Cygnea cantio: or, Learned decisions, and most prudent and pious directions for students in divinitie; delivered by our late soveraigne of happie memorie, King Iames, at White Hall a few weekes before his death.

Cygnea cantio: or, Learned decisions, and most prudent and pious directions for students in divinitie; delivered by our late soveraigne of happie memorie, King Iames, at White Hall a few weekes before his death.

Table of contents

Title page

TO THE KINGS MOST EXCELLENT MAIESTIE.

THE COPIE OF A LETTER SENT TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFVLL THE DEANE OF W: Relating divers difficult points, and remarkeable directions to Students in Divinity, delivered by King Iames our late Soveraigne of blessed memory; by the occasion of the publishing Mr. Elton his exposition upon the Commandement, intituled Gods holy minde; and Mr. Crompton his answer to Mr. Brearly, intituled St. Augustines Summos. Ian. 6. 1624.

THE PRINTER TO THE READER.

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THE COPIE OF A LETTER SENT TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFVLL THE DEANE OF W:
Relating divers difficult points, and remarkeable directions to Students in Divinity, delivered by King Iames our late Soveraigne of blessed memory; by the occasion of the publishing Mr. Elton his exposition upon the Commandement, intituled Gods holy minde; and Mr. Crompton his answer to Mr. Brearly, intituled St. Augustines Summos. Ian. 6. 1624.

WHat Varius Geminus spake sometime to Augustus, Qui apud te audent dicere, ignorant tuam magnitudinem; qui non audent, humanitatem: Those that dare speake before [Page] thee know not thy greatnesse; those that dare not, know not thy goodnesse: I may as truly apply to the admirable temper of Majesty and gracious Clemency in our late Soveraigne King Iames. Those that were not afraid to come before him, were ignorant of his Princely Majesty; those that were afraid, were unacquainted with his benigne affability. To omit manifold instances for proofe hereof, which more learned pennes have and will commend to posteritie: the sweet close which his Majestie set (a little before the changing of his corruptible Crowne with an incorruptible) to the late harsh sounding businesse about the publishing of two Treatises, the one penned by M. Elton, the other by M. Crompton, deserveth a thankfull acknowledgement of all that were any way interessed in the making or setting forth of those Bookes. The speciall passages of his Majesties learned and pious discourses upon that occasion I have here, though not perfectly yet [Page] faithfully related.Pind. [...].

First, his Majestie questioned me for licensing M. Elton his booke, and hee seemed to be very much displeased that any should be permitted to print books in the Church of England, who were not conformable to the discipline of the Church of England. Whereunto my conscience beareth me witnesse that my answer was according to the truth.

First, that M. Elton had set forth in print other books before this, at which I never heard any exception taken for matter of inconformitie.

Secondly, that if he had beene a man unconformable, doubtlesse my Lord of Winton, no favourer of non-conformitants, would never have suffered him to have discharged his Ministery so many yeares so neare him, without ever calling him in question, much lesse suspending him for non-conformitie.

Thirdly, that the generall good report of M. Elton his meeke spirit and peaceable cariage as well as his extraordinary [Page] painfulnesse in his pastorall function, even to the enfeebling of his bodie, moved me to gratifie him so farre, being my neighbour, as at his request to peruse that his book, and if I thought it fit, commend it to the Presse.

Fourthly, that of this booke I perused but 52. pages, in which I was confident that there was nothing contrary to the discipline or doctrine of the Church of England; and that my approbation extends no further then the 52. page, appeareth by my Imprimatur, and the Warden of the Stationers hand affixed to the 52. page, and not to the last page of the booke: at which wee usually set our hands, if wee allow the whole booke. After that first part of the book allowed by me, I made a stop, because I then understood the Author had made a period of his life. Whilst he lived I might and did alter with his consent, what we thought fit: but after his decease I left oft intermedling in such a worke wherein I could not suffer [Page] all things to passe as they were in that copy, bonâ conscientiâ, nor yet change or mend any thing bonâ fide. Yet the booke tooke the libertie of flie out of the Presse without licence: But that which then escaped virgulam censoriam, hath since met with facem expiatoriam. On Sunday the 13. of Februarie 1624. we saw a februation or purging by fire of all the errors discovered in that Posthumus, some concerning the Sabbath it selfe, there were burnt above 800 Copies. The greatest holocaust that hath beene offered in this kinde in our memorie, for ought I know. VVhereupon the wits of the Citie (which usually will be working upon such occasions) have made a conceited Pageant: And although even innocent mirth may bee subject to censure, when the occasion rather presents matter of pensive, or at least serious thoughts; yet because the Embleme and Motto devised upon this occasion discovereth the affections of many that were there present, I hold it [Page] not altogether unfit here to set them downe. Saint Pauls Crosse is drawne at large, and a number of men, partly running away that they might not see such a spectacle, partly weeping, and wiping their eies to see a booke so full (as they conceived) of heavenly zeale and holy fire, sacrificed in earthly and unhallowed flames: their Motto was,

Ardebant sancti sceleratis ignibus ignes,

Ovid fast. de incendio templi vestae.

