reuoluyng in his mynde fled priuely by nyght forthe of the towne with his children and agreat part of his treasour. Nor after this tyme he neuer taryed in one place paste the space of a daye or of a night fayning that he fled so frō one place to an other bycause of his present besynesse: but the ryght cause of his remouyng was for that he feared treason whiche he thought best to auoyd and eschue by continuall chaungyng of places. For suche counsels of treason can not be taken without deliberacion & proces of tyme, and conueniens or oportunyte of places where princes dothe longe soiourne and continue.

¶ But whan Metellus sawe that thinhabitantes wer redy to batayle, and also that the towne was strongly defended bothe by crafte of mannes handes and by nature of the place. Anone he compased aboute the towne on euery syde with profounde dychesse, trenches, and herdels: of sharpe stakes the poyntes vpwarde to thentent that none of thinhabitantes shulde breke out nor escape by night, as Iugurth had done before: nor that no vitels shulde be conuayed into them, wherby they might the longar resyst hym and indure the sege. After warde he commaunded scaffoldes to be made about the walles specially in such places as were most conuenient and penteses of sheldes conioyned in maner of vynes to be driuen to the walles vpō wheles. And about the sayd scaffoldes to be cast a hepe of grauell and stones: and toures of tymbre and bulwarkes set vpon them and: other [Page] souldiors he assigned to defend the worke, and thē also that laboured there vpon. These scaffoldes, pentyses and pauasies were made to thenteut that vnder thē the Romayns myghte vndermine the walles withoute great peryll or dammage. On the other syde, the garnison and inhabitantes hastely labored to resiste the Romains, and to defende them selfe and their towne manfully. So that on both parties was nothing forgotten, able to be done touchinge their defence. But briefely to speke, the Romains weried with much labour and batayle .xl. daies after they were come thither, at last wan the towne. But all the pray & ryches of the towne was destroyed by them which were within the towne in garnison of the Romayns which had fled from Metellus to Iugurth: whiche speciallye had assigned them to defende the towne. These traytours whan they sawe the walles vndermined and brused with diuerse ingens of batayle: & their fortune was brought to extremite: and no socours nor hope remayned. Than they assembled and caried together all the treasour and ryches of the towne, as golde, syluer, with other precious ornaments or iewels into the palays of Iugurth, and there fylled themselfe with wine and other delycate meates. And at conclusion whan they were full saturate and ingorged: they set fyre on the palaice and wylfully brente and destroyed the ryches, the palayce, and them selfe wythall. So that suche punyshemente as they dreeded to suffer of theyr ennemyes, they voluntarely suffered the same wyth their owne handes to auoyde the subieccion and daunger of their ennemies, by desperate folye and presumptuous madnesse.

[...]

[Page]the custome of sydoni, which they maintayned and kept styll: somuche the more easely: by cause they dwelled seperat in the extreme and vtter partes of the contrey far from the court and frequentacion of kinges of Numidy For bytwene this cyte of Leptis and the wel inhabited partes of Numidy be many places deserted and wyde wyldernesses vnhabyted for dryenes of the contrey.

¶The descripcion of that place of Affryke whyche is named the Phele [...] [...]utres, and for what cause the same place was fyrste so named. The .xlvi. Chapter.

BVt for asmuche as by occasyon of this besynes of the cite of Leptis and their embassadoures, I haue made mencyon of their cite and partlye discrybed the sytuacion of the same. Nowe me thynke it a thynge conuenient, and not vnworthy to recount an excellent and merueylous dede done in the same coostes by two brethern borne at the cite of Carthage and namely bycause the place is called the Phylen auters me thynketh it requisyte to declare the cause of that denominacion. For this place of our hystorie so requireth.

¶ What tyme the Carthaginēses had in possession and wer lordes ouer the moost part of Affryke: at the same season the Cirenenses also were great and famous of name: and abundant of welth & riches. Than betwene the costes of these two cities was a great and large feld all ouer spred with sande without diuision, perticion, or difference. But bytwene them was neyther flod nor mountayne, whiche myght discerne the boundes and marches of bothe their coostes: whiche thyng caused cōtinuall and longe warre often and great batayls bytwene bothe parties. But after that manye armies on [Page] both sydes were ouercome, slayne, or put to flight bothe by land & by sea: and whan bothe people had somewhat wasted the one the other by spoylyng and murder: than began they to perceiue their owne foly on both partes, fearing lest some other nacion anone after shuld assaile them, both the ouercommers, and them that were ouer come, when they were wasted and weried wyth batails and brought to extremitie. Wherfore this cōsidred, they toke truce bytwene them both, and to auoide that longe variaunce betwene them: they made agremente and couenant that messengers or embassadours of bothe parties shulde depart out of their cities at one certaine day and houre assigned. And that same place wher the messengers of both the cities shuld meete together, shuld be for euer after taken for the bowndes & marches of the contrey, of both the nacions and cities without more cō tencion or variance. To bryng this apointment to effect and cōclusion, forth of the citie of Cyren were chosen .ij. for their parte and send forth at the daye and houre appointed. And in lykewyse out of Charthage were sende two brethern named Phelen, which swyftely sped them in their iourney. But the Cirenenses wente much more slowely, whether it so fortuned by negligence or chaunce I know but lytle the truth. But this is knowen for certayne, that aboute those costes tempeste of wynd & wether is wonte to let men and prolonge their iourney in lykewyse as vpon the sea, and that for this cause. For whan by those euen places wyde and bare without any thyng growyng on them: the wynd ryseth and styrreth the small sand from the ground, the same sande moued by greate violence of the wynde is wonte to fyll the faces, mouthes and eyes of such as passe that waye with [Page] dust and sande. And thus often by lettyng of their sight their iournay is prolonged & hyndred. But after whan the Cyrenenses sawe themselfe some what ouer slowe and late in their iourney: they fered punishemēt at their retournynge home for their negligēce. And blamynge they accused the Carthaginenses obiectyng and saying that they had come forth of their citye before the tyme assigned: and thus they troubled al the mater and brake the ordynance. But shortly to speke these Cirenenses concluded rather to suffre death and to do any thynge possible than to retourne home again ouercome. Wherfore the Carthaginenses desired some other condicion or apointment to be made indifferēt and equal bytwene both the parties. The Cirenenses consented therto and put the Carthaginenses in choyse whyther they wolde be quicke buryed in that same place whiche they desired for their marches & boūdes: or els that the Cirenenses vnder the same condicion shuld procede forward to that place whiche they desyred for their marches and there to be quicke buryed vnder the same maner. The .ii. bretherne both named Phelene alowed and graunted the condicion subduyng and abandonyng their bodyes to death for the profet and wele of their contrey and cite of Carthage: and so were they buryed quicke. Wherfore the Carthaginenses in the same place where they were buryed raysed and halowed .ii. auters in worshyp and remembrance of these two brethern whiche set more by encrese of their contrey: than by their owne liues. These auters to this present day be called the Phylene auters after the name of the .ii. brethern named Phylenis ther vnder buryed, as sayd is for wele of their contrey. Also besyde this memorial within the cite of Carthage were [Page] many other thyngs ordained to the great honour of thē and remembrance of theyr worthy dede. ¶But now I wyll leaue this matter and returne to my purpose.

¶How Iugurth assembled a new army of the rude Getulians agaynst the Romayns, and how he associated to hym Bocchus kynge of the Mauriens to strength hym in batayle agaynst Metellus. The .xlvii. Chapter.

WHan Iugurth had loste the citie of Thala, one of the strongest cities of his land (as sayd is before) then he considered wel that in al his kyngdome was no place stronge ynough to resyst the myght of Metellus. Wherfore he hasted hym with a small cō pany through deserts & great wyldernesses flying from his owne contrey. And at last he came to the land of Getulia which is a maner of people, rude, wyld, and wythout order or maners: & at that season naught knowing of the preeminent honor & fame of the Romain empire. Of thys people Iugurth assembled a multitude together, and by lytle & lytle enduced & taughte them by costume & exercise to folowe the order of chiualry, to kepe araye, to insue their standerds, to obaye the cōmaundements of their captaines, to decerne & haue knowledge of the signifiyng of ye soundes of trūpettes, & to obserue al other pointes belōging to warfare & chiualry. These thinges with other lyke necessary to bataile, Iugurthe ceassed not to prepare and ordaine with all diligence.

¶ Moreouer he prouoked to hys fauour & feloweshyp by great rewardes and much greater promises such as wer most nere frindes to Bocchus kyng of the Mauriens, by whose help he hym selfe went to kyng Bocchus & desired hym in his quarel with hym to warre ageinst the Romains. To which request of Iugurth Bocchus [Page] agreed so much the more for as muche as at the first beginninge of the same warre, this Bocchus sente vnto Rome embassadours to desire of the Romains amitie, and a bond of continuall peace betwene him and them. But notwithstanding that this peticion and peace was muche expedient and necessary to the Romains for dyuerse consideracions, and namely because of this war. Not the lesse it was not graunted by me me of a fewe such as at Rome blynded with auarice, wer wont to sel for money euery thinge both honest & dishonest. Also before this time the doughter of Iugurth was spoused to the sayd Bocchus. But this bond of friendshyp or affinitie amonge the Numidiens & Mauriens, is reputed but of lytel or none effecte, because they are wont euery mā to haue diuers & mani wiues according to their substance & riches. Some .x. and some mo, after as they ar of abilitie or power to meinteine. But ye kinges, because they are of most power & substance, therfore they haue mo than other. Thus is their mynd & fauour distracte and diuersly deuided from all their wiues for the multitude of thē, and because they haue so many that they reserue none for their speciall bedfelow. Wherfore they al ar reputed vyle & litle set by after one maner. Thus the affinitie betwene these .ij. kinges, Iugurth & Bocchus, was lytle set by and smal auayled in this busines. Not withstanding both they and their hostes came together in one place apointed therto: wher after they had geuen and takē faith & truth one to other of fidelitie to be obserued betwene thē. Iugurth inhaunced & lifted vp the minde of Bocchus with his words: saying that the Romaines were vniust, grounded in auarice without suffisance or measure: & cōmon enemies to euery man & to [Page] euery contrey: & that they had as much quarel againste Bocchus as against hym, and one selfe cause to war against thē both, and also against manye other nacions: which cause was but only the plesure of great lordshyp and riches. So that for the same cause al kyngdoms to thē were aduerse & contrary, & that he hym selfe to thē was enemy for ye same cause. And not long before that tyme the Carthaginenses, & afterward Perses kyng of Macedony were subdued and vndone by the Romains without any iust tytle or cause of bataile, saue only ambicion and enuy which the Romaines had against thē. And that in tyme to come euerye nacion whiche shulde haue welth and riches shuld become enemies to the Romains for their inordinate pride & insaciable couetise.

¶Wyth these wordes and other lyke, Iugurth moued the mynde of Bocchus agaynste the Romaynes. In so muche that anone a daye was appointed betwene both the kynges to procede forthe together to the towne of Cyrtha, and to assayle the same wyth bothe their powers conioyned. Thys towne they purposed firste of all to besiege, because Metellus had lefte within the same towne prayes and prisoners whiche he hadde taken of Iugurth. And also muche of his owne ordinaunce had he lefte there to auoyde impedimente in his voyage. Thus Iugurth thoughte mooste expediente to do: For if he myght wynne the towne by assaulte before the rescous of Metellus, he thoughte that shulde be moste to hys honour and profite. Or elles if the Romayne captayne Metellus, and hys armie shulde come to succour the towne, than thoughte he that there bothe hym selfe and Bocchus shoulde geue batayle to Metellus. Iugurthe for crafte and subtyltie hasted thereto so muche [Page] the moare to tangle Bocchus in the warre before anye place shulde be moued bytwene him and the Romayns. And lest the same Bocchus by prolōging of the time might rather encline to peace than to warre after he at leasour shulde haue taken better counsell and aduisement. For Iugurth suspected at beginninge that Metellus in proces of time wolde desyre this Bocchus not to medyll in this war assistyng the part of Iugurth nor mentayning his cause

¶How Metellus vsed hym selfe heryng that these two kynges were confederate agaynste hym, and howe after he was certified that the prouince of Numidy was assigned to Marius the new consull: he ceassed the warre for the nonce. The .xlviii. Chapter.

WHan Metellus knewe that the two kinges were associate together: he thought not to fyght with them rashely without prouision nor in euery place for his aduantage or not as he was wont to do often tymes before after the first time that he had ouercome Iugurth. But within his feldes well and surely defended he kept him selfe abydinge the commynge of the two kinges: and that not farre from the towne of Cirtha. This dyd he thinking it best to knowe the myght, maners, and condicions of the Mauriens firste or he wolde fyght with them, bycause the were but newe enemies and therfore their maners vnknowen to him. And whan he saw his best auantage than thought he to gyue them bataile.

¶ In the meane time while Metellus taryed the comminge of the two kinges: letters wer brought vnto him from Rome: whiche certefied hym that the prouince of Numidi, was cōmitted and giuen to Marius the new consull. For he had herde long before this time that the [Page] sayd Marius was elect consull: but this was the firste time that he vnderstode the prouince of Numidy committed to him. For this cause was Metellus moued and displeased muche more than longed to measure or honesty. In somuche that he coude neyther refraine his eyes from wepyng nor measure his tong from speking yll by Marius. This Metellus was a synguler noble & worthy man in all other cōdicions: but the displeasure of his minde he toke ouer womanly and tenderly to his hert, and namely in this cause. Whiche condicion: some reputed to procede of a proude hert of Metellus. And other some thought it no meruayle though his noble hert wer moued and kindled with anger, for this iniury and wrong done to hym. And many sayd that Metellus toke so great sorow and displeasure: bycause the victorie whiche he had almoost optayned shulde be pulled out of his handes his selfe hauing the labour & parill, and an other man the tryumphe and honour. But to be playne in the mater & indifferently to write: it was not vnknowen to the wisest Romains, but that the dignite, auancement, and honour of Marius greued Metellus much more thā dyd his owne iniury. And that he wold not haue taken it so heuely if the prouince of Numidy which was taken from him had ben giuen to any other noble man than to Marius. Wherfore Metellus was let from his first besines for the sayd displeasure so that he purposed not to vexe himselfe from thensforth with out thanke or profet. And also he thought it foly to take in hande the charge of another mannes mater to his owne paryll, labour, & paine. Wherfore he sende messangers to the king Bocchus, desiring him not to become ennemy to the Romains without occasion.