Et mista est flammae flamma profana piae.

In the middest of the area there is described a huge pile of bookes burning; and on the one side the Author casting his bookes into the fire, with this Motto: ‘Sancte (nec invideo) sine me liber ibis in ignē.’ And on the other side a Popish shaveling Priest answering him with this motto in the next verse: ‘Hei mihi quod domino non licetire tuo.’ [Page] Before the burning of the Bookes, the Preacher at the Crosse declared divers erroneous assertions therein, condemned (as he said) by Authoritie. Among which that assertion in the fore-front, Inter damnatos, See Amphilochius in vita Batalii. Paulinus in vita Ambrosii. Eusebius lib. 6. histor. cap. 36. Amillarius de officiis Ecclesiast. lib. 3. cap. 35. Micrologus de rebus eccles cap. 17. Concilium Turonicum lib. 3 cap. 9. Concil. Bracher. 3. Can. 1 touching the deniall of the Sacrament to the sicke requiring it on their death-bed, collected by consequences from some passages of that booke, seemed to me most blame worthie. For what law of God or man depriveth the sicke in their greatest extremitie of paines of body, and troubles of minde, of that unspeakeable comfort which the participating of the blessed Sacrament affordeth to all that worthily receive it. What devout Christian would not desire with Simeon to take his Saviour into his hands before his departure, that he might the more cheerfully sing his Nunc dimittis? Is the Church so charitable to send the other Sacrament home to sicke infants? and will any denie this Sacrament to men of ripe yeares, hungring for this bread [Page] of life? what though this Sacrament be not of like necessitie as the other is? yet is it of as great vertue, and greater comfort, by present apprehension: wherof men stand in great need amidst the temptations of Satan, and terrors of conscience, and feare of death, and the strict account to bee given after death. Who knoweth not that the Primitive Church tooke speciall care that all those who were taking their last journey to another world should be provided of this celestiall Viand, which theyIgnat epist. ad Ephe. call Viaticum morientium, nay [...], yet such is the nature of misguided zeale, that under colour of weeding out superstition, it will pluck up by the rootes many plants of Paradise, and acts of true Religion.

But because M. Elton himselfe hath now made his account before the supreame Iudge of all, I will amplifie no longer upon this or any other error rehearsed out of those bookes, published [Page] after his death, nor enter anie action of unkindenesse against any concerning that businesse; but burie all in his grave: because though some of them perhaps intended much evil against me, yet God (through his Majesties grace and goodnesse) hath turned it to good.

Plinie writeth of a marble Image of Diana set up in Chios, the face whereof was so drawne by Art, that the Goddess seemed to look sad upon her worshippers as they entred into her Temple, but smiled upon them as they came out. This Statua presenteth to mee a copie of his Majesties countenance in this busines, which was sad and dreadfull at my comming to him, but cheerfull and comfortable at my departing. It is well knowne what a bitter storme fell at my first appearance before his Majestie, which yet the day following, through Gods mercie, in whose hands the hearts of Kings are, turned a golden shower; which fellFor he received 40. peeces in gold of his Majestie. literally upon M. Crompton, and allegorically upon [Page] me. Seldome or never heard I (especially on the sudden) such apt solutions of knottie and intangled questions, so pithie and sinewie Arguments, such usefull observations, such divine instructions, from anie Chrysostome in our Church, as I heard that day from his Majesties mouth: Had not feare and sorrow for his Majesties displeasure, much crazed my memorie, and deaded my spirits at the present, I should have caried away more, and have given a better account of his Majesties learned resolutions, and pious admonitions, given to me and M. Crompton that day: Now I can but present bracteolas sermonis purè aurei & stricturas ingenii vere ignei.

THe first thing to my remembrance questioned touching M. Cromptons booke, was a clause in my written defence, that I was rather induced to licence the booke out of a respect to my Lord, D. his Grace, to whom the book [Page] is dedicated by his Chaplaine. What a reason is this, (said his Majestie?) Is it an honour to my Lord D. to bee a patron of errors? Is it any honour to me that the Arians in Polonia have dedicated one of their books to me, containing damnable heresies? I account it rather a dishonour, and cannot with patience looke upon their dedication to mee. For answer hereunto I humblie beseeched his Majestie, that hee would bee pleased to heare that clause in my answer entirely read unto him. VVhereupon my Lord of Durham reached me the paper wherein I read as followeth: That although I found many errors in M. Crompton his booke, for which I might have wholly rejected the booke, yet I chose rather to purge those errors, and mend those faults in the booke, and therein used the helpe and advise of M. Cooke, (who lately set forth a Treatise of the same argument, intituled. S. Austines Religion,) to the end I might gratifie. M. Crompton out of a respect to the Duke, to whom the Booke was dedicated.