[Page]And saieng that he was yet in suche case that he myght adioine with the Romayns felowshyp loue, and amitie: whiche shulde be muche better to hym and more profitable. And how beit he trusted gretly in his power, rychesse, and treasour: yet ought he not to change certayne thynges, for thynges incertayne. For euery batayle to begyn is easy and lyght: but it is a very hard thynge to ende the same whan it is ones begon. The begynning and endynge therof: is not alway in the power of one same man. For warre may be begon of a cowarde or of any other wretch: but it can not be left of againe, nor ceassed but whan it pleaseth him which is strongest and is maister hauynge the vpper hand. And finally he had him better to prouide for himselfe and for his kingdom than he began to do: and not to adioyne nor myngle his goodes, treasour, and fortune: which were in estate royall florishyng with the goodes and fortune of Iugurth whiche were lost and distroyed to the vttermost. The embassadours of Metellus came to king Bocchus and shewed him their capitains wyl: as is said before vnder suche sentence. To the whiche wordes of Metellus Bocchus answered againe benignely & mekely ynough sayng that he desyred nothyng more than peace: saue, that he had pyte and compassion of the aduers and miserable fortune of Iugurth, but if the same Iugurth might be suffred also to haue frendship and amyte with the Romains and forgiuenesse: than said Bocchus that he wolde gladly agre to euery thynge desyred of Metellus, and euery thyng shulde be accorded bytwene them. The capitayne Metellus heryng this answere of Bocchus agayne sent messangers to him replyeng against his requestes and sayenge that some of his peticions [Page] were agaynst iustice and reason: also Metellus by these embassadours desired many other thinges of Bocchus of whom Bocchus graunted & alowed some, and other some of them he denyed. After this maner the tyme ouerpassed and proceded forth, massangers often going and commyng bytwene them bothe: so that by such maner the warre and batayle remayned vntouched and depended not medled with: as Metellus dyd greatly coueyt and desyre in mynde bycause he wolde kepe sure that laude whiche he had wonne: and also for that to his owne paryll and dammage he wold not auantage nor auance Marius: in a thinge which to him belōged.

¶ But here wyll I leaue to speke of Metellus, and retourne to speke of Marius whiche contrary to the wyll of the noble men of Rome was creat consul by fauour of the cōmens: lykewyse as I haue writen before.

¶ Of the great ordinance and preparacion whych Marius the newe consull made agaynst Iugurth, and for the warre of Numidy. The .xlix. Chapter.

BVt Marius (as I haue sayd before) was elect consull, at great desyre and instaunce of the cōmen people: which also committed to hym the prouince of Numidy. Marius seing himselfe thus auanced: wher he was euer agaynst the noble men of Rome before, nowe was he specially fiers of mynde, and stately. And besy to displease and hurt the states: some tyme one by one, and other wyle altogther. He often tymes boasted and sayd that he had goten the consulshyp of them maugre their wyll, as if it were a pray or spoylinge goten of his ennemies: and of men ouercome. Many other boastynge [Page] wordes spake he to his owne commendacion, & to great displeasure and anger vnto the estates of Rome. But in the meane tyme he forgat not to prepare euery thyng necessary to the warre: wherof the charge rested on him to execute the same against Iugurth from thensforth. He demaunded of the senatours & cōmens new supplement of soudyors to repare and restore the army whiche was in Numidy with Metellus. For many of thē wer slaine and many deed of sickenesse: thus was the army sore deminished. He called also for socours of suche nacions as marched to thempire. And of kynges whiche were cōfederate and had conioyned feloweshyp with the Romayns. Moreouer he raysed vp in Italy & nere about Rome, as many as were strongest and bolde mennes bodies. And namely suche as he himselfe had proued before in warre: and such as in warfare were proued by dedes: and not suche as were boosted by fame. And namely olde souldeours which had longe haunted the war and wer pardoned ther of. So that it was in the power of no man to constrain them to war without their owne fre assent: bycause that they had continued styll in warre the season to them assigned of their captains. These treated Marius with so fayre flateryng and paynted wordes, that thy were redy to go with him in warfare. And how beit that the senatours wer contrary to hym: yet durst they nothing deny vnto hym belonging to his besynesse: but gladly and with good wyll they decreed that he shulde rayse and chuse souldyours to fulfyll the nombre of them which wer lost in bataile in the contrey of Numidy. But this dyd they for no gret, loue which they had to Marius: for they thought that he shuld lese eyther the execucion of the batayle whiche he intended [Page] with Iugurth, or elles the fauour of the people whiche wolde refuse to go forth to warre. So that if Marius constrayned them, their old loue myght turne into new malyce and hatered against hym. But this thyng was trusted but in vayne of the Senatoures, for the mooste parte of the commons had an inestimable desire to go to batayle wyth Marius. For euerye man caste in hys mynd to be inryched by prayes and spoylynges of war. And that more is, to retourne home agayne victoures wyth muche honour and triumphe. These thinges and other lyke they considered, whiche caused them gladlye to folowe Marius: and also Marius dyd not a lytle enbolden and conforte theyr myndes with his exhortacion. For whan euery thynge which he desired of the Senatours was confirmed and decreed by thē. And when Marius shulde assemble his souldiours, he thought to put them in conforte by exhortacion, and also to trouble and displease the states of Rome as he was wonte to do, and to chafe their myndes. Wherefore he assembled and called together a greate company of the common people, and spake to them by exhortacion and confortyng of them as hereafter ensueth.

¶The oracion or exhortacion of the consull Marius had to the commen people of Rome before hys voyage into Numydye, whiche exhortacion is demonstratyue contaynyng the laude and praise of Marius, and dispraise and blame of the noble men of Rome. The .l. Chapter.

RYght worthye citizens, I knowe well that many of these estates of ancient name haue not thē selfe behaued after one maner of cō dicion in desiryng of you honoradle dignities and greate offices, and in administracion and gouernyng of them after they haue optayned [...] [Page] before they optayned promocyō, to thintent to come therby to honoure and dignite. But where as I haue passed all my lyfe in right good occupacions by continuall custome it is roted in me to do well: and this custome is tourned with me into nature. Treuth it is: that ye haue commaunded me to warre agaynst Iugurth: whiche thing these noble men taketh very greuously. I require you consyder and dyscus in your myndes and in your inwarde consideracion ponder ye: whyther it be better, more necessary and expedient to chanuge the same your commaundement agayne: and to sende forth some other of that sort of auncient gentil men vnto this besynesse agaynst Iugurth or els to any other lyke. Send forth a noble man of old auncetry: in honour & remembrance of whō many ymages may be made and erecte or set vp on hye. But of polycie of chiualry or warfare is he vtterly ignorant and inexpert. Wyll ye change your purpose and sende forth such one to warfare at pleasure of these gentylmen, as who saieth: that is best to be done for this cause. To thintent that in so great a mater and wighty besynesse: suche a captayne more ignorant and ferefull than any of all his souldyours, shalbe chosen of you whiche anone after shal chuse forth agayne some one of the commen people to be hys maister: to informe and teche him in such besynes as to his office & charge belongeth hymselfe beyng ignorant of euery thyng necessary to be done. By this meane it often fortuneth: that he whome ye ordayne to be captayne and commaunder of your army: dothe chose an other to be captayne and commaunder ouer hymselfe. In somuche that (if ye indifferently iudge) he: whome ye chose for capitayne is muche more mete to be made a symple souldyoure, than a capitayne [Page] ouer other. And also worthye citizens, I knowe somewhat of these noble menne so farre oute of order, that whan they haue ben made consuls, then haue they geuen them selfe to readynge of actes of theyr elders and predecessours: and of the grekes preceptes of chiualrie: which doutles may well be called men wythoute order for thys consideracion. For they shoulde by due order firste learne to rule theyr office before they shulde take vpon them the charge thereof. But they do contrarye. Fyrst they take charge of the office, and than after lerne to rule it by waies inordinate: howe be it euerye wyse man wyll firste lerne to gouerne an office before he desire or take vpon him the rule thereof. But these estates contrarely demeane them selfe. Thus worthy citizens, compare me newe gentlemen with their immoderate pryde, and take diligent consideracion whyche is beste: to be not gentle of byrth, and lowely and gentle of maners: or elles to be gentle of bloud, and proude and vngentle of maners. Of suche thynges as they be wonte to heare and to read, somewhat haue I seene, and some I my selfe haue done. I haue learned that by exercise of chiualry, which they haue learned by readyng. Now iudge and consider ye whether is better of deedes or workes, of readynge or doyng. They dispyse my noueltye of honoure and vnnoble lynage, and I dyspyse the vncraftynesse and slouthe of them. My happye fortune is obiected of them against me as to rebuke, but shame and dishoneste behaueour maye be obiected and layde agaynst them in rebuke. Is it not truthe that euery mā is come of one lyke nature. I consider and knowe well that one man is not better nor more noble thē an other, but if it be bi his wisedō, good maners, vertu & strēgth. [...] [Page] other men. And wherfore thinke ye do thei this? Planely I suppose bycause I haue no ymages of my progenitours exalted in remembrance of them as these gentylmen haue: and bycause my noblenesse is but newe and springyng. But theirs is auncient and by their dysorder decaynge. But certenly I counte it more better and honorable to be roote and begynner of noblenesse vnto all my progeny & to leaue the same vnto my branches: than to corrupt and desyle noblenes receyued of my progeny as many of these gentylmen do. Forsoth I am not ignorant but that if these estates were nowe present and shulde answere to my wordes their speche shulde be abundātly painted, ornate and elegant ynough. But syth they cease not to blame & reuyle with their lewde words in euery place bothe you & me for this your great office whiche ye haue gyuen vnto me: it hath not pleased me to be styll nor to kepe secrete their fautes: lest some myght count me culpable & worthy their rebukes: by reason of myne indyfcrete pacience & sylence. Neuertheles sothely their wordes can not greue nor hurt me: after the conscyence of myne owne mynd. For if they say trueth they can nought say but good and worshyp by me: but if they wyl nedesly on me my maners, my liuing, & cōuersaciō is suche that I shall ouercome their wordes and proue their iniust accusementes fayned and false. But sith your counsell is blamed of these noble men bycause ye haue commytted to me this great honour and greater besynesse: consyder ye in your myndes diligently and often whether ye shall nede to repent you of this dede or not. To say trueth I can not host mi selfe of the ymages of my progenitors nor I can not recounte vnto you the triumphes or consulshyps of myne auncetry. But if the [Page] matter required: I coulde wel shewe vnto you speares, standerdes, horse, trappers, harnesse, wyth many other rewardes of chiualrie: some geuen to me of the Emperoure, and some of other captaynes for myne actes in batayle. And other some which with mine handes I haue wonne of the enemies of the empire. I coulde also if it neded shewe you in the fore parte of my body manifold scarres of many and large woundes which I haue taken in good worthe for defence of our contrey and common weale. These be my ymages whiche I can shew. Thys is my noblenesse, not lefte to me by heritage (as theirs is to them) but noblenes whiche I haue wonne and gotten wyth greate and sore labours of my bodye, and peryll of my lyfe.

¶ My wordes be not ordred in ornate langage, nor my speche painted with rethoricke lyke theirs, for I set lytle therby. My vertue sheweth it selfe plainly enough withoute glosed or paynted wordes. But these noble menne muste of necessitie haue crafte for to couer theyr shamefull and vngoodlie deedes, with these eloquente wordes their craftye and rethorike speche. Nor as for me, I neuer learned the greeke langage, which thynge these estates obiecte agaynste me as a greate faulte. But to be plaine: my pleasure was neuer much to lerne suche thynges, whiche haue lytle auayled vnto the teachers or lerners of the same, neyther to acquisicion of vertue nor expulsion of vyce. But I haue learned and am taughte in other thygnes muche better and more profitable to the common weale, as to assaile and strike myne enemies, to dispoyle their ordinaunce & vytailes, to chafe their garnisō: nothing to drede nor fear saue an yl name, to indure & take in good worth ye plesure of the [Page] somer and the hardnes of the wynter bothe in lyke: to lye vpon the ground, to endure honger and labour both together. Therfore I shall exhort and informe my souldiours with these preceptes, which I my selfe haue lerned, vsed and assaied. Nor I shal not handle or intreate them by crafte to thintente they maye auaunce me with ryches: nor vse them sharply and my selfe plesantly: but in euery difficultie I shall be their example of labour: nor I shal not put the labour to them and take the worshyp to me. This order is profitable. Thus ought a captaine demeane him amonge his souldiors, and namely among worthy citizens. For when a man liueth delicatly him selfe, & driueth his souldiours to the peryl of bataile by punishement or other rigour: he is not to be called a captaine or ruler of an armie: but rather a proude lorde or tirānous opressor of citezins. Our elders worthely behauing them selfe after this maner, haue made noble and excellent & inriched this cōmen weal, and thē selfe also. But these states which now lyue, trusting to be honored by the worthines of their progenitors, they them selfe vnlyke of condicions dispise vs, and haue us in disdaine which folowe the maners of their progenitors. And euery hye office, & all honors they chalenge & demaunde of you not by their merites, but as it wer of duety and heritage. But sothly the ouer proud men erre much from the truth. For thoughe their progenitors & ancestrie haue left to them euery thynge which to them was possible to leaue: as riches, patrimony, and their ymages, for remēbrance & example of them and of theyr worthy dedes. Neuertheles theyr vertue haue they not lefte vnto them, nor they coulde not keepe it: for that only canne neyther be geuen vnto theym in rewarde, nor [Page] receyued of any man. These gentelmen say that I am a man withoute maners and vnclenlye of behaueour. And why? Forsoothe because that I prepare and dresse not curiousely many delicious bankets so superfluous and deinteous as they do: and because I haue no iougler nor dyzar with me to moue sportes and dissolute laughynge: nor no more curious cooke than one of the vilage longyng to rural people, which thinges to haue as these gentlemen haue, it pleaseth me not to knoweledge. For I neuer had pleasure in suche thynges. For I haue herde of my father and of other incorrupte and well disposed men, that such deliciousenes and curiositie, belongeth vnto women: and that laboure and busynesse belongeth vnto men. Euery good man thinketh it more conuenient to haue plentie of worshyp than of ryches. And more honour it is to a good man to haue the walles of his house garnyshed and ouercouered wyth armoure wherewyth he may defende his contrey, his friendes, and hym selfe, then with riche ornamentes of curious worke of no profite saue onely the syghte and vaine regarde thereof. But sythe these gentlemen thus obiecte suche matters to me: let them continue alwaye in suche vyces whiche lyketh them, and that they haue euer reputed so dere. Let them inclyne to voluptuositie: as daunsyng, singyng, bankettynge, playing, to lechery to glotonye, and dronkennes. For in suche vyces haue they spende their youth: in the same let them passe forth their age, vtterly subdued to the bealy, to sleepe, to ydlenes, and subiect to lustes of the vilest part of the bodye. Let them leaue the sweate of fyghtinge, the peryll of deathe, the blynding of duste in batayle, and other lyke perilles vnto vs, to whome these be more acceptable [Page] than their feestes and voluptuous bankettes or other vile pleasurs. But thei do not so, they be not cōtented. For after ye such vngoodly & vyle men haue dishonested themselfe, by their foule dedes: than be they redy to take awaye the rewardes of good menne vnto them selfe. Thus (agaynst all right) lechery and slouth most cursed vyces dothe no hurt to such as occupyeth them: but they be vtter distruction to the commen weal, and commens which be innocent and vnculpable.