[Page] The next thing examined by his Majestie was the reason of the suppressing three of the Authors Sections, whereof he complaineth in Print in the conclusion of his booke. My answer to this charge was, That I crossed out those Sections because they crossed the doctrine and discipline established in this Kingdome, and savoured of that humour which never yet bred good blood in the Church. And for proofe of my exceptions against those sections I produced the originall copie written with M. Cromptons owne hand, which tendering to his Majestie, he commanded M. Crompton to reade the first Section suppressed touching a paritie amongst the Clergie: Vpon the hearing whereof his Majestie much distasting M. Crompton his assertions, tooke occasion fully to enucliate that question touching the distinction of Bishops and Presbyters jure divino. Beside the judgement of the primitive Church, and consent of all ancient writers, his Majestie [Page] much pressed the subscription of the Epistle to Titus, Ordained the first Bishop of Creet. and of the second Epistle to Timothy, as also the Apostles charge to Timothie, 1. 5. 19.Ordained the first Bishop of the Church of Ephesus. Receive not an accusation against an Elder, but before two or three witnesses. And to Titus the 1. and 5. For this cause left I thee in Creet, to ordaine Elders in everie Church. Out of which passages of Scripture his Majestie so cleerly and evidently evicted a superioritie in Bishops over Presbyters, jure divino, that as hee reformed master Crompton in his opinion, so he much more confirmed and setled my judgement in that tenet, which I held before, and delivered in two severall Consecration Sermons preached in his Graces Chappel at Lambeth: viz. That the distinction of Bishops and Presbyters is de jure divino, or Apostolico, not de Ecclesiastico onely, and that according to the Canon of the great Councell of Calcedon, [...], to bring downe a Bishop to the low ranke of Presbyters of Priests, is sacriledge. The first I [Page] finde that ever went about to breake downe the partition wall betweene Bishops and Presbyters, was Aerius, a man like his name, light and easie to be caried away with the winde of ambition: For as Epiphanius writeth, (Heres. 75.) this Aerius standing for a Bishopricke, and being put by it by Eustathius, invented this heresie, ut se consolaretur, to comfort his heart upon the repulse: So when he could not raise up himselfe to the higher rank of Bishops, he sought to pull downe Bishops to his lower rank of Presbyters. VVhat (saith hee) doth a Bishop differ from a Priest? nothing at all,A Bishop differs nothing at all from a Priest, for they are both of one and the same ranke and dignity. [...]. But for this sawcy malipartnesse he felt the smart of the Crosiers staffe, and for ranking Bishops among Presbyters or Elders, was himselfe ranked amongst hereticks.

After this point touching different degrees in the Clergie was discussed, the two other suppressed sections in M. Cromptons booke were reade, the [Page] former touching the unlawfulnesse of anie contract of matrimonie betweene parties of a different Religion. The latter touching the mariage of the innocent partie after divorce for adulterie. In both which Sections such offensive matter was found, that his Majestie was pleased to say that master Crompton was beholding to mee for suppressing them.

Thus it appeareth my defence for striking out of those sections in master Cromptons booke was verie easie: the harder province was to excuse such sections which I strucke not out, for his Majestie distasted many tenets of master Crompton, but especially insisted upon foure.

First, Touching the signe of the Crosse.

Secondly, Touching womens baptizing in case of necessity.

Thirdly, Touching some kinde of ignorance supposed to bee in Christ according to his humanity.

[Page] Fourthly, Touching S. Augustines opinion of Children dying without baptisme.

1. TOuching the signe of the Crosse his Majestie verie much disliked that which M. Crompton averreth, pag. 81. That the signe of the Crosse was not received in the Church till one hundred and sixtie yeares after Christ, and that the author thereof was Valentinus the hereticke, who comming to Rome stayed there twelve yeares, and brought up the use of the Crosse, as Irenaeus reporteth. This observation, said his Majestie, is most false, the signe of the Crosse is more ancient, Valentinus brought it not first into the Church, neither doth Irenaeus report any such thing.

Since his Majesties speech with us, I have examined the place alledged by M. Crompton out of Irenaeus, and I finde that Irenaeus affirmeth no such thing as is fathered upon him. Valentinus the heretick was not the first inventer or author of the signe of the Crosse, but our arch [Page] Cartewritist, or raith Catherist Parker, was the first inventer of this slanderous untruth: it seemeth M. Crompton plowed with Parkers lame heifer, which drew his plough-share awry. This Parker in his booke, which he arrogantly and affectedly intituleth, Scholasticall discourse against symbolizing with Antichrist in ceremonies, especially in the signe of the Crosse, pag. 75. saith, we use Valentinus his Crosse; I call it his, because he was the first that used this figure the verie first that made account of it: and a few lines after, Valentinus the hereticke being the first deviser of it: and he quoteth (for proofe of this his bold assertion) Ireneus in his first booke against heresies. But how grossely herein he abuseth Irenaeus, will appeare by setting down Irenaeus his owne words, which are these, Adhuc etiam de Horo suo, quem pluribus nominibus vocant, duas operationes habere eum ostendunt, confirmativam, & seperativam, & secundùm id quidem quod confirmat & stabilit Crucemesse, secundùm id verò quod dividit & distinguit[Page]Horum esse: Further he relateth of his fantasticall Aeon, that hee hath divers names according to divers vertues and operations, and giveth instance in two, the vertue of establishing, according to which he calleth him Crosse, and a vertue of severing, according to which hee is called Bound or Tearme. Irenaeus here speakes not of Christs Crosse, but of the fantasticke Aeons Crosse; nor of the signe of the Crosse, but of the name of the Crosse: Neither saith he so much, as that Valentinus was the deviser either of the name, or of the signe, but onely that one of his Aeons had two names: the one [...], Terme or Bound, the other [...], or Crosse: And if wee may not make the signe of the Crosse, because one of Valentinus his fained Aeons was called Crosse, by the same reason wee may not make any bound in our fields, nor definition of anything, because the same Aeon was called by the heretickes [...], that is, bound or definition. And by M. Parkers Logique, one of his Majesties [Page] Pursivants must abjute his owne name, and bee no more called Crosse, lest hee symbolize with Valentinus, or offend his god Aeon [...] seculum crux: yet this is one of the least absurdities in that booke of Parker. No Scholler ever spilt so much wit and learning as this braine-sicke Amsterdamian doth in his Treatise of the Crosse: wherein he layeth all his wit and learning upon it, to prove that the making of the sign of the Crosse is the breach of all the ten Commandements. He is not content to write of the Superstition and Idolatry of the Crosse onely, which are notes we have often heard sung by the Martines brood; but hee spendeth 18. whole Sections in discoursing of the hypocrisie of the Crosse, and a whole large booke of the Injustice of the Crosse, chap. 5. and of the Murder of the Crosse, chap. 6. and of the Adultery of the Crosse, chap. 7. and of the Wrong of the Crosse, chap. 8. and of the Slander of the Crosse, chap. 9. and lastly, pour faire un bon bouche, of the concupiscence[Page]of the Crosse, chap. 10.

For proofe of these his prodigious conclusions, he so detorteth Scriptures, and depraveth ancient and moderne Writers, that what was said by the wittie Epigrammatist of Gretzers booke De adorandâ cruce, may bee applied to this booke of Parkers De abolendâ cruce.

Dignum authore opus est, dignus at ille opere est, nempe cruce.

It will be here said, if this escape in M. Cromptons book were so grosse, how came it to passe, that it escaped my censure in perusing and licensing the same? my answer hereunto is direct, That it did not escape mee, but I tooke notice thereof in reading that Chapter, and both corrected it in that place, and afterwards. In that place I inserted these words (as some report,) thereby giving the Reader to understand, that I avowed not the thing there reported, but branded it with suspition: and pag. 84. I determined the cleane contrary in the conclusion of the Chapter, in these [Page] words following line 9. To conclude then it is most certaine, that the signe of the crosse was first invented and practiced against Pagans, who used to make it onely in derision of Christianity. The Valentinian heretickes after abused the Crosse to a fantasticall end, &c.

2. TOuching Womens baptizing in case of necessity, his Majestie in part disliked that which M. Crompton delivers, pag. 95. that for a lay man, and much more for a woman to baptize in case of necessity, in S. Austines opinion it is a pardonable sinne: though pardonable, yet a sinne, and the usurping of anothers office. The answer hereunto made, as I take it, by M. Crompton, (for I remember not that I spake any thing at all to this point) was that in the Conference at Hampton Court womens baptizing was utterly condemned: and that thereupon an alteration was made in the Booke of Common Prayer: and whereas before women were allowed to baptize in [Page] case of necessity, in the booke set out by his Majestie, baptisme in private houses in time of necessity is restrained to the Minister of the Parish, or any other lawfull Minister that can be procured. Against this answer his Majestie excepted, That neither in the Common Prayer booke set out by King Edward, nor in that by Queene Elizabeth, there was any mention of womens baptizing. In King Edwards Common Prayer Booke printed Anno Dom. 1540. in the Rubricke before private Baptisme we reade of them that are to be baptized in private houses in time of necessity:

First, Let them that be present call upon God for his grace, and say the Lords Prayer, if the time will permit, and then one of them shall name the childe, and dip it in the water, or powre water upon it, saying these words, N. I baptize thee, &c. and let them not doubt but that the childe so baptized is lawfully and sufficiently baptized. [Page] King Edwards booke reformed anno Dom. 1552. hath the same rubrick verbatim: Queene Elizabeths booke hath likewise the same words: The booke set out upon the conference at Hampton Court, hath altered it on this wise: Of them that are to be baptized in priuate houses, in time of necessity, by the Minister of the Parish or any other lawfull Minister that can be procured, First, let the lawfull Minister, and them that bee present, call upon God for his grace, and say the Lords prayer, if the time will suffer, and then the childe being named by some one that is present, the said lawfull Minister shall dip it in water, &c.