¶ But syth I haue made answere to these dysordred gentylmen: and that moderately after my custome and condicion & not so largely as their cursednesse and vices ar worthy. I shall speke nowe a fewe thinges touching the commen wele. And first of al haue ye good trust and esperance touching the besines of Numidy. For ye haue now moued & auoyded euery thinge wherby Iugurth was defended from beginninge of the warre vnto this tyme: that is say the couetyse of Calphurnius, and of Albinus: the vncraftynes & foly of Aulus: and the pride of Metellus. By these found Iugurth socour hytherto but al these be auoyded nowe. Moreouer ye haue there an army whiche knoweth the contrey, but verily it is more noble and manly than fortunate or happy. For agreat part ther of is wasted and spent (and that wors is infected and corrupted: what by the auarice and by the vnboldnes and cowardyse of their captayns. Wherfore ye whiche be of lusty age and mete to endure the hardnesse of warre and batayle: now labour ye with me, and take ye in hande defence of the commen weale. Nor let none of you be afrayed nor abashed for misfortune of the other souldiours which haue foughten there before this tyme nor of the pride of their captayns. For I my [Page] selfe as counsellour of your besynes and felowe of your peryls shall be present with you in euery besynesse both in your iournays and in your batayle also. So that I shall gouerne you and my selfe withoute difference, and vnder one forme in euery poynt. And verely by helpe of the goddes we shall within shorte season obtayne all auantages & commodities which any man may wyn in batayle, as prayes, victory, with immortall laude and worshyp. And certaynlie if these pleasours and auantages were in dout or harde to obtayne (as they be not). Neuertheles it were conuenient to euery good man) as ye be) to socour and defende the commen weale of their countrey fro distruccion and dyshonour. For certaynlie there was neuer man whiche obtayned immortal laude nor euerlastyng name by cowardise or sleuth. Nor there was neuer wyse father which wold wyshe his chyldren or sonnes to lyue euer: but only that they myght lyue so longe as they behaued them selfe worthelye in goodnes and honesty: and so to passe forth their life as naturall course requireth.

¶ Worthye Romaynes: I wolde speake more vnto you if I vnderstode that strengthe coulde be encreased to feble or fearefull menne by wordes: but it is not so. Wherefore me semeth that I haue sayde enoughe and aboundauntlie to noble and bolde harted menne, as my truste is to proue you.

¶Howe Marius after hys exho [...]tacion ended, anone laded shyppes wyth ordynaunce of warre, and sende forwarde wyth the same one Manlyus hys embassadoure: and howe he hym selfe anone after folowed wyth all hys companye. And howe he behaued hym selfe in Numydy at the fyrste begynnynge. The .li. Chapter.

[Page] WHan Marius hadde vttred and ended his wordes vnder this forme: and whā he sawe al the myndes of the commens enclined to the war in trust of victorie & prayse. Than anone wythout more delay he caused shyppes to be charged with viteyls, and treasour for the souldyours wages, with armour, wepyn, and all other thinges necessary to warre. And commaunded one named Aulus Manlius, whiche was assigned embassadour to hym , to departe forwarde with the same shyppes so charged. In the meane season Marius himselfe remayned at Rome a lytel time: & chose forth souldyors suche as him thought most expedient: and not after the custome of the olde Romaines his predecessours nor after institucion of the auncient captayns, whiche had ordred a certayne maner of peple of whom souldyours shulde be chosen for warfare in tyme conuenient. But cōtrarywyse Marius admytted euery man indifferētly whiche was any thinge lyckely and had pleasure to go with him. And many such he admitted also which were poore and not suffred to go warfare before: lest their pouertie might haue constrayned them rather to fal to robbery than to dedes of chiualry. How beit, it was inacted of the olde Romains that suche excused of war for cause aboue sayd: shulde pay a certayne somme of money pretaxed toward the wages of such as laufully were admytted to warre. Marius suffred none of these to pay any thinge at all: but elect many of them for his souldyours. Manye of the Romaines surmysed that Marius elected vnto warre these abiect persons: for want of other good souldyours. Some other demed that he so dyd for fauoure, ambicion, and parcialite: bycause [Page] this sort of people assisted and honoured hym by auauncement at beginning of his promocion. And also men cōsidred that vn [...]o a man desyrous of dignitie and power: the most nedy men be most mete and behouable. For suche nedy wretches he moost auenturous: for they haue nought to lose and alway trust in auauncement by auenturinge thēselfe. And therfore they iudge euery thinge whiche they do: good, honest, and laudable: if any auantage be therto appendant. Thus dout they no peryll so that they may come therby to promocion. At last Marius departed from Rome with somwhat gretter nombre than was graunted and decreed to him of the senatours. Within fewe dayes after that: he toke shyppyng & arriued in the prou [...]nce next vnto Affrike vnder the Romains at a towne named Vtica. The army whiche was there with Metellus, was deliuered to him by one Publius Rutilius, which was embassadour with the said Metellus. For Metellus himself fled the sight of Marius b [...] cause he wolde not se that with his eyes, which he coude not endure to here. But whan Marius had restored and fulfylled the legions of his souldyors and the cohortes for the subsidyes and rescous. Than went he into a plentifull place of Numidy whiche was full of prayes. Al that he toke there: he gaue frely in rewarde to his souldyours. This done: he assayled suche castels and townes which wer but febly defended with men and walles. He had many batayls & lyght skyrmishes: and many other thinges he dyd in other place not with much difficultie. In the meane time the newe souldiours were redy manly fighting without fere: & seyng that they which fled wer other taken or slayne: therfore they aduysed them wel that the strongest & boldest was [Page] most sure of all. They considred wel that it stode them in hande to defende with wepyn and armour their libertie, their countrey, their frendes, and all other thynges longing to their helth and honour. Thus laboured they for glorie, laude, and riches which they optained: so that within short season the olde souldiours and the newe encreased together cherishynge and infourmynge one an other tyl their vertue and boldnes was like. But whan the two kinges Iugurth and Bocchus vnderstode of the comminge of Marius: they deuyded their hoostes and went in sonder into dyuers places where no man coude attayne to them for difficultie of the places. This was done by counsell of Iugurth. For it pleased him so to do trustinge that within shorte space the Romaines wolde be spred abrode in spoilinge and than thought he to assayle them in euery place whan they were moost without fear at libertie, at large, and vnprouided: as men ar want to be specially whan their ennemies behaueth them as if they were affraied. Than often be the victours improuident and lesse circumspect.

¶Howe Metellus the olde consull retourned to Roome, and of the worthy and valyaunte behaueour of Maryu [...] agaynste Iugurth, and of hys greate actes at his begynnyng. The .lii. Chapter.

IN the meane time Metellus returned to Rome: which contrary to his opinion was receyued wyth gladde myndes of the Romains and after that the enuy whiche Marius had moued agaynste hym was asswaged and ouerpassed: he was lyke dere and beloued bothe to the commens and Senatours.

[Page]¶But Marius on his parte applyed and toke heede to his owne busines and his enemies also without slouth: but with great wisedome. He perceiued well and knew what was good and yll for auantage on both sides. He caused the waies & iourneis of the two kinges to be daily searched and espied. He preuented & interrupted their counsels, prouisions and guiles. He suffered nothyng to be vnprouided and vnredie on his side: but on the other syde and party of his enemies, he suffered nothing to be sure or prouided: for alwaie he preuented their prouisions & pursued them. Often while Iugurth and the Getulians spoiled the Numidiens which had yelded them selfe to the Romaines, Marius was redie in their way and valiantly assayled them, & ouerthrewe many of thē while they were dispersed abroade and flying away for feare. And also not farre frome the towne of Cirtha, he made Iugurth hym selfe so trust in his flighte, that for hast to ren awaie: he left his armour behind hym. But whan Marius considered that his actes were only glorious and excellent without any auantage, and that he might not execute bataile with Iugurth for his vnstedfastnes. and mouinge from place to place, he considered in minde and ordeined hym redy to besiege the cities of the contreys one after another. And namelye suche as eyther of men or of place were necessarie and behouable to his enemies, and contrarye or hurtefull to hym. Thys dyd he, thynkynge that if Iugurthe wythoute disturbaunce suffered hym so to do, he shulde eyther be spoyled and bereft of hys cities, ordinaunce, socoures, and refuge: or els he must abide the fortune of batail, & striue for ye mastry in plaine field. Bocchus the kinge of the Mauriens had often sende messengers before vnto [Page] Marius: saying that he wold gladly come into fauour, amyte, and frendship of the Romains: and bydding Marius not to dout him as an ennemy nor to fear any thing longing to an enemy to be cōmitted of him ageinst the Romains. It is but lytel knowen for trueth whether Bocchus fained this thing to the intent that his comming to batayle vnknowen and vnproued myght be to Marius more greuous: or els whether he was wont by vnstablenes of mynd to change peace somtime for warre: and somtime war for peace. But Marius the consul (as he had purposed before) dru him vnto the castels and townes whiche were walled and defended: and fiersly assailed thē. Anone he tourned many of them from his ennemies to him, some by strength & violence, some by feare: and other some by promising and giueng of rewardes and prodicion of their captains. But at first beginning he medled but with meane castels and townes thinking that Iugurth shulde come to defende and socour his people & townes: & so come into danger of the Romains. But whan Marius herde that Iugurth was far thens and occupied in other besinesses: than thought he not to lose his time: but to auenture on gretter thynges wherin was more harde besinesse and laboure and honoure. Wherfore he entended to besiege the cite of Capsa, which was a greate cite, stronge, and riche.

¶How Marius wan the greate and ryche Citye named Capsa. and howe he vtterly destroyed the same and gaue all the ryches thereof to hauock [...] [...] his souldiours. The .liii. Chapter.

AMong the most widest & thickest wyldernesses of Numidy was this great & ryche cite named Capsa: whiche (as men say) was first bylded by [Page] that Hercules whiche was borne in the lande of Libya and not by Hercules the sonne of Iupiter & Alcumena Thinhabitours of this citie were ruled by Iugurthe peasably and easely put to no charges nor besinesse, and therfore were they moost true and faythful to him. They were defeneded againste al ennemies: not onely with walles, armour, and men: but also with much strō ger defence of the difficultie and hardnesse of the place and contrey nere about them. So that it was in maner impossible that any army could come nere thē for wante of water and scarcite of vitels. For except the feldes and place nere to the citie, all the other be voyde and wast grounde & desart without habitacion, vneyred, barayne and drie withoute water. All full of serpentes: whiche were somuche more violent and fiers for lacke of meat and sustenance, as al other wilde beastes be wont to inrage for honger. And moreouer the myscheuous and perilous nature of serpentes is more kindled to raging and vexed, with thyrst, thā with any other thing: which thyrst they coude not quenche ther for wante of water. Wherfore neyther man nor beast myght surely passe by thē. Whan Marius cast al these difficulties in his mind his hert was persed with a merueylous desyre to wyn this cite, both for that it was muche hurtful to him: and profitable to Iugurth, and also bycause it was herde to do and muche honour myght be gotten in wynninge therof. And moreouer bycause Metellus the other consull before him had won the cite of Thala, with great honour and glory: whiche of sytuacion was not valyke to this cyte: neyther vnlyke in defence. Saue that not far from the walles of Thala were a fewe fontaynes: but about this citye of Capsa was no water, wel, no [...] [Page] fontayne: saue one and that was within the wals of the citie alway ful of water. All other whiche dwelled with out the walles, as in the suburbes: occupyed but rayne water. The inhabitantes of that contrey and of all the remenant of Affrike, whiche were far from the see and rude people coude muche the better endure this scarsite of water and thirst: for this cause. For the moost part of them were fed with milke and venyson not loking after salte, sauces, nor other suche thinges as be norishinges or prouocatiues to glotony. They toke meate & drinke onely to slake their hunger, and to quenche their thirst: and not without measure to prouoke themselfe to pleasure of the fleshe, as many christen men do nowe in our dayes: which make of their bely their god. And eate not to liue: but they liue to eate contrary to mannes life, and vtterly encline to bestialite. O cursed glotony let vs christen men lerne here of panyms to eschewe thee: which wastest the body and goodes: damnest the soule: and art mother and norice of all vices. But to retourne to my purpose: this Marius after that he had serched euery thynge by his espyes, he proceded in his interprise and purpose (as men thought) holpen of the goddes. For agaynst so many and hard difficulties he coude not haue made sure prouision by counsel of man nor by his owne priuate wyt: as he which had impediment and was letted not onely by sharpnes of the cōtrey: but also by lacke and scarcite of wheat and of al other corne. For the Numidiens intendeth more, to norishe pasture for beastes than to labour or eire the grounde for corne. And also they had brought together all the seed and corne of the yere before into strong holdes as their kynge Iugurth had commaūded them and moreouer at that season the [Page] feldes on euery syde were drye and bare without corne: and no maruell. For it was about the extremite or later ende of somer. Not withstandyng all these difficulties and sharpnesses Marius made prouision ynough as the mater required. First he commytted all the bestes whiche he had taken in pray in foretyme vnto the horsemen, whiche of their owne wyl folowed hym to war: or were sende to hym for helpe by frendes of thempire. Marius commaunded thē to take charge to driue forth these beastes. Than sent he Aulus Maulius embassadour of the hoost to a towne named Laris, and all the cohortes of his souldyours with hym which were fotemen and lyght harnysed for to kepe the treasour of the souldyours wages and vitayles: whiche he had lefte in the same towne. Marius kept his counsel of this interprise so secrete that none of all his company hye nor low knewe of his purpose nor what he intended. But whan Manlius and his company shuld depart toward Laris Marius dissimuled wyth them sayenge that he woulde stray abrode in Numidye in rouynge and afterwarde within few dayes: he and his company wold come also to the same towne of Laris, laded with prayes of his enemies. This done he departed towarde a flod named Tana: no creature liuely knowyng of his purpose. And euery day he distribued in his iournayes amonge his hoost .xlii. heed of oxen for vitayle, which he commaunded to be deuided by euyn porcion amonge them by hunders and halfe hunders together: deuidynge vitayls to euery company after their nombre. And in the meane season he charged bottels and bowges to the hydes of the same beaste and of other ledder in gerate nombre. [Page] Moreouer he eased their scarcitie of wheate and other corne, by wyse prouision. And withoute knoweledge of al his company he made good prouision of euery thing whiche myghte be necessary vnto his armye in tyme of nede. At conclusion the syxte daie after whan they were come to the saide floud of Thana, thither was brought a myghtye multitude of bottels and bowges made of leather. There pitched they theyr tentes with easye labour and smal defence. Than refreshed they them selfe with meate and drinke, and eased them a certeine space. This done, Marius cōmaunded them that euery man shulde be ready to procede forward euen with the sūne goynge downe, and that euerye man shulde onely lade hym selfe and his beastes with water in the sayd bowges and bottels, leauing al other cariage, burthens and baggage there behynde them in their tentes vnder the custody of other souldiours therto assigned. After thys whan he saw his tyme, he departed forth from his tentes with his company, and labored all the nyght longe in hys iourney. The day after folowyng he rested in a secrete and couerte place. In the same wyse behaued he hym selfe the night next insuing, and in the third night muche before the day lyghte, he entred into a faire and large fielde full of small hylles and downes, no more but two myle space frome Capsa. And there he taried with all his hoste in the moste priuiest maner abidyng the daye light. But assone as the day light began to appear, many Numidiens issued forth of the towne: some to disport them selfe, and some about their busines, nothinge fearinge nor suspecting of their enemies. Whan Marius sawe that, anone with al hast he sent his horse men to the towne, and with them as many fotemen in [Page] lyght harnesse as were moost swyft and spedy. Whome he commaunded to ren with all hast and boldely and valiantly to assayle the towne: and to besyege the gates. Than after he hymselfe folowed spedely: but with good hede and aduisement: not sufferynge his souldyours in the assaut nor in the way thyderwarde to fal to robbing nor praies by spoyling of their enemies. Whan thinhabitantes of the towne k [...]ewe herof: their case was vnsure, their feare greate and horrible: for the sodeyne chaunce of them was nothynge suspected before, nor prouyded. Many of the cetezins whiche were without the towne and were taken and in power and captiuite of the Romains their ennemies sent vnto them within the towne desyring them for sauegard of their liues to yelde them selfe & the cite to Marius. So was it done a cōclusion. Howbeit this not withstanding Marius brent the cite. Al the Numidiens inhabytantes therof which were of full age and able to bere wepen were slaine: and the remanent as women, children, & aged men were taken prisoners and solde for their raunsome. The pray and richesse was deuided among the souldyours. This dede againste the lawe of armes was not thus done by Marius: by couetyse nor any other crueltie of hym: but bycause the towne & place was profitable, and necessarye to Iugurth and to the Romains harde to come to. And the maner of the people proued mouable and vnlauful euer of nature before: and neyhter refrained from their yll appetite by benefite or good dede: nor yet with awe or feare of punyshement.

¶How Marius by fortune more then by strengthe wonne the strongest [...] castle of all Numidy, wherin were the treasoures of Iugurth. The .liiii. Chapter.

[Page] AFter that Marius had brought to ende so greate and harde an interprise withoute anye losse or dammage to hym or any of his peple. Though he wer reputed noble, great and excellent before: than begane he to be counted more famous and excellent. Euery noble dede: was reputed to be done by strength and wisdom of Marius: and ascribed to his strength and polycie. And that suche thynges as were done by good counsell and prouision, and also suche as hapened by fortune or chance: and by neglygence of ennemies. The souldiours were so manerly treated without crueltie or fiersnesse of their captayne, and also made riche and abūdant in treasour and iewels: that they exalted and praysed his name to the heuen. And loued hym as themself. But in contrary wyse the Numidyens feared hym more than any man lyuyng. Shortly to speke: both the frendes of thempire and ennemies also thought verily that eyther Marius had a godly minde and was a god himselfe: or els that he was priue with the goddes: and dyd al his dedes and besynesse by their aduyse, counsell, and prouision: which shewed him before what shuld fortune after. But whan this chaunce had fortuned so well at Capsa: anone Marius drue him to other townes, and toke as many as he besyeged. In some towne the Numidyens resysted him to their power: but it coude not auayle. In many other townes the dwellers gaue thē ouer & lefte them voyde and ran away fering so to be treated and delt withal as they of Capsa were: bycause their townes were lyke behouable to Iugurth, and hurtefull to Marius. Whan Marius came to any such towne: destitute and voide of dwellers he set fyre in them and brent them grounde [Page] smothe. The aged menne, women and chyldren tooke them to woodes and caues to hyde them selfe. The yong men & lusty which were taken, were slaine downe ryghte. Thus was euerye place fylled with wepynge and waylinge, brenninge and slaughter: one myngled with another. Finally after that Marius had wonne in to his handes many townes and castels, and some with out resystence or bloud shedinge of his menne, he wente in hande wyth an other mayslrie and difficultye not so sharpe nor harde to come to as was Capsa, but to be wonne or besieged it was not lesse harde nor of lesse difficultie.

¶Not far from the flod of Mulucha (which water deuideth the kyngdome of Iugurth, from the kingedome of Bocchus) was a great rocke or mountaine of stonne in the middes of a playne, open ynough to be sene haueyng therupon builded a meane castle of quātitie, but of a meruelouse altitude, and only one strayte passage and narowe lefte to come thereto. But on euery other syde, the rocke of naturall growyng was downe ryghte lyke a walle, as if it had ben made for the nonce wyth mans handes. Marius purposed with all his myghte to take this castle: & namely because the treasures of Iugurth wer within the same. But this his purpose at last came to effecte, rather by chaunce of fortune, than by prouision or counsell. For thys castle was garnyshed and plenteouselye instored wyth men, wepyn, vitayles, and with all other ordinaunce requisite & necessarie to defence of such a fortres. More ouer wythin the same a fountain plēteful of clere water. And beside this ye situacion therof was suche yt without meruelous difficultie & vnmesurable labour no enemies might attaine or aproche [Page] nere therto their ingines of bataile to frushe the walles or any other part therof. Beside al these defēces the double walles of this castel were garnyshed with towres, bulwarkes, and all other defences and ingynes whiche coude be ymagined by mannes mynd: and that rownde about compasse aswell within, as without. The way therto: by whiche the inhabitantes and garnison vsed to go and come, was very straite and narowe. In somuch that the Romains entring by the same way with their ingines of bataile were constrained to cut their pauases on both sydes & to make them more narowe for straytenesse of the passage. And in suche maner they proceded forward vnder the same in great parill and with much difficultie: and at conclusion al in vayne. For whan they were come nere to the walles & wolde haue set vp and adioyned the same pauases to the walles to haue vnder mined vnder them: all their labour was frustrate. For what with stones and what with fire the defenders of the castel brake and brente them agayne downe to the grounde. Thus coulde not the souldyours which vnder mined the walles contynue together at their worke and besinesse: for starytenes and difficultie of the place and importune violence of thē within the castell. Nor other souldyours coude not serue them whiche made and repared the pauases without great paryll and daunger. For continually as faste as they raysed the pauases to couer and defende them selfe: they were broken & brent bytwene their handes. In the meane time no souldyors was so good, stronge, nor bolde: but that he was eyther woūded or beaten downe to death. Thē was fear encresed to other that were feble and faynt herted.

¶ But after that many dayes & greate labours in this [Page] maner were ouerpassed and spente in vayne. Marius was sore angred & vexed in his herte, reuoluing many thinges in mynde, but specially whether he mighte giue ouer his purpose (seing his labour frustrate) or elles abide the chaunce of fortune which at many times before he had found fauorable & friendly to hym. While Marius chafed & brēning in desire reuolued such things in his mynd both day and night: it happened by chance of fortune that a certeine Lumbarde a symple souldioure, one of the companie which was laste sente from Rome to Numidy to supply the army, straied abrode from his companie a lytle way, which Lumbard as he wandred found among the stones many small snailes creping on the ground, not farre from that side of the castle whiche was ouer againste the side that the Romaines besieged and assailed. Bycause this Lūbard in his contrey was acostumed lyke other of his contrey menne to eate such snailes prepared after their maner: therefore he gathered first one and than an other, and after that many: ascending vp by lytle and lytle, somtime creping, somtime clyming, for no other intent and purpose saue to gether suche snailes: and so farre he proceded by lytle and litle tyl at last he came almoste to the top of the mountayne. But whan he sawe all that syde of the castle desolate, & no person steryng, anone he beganne to haue a pleasure and desire in his mynde to worke some mastrie, as the propertie and condicion is of euery manne couetinge to wynne a name, laude and riches, and to be spoken of. By chaunce of fortune in the same place where the Lū barde stode in this aduisemente among the stones grue a greate and olde oke tree hauinge the middes a lytle bowing downe toward the grounde, and the remenant [Page] crokyng vpwarde againe with myghty armes & brannches ascendyng to the hiest of the walles with the toppe erect and lyfted vp as euery herbe and tre of nature is wont to growe vpwarde at the top. This lumbard wel aduised the same and aduentured to clime vpwarde takyng his holde somtyme by the branches and bowes of this oke: and somtime takyng holde and leanyng by the stones which appered forth in the wal, tyl at the last he attayned vnto the very top of the wall. And whan he sawe no man styring on that part there stode he styl espyed of no man and noted & consydred wel at his pleasure al the inwarde part of the castel & the playne within the walles about the towre. This lumbarde hadde so muche the more leasour to take so long aduisement vnespyed for al the Numidiens defenders of the castel were on the other syde attendyng & gyueng hede to the assaut and defendyng themselfe and the castel agaynst the Romayns. Whan the lumbard had espyed and consydred euery thinge whiche he thought might be auantage to his after purpose: than he descēded agayne downeward by the same way which he ascēded: but not without hede nor with so lytel aduisement as he ascended vpwarde: but prouyng euery way, and lokyng about yf it were possible to brynge into the castel any company of men by that syde or not. This wel cōsydred: assone as he descended: anone he went to Marius and informed hym of euery thinge as he had done exhortyng and requiring hym to put in profe whether the castel might be won on that syde wher he had ben. Fartherhmore he promised himselfe to be gyde vnto suche as wolde vndertake that interprise sayeng that in the matter was no danger. Marius heryng these wordes of the lūbard, send forth [Page] wyth him certayne of his men of thē which were there present to vnderstand and know the truth of the mater. Whan they had ben there and retourned to Marius agayne: some brought hym worde that the mater was easy to do: and some other sayde that it was very harde and perylous. The sentence of euery man was after as their mindes gaue them. The cowards thought it hard but such as were of bolde hertes & desyrous of worship thought it easy and without much peryl. Neuerthelesse the minde of Marius was somwhat exalted to comfort, and good hope: and therfore of al the company of trumpettes, and of other suche mynstrels as be wont to be in batayle to giue courage and signes to the fighters, he chose forthe fyue whiche were mooste swyfte and moste lyghte: and foure hundred menne he assigned to assyste and defende the sayd trumpettes. And al them he commaunded to obey to the lumbard and to be ruled and ordred by him in euery thynge. The day next folowynge was assigned to them to procede forth in their besynesse Whan the tyme assigned and prefexed by Marius was come the lumbarde with his company had made redy and ordred euery thyng: and so went to the place where he had ben before. But whan they wer come thyder: tho lumbard their gyde caused thē to change their armour, and to make bare their heades and their fete: to thintent that they so bare heded the better might se aboue them and on euery syde of them: and that they being bare fote might labour so muche the better and, take better holde in clymming vp by the stones. Their swerdes were fastened behynd at their backes & their buckelers withall which wer made after the fashiō of the Numidiēs bucklers of lether: bycause of lighter weight and burthen. [Page] And also to thinntent that they shuld gyue les sound or noyse, if it hapned any stone to smite againste thē. This done: the lumbard went vp before them, and bounde smal cordes to the stones and to the olde rotes whiche apered aboue the stones where he coude espy any suche wherby the souldyours sustaining themself and taking hold might more lightly and with more ease mount and clyme vpward. And somtime he went before and helped them vp with his handes speciall suche as for that vncustomed way were somwhat fereful. Somtyme whan thascending or going vp was ouer harde and sharpe: he put eche of them vp before him without armour: and than he himself folowed with their armour and wepyn. Such places where most dout was in: he specially proued and assayd them most of al: & in goyng and coming often times vp and downe by the same most dangerous passages: he encreased audacite and boldnesse to the remenant. Thus after thei had ben sore weryed, and with long and great labour endeuored themselfe: at last they came into the castel, whiche on that syde they founde desolate and without defence. For (as sayd is before) al they whiche were with in the castel were occupyed in fightyng, or redy to fight against the Romains: as they were on other dayes before. But whan Marius vnder stode by messangers how the lumbard had done: how be it that al the day before his men had ben sore besied and occupyed in fightyng: and assayling the castel. Neuertheles specially at this tyme he exhorted and enbolded them: and he himselfe departing forth from vnder his pauases caused his souldyours to adioyne thēselfe nere together, & to holde vp their shyldes aboue their heedes so that the cōioyning of them semed as it wer the frame [Page] of a volt. Marius kept him vnder the same for his defence, and so approched to the walles. And bothe he and his company whiche were nere about him valiantly assailed the castel: and also other of his company which stode a far of and coude not come nere the walles for prease: assailed the castel fiersly from a far & sore vexed and put in feare their enemies within the castel throwyng against thē plumettes of leed with slinges, arowes dartes, & al other maner engyus of batayle wherwith any thynge coude strongely be throwen into the castel. But the Numidiens within the castel had often before this time ouerturned and brent the tentes & pauases of the Romains & toke therby so great audacite & boldnes that they defended not themself within the castel walles but walked vp & downe without the castel walles bothe day and night reuiling and reprouinge the Romayns and obiectyng cowardyse agaynste Marius. And thretnynge that his souldyours shuld be made subiectes and bonde me to Iugurthe in tyme to come, whome they purposed at that tyme to make bonde to them. Thus whyle they thought themselfe sure and their matter in good case: they were harde and egar ynough reuylinge & thretnynge the Romayns. In the meane space whyle the Romains and their ennemies were besyest fighting withall their myght: the Romains for laude, glorie, and lordshyp: and the Numidiens for their helth and sauing of their liues. Anone sodenly the lumbard with his company which were within the castel on the backsede blew their trumpettes. First of all the women and children whiche went to the walles to se the bykeringe were al abashed and fled inwarde to the castel: and after them al the souldiours which were without and nerest to the [Page] walles and coude escape in. And finally they all bothe armed and vnarmed fled inward. Whan the Romains sawe this they assayled the castel more fiersly: some they slew and ouerthrew: some they wounded ouerpassing or standyng vpon the bodyes of them whiche were slayne. Al their desyre was with their handes to wyn glorie and worshyp. They stryued to ascende vnto the walles euery man couetyng to be before other. None of them al taryed nor was let with spoylinge nor prayes. Their great courage suffred them not to loke there after, tyl by manhode and strength they had won the castel. Thus was fortune fauorable to Marius: so that his first negligence & vnwise boldnes to assaile a castel inexpugnable was tourned by chance from rebuke to glorie and laud such was his fortune. But whan Marius had won his castel after estimacion of man not able to be won: than was he lorde of the moost part of al the treasour of Iugurth: the castel was gyuen all to murder and hauocke. And the souldiours of Marius richely rewarded euery man after his desert.