In all which passages, in all the severall Impressions of the bookes of Common praier, there is nothing said of a womans baptizing, neither to warrant it to be done, nor to condemne it when it is done. Neither doth S. Austine simply condemne a Lay man or woman baptizing in case of necessitie, as a [Page] sinne, but saith, either it is no fault, or a pardonable. His words, Tom. quarto, lib. 2. contra. Epist. Parmenionis, are, Nulla cogente necessitate si fiat, alieni muneris usurpatio est: si autem necessitas urget, aut nullum, aut veniale delictum est; sed etsi nulla necessitate usurpetur et a quolibet cuilibet detur, si datū fuerit non potest dicinon datum, quamvis rectè dici potestillicitè datum. And this said his Maiestie was the summe of the resolution at Hampton Court in this point, howsoever some have mistaken it.

3. TOuching some kinde of ignorance supposed to bee in Christ according to his humane nature; His Majestie disallowed Master Cromptons peremptorie resolution, set downe pag. 23, viz. That Christ as man was subject to some kind of ignorance, and this was the Primitive truth taught by St. Austine, and maintained by the Church of England. I cannot endure (saith his Majesty) that my Sauiour should be said to bee ignorant of any [Page]thing. For in him the divine nature was hypostatically united to the humane, in one person; and that person being divine, could not, nor cannot bee subject to any kinde of ignorance. Here I humbly beseeched his Majesty to be pleased to heare what might be probably alleaged, in defence of M. Cromptons opinion. The rather because Iunius in his answer to Bellarmine, Iunius resp▪ ad Bell. contr. 2. l. 4 Humanitas profecit in se tum effasione spiritus tum acquisitione scientiae. and D. Feild, a worthy writer of ours, in the 5. booke of the Church, cap. 14. deliuer the same doctrine in effect; as M. Crompton doth in this section.Feild of the Church, cap. 14. These authorities satisfied not his Majestie,It may bee said that Christ grew in wisedome and knowledge, non quo ad habitus essentiam & extentionem, sed quo ad actualem cognitionēt not according to the essence of the habite, but according to actuall knowledge. who said, that hee would not that wee should ground our judgement vpon later writers, especially those beyond the Seas, which were not well acquainted with the Tenets of our Church: and moreover differed from vs in discipline and judgement, touching the decent, ancient and laudible Ceremonies used in our Church. Vpon this occasion, his Majestie gave M. Crompton and Me many most usefull instructions in our [Page] study in Divinitie, agreeable to those Directions sent heretofore to the Vniversities, which deserve to bee written with the point of a Diamond, for the perpetuall use of the Church, and advancement of sacred knowledge and learning. For these Directions, having given his Majesty thankes, and promised to follow them, I propounded those words of our Saviour, Marke 13. 32. But of that day and houre knoweth no man, no not the Angels, neither the Sonne, but the Father; Which, as I conceived, made for M. Cromptons opinion, viz. That Christ, according to his humane nature, might be said, if not subject to ignorance, yet to a nescience of some particulars, such as that which is mentioned in the Text; for, as for the Iesuits interpretation of that Text, (viz.) That Christ knew not the day of Iudgement, [ad dicendum nobis,] to tell us; I never could like of it, because it is forced, and serveth to give support to the doctrine of Aequivocation. Neither doe I, said his Majesty,[Page]allow of the Gloss of the Iesuites, but you must observe, said he, that Christ said not, that neither the Son of God doth know, but neither the Son himselfe. And hee was the Sonne of God as well as the son of man; and though as man, or by his humane nature he knew not the day of Iudgement, yet as the Sonne of God he knew it. In this exposition of his Majesties, according to the interpretation of the ancient fathers Ambrose and Cyril, Ambros. in hunc locum, temporū finem non per naturam hominis, sed per naturam Dei novit. wee rested both satisfied, and I humbly desired his Majestie that hee would bee pleased to resolve us in what sense those words of Saint Luke 21. 52.Cyril. non dicit spiritum sanctū, sed Angelos, & filium; nec filium Dei, sed filium solummodo, de seipso loquens ut homine; nec sibi derogans ut Deo. scit enim, ut Deus, quod ut homo ignorat. He knew the end of time, not by the nature of man, but by the nature of God. Hee saith not, the Holy Ghost knoweth not, but that the Angels know it not, nor the Son: neither doth he say, the Son of God knoweth not, but onely the Son knoweth not; speaking of himselfe as man, and not derogating frō himselfe as God, for he knoweth that as God, which as man he is ignorant of. were to bee taken; And Iesus increased in wisedome, and stature, and favour with God and man. For if Christ increased in wisedome and knowledge, he had then more knowledge in his riper yeares, then hee had in his Infancy; and if he had lesse knowledge in his younger yeares then in his elder, it seemeth that we may without [Page] any disparagement to his omniscience, according to his divine nature, attribute comparative ignorance, or rather nescience to him, according to his humane nature. This knot his Majesty thus dexterously untied. In the same verse, saith his Majiesty, it followeth, That he increased in favour with God: now saith he, was not Christ alwayes in highest and greatest favour with God? Did God favour and love him more at one time then another? Doubtless not, yet is he said truly to increase in favour with God, because God more manifested & declared his love & favor unto him by the effects, and outward tokens thereof; as he grew in yeares, so likewise may he be said to grow and increase in wisedome and knowledge, because he more manifested and declared his wisedome and knowledge, as he came to riper age. To this observation of his Majesty, I replyed; I could not imagine any thing that might with any colour be objected against it, save onely that it is said in the same place, That Iesus increased in wisedome, [Page]and stature, but his growth and increase in stature was not onely in appearance to the world, but in truth and properly, and therefore his growth, and increase in wisedome might be conceived to be reall, and in inward habit, and not only in outward manifestation thereof.