¶How in the meane tyme while this castle was in wynnyng, a noble man of Rome named Lucius Sylla came from Rome to Marius with a gret bende of horsemen, and of the maners and behaueour of thys Sylla. The .lv. Chapter.

IN meane tyme while this fiers assault & victory was cōcluded at this castel: a famous lorde of Rome named Lucius Sylla, tresourer of the army came frō Rome to Marius with a great bend of horsmen. Whom the same Marius at his departing from Rome had left there to raise & assēble socour to the war among ye Italiens & other nacions, frēdes & louers of thēpire of rome.

[Page]¶ But forasmuche as the matter moueth vs to make mēcion of so worthy a man & of his disposiciō & maners therfore it semth me cōuenient in this part somwhat to write of his behauoure and conuersacion: and that as brefely as I may conueniently: namely for two causes. The first for that I intende not to make relacion of his behauour and maner in any other place of his cronycle saue here. Secondly for asmuch as none other authour hath written sufficiently of hym. For howe beit that one historiograph named Lucius Sisenna: wrote most dyligently and best of his actes of any other before: neuertheles me semeth that he spake lytel acordyng to truth nor indyfferently. For his tong nor pen were not at lyeberte for asmuche as he was somwhat in danger to that said Sylla: wherbi he was prohibited to say or to write acording to the trueth. For what by fauour and what by fere he durst not touche plainly the vices which were in him. But here I purpose (al fauour & fere laid a part indifferenly to write of him.

¶This Sylla of progeny, was descended of most noble stocke of the Romains. How be it the name of hys auncestrie was almost lost and decayed by dulnes, negligence and slouth of some of his lynage. In greke and laten he was of lyke connynge, and excellently seene in both the langages, his mynde was greate and bolde of corage. Of voluptuous pleasures he was desirous, but much more desirous of glory and laude. In vacant leasure he was much enclined to ye lustes of his body. But such pleasure or voluptuousnes dyd neuer let nor wyth holde hym from any busines or occupacion necessarye: how be it such pleasure blynded hym yt he toke no wife of birth, manars, and honesty conuenient for his estate. [Page] He was muche eloquent of speche crafty and subtyll ynough. He had the wayes easely to get frendshyp, and it was also no maistry to get frēdshyp of him: in faining dissimulyng, & countrefaytinge of besynesses: his wytte was very hye and excellent. He was a marueylous and incredyble gyuer of many thinges, but specially of money: and before the warre and victory whiche the noble men of Rome: had agaynst the commen people: He was so noble & worthy reputed that it is in maner incredible nor his good fortune neuer passed the policy of his wyt: in somuch that many men wer in dout whyther he was more fortunate than stronge. But after the victory of this warre: so vngoodly was his demeanour & so cruel, that verily I knowe not whyther I may more be ashamed or greued to write or to speke therof. For after that this warre of Numidy was ended: and bothe Marius and this Sylla were retourned to Rome: a greate discorde fel bytwene the lordes and commens. Marius toke part with the commons: but Sylla toke with the lordes & at last droue Marius forthe of the citie. After that: an other man of great power called Cynna whiche had ben fyue tymes consul of Rome gathered an hoost of men & toke parte with Marius agaynst this Sylla. But at conclusion Sylla ouercame hym in bataile: and slewe him. After this: Sylla cruelly murdred an other noble man of Rome named Caius Carbo: and with hym yonge Marius, sone of this Marius whiche warred in Numidi. Last of al whan this Sylla had won victory ouer Marius and his fauourers: than became he most cruel of al other: in somuch that he fylled al the citie with blod of the citezins. But here wyl I leaue to speke farther of this Sylla, or of his behauour in crueltie, [Page] and retourne to wryte of hys behaueoure in thys warre of Numidie vnder Marius.

¶After that this Sylla (as I haue saide before) was come to Affrike, and to the hoste of Marius with hys company of horsemen, within shorte season he became mooste experte in chiualrie and craftie aboue all other: howe be it before this tyme he was but rude and ignorante in dedes of chiualrie. And moreouer he treated & gouerned his souldiours with maners and meekenes. And gaue rewards to many: to some which desired him and to some other of his owne pleasure not desired therto. But he wolde take no rewardes nor gyftes againe, without it were against his wyll. And if he so dyd at any tyme againste his wyll: than was he more readie to giue againe that which was geuen to hym, than to pay that money which he had borowed of other. He demaū ded nothing againe of any man, though it wer due and det to hym: but rather he labored and endeuored hym selfe that many might be in his det, and bi such meanes to haue them bound to him. And how be it that he was one of the greatest of Rome, yet disdained he not the cō pany of the most symple souldiours of the hoste: but cō muned and acompanied with them both in sportes and in sadnes. In labours he was alway ready. In bataile and watching, with other busines of war he suffered no man to be before hym. Nor in the meane season he neyther hurt the good name of the consul, nor of none other good man: which thyng men desirous of worshyp & honour be often wonte to do: for in dispraysinge of other, they thynke to obtaine greate laude to thē selfe. He only lobored that none myght passe hym neither in counsell, nor in myght, or manhod of his handes: But he passed [Page] manye. By whiche maners and condicions in shorte tyme he became verye deere and welbeloued, not onely to Marius: but also to all the hooste.

¶How Marius preuayled in batayl againste the .ii. kinges, Jugurth and Bocchus. The .lvi. Chapter.

BVt whan Iugurth had lost the towne of Capsa, as is sayd before: and diuerse other fortresses and other places defensyues whiche to him wer profitable. And also a great quantite of his treasour, wherin he mooste trusted: Anone he sente messangers to kynge Bocchus requiring him in al hast to come to Numidy & to bring his army with him: saing that it was hye time to make bataile with Marius. But whan he vnderstode that Bocchus prolonged the time in ouerlong tarieng, haueyng diuers considerations and war, as he that was in dout of the chaunce and fortune of the ende therof. Jugurth agayne corrupted the next of his counsel with giftes in likewse as he had done before: and promised vnto the king Bocchus himselfe, the third part of the kingdome of Numidy: if the Romains were dryuen out of Affrike, or if the warre shulde be brought to ende with out losse or diminishing of his kingdome and marches thereof. The kinge Bocchus induced with hope of this reward: with a great multitude of people came to Iugurth, and adioyned both their armies together in one.

¶ At this tyme Marius wyth hys company was in his iournay toward a prouince which was in the coost of Affrike and apartained to thempire: where the sayd Marius purposed to rest with his cōpany, tyl the winter were paste. But whan he was in his iourney and in [Page] least doute: Jugurth and Bocchus both together inuaded and set vpon him & his men whan the tenth part of the day scarsely remained. This dyd they, thinking that the night which was nere come, shuld to them be great socour and defence if they were ouercome: & if they dyd ouercome the Romains, it shuld be to them no damage nor impediment, bicause they knewe the contrey & place better then the Romaines. But on the other syde bothe these chaunces in darkenes, were hard and contrary to the Romains: for they knewe not the coastes of that cō trey. Marius anone had vnderstanding of the cōmyng of his enemies by many of his espyes, but it was ouer late. For as sone as he hadde worde, his enemies were euen at hande: In so much that before the army coulde be set in order or araye, and or they could remoue or gather together their baggage whych at that tyme was abrode: and before they could take any commaundement of theyr captayne by worde or sound of trumpets: The horsemen of the Mauriens and of the Getulians ran together vpon them, not in order or araye of batayl: but by companies and bendes together, as it fortuned them to come togther in heapes and clusters. The Romains for the moste parte were all amased and greuousely abashed for that sodaine and vnprouided feare. Neuertheles they forgat not their olde manhod and strength: Some drewe them to theyr armoure, and other some whiche were armed already defended their felowes tyl they armed them selfe. Other some mounted on horsebacke and boldely rode againste their enemies, and encountred them valiauntly. The fyghte on both partyes was more lyke a skyrmishe amonge brygandes and rouers, then to any appointed or ordered batayle. [Page] For the horsemen and fotemen were myngled together without standerdes, cognisances, or any ordinaunce, araye or order. The Mauriens and Numidians were fierse on their syde. Some of the Romains they beate downe and ouerthrew. Some they wounded mortally: And many they berefte vtterly of their lyues, and slew them in that place. The remenant whiche sharplye and manlye resisted, they compased them aboute on euerye side, and as well behynd as before assailed them: so that neyther manhod, strength nor armour, was able sufficiently to defend them: And no maruel, for their enemies were mo in nomber than they: and compassed them aboute on euery syde of them. But finally the Romayne souldiours which were both of olde and newe, & therefore both strong, bolde, and craftie in batayle: gathered them as nere together as they myght. And wher it fortuned any nomber of them to meete together, they tourned backe to backe, and ioyned them round one with another in maner of a compasse or cyrcle: and so they saued and defended them selfe together that on the backe halfe no man coulde assaile them, but if he brake in thorowe the myddes of them, which was in maner impossible. By this maner they sustayned the myghte of theyre enemies, and also saued them selfe. Nor their captayne Marius in this ieoperdous and sharpe busynes was not afrayed at all, nor of lesse corage and boldenes then he was before: but styrred about euery where in the batayle. And his men of garde about hym, whom he had chosen rather of the strongest and boldest menne of the hoste, than of suche as were moste familiar wyth hym. For he set more by the audacitie of them, than by the familiaritie of the other: & namely in suche a ieopardous [Page] case. Somtime he socoured his souldiours in their nede or suche as he sawe in paryl. And somtyme he ran in among his enemies: wher thei wer thickest. And notwithstāding their resistence he assailed thē valiantly: & wounded, slewe, & ouerthrue them on euery syde his weapen in the red bloud of the blacke Mauriens & Getuliens. And bycause that in so harde a case: and in so great and troublous noyse and rumour, he coude not counsel nor comforte his souldyours with his tonge, therefore he thought to counsel, incorage, and confort them with hys hande, giuing them example surely to bestow their strokes. Many of his enemies send he to hel crieng in vain vpon their ydolles of helpe. The dartes, iauelyns pikes plumettes of leed, stones, with other such instrumentes of bataile were cast so thicke on bothe parties, that the aire therwith was dimmed. The strokes wer so coursly charged on the bright helmes and harnesse, that the fire sprang out on euery side: so that it semed to be the lyghtning: the cry of the men dieng: the neieng of the horses: and the dyn of the strokes, wyth the sounde of the trumpettes: was horrybe & tedious to here. Thus continued they tyl the day light was passed, and the night come. The Numidians, getulians, & maurians desysted nor ceassed nothing for that. But as bothe Jugurth and Bocchus before had warned and commaunded them: they continued more sharpely than before, thinking that the darkenesse of the night shuld be for their auauntage Marius this vnderstanding toke counsel & made best prouision for himselfe and his men: whiche he might in suche case: and as the mater required. And to thentent that his people mighte haue some place to resorte vnto, for refuge and socours: he prouided before and ocupyed [Page] two hylles nere together of whome the one was ouer narowe, and of litle grounde to receiue hys hole army and tentes: but in the top therof was a fayre fountayne of pure water much necesseary. The other hyl sufficiētly large to receyue his hole hoost and tentes: and also very defensyue, for it was of a great altitude & downe right on euery syde. In somuche that they whiche shulde take that hil wer sure ynough without great defence of them selfe, for nature had it sufficiently defended. This wel considred: Marius cōmaunded Sylla his vndercapten to take with him all the horsmen, and to tary that nyght about the smaller hyl where the fountayne was. This done: he himselfe gathered together by litel and litel the remanent of his souldyours dispersed abrode: their ennemies being not lesse troubled than were they. Whā Marius had thus assembled agayne his men together he led them all with ful cours vp vnto the larger hyl. Thus the two kinges Iugurth and Bocchus seyng it in vayne to fyght with them whiche were on the hyer ground, & also on so sure a place: wer cōstrained to leaue the fight: for difficultie of the place which the Romains had taken. But neuertheles in the meane tyme they suffred not their men to departe far thens: but compased bothe the hylles round about with their hole multitude and there taryed & rested, shed abrode vpon the ground. Whan they hadde taken their place in this maner: they made great fiers here and there in many places of their hoost: & the barbarians after their custome passed forth the most part of the night in myrth, pleasure, & gladnes reioysing, daunsyng: and making great noyse and dyn: rennyng and goyng from place to place: & loudly crieng synging & reuellyng. The kynges themselfe were also [Page] not a lytle proud and fierse because they had not fledde from the batayle, and counted thē selfe as ouercomers seyng that they helde the Romains so besieged, whiche as they thought durst not abyde thē. On the other part the Romayns intentifely gaue aduertens to the demeanour of their enemies. And for that the Romains were on the heygth of the hyll and withoute lyghte: therfore more easy from darkenes of hyer places they perceiued all the dedes and behaueoure of their enemies whiche were beneath them: and much more euidently by lighte of the fyers. This vnwyse behaueour of the Numidyans put the Romains in great confort, and was greate courage to them. And speciallye Marius was greatly confirmed in hope seyng their negligence, their folye, & vncraftines: Wherfore he cōmaunded his folke to kepe silence as styll as myght be possible without any noyse. In so much that he suffered not the trumpets to sounde the watch as warriours are wont against nyght. Afterwarde whan the daye began to apeare, the Numidians were all wearyed with their cryinge, ouer late watcheyng, and reuell: and had geuen them selfe to reste a lytle before as men without feare or dout of the Romaines. But certenly it is a true prouerbe which is often sayde, that after faire wether succedeth tēpesteous cloudes, & after mirth and ioye often cometh sadnesse and sorowe. So it happened to the Numidyans. For whyle they ingorged and fylled with wynes laye sleepynge on the ground as beastes wythout feare & wythout prouision: Marius cōmaunded sodenly al hys trumpets, clarionistes with other minstrels to sound their instrumēts as shirle as they could altogether, & that al his souldiours shuld set vp a shout or cry as horribly as they myghte: [Page] and with that inuade and breke into the tentes of the Numidiens. This was shortly done: wherfore the Numidiens, Mauriens, and Getuliens astonied & abashed with that vnknowen and horryble noyse: were sodenly a wakened of sleape: and seyng thē thus compased with their ennemies: what for feare of deth & the noyse, they were so amased that they hadde no power neyther to fle nor draw to them their armour, nor vtterly to do or prouide any manner socour for themselfe. Thus they stode astonyed for this horrible noise and cry as if madnesse had entred them: none able to socour himselfe nor other. The Romains alway increased to them their noise and feare assailing, murdring, and wounding them without any resistence. Finally al they were other ouerthrowen, slayne, or wounded: or els fled, their armour, standerdes and weapen left behynde them: and mo were in this batayle slaine: than in all the batayls before. For amonge them al none was taken prisoner: for with fere & sleape so amased w [...]re they, that fewe escaped by flight.

¶Of the great prouision and wisedome of Marius after hys victory, and of the second batayle which he had against the two kynges, in whiche also he had great victory with laude & honour. The .lvii. Chapter.

WHan Marius hadde gloriously thus ouercome the most part of his ennemeies except the two kynges: he drue him than toward his wyntring place as he had purposed before. And ordred himselfe and his men specially in hauen townes bycause of more easy prouision of vitels: but neuertheles: in his iournay thiderwarde: for al his victory: he became not negligent, vnware, nor proude: as captains often ar wont after victory goten of their ennemies: but he prouided and wente forwarde [Page] with his army quadrate and deuided into foure partes ordred and appointed as if his enemies had ben in his syght. Sylla was assigned to take charge of the ryghte winge of the armie, and all the spere menne with hym. And Aulus Manlius of the lyfte winge: and with him the slyngers, archars, and the cohortes of Lumbardes The pety captaines with fotemen of lyght harnes, wer distributed and diuided in the van [...]gard and rereward. Of the treytours which had forsaken Iugurth & came to the Romaines, such as were best labored, and knewe best the contrey were chosen forth and sent out to espye the contrey and wayes of Iugurth and Bocchus. But notwithstanding Marius him selfe was as prouident, circumsptet, and diligente withall, as if he had cōmitted the charge to none other. He was mouinge continually from place to place ouer all the army: lauding, cōmending and rewarding the good souldiours: and blaming and rebuking the bad: he hym selfe armed, and diligentlie prouiding and ministring vnto them euery thing necessarie and expedient: and compelled them that wer froward and yll wyllinge to labour. In euery place where he set his tentes in his iourney, he ordred defence wyth depe dyches and trenches round about his host. And in the entres of the tentes he assigned souldiors elect ther to, to kepe watche, and some to kepe scout watche about the tentes in compas. Moreouer some other he ordred on the casting of the dyches and on outward bulwarks to defende the remenant if any sodaine peryll apeared. He him selfe armed myghtely went about and searched the watch. Not specially for any feare nor mystruste of anye peryll to come, nor for feare that his souldioures wold not obay his commaundemente. But chiefely to [Page] the entent that the souldyours seyng their captayne not resusing labour nor paryl: shulde be also more wylling to folowe the same and take payne vpon themselfe as ashamed if they dyd not as muche as their captayn. And certenly at this tyme & at many other during this war (as I rede) Marius constrayned his souldyours to labour rather for shame than with sharpnes or punishement. For shame it is to the seruant to be ydle whan the maister sore laboreth. Howbeit some sayd that Marius toke this labour vpon him for the desyre of commendacion and worshyp: bycause that from his youth he was euer wont with hardnes, hunger, thirst, and labour: and many other thynges whiche the delycate gentylmen of our tyme count for miseries. But to Marius wer these hardnesses muche pleasure & delite for affection whiche he had agaynste the commen weale, as equal persones supposed. But to what euer intent Marius: treated his army in his wyse: it was knowen that his dedes dyd asmuche profet and worshyp to the commen weale of Rome: as if he had more rigorously & sharpely treated his souldyours. For al thynges were ordred wel and worthely for the honour & profet of the commen weale as he had more rigorously treated his army.

¶ But to retourne to my purpose: whan Marius with suche dyligence as said is: was come not far from the towne of Cirtha, at the last the fourth day after the forsayd batayle: the espyes of their ennemies appered on euery side. The Romains vnderstod anone therby that their ennemies were at hande. The espyes of the Romayns also whiche were sende sorth: brought the same tidynges from euery coost of the countrey. Marius perceyued that hys ennemies were in diuerse companyes [Page] and deuided: wherefore he was vncertayne howe he might best order his host to receyue them: And therfore perceyuing it vnsure: how to order the forfront of hys batayle as it ought: he abode hys enemies in the same place no order chaunged with his hoost deuyded in .iiii. partes (as sayd is) as he which was redy and prouided for euery chaunce. Thus was Iugurth disceyued and frustrate of hys purpose. For he had deuyded hys hoost into four partes trustynge to inuade some of the Romayns on the backehalfe with parte of his army: and with an other parte to encounter with them, and with the other two partes to enclose them on bothe the sydes and so to enuyron them rounde aboute. In the meane time Sylla which first encoūtred with Iugurth exhorted and comforted his men aswel as he might for breuitie of the time. That done: anone he proceded with hys company by bendes and clusters together, their horses conioyned in the moost thickest maner: and so fiersly assayled the Maurians. The remanent of the fotemen which wer vnder Sylla: remayned and kept themselfe styl in their firste place, and defended theyr bodies from the dartes whyche their ennemies threwe against them from farre. But if it chaunsed any of their ennemyes to come betwene their handes, they hewed them downe to decrease the nomber.

¶ Whyle Sylla and his horsemen thus fierselye were fyghtyng on the ryght wyng of the batayle: The kinge Bocchus assembled together the footemen whome hys sonne named Volux, had broughte thyther wyth hym. These footemen had suche impedimente in theyr iournaye thytherwarde that they came ouer late to the other batayle whiche was laste foughten before this. [Page] Wherfore Bocchus: whan he had assembled & inbolded with his words these freshe fotemen: with thē he assailed fiersly the rere warde of the Romains.

¶ In the meane time Marius himselfe was occupied in the fore ward of his hoost and ther employed his wysdome and strength, as a valyant and worthy captayne: and so stode it him in hande. For in the forwarde Iugurth himselfe with his grettest power & strongest company of men inbatayled with hym.

¶ But after that Iugurth knewe of the commyng of Bocchus to the felde: anone he turned hym with a smal company about him priuely vnto the fotemen of the Romains: and there with an hye voyse he cried vnto them, sayng that they fought but in vaine. For a litel before he had slaine Marius with his owne handes. And in cryeng these wordes he lyfted vp withal, and shewed his swerde all ouersprincled and dyed with blode: whiche he had so couloured in the batayle fiersly ynough in murdring the fotemen of the Romains. These wordes Iugurth cried in latyn tong. For he had lerned to speke lattyn longe before in the bataile of Numaunce. Whan the Romains herde these wordes they were affrayed, but more for crueltie of the noise: than for any confidence or trust which they had to the messanger. But on the other side the mindes of the barbariens wer bolded & exalted by these wordes: by reason whereof more sharpely they inuaded the Romains, seinge them abashed & astonied. And nowe were the Romains of the forwarde at that poynt that they were redy to giue them selfe to flight: as men discouraged for the said tidinges.

¶ Whan they were at this point: it fortuned so at the same tyme that Sylla had beaten and ouerthrowen the [Page] Mauriens whyche inuaded and assayled hym on the ryghte wynge of the batayle: Wherfore he retourned to his companye and fiersely assayled the freshe footemen whiche were wyth Bocchus, and at one syde brake in amonge the thyckest of them. But Bocchus anone tourned his backe and gaue hym selfe to flyght.

¶On the other syd [...] Iugurth which in his part of the batail almost had optained victory dyd his diligence to incourage and support his company, and to maintaine that auantage which he had won. And at conclusion al in vaine. For while he labored there about as a worthy captaine, the speremē of the Romayns so cōpassed hym and his company about both on the ryght syde & on the lyft: that all his garde & other which were about hym at cōclusion wer slain. But he him selfe glad to saue his lyfe, brake forth alone from among the mids of his enemies, and from wepons & dartes with great difficultie.

¶But in the meane tyme Marius had ouercome and driuen away the horsemen which assayled hym. Wherefore anone he retourned fiersely to helpe and socour his company whom he vnderstode somewhat put backe by violence of their enemies. But he by his pollicy and valiant deedes anone so reconforted his men that none of hys ennemies were able to withstand their vyolence in anye part of that batayle.

¶Thus finally the Romains after greate labour and manye greuous woundes disconfited their enemies on euery side. But whā the batail was ended, and the Romains began to pursue the chase, then verelye it was a pytefull & horrible syght to beholde in the open fieldes, and to cōsider the cruell spectacle of bataile. How some fled, some pursued, some inraged murdring, some rored [Page] dieng, some slaine, some taken prisoners. The horse and men myngled together: laboring in the panges of deth. The grounde ouerspred with dead corpses mangled, mutulate, & horribly hewen: inuolued in blud congeled. The horses wounded: as mad drewe after thē the dead carcases of their maisters, their legges hanging in the stiropes, and their speares halfe thorowe theire bodyes trailing after in the dust. The coursers wounded and fleinge caste vp with their fete the dust tempered wyth blod renning ouer the dead bodies of their lords. Many of the Numidiens whyche were sore wounded coude neyther fle: nor be suffred to take rest on the grounde. Somtime they laboured to rise and auoide: and anone after for feblenes fel downe to the grounde againe: eche rowling and turning in others blod. And finalli: as far as any mans sight might extend, al the ground was ouerspred & couered with armour, wepen, & dead carions rennyng of blode. And all the grounde infect with the same, horryble to beholde.

¶Howe Bocchus after that he was thus twyse ouercome in batayle purposed to make peace with the Romayns, and howe at hys request Marius sende vnto hym Sylla and Manlius to knowe his mynd in that behalfe. The .lviii. Chapter.

AFter that this batel was thus ended to the vtter damage & distruction of the Numidyans: and to the lande and honour of the Romains. Marius was nowe without dout ouercomer and victour and wente vnto the towne of Cirtha as his iournay & purpose was at firste beginning, before these two batayls. Whā Marius had soiorned there fyue dayes after this batayle: there came vnto him embassadours from kynge Bocchus. [Page] Whiche in their kynges behalfe desired of Marius to sende vnto hym two of the most trustie men whiche he had: saying that he wolde cōmen and treate with thē of diuers businesses, both for his owne profite, & for profet & auantage of the Romains also. Marius without tary send forth Sylla for one, and Aulus Mālius for an other. Whan they were come to kynge Bocchus: howe be it he had sende for them to commen with them in his matters: Neuertheles it was concluded betwene them to speke to hym firste, to thentent to kyndle and inflame his mynde more againste Iugurth: or els seynge hym somwhat desirous & willing to haue peace, to prouoke hym wt more desyre therto. Wherfore Sylla (to whom Manlius gaue place, not for his age, but for his eloquēce) begā & spake to Bocchus in maner as foloweth.

¶Of the wordes of Sylla treasourer of the Romayne armye had before kynge Bocchus. The .lix. Chapter.

KYnge Bocchus, we haue greate gladnes & ioye syth it is so that the goddes haue thus admonished & enspired you so noble a man, that at laste ye haue reputed peace better and more acceptable than warre: lest ye might dishonest & defile your worthinesse by associatyng your selfe to the moost vnhappy tyranne Iugurth. And also we are glad that ye haue auoyded the occasion & necessitie wherby we were moued to pursue in batayle you, beinge ignorant of our quarell, and in the company of the sayd most cursed Iugurth, tyran and enemie to thempire of Rome. And certenly the people of Rome euer sith their poore, simple & small beginning haue thought it better to wyn frinds, thē seruātes or bondmen: & also they haue thought it a muche surer thing to haue vnder their empire such as willingly & of [Page] their owne mocion wolde yelde themselfe: than such as they haue constrained therto against their wyl. But verily no frendship is more necessary to you thā our amite or frendship. At first of al: bycause we and ye be farre in sonder: wherby we shal haue les power to greue you, or to put you to any charge: by reason of our frendship. But our fauour and thankes may be as redy to you: as if we were nere together: considering the many & greate frendes whiche we haue not far from your marches And also vnto thempire of Rome be obeyers, subiectes and seruantes abundantly. But as touching louers and frendes we nor none other can haue sufficiently ynough For this consideracion kinge Bocchus your frendship shalbe more acceptable vnto vs. And wolde god it had pleased you thus to haue done at the begynning to this warre. Forsoth if ye hadde so done: than shulde ye before this time haue receyued of the Romains mo cōmodites auantages, and good dedes than ye haue nowe suffred losse, damages, or hurtes. But while it is so that mānes dedes & besinesses (for the most part) be ruled by fortune to which fortune it hath plesed that ye shuld both proue and assay our myght and violence in bataile: & also our loue and fauour in peace: Therfore nowe sithe amytie is proferred to you by suffraunce of fortune: and sithe it is laufull to you to take it: be not slowe from hens forward, but hastely proced as ye haue begon: that ye may proue the Romayns frendes to you lyke as ye haue proued them enemies before this tyme. Ye haue many expedient oportunites and necessary commodites by whom ye maye make amendes with your good dedes for that ye haue offended agaynste the Romayns and ouerpasse your olde fames with newe kindnesses and benefites: [Page] and finally fix this in your hert that ye or ani other shal neuer ouercome the peple of Rome with kyndnes or good dedes. And as touchinge their hatered, & of what might they ar in batail: ye your self know that by profe and experience. Wherfore procede in acquiring of their frendshyp: whiche gladly shalbe graunted vnto you, yf your merites shal so deserue.

¶Of the answere of Bocchus made to Sylla, and of the vnstablenes of mynde of the same Bocchus. The .lx. Chapter.

TO these wordes of Sylla answered Bocchus mildely and soberly: and a few words he spake in excusing his offence done again the Romains, saieng that he had not taken armour nor begon warre agaynst them as ennemy to do iniury or wrong vnto them: but to defend his owne kyngdome. And that the thirde part of Numidy belonged vnto him by lawe of armes: of the whiche the Romains laboured to expel Iugurth. And in that doyng they destroyed his part of the contrey: which he coude not suffer vnreuenged. Moreouer Bocchus said for himselfe that he had sende vnto Rome before to require, amite and frendshyp of the Romains: whiche thinge vnto him was denyed. But at conclusion he said that he wold omyt and lay a part al old malice and that al thing shulde be done & agreed bytwene them: if Marius wold graunt him that his embassadours might be sende to Rome: for the said frendship to be confederate with the Romains. Vpon this answere Sylla and his felowe retourned to Marius which anone agreed that the same embassadours shulde be sent to Rome. But shortlye after: what tyme Iugurthe vnderstode of the commyng of Sylla and Manlius he feared the same [Page] thyng, which was ordened & in hand. And anone with rewardes so he corrupted the frendes of Bocchus: that again they chaunged his mynde wyth their counsell: so mutable and variable was he of minde.