To this his Majestie sayd, that these words, He increased in wisedome, may as wel be interpreted by the other, He grew in favor, as by these, He grew in stature, yet said he, Christ might also be said truly to increase in wisedome, and knowledge in himselfe, as hee did in stature; If wee speake of experimentall knowledge, whereof S. Paul saith, Heb 5. 6. That he learned obedience by the things he suffered; but from this increase in experimentall knowledge, none could inferre any ignorance at all in Christ, because, though he knew not some things experimentally in his Infancy, which he knew afterwards in his riper yeares, yet he knew the selfe same things before otherwise by his divine knowledge, and by his habitall infused humane.

[Page] The last point questioned by his Majestie in M. Cromptons book, was his undertaking to vindicate St. Augustine from the imputatioon of being durus pater infantum, a hard censurer of poore children dying unbaptized; whom hee excludeth from all hope of salvation. Although saith his Majesty, I like it better especially in a yong Divine, to endevour to defend an ancient Father, where the truth will bear it, then like Cham to seeke to discouer the nakednesse of the Fathers; Yet I like not your defence of Saint Augustine in this particular, because it is a knowne errour in him, and you ought to have observed three Caveats in reading of Austine, and other ancient Fathers workes.

First, You should observe what they write out of their private opinion, and what they deliver as the Iudgement of the Church. When any of them goe alone, it is not so safe following them, but where wee have their unanimous and joynt consent in any materiall point, [Page] we may more securely relie upon them. All the Iesuites in the world shall never be able to produce the unanimous consent of the Fathers against us; or for themselves in any substantiall point of Faith, as I have maintained in my bookes against them.

Secondly, That you should distinguish what the Fathers write dogmatically, and what rhetorically: For sometimes they may straine somewhat too far in flourish of exornation and we ought to make the best, not the worst of their sayings.

Thirdly, You should observe what they deliver in rofessed discourse, and for positive doctrine, and what they write in heate of opposition; wherein sometimes through too much vehemency they over straine in their polemicall tractates against Heretickes; For instance, in this very point S. Austin in his worthy treatises, extant in the [Page] seventh Tome of his workes, in vehemently oppuguing those Heretickes, that agree with our Arminians, (to wit) the Pelagians, who denyed originall sinne in Infants and consequently the necessity of Baptisme, was so farre transported to urge the necessitie thereof, that hee excludeth all Infants dying unbaptized from all hope of salvation.

Whether his Majesty received these Observations from any ancient Father, or late judicious Writer: Or whether the same spirit which directed them immediately, instructed him, I know not. But after I tooke a note of these Cautions joyntly from his Majesties mouth, I found thē severally delivered by divers renowned Authors. The first by Vincentius Lirinensis adversus hareses. Tunc operam dabit ut collatas inter se majorum consulat, interrogétque sententias eorum duntaxat, qui diversi licèt temporibus & locis in unius tamen Ecclesiae Catholicae [Page] communione & fide permanentes, magistri probabiles extiterunt, & quicquid non unus aut duo tantum sed omnes pariter uno eod [...]mque consensu apertè, frequenter, perseveranter tenuisse, scripsi [...]e, docuisse cognoverit, id sibi quoque intelligat sine ulla dubitatione esse credendum.

The second Caution is so necessarie that even the most learned among our Adversaries subscribe unto it. [...]. Sixtus Senenses saith, Sae [...]e monuimus non esse concionatorum verba semper [...]origore accipienda, quo primùm ad aures auditorum perveniant. multa enim declamatore per Heperbolen enunciant, & hoc interdum Chrysostomo contingit. If C. Bellarm. and others of Sixtus Senensis profession, had well observed this Caution of his, they wold never have grounded any Article of Faith upon flowers of speech, and Rhetoricall exornatiōs in the Fathers as they doe in the point of invocation of Saints, which they build upon an Apostrophe: nor the carnall eating of Christ with the mouth, upon the Hyperboles [Page] of some of the Fathers, viz. Nazianzen, and Chrysostome.