¶How Bocchus chaunged his purpose yet once againe, & send newe embassadours to Marius to treate of peace, & how Sylla receyued them and treated them in absence of Marius. The .lxi. Chapter.

IN the meane time Marius set and ordred his host in their wintring places and toke with him such men as wer of lyght harnes and also a part of his horsemen: and with them went into a desart not far thens, to besige a certaine towre belongyng to Iugurth: into whiche towre the said Iugurth hadde put for garnyson and defence: all the treatours whiche had forsaken and fled frō the Romains to Iugurth. But in the meane whyle Bocchus of new agayne consydred in mynd the misfortune which hadde hapened to him in the two batayls before. Or els by counsell of some other of hys frendes: whome Iugurth had not corrupted with rewardes: he chose forth among al .v. men whose fidelite and truth he had wel knowen and often proued before: and whose wysdome was most expert and redy. Them sende he to Marius: and cōmaunded them afterward if the mater required as embassadours to take their way to Rome: and committed to them his full authorite in euery thing which was to be done: and to conclude the war by what euer maner shulde seme best, & most expedeient to their discreciō. These embassadours toke leue & spedely toke their iournay to the places where the Romains soiourned the wynter season. But whyle they were in their iournaye thytherwarde: they weere assayled of theues [Page] of the getulians, and robbed and spoiled of all that they had about thē. Thus at last without worship or aparell all affrayed & abashed they fled vnto Sylla for refuge. This Sylla was left by Marius in the wynterynge places: to be ruler of the Romaine army in his absence. What tyme these embassadours: thus spoyled wer come to Sylla for refuge, he receyued them not fayntly as ennemies as they deserued: but curteysly wyth muche gentylnes and liberalite, treatynge them in all poyntes honorably. By this meanes these barbariās and rude people counted and supposed that the name of couetyse, which was imputed vnto the Romains by cōmen fame was but false and fayned of their ennemis, to distayne their honour. And also for the much liberalite of Sylla they counted hym as their special frend. For yet vnto that tyme: the accloyeng of gyftes gyuen for rewardes for policy and falshode to ouercome couetous or simple minds, was vnkowen vnto mani. No man was liberal in gyftes: but that he was thought and counted to be faythfull of hert withall. Thus the barbarians reputed the liberte & rewards of Silla to be a great and euident token of loue which he had to thē as they deemed. But to our purpose: thembassadours anone opened & declared to Sylla the wyll and cōmaundement of Bocchus their kinge, geuen to them to be executed. And also they required him to be to thē a frindly fauorer and counsellour in their busines. Furthermore wyth their wordes and spech they cōmended & exalted the army, the truth, the greatnes and excellence of their kyng, and all other thynges whiche they thought myght auayle thē to obteine beneuolēce of the Romains. After they remayned with Sylla about the space of .xl. daies which graūted [Page] them al his help and socour and also in the meane space enfourmed them in what maner they shuld order their wordes whan they shulde speke with Marius, and also before the Senatours at Rome.

¶ Howe Marius harde the embassadours of Bocchus and sende them to Rome, and how they were answered of the Senatours The .lxii. Chapter.

IN the meane time Marius whiche was in assant of ye kinges towre could not performe his enterprise. Wherfore he returned again to Cirtha: anone was he certified of commyng of the imbassadours of Bocchus. Wherfore he commaunded them & Sylla also to come before him: & also he called together al the most worthy men of his hole hoost from euery place. Before them al presently he cōmaunded the imbassadours of Bocchus to reherse the petycion of their king (which rehersed and herd) it was graunted vnto them to go to Rome for the same pointes. And of Marius was truce required in the meane tyme bytwene Bocchus & him. Sylla with many other noble men were pleased withall. A fewe other fiersly & sharply counselled otherwise: as men with out pyte & ignorant of others harde fortune which whā it beginneth to be froward and cōtrary: it turneth euery thinge to aduersyte.

¶ But whan the Mauriens had obtained of Marius al their desire .iij. of thē went to Rome with one named Octanyus Rufo: whom Marius had assigned to cōuey thē thider This Octauyus Rufo was send before from Rome into Affrike to Marius with wages for the souldyours. The other two imbassadours of Bocchus returned home againe to their kynge, which of thē gladly [Page] harde of the good report whiche they made of the Romains in euery point: & specially of the good wyl, liberalitie and courtesy of Sylla.

¶ But whan the other thre imbassadours wer come to Rome they apered before the Senatours & in the humblest wyse yt they coud deuise, did their message excusyng their kinge: and confessyng that he had offended against the empyre not by his owne seking: but by ye cursed faut prouocacion, and instygation of Iugurth: wherof their kinge sore repēted. Wherfore in his behalfe at conclusion they besought the Romains of pardō, amite, & peace. Than was it brefely answered to thē in this maner.

¶ The Senatours & people of Rome: is wont to remē bre both the kindnes and benifytes of their frendes: and also the [...]r iniuryes of their enemies. But sith it repēteh and forthynketh Bocchus of his trespas: grace and pardon of his offence is graunted vnto him. Peace & amite shalbe also graunted vnto him hereafter, whan he shal so deserue.

¶Howe Marius sent Sylla agayne to Bocchus at hys desyre, and what daunger the same Sylla escaped by help of Volu [...] son of kyng Bocchus. The .lxiii. Chapter.

WHan Bocchus vnderstode al these thinges: he desyred Marius by hys letters to sende vnto him Sylla: to thentent that after hys aduyse and discression coūsel might be had of the commen busynes to both parties belonginge. Sylla anone was sende forth with a greate retynue of fotemen and horsemen: with diuerse weapen and strong defence as archars, slingars with other like. And to thintente to spede their iournay more hastelye [Page] they were all armed with lightest harnes whiche coude be prouided but for all the lightnes of their armour it was defensife ynough against the weapins of the Mauryans: for their wepyns be light in likewise. But finally whan Sylla hadde passed fiue daies of his iournay: sodenly Volux the son of Bocchus apered & shewed him selfe to the Romains in the open feldes: with no mo but M. men whiche went scatered & dispersed abrode neglygently: so that thei semed to Sylla: & al other greatter nombre than they wer in dede. Sylla & al his company feared them, thinkynge them ennemies: wherfore the Romains made them redy with armour and weapen: to defende themselfe, and to resist their ennemies: if nede shuld so require. A litel fear was among them, but their hope and confort ouerpassed their feare. For why? they hadde the vpper hande before: and considred that they shulde bicker with them, whome they hadde often ouerthrowen and ouercomme before. In the meane time the horsemen whiche were sent before of both parties to espy the trueth of the mater, certified eche of them that al thing was quyet and sure ynough: as it was in dede: without treason or paryl. Volux in his metinge called Sylla by name: and welcomed him beningely, sayenge that he was sent from his father Bocchus to mete the said Sylla for his honour, socour, and defence. And so proceded they forthewarde al that day and the next day after in company together without feare or daunger. But after that it was nyght and their tentes pitched: sodenly the Maurian Volux came renninge to Sylla al pale and quaking: and saide that he was infourmed of the espyes, that Iugurthe was not far thens. And with that praied & exhorted him to fle away with him priuely [Page] by night. Sylla denyed that vtterly as fierse & bolde of courage, saieng that he feared not a coward Numidian which so often hadde ben ouercome before. And that he trusted wel ynough to the strength and courage of hys men: & finally he gaue Volux this answere. If I knew without dout that our sure distru [...]tion wer instant: and that I and mine shulde be slaine in the felde, yet wolde I not fle for any drede: but rather abide & dye manfully than cowardely to flee and shame my people of whom I haue charge in sparynge our lyues, whiche be so incertaine and vnsure: and para uenture shortly after this shal finishe with some sickenes or disease. Is it not better dye in a noble quarel manly, than to liue in shame cowardly: Whā Sylla had thus answered: than Volux counselled him to depart from that place and to remoue forward by night. Therto Sylla consented: and anone commaunded his souldiours to refreshe them in their tentes with such vitels as they had, and to make plenty of fiers ouer al the place to the intent that if their ennemies were nere: in beholding the fiers they shuld thinke that they wold not remoue thens that night. But in the first hour of the night Sylla commaunded al his souldyours to leaue their fiers brenning & so to departe forwarde in their iournay wyth silence: so they dyd. And went al the night long: and euyn with the sonne rysinge they al being weryed: Sylla pytched his tentes againe. With that certaine horsemen of the Mauriens brought worde that Iugurth had takē place to his tentes: and rested about the distance of .ij. myle before them. Whan these tidynges were harde among the Romayns: a meruelous and great feare entred the myndes of them all. For they thought themselfe betrayed of Volux. [Page] And so enuironed with falsehode and treason. Manye aduised to take punyshemente of Volux: sayinge that it was a thing vnworthy to suffer hym to escape vnpunyshed for so great a myschiefe and treason agaynst them cōmitted. But howe beit that Sylla was inwardely of the same opinion, neuertheles he defended the Maurien from dāmage: And exhorted his men to be of strong and bolde myndes: sayinge that often before that tyme it had bene sene that a fewe worthy men had won victory of a much multitude of cowards. And howe muche the lesse that they spared their bodies in batayl fro fightinge, so much the surer shuld they be: and that it semed no man to whom god and nature had geuen handes to defende his body, to seeke defence is his feete vnarmed by runninge awaye: And that in suche a ieopardy a noble souldiour ought not to turne away his bodie frome his enemy though he were naked and vnarmed.

¶Whā Sylla had exhorted his men with such words, he called vnto hym Volux: and called into wytnes Iupiter and all his ydols to recorde the falsehod and treason of Bocchus, father of Volux, which had so betraied hym. Thā for as much as Sylla supposed that Volux had brought hym by treason into the hādes of Iugurth by counsell and cōmaundement of his father Bocchus he cōmaunded Volux anone to departe from hys company and sighte. Volux pyteousely wepynge, besoughte Sylla not to beleue suche thynges in hym: & sayde that certenly by gyle nor by treason was nothynge done of hym nor of his father, but rather by Iugurth, which by his subtiltie had espyed and searched their iournay and wayes by his espies, & so knowen the same. But at conclusion sayd Volux, syth it is so that Iugurth hathe no [Page] great cōpany, & that his hope, his trust and conforte for the most part dependeth on my father, I thynke that he shal not be so bolde to do any dammage to you openlye while I am in your company, which maye recorde his dedes to my father. Wherfore Sylla to thentent that ye maye perceyue [...]hat no treason is in me, I shal openlye go with you alone by the middes of the tentes of Iugurth, & so safely conuey you: and either sende my folke before, or els leaue thē here wyth your company, whether of both shall please you beste. Thys coūsel was alowed of Sylla: & anone without tary he proceded forward wyth all hys company through the middes of the tentes of Iugurth. And bicause this was sodenly done Iugurthe not knowinge thereof before, he marueyled much therat, & douted longe what was to be done. But at laste he suffered the Romaines to passe & escape safe and sound for loue of Volux, & drede of Bocchus his father. And within a fewe daies after, Volux and Sylla with their cōpany came to Bocchus wher they intēded.

¶ Of the metyng and secrete apoyntmentes betwene Bocchus & Sylla, and howe betwene them they bothe abused Asper the imbassadour of Iugurth. The .lxiiii. Chapyter.

AT the same seasō was with Bocchus a certaine yonge Numidian named Asper, send before Bocchus frō Iugurth by craft and subtyltie, to espie his counsell, assoone as it was heard that Bocchus had send for Silla. This Numidian was muche and familiarly cōuersant with Bocchus at that tyme. Moreouer there was an other named Dabar the son of Massagrade, which of his fathers syde was of the stocke of Massinissa: but of his mothers side vnlike of birth, for his mother was [Page] borne of a cōcubine. This Dabar (as I haue said) was at this season also in the company of Bocchus: & to him dere and welbeloued for subtel wit & great artes which he had done before: and namely bycause that Bocchus had founde and proued him trusty and faithfull many tymes before. Anone Bocchus send this Dabar to Sylla commaunding Dabar to shew him that he was redy to do euery thinge whyche the Romaines to him wolde commaunde or assigne. And that Silla himselfe shulde apoint, and chose a time and place where thei might commen together of their maters: & that he shulde not fere nor dout though the embassadoure of Iugurthe were ther with him. For he had reserued al thinges touching their counsell hole tyll comming of Silla: & of nothing had apointed, communed, nor concluded with the same imbassadour of Iugurth. Whiche imbassadour was called thider to thintent that their cōmen besinesses might be done more at libertie and with lesse suspection of Iugurth: for by other meanes they coulde not resyste nor make prouision againste his giles. Such wordes sende Bocchus to Silla: by his trusty secuant Dabar. But not withstanding al these fayre promisses of Bocchus it was vnderstande that he prolonged the Romains and the Numidians in hope of peace, rather for falshod and treason after the credence of affricans: than for profet to the Romains or trouth of suche thinges as he promised to Silla. And often times he cast in his minde & douted whether he might betray Iugurth to the Romains: or els Silla to Iugurthe: the pleasure and desire of his mynd aduised, moued, and counselled him againste the Romains: but the drede which he had of punishment in time to come: moued him with the Romains. But to [Page] our purpose: Sylla answered to Dabar the messanger of Bocchus that he wolde come thyder, and firste speke a litel of the peace and of such other thinges in presence of Asper the imbassadour of Iugurth: but concerninge the remenant of the besinesse: he wolde differ that to commen secretly with Bocchus, few or none called to coūsel And also he taughte Dabar what wordes Bocchus shulde answere vnto him againe, whan they shuld come to communicacion: and so departed Dabar. But whan Silla sawe his time he went to Bocchus, and said that he was sent from Marius the consull to enquire yf he wold leuer peace or war: and wheron he wold conclude Than Bocchus (as Dabar had warned hym before) commaunded Silla to retourne agayne after .x. dayes and than shulde an answere be gyuen vnto him. For at that tyme nothing was concluded. That answere well noted and harde Asper the embassadoure of Iugurth, whiche was sent to espye the intreatement: & so thought he that nothing shuld be treated nor concluded without his knowlege. And thus after this answere Bocchus and Silla departed: eche to their tentes.

¶Of the second comming together of Bocchus & Sylla, & the wordes of Bocchus hed to Sylla, & replicacion & answere of Sylla agayne to hym. And how Bocchus graunted & concluded to betraye Iugurth to the Romaynes. The .lxv. Chapter.