In the last Caution his Majesty cōcurreth with great S. Basil, who noteth it of Dionysius, that he gave the first occasion and birth to the Error of the Anomaei, by certaine speaches that fell from him, [...]. Not out of any evill minde he had to broach a new Heresie, but out of an over vehement desire to contradict and confute Sabellius. Sixtus Senenses, and Vasques ingenuously confesse, that many of the ancient Fathers, in opposition to the Manichean Heresie of fatalitie, spake too freely of mens freewill. And doth not St. Ierome in heate of opposition to Vigilantius, who too much undervalued Virginitie, runne somewhat upon the other extreame, by too highly extolling the same, even to the disparaging (in some sort) of holy wedlocke? It cannot likewise be denyed, but that Saint Augustine was caried too farre in the point in question, [Page] [...]: Not out of any evill meaning; but out of opposition to Pelagius his Heresie. In censuring Pelagius his Heresie, he goeth so farre in urging the absolute necessity of Baptisme, that he holdeth all children dying unbaptized in the state of damnation. For which his severe censure of poore Infants, hee is called durus pater Infantum. And this, said his Majestie, I learned when I was but 22. yeares old, and therefore marvell that a Doctor of Divinity, and a Writer against Papists should bee ignorant thereof. My answer hereunto was, I was not ignorant, that no children dying unbaptized, according to S. Austines opinion, ordinarily were, or could bee saved. And in this regard, hee might justly bee called, durus pater Infantum. But yet I could not thinke S. Austine so severe against poore Infants, as to denie, but that some children dying without Baptisme, especially borne of religious parents, [Page] might by the extraordinary mercy of God be saved, as the Thiefe was upon the Crosse, without receiving that, or the other Sacrament, and for proofe of this my opinion touching St. Austine, I alledged these words out of his fourth book de baptismo contra Donatistas, ca. 24. Sicut in illo latrone quod ex baptismi sacramento deficerat complevit omnipotentis benignitas, quia non superbiâ, aut contemptu, sed necessitate defuerat; sic in ijs infantibus, qui non baptisati moriuntur, eadem gratia omnipotentis implere credenda est. Of this place of Saint Austine, his Majestie said, That the words were misalleaged, that Saint Austines words were not, [Sic in infantibus, qui non baptizati moriuntur,] but sic in infantibus, qui baptisati moriūtur, eadem omnipotentis gratia implere credenda est. Hereunto craving leave to speake what I could, with submission yet to his Majesties better Iudgment, I said, that I thought, the former reading was the truer, because there was never any question of the salvation of Infants [Page] borne of faithfull parents, which dyed being baptized; Neither seemed there to me any good correspondence betweene the parts of the similitudes, If we read the words without the negative particle thus: As the thiefe upon the Cross by the extraordinary mercy of God was saved without baptisme, so Infants are saved dying with baptisme by the mercie of God. Moreover the reason which S. Augustine here urgeth to prove the thiefe on the Crosse was saved without baptisme, because he contemned not baptisme, makes as strongly or more strongly for infants, who questionlesse cannot bee thought any way to contemne baptisme. If necessitie excuse the thiefe on the Crosse, it seemeth that the same necessity in S. Augustines judgement might excuse Infants for the want of baptisme. To this his Majestie answered, That the similitude in S. Austine stood thus, That as the thiefe on the Crosse was saved without baptisme, because the want thereof was of necessity, and not of contempt, so also children[Page]that are baptised are saved by the extraordinary mercy of God, without actuall faith and confessing thereof. And to prove this to be S. Augustines meaning, hee commanded my Lord of Durham to reade the words immediately following, which are these: Quòd non ex impia voluntate, sed ex aetatis indigentia, nec corde credere ad justitiam possunt, nec ore confiteri ad salutem. Which words, when I heard read, I confessed that his Majesty had more exactly viewed the place, with the severall editions, than I; and that not onely the Authors, but the Licensers of bookes were subject to mistaking, especially in variety of Editions of the same Author.

And here as I beganne to intreat his Majesties favourable construction of what I had said in all this defence of my selfe and M Crompton, my Lord of Durham prevented me herein, & his Majesty graciously reached me out his hand to kisse; and thus with fatherly admonitions, and benedictions also, he dismist us both.

FINIS.

§

§

[Page]

[Page]

CYGNEA CANTIO: OR, LEARNED DECISIONS, AND MOST PRVDENT AND PIOVS DIRECTIONS FOR STVDENTS IN DIVINITIE; Delivered by our late Soveraigne of Happie Memorie, KING IAMES, At White Hall a few weekes before his Death.

Eccles 12. 11. The words of the wise are as goad, and as nailes fastened by the masters of the assemblie.

LONDON, Printed for Robert Mylbourne at the Signe of the Greyhound in Pauls Churchyard. 1629.

TO THE KINGS MOST EXCELLENT MAIESTIE.

[Page]

[Page]

Dread Soveraigne:

THere is nothing can dry the overflowing spring ofteares in all your loyall Subjects eyes for the inestimable losse of our late Soveraigne, your most Noble Father, but the Orient beames, & bright lustre of your Majesties Emperiall Crowne, and most happy reigne over us: [Page] whereby that is come to passe which the ancient English Poet so much admired, Sol occubuit nox nulla secuta est: The Sunne set, and no night ensued thereupon: Blessed and glorified bee his Name for it, that dwelleth in a light which none can approach unto. Who had no sooner fitted the King your Father for a throne in heaven, but he fitted you his Son for his throne upon earth, and hath peaceably setled you in it.

Vno avulso non deficit alter

Aureus ac simili frondescit virga metallo.

No sooner that golden branch was plucked away, but another of the same stocke groweth up in the roome: Vnder whose [Page] shade the Church and Common wealth now shelter themselves. If any man have any of your Fathers Iewels, he ought to bring them to you his sole Heire. The learned resolutions, and divine instructions which I lately received from your Fathers mouth, I value no lesse then peereless Pearles: And because the last speech of a departing friend maketh the deepest impression, and Art herein imitating Nature holdeth out long the last note of the dying sound in the Organ; I thought it my duty to offer unto your Majestie the ensuing Relation of the last polemicall discourses of his Majesty your Father, in matter [Page] of controversie in Divinity. I reade in Martial of a Fly that by a drop of Amber casually falling upon it, grew in such request, that a great summe of money was given for it.

implicuit succina gutta feram

Et sic quae fuerat vitâ, contempta, manente

Facta est funeribus mox pretiosa suis.

The like I am perswaded of the inclosed Narration, that many will esteeme of it not for the flyes sake, but for the Amber; not for it selfe or the penners sake, but for his Majesties remarkeable passages related in it. For my part I challenge no more therein than S. Austine did in his childe Adeodatus, Nihil agnosco meum nifi peccatum: I [Page] owne nothing in it but the faults and defects. All my hope is, that the darker the foile is, the brighter the Diamonds of his Majesties speeches inserted therin will appeare; which with all humility I present to your Majestie with the tender of my bounden duty, and service to God for you, to you for God as becommeth

Your Majesties meanest, yet most humble and affectionately devoted Subject, Daniel Featly.

THE PRINTER TO THE READER.

[Page]

COurteous Reader, this Relation inclosed in a Letter to the D. of W. was shewed to King Iames our late Soveraigne of blessed memorie and order was given by his Majesty for the present printing thereof: it was licenced for the Presse, and entred for my Copie, Ian. 19. 1625. with an Epistle Dedicatory prefixed to his most excellent Majestie that now is, shortly after his Coronation. Since which time (the Author not urging the printing thereof) I let it lye by me, and imployed my selfe in printing divers other bookes which were then more sought after; whereby I hoped in some measure to repaire that exceeding great losse which I sustained by Fire, in the burning of M. Elton his booke on the ten Commandements, and Lords Prayer, the greatest losse (in that kinde) that ever any Stationer received: for I had taken from me almost nine hundred bookes, bound and in quires. which (with myAlbeit for my releasement I was and will acknowledge my selfe much obliged to a great and reverend Prelate in this Church. Imprisonment, and other charges) cost me above threescore and ten pounds.

[Page] And though I have since beene beholding to my good friends for some good Copies, that would have helped to make me whole againe, (if they might have passed freely without checke or rub) yet I found, to my great disadvantage, that the Informer, who so persecuted M. Elton after his death, held on his course to calumniate the writings of my friends living, and to procure them either to be altogether suppressed or to be so gelded and mangled, that the sale of them thereby was very much hindred: Neither was hee content to doe me and my friends this wrong while he hovered here about London for such preyes, but since his flight into the North, he triumphed and boasted at the table of a great personage, that he had procured Pelagius Redivivus to be called in, and utterly suppressed; and that 300. of them were taken from the Printer. But herein hee was not his crafts-master, but was Cousened himselfe: for though a great number of the Copies of that Worke were taken from me, upon his clamor, and delivered to the Bishop of London that then was, yet they were all given me backe againe: and by the stirre hee made about them, they were much more inquired after and sold the better, being called for even from the remotest parts of Scotland.

As for this Relation, I feare not his, nor any others mis information, which had (three yeeres agoe) not onely the approbation of divers reverend Divines▪ but also of the most learned Prince King Iames; there being nothing contained in [Page] it, but that which tendeth to the glory of God, and the honor of that religious King; who shewed his constancie in the true Religion established, and his Zeale for it, as well against the Papists, as other Heterodox Opiners even to the death.

Robert Mylbourne.

Information about this book

Title statement

Cygnea cantio: or, Learned decisions, and most prudent and pious directions for students in divinitie; delivered by our late soveraigne of happie memorie, King Iames, at White Hall a few weekes before his death.

Featley, Daniel, 1582-1645.

Edition statement

1629

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2004-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A00594

ID [STC]

STC 10731

ID [STC]

ESTC S120658

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

99855853

ID [PROQUEST]

99855853

ID [VID]

21360

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Early English books online.

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A00594)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 21360)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 792:5)

Source

— Cygnea cantio: or, Learned decisions, and most prudent and pious directions for students in divinitie; delivered by our late soveraigne of happie memorie, King Iames, at White Hall a few weekes before his death., Featley, Daniel, 1582-1645..

Extent

[10], 41, [1] p.

Printed [by Miles Flesher] for Robert Mylbourne at the signe of the Greyhound in Pauls Churchyard,. London :: 1629.. (Dedication signed: Daniel Featly.) (Concerning suppressed and censored portions of "Gods holy mind touching matters morall" by Edward Elton and "Saint Austins religion" by William Crompton.) (Printer's name from STC.) (The first leaf is blank.) (Half-sheet G² contains the publisher's postscript "The printer to the reader". Variant: lacking this half-sheet.) (Reproduction of the original in the British Library.)

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