BUt after that much of the night was ouerpassed, Bocchus priuelye sende for Sylla, none beinge in their company, saue such as on both partes might truly interpret & declare the sentence & vnderstanding of their wordes. And also Dabar the saide messanger was present, whiche solemply swore and promised to be a faithful interpreter of both their sayinges and sentences. [Page] Thā Bocchus anone began his words in this sentence

¶I haue thought forsoth: that it shulde neuer haue fortuned that I the greattest king of al thē in these landes and rychest of al them that I knowe: shulde haue ben bound to a meane & priuate person. And forsoth Sylla or euer I hard of you: I haue giuen helpe and socours to many other men. To some of mine owne voluntary and frewil. And to some other: required of thē: my selfe not neding helpe of any man. But now sith I haue knowen you: I haue nede of your helpe and frendshyp of which I am glad: notwithstanding other men ar wont to be sory of such fortune. And certenly this nede whiche I haue of your frendship is not of me counted damage nor losse: but muche profet and pleasure. For inwardly in my mind nothing is derer, nor more acceptable: whiche ye may conueniently proue if it please you: demande and take of me armour, men, treasour: & vse and occupy the same as your owne. And thinke ye for certaine that while ye liue & I together: I can neuer render worthie thankes to your kindnes: nor condignly recōpence your great humanite: but euer my good wil & minde shalbe hole & newe against you. And certaynly if I may know your minde and wil: ye shall not nede to desyre of me: I shal preuent your requestes with mi benefites: so that ye shal coueyt nothinge in vaine. Verely as I thinke it is lesse reprouable and lesse dishonour a king to be ouer come wyth armour: than wyth liberalite. Wherfore I haue concluded in minde that a man shal rather ouer come me in batayle with weapen and force of armes: than with liberalite.

¶ But touching your commen weal (for whose besines ye be sende hither as procuratour of the same) thys is [Page] my sentence and mynde in fewe wordes. Agaynste the Romains, nor agaynste their empire: I neuer moued nor made war: nor to make bataile against them: it was neuer in my mynde by my wyl. But the boundes of my marchesse haue I endeuoured me to defende agaynste the violence of your armed men. But this I leaue and set a side: syth I se that pleaseth you to do the same: execute and cōtinue ye batayle with Iugurth as ye will. And as touchyng me: I shall not ouerpasse the water of Mulucha, whiche was boundes bytwene my marches and Micipsa whyle he lyued. Nor into my countrey I shall not suffre Iugurth from hens forthe to entre for socours, as he hath done in time passed. Farthermore if ye desire any thinge of me conueniently: whiche I may worthely graunt, my royalte not distayned: it shall not be denyed to you. Thus cōcluded Bocchus his words.

¶ Vnto these wordes Sylla answered for hys owne part but moderately & with fewe wordes. But touching the peace and besynesse concerning the commen weal: he spake many wordes, wherof the conclusion was suche.

¶ Kynge Bocchus I insure and promesse you: that the Romayns shal not be vnkinde to you if ye do some pleasure to them: whiche may rather longe to them all holly in comen: than in me alone. And thynke ye for certayne: that they whiche haue ouercome you in batayle: shall lykewyse ouercome you with liberalite, kyndnesse, and good dedes: if ye so contende with them: whiche thynge is nowe redy in your power to do: consyderinge that ye haue Iugurth redy at your wil and pleasure. Therfore amonge all benefites or pleasurs: ye can do none more acceptable vnto the Romayns: than to delyuer vnto thē Iugurth. By this meanes shal they be muche beholden [Page] to you: & thinke ye stedfastly: it shal not be vnrewarded on our behalfe. For thā shal the Senate graunt to you amyte & peace: and also a part of Numidy which ye do now clayme: shal than be graunted to you vnrequired.

¶ Bocchus heryng these words of Sylla: first excused himselfe by the affinyte whiche was bytwene hym and Iugurth: and by the longe familyarite & aquaintance which they had together: saieng also yt a bonde of peace was confederate and sworne bytwene them. And also that he fered and suspected that yf he so dyd: hys owne subiectes shulde hate him therfore, whiche much loued Iugurth: & greatly hated the Romayns. But not withstandyng these wordes of Bocchus: Sylla desysted not to attyse and counsel him: tyll at last he agreed and consented to hys desyre, promysinge to do euery thynge as Sylla required hym. But to thyntent to faine a treaty of peace (of which Iugurth weryed in war was much desirous) they ordayned suche craft: as to their purpose semed moste expedient. But whan they had ymagined and deuysed al thynges after theyr myndes: than bothe they departed in sonder: & returned againe to their rest.

¶Howe Bocchus betrayed Iugurth and deliuered hym bound to Sylla. The .lxvi. Chapter.

ON the morow after Bocchus called to him Asper the imbassadour of Iugurth, & sayde to hym that he vnderstode of Sylla by the [...]ntrepretaciō of Dabar that the war might be finished vpon certaine condicions. Wherfore he bad hym go and inquire the mynde and pleasure of his king in that behalfe. Asper of these tydynges was glade and toke his leaue of Bocchus: & departed to the tentes of Iugurth: & certyfied him of ye same. Iugurth [Page] shewed to Asper: al his minde and pleasure concerninge the premisses. And within .viii. dayes after sende hym againe to Bocchus. Whan Asper was retourned againe to Bocchus: he shewed to him the wyll of Iugurth saying that he coueted to do al thinge which shulde be commaunded to him of Bocchus: but he had but small confydence in Marius. For asmuche as the peace whiche often before had ben conuented and apoynted of the Romaine captayns had anone after ben frustrate: & broken of them agayne. But if ye will (said Asper to Bocchus that peace shalbe confirmed of the Romayns with Iugurth and you also: Iugurthe desyreth & requireth you to labour so: that Sylla, Iugurth, & ye may come together to communycation: as if it wer to treat of peace and that ye wyll there betraye and delyuer Sylla to him. For if ye may ones bringe suche a man into power and handes of Iugurth: anone after it shal fortune without dowte that peace shalbe made and graunted to hym by comen assent of the Senatours: and commens of Rome also. And that: to thyntent to recouer Sylla againe out of the handes of Iugurthe. For without dout the Romains wil not suffre so noble a man to be left in handes and danger of their enemies. And namely: whan they shal vnderstande hym taken, not by his owne folly nor cowardise: but in besines belonging to the cōmen weal.

¶Bocchus hering these words, reuolued & cast in his mynd what he might answer to thē: but at last he graū ted therto. But whether he douted so lōge before he grā ted for subtilty or very truth, it is hard to decern [...]. But this is plainly knowen yt for the most parte lyke as the wylles & mindes of kinges be vehemēt unmoderat and hastye: ryght so be they mouinge, vnstedfast & variable: [Page] and often aduers and contrary to their owne selfe: and with themselfe repugnant. But to our mater: Bocchus assigned to Asper a place and tyme: where Sylla and they shulde commen together of the peace. And in the meane whyle somtime he cōmuned secretly with Sylla somtime with Asper embassadour of Iugurth, treating them both mekely and curtesly: and promisyng one selfe thing vnto thē both, Wherfore they both were glad: and also eche of thē both had good hope in the promysses of Bocchus.

¶ But the night before that day: which was assigned to intreatment of the peace: Bocchus called vnto him diuerse of his frendes, as if he wolde haue taken counsell of them: and than immediatly he chaunged that mynde, commaundyng them agayne to auoyde from hym. And so (none of his counsell aboute hym) he stode all alone reuoluyng and tourning in mind many thinges by him selfe, chaunging oftentimes in countenance, and colour variable and diuerse: aperyng forthwarde by tokens of feare conceyued in his minde & expressed by outwarde tokens of his body. In so muche: that all yf he expressed not his mind by wordes: neuertheles this oftē changing of countenance, declared the secretes of his hert. But at conclusion: after longe conflyct had within himselfe: at last he commaunded Sylla to be called vnto him. And than after his aduise and counsell he deuised & prepared al thinges concerning the prodicion of Iugurth.

¶ After this counsel concluded: assone as the day light apered: tidynges were brought to Bocchus, that Iugurth was not far thens: and commynge toward hym. Bocchus this herynge: anone prepared hymselfe and proceded forth agaynst hym accompanyed with a fewe [Page] of his frendes, & also with Sylla: fayning that he went so forth to mete wyth Iugurth and to receyue hym, by cause of honour. And thus they proceded forwarde: tyll at laste they came to an open heath, where they myghte easely se the comminge of Iugurthe: whiche place was apointed before to their treason. For in diuerse valeys of the same heath: were armed men lyeng in wayt redy and apointed before by Bocchus: for to assaile Iugurth and his company, whan signes shulde be giuen to them: to yssue forth of their lurking places. Anone Iugurth with many of his men about him came to the same place all vnarmed: as apointement was made before. For it was ordained that Bocchus, Iugurth, & Sylla: shuld come together to communicacion: eche one with a small company, and all vnarmed.

¶ Anon as Iugurth was come thider: king Bocchus gaue a tokē to his men, which lay in wait for Iugurth. Anone as they hard the tokē: sodainly they brake forthe and inuaded Iugurth & his company: compasinge them about on euery side. Without great labour al the company of Iugurth were murdred: & he himselfe taken and bounde hand and fote, & so deliuered vnto Sylla: which without tary led him forth and deliuered him vnto Marius: whose hert was replenyshed and inuironed, with ioye inestimable.

¶How Marius was receiued into Rome with tryumphe, & how Iugurth was caste into pryson where he contynued in myserable captiuitie tyl he dyed. The .lxvii. Chapter

AFfter that Iugurth thus boūde was deliuered by Bocchus to Sylla, & thā to Marius: anone all the Numidians submitted & yelded thēselfe to the Romayns. Marius with great wisedome set an [Page] order amonge the people, and garnyshed & fortified the townes, and with the remenaunt of his army toke hys iourney againe to Rome, leadinge Iugurth & his two sonnes bound with hym, with innumerable other prisoners, great treasure, oliphātes & armour whych he had won in the war of Iugurth. But after ye tydinges were brought to Rome how the war was ended in Numidy: & how Iugurth was led thitherward bound & prisoner anone the Senate & cōmons assembled to counsel, and Marius was creat cōsul againe for the next yere in his absence. And by decre and ordinaunce, the prouince of Fraunce was committed to hym to be recouered.

¶For the same tyme whyle Marius warred in Numidy, and toke Iugurth prisoner: that contrey of Fraunce (whose people that tyme wer named Cimbrians) rebelled against thempire of Rome. Against whom the Romains send forth to represse their rebellion a greate army with .ii. captaines: one named Q. Scipio, the other M. Manlius: which at laste with froward fortune had a great & greuous batail with the same frenchmē Cimbrians: in which both these Romaine capteines were ouercome, & twise lost the field. Of the Romaine men of war wer slaine .lxxx. M: of tylmen & pages, xl. thousād. Thus was this batel foughtē with so yl fortune to the Romains, that the citie of Rome, & al the contrey of Italy trēbled for feare thereof. In so much that both the Romains which liued at that tyme, & al their progenie which succeded them counted al other nacions ready to their obeisance, & to wyn honor by thē: but thei thought neuer to cōtend in batel with this nacion of Frenchmē, to wyn glory & honour by thē, but rather to defende thē selfe and their libertie: which thinge if they myghte do, [Page] they counted thē selfe fortunate. Wherfore (as I haue before recounted) the Senate & cōmons of Rome decreed this prouince of Fraunce to Marius for to reuenge the death of their men, and to recouer the contrey.

¶But to our purpose: whan Marius shuld enter into Rome, he was ioyfully receiued with great glory & triumphe, wherof the order was suche. Marius him selfe was set on hye in a goldē chaire, which was drawen of foure white palfreis. Iugurth & his two sonnes, wyth many other noble men whō he brought captiue frō Numidi, proceded before his chariot, their handes & armes bound as prisoners. Farther, for more ample ostētacion of his glory, & to declare how much he had enriched the cōmon weale of Rome, al the elephants, armour, iewels, tresure & riches which he had wonne in Numidy of Iugurth, were led & borne before hym. Thā al the Senatours, all the officers & noble men of Rome, with an vnmesurable multitude of cōmons receiued hym with al honour and ioye: & conueyed him to the principal palace of Rome, named the Capitol: wher he made sacrifice with a bull to Iupiter, for his victory after the custume of that tyme. His sacrifice ended: then was he conuaied to the Senate house in his robe triumphall as neuer cōsul was brought before his tyme. Marius was receiued at Rome with such triumphe at the kalendes of Ianuary. From thens forth al the hope of cōfort healthe, socoure, & wealthe of Rome rested in Marius.

¶Iugurth was cast in prison, wher he ended his wretched lyfe in miserable captiuitie, and manifolde calamities, as to such a murderer vnnaturall, and tyranne inhumaine was conuenient.

FINIS.

§

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¶Thus endeth the famouse Cronicle of the warre whyche the Romaynes had against Iugurth vsurper of the kyngedome of Numydie whiche Cronicle is compyled in laten by the renowmed Romayne Saluste: And translated into Englishe by syr Alexander Barkeley prieste, at commaundemente of the ryghte hyghe and myghty Prince Thomas duke of Northfolke. And imprinted at London in Foster lane by Ihon Waley.

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The conspiracie of Catiline, written by Constancius, Felicius, Durantinus, and translated bi Thomas Paynell: with the historye of Iugurth, writen by the famous Romaine Salust, and translated into Englyshe by Alexander BarcklayeDe conjuratione L. Catalinae. English

Felice, Costanzo.

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1557

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Text Creation Partnership,

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Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

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2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

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A00616

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STC 10752

ID [STC]

ESTC S101906

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

99837709

ID [PROQUEST]

99837709

ID [VID]

2049

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A00616)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 2049)

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— The conspiracie of Catiline, written by Constancius, Felicius, Durantinus, and translated bi Thomas Paynell: with the historye of Iugurth, writen by the famous Romaine Salust, and translated into Englyshe by Alexander Barcklaye, De conjuratione L. Catalinae. English, Felice, Costanzo., Paynell, Thomas., Barclay, Alexander, 1475?-1552., Sallust, 86-34 B.C. Bellum Jugurthinum. English. aut.

Extent

[4], lxxxiv, lxxxvij-lxxxvij, [5], lvij, lvij-cxx leaves

In Foster lane by Ihon Waley,. [Imprinted at London :: [1557]]. (Translation of "De conjuratione L. Catalinae" by Felice Costanzo, and "Jugurtha" by Sallust.) (Place of publication and printer's name from colophon.) ("Here begynneth the famous cronicle of warre, whyche the Romaynes hadde agaynst Iugurth vsurper of the kyngedome of Numidie" has separate foliation, register, and title page dated 1557. (The sub title page is actually on Y6 of the first section.).) (Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery.)

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Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford.

Editorial practices

EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO.

EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org).

The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source.

Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.

Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.

Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